THE
ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA
NEW VOLUMES
FIRST edition, published in three volumes, 1768 1771.
SECOND , ten 17771784.
THIRD , eighteen 17881797.
FOURTH , ' twenty 18011810.
FIFTH , twenty 18151817.
SIXTH , twenty 18231824.
SEVENTH twenty-one 1830 1842.
EIGHTH twenty-two 18531860.
NINTH twenty-five 18751889.
TENTH (ninth edition and eleven supplementary volumes), 1902 1903.
ELEVENTH published in twenty-nine volumes, 1910 1911.
TWELFTH (eleventh edition and three new volumes), 1922 .
COPYRIGHT
in all countries subscribing to the
Bern Convention
by
THE ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA COMPANY, LTD.
All rights reserved
THE
ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA
THE NEW VOLUMES
CONSTITUTING, IN COMBINATION WITH THE TWENTY-NINE VOLUMES
OF THE ELEVENTH EDITION,
THE TWELFTH EDITION
OF THAT WORK, AND ALSO SUPPLYING
A NEW, DISTINCTIVE, AND INDEPENDENT LIBRARY OF REFERENCE
DEALING WITH EVENTS AND DEVELOPMENTS OF
THE PERIOD 1910 TO 1921 INCLUSIVE
THE SECOND OF THE NEW VOLUMES
VOLUME XXXI
ENGLISH HISTORY to OYAMA, IWAO
LONDON
THE ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA COMPANY, LTD.
NEW YORK
THE ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA, INC.
1922
Copyright, in the United States of America, 1922
by
The Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc.
.
INITIALS USED IN VOLUME XXXI. TO IDENTIFY CONTRIBUTORS, 1
WITH THE HEADINGS OF THE ARTICLES TO WHICH
THESE INITIALS ARE SIGNED.
A. A. LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ALFRED WILLIAM ALCOCK, C.I.E., M.B., LL.D., F.R.S.
Indian Medical Service (retired). Professor of Medical Zoology in the University I ,., .. , ,, . ,
of London, at the London School of Tropical Medicine. Author of A Naturalist 1 Memcal ""
in Indian Seas; Entomology for Medical Officers', etc.
Falkland Islands Battle;
" Goeben and Breslau " ;
Heligoland Bight;
Jutland, Battle of;
Minesweeping and Mine-
laying;
Naval History of the War.
A. C. D. CAPTAIN ALFRED C. DEWAR, R.N. (RET.), B.Lrrr. (Oxon.).
Gold Medallist, Royal United Service Institution. Late of the Historical Section, .
Naval Staff, Admiralty.
A. D.* COMMANDANT A. DOUMENC.
French Army Staff. Officer of the Legion of Honour. D.S.O. Director of the
French Army Mechanical Transport Service during the war. Author of Les
Transports Automobiles sur le Front franc.ais.
A. E. ARTHUR ELOESSER, PH.D. (Berlin).
Author of Die aelteste deutsche Uebersetzung Molierescher Lustspiele; Das biir-
gerliche Drama; Litterarische Portraits aus dem modernen Frankreich; etc.
A. E. D. ALBERT EMIL DAVIES, L.C.C.
Hon. Lecturer in Business Finance, Leeds University. Fellow of the Royal
Economic Society. Author of The State in Business; The Nationalization of
Railways; The Case for Nationalization', Land Nationalization; etc.
A. E. M. A. E. MENDELL, B.L.I.
Director of the Analytic Report of the Second Chamber of the States General,
Holland.
A. E. S.* ADDISON ERWIN SHELDON, A.M., PH.D.
Superintendent, Nebraska State Historical Society. Author of History and
Stories of Nebraska; Poems and Sketches of Nebraska; Nebraska Constitutional
Conventions. Editor of Nebraska Blue Book.
A. F.* ARTHUR FEILER.
On the Staff of the Frankfurter Zeitung. Member of the Economic Council of
the German Reich. Author of Die Konjunktur-Periode, 1907-13, in Deutsch-
land; Handelspolitik und Krieg; etc.
A. Fx. ABRAHAM FLEXNER.
Secretary of the General Education Board, New York.
Education in the United States.
Author of Medical
Motor Transport, Military.
German Literature.
Nationalization.
Holland (in part).
Nebraska.
Germany: Finance.
TTJ * TT j
Education: United
States.
A. F. Hu. ARTHUR FREDERICK HURST, M.A., M.D. (Oxon.), F.R.C.P.
Lieutenant-Colonel, late R.A.M.C. Physician and Neurologist to Guy's Hos- ,
pital.
A. F. Pr. ALFRED FRANCIS PRIBRAM, PH.D.
Professor of Modern History in the University of Vienna. Member of the Vienna
Academy of Science, etc.
,, .. . .
Me lcme
n .
JHs ~
eases in the World War.
Francis Ferdinand;
Francis Joseph I.
1 A complete list, showing all contributors to the New Volumes (arranged according to the alphabetical order of their surnames) toith
the articles signed by them, appears at the end of Volume XXXII.
15096
VI
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
A. H. E. T.
A.-K.
A. L. C.
A. M.
A. M. H.
A. R. A.
A. R.W.
A. S.*
A. Sc.
A. T. W.
ARTHUR H. E. TAYLOR, B.A. /
Author of The Future of the Southern Slavs; etc.
GENERAL MORITZ AUFFENBERG-KOMAROW.
See the biographical article: AUFFENBERG-KOMAROW, MORITZ.
COLONEL ARTHUR LATHAM CONGER, U.S. ARMY.
Distinguished Service Medal (U.S.A.). C.M.G. Legion of Honour. Formerly < Meuse-Argonne, Battle of.
Co-editor of The Military Historian and Economist.
BARON ALEXANDER MEYENDORFF. f
Teacher of Russian Law, Institutions and Economics, King's College (London
University). Formerly Member of the Russian Duma and Senator. Formerly
Privatdozent at Petrograd University.
s Montenegro.
/Lemberg (Lvov), Battles
\ Round: Part 1.
Esthonia;
Latvia.
Inland Water Transport.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL A. M. HENNIKER.
ARTHUR RICHMOND ATKINSON, B.A. (Oxon.). f
Sometime Scholar of Corpus Christi College, Oxford; Barrister-at-Law, Lincoln's Massey, W. F.;
Inn; Barrister and Solicitor of the Supreme Court of New Zealand; Member of New Zealand,
the New Zealand House of Representatives, 1899-1902.
ANDREW R. WARNER, A.M., M.D.
Executive Secretary, American Hospital Association. Superintendent Lakeside
Hospital, Cleveland, Ohio, 1907-19. Member of the War Service Committee on ( Hospitals: United States.
Hospitals during the World War. President American Hospital Association
1918-9. Joint-author of Dispensaries.
SIR ARTHUR SCHUSTER, PH.D., Sc.D., D.Sc., F.R.S. C
Hon. Professor of Physics in the University of Manchester. Author of Inlroduc- I T .
lion to the Theory of Optics; etc. Joint-author (with Sir Arthur Shipley) of ] ernational bcience.
Britain 's Heritage of Science. See biographical article: SCHUSTER, SIR ARTHUR. (
AUSTIN SCOTT, A.B., A.M., PH.D., LL.D. f
Professor of History and Political Science, Rutgers College, New Brunswick, <j New Jersey.
N.J.
SIR ARNOLD TALBOT WILSON, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G., D.S.O.
Late Civil Commissioner in Mesopotamia and Political Resident in the Persian ! Mesopotamia (in part).
Gulf.
A.W.H.E.W. WING-COMMANDER A. W. H. E. WYNN.
B. E. P.
B. K. L.
B. Z.
C. A. B.
C.Br.
C. Ch.
C. D. C.
C. E. C.
C. E. W. B.
C.F.A.
GENERAL-OF-BRIGADE BARTHELEMY EDMOND PALAT.
Late French Army. Commanded a Division 1915-6. Author of La Grande
Guerre sur le Front Occidental; Les Batailles d'Arlois et de Champagne; and, under
the pseudonym "Pierre Lebautcourt," of La Defense Nationale, 1870-1 and
other works, including a general bibliography of 1870-1.
BASIL KELLETT LONG. /
Editor of the Cape Times. Formerly Foreign Editor of The Times. \
Flying Corps (in part).
Frontiers, Battles of the
(in part).
BELA ZOLNAY, PH.D.
University of Budapest.
SIR CHARLES BALLANCE, K.C.M.G., C.B., M.V.O., M.S:
Consulting Surgeon to St. Thomas's Hospital and to the British Army in the
World War. Vice-President of the Royal College of Science.
CARL BROCKHAUSEN, DR. JURIS.
Professor of the Science of Administration in the University of Vienna.
CHARLES CHREE, Sc.D., LL.D., F.R.S.
Assistant Director, Meteorological Office, Kew. Past
Society of London. Hughes Medallist, Royal Society.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL C. D. CROZIER, R.G.A. /
Late Director of Inspection of High Explosives, Ministry of Munitions. \
Jameson, Sir L. S.
Hungary: Literature.
Heart and Lung Surgery.
Lueger, Karl.
President, Physical { Magnetism, Terrestrial.
Explosives (in part).
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR CHARLES EDWARD CALLWELL, K.C.B.
Director of Military Operations, War Office, 1914-6. Author of Small Wars; { Kitchener, Lord.
Military Operations and Maritime Preponderance; The Dardanelles; etc.
MAJOR CLAUDE EAGLES WILLOUGHBY BEDDOES, O.B.E.
Gloucestershire Regiment. Inspector of Grenade Training, G.H.Q., Great .-, ,.
Britain, 1915-8. Experimental Officer for Grenades and Trench Stores, Ministry
of Munitions, 1915-9. Control Officer, Inter-Allied Commission of Control, 1919.
MAJOR CHARLES FRANCIS ATKINSON, T.D.
Late East Surrey Regiment. Distinguished Service Medal (U.S.A.). Order of
Saint Anne (Russia). Formerly Scholar of Queen's College, Oxford. Staff
Officer for Trench Warfare Research. 1915-7. British Instructor in Intelligence,
American Expeditionary Force, 1918. Editorial Staff of the nth edition of the
Encyclopedia Britannica. Author of Grant's Campaigns; The Wilderness and
Cold Harbor; etc.
Flamethrowers; Flying Corps
(in part); Foch, Marshal;
Grenades (in part); Intel-
ligence, Military (in part);
Liege; Masuria, Battles
in; Maubeuge, Siege of;
Namur; Narew, Battles of
the (1915); Naroch Lake.
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
vn
C. F. C.
C. F. Cl.
C. H. M.
C. J. M.
C. J. M.*
C.K.*
C. Ma.
C. M. Wi.
C. S.
C. Se.
D. F. T.
D.Hy.
E.A.*
E. B. M.
E. B. S.
E. D. G.
CHARLES FREDERICK CROSS, B.Sc., F.R.S.
Analytical and Consulting Chemist. Member of the firm of Cross & Bevan. i _.,
Joint-author (with E. J. Bevan) of Researches on Cellulose; Text-Book of Paper- ' es>
making.
COLONEL SIR CHARLES FREDERICK CLOSE, K.B.E., C.B., C.M.G., F.R.S.
Director-General of the Ordnance Survey of the United Kingdom. Author of { Map.
Text Book of Topographical Surveying.
CLIFFORD HERSCHEL MOORE, A.B. (Harvard), PH.D. (Munich ),Lixx.D. (Colorado
College).
Professor of Latin at Harvard University. Author of Religious Thought of the
Greeks; Pagan Ideas of Immortality; etc.
Harvard University.
COURTENAY J. MILL.
Financial Editor of The Times.
National Debt.
CHARLES JAMES MARTIN, C.M.G., D.Sc., M.B., F.R.S., F.R.C.P. (
Director of the Lister Institute of Preventive Medicine. Professor of Experi- { Filter-Passing Germs.
mental Pathology, University of London. [
CARL KARSTEN.
Member of the Staff of the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung.
CUTHBERT MAUGHAN.
Contributor on Finance, Shipping and Insurance to The Annual Register; etc.
Representative of Admiralty Section of the British Ministry of Information in
North America, 1918.
C. M. WILSON, M.C., M.D. (Lond.), F.R.C.P. (England).
Dean of the Medical School, St. Mary's Hospital, London. Secretary to the
Faculty of Medicine, University of London. Physician to Out-Patients, St.
Mary's Hospital, and to the Hospital for Epilepsy and Paralysis, Maida Vale.
Consulting Physician to Paddington Infirmary.
CHARLES SEYMOUR, M.A., PH.D., Lrrx.D.
Professor of History in Yale University. Technical Delegate at the Paris Peace
Conference. Author of The Diplomatic Background of the War; Woodrow Wilson
and the World War.
Hon. CATO SELLS, M.A., LL.D.
Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the U.S.A., 1912-21.
DONALD FRANCIS TOVEY, MASTER OF Music (Hon., Birm.), Mus.D. (Oxon.).
Reid Professor of Music in Edinburgh University. Author of Lessons in Musical
Analysis; etc.
DOUGLAS HYDE, LL.D., D.Lrrr.
Professor of Modern Irish in University College, Dublin. President of the Irish
Texts Society. Author of Literary History of Ireland; tic. See the biographical
article: HYDE, DOUGLAS.
ERNEST AXON.
Deputy Chief Librarian, Manchester Public Libraries. Formerly President,
Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society. Editor of Bygone Lancashire.
EDWARD BRADFORD MAXTED, PH.D., B.Sc.
Consulting Chemist. Author of Catalytic Hydrogenalion and Reduction; Am-
monia and the Nitrides; etc.
ELY BANNISTER SOANE, C.B.E.
Civil Administration of Mesopotamia. Examiner in Kurdish to the Civil Ad-
ministration of Mesopotamia. Author of To Kurdistan and Mesopotamia in Dis-
guise; A Kurdish Grammar; An Elementary Grammar of Kurmanji; etc.
ELMER D. GRAPER, PH.D.
Instructor in Government, Columbia University. Author of American Police
Administration.
Erzberger, M. (in part);
Eucken,R. C. (in part);
Germany: Political His-
tory (in part).
Insurance: United Kingdom.
Medical Education (in part).
Harding, Warren G.
j Indians, North American.
Music.
f
E. E. F. D'A. EDMUND EDWARD FOURNIER D'ALBE, D.Sc. (London and Birmingham), A.R.C.Sc.,
M.R.I.A.
Inventor of the Optophone. Formerly Special Lecturer in Physics in the Punjab
University. Author of The Electron Theory; Two New Worlds; Contemporary
Chemistry; etc.
E. F.* ERNST FRANCKE.
Head of the Bureau for Sozialpolitik. Member of the Economic Council of the
German Reich. Publisher and Editor of Soziale Praxis.
Ireland: Language and
Literature.
Manchester.
Nitrogen Fixation.
Kurdistan.
New York State.
Optophone.
Germany: Social and
Industrial Legislation.
Vlll
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
E. F. L.
E. G. S.
E.H.
E.J.
E. J.B.
E. J. B.*
E. L. C.
E. L. F.
E. N. McC.
E. Ru.
E.R. J.
E. S. H.
E. S. H.*
E.T.*
E. T. H.
E.VL
E.v.W.
E. W. MacB.
EDWARD F. LAW.
Consulting Engineer. Formerly of the Armour Plate Department, Armstrong < Helmet.
Whitworth & Co.
EMMA GURNEY SALTER, M.A., Lrrx.D. /
Author of Franciscan Legends in Italian Art; Nature in Italian Art; etc. \
Morocco.
EDUARD HEILFRON, GEHEIMER JUSTIZRAT.
Judge at the Court of Berlin. Professor at the Commercial University College of < Germany: Administration.
Berlin. [
MAJOR ERNST JOLY. fLemberg (Lvov), Battles
Late General Staff, Austro-Hungarian Army. Now of the Kriegsarchiv, Vienna. < Round : Part II ;
Part-author of the Austrian Official War Chronology Tables; etc. [Lodz-Cracow, Battles of.
EDWIN JULIUS BARTLETT, A.M., M.D., D.Sc. (Hon., Dartmouth).
Emeritus Professor of Chemistry, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N.H.
ELBERT JAY BENTON, PH.D.
Professor of History in Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio. Author
of The W abash Trade Route; International Law and Diplomacy of the Spanish-
American War. Joint-author of Introductory American History; History of the
United States.
EDGAR LEIGH COLLIS, M.A., M.D. (Oxon.), M.R.C.P. (Lond.).
Mansel Talbot Professor of Preventive Medicine, Welsh National School of
Medicine. Late Director (Welfare and Health), Ministry of Munitions. H.M.
Medical Inspector of Factories.
ERNEST Louis FRANKLIN, F.S.S.
Member of the Royal Economic Society.
Samuel Montagu, London.
New Hampshire.
Ohio.
Industrial Medicine.
Partner in the banking house of < Exchanges, Foreign.
MAJOR E. N. MCCLELLAN.
U.S. Marine Corps. Officer-in-charge, Historical Section, Marine Corps.
SIR ERNEST RUTHERFORD, M.A., LL.D., F.R.S.
Cavendish Professor of Experimental Physics, University of Cambridge. Author
of Radioactivity; Radioactive Substances and their Radiations; etc. See the bio-
graphical article: RUTHERFORD, SIR ERNEST.
EMORY RICHARD JOHNSON, M.L., PH.D., Sc.D.
Professor of Transportation and Commerce and Dean of the Wharton School of
Finance and Commerce, University of Pennsylvania. Author of Principles of
Railroad Transportation; Principles of Ocean Transportation; etc.
ELIZABETH SANDERSON HALDANE, C.H., LL.D., J.P.
Member of Education Authority for Perthshire. Vice-Chairman, Territorial
Force Nursing Service Committee. On Royal Commission on the Civil Service.
Member of the Scottish Universities Committee. Author of The Life of Des-
cartes; etc.
| Marines:
United States.
Matter, Constitution of.
Interstate Commerce.
Nursing (in part).
CAPTAIN EDGAR STOPFORD HOLLAND.
Late Royal West Kent Regiment.
Office. Member of Gray's Inn.
Formerly Mobilization Directorate, War < Marines (in part).
EDWARD TUTHILL, M.A., PH.D.
Professor of History, University of Kentucky.
lucky.
Author of Government of Ken- < Kentucky.
F. A. Cl.
E. T. HALNAN.
Senior Inspector, Intelligence Department, Ministry of Agriculture and Fisher-
ies, Great Britain.
ETHAN VIALL.
Editor of American Machinist. Member A.S.M.E., A.I.E.E., A.S.T.M., S.A.E.
Author of Broaches and Broaching; Electric Welding; Gas-Torch and Thermit
Welding; United States Rifles and Machine Guns; United Stales Artillery Am-
munition; Manufacture of Artillery Ammunition; etc.
EDUARD VON WERTHEIMER.
Emeritus Professor of History in the University of Pressburg.
ERNEST WILLIAM MACBRIDE, D.Sc. (Lond.),M.A. (Cantab.), HON. LL.D. (McGill),
F.R.S.
Vice-President of the Zoological Society of London. Vice-Chairman of the Euge-
nics Education Society. Formerly Professor of Zoology in McGill University,
Montreal. Professor of Zoology in the Imperial College of Science and Tech-
nology, London. Author of Textbook of the Embryology of the Invertebrata ; etc.
FREDERICK ALBERT CLEVELAND, Pn.B., PH.D., LL.D.
Professor of United States Citizenship, Maxwell Foundation, Boston Univer-
sity. Author of Organized Democracy; First Lessons in Finance; etc.
Milk.
Machine Tools.
Fej'ervary;
Hungary (in part) ;
Kossuth, Francis.
Eugenics.
| Massachusetts.
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
IX
F.B.*
F. C. E.
F. C. H.
F. C. Mo.
F. D. S.
F. E. W.*
F. G. Y.
F. H. Br.
F. H. H.*
F. I. M.
F. L. P.
F. M.
F. M. R.
F. R. C.
F.T.
F.Y.
O.A.
G. Ab.
G. A. Bu.
O. A. J. C.
/Germany: Reform of the
\ School System.
FRITZ BOEHM.
On the staff of the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung.
FRANZ CARL ENDRES. f
Major, late General Staff, Turkish Army. Author of a Life of Moltke; Die Ruine \ Essad.
des Orients; etc. Member of Committee, German League of Nations Union.
CAPTAIN FREDERICK CROSSFIELD HAPPOLD, D.S.O. f T . ,,.,.
Late General Staff (Intelligence), V. Army, and Lecturer at the Intelligence fMe l Military
School. Harrow-on- the-Hill. W P arl )-
(
FREDERICK CECIL MOORE, H.M.C.S.
Head of the Sugar and Rationing Department for Ireland during the World { Ireland: Statistics.
War.
F. D. SANER, M.A. (Cantab.), F.R.C.S.
Surgeon to Out-Patients, Great Northern Hospital, London. Surgeon, Evelina
Hospital for Children. Late Consulting Surgeon, British Rhine Army.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL FREDERICK ERNEST WHITTON, C.M.G., B.A.
Late Prince of Wales's Leicester Regiment. Formerly Secretary, Historical
Section, Committee of Imperial Defence. Author of The Marne Campaign; A
History of Poland; M alike; etc.
FREDERIC GEORGE YOUNG, B.A., LL.D.
Dean of the School of Sociology and Professor of Sociology in the University of
Oregon. Editor of the Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society and of the
Commonwealth Review of the University of Oregon. Author of Financial His-
tory of Oregon; etc.
FRANK HERBERT BROWN, C.I.E.
On the Staff of The- Times for Indian Affairs. London Correspondent of The
Times of India. Formerly Assistant-editor of the Bombay Gazette and Editor of
the Indian Daily Telegraph, Lucknow.
FRANK HEYWOOD HODDER, Pn.M.
Professor of American History in the University of Kansas.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR IVOR MAXSE, K.C.B., C.V.O., D.S.O.
Late Inspector-General of Training to the British Armies in France, 1918-9.
Fractures.
Frontiers, Battles of the
(in part);
Guise, Battle of;
Marne, Battle of the.
Oregon.
Gokhale, G. K. ;
Hyderabad, Nizam of;
Mehta,SirP.M.
! Kansas.
Infantry.
FREDERICK L. PAXSON. f
Professor of History in the University of Wisconsin. Sometime Major, U.S. M " mtlons of Wa *: United
Conprsl st*ff States.
General Staff.
F. MAYENCE.
Professor at the University of Louvain.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL F. M. RICKARD.
Royal Artillery. Chief Instructor, Artillery College, Woolwich (assisted by
Instructional Staff, Artillery College).
FRANK RICHARDSON CANA. F.R.G.S.
Editorial Staff, nth edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica. Editorial Staff of
The Times. Author of South Africa from the Great Trek to the Union ; Problems
of Exploration; Africa; The Sahara in 1915; The Great War in Europe; etc.
Mercier, Cardinal.
Magazines and Shell Stores;
Ordnance (in part).
Eritrea; Gambia; German
East Africa; German South-
West Africa ; Kenya Colony ;
Liberia; Mauritius; Merri-
man, J. X.; Natal; Nyasa-
land; Orange Free State.
FREDERIC THEVENET. I
General of Division, French Army. Formerly Governor of Belfort. Commanded Fr ntiers . Battles of the
Belfort region in the World War. Author of La Place de Belfort. ( ^ n P a ">-
ALEXANDER BELL FILSON YOUNG. f
Editor, of the Saturday Review. Author of With the Battle Cruisers; Master- J Fisher, Lord;
singers; Ireland at the Cross Roads; Christopher Columbus and the New World; 1 Jellicoe, Lord.
The Sands of Pleasure; When the. Tide Turns; etc.
GEORGE JEFFREYS ADAM.
Formerly Correspondent of The Times in Paris.
GRACE ABBOTT, M.A.
Chief of the Children's Bureau, U.S. Department of Labor. Formerly Director
Child Labor Division, U.S. Children's Bureau, and Executive Secretary, Illinois
Immigrants Commission, Chicago.
GEORGE ARTHUR BURLS, M.lNST.C.E., M.INST.AUTO.ENG. (
Author, and Joint-author with Sir Dugald Clerk, of works on internal combustion < Internal Combustion Engines.
engines.
/ France (in part) ;
\ French Equatorial Africa.
Juvenile Employment:
United States.
GRENVILLE ARTHUR JAMES COLE, F.R.S., F.G.S.
Professor of Geology in the Royal College of Sciencefor Ireland. Author of Aids
in Practical Geology; Open- Air Studies in Geology; etc.
Geology: Structural
Stratigraphical.
and
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
G. A. R.
G.B.*
G. B. C.
G. C. S.
G. D. H. C.
G. E. B.
G. H. H.
G. H. M.
G. I. H. L.
G.P.
G. P. L.-C.
G. R. S.
G.S.
G. T. B.
G. W. Ri.
H. A. B.
H. A. G.*
H.B.*
H. B. B.
GEORGE RAPER. .
Formerly Correspondent of The Morning Post in Paris.
GIUSEPPE BRUCCOLERI.
Barrister-at-Law. Author of La Sicilia di oggi; Dal conflilto europeo alia guerra
noslra; etc.
GERALD BAIN CANNY, B.A.
Assistant Secretary, Inland Revenue Department, Somerset House.
GILBERT CAMPBELL SCOGGIN, M.A., Pn.D.
Sometime Scholar of Harvard University. Formerly Assistant Professor of
Greek at the University of Missouri. Associate Editor of The Classical Journal.
Member of the American Editorial Staff of the Encyclopedia Britannica.
GEORGE DOUGLAS HOWARD COLE, M.A.
Formerly Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford. Hon. Secretary, Labour Re-
search Department. Author of The World of Labour; Selj ^-Government in In-
dustry; Guild Socialism Restated; Social Theory; etc.
GEORGE EARLE BUCKLE, M.A., HON. LL.D.
Formerly Scholar of New College and Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.
Editor of The Times, 1884-1912. Authorof Life of Disraeli (vpls. 3, 4, 5, and 6).
See the biographical article: BUCKLE, GEORGE EARLE.
GODFREY HAROLD HARDY, M.A., F.R.S.
Fellow of New College, Oxford. Savilian Professor of Geometry in Oxford
University. Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
SIR GEORGE HENRY MAKINS, G.C.M.G., C.B., LL.D., F.R.C.S.
Consulting Surgeon to St. Thomas's Hospital, London. Late Consulting Surgeon
to the British Expeditionary Force; etc.
G. I. H. LLOYD.
Assistant Director, Department of Overseas Trade.
GIFFORD PINCHOT, A.B. (Yale), HON. A.M. (Yale and Princeton), Sc.D. (Michigan
Agricultural College), LL.D. (McGill).
Professor of Forestry, Yale University. U.S. Forester, 1898-1910. President of
the National Conservation Association. Pennsylvania Commissioner of For-
estry. Author of The Adirondack Spruce; The Training of a Forester; The Fight
for Conservation ; etc.
COLONEL SIR GERALD PONSONBY LENOX-CONYNGHAM, R.E., F.R.S.
Superintendent of the Trigonometrical Survey of India.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GEORGE REDFIELD SPALDING.
Corps of Engineers, U.S. Army. Instructor in Supply, General Staff College,
Washington, D.C.
GEORGE SAUNDERS, O.B.E., B.A. (Oxon.), HON. LL.D. (Glasgow).
Correspondent of the Morning Post in Berlin, 1888-97; and of The Times in
Berlin, 1897-1908, and in Paris, 1908-14.
SIR GEORGE THOMAS BEILBY, F.R.S., LL.D., D.Sc.
Director of Fuel Research, Department of Scientific and Industrial Research.
See the biographical article: BEILBY, SIR GEORGE THOMAS.
GEORGE WASHINGTON RILEY, Pn.B., D.O.
Late President, New York State and City Osteopathic Societies. President,
American Osteopathic Association, 1917-8.
I France (in part).
Italian Literature.
( Excess Profits Duty: United
\ Kingdom.
Hoover, Herbert Clark.
Guild Socialism.
Grey, 4th Earl; Grey, Vis-
count ; Haldane, Lord ; Hen-
derson, Arthur ;Lansdowne,
5th Marquess; Law, A.
Bonar; Lloyd George, D.;
Long, Lord ; Lyttelton, Al-
fred ; McKenna, Reginald ;
Milner, Viscount; Morley
of Blackburn, Viscount.
Mathematics: Theory of Num-
bers; Theory of Series; The-
ory of Functions.
Medicine and Surgery:
Surgery During the War.
Munitions of War: United
Kingdom (in part).
Forestry: United States.
Geodesy (in part).
I Light Railways, Military
I (in part).
Erzberger, M. (in part);
Eucken, R. C. (in part).
Fuel.
| Osteopathy.
BRIGADIER-GENERAL HENRY ARTHUR BETHELL, C.M.G. f
Late Royal Field Artillery. Author of Modern Guns and Gunnery; Modern < Ordnance (in part).
Artillery in the Field. {
HAROLD ATHELING GRIMSHAW, B.A., M.Sc. (Econ.).
Lecturer in Public Administration at the London School of Economics, London
University. Member of the International Labour Section of the League of
Nations, Geneva.
HERBERT BRANDE.
Formerly Editorial Writer on The Chicago Tribune.
HAROLD BERESFORD BUTLER, C.B., M.A.
Deputy-Director, International Labour Office, League of Nations. Formerly
Principal Assistant Secretary, Ministry of Labour. Member of the British
Delegation at the Peace Conference.
Hours of Labour (in part).
< Newspapers (in part).
International Labour
Organization.
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
XI
H. Ca.
H. Ch.
H. Cl.
H. C. D.
H. E. A. C.
H. F. Ba.
H. I. P.
H. Jn.
H. J. W.
H. L. C.
H. M. Sa.
H.P.
H. P.*
H. P. G.
H. P. W.
H. Sa.
H. Si.
H. v. H.
REV. HENRY CARTER.
Member of British Central Licensing Control Board (Liquor Traffic), 1916-21.
Author of The Control of the Drink Trade; The Church and the New Age; etc.
HUGH CHISHOLM, M.A.
Formerly Scholar of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Editor of the loth, nth
and 1 2th editions of the Encyclopedia Britannica. Financial Editor of The
Times, 1913-20. See the biographical article: CHISHOLM, HUGH.
SIR HUGH CLIFFORD, G.C.M.G.
Governor of Nigeria. In the Federated Malay States, 1883-1903; in the West
Indies, 1903-7; in Ceylon, as Colonial Secretary, 1907-9. Administered the
British Sphere of Occupation in Togoland throughout the World War. Author
of Studies in Brown Humanity; Further India; The German Colonies; etc.
HARRISON CLIFFORD DALE, A.M.
Fellow of the American Geographical Society. Professor of Economics and
Political Science, University of Idaho. Author of The Ashley-Smith Explorations
and the Discovery of a Central Route to the Pacific : 1822-1829; etc -
HENRY EVAN AUGUSTE COTTON, C.I.E., L.C.C.
Formerly Scholar of Jesus College, Oxford, and Advocate of the High Court at
Calcutta. Author of Calcutta Old and New. Late Editor of India.
HENRY FREDERICK BAKER, Sc.D., F.R.S.
Lowndean Professor of Astronomy and Geometry, Cambridge.
John's College, Cambridge.
Liquor Laws and Liquor Con-
trol: United Kingdom.
English Literature (in part);
Finance ;
George V. ;
Holden, SirE.H.;
Montessori System.
Gold Coast;
Nigeria.
Idaho.
Gandhi, M. K.
Fellow of St. < Mathematics: Geometry.
HERBERT INGRAM PRIESTLEY, M.A., PH.D.
Associate Professor of Mexican History and Librarian of the Bancroft Library,
University of California. Author of Jose de Gdlvez, Visitor-General of New
Spain; etc.
SIR HERBERT JACKSON, K.B.E., F.R.S.
Director of Research, British Scientific Instruments Research Association.
Emeritus Professor of Chemistry, University of London.
H. J. WILSON, C.B., C.B.E.
HUGH LONGBOURNE CALLENDAR, M.A., LL.D., C.B.E., F.R.S.
Professor of Physics in the Imperial College of Science, South Kensington.
Author of Properties of Steam; Thermodynamic Theory of Turbines.
HERBERT MITCHELL SANDERS, M.A.
Assistant Secretary to the Board of Inland Revenue. Assistant Secretary to the
Royal Commission on the Income Tax, 1919-20.
HENRI PIRENNE.
Rector of the University of Ghent. Member of the Royal Academy of Belgium
and of the Institute of France. Corresponding Member of the Royal Historical
Society. Author of Histoire de Belgique; etc.
HUGO PREUSS, DR. JURIS.
Formerly Lecturer at the University of Berlin and Professor Public Law at the
Berlin University College of Commerce. Municipal Deputy and Municipal
Councillor in Berlin. After the Revolution Secretary of State for the Interior
and Minister of the Interior for the Reich up to the German acceptance of the
Peace of Versailles. Member of the Prussian Constituent Assembly and of the
first Diet of the Republic of Prussia. Bore the leading part in drafting, and
carrying through the Constituent Assembly of the Reich, the new Republican
Constitution of Germany. Author of Das deutsche Volk und die Politik ; etc.
HARRY PIRIE-GORDON, D.Sc., M.A.
Served in the World War. Deputy Governor of Jerusalem, 1918. Editor of A
Brief Account of the Advance of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force.
HENRY PARKER WILLIS, PH.D.
Professor of Banking in Columbia University. Director of Research, Federal
Reserve Board. Author of American Banking; The Federal Reserve; etc.
HIROSI SAITO, M.A.
Secretary of Embassy and Consul in the Japanese Diplomatic and Consular
Service. Member of the Japanese Delegation to the Peace Conference in Paris,
1919, and to other Inter-Allied and International Conferences in Europe, 1919-21.
H. SINZHEIMER.
Professor in the University of Frankfort-on-Main.
MAJOR-GENERAL HANS VON HAEFTEN.
Late General Staff, German Army. Director in the Archives of the Reich.
Formerly member of the Historical Section of the Great General Staff. During
the World War a General Staff Officer with the troops. Representative of the
Supreme Command at the Foreign Office, 1918.
Guatemala; Honduras;
Huerta; Madero; Mexico;
Nicaragua; Obregon.
Glass (in part).
/Labour Legislation: United
\ Kingdom.
I
Heat.
Income Tax:
United Kingdom.
Fredericq, Paul.
Germany: Republican
Constitution.
Hejaz Railway.
Federal Reserve Banking
System.
Formosa;
Japan;
Korea.
/Germany:
\ Law.
Factory Council
Noyon, Battle of.
Xll
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
H.W.
H.Wf.
H. W. W.
J. A. Ro.
HARTLEY WITHERS.
Editor of the Financial Supplement of the Saturday Review. Formerly Editor of
The Economist. Author of The Meaning of Money; Case for Capitalism; etc.
J.A.W.
J. Bro.
J. C. P.
J. de G. H.
J. E. W.*
J.F.
J. F. M.
J.G.deR.H.
J. H. Ho.
J.J-
J- J- C.
J. J- T.
J.K.
J.K.*
J. M. L.
HUMBERT WOLFE, C.B.E.
Money Market.
I Labour Ministry: United
Kingdom;
Labour Supply and Regula-
tion: United Kingdom.
HERBERT WRIGLEY WILSON, M.A.
Sometime Scholar of Trinity College, Oxford. Author of Ironclads in Action.
Contributor to The Cambridge Modern History. Assistant Editor of The Daily
Mail.
JAMES ALEXANDER ROBERTSON, Pn.B., L.H.D.
Chief of the Near Eastern Division, Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce,
Department of Commerce, Washington, D.C. Managing Editor of The Hispanic
American Historical Review. Co-editor of Blair and Robertson's The Philippine
Islands, I49j-i8g8 (55 vols.). Compiler of Bibliography of the Philippine
Islands; etc.
JAMES ALBERT WOODBURN, A.B., PH.D., LL.D.
Professor of American History, Indiana University. Member of the American
Historical Society. Author of The American Republic and its Government; etc.
JOHN BROWNLEE, M.A., M.D., D.Sc.
Director of Statistics, Medical Research Council.
JOHN CARL PARISH, PH.D.
Associate Editor of the State Historical Society of Iowa. Lecturer in Iowa
History in the State University of Iowa.
Robert Lucas; John Chambers; etc.
Author of The Man with the Iron Hand;
J. DE GRAFF HUNTER, M.A., Sc.D.
Mathematical Adviser to the Survey of India. Author of Formulae for Atmos-
pheric Refraction and their Application to Terrestrial Refraction and Geodesy;
Survey of India, Prof. Papers Nos. 14, 1913 (The Earth's Axes and Triangula-
tion), and 16, 1918.
Northcliffe, Lord.
Guam.
Indiana.
Epidemiology (in part).
Iowa.
Geodesy (in part).
London.
Haiti.
JEANNE ELIZABETH WIER, B.Bi., B.A. f
Professor of History and Political Science in the University of Nevada. Execu- < Nevada,
live Secretary of the Nevada Historical Society.
JAMES FORD, PH.D. f
Associate Professor of Social Ethics in Harvard University. Sometime Division I . . ,
Manager, U.S. Housing Corporation. Editor of the Report of the U.S. Housing
Corporation. Author of Co-operation in New England; etc.
JAMES F. MUIRHEAD, M.A., L.H.D. , F.R.G.S.
Author of America, the Land of Contrasts, and of Baedeker's Handbooks to Lon-
don, England, the United States and Canada. Editor of Muirhead Guidebooks,
Limited (The Blue Guides).
JOSEPH GREGOIRE DE ROULHAC HAMILTON, M.A., PH.D. (
Kenan Professor of History and Government in the University of North Caro- \ North Carolina,
lina. Author of Reconstruction in North Carolina; North Carolina since 1860; etc. (
JACOB H. HOLLANDER, PH.D.
Professor of Political Economy in Johns Hopkins University. Author of David
Ricardo; The Abolition of Poverty; War Borrowing; etc. Treasurer of Porto Rico,
1900-1. Financial Adviser of the Dominican Republic, 1908-10.
JAMES JOHNSTONE, D.Sc. f
Professor of Oceanography in the University of Liverpool. Author of Conditions < Oceanography.
of Life in the Sea; British Fisheries; etc. (
BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN JOHNSTON COLLYER, C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O.
Late Chief of the General Staff, Union of South Africa.
SIR JOSEPH JOHN THOMSON, O.M., D.Sc., HON. F.R.S.E., LL.D., PH.D., F.R.S.
See the biographical article: THOMSON, SIR JOSEPH JOHN.
JOSEPH KITCHIN, F.S.S.
Manager in London of the Union Corporation, Limited.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JOHANN KUBENA. , _. _
Austro-Hungarian Engineer Corps. Formerly of the Munitions Department of { Ml i ni tlons ,.\ V? r! Central
the Austro-Hungarian War Ministry.
JAMES MILLER LEAKE, A.B., Pn.D.
Professor of History and Political Science in the University of Florida. Author < Florida,
of The Virginia Committee System and the American Revolution; etc.
I German South-West Africa.
/ Gases, Electrical Properties
1 of.
| Gold.
LTA
Powers
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
Xlll
J.N.
J. N. M.*
J. O. P. B.
J. R. Co.
J.S.*
J. S. D.
J. S. Ha.
J. S. N.
J. S. Nc.
J.Vi.
J. Wa.*
J. We.*
J. W. G.
J. W. H.-M.
J. W. S.
K. C. M. S.
K.W.
L. C. W.
L.J.
JEAN NICOD, AGREGE DE PHILOSOPHIE (Paris), B.A. (Cantab.).
Teacher of Philosophy in the Lycee of Laon, France.
JOHN NICOLAS MAVROGORDATO, M.A.
Author of Cassandra in Troy; Letters from Greece; The World in Chains; etc.
JOHN OTWAY PERCY BLAND.
Author of China; Japan and Korea; Houseboat Days in China. Joint-author of
China under the Empress Dowager. Served in Chinese Maritime Customs,
1883-96. Shanghai Correspondent for The Times, 1897-1910.
JOHN ROGERS COMMONS, A.B., A.M., LL.D.
Professor of Economics, University of Wisconsin. Author of Documentary
History of American Industrial Society; History of Labor in the United States;
Principles of Labor Legislation; etc.
JULIUS SZEKFU, PH.D.
Lecturer at the University of Budapest.
f Mathematics : Logic and
\ Foundations.
< Greece.
Hankow;
Hart, Sir Robert;
Manchuria;
Mongolia.
Hours of Labour: United
States;
Labour Legislation: United
States;
Labour Supply and Regula-
tion: United States.
Hungary (in part).
Machine-Guns.
Inflation.
Juvenile Employment: United
Kingdom.
Missouri.
Infantile Mortality:
Kingdom.
United
Author of Oxford and its Colleges; A < Oxford.
JOHN STEWART Dow, B.Sc., A. C.G.I. f
Assistant Editor of the Illuminating Engineer. Joint-author of Modern Illu- lUuminatmg Engineering;
minants and Illuminating Engineering; etc. ^Lighting, Electric.
MAJOR JULIAN SOMERVILLE HATCHER.
Ordnance Department, U.S. Army. Member of the American Institution of
Mining and Metallurgical Engineers. Life Member of the National Association
of America. Experimental Engineer at the Government Small Arms Plant, '
Springfield Armory. Formerly Chief of the Machine-Gun and Small Arms Sec-
tion, Ordnance Department.
JOSEPH SHIELD NICHOLSON, Sc.D., LL.D., F.B.A.
Professor of Political Economy in the University of Edinburgh. Author of Prin-
ciples of Political Economy; Money and Monetary Problems; etc.
JOSEPH SINCLAIR NICHOLSON, M.A.
JONAS VILES, PH.D.
Professor of American History in the University of Missouri.
JANE HARRIETT WALKER, L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S.E., M.D. (Brussels).
Medical Superintendent, East Anglian Makings Farm and East Anglian Chil-
dren's Sanitoria, Mayland, Suffolk. Member of Departmental Committee on
Provision for Treatment of Tuberculosis, 1911-2. President, Medical Women's
Federation, 1917-20. Consulting Physician, Elizabeth Garrett Anderson Hos-
pital, London, etc.
JOSEPH WELLS, M.A.
Warden of Wadham College, Oxford.
History of Wadham College.
JOHN WALTER GREGORY, D.Sc., F.R.S., M.I.M.M.
Professor of Geology in the University of Glasgow. Author of The Great Rift
Valley; The Dead Heart of Australia; British Museum Catalogues of Fossil
Bryozoa, etc. Victoria Medallist of the Royal Geographical Society. Bigsby
Medallist of the Geological Society.
JAMES WYCLIFFE HEADLAM-MORLEY, M.A., C.B.E.
Historical Adviser to the Foreign Office. Formerly Fellow of King's College,
Cambridge. Author of Election by Lot at Athens; Life of Bismarck; Special Re-
ports issued by the Board of Education on Classical Studies in Germany; The
History of Twelve Days; The Issue; etc.
JOHN W. SCANE, M.D.
Assistant Dean, Faculty of Medicine, McGill University.
KENNETH CHARLES MORTON SILLS, M.A., LL.D.
President of Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine. Candidate of the Democratic
Party in Maine for the U.S. Senate, 1916. President of the Board of Visitors to
the Naval Academy at Annapolis, 1920-1.
SIR KINGSLEY WOOD, M.P. f
Parliamentary Private Secretary to the British Minister of Health. Author of < Housing (in part).
The Law and Practice of Housing; etc.
LAWRENCE C. WROTH, A.B.
First Assistant Librarian, Enoch Pratt Free Library, Baltimore.
Parson Weems: A Biographical and Critical Study; etc.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR Louis JACKSON, K.B.E., C.B., C.M.G.
Commander of the Legion of Honour. Knight of St. Stanislas. Late Royal En- J .. __.,.
gineers. Formerly Director-General of Trench Warfare Supply, and Controller ] ramin g Military,
of Chemical Warfare Research, British War Office.
Geology: Cosmic.
Europe.
Medical Education: Canada.
Maine.
Author of < Maryland.
XIV
L. J. S.
L.M.
L.Ro.
L.V.*
M. C. L.
M. G.*
M. K. W.
M. Pa.
M.R.*
M.V.*
N.B.
N. N. G.
O.B.
O. G. L.
O. J. R. H.
O.Kr.
P.B.
-P.C.P.
P.G.*
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
LEONARD JAMES SPENCER, M.A., Sc.D., F.G.S. f
Assistant Keeper in the Mineral Department, British Museum Natural History. < Mineralogy.
Editor of the Mineralogical Magazine. Author of The World's Minerals.
LEWIS MELVILLE. [
Author of biographies of Thackeray, Sterne and William Cobbett, and of many < Newspapers (in part).
works on the social life of the Georgian period.
SIR LEONARD ROGERS, C.I.E., M.D., F.R.C.P., F.R.S., I.M.S. (retired).
Physician and Lecturer, London School of Tropical Medicine. Late Professor
of Pathology, Calcutta. Author of works on fevers in the tropics and bowel dis-
eases in the tropics; etc.
LUIGI VILLARI.
Officer of the Crown of Italy. Chevalier of St. Maurice and St. Lazarus. Italian
Croce di Guerra. Chevalier of the Legion of Honour. French Croix de Guerre.
British Military Cross. Member of Staff of League of Nations. Formerly at- <
tached to the Italian Foreign Office. During the war, Liaison Officer with the
Allied Armies in Macedonia, and after the Armistice at Constantinople, and
Secretary, Inter-Allied Commission, Smyrna.
MORRIS CHARLES LAMB, F,C.S., F.R.M.S.
Director of the Light Leather Department of the Leathersellers' Company's
Technical College, London. Author of Leather Dressing, including Dyeing,
Staining and Finishing; etc.
Italy.
MAJOR M. GREENWOOD, M.R.C.P., M.R.C.S.
Medical Officer (Medical Statistics), Ministry of Health.
Statistics, University of London.
CAPTAIN M. K. WARDLE.
Reader in Medical | Epidemiology (in part).
MAURICE PAIN.
General Secretary of the French Ministry of the Devastated Regions.
MAURICE RECLUS.
Conseiller d'Etat.
Colonial Editor of Le Temps.
{ France (in part).
France: Invaded Regions.
France (in part);
French Equatorial Africa (in
part);
Indo-China, French.
HON. MARTIN VOGEL, A.B. (Columbia).
Formerly Assistant Treasurer of the United States, New York.
SIR EDWARD NAPIER BURNETT, K.B.E., M.D., F.R.C.S., F.R.C.P. (Edin.).
Director of Hospital Services, Joint Council of the British Red Cross and the
Order of St. John. Formerly Chairman, Hospitals Economy Committee, War
Office.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL N. GOLOVINE.
Russian Cross of St. George. British Military C.B. French Croix de Guerre.
Commander of the Legion of Honour. Formerly Professor in the Russian Gen-
eral Staff College.
OTMAR BEST.
Member of the Staff of the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung.
ORIN GRANT LIBBY, PH.D. (Wisconsin).
Professor of American History, University of North Dakota. Secretary of the
State Historical Society. Editor of Collections of State Historical Society of
North Dakota (vols. i.-iv. and vi. ).
OSBERT JOHN RADCLIFFE HOWARTH, O.B.E., M.A.
Assistant Secretary of the British Association. Sometime of the Geographical
Section, Naval Intelligence Department. Editor of the Oxford Survey of the
British Empire.
OTTO KRIEGK, PH.D. (Gottingen).
Member of the Staff of the Weser Zeitung, Berlin Office.
PAUL BOURSON.
Member of the Commissariat-General of the French Republic at Strasbourg.
PAUL CHRISLER PHILLIPS, M.A., PH.D.
Professor of History in the University of Montana. Joint-author (with N. J.
Lennes) of The West in the Diplomacy of the American Revolution. Author of
The Story of Columbus; etc.
PIETER GEYL, LiTT.D. (Leiden).
Professor of Dutch Studies in the University of London.
/ Liberty Loan Publicity Cam-
\ paigns.
Hospitals: United Kingdom;
Medicine, International.
Kaledin, Alexei.
/Germany: Political History
\ (in part).
North Dakota.
Geography;
Malay States, Federated;
Malay States, Non-Federated ;
Netherlands India.
Hamburg.
France (in part).
Montana.
Holland (in part).
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
xv
P. H. N.
P. M. H.
P. T. M.
P.VL
R. A. V.
R. B. F.
R.C.
R. C. F.
R. D. O.
R. E. F.
R. Gi.
R. G. C.
R. G. H.-V.
R. G. L,
R. H. B.
R. J. D.
R. Jo.
R.K.
R. K. H.
R. L. W.
R. M. Wi.
PAUL HENRY NYSTROM, PH.D.
Formerly Professor of Economics in the Universities of Wisconsin and Minne-
sota. Director of the Retail Research Association. Author of Economics and
Retailing; Retail Selling and Store Management; Textiles; etc.
PETER MARTIN HELDT. / ivr t v h' i
Engineering Editor of A utomotive Industries. Author of The Gasoline A utomobile. \ Motor venicles.
HON. SIR PATRICK THOMAS MCGRATH, K.B.E., LL.D.
Editor of the Newfoundland Evening Herald. President of the Legislative
Council, Newfoundland.
SIR PAUL VINOGRADOFF, M.A., D.C.L., LL.D., DR. HIST., DR. JURIS.
Corpus Professor of Jurisprudence, Oxford. Author of Villainage in England;
The Growth of the Manor; Outlines of Historical Jurisprudence; etc. See the
biographical article: VINOGRADOFF, SIR PAUL.
ROLLAND A. VANDERGRIFT, M.A.
Assistant in History in the University of California.
RAYMOND ELAINE FOSDICK, B.A., M.A., LL.B.
Formerly Commissioner of Accounts, City of New York. Author of American
Police Systems; European Police Systems; Keeping our Fighters Fit; etc.
RT. HON. LORD ROBERT CECIL, M.P.
Representative of Great Britain on the League of Nations Commission at the
Peace Conference, 1919. Representative of South Africa at the Assembly of the
League of Nations at Geneva, 1920. Chairman of the League of Nations Union.
See the biographical article: CECIL, LORD ROBERT.
x
R. C. FARMER, D.Sc., PH.D.
Late Chief Chemist, Explosives Department, Ministry of Munitions.
Newfoundland.
Gutchkov ;
Kornilov (in part);
Lenin;
Milyukov ;
Nicholas II.
Los Angeles.
New York City.
League of Nations.
Explosives (in part).
RICHARD DIXON OLDHAM, F.R.S., F.G.S., F.R.G.S. f .
Author of numerous papers on various aspects of Geology and kindred sub- \ j eo ^'
jects.
CAPTAIN RAYMOND ERNEST FIELD, O.B.E.
ROY GITTINGER, PH.D.
Dean of Undergraduates and Professor of English History in the University of
Oklahoma. Author of The Formation of the State of Oklahoma ; etc.
R. G. COLLINGWOOD, M.A., F.S.A.
Fellow and Tutor of Pembroke College, Oxford.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL RlCHARD GRANVILLE HYLTON HOWARD-VYSE, C.M.G.,
D.S.O.
Royal Horse Guards. Served during the World War as Chief-of-Staff of 5th
Cavalry Brigade and 5th Cavalry Division in France, and of Desert Mounted
Corps in Palestine.
RAPHAEL GEORGES LEVY.
Senator of France. Member of the Finance Committee of the Senate.
RALPH HARRUB BLANCHARD.
Assistant Professor of Insurance at Columbia University. Author of Liability
and Compensation Insurance.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL REGINALD JOHN DRAKE, D.S.O.
Late North Stafford Regiment and General StafL
SIR ROBERT JONES, K.B.E., C.B., D.S.M. (U.S.A.), F.R.C.S., HON. D.Sc. (Wales),
HON. LL.D. (Aberdeen).
Lecturer in Orthopaedic Surgery, Liverpool University. Director of Orthopaedic
Surgery, St. Thomas's Hospital. Surgeon to the Royal National Orthopaedic
Hospital. Hon. Adviser in Orthopaedic Surgery, Ministry of Pensions.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL RUDOLF KISZLING.
Late General Staff, Austro-Hungarian Army. Now of the Kriegsarchiv, Vienna.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ROBERT KNOX HEZLET, C.B.E., D.S.O.
Royal Field Artillery. Superintendent of External Ballistics, Ordnance Com-
mittee. Author of Nomography; Interior Ballistics; etc.
RAY LYMAN WILBUR, A.M., M.D., LL.D.
President of Leland Stanford Jr. University, Cal.
R. McNAiR WILSON, M.B., Cn.B.
Fellow of the Royal Society of Medicine. Editor, Oxford Medical Publications.
Late Research Worker in Cardiology, Medical Research Committee. Consultant
to the Ministry of Pensions in Trench Fever.
-, Medals and Decorations.
f
Oklahoma.
Luxemburg.
Mounted Troops.
France : Finance.
Insurance: United States.
/Intelligence, Military:
\ Secret Service.
Orthopaedic Surgery.
< Luck, Battles of.
Nomography.
/Leland Stanford Jr. TTniver-
\ sity.
Fasting; Heart Disease; Im-
munity; Medicine and Sur-
gery: General Progress.
XVI
R. P.*
R. P. B.
R. P. D.
R.R.*
R. Ro.
R. S. T.*
R.WL
S. C. H.
S. J. B.
S. J. B.*
S. L. C.
S. McC. L.
S.S.
S. S. L.
S. T. H. W.
S. W. M.
T. A. R.
T. Ba.
T. C. P.
T. N. C.
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
ROBERT PEELE, E.M.
Professor of Mining in the School of Mines, Columbia University. Hon. Mem-
ber of the Institution of Mining and Metallurgy, London. Author of Com-
pressed Air Plant. Editor-in-chief of Peele's Mining Engineer's Handbook; etc.
ROBERT PRESTON BROOKS, PH.D.
Dean of the School of Commerce, University of Georgia; formerly Professor of
History. Author of A History of Georgia ; The A grarian Revolution in Georgia ; etc.
R. PALME DUTT.
Late Scholar of Balliol College, Oxford. Author of The Two Internationals.
Editor of The Labour International Handbook.
REMY ROURE.
Labour Correspondent of the Eclair, Paris.
COLONEL SIR RONALD Ross, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., F.R.S., F.R.C.S., HON. M.D.,
D.Sc., etc.
Nobel Medical Prizeman, 1902. Author of The Prevention of Malaria; etc. See
the biographical article: Ross, SIR RONALD.
Mining.
Georgia (U.S.A.).
International, The.
France (in part).
Malaria.
ROBERT SCOTT TROUP, M.A., C.I.E. [
Professor of Forestry in the University of Oxford. Author of The Silviculture of < Forestry (in part).
Indian Trees; etc.
I
I Industrial Councils.
Norway.
ROBERT WILSON, M.A., B.Sc., F.R.EcoN.S.
S. C. HAMMER, F.R.S.A.
Chief Archivist and Librarian of the Norwegian Foreign Office, Christiania.
SOLON JUSTUS BUCK, PH.D.
Superintendent of the Minnesota Historical Society. Associate Professor of
History in the University of Minnesota. Author of The Granger Movement;
Illinois in 1818; The Agrarian Crusade; etc.
S. JOSEPHINE BAKER, M.D., D.P.H.
Director, Bureau of Child Hygiene, Department of Health, New York City.
Consultant in Child Hygiene, U.S. Public Health Service. Former President,
American Child Hygiene Association.
STEVENSON LYLE CUMMINS, M.D., LL.D., C.B., C.M.G. f
Colonel, Army Medical Service (retired). David Davies Professor of Tuber- J T fl
culosis, University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire. Principal Med- 1 enza '
ical Officer, King Edward VII. Welsh National Association.
SAMUEL McCuNE LINDSAY, PH.D., LL.D. (
Professor of Social Legislation in Columbia University. President of New York T . T ...
Academy of Political Science. Editor of American Social Progress Series. Au- { ^9 uor . ^ aws ^n? "?**
thor of Railway Labour in the United States; Financial Administration of Great ^ ontro1 : Umted Mates.
Britain; etc.
Minnesota.
Infantile Mortality: United
Slates.
SOMERVILLE STOREY.
Literary Critic of Le Monde Nouveau, Paris.
MAJOR-GENERAL SIDNEY SELDEN LONG, C.B.
Assistant Director of Supplies, 1909-12. Director of Supplies and Quartering,
1913-4. Director of Supplies and Transport, War Office, 1914-6.
CAPTAIN STANLEY T. H. WILTON, R.N.
Assistant Director of Naval Ordnance, British Admiralty.
S. W. MORRISON.
Board of Trade, London.
THOMAS ARTHUR RUSHTON.
Editor and writer on social subjects.
SIR THOMAS BARCLAY.
Barrister-at-Law. Vice-President and Acting President of the Institute of Inter-
national Law. Author of Problems of International Practice and Diplomacy; New
Methods of Adjusting International Disputes; Collapse and Reconstruction; etc.
THEODORE CALVIN PEASE, Pn.B., PH.D.
Assistant Professor of History in the University of Illinois. Author of The Level-
ler Movement; The Frontier State (Vol. II. of Illinois Centennial History); etc.
THOMAS NIXON CARVER, PH.D., LL.D.
Professor of Political Economy in Harvard University. Author of The Distribu- >,,:, , -p. T
lion of Wealth; Principles of Rural Economics; Principles of Political Economy; \ *
etc.
, French Literature.
Food Supply: Feeding of the
British Army During the
World War.
Ordnance (in part),
Glass (in part).
Housing (in part).
International Law.
Illinois.
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES xvii
T. Se. THOMAS SECCOMBE, M.A. f
Professor of English Literature, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario. Assist- I ,, .. , T .. ,. .
ant Editor of the Dictionary of National Biography, 1891-1901. Author of The ^g 11811 Literature (in part).
Age of Johnson; etc. [
T. S. A. THOMAS SEW ALL ADAMS, PH.D. f Excess Profits Duty: United
Professor of Political Economy in Yale University. Advisor on Taxation, U.S. < States;
Treasury Department. [Income Tax: United Stales.
T. W. Ho. SIR THOMAS WILLIAM HOLDERNESS, BART., G.C.B., K.C.S.I. f
Late Permanent Under-Secretary of State for India. Author of Peoples and I T ..
Problems of India; Narrative of the Indian Famine, 1896-97. Editor of the 4th |
edition of Strachey's India.
U. B. P. ULRICH BONNELL PHILLIPS, PH.D., F.R.H.S. [
Professor of American History in the University of Michigan. Author of The < Michigan.
Life of Robert Toombs; American Negro Slavery; etc.
V. G. VALTYR GUDMUNDSSON, M.A., D.Pn.
Knight of the Dannebrog. Professor of Icelandic Language and Literature in
the University of Copenhagen. Member of the Icelandic Parliament, 1894-1914. Iceland.
Editor of the Periodical Eimreidin. Author of Privatboligen paa Island i Saga-
tiden; Islands Kultur; etc.
V. L. E. C. GENERAL VICTOR Louis EMILIEN CORDONNIER. /Frontiers, Battles of the:
See the biographical article: CORDONNIER, VICTOR Louis EMILIEN. \ Part III.
W. A. La. SIR WILLIAM ARBUTHNOT LANE, BART., C.B., M.S. /_
Consulting Surgeon to Guy's Hospital, etc. \ tatestmal Stasis.
W. A. P. WALTER ALISON PHILLIPS, M.A. (Oxford and Dublin).
Lecky Professor of Modern History in the University of Dublin. Member of
the Royal Irish Academy. Author of Modern Europe; The Confederation of
Europe; etc.
Ireland: History.
W. Bn. WILLIAM BATESON, M. A., F.R.S. f r
Author of Materials for the Study of Variation; Mendel's Principles of Heredity; \ ^ n
Problems of Genetics; etc. See the biographical article: BATESON, WILLIAM.
W. B. S. W. B. SHAW. f
General Secretary, Alumni Association, University of Michigan. Author of < Michigan, University of.
, History of University of Michigan. [
W. C. M. WILLIAM CLINTON MULLENDORE, A.B., J.D. f
Attorney-at-Law. Late Assistant Counsel and Liquidator, United States Food I -p . c rr-jc
Administration. Representative, American Relief Administration, Berlin, Ger- ] * supply: United States.
many, 1920.
W. C. M.* WALLACE CARLTON MURPHY, B.A., M.A. / . ,
Professor of History in the University of Mississippi. \ -Mississippi.
W. E. El. WALTER ELLIOT ELLIOT, B.Sc., M.B., Cn.B., M.P. f ...
Secretary, Medical Committee, House of Commons. \ Health Ministry,
W. F. F. WALTER FRANCIS FREAR, LL.D.
Formerly Chief Justice and late Governor of Hawaii. Chairman of the Hawaiian
Code Commission. Hon. Member of the Royal Geographical Society of Austra- Hawaii.
lasia. Author of The Evolution of the Hawaiian Judiciary; The Development of
Hawaiian Statute Law; etc.
W. F. W. WALTER FRANCIS WILLCOX, PH.D., LL.D.
Professor of Economics and Statistics, Cornell University. Author of The
Divorce Problem a Study in Statistics; Supplementary Analysis and Derivative
Tables, I2th Census; etc.
W. Gr. WALTER GRAVELL, PH.D. f
Regierungsrat in the Statistical Offices of the Reich, Berlin. Member of the I - . .
German Statistical Society. Author of Abhandlungen uber Bewlkemngs-, Berufs-} < erman y : Statistics,
und Betriebsstatislik ; etc.
W. G. D. W. G. DUFFIELD. /
Professor of Physics, University College, Reading. \ Mos eley, H. G. J.
W. H. B. SIR WILLIAM HENRY BEVERIDGE, K.C.B., M.A., B.C.L. f
Director of London School of Economics and Political Science. Formerly Per- I _ . _ . ,. .
manent Secretary of the Ministry of Food. Author of Unemployment: A Problem \* " '"WW V* Part),
of Industry; etc.
W. H. Di. WILLIAM HENRY DINES, B.A. (Cantab.), F.R.MET.S., F.R.AE.S., F.INST.P., F.R.S. /,, .
See the biographical article: DINES, WILLIAM HENRY. \ Me eorol gy-
XV111
INITIALS AND HEADINGS OF ARTICLES
W. H. W.
W. J.*
W. J. C.*
W. K. McC.
W. L. B.
W. L. G.*
W. M. Lo.
W. O. S.
W. R. N.
W. R. Ma.
W.T.
W. T. L.
W. W. M.
X.
Y.D.
SIR WILLIAM HENRY WILLCOX, K.C.I.E., C.B., C.M.G., M.D., F.R.C.P.
Consulting Physician to the Mesopotamia Expeditionary Force, 1916-9.
cian to St. Mary's Hospital, London.
Physi-
Mesopotamia: Medical
Conditions.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL WILHELM JUNCK. !
Austro-Hungarian Engineer Corps. Formerly of the Munitions Section of the I Munitions of War:
Austro-Hungarian Military Technical Committee and the Munitions Depart- ] Powers (in part).
ment of the War Ministry.
W. J. CHILDS. f Georgia;
Late of the Intelligence Department of the Admiralty (Geographical Section). \ Ottoman Empire.
WILLIAM KIDSTON MCCLURE, M.A. (Oxon.).
Late Correspondent of The Times in Rome. Correspondent of The Times on
the Italian Front, 1915-7. Author of Italy's Part in the War; Italy in North
Africa; Chapters on Italy in The Times History of the War; etc.
Central
CAPTAIN WILLIAM LEWIS BLENNERHASSETT, D.S.O., O.B.E.
French Croix de Guerre. Acting British Vice-Consul at Kovno, Lithuania.
WILLIAM L. GRIFFITH.
Permanent Secretary, Office of the High Commissioner for Canada, London.
Author of The Dominion of Canada; article on " Canada," Oxford Survey of the
British Empire.
Italian Campaigns;
Italo-Turkish War.
f Finland; Isvolsky, A. P.;
1 Lithuania.
Manitoba; New Brunswick;
North-West Territories;
Nova Scotia; Ontario.
Lys, Battles of the.
Louisiana.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL WlLHELM MuLLER-LOEBNITZ.
Late General Staff, German Army. Ober-Archivrat in the Reichsarchiv. For-
merly in the Military History Section of the Great General Staff. During the
World War served on the General Staff of XII. Corps and VI. and "A" Armies, '
and as a Regimental Commander. Author of Der Wendepunkt des Weltkriegs
and other monographs.
WILLIAM OSCAR SCROGGS, A.M., PH.D.
Financial writer on the New York Evening Post. Formerly Professor of Eco-
nomics and Sociology, Louisiana State University. Author of Filibusters and
Financiers.
WALTER ROSENHAIN, B.A., D.Sc., F.lNST.P., F.R.S.
Superintendent, Metallurgy Department, National Physical Laboratory. Author < Metallurgy,
of Introduction to the Study of Physical Metallurgy; Glass Manufacture; etc.
WILLIAM R. MANNING, PH.D.
Economist, Latin-American Division, Department of State. Author of Noolka
Sound Controversy (Justin Winsor Prize Essay of American Historical Associa-
tion, 1904); Early Diplomatic Relations Between the United States and Mexico
(Albert Shaw Lectures, Johns Hopkins University, 1913); etc.
Havana.
WILFRED TROTTER, M.S. (Lond.), F.R.C.S.
Surgeon, University College Hospital.
WALTER THOMAS LAYTON, M.A., C.H.
Fellow of Caius College, Cambridge. University Lecturer, Cambridge Univer-
sity. Lecturer, Workers' Educational Association, 1916-9. Member of British
Munitions Council during the World War. Temporary Director, Economic and
Financial Section, League of Nations. Director, National Federation of Iron and
Steel Manufacturers. Director, Welwyn Garden City. Author of Capital and
Labour; Introduction to the Study of Prices.
WILLIAM WATTS MACON.
Editor of The Iron Age, New York.
Initial used for anonymous contributors.
GENERAL YOURI DANILOV.
Nervous System (Surgery).
Munitions of War: United
Kingdom (in part).
Iron and Steel.
Kornilov (in part).
ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA
VOLUME XXXI
THE SECOND OF THE NEW VOLUMES
ENGLISH LITERATURE (see 9.645*). A retrospect, from the
vantage-ground of 1921, over the progress of English literature in
recent years showed no sign of degeneracy in literary quality.
From a purely national point of view, English writers have prob-
ably never stood higher comparatively in the world of letters.
The commerce of the book-world and the ply of the " best
sellers" may vary; but if we regard the curve of literature as a
whole, it is justifiable to claim that, during the past generation,
the best English work has not been deflected from the direction
in which literary progress had been steadily moving.
The acme of the English novel was reached already in the last
quarter of the igth century. And among novelists still living in
1921 Thomas Hardy held a position of lofty preeminence. In
these later years his work as a poet had given him a second title
to fame. Even more than in the case of his finest tragic novels,
his tragic epic, The Dynasts, is full of a great pity and a great
patience. Like all great tragedy it is cathartic. Like all great
art, it exalts and enlarges.
In Sir J. M. Barrie, by origin a typical Scot, who, together
with Hardy, had received the Order of Merit, fantasy had achieved
its highest embodiment since Midsummer Night's Dream. Faerie
had, in him, become naturalized on the English stage; and it has
been for the theatre that all his later work was done a constantly
growing range of work, from Peter Pan to The Admirable Crich-
lon, Cinderella, What Every Woman Knows, Dear Brutus, The
Twelve-Pound Look, The Old Lady Shows Her Medals, and Mary
Rose. Hardy and Barrie between them had created an atmos-
phere of the theatre in which it had become possible for an
imagination worthy of English literature to move and breathe
and have its being.
In the forefront of literary activity in 1921, the work of H. G.
Wells and of Bernard Shaw, though less creative, sounded its
challenge to the future Wells as the sociological autobiographer
of his time, Shaw as a satirist, often as bitter as Swift, and with
something in him of a new Gulliver.
H. G. Wells's skill as a writer is shown in the almost animal
realism of his presentment, not in one or two books merely,
but a score. In his fiction he is specially autobiographic:
" I recall an underground kitchen with a drawered table, a window
looking up at a grating, a back yard in which, growing out by a dust-
bin, was a gi'ape-vine; a red-papered room with a book-case, over
my father's shop, the dusty aisles and fixtures, the regiments of
wine-glasses and tumblers, the rows of hanging mugs and jugs, the
towering edifices^ of jam-pots, the tea and dinner and toilet sets in
that emporium, its brighter side of cricket goods, of pads and balls
and stumps. Out of the window one peeped at the more exterior
world, the High Street in front, the tailor's garden, the butcher's
yard, the church-yard and Bromley church tower behind, and one
was taken upon expeditions to fields and open places. This limited
world was peopled with certain familiar presences, mother and father,
two brothers, the evasive but interesting cat."
Upper-class life he saw (from the point of view of the servants'
hall) when on his father's death in 1878 his mother became house-
keeper in the family in which she had formerly been lady's maid,
at Up Park near Petersfield, the " Bladesover " of Tono-Bungay,
which also enshrines some early experiences in the chemist's
shop at Midhurst. He had a bitter struggle, both for livelihood
and for education, beginning work as a draper's assistant at the
age of 15, and experiencing in his own person some of the humilia-
tions he has described in Kipps. Striving to educate himself, he
took a humble post as assistant master in an obscure school, and
from this in turn he escaped with the aid of a Government
scholarship to the Royal College of Science, South Kensington.
It was his good fortune to come under Huxley, the leading expo-
nent of the new science of biology and one of the most stirring
spirits in the intellectual unrest of the time. Economically and
socially the immediate gain for Wells was the London B.Sc.
degree with first-class honours in zoology; upon his mental
development the effects were far-reaching. It is really of himself
under the name of " Oswald " that Wells speaks in this pas-
sage from Joan and Peter:
" Those were the great days when Huxley lectured on zoology at
South Kensington, and to him Oswald went. Oswald did indeed
find science consoling and inspiring. Scientific studies were at once
rarer and more touched by enthusiasm then than a quarter of a
century later, and he was soon a passionate naturalist, consumed by
the insatiable craving to know how. That little long upper labora-
tory in the Normal School of Science, as the place was then called,
with the preparations and diagrams along one side, the sinks and
windows along the other, the row of small tables down the windows,
and the ever-present vague mixed smell of methylated spirit, Canada
balsam and a sweetish decay, opened vast new horizons to him. To
the world of the eighteen-eighties the story of life, of the origin and
branching out of species, of the making of continents, was still
the most inspiring of new romances. Comparative anatomy in
particular was then a great and philosophical ' new learning," a
mighty training of mind; the drift of biological teaching towards
specialization was still to come."
It was partly due to ill-health as a hard-worked young don
that Wells turned his attention from the more scholastic region
of scientific journalism and text-book to writing romance of the
Jules Verne variety. In this he achieved a rapid success. It is
still delightful for a reader to recall the thrill of first contact with
The Time Machine and Doctor Moreau's Island, soon to be fol-
lowed by The Wheels of Chance, and the War of the Worlds, in the
middle and later 'nineties. Some critics will maintain that, in
technical skill and professional drollery, Mr. Wells never sur-
passed The Wheels of Chance or The Sea Lady. In 1900, however,
came Love and Mr. Lewisham, which was regarded as a landmark;
but it was eclipsed in the direction of sociology of contemporary
life by Kipps in 1905 and the more ambitious Tono-Bungay in
1909. Nor will the war-period in England be understood
without Mr. Britling Sees It Through.
' These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
ENGLISH LITERATURE
George Bernard Shaw, who was born in Dublin in 1856, came
of English Protestant middle-class stock. " I am a typical
Irishman," he says; " my family came from Yorkshire. My
father was an ineffective, unsuccessful man, in theory a vehement
teetotaller, but in practice a furtive drinker. I never learnt any-
thing at school, a place where they put Caesar and Horace into
the heads of small boys, and expect the result to be an elegant
taste of knowledge of the world. I took refuge in total idleness
at school, and picked up at home quite unconsciously a knowl-
edge of that extraordinary literature of modern music from
Bach to Wagner, which has saved me from being at the smallest
disadvantage in competition with men who only know the gram-
mar and mispronunciation of the Greek and Latin poets and
philosophers. For the rest my parents went their own way and
let me go mine." He combined the unaccustomed arts of critic,
logician and sceptical journalist. He was haunted by wit, largely
of the caustic variety of Samuel Butler (the author of Erewhon).
The conferencier of a silken skein, he drew an audience like a
magnet, but he ridiculed English ideas of a " sport " and a
" gentleman," his unpopularity flaring in 1914 in a tract called
Common Sense and the War. To him a typical Englishman was a
wildly absurd and enthusiastic fellow (Nelson); Wellington, a
typical common-sense Irishman, was better. Church and public-
school ideas became his butts. He preferred the provocative
method to any other. From critic and quasi-novelist he became
playwright. His first play, Widowers' Houses, written in 1885,
was not produced until 1892, and then with scant success. He
followed this with The Philanderer (1893), a satire on the eman-
cipated woman, and Mrs. Warren's Profession, a treatment of
commercialized vice, which was refused performance by the
censor. Arms and the Man, a brilliant satire on military glory,
Candida (1894), The Man of Destiny (1895), a mock-heroic skit
on Napoleon, and You Never Can Tell (1896), a farcical treatment
of the New Woman, followed. These seven plays were all dis-
tinguished by their attack upon some time-honoured sham,
their reduction to reality of some pretentiously false view. Per-
haps because of their slight success as acting plays, Shaw pub-
lished them in two series, Plays Pleasant and Unpleasant (1898).
He made the prefaces to these volumes elaborate comments on
the technical and social qualities of the plays; and, further to
guide his readers, he expanded the stage directions into full
descriptions, character sketches and explanations, thus adapting
the play to a public which was accustomed to read novels. Prose
drama was once more restored to the library. The later plays
were more immediately successful on the stage, but Shaw con-
tinued to publish them as books, and, by the aid of the prefaces,
to use them as effective propaganda for his views on art, the
theatre, history and society. He attacks the illusion of history
in Caesar and Cleopatra, and of romantic morality in The Demi's
Disciple, published in Three Plays for Puritans (1900). In Man
and Superman (1903) he represents courtship as a war of the
sexes, and man as the victim of woman, who is the incarnation of
nature's purpose and the will to live. In John Bull's Other Island
(1904) he attacked English domination of Ireland, and made the
preface a powerful arraignment of military rule in Egypt. He
attacks poverty in Butlerian vein in the persons of those weak
members of society who accept it, and looks forward to their
extinction with the extension of a better race. The attitude,
called " pragmatism," of accepting as true only beliefs that will
work, is shown by his attack on the ideas of reform by punishment,
or of the improvement of society by marriage and the home.
In such volumes as Androcles and the Lion and', later, Back to
Methuselah, he conversationalizes and essayizes at the same time,
giving modern dialect the benefit wherever possible.
The psychology of the end of our period has forced us, more
or less, to isolate these four outstanding personalities, Hardy,
Barrie, Wells and Shaw, as representing the most dominant
forces of contemporary influence. But an enumeration of other
prominent living representatives of English letters in 1921 shows
that there had been no falling-off in distinction since the century
opened. A list of some 50 would find honoured veterans (Morley,
Frederic Harrison, Bryce, Trevelyan) side by side with long-
established critics in Saintsbury, Gosse, Sidney Colvin, W. P.
Ker; dramatists in Pinero and Henry Arthur Jones; and, among
the middle generation, writers of genius already fully recognized
before 1900 in Rudyard Kipling, William Watson, W. B. Yeats,
Alice Meynell and Robert Bridges. With them may be named,
in alphabetical order: Lascelles Abercrombie, Maurice Baring,
Max Beerbohm, Hilaire Belloc, Arnold Bennett, E. F. Benson,
Laurence Binyon, " George Birmingham," Augustine Birrell,
John Buchan, G. K. Chesterton, A. Clutton-Brock, A. Conan
Doyle, Joseph Conrad, W. H. Davies, Walter De La Mare, C. M.
Doughty, Oliver Elton, John Galsworthy, Charles Graves, Rider
Haggard, Maurice Hewlett, R. S. Hichens, Anthony Hope-
Hawkins, A. E. Housman, W. H. Hudson, Stephen Leacock,
Sidney Lee, W. J. Locke, E. V. Lucas, J. W. Mackail, Stephen
McKenna, Compton Mackenzie, John Masefield, George Moore,
Henry Newbolt, Alfred Noyes, Herbert Paul, A. Quiller-Couch,
Walter Raleigh, George W. Russell (" A. E."), Owen Seaman,
May Sinclair, De Vere Stacpoole, A. B. Walkley, Hugh Walpole,
Margaret Woods, Israel Zangwill.
In fiction, preeminently among literary productions, the tem-
porary displacements of popular vogue are numerous. During
1910-21, while the cult of Henry James and of Joseph Conrad had
gathered strength, the genius of Rudyard Kipling had found no
new utterance. The most characteristic writers of fiction during
this period were Wells, Arnold Bennett, Galsworthy, Compton
Mackenzie, Stephen McKenna, E. V. Lucas, W. J. Locke, W. L.
George, Hugh Walpole, Gilbert Cannan and May Sinclair. A
great change had come over the spirit of fiction and its frankness
since the days of the eminent Victorians. " Psycho-analysis "
had become its theme. Galsworthy's Dark Flower and Beyond
are almost entirely taken up with the analysis of sex-attraction;
Wells and Shaw are strangely intent upon the life-force; and
with writers like Compton Mackenzie, W. L. George, D. H.
Lawrence and Gilbert Cannan, it becomes almost an obsession.
The emancipation for which the novelists of an earlier generation
had sighed was achieved with a lack of effort that was almost
instantaneous in the 20th century.
Yet withal, the humanitarianism of Galsworthy ^.nd the dra-
matic regionalism of Arnold Bennett have formed solid enrich-
ments of the literary stock in English fiction. Note must be
taken, too, as characteristic also of the two last-named, of a fine
vein of literary epicurism in those contemporary writers to whom
style is inseparable from ideas. Among novelists who are also
essayists this has been a marked feature of the work of Hilaire
Belloc and E. V. Lucas; hardly less marked in the case of Filson
Young; most marked of all in that of George Moore, whose
Brook Kerith and Helo'ise and Abelard stand out as perhaps the
most deliberately "artistic" pieces of English composition in
the period. The epicurism of George Moore is even more
definitely embodied in those intimate records of his Irish literary
associations (Hail and Farewell: Ane; Salve; Vale) which may
well be, to a later generation, more interesting than anything
in his fiction. Nor from this selection of contemporary epicures
in style can reference be omitted to the writings of Max Beer-
bohm (Works; More; Yet Again; A Christmas Garland; And
Even Now) an ironist of delightful fastidiousness.
England is proud of her ironists. When Samuel Butler, the
author of Erewhon, died in 1902, his views were set forth in the
posthumous novel, The Way of All Flesh, one of the seminal
satires of to-day. In his union of logic with irony Butler belongs
with Huxley and Matthew Arnold, as he is their peer in the mas-
tery of a superbly clear and idiomatic English style. He differs
from them in that he possessed also a certain gnome-like impu-
dence of fancy, which led him into strange ambiguities and throws
a veil of seeming irresponsibility over much of his writing.
Outside fiction, it is remarkable how much of the wealth of
English belles leltres has revolved round historical biography and
world history, as systematized in great men and "heroes." The
conclusion of Swift that history was formed by the essence of
innumerable biographies may indeed seem to have been demon-
strated in recent years by the production in England of the
Dictionary of National Biography and by such individual cases as
ENGLISH LITERATURE
G. E. Buckle's completion of the Life of Disraeli; while Lytton
Strachey's re-readings in biography (Eminent Victorians and
Queen Victoria) have added a new interest to its study.
In tracing the contemporary developments of English poetry,
it has been said that the " aesthetic " movement of the 'nine-
ties came more or less definitely to fill the void caused by the
ebb-tide of Tennyson, Browning, Rossetti and Morris. Swin-
burne and Meredith, Bridges and William Watson, may be
added to these names of poets already established by the end
of the ipth century. In 1855, when Tennyson was crowned by
the young men of England at the Sheldonian, poetry was " the
thing," and this was due to Tennyson. Tennyson had, indeed,
invented a new poetry, a new poetic English; every piece that
he wrote was a conquest of a new region. The early attitude of
Morris to Tennyson is described by Morris's biographer as
defiant adoration. He perceived his limitations, however, in a
manner remarkable for a man of twenty or so. Sir Galahad
made too much noise and was not nearly mediaeval enough for
him. The rise and reign of the Browningesque and the pic-
turesque followed the decay of Victorianism as a purely decora-
tive art. Then came the rise and decline of the aesthetic philoso-
phy in the 'nineties, with the introduction of the muscular
influence of Henley, Kipling, Davidson, Henry Newbolt, and,
still more recently, Masefield, to whom have been added all
those included among the Georgians. And yet there is no abrupt
period of severance. A Shropshire Lad, written when A. E.
Housman (b.iSsg) was little more than thirty, is not the most
easy of modern verse, but is still the best-loved when it is most
read. Rt>bert Bridges' early poems include lyrics which are
among the most perfect work, in magic of cadence or in formal
prosody, since Carew, Wither and Herrick.
The conspicuous poets among the Georgians are not, perhaps,
of the first rank, but far more than in the last century they are
poets of democracy. They are poets of a diversity of ideas, and
are acclaimed, as often as not, for refusing imaginative idylls in
order to write of the common sights and sounds of the everyday
world in which we live. Among the new poets are included
Lascelles Abercrombie, C. M. Doughty, Sturge Moore, Belloc,
Chesterton, W. H. Davies, A. Noyes, L. Binyon, James E.
Flecker, Edward Thomas, Rupert Brooke, W. W. Gibson, Ralph
Hodgson, John Masefield, W. De La Mare, John Freeman,
Siegfried Sassoon, J. C. Squire.
In 1895 the Yellow Book sought to shock the primness of the
" eminent Victorians," as they came to be satirized. It scarcely
needed Patience or The Green Carnation to disillusion the atti-
tudinizing of A. Symons, Le Gallienne and their disciples. With
the end of the century the philosophy of the aesthetes was wear-
ing thin. The " Yea Man " and muscular Christian repudiated
this languid aestheticism (" The first duty of life is to be artifi-
cial "). But it was reinforced to some extent by the " Celtic
revival " (you could hardly obtain a more artificial adjective
than that), as represented by W. B. Yeats. Remarkable work in
the Spenserian vein was achieved by Charles Montagu Doughty
(b.i843), whose Dawn in Britain (1906) reacts against Victorian
feeling as Walpole reacted against Brunswick. These constant
reactions are typical of an over-studied literature. It needs the
architecture of Hardy to surpass it in The Dynasts. The distant
and almost planetary point of view taken in the immense poetic
dramas is contradicted most exhaustively by John Masefield
(b.i874), a " Shropshire Lad " in reality, who scorned the finished
elegiac of Housman and the minute tedium of the novel for the
Crabbe-like medium of The Everlasting Mercy (1911) and for
the counterpoise to the Celtic dialect play in The Tragedy of Nan.
Of Masefield's realistic novels in verse the best is probably
Dauber (1912). Versatile though he is, he has never completely
succeeded in developing the irony of circumstance so exactly
as Hardy; but he has drawn others into it, like Lascelles Aber-
crombie, who in Deborah (1913) achieves a fine approach to the
Miltonic drama. The change that was foreshadowed in the. un-
equal Daffodil Fields (1913) was completed by the battlefield and
the great telling of Gallipoli (1916). Thence Masefield's prose
and verse suffered a war change, and with it his writing gained in
poetry and true utterance. In August 1914 he reached a noble
elegy:
These homes, this valley spread below me here,
The rooks, the tilted stacks, the beasts in pen,
Have been the heart-felt things, past speaking dear
To unknown generations of dead men.
Of poets lost during the war, memories of their craftsmanship
is perhaps most insistent in the case of Rupert Brooke (1887-
1915) and Edward Thomas (1878-1917).
Edward Thomas, one of the little-known but most individual
of modern English poets, was born in 1878. For many years
before he turned to verse, Thomas had a considerable following as
a critic and author of travel books and biographies. Hating his
hack-work, yet unable to get free of it, he had so repressed his
creative ability that he had grown doubtful concerning his own
power. It needed something foreign to stir and animate what
was native in him. So when Robert Frost, the New England
poet, went abroad in 1912 for two years and became an intimate
friend of Thomas, the English critic began to write poetry.
Loving, like Frost, the minutiae of existence, the quaint and casual
turns of ordinary life, he caught the magic of the English country-
side in its unpoeticized quietude. Many of his poems are full of a
slow, sad contemplation of life, and reflection of its brave futility.
It is not disillusion exactly; it is rather an absence of illusion.
Poems (1917), dedicated to Robert Frost, is full of Thomas's
fidelity to little things, as unglorified as the unfreezing of the
" rock-like mud," a child's path, a list of quaint-sounding villages,
birds' nests uncovered by the autumn wind, dusty nettles the
lines glow with a deep and almost abject reverence for the soil.
In 1913 Rupert Brooke, of Grantchester, was elected a fellow
of King's College, Cambridge, aged 36. After travel and recrea-
tion he sought fresh faith and hope in the struggle. After seeing
service in Belgium (1914) he spent the following winter in a
training camp in Dorsetshire, and sailed with the British Medi-
terranean Expeditionary Force in February 1915, to take part
in the Dardanelles campaign. Brooke never reached his desti-
nation. He died of blood-poisoning at Skyros, April 23 1915.
Another poet whose early death extorted a rare eulogy from a
fellow writer, D. Goldring, was James E. Flecker (1884-1915),
a student of Andre Chenier and later of the Parnassians, whose
beatified dreams sing in the Golden Journey to Samarkand (1913)
and The Old Ship. His Burial in England Ode shows noble
evidence of a faith to which English witnesses were many.
Events in Ireland have emphasized the increased attention
devoted of late years to the Irish literary revival (see IRISH
LITERATURE). Anglo-Irish literature had its beginning in the
early days of the igth century, but it was not until about 1840
that there was a definite movement for the recreation of an
Irish culture in English. This movement was forwarded by
Thomas Davis, and 'it took its title from Davis's newspaper,
The Nation. There were many eloquent writers then in prose
and verse. Carleton, the Banims and Gerald Griffin were the
novelists of the time; Mangan, Ferguson, Davis, Walsh and
Cullinan were the poets; Mitchell and Davis were the political
and social writers. But while Davis and his group were working
for the creation of a new Irish culture, the famine of 1846-7
altered the whole life of the country. Meanwhile, from the Nation
period, when the poet Mangan worked with the scholar O'Dono-
van to produce versions of the Irish bardic poems, there had
been a close connexion between Celtic research and Anglo-Irish
poetry. The most valuable poetry written in the next forty
years came from Celtic originals or from suggestions in Celtic
originals. Sir Samuel Ferguson, who survived from the Nation
days, treated the famous " Ultonian " or " Red Branch " epic
cycle (the cycle that has the hero Cuchullain for its central
character) as Tennyson was treating the Round-Table cycle,
writing narrative or dramatic poems about the different
episodes. He translated a few of the modern folksongs, bringing
into English poetry an unfamiliar rhythm in such versions as
those of Cean Duv Deelish and Cashel of Munster, poems that
have the beauty and the spirit of the originals. Aubrey de Vere
wrote Catholic poetry, but the two poems by him that deal with
ENGLISH LITERATURE
Celtic life in Ireland, Bard Ethell and The Wedding of the Clans,
represent his strongest work. Dr. Sigerson, in his generation,
made metrical translations of Irish poetry from the 8th to the
i8th century, and his collection, Bards of the Gael and Gall, was
an important influence on the new Irish poetry.
With the 'eighties came a period of social and political conflict
in Ireland. But out of the political welter emerged the Gaelic
League. And it was this organization that henceforth provided
a soil and a shelter for the new poetry, although this new poetry
was still to be in English.
It must be said, "however, that, despite the heroic activity dis-
played during well-nigh thirty years, the Gaelic movement as
such, with its classes, societies, athletic clubs, readings and
revivals, represented in 1921 something of a provincialism, with
its future (to use a Hibernicism) rather behind it than before it.
The Gaelic School is remarkably lacking in Irish jollity. The
historic Irishman of literature, as shown by Moore, Thackeray,
Lover, Lever, " George Birmingham," Somerville and Ross, has
managed somehow to survive any modern Celtic presentment.
At no time has Irish poetry as a whole been distinctly national;
and the epithet " Celtic " is a misnomer if it be used to appro-
priate to Irish poets the characteristics of brooding melancholy,
wistful mysticism and fervent idealism. The inspiration of the
Irish poets is at least as much climatic and local as racial. It is
no depreciation of the work done by Irish writers in recent years,
aggressively self-conscious and artificial though much of it is, to
say that, even in those faculties more peculiarly attributed to the
Celt, he has never approached the depth and breadth of the
Teuton; the whole literary output of the" Celtic fringe, "so called,
sinks into insignificance in comparison with the work of the
Teuton and the Saxon.
The unbiassed observer who does not allow his vision to be
blurred by the rose-coloured haze that wraps the propaganda
literature of Sinn Fein will indeed have no hesitation in declaring
that, judged by its own aims and ideals, the Gaelic movement
has, on the whole, been a failure. Gaelic may indeed survive and
may even prosper, although the fruits of its revival as a language
are likely to remain inaccessible to all but the elect, but it can
never dominate, least of all will it be able to oust its rival, English.
The odds are too great on the other side. This does not mean,
of course, that the movement has been barren of results. It has
provided a meeting-ground for thousands of Irish men and
women who prior to 1893 seemed almost hopelessly separated by
their own local political or sectarian associations. It has helped
to bring to light again the old world of ancient Ireland from its
manuscript tomb in Irish and Continental libraries. More im-
portant than this, it has circulated the glad news that there is
indeed a native Irish literature, and an Irish tradition.
Such as it is in Irish literary circles, the group of writers which
stands for distinct contemporary ideas is of almost exactly the
generation of H. G. Wells, John Galsworthy and Arnold Bennett -
W. B. Yeats (b.i86s), George W. Russell (" A. E. "), Douglas
Hyde, Standish O'Grady, J. M. Synge and George Moore. The
linguistic and dry-as-dust part, but much also that stands for
the Irish Ireland idea that is for an Irish-speaking, -writing
and -thinking country is mainly due to Hyde and O'Grady.
But much also is due to the counter-influence of George Moore
and of J. M. Synge, the latter of whom wrote unrivalled dialect,
often poetic but often, too, rather quizzical comedy.
For a good many people, Protestant and un-Irish in speech,
the most self-conscious representative of the group, artificial
though he be, William Butler Yeats, is, nevertheless, the in-
dicating number of the Celtic revival. None of Yeats's lyric
rises perhaps to the plane of the more inspired lines of " A. E."
or the happier dialectic efforts of J. M. J5ynge, but in three poems
of his earlier period, The Wanderings of Oisin (1889), The Coun-
tess Cathleen (1892) and The Landof Heart's Desire (1894), Yeats
has conceived and written something which is peculiarly his own.
In the volume of The Wind among the Reeds (1899), Yeats
reaches his finest and most original work in shorter lyrics. Yeats's
mystical broodings of spirit lie outside the highway of poetry.
They are as unintelligible to the common mind as the arcana of
Blake. But Yeats has lived among men, and he is not guiltless
of conscious artifice where Blake would have been wholly natural.
Perhaps the most beautiful poems of the volume are " The Host
of the Air," " Into the Twilight " and " The Song of Wandering
Angus." The first-named, considered only as prosody, does not
come short of " The Lake Isle of Innisfree."
The year 1899 not only saw the publication of The Wind among
the Reeds; it found the poet busied with the workings of the Irish
Literary Theatre, and it marked a point of declination in his
lyric powers. In the Seven Woods (1903) contains no poetry as
individual as the preceding volume, though it includes the stir-
ring stanzas of " Red Hanrahan's Song," a poem which, with
splendid imagery of clouds, winds, yellow pools and "flooding
waters, breathes the love of Ireland's bare hills, bog waters and
warm soft rain. Other songs, however, suggest English and
Elizabethan rather than Celtic models. The short series of love
poems printed in The Green Helmet (1910) is metaphysical and
not very distinctive; in The Wild Swans of Coole (1919) Yeats
touches again the old melodies .skilfully, but in the mood of an
imitation of his earlier self. If not altogether with the short lyric,
with poems of a different kind Yeats has shown himself the poet
of an esoteric beauty, in a character and a manner that are all his
own. Further, the three poems already mentioned may be re-
garded as the prelude to Yeats's phase as a dramatic poet. The
first of these is in form derived from the Middle Irish dialogues
of St. Patrick and Oisin, and represents the mythical hero relating
to the saint the story of his wanderings in the paradises of pagan
mythology, and his passionate love of Niam. The most striking
characteristic of this early poem is that magical impression seldom
surpassed or even approached in the modern mythology of poetic
dream. We are caught once more in the faerie to which Huon of
Bordeaux, of the mediaevals, primitively introduced the mechan-
icals of Athens.
George W. Russell, whose work appears under the monogram
"A. E.," is, in the proper sense of the word, a mystic, though
mysticism is scarcely a characteristic of the Irish; the Irish mind
is rather intellectual than mystical. Like all mystics he is con-
tent to express a single idea. In all his volumes of verse, in
Homeward, in the Earth Breath, in the Divine Vision, he has put
into pregnant verse his all-sufficing thought. Men are the strayed
heaven-dwellers the angels who " willed in silence their own
doom," the Gods who " forgot themselves to men." Involved in
matter, now they are creating a new empire for the spirit. He has
been drawn, too, to the study of Celtic remains; the old Irish
mythology seems to him a fragment of the doctrine that was
held by the Egyptians, the Greeks and the Indians. He alludes
to the Irish divinities as if they were as well known as Zeus or
Eros or Apollo. He is the mystical poet of our civilization, and
nearly all of what the West has found in the Indian poet, Rabin-
dranath Tagore, is in the poems of " A. E."
In the 'nineties the ascendancy of the national drama of Nor-
way made a few Irish writers, W. B. Yeats, George Moore,
Edward Martyn, think of experimenting with a national theatre
for Ireland. They began by producing in Lublin, for three
successive seasons, plays written by Irish writers but presented
by English actors. The experiment closed unsuccessfully in 1901.
Meanwhile the activities of the Gaelic League and olher national
societies had produced a company of Irish players. The company
was now ready to further any experiments that Yeats, as the
leader of the Irish dramatic movement, might make. Yeats
brought into the company a writer who was to elucidate the
movement, John M. Synge (1871-1909). Synge wrote six plays
for the Irish theatre, five of which they produced, The Shadow of
the Glen, Riders to the Sea, The Well of the Saints, The Playboy
of the Western World and Deirdre of the Sorrows, the last a
powerful dramatization of the Exile of the Sons of Usnech, which
forms one of the three " Sorrows of Story Telling " and has
persisted in Irish tradition for at least a thousand years.
Amid the outpouring of new books, pointing in no special
literary direction, creative English literature at its best, viewed
from the standpoint of 1921, showed a stability of purpose,
fundamentally unaltered by the advent of new ideas. In spite
ENNEKING ENVER PASHA
of the whirlpools of Armageddon, the old Laboriositas was re-
turning to the book-world. The St. John the Baptist, moreover,
of a series of events without a parallel in human annals had been
a representative, and a very perfect one on the whole, of English
belles lettres. John Locke, Smollett, Edmund Burke, in earlier
days, had all been pointers of remarkable accuracy where mighty
events were concerned; but they have been surpassed in our own
day by George Meredith, as a forerunner of the world-upheaval.
The whole of his prose work is topical to the main end. His
greatest novel was most political and most prophetic. In mili-
tary matters he claimed none of Mr. Wells's technique nor of
Mr. Shaw's " common sense." But he had the advantage of
kno wing -something about history, and he has written more to
the point than any historian.
In May 1909 Hardy wrote memorably:
He spoke as one afoot will wind
A morning horn ere men awake.
His note was trenchant, turning kind.
He was of those whose wit can shake
And riddle to the very core
The counterfeits that time will break.
So that, when now all tongues declare
His shape unseen by his green hill,
I scarce believe he sits not there.
No matter. Further and further still
Through the world's vaporous vitiate air
His words ring on as live words will.
It is interesting to note that Thomas Hardy, Meredith's suc-
cessor in the leadership of English letters, owed the form of his
Desperate Remedies greatly, as it happened, to Meredith, the
publisher's reader. But Meredith himself, curiously enough, was
" afflicted by Hardy's twilight view of life." " Twilight view of
life " is an extraordinary charge for Meredith to bring. If Hardy
does not dwell upon happiness, something must be allowed for
temperament; he is vocal to tragedy rather than to joy. He must
not be held " unperceiving because undemonstrative." To dwell
on happiness is, simply, not his business. To Hardy the world is
very old, and the life of man is very brief. The Romans used to
think and talk in Casterbridge as men do to-day; over Egdon
Heath the generation of men pass ceaselessly and leave no trace.
Men and women are always snatching at happiness, striving to
express and to fulfil themselves, and breaking themselves against
a power that takes no heed of them. The structure of Hardy's
work, as became an architect, is unspeakably superior to Mere-
dith's; and in spite oiJude, his style is never really " obscure."
In reading the pages of Two in a Tower one is struck by the pure
beauty of the prose. And Hardy, although determinist, is never
a real pessimist. Watching from infinity, he shows human life
as futile and trivial. But when individuality is intensified and
desire exerted, as in the love of man and woman, then, despite the
hostility or indifference of the governing power, we see human
life heroically grand. There is no trace of contempt, except in
case of life's " little ironies." The charge of pessimism cannot
stand. In the normal view of passion and in the glorious view of
rustic philosophy and humour, Hardy is Shakespearean at his
best, just as Barrie, his nearest younger rival in English letters,
is Shakespearean in his eerie twilight glimpses of faerie. In their
successive preeminence the quality of English literature has been
worthily maintained. (T. SE.; H. CH.)
ENNEKING, JOHN JOSEPH (1841-1916), American painter
(see 9.647), died at Hyde Park, Mass., Nov. 17 1916.
ENVER PASHA (1881- ), leader of the Young Turks,
was of very humble origin. He was born in Abana, near the
Black Sea, where his father was a bridge-keeper and his mother
followed the despised profession of laying out the dead. His
father was Turkish, his mother Albanian, and he had a Circassian
grandmother. He entered the Turkish army as a subaltern with-
out money or influence but gained admission to the staff college
at Constantinople, and from there went to Salonika, the head-
quarters of the Young Turk movement. He fought with Bul-
garian and Greek guerrilla bands, coming meanwhile in contact
with the representatives of the new ideas, and finding in Talaat,
the minor telegraph official, a politician after his own heart.
In 1908, as aide-de-camp of Gen. Hussein Hilmi, he, with Niazi
Bey, imported the flag of revolution in the Macedonian moun-
tains, originally with the object of restoring the constitution of
1876, which had been disregarded by 'Abdul Hamid, but also to
save himself from a threatened arrest. 'Abdul Hamid professed
to yield and Enver entered Constantinople as a feted hero. But
he realized that Ms time was not yet come. He went to Berlin
as major and military attache, and there, from 1909 to 1911,
he pursued his military studies and enjoyed a social career as a
ladies' favourite. His stay was only once interrupted, when, in
1909, he hastened to Salonika, and with Mahmud Shevket under-
took a brief and victorious campaign against the reactionaries,
who hoped to regain unfettered power under "Abdul Hamid.
After taking the capital and deposing 'Abdul Hamid, Enver
returned to Berlin. Having learned to speak good German, he
took command at Benghasi in the Italo-Turkish War. He also
wrote a book called Tripoli, dealing with this period. 1 The Peace
of Lausanne brought his work in Africa to an end, and he returned
to Constantinople to find Turkey in the midst of the war with the
Balkan States. During the Dec. armistice, Enver, then a lieu-
tenant-colonel, was made chief-of-staff of the X. Army Corps, of
which he soon was virtually in command. His attempt at a
landing at Sharkoi (in the E. of the Gallipoli peninsula), on
Feb. 8 1913, miscarried, as indeed did all Enver's military enter-
prises. During the peace negotiations, when Kiamil, as Grand
Vizier, took the wise course of deferring to the wishes of the
British, Enver with his friends arrived in front of the Sublime
Porte, shot the War Minister, Nazim Pasha, turned out Kiamil,
forced himself upon the Sultan, and in collusion with the Young
Turk Committee filled all the offices with Young Turks.
The new Vizier, Mohamed Shevket, was assassinated in
June 1913, and this further enraged the Committee against the
Old Turks and the Union Liberate. The body of the state was
now purged of all elements which would not blindly carry out
the policy of the Committee. More than 1,200 officers, among
them 1 53 generals and colonels, were dismissed by Enver in one
day. Enver put himself at the head of the troops, and in July
1913 made a triumphal entry into Adrianople, which had already
been evacuated by the Bulgarians. On Jan. 3 1914 he promoted
himself major-general and made himself Minister of War.
Now began a period of hasty measures and reckless decrees.
At one time the Turkish script was altered, with the result that
officers were unable to read their reports or orders; then the
Enverie, a highly unpractical head-covering, reminiscent of a
child's paper hat, was invented and introduced; in March 1914
he demanded and obtained the hand of Princess Nadjie, the
Sultan's niece, made himself general of a division, and began,
moreover, to take thought for his financial future. When at last
he was forced to flee from Constantinople, the bridge-keeper's
son owned 320 houses in the city, and he had also acquired
interests in banks and mines.
When the World War broke out Enver began to cherish
strategical ambitions. In the winter of 1914-5 he led an entire
Turkish army in the disastrous offensive in the snow-covered
mountains on the Russo-Turkish border. With Liman von
Sanders, the chief of the German military mission, his relations
were strained, and the situation was not improved by certain
Germans who flattered Enver and intrigued against Liman von
Sanders. He became a megalomaniac to whom no one dared
. offer a word of advice. He had no share in the Dardanelles
defence, but took all the credit for it. In internal politics he
became, by degrees, the absolute r.uler of the country. When the
Turkish collapse came, he fled by way of Odessa to Germany.
In 1919 he was condemned to death at Constantinople in con-
tumaciam. In the same year, after a brief exile among friends in
Germany, he fled to "Russia. There at first he helped Denikin
to maintain the independence of the Caucasus, but when the
latter made a political approach towards the Entente, Enver
left him, stayed for a short time in Azerbaijan, and was mixed up
1 A German version was issued in 1918.
EPIDEMIOLOGY
in adventures in Asia Minor. He was reported in ig2o-2i to have
been employed at Moscow as director of the Asiatic department
in the Soviet Government, and to have posed at the Baku
Congress of Oriental Peoples as the leader of a great Socialist
movement in the middle east and north Africa.
EPIDEMIOLOGY. In recent years more study has been given
to that branch of the science of medicine which, under the name
of epidemiology, displays the general factors which operate upon
populations or aggregates and lead to the outbreak of a sick-
ness affecting several persons within a short interval of time.
The unit of the epidemiologist is a population, while the unit
of a physician is an individual.
The first scientific epidemiologist was Hippocrates, whose treatises
On Efridemics and On Airs, Waters and Places remain models of
epidemiological inquiry. In the latter work, he displayed the cor-
relation between the physique, habits of life and climatological
advantages or disadvantages of various populations and the types
of illness prevalent amongst them. In the former, by means of an
intensive study of the diseases prevailing through a series of years
in one and the same place, he established the conception of an
epidemiological type or constitution determined to a greater or less
degree by meteorological conditions. Incidentally Hippocrates
described some forms of epidemic disease, such as mumps, in terms
fully applicable to modern experience. He also recognized the
tendency of particular types of epidemic sickness to appear at a
change of season, especially near the vernal or autumnal equinox.
In treating of disease as a mass phenomenon, of epidemics, Hippoc-
rates exhibited the scientific caution and zeal for the collection of
objective data upon which to found an induction which have
rendered immortal his clinical studies. Galen, whose authority for
many centuries overshadowed that of the founder of Greek scientific
medicine, systematized the theoretical teaching of Hippocrates
but recorded few fresh observations. According to Galen, a disease
was a function of three variables: the innate or acquired constitu-
tion (crasis or temperament) of the body, disordered habits of life,
atmospheric changes (metastases). Illness became epidemic when,
some abnormal modification of the atmosphere having occurred,
the temperaments, or erases, of a sufficient number of the persons
exposed were apt to give rise to illness. He recognized the contagious
nature of certain diseases, such as ophthalmia and phthisis, but, in
his terminology, contagion was very different from what we now
understand by it. He had no notion of a vital infective principle,
a contagium vivum, but looked upon the transmission of disease
from person to person more as one now looks upon the setting into
vibration of a series of tuning-forks when their fundamental notes
are struck. None of the post -Galenical or Greek physicians or of the
Arabian writers added much to our practical knowledge of epidemi-
ology. In the i6th century, Girolamp Fracastoro (1483-1553)
clearly enunciated the principle of contagium vivum and, in the next
generation, Guillaume Baillou (1538-1616) in his Epidemiorum et
ephemeridum libri II. (first printed in 1640) resumed the plan of
actually describing the forms of illness prevalent in successive years
which was the foundation of Hippocratic epidemiology.
Neither the importance of Fracastoro's principle nor the value
of the method originated by Hippocrates and adopted by Baillou
were realized by contemporary physicians, and, although accurate
description of particular outbreaks accumulated during the IJth
century, a general science of epidemiology was still to seek.
The honour of being the second founder of scientific epidemiology
is usually assigned to Thomas Sydenham, and although this physi-
cian had no notion of the importance of Fracastoro's ideas and in his
adoption of the Hippocratic plan had been anticipated by Baillou,
the attribution is just.
To Sydenham (1624-89) belongs the credit of having realized
that the succession of diseases is not chaotic and of having attempted
to deduce from personal observations extended over more than 20
years a general doctrine of epidemiology. Sydenham's observations
are not always clearly recorded, nor were his conclusions entirely
free from inconsistencies, but his main principles were the following.
He thought that all types of disease prevalent at any one time bore
the imprint of a common " constitution " the ultimate source of
which he supposed to be indefinable telluric variations the overt
expression of the constitution was a " stationary fever," found in
different clinical settings. Hence two different specific " diseases "
prevailing during one " constitution " resembled one another more
closely than did instances of the same " disease " observed under two
different " constitutions." To this distinction he attached the great-
est importance as a practitioner of medicine: " This only, fortified
by a multitude of exact observations, I do confidently hold, that the
aforesaid species of disease, in particular the continued fevers, may
vary so enormously that you may kill your patient at the end of the
year by the method which cured sufferers at the beginning of it."
Sydenham classified his successive " constitutions " in accordance
with the clinical form of illness most usually observed under it and
closely watched the changes of symptomatic form which heralded
the emergence of a new " constitution."
Although in modern times this notion of an epidemiological suc-
cession has been a fruitful hypothesis and many of Sydenham's
predictions as to the decline of reigning diseases and their replace-
ment by others have been accurately fulfilled, his immediate in-
fluence upon epidemiological thought was much less effective than
his moulding of clinical practice. The reason is that to sift the wheat
from the chaff of his ideas required a new instrument, viz. a sta-
tistical method applied to numerical data. Neither method nor
adequate data existed at the end of the I7th century. The science of
epidemiology owes almost as much to Sydenham's contemporary, the
London draper John Graunt (1620-74), who founded vital statistics,
as to the English Hippocrates. During the i8th century some an-
nalists of sickness, especially the elder Wintringham (1689-1748),
Huxham (1692-1768), Van Swieten (1700-72) and Anton Storck
(1731-1803), provided more data on the Hippocratic model, and
practical contributions to the art of hygiene and the control of par-
ticular epidemics were made by such investigators as Lind (1716-94),
Pringle (1707-82), Monroe (1727-1802), Brocklesby (1722-97) and
Blane (17491834). Contemporaneously, a series of illustrious math-
ematicians, from Pascal to Laplace, were forging the instruments
of statistical research which in the hands of Farr were destined to
render great advances in scientific epidemiology possible. It cannot,
however, be said that the general doctrines of epidemiology were not-
ably improved or that the opinions entertained by physicians at
the beginning of the igth century differed greatly from those of
their predecessors.
During the first 30 years of the ipth century unrivalled op-
portunities were afforded for the study of particular epidemic
diseases, especially typhus and typhoid, owing to the Napoleonic
Wars and the industrial revolution with its attendant social
disorganization. A new interest in public health matters, especial-
ly in England, led to the accumulation of facts respecting the
circumstances attending the outbreak of epidemic diseases.
Before the establishment of the English General Register office
(in 1837) official reports upon epidemiological matters, particu-
larly cholera, had been furnished and the ground prepared for
the work soon to be undertaken by William Farr (1807-83).
Broadly speaking, the state of epidemiological knowledge
at the beginning of the reign of Victoria was as follows. The
contagious nature of the diseases known as zymotics was fully
recognized and the specific difference between scarlet fever and
diphtheria understood. The relation between pollution of water
supplies, cholera and certain other forms of " continued fever "
with intestinal lesions had also been perceived. Experience of
vaccination had firmly established a belief in the possibility
of immunizing mankind against one form of epidemic disease.
At least one physician, Robert Watt, of Glasgow (1774-1819),
had contributed new evidence of a statistical character in favour
of Sydenham's doctrine of epidemiological succession, while the
remarkable increase of malignity which began to characterize
scarlet fever during the third decade of the century and the
return of pandemic influenza (a disease described by many writers
in and before the i8th century) had impressed the same ideas
upon the general body of the medical profession. On the other
hand, the fundamental distinction between typhoid and typhus
fever and the epidemiological importance of the distinction had
only been realized by a few exceptional men, and statistical data
necessary for the assessment of the epidemiological factors com-
mon to groups of diseases and for the testing of epidemiological
theories were fragmentary.
The Spread of Epidemics. Modern epidemiology is based on
the collections of statistics which began half way through the
igth century, and on the associated information which was ob-
tained as to the causation and course of epidemics by careful lo-
cal inquiry into all the conditions. It is true that before this
some countries, such as Sweden, had published the figures of the
deaths from numerous infectious diseases for series of years, but
though these figures are very interesting they represent more or
less special conditions. Since about 1840, especially in Europe,
in India and America, carefully collected information exists
respecting many epidemics and epidemiological conditions.
Sufficient evidence is now available to examine any theory which
may be offered to account for the facts. Advance has been made
on a number of lines: on the modes of spread of infection; on the
theory of the course, recurrence, and size of epidemics; on the
relation of epidemics to climatic conditions and the cause of these
relations; on the knowledge of the life history of the organisms
EPIDEMIOLOGY
which cause epidemics; on the conditions of living which favour
the spread of infectious disease.
With the discovery of the organisms which cause disease and
with the careful observation in the field as to the manner in
which disease spreads from person to person, many new points of
view have emerged. It is no longer sufficient to talk vaguely
of fomites. Most diseases have their special forms of spreading
which account for practically all the cases. Thus measles and
smallpox are exceedingly infectious from person to person.
Enteric fever is nearly always carried by contaminated water or
contaminated food. Cholera is spread by water and flies. Other
diseases have been found to be practically non-infectious from
person to person unless by means of an intermediate parasite.
Thus typhus and trench fever are carried by lice, while yellow
fever and malaria require the intervention of the mosquito.
The mode of spread of some diseases, however, is still obscure.
Among these scarlet fever must be placed. While direct infection
undoubtedly takes place a satisfactory elucidation of J.he prob-
lems of its dissemination has not yet been arrived at.
For accurate thinking on infectious diseases it must be noted
that disease-producing organisms possess two qualities: one,
the power of causing the disease, and the second the power of
producing a severe attack of disease. The first may be termed
infectivity and the second virulence. These qualities must not
be confused. In point of fact they are not associated in any
constant degree. Sometimes an epidemic begins with a large
number of severe cases and sometimes the reverse. In certain
diseases the height of the epidemic seems to be associated with
severe disease, in others with that of milder type. The former
at least holds for a certain number of large epidemics of measles
of which the statistics have been investigated. The latter is the
case both in Glasgow and London in regard to the autumnal
prevalence of scarlet fever.
That an epidemic might possess a definite form capable of
calculation seems to have been advanced first by Dr. Farr.
In 1840 he graduated the decline of the great smallpox epidemic
in England to the normal curve of error, and obtained a very
close representation of the facts. He promised further discussion
but seems to have given none till 1867. In this year he returned
to the subject in connexion with the cattle plague, writing a
letter to the Daily News in which it was stated that though in
the popular conception plague was advancing with such rapidity
that all the cattle of the country might be destroyed, in
reality the force of the epidemic was spent, and that if the form
of the epidemic curve up to that point were taken as a basis of
calculation the future course could be foretold. The prediction
proved to be very near the truth.
The theory of the course of the epidemic, however, as a guide to
the solution of the problem has unfortunately not proved so fertile
as might have been hoped. Some facts are quite definite. The curve
of the epidemic is generally found to be symmetrical, the fall cor-
responding closely to the rise, though in some diseases the ascent is
more rapid than the descent, and in some the reverse. The equation
of the curve which describes the majority of epidemics, as found by
trial apart from theory, is
(-4)"
where y is the number of cases at time t, t being measured from the
centre of the epidemic. Curves closely resembling that given by the
above equation arise on a number of hypotheses of which two are
discussed. First, the organism may be assumed to possess at the
beginning of the disease a high degree of infectivity which decreases
as the epidemic goes on. If the loss of infectivity is according to
geometric law, the normal curve of error already used by Dr. Farr
is the result. It is sufficient to state that on various probable
hypotheses regarding exposure to infection, etc., the normal curve
may be so modified as to take the form found by observation.
Secondly, a similar type of curve arises if we consider an epidemic
dies out from lack of susceptible persons. It is not possible to
distinguish statistically these hypotheses from the consideration of
the epidemic form alone. In one case, however, the second hypothesis
can be tested. If the form of the epidemic be calculated by assuming
different degrees of infectivity on the part of the organism, an in-
fectivity which remains constant during the epidemic, it is found
that this curve becomes flatter and flatter the smaller the degree of
infectivity. Now with regard to plague in India among brown and
black rats living more or less in the same circumstances, it is ob-
served that many more brown rats are infected than 'black. In
such circumstances the form of the epizootic should be different in
the two species if the decline is due to lack of susceptible individuals.
As a matter of fact it is nearly identical : a fact which tells strongly
in favour of the hypothesis that the epidemic ends because of loss
of infectivity on the part of the organisms. This example would be
crucial but for the fact that the flea on which the spread of the epi-
zootic depends has a law of seasonal prevalence of its own to which
both the epizootics must conform. In many cases, however, the
only feasible explanation of the course of an epidemic is that the
organism loses the power of infecting as the epidemic proceeds. It
is impossible to suppose, for instance, with regard to the great epi-
demic of smallpox in London in 1901-2 that there were only 8,000
people susceptible, out of a population of 6,000,000. As the course
of this epidemic was typical, rising and falling in the manner found
to be characteristic, it cannot be argued that the decline was due to
the action of the health authorities ; all they can have done is to limit
the extent of the epidemic, leaving its course unchanged. It is clear,
therefore, that in circumstances like this there is some biological
factor at work as distinct from a statistical factor. It may then be
taken that epidemics in general have a particular form which is
identical in many different diseases: plague, influenza, scarlet fever,
etc. Even great differences of time dp not bring about much change,
the form of the epidemic of plague in Sydney in 1900 being nearly
identical with that in London in 1665.
The next point requiring consideration is the periodicity in the
epidemics of infectious diseases. Taking measles as an example, the
common explanation is that each epidemic ends from the exhaustion
of the number of susceptible persons, and that it is only when a new
population of susceptible children has accumulated that a further
outbreak occurs. This explanation fails to account for many of the
facts. Even after the very large epidemic of measles in Glasgow
in 1906, it was found that nearly half of the children admitted
to the fever hospitals immediately thereafter suffering from other
diseases had not suffered from measles so that there must have
been, with the high infectivity of the epidemic, plenty of sus-
ceptible material. The disease subject to the most extensive in-
quiry hitherto has been measles. Using the method of the periodo-
gram the statistics of London and all the chief towns of the British
Isles have been analyzed. It is found that in almost no case is
there only one period to be discovered. In London there are several,
the chief of which is 97 weeks. This periodicity is found over the
whole city. If the application of this mathematical method of
analysis be admitted, this coexistence of epidemics of different
periods, each appearing at its own time, seems to prove that the
termination of an outbreak of the disease is due to loss of infectivity
on the part of the organism. Periodicity in other diseases is well
known. Thus in the city of Liverpool the epidemics of scarlet
fever occurred at regular intervals of four years from 1850-78. On
one occasion alone was there an exception when the interval between
two epidemics was three years in place of four. A similar periodicity
of five years has been observed in Glasgow. There is one specially
interesting example, namely the occurrence of plague in Bombay.
In many places, such as Hong-Kong, the period between each epi-
demic is rigidly a year. In such a case the influence of the season of
the year seems a sufficient explanation. But the case of Bombay is
different. The first epidemic in 1897 had its maximum about the
4Oth day of the year. From this point until the last year for which
statistics are available (1918), the date of the maximum of the
epidemic has steadily advanced into the year, advancing about 80
days in 20 years or an average four days a year. It is difficult to
account for a phenomenon like this except as being due to some
property of the organism. The conclusion must be arrived at that
while some periodicities of disease are strictly seasonal, others are
not so, and require some further explanation.
A further important application of mathematics to epidemiology
has been made by Sir Ronald Ross in his studies on malaria. Here
the factors influencing the spread of the disease are numerous. Rain-
fall and temperature, the number of persons carrying the organism
in their blood, and the number of mosquitoes and the proximity
of the breeding-places of the mosquito to the abodes of men are all
capable of quantitative measurement, and of furnishing guidance in
the adoption of suitable administrative measures.
Climate and Weather. The relationship of epidemics to cli-
mate has received much attention in recent years, though in many
cases the cause of seasonal prevalence is elusive. Thus why
scarlet fever should be so regularly an autumnal disease is not
at all clear. On, many cases, however, much light has been
thrown. The discovery, for instance, that malaria was carried by
the mosquito elucidates the seasonal distribution of that disease.
A temperature of a certain height with associated pools of water
is necessary for the rapid development of the mosquito and also
a certain degree of temperature for the development of the
parasite in the mosquito. In the same way the zone to which
8
EPSTEIN, JACOB
sleeping sickness is limited is a narrow region in which the climate
and environment are suitable to the life history of one particular
tsetse fly. Much light has been thrown on the epidemiology of
plague by the discovery that it was carried to man from the rat
by means of the flea. Humidity is necessary for the growth of the
flea, and consequently epidemics of plague can hardly occur at
seasons of the year when it is warm and dry. Thus the epidemics
of plague in Bombay which have advanced progressively later
and later into the year now occur when the flea is no longer at
its greatest prevalence. With this change the number of cases
and deaths has greatly diminished.
The epidemics of summer diarrhoea are also obviously climatic.
The organism which causes the epidemic has not yet been dis-
covered, but there is definite evidence that the amount of the
disease is very closely associated with the summer temperature.
When in London the weekly average of the air temperature rises
above 60 F. and remains above that limit a large mortality is
the result. Some evidence exists associating the occurrence of the
disease with the presence of the house-fly, the fly carrying pu-
trefying organisms from the garbage on which it feeds; but the
presence of the fly and of diarrhoea at the same time does not
prove that they are cause and effect. Both may well be abundant
purely as, or the result of, a coincidence, the climatic conditions
favouring both in an almost equal measure. A more difficult
problem is the relation of weather to such infective diseases as
the pneumonia of childhood. This disease is clearly associated
with the winter season of the year but it does not seem specially
affected by any special class of weather in that season. In the
present state of knowledge it is in those diseases which depend
on the spread of the organism by means of parasites that the
most close association with weather has been made out.
Effect of Organisms. We now come to the question on the
relation of epidemics to the organism which causes them. Why
an organism should be capable at one time of causing a great
epidemic and at another only a few sporadic cases of a disease
has not yet been found out. That organisms do vary in the power
of infecting in this manmr is a truism to anyone who has ad-
ministered in the health departments of a large city. At one
time the merest contact with a case of smallpox, for instance,
will give rise to a large number of cases. At another time a pa-
tient suffering from smallpox may even attend in the gallery
of a theatre without giving rise to a case of infection.
In recent years, a considerable amount of evidence has accumu-
lated that an organism having found a suitable host or succession
of hosts may have its virulence unusually exalted, and if the
virulence can be exalted in this manner it is probable that some
similar conditions may give rise to a great increase in the power
of infection. At any rate, there is no doubt that in certain con-
ditions organisms become highly infective and even the best
sanitary precautions exercised in such circumstances can do little
more than limit the amount of the disease. But there are further
considerations which arise. It would seem as if at times two
series of epidemics may coincide and may even mutually in-
fluence one another so as to produce a profound joint effect. Thus
the great epidemic of influenza in the autumn of 1918 was associ-
ated with great activity of other pneumonia-producing organisms,
the result being that the death-rate was of extreme amount and
was distributed with age in a manner not found in any recent
epidemic of influenza.
Environment. While an epidemic may in many cases be
chiefly or even wholly due to the active condition of the causal
organism it is to be remembered that the vitality and environ-
ment of the persons affected must also play a part. Thus, for
instance, typhus fever introduced into a crowded slum in which
lice are plentiful will almost certainly cause considerable havoc,
but even here the havoc will be determined to a certain extent
by the season of the year. If the weather be cold the people are
crowded together on account of the demand for warmth, and
the chance of infection is increased. In addition, in the winter
food is often scarce and consequently vitality is low. If on the
other hand the invasion of the organism takes place during the
summer a large epidemic will be unlikely. But though these
factors act, yet if an organism has an exalted state of activity,
an epidemic of the disease may occur at any season of the year,
even the most unlikely. Plague, for instance, especially in tem-
perate climates, is essentially a disease of the warmer part of the
year, yet it has been known occasionally to occur in large epi-
demics in the middle of winter, while epidemics of typhus of
considerable size have been recorded in the summer time. The
great epidemic of influenza in the autumn of 1918 is a marked
example, such a season being in the extreme degree a very un-
usual one for an outbreak of this disease. What part special
susceptibility on the part of the population, due to change in
vitality, played in this case is not known. Some other influences
also act. There is some evidence that fatigue predisposes to
enteric fever, an army on the march drinking polluted water
tending to have a larger number stricken than a similarly con-
ditioned civil population. Further, it cannot be doubted that
the accumulated effect of seasons may tend to depress health
and increase susceptibility to certain diseases. The cumulative
effect of winter cold may be perhaps traced in children in re-
lation to death from whooping-cough, the average minimum
temperature in the winter preceding the maximum number of
deaths from whooping-cough by about six weeks, while the form
of the two curves is very much the same. The deaths from
whooping-cough are due very largely to broncho-pneumonia,
yet the seasonal distribution of whooping-cough is not identical
with that of the latter disease. Thus scarlet fever, being an
autumnal disease and following the hot summer, might in the
same way be ascribed to depression produced by continued hot
weather, making certain persons more susceptible to the disease.
But as scarlet fever is a disease almost absent in warm climates
this explanation can hardly be complete, and some other factor
must be necessary. None of these questions, however, have at
present been sufficiently investigated to allow any dogmatism.
Another point of importance requires special reference, and
that is the problem of " carriers," as individuals infected with a
disease and cured as regards themselves, but who yet continue
to harbour and distribute the parasite, are called. Cholera
follows the pilgrims' way, enteric fever the carrier cook, diph-
theria the carrier school-teacher.
References. The most important of the epidemiological writings
of Hippocrates are the Epidemics (Books I and 3) and the treatise on
Airs, Waters and Places, both included in the Sydenham Society's
translation (by Francis Adams) and in Littre's text (with French
translation). Galen's most important works are De Febrium
Differentiis and his comments on the Hippocratic Epidemics (both
in Kuehn's edition with Latin translation). The best edition of
Sydenham is that edited for the Sydenham Society by Greenhill.
An excellent general account of the progress of knowledge is con-
tained in Haeser's Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medizin und der
epidemischen Krankheiten, 3 vols. 3d ed. (1882). English epidemi-
ological history is fully related in Dr. Charles Creighton's History of
Epidemics in Britain, 2 vols. (1894).
Two papers by Greenwood on the " Epidemiology of Plague in
India," Journal of Hygiene, vol. x. p. 349 and vol. xi. p. 62, give
examples of modern epidemiological method, while his Report " On
the Rise, Spread, etc., of Epidemic Diseases," Internal. Congress of
Medicine, Sec. xviii., London 1913, gives a full study with literature.
Two papers by John Brownlee discussing " Theory of Epidemiology
in Relation to Plague " (Proc. Roy. Soc. Med. 1918, vol. xi., p. 86)
and the " Periodicities of Epidemics of Measles " (Proc. Roy. Soc.
Med. 1919, vol. xii., p. 77) give an account of the statistical and
mathematical methods which may be used. Ross's Prevention of
Malaria and Boyce's Yellow Fever and its Prevention discuss theory
and practice in all their forms. (J. BRO. ; M. G.*)
EPSTEIN, JACOB (1880- ), Anglo-Russian sculptor, was
born at New York Nov. 10 1880, of Russian- Polish parents. He
was educated in Paris and settled in England in 1904. He first
came prominently into public notice in 1907, when he received
a commission for executing 18 figures to decorate the new build-
ings of the British Medical Association in the Strand. His work
was violently attacked, and led to a prolonged newspaper con-
troversy, and in 1909 he produced designs for the tomb of Oscar
Wilde at Pere Lachaise, Paris, which considerably shocked
French taste. His other work includes the decoration of Church
Square, Pretoria, and a number of portrait busts, amongst
others those of Lady Gregory and Miss Iris Tree.
ERITREA ERZBERGER
ERITREA (see 9.745). Surveys made since the settlement
of the Danakil frontier with Abyssinia in 1908 gave the colony
an area of about 45,800 sq. miles. Proposals made in 1915 that
Kassala should be transferred to Eritrea from the Anglo-Egyp-
tian Sudan and Jubuti ceded to the colony by France were not
entertained (see AFRICA, History).
No complete census had been taken up to 1921, when the pop.
was roughly estimated at 350,000, including 115,000 Abyssinians.
Europeans, apart from soldiers, numbered about 4,000, mostly
Italians; next in importance came the Greek community.
Asmara (pop. 15,000 including 2,000 Europeans), rebuilt since
the Italian occupation, possesses several fine buildings and is the
seat of Government; Massawa, the chief port, had some 4,000
inhabitants, including about 400 Europeans and 500 Asiatics
(Arabs and Indians). Massawa is in wireless telegraphic com-
munication with the Italian station at Coltano, near Pisa, and
with Mukdishu, Italian Somaliland. For local Government pur-
poses Eritrea is divided into eight " commissariats," but certain
regions, such as the sultanate of Raheita and other parts of the
Danakil country, are not directly controlled by Italy. At the
head of the administration is a civil governor, responsible to
the Minister for the Colonies.
The chief concern of the authorities in the period 1910-21 was
the development of the resources of the country and of the
transit trade with northern and central Abyssinia and with the
Sudan. Efforts to settle large numbers of Italians in the high-
lands were abandoned. That region, the only part of Eritrea
where Europeans could live permanently, was already largely
occupied by Abyssinian agriculturists. While development was
hindered by lack of adequate means of transport and the dis-
inclination of Italian capitalists to invest money in the colony
(foreign capital was not sought), progress was made. The rail-
way, State owned, from Massawa to Asmara, 75 m. long, was
completed in 1912; it rises to 7,700 ft., the altitude of Asmara.
A further section of the railway was opened in Dec. 1914, and
in 1915 a loan of 800,000 to be spread over five years was
authorized by the Italian Treasury to complete the line via
Keren to Agordat 184 m. from Massawa and on the main
caravan route to Kassala. The route to Adowa (Adua) , N. Abys-
sinia, was improved, and from the port of Assab, on the Danakil
coast, a good road was built to the frontier at Ela, whence a
caravan route goes to central Abyssinia.
The Asmara-Agordat railway opened up the Khor Baraka dis-
trict, where the cultivation of cotton was successfully undertaken
by an Italian company. Cotton was also grown in the river Gash
(Mareb) area and irrigation work began in 1915. It was estimated
that 140,000 ac. were suitable for cotton-growing. Ginning mills
were erected at Agordat and Massawa.
An industry which made considerable progress was that in vege-
table ivory the collection of nuts from the dum palm, which grows
on the banks of the Baraka, the lower Mareb and other regions.
The exports rose in 1917 to 10,000 tons, valued at over 1,000,000 lire.
Salt deposits were worked in the neighbourhood of Massawa and
in the Danakil country. In 1917-8 a Decauville line was built from
Fatima harbour, 76 m. S. of Massawa, to serve the Dalol potash
mine, which lies 10 m. within the Abyssinian border. The Decau-
ville line, 46 m. long, stopped at the frontier. Stock-raising remained,
however, the principal occupation of the people, and skins and hides
the most valuable export. Salt, dum nuts and mother-of-pearl are
the chief other exports. Cotton goods and dura (Indian millet)
are the chief imports. The value of imports at Massawa rose from
17,160,000 lire in 1911 to 47,591,000 in 1917, and was 103,811,000
lire in 1918 (the result of inflated prices). Exports increased from
8,818,000 lire in 1911 to 21,660,000 in 1917 and were valued at
85,254,000 in 1918. The value of transit trade was returned at
3,351,000 lire in 191 1, 5,845,000 lire in 1915, 2,498,000 lire in 1917
and 5,415,000 lire in 1918. Many of the goods classed as exports of
the colony were however reexports from Abyssinia or the Sudan.
The value of the internal trade with Abyssinia was unascertained,
that with the Sudan reached a value of about 100,000 in 1918^-9.
Oversea trade is mainly with Italy, Aden and India. The shipping
which entered Massawa in 1911 had a total tonnage of 206,000, in
1915 the tonnage was 356,000, in 1918 it had fallen to 103,000 tons.
There was (1919) a military force 12,000 strong (3,000 Europeans,
9,000 Abyssinians). Eritrea also supplied battalions for Tripoli,
Cyrenaica, and Italian Somaliland. Eritrean troops served with dis-
tinction in the hostilities in Tripoli, 1911-4, and in the World War.
Up to 1921 Eritrea had not become self-supporting, though be-
tween 1915 and 1920 revenue raised in the colony doubled. For
1920-1 ordinary revenue was estimated at 10,132,000 lire, civil
expenditure at 12,049,000 lire and military expenditure at 3,857,000
lire. The Italian Treasury made a grant of 6,650,000 lire. Signer'
(afterwards Marquis) G. Cerrina Feroni, who had served in the
colony for several years, was in 1919 appointed governor.
See Tommaso Tittoni, Italy's Foreign and Colonial Policy (Eng-
lish trans. 1914) ; Eritrea, a British official handbook, with bibli-
ography (1920) ; the Rivista Coloniale and the Bollettino of the Ital-
ian Geographical Society. (F. R. C.)
ERNLE, ROWLAND EDMUND PROTHERO, IST BARON (1852-
), British agriculturist and politician, was born at Clifton-
on-Teme Sept. 6 1852, the third son of the Rev. Canon Prothero,
rector of Whippingham, Isle of Wight. He was educated at
Marlborough and Balliol College, Oxford, where he took his
degree in 1875, subsequently being elected to an All Souls fellow-
ship. He remained at Oxford for some years as a fellow and tutor,
and became well known as an authority upon agriculture. From
1883 to 1884 he was university proctor, and in 1894 became editor
of the Quarterly Review, retaining this post till 1899. In 1898
Mr. Prothero became chief agent to the Duke of Bedford, and
in this capacity his experience on agricultural questions was much
extended. In 1910 he unsuccessfully contested the Biggies-
wade division of Beds, as a Unionist. In 1913 he was a member
of the royal commission on railways, and in 1914 was elected
member for Oxford University. He sat on the departmental com-
mittees on the home production of food (1914) and the increased
price of commodities (1915), and in 1916, on the formation of
Mr. Lloyd George's Government, became president of the Board
of Agriculture. He resigned his office in 1919 and was raised to
the peerage. Lord Ernie published Pioneers and Progress of
English Farming (1887), and English Farming, Past and Present
(1912); besides the Life and Correspondence of Dean Stanley
(1893); Letters of Edward Gibbon (1896); a Memoir of Prince
Henry of Battenberg (privately printed, 1897); Letters and
Journals of Lord Byron (1898-1901) and Letters of Richard Ford
(1905). His Psalms in Human Life (1903; enlarged 1913),
tracing the influence of the Psalter on the notable men of suc-
ceeding generations, had a great popular success.
ERZBERGER, MATTHIAS (1875-1921), German politician,
was born Sept. 20 1875 at Buttenhausen in Wurttemberg. He
began life as a national school-teacher and in 1896 became a
member of the staff of the Deutsches Volksblatt at Stuttgart.
In 1903 he was elected as a representative of the Catholic Centre
party in the Reichstag, and soon, by virtue of his unusually varied
activities, took a leading position in the parliamentary party.
He occupied himself in particular with colonial questions. During
the World War, although he had at first put forward in letters to
leading military authorities, since published, extravagant plans
for the German annexations, he soon became a most active agent
in attempts to draw the Allies into negotiations for peace. He was
the real author of the so-called Peace Resolutions adopted by the
Reichstag July 17 1917. He likewise employed his relations with
the Austrian Imperial Court in order to work for an early con-
clusion of peace. In Oct. 1918 he entered the Government as a
Secretary of State after he had contributed to bring about the
fall of Bethmann-Hollweg. Entrusted with the task of conducting
the negotiations for the conclusion of the Armistice, he signed
(Nov. 1918) the Armistice agreement in the saloon railway
carriage of Marshal Foch in the Forest of Compiegne. After
the elections for the National Assembly he entered the new
Government of the German Republic in Aug. 1919 and was
appointed Finance Minister of the Reich. In the National
Assembly he succeeded in forcing through the new measures of
taxation, notwithstanding the vigorous attacks made upon him
by the Right. He set himself in particularly sharp opposition
to the German National party (the old Conservatives), on
whom he laid the responsibility for the World War; the result
was a personal dispute with the leader of the Nationalists, the
former Secretary of State for the Treasury, Dr. Helfferich,
and Erzberger was ultimately compelled to bring an action
against Dr. Helfferich for slander. The action resulted in
Helfferich's being condemned to pay a small fine (the German,
law does not admit of any damages or penalties for slander);
10
ESHER ESTHONIA
the court, however, 5n its judgment took the line that Helfferich's
.allegations regarding Erzberger's corrupt business practices
and untruthful statements on the part of Erzberger were justified.
Erzberger was consequently compelled by his party to resign
his ministerial office. During the case an attempt was made
upon his life as he was leaving the court by a youth who had been
brought up under reactionary influences. He was rather serious-
ly wounded by the bullet from the assassin's pistol. Erzberger
was once more returned to the Reichstag at the general election
of Jan. 1 020, but in accordance with the wish of his party ab-
stained from immediate participation in politics, as proceedings
had been instituted against him on a charge of evading taxation.
In 1920 he published a memorandum endeavouring to justify his
policy during the war, and he followed it with interesting
disclosures regarding the attitude of the Vatican in 1917 and the
mission of the papal legate in Munich, Pacelli, to Berlin. Erz-
berger's power in German politics was based upon his great in-
fluence with the Catholic working classes in the Rhineland and
Westphalia, in central Germany and in Silesia. In the industrial
regions of these districts the Catholic workmen were organized
in their own trade unions on lines of very advanced social policy,
and Erzberger became the leading exponent of their views in the
Reichstag and on public platforms. On the other hand, he in-
curred the strong opposition of the conservative and landed sec-
tion of the Catholics, of some of the higher clergy like Cardinal
Archbishop Hartmann of Cologne (d. 1919) and of the Bavarian
agricultural interest as represented by the Bavarian Catholic
People's party in the Diet at Munich and in the Reichstag in
Berlin. Erzberger continued to be pursued by the relentless
animosity of the reactionary parties, the Conservatives (now
called Deutsch-N ationalen) and the National Liberals (now
styling themselves the Deutsche Volksparlci). This hostility,
which amounted to a real vendetta, was based, not so much
upon the foreign policy of its victim, his negotiation of the
Armistice terms and the decisive influence which he exercised
in securing the acceptance of the Treaty of Versailles, as upon
his financial policy both as Finance Minister in 1919 and as
the Democratic Catholic supporter and, it is said, the political
adviser of the Catholic Chancellor of the Reich, Dr. Wirth, in
the preparation in the summer of 1921 of a fresh scheme of
taxation designed to impose new burdens upon capital and upon
the prosperous landed interest. The denunciations of the Con-
servative and National Liberal press undoubtedly went beyond
the ordinary limits of party polemics. Thus the Tdgliche Rund-
schau observed, in allusion to Erzberger's personal appearance,
" he 'may be as round as a bullet, but he is not bullet-proof."
The climax of these attacks was that Erzberger was assassinated
on Aug. 26 1921 while taking a walk with. a parliamentary
colleague in a lonely part of the Black Forest near Griesbach.
The assassins, two well-dressed young men, were very generally
believed to have been at least voluntary agents of the reaction-
ary and military cliques. The assassination caused great
political excitement, and exacerbated existing party feuds.
(C. K.*; G. S.)
ESHER, REGINALD BALIOL BRETT, ZND VISCOUNT (1852-
), English politician and writer, eldest son of the ist Vis-
count Esher (see 9.768), was born in London June 30 1852. He
was educated at Eton and Trinity College, Cambridge, and after-
wards entered politics, becoming private secretary to the Mar-
quess of Harrington in 1878. From 1880 to 1885 he sat as Liberal
member for Penrhyn and Falmouth, and in the latter year un-
successfully contested Plymouth. From 1895 to 1902 he was
secretary to the Office of Works. He succeeded his father in 1899
and in 1901 was appointed deputy constable and lieutenant-
governor of Windsor Castle. In 1902 he was appointed one of the
commissioners who inquired into the conduct of the S. African
War, in 1903 he was chairman of the War Office Reconstitution
Committee, and in 1905 became a permanent member of the
Committee of Imperial Defence. From 1909 to 1913 he was
chairman of the Territorial Force Association of the county of
London. Lord Esher was selected by King Edward VII. as one
of the editors of the Letters of Queen Victoria, which appeared in
1907, and he produced The Girlhood of Queen Victoria (1912).
His other works include Footprints of Statesmen (1892); To-day
and To-morrow (1910); The Influence of King Edward (1914);
After the War (1918); and The Tragedy of Kitchener (1921).
ESMEIN, JEAN PAUL HIPPOLYTE EMMANUEL ADHEMAR
(1848-1913), French jurist, was born at Tourverac, Charente,
Feb. i 1848, In 1888 he became professor of law in the univer-
sity of Paris, and in 1904 member of the Institute of France.
His best-known works are Cours elemeniaire d'hisloire du droil
franfais (1895) and Elements de droit constitutionnel fran&is el
compare. (1903). He died July 22 1913.
ESSAD (c. 1875-1920), Turkish pasha and Albanian leader,
sprang from the rich Albanian family of the Toptani, and was
born at Elbasan. In his youth he sought and obtained the favour
of "Abdul Hamid. He entered the political service of the Sultan.
enriched himself therein, and, as was then usual, became a pasha
while still a young man. In Elbasan he played the leading politi-
cal part. When the Turkish Revolution broke out, Essad quickly
bent his steps to the new path, which seemed to him the most
promising, and was deputy for Albania in the first Turkish
Parliament. His influence over the somewhat uncertain Albanian
population, and the de'sire of the Constantinople Government
not to have so exceedingly cunning and skilful a man for their
enemy, led to his being in 1912 given the high command at
Scutari, then under siege by the Montenegrins, though he knew
almost nothing of military matters. Indeed, he never showed
himself to the troops except once, in March 1913, when he had
50 men shot for an insignificant revolt. Political antagonisms
and personal motives combined to make the town commandant,
Hasan Riza, the target of his hatred. This honourable Old
Turk was the soul of the defence of Scutari; and, in order to have
a free hand for his own secret dealings with the Montenegrins,
Essad had him assassinated on Jan. 13 1913. On April 25 Essad
took the lead in the unreal and theatrical ceremony of handing
over the fortress to Montenegro, but when the princedom of
Albania was constituted after the Balkan War, Essad became
Minister of War and also Minister of the Interior to William of
Wied, and brought his policy into close touch with that of Italy.
During the World War he was president of the Albanian dele-
gation in Paris but appeared at frequent intervals at Salonika
and on the Albanian front as a guerrilla leader. He succeeded in
bringing about the overthrow, by a so-called National Assembly
in Cusonio, of the " Provisional Government of Durazzo " which
was under Italian influence, and this National Assembly pur-
posed to proclaim Essad King of Albania. But on June 13 1920
he was killed in front of the Hotel Continental in Paris by
Aveni Rustam, an Albanian. (F. C. E.)
ESTHONIA (Eesti) was declared an independent republic on
May 19 1919. The former Russian province of Esthonia (see
9.797) was extended by the Russian law of April 12 1917 over
the four northern districts of Livonia, inhabited by Esthonians,
namely Pernau (Parnu), Fellin (Viljandi), Dorpat (Tartu, russ.
Youriev) and Verro, and the island of Osel or Ezel (Saaremaa).
The Russo-Esthonian peace treaty of Feb. 2 1920 added Narva,
parts of the Yamburg and Gdov districts of the province of
Petrograd and of the district of Pechori (Petserimaa) of the
province of Pskov. This new strategic frontier runs from 10 m.
E. of the Narova river across the Peipus lake towards Isborsk.
The western frontier bordering Latvia includes the town of Valk
ceded to Esthonia by arbitration on ethnographical grounds,
and runs in the same direction towards the Baltic Sea. Thus
Esthonia's political boundaries coincide almost completely with
the linguistic extension of the race. The area, 18,300 sq. m.,
is larger than Switzerland, Denmark or Holland. .
The population of the former province of Esthonia was esti-
mated in Jan. 1913 at 492,000; United Esthonia, as the republic
is called, has a pop. of 1,500,000 (according to Martna 1,750,000).
About 90% of the pop. belong to the Esthonian race, 4% to the
Russian and 2-4% to the German Balto-Saxons (called Baits,
Germano-Balts, in Esthonia " Saksa," who formerly numbered
21,800, 4,700 forming the nobility, 300 the clergy). There were
in Dec. 1920 about 40,000 resident foreigners, chiefly Russians.
ESTHONIA
ii
Until 1918 the Baits were economically preponderant both
in town and country. To this class belonged most of the owners
of the big estates (" Baltic barons "), the commercial magnates
and the chief traders and merchants in the larger towns, but
great changes have since taken place. During 1897-1900 the
average annual rate of increase showed a slow growth of pop.,
9-3 per 1,000 in Esthonia and 8-0 in Livonia. About 300,000
Esthonians are colonists in Russia and Siberia, having emigrated
chiefly because of the economic dependence of the landless agri-
cultural population. Before the war the birth-rate averaged 28,
the death-rate 20 per 1,000. The predominant religion is Prot-
estant, with a small number of Greek Orthodox Christians.
About 74 % of the pop. is rural, 60 % being engaged in agriculture.
This rural pop. was formerly divided into three main groups of which
the first has been suppressed, (a) large landowners with 829 estates,
(b) peasant-proprietors, a middle class (nicknamed the " grey
barons ") owning 50,961 holdings, and (c) the tenants of small allot-
ments and agricultural labourers forming about three-quarters of
the rural pop., whom it was proposed to settle partly on the estates
nationalized by the State. The economic consequences of this social
dislocation were in 1921 the problem of the day, but the race and
class hatred were so strong that these difficulties were disregarded.
The figures for 1919 supplied by the Ministry of Labour showed a
decrease of workers engaged in industry; 271 private concerns em-
ployed 15,417 workers (printing works and large business concerns
are included); the Government employed 21,006 persons (on rail-
ways, post and telegraphs, harbour works, timber industry). Of
the private industries the more important were: cotton, 3,007
workers; yarn and wool, 2,000; flax, hemp and rope, 1,200; paper,
1,232; metal and shipbuilding, 3,700; cement and bricks, 625;
tanneries, refineries and soap, 345; food production in steam mills,
starch, etc. 612; chemical (matches, gas), 820. Before the war the
cotton mill at Kraenholm near Narva with 600,000 spindles had
12,000 workers, in 1920 only 2,700; of capital invested, 45% was
Russian, 30% English and 25% German. Want of fuel and raw
material stopped work in flax spinneries, cloth works and leather
factories. In 1921 the Russo-Bntish shipyard was trying to sell its
floating dock; a new company was initiating the sugar industry and
an English firm was promoting the mechanical treatment of flax.
Foreign capital was wanted for industry as well as for the revival of
agriculture. The cooperative system takes a large share in public
educational work (theatres, libraries, museum, literary society).
The figures for 1917 were: 99 societies of mutual credit with 42,606
shareholders; 98 cooperative supply stores with 15,052 members;
12 agricultural cooperative societies with 2,018 members; 138
cooperative milk societies. A wholesale cooperative society is
preparing for large activities in timber, flax, fish, vegetables and
manufactured goods. Before the war Esthonia and northern Livonia
were almost self-supporting in regard to foodstuffs. Wheat for the
towns and sugar were supplied from Russia, while dairy products,
pigs, potatoes (spirits) were exported. It is impossible to estimate
separately the losses from war, revolution, military occupation and
the suppression of the large estates. The figures available are
conflicting. Statistics published by the Ministry of Agriculture
showed that the area of arable land and agricultural production in
1920 were approximately the same as in 1916, while critics advanced
totally different figures, and professional circles and influential
parties like the Maaliit, formerly led by K. Paetz, complained of the
ruinous influence of socialistic doctrines on economic policy. As in
the other border-states, the large number of government officials
and their corrupt methods were subjects of frequent discussion in
the daily press. There seemed no doubt that the productive capacity
of the country had been at least temporarily reduced.
Natural Resource}. The republic in 1921 owned 1,170,000 ac. of
coniferous woods and 650,000 ac. of leafy or mixed woods. Over 90 %
of this area, forming 79-2 % of the large estates, was nationalized
with the latter and is managed by the State., Together with the
concessions in Russia granted by the Peace Treaty these are expected
to rank as assets. Extensive deforesting in the course of the war for
fuel and for military purposes made serious inroads upon the forest
area. The local need of fuel has rendered exportation on a large
scale impossible. Concessions of combustible shale to a British-
Belgian company were in prospect in 1921. There is a cement
factory at Port Kunda. Near Izborsk are concessions of plaster of
Paris and at Suurup of limestone. Peat occurs in the Yupre district.
The Narova rapids are expected to develop 600,000 H.P. By Art. 33
of the Land Act of Oct. 10 1919 all natural resources of the soil are
property of the republic.
Except Baltic Port, which is to be declared a free port, all Estho-
nian seaports are icebound for some time of the year. The port of
Revel (Tallinn) depth 23-30 ft., length of quay 10,904 ft., capacity
of tonnage 55,000, warehouse area 1,333,005 sq. ft. is the most
important. The total quay length of the Esthonian harbours
(Revel, Pernau, Narva, Port Baltic, Hapsal, Arensburg, Kunda,
Loksa, Rohukula) is about 30,000 ft., and shipping of a total ton-
nage of 145,000 can be berthed. Special harbour dues, 4d. per each
gross registered ton. For the first half of 1920 the shipping which
entered Revel was 709 Esthonian ships, net tonnage 27,886; 29
German, net tonnage 18,653; 107 Finnish, 16,860 tons; 47 Swedish,
10,001 tons; Danish, 6,882 tons; 2 American, 5,055 tons; I French,
1,190 tons; British none. Total shipping 948 with 91,524 net ton-
nage. In 1913 590 steamships entered Revel with a tonnage of
477.154- Of these 192 were German, 149,362 tons; 132 Russian,
91,361 tons; 70 British, 78,138 tons.
Imports and exports for 1920 amounted, according to the Govern-
ment returns, 103,912,394 and 7,675,508 tons respectively; the total
value for the second half of 1920 in Esthonian marks (based upon the
rate of exchange i = E.mk. 270) was 703 millions for the imports, 738
millions for the exports and 961 millions for goods in transit. Never-
theless Esthonia suffered from an adverse exchange. In March 1920
i =350 E.mk., in May 1920 = 240, in May 1921 =1,075.. Imported
goods were beyond the purchasing power of the population. The
prosperity of the Baltic states is based chiefly on internal trade and
foreign trade with Russia. For 1920 Esthonia received from Great
Britain coal, petroleum, cotton and sugar, 1,142,759 tons, exporting
to her 3,531,362 tons of timber, paper, pulp, etc. Germany exported
to Esthonia 1,298,670 tons of salt, iron goods, and fertilizers, and re-
ceived 275,905 tons of potatoes. Imports from other countries were
miscellaneous and of minor importance. Esthonia exported in 1920
potatoes, spirits, timber, pulp, paper, flax, bricks and cement, and
imported flour, sugar, herrings, salted fish, salt, leather, wool, cotton,
iron, agricultural machinery, coal, petrol, fertilizers.
After the German occupation, when the Russian frontier was
closed, the factories worked with a minimum production, having no
markets ; stocks of raw material became short and all factories were
cut off from their financial bases because the Revel banks, which
were obliged to keep nearly all their deposits in Russia, were prac-
tically bankrupt. With the financial help of the German military
authorities, the factories worked for Germany and the Ukraine, but
most goods were put into stock. The first provisional Government
did much to promote industry; later, however, the Central Profes-
sional Union of Workers exercised a deleterious influence.
Origin of the Esthonian Republic. The declaration of inde-
pendence of May 19 1919 stated that " no material improve-
ment had been effected by the Russian revolution in 1917,"
that later " Esthonia was sacrificed to Germany under the
Brest-Litovsk Treaty"; that in Nov. 1918 "the Soviet ar-
mies attacked her, bringing in their train more suffering and
misery"; and that "in consideration of this the Esthonian
nation was under no obligation to respect the union with Russia."
After the fall of Tsardom the Esthonians feared anarchy more
than Russification, but after the defeat of Russia it was German
preponderance which they chiefly dreaded. They were thus
Virtually compelled to declare for independence. On April 12
1917 the Russian provisional Government accorded the enlarged
Esthonian province a representative body (Diet, " Maapaen "
or " Maanoukogu ") and the right to recall all their nationals
from the Russian colours with a view to the formation of a na-
tional defence force. On July i and Nov. 1 5 1 9 1 8 the Diet declared
its independence and rejected the proffered aid of Germany.
With the exception of their Bolshevik section, all Esthonian
political parties under the leadership of K. Paetz and others
based their policy on the defeat of Germany, although that coun-
try's power was still unbroken. The Balto-Saxons, on the con-
trary, especially the majority of the gentry, released from the
allegiance to the throne, which to most of them meant the
Russian State, decided to turn to Germany for help. Their disbelief
in the creative power of the Esthonian people at that moment
was all the more to be excused, seeing that the capital was under
the rule of Esthonian Bolsheviks, whose leader, Anwelt, was openly
preparing a reign of red terror. The marshal of the nobility,
Baron Dellingshausen, oa Jan. 28 1918 invited the Germans to
occupy Esthonia; they took Revel on Feb. 25. Over a hundred
hostages were taken by the retiring Bolsheviks; of these Dellings-
hausen was to be tried in Petrograd, whilst the majority were
transported under ghastly conditions to Siberia; through the
intervention of Germany they were, however, repatriated. On
Feb. 24 an Esthonian provisional Government was formed
(Paetz, Wilms, Poska, Larko, Kukk and others) and an indepen-
dent republic proclaimed. Germany did not recognize tliis
Government, but established a regime of military occupation
under which the Baits were made dominant; this lasted over
eight months. The German occupation widened the gulf be-
tween class and race and postponed the formation of an Estho-
nian force hostile to Germany. Still the power of the local Bol-
12
ESTHONIA
sheviks was broken, many lives were saved and thousands of
Esthonians effected their escape from Soviet Russia. England,
France and Italy, informed of the views of Esthonia, expressed
in May their readiness to grant provisional recognition to the
Esthonian National Council as a de facto independent body
(Prize case of the ss. " Kayak," Admiralty Court of Appeal,
Jan.-Feb. 1919), while the German Emperor was considering
the request initiated by the Baltic nobility (April 13) for
annexation by Germany. There could hardly have been a greater
contrast between the two sections of the Esthonian population.
The Nov. Armistice contained a clause compelling the Germans
to maintain order and law in the occupied territories of Russia,
while neither the Allies nor the local governments which came
into being had sufficient forces available to resist the advance
of the Russian red forces and the rising of the local pro-Bolshe-
viks. Even then the Esthonian National Council insisted upon
taking over all responsibility; on Nov. 14 the German representa-
tive, the Social-Democrat deputy Winnig, resigned in their favour.
On Nov. 19 an evacuation agreement was signed, which, however,
had not the expected effect of leaving the Esthonians in posses-
sion of the military stores, etc. All that was available for the
defence of the country were two units, some 600 men strong, under
Col. Weiss, of Baltic volunteers (the Baltic regiment), including
18 barons, Stackelberg in the ranks, prepared to assist in com-
bating Bolshevism. At first Gen. Laidoner, later knighted by the
King, had at his disposal this intrepid corps, besides 3, coo volun-
teers from Finland under Gen. Wetzer, enlisted by means of a
loan of 20 million mks. guaranteed by the Revel banks. The
Esthonian units in process of formation were at that moment
keener against the retiring Germans than against the Bolsheviks.
The War against Soviet Russia (Nov. 1919 to Feb. 2 1920). The
Russian red army nominally Esthonian Communists invaded
Esthonia as the German troops retired. For some weeks three-
fourths of Esthonia experienced the full measure of Bolshevik
methods. The cruelties and massacres at Dorpat (liberated
Jan. 14 1919), Narva, Vesenberg, etc., produced an anti-Bolshe-
vik feeling among the Esthonian soldiery. A Finnish loan and
war material from Great Britain helped to arrest the enemy's
advance 30 m. from Revel, and the Bolsheviks were driven out of
the country in the course of a month. But fresh forces were
threatened Latvia having become Bolshevik all along the
300 m. of land frontier. With the help of the British navy, which
in Dec. prevented the Bolshevik fleet from taking Revel, it again
became possible in May to land forces in the rear of the enemy
(Luga river) in cooperation with Russian anti-Bolshevik forces,
a cooperation which tended to grow less close towards the autumn .
The commanding town of Pskov was taken when an unexpected
incident threatening a new German danger necessitated military
operations in the direction of Riga. This town (see LATVIA) had
on May 22 been liberated by a daring raid in which a decisive
part was played by the Baltic Landeswehr under the command of
a German, Major Fletcher, one-third of which consisted of
volunteers from Germany. The advance of this force north-
wards conflicted with the views of the Entente powers. The
Esthonians detached troops and armoured trains to this new
front. Fighting began near Venden (June 2), an armistice
declared on June n was broken, and fighting continued near
Rup (June 13), followed by a victorious advance towards Riga.
According to the terms of the armistice of July 3, drawn up by
Gen. Sir H. Gough, while the Baltic section obtained an English
commander, Col. A. R. Alexander, the purely German section of
the opponents had to evacuate Riga, where the Latvian Govern-
ment of Ulmanis was reestablished. Esthonia received the thanks
of the Lettish National Assembly for the liberation of northern
Latvia, and an agreementfor mutual help the nucleus of a Baltic
federation was signed on July 20. Another incident described
as " a German conspiracy against Latvia " diverted the Estho-
nian forces from the Bolshevik front the Bermondt affair; an
arrangement made by Gen. Marsh in July for a combined ad-
vance in Sept., with the help of Bermondt's Russo-German
volunteer force, was cancelled at the instance of Latvia, and the
Esthonians had again to assist Latvia. Meanwhile, in order to
divide their enemies, the Soviet Government offered peace to
Esthonia. The North-Western Government retorted by recog-
nizing Esthonia's independence (Aug. u). A sum of $50,000,000
was advanced by the United States (Aug. 15), Russian vessels
were sunk by the English in the Kronstadt harbour, and the Estho-
nians continued to assist though half-heartedly the ineffective
offensive against Petrograd in Oct. After Sept. 12, in accordance
with a vote of the Constituent Assembly, the Esthonians pre-
pared the ground in Latvia, Lithuania and Finland for peace
negotiations with Russia. (The Dorpat Conferences, Sept. 29-
Oct. i, and Nov. 9, further developed the idea of a Baltic federa-
tion.) On Nov. 20 Gen. Yudenich handed over the command to
Gen. Laidoner, and on Nov. 26 terminated his military operations.
The Soviet army was stopped at Narva (Nov. 22) and the
Russian white army sought refuge in Esthonia. On Dec. i peace
pourparlers were resumed. On Dec. 4 hostages were exchanged
as provided in the armistice signed at Dorpat (Dec. 3). After
extensive negotiations (Krassin, later Joffe, for the Soviet Power,
J. Poska for Esthonia) a treaty of peace was signed on Feb. 2
1920, and approved by the London declaration of Feb. 24. The
chief stipulations of this treaty provided for the suppression of
all armed vessels on the Peipus lake; Russia declared herself pre-
pared to join in any future recognition of the international
neutrality of Esthonia; foreign troops were to be demobilized
(Russian white army); Russian State property devolved to
Esthonia, Russia to pay 15,000,000 gold rubles (about 1,500,-
ooo) while Esthonia was not to be held responsible for Russia's
debts (this was counter to the French point of view) ; Russia was
to return all property removed from Esthonia; Esthonia to have
the preferential right to build a railway from Revel to Moscow;
a timber concession for 2,600,000 ac.; a favoured-nation clause
and the fixing of a strategic frontier and ethnographic boundaries
in the Pechora district were included. Russia obtained the con-
cession that transit freights should in no case exceed the local
charges and that no import and transit duties should be levied
by Esthonia; further she obtained preferential rights' to the
electric power from the Narova waterfalls. Russia, anxious to
extend her outlet towards the West, offered similar advantages to
Latvia, Lithuania, Finland, the Ukraine, Georgia and Poland,
thus creating a new situation in Eastern Europe. Esthonia was
the first to become the continental market of exchange for the
trade between Western Europe and Russia (under Gukovsky,
chief of the Soviet trade delegation at Revel, which became a
centre of speculation).
Esthonian policy before and after the peace was in close touch
with Great Britain (missions of Gen. Gough, Gen. Talent, Col.
Percy Gordon) and the United States (Col. Green, Prof. Morri-
son) . Esthonia received from these countries respectively military,
financial and medical aid (e.g. against typhoid imported by
Russian refugees), as well as moral support in consolidating her
independence and in coping with the preponderance of the gentry,
the pro-German or pro-Russian reactionary barons. The prob-
lem involved in the land question deserves special attention,
being typical of the changes initiated in all the border states
(Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Rumanian Bessarabia and Georgia),
which adopted the system of appropriation by the State of all
large agricultural estates without adequate compensation, the
management of forests by the State, and the sub-division of
arable land into small holdings (decrees of Dec. 17 and Feb. 28
1918, the Land Act of Oct. 10 1919). A Constituent Assembly
was convened after the liberation of the territory on April 28.
The 120 members were divided into three leading parties: (a)
Democrats or Peasant party, a bourgeois party leader Paetz;
(i) Labour party, socialists leader Strandmann, later prime
minister, promoter of the agrarian reform; (c) Moderate Social
Democrats and Social Revolutionaries. A provisional constitutional
charter was framed on June 6 1919 and definitely adopted in an
amended form on June 15 1920 (translated into English, Baltic
Review, L., vol. i., Nos. 2 and 3). The power of the State was declared
to be "in the hands of the people" ; Esthonian was to be the official
language. Every Esthonian citizen was given the right to determine
his own nationality, the members of minority nationalities being
entitled to form corresponding autonomous institutions; where the
majority of the inhabitants were not Esthonians the local language was
EUCKEN, RUDOLF C.
recognized as the official language (this applied chiefly to Swedish,
Russian and German). The people exercise their political rights
(a) by plebiscite, (b) by their initiative in legislation, and (c) by elec-
tion to the State Assembly (Riigikogu). No law passed by this
Assembly can come into force if opposed by one-third of the legal
number of members pending a plebiscite. The State Assembly is
composed of 100 members elected for three years by universal
suffrage. The governor, i.e. the head of the State (Riigiwanem
or State Elder), acts as prime minister. The other ministers are
elected by the Assembly. They must resign on failure to obtain a
vote of confidence. The State Court of Justice is elected in the
same way, and selects the local judges for life.
The Church is separated from the State, all glebe land and
incomes based upon former public law being abolished without
compensation by the Land Act. The Minister for Foreign
Affairs, J. Poska (d. 1920), supported by the Constituent Assem-
bly, negotiated the peace with Soviet Russia and prepared the
de jure recognition of Esthonia. The decision of the Supreme
Council at Paris on this matter (Jan. 21 1921) was not adopted
by the United States. Admission to the League of Nations was
refused on Dec. 17 1920 owing to the attitude of the French
and British delegates.
The Constituent Assembly dissolved itself on Dec. 21 1920. The
State Assembly began its functions on Jan. 4 1921. Labour (22 seats)
and Social Democrats including Communists (34) formed the
majority; the remainder (44 seats) belonged to the Peasants' party,
Christian, popular party and national minorities. The Cabinet was a
Coalition ; premier, K. Paetz. Its programme reflected the problems
and tendencies of the day: (i) Estates to be divided into small hold-
ings; (2) enforcement of Land Act to harmonize with the food
problem; (3) estates managed by State officials to be either let or
divided ; (4) suitable buildings on estates to be arranged for indus-
try I (5) consolidation of internal peace; (6) de-control; (7) organiza-
tion of minorities; (8) religion to be taught in the schools if so
desired; (9) emigres to be repatriated; (10) compensation for
nationalized land to be reexamined.
At the municipal elections the Social Democrats lost a number
of seats, but on the other hand Communistic plots were sporadi-
cally referred to in the press.
The Land Problem. The division of property before the Land
Act of Oct. 1919, according to official figures for United Esthonia,
with the exclusion of the Pechori district, was as follows:
(A) Large Estates
(a) belonging to individual owners
734 manorial estates (knights' estates)
95 entailed estates (no) .
6 1 small estates
890
Total Av. incl'd'g
acreage, wasteland.
3,791,718 5-165
998,133
74456
10-507
1-286
(b) belonging to corporations
8 to the nobility corporations
101 to the Russian State
19 to the Peasant Land Bank .
3 charitable endowments
108 Church estates (glebe land) .
1 8 to townships (corporations)
(B) Small Holdings
23,023 leased farms on large estates
50,961 farms owned by the occupiers
4,864,307
109,712 13-714
851,945 8-534
168,575 8-872
20,477 6-825
133,796 1-239
. 102,376 5-688
1,386.881
Total 6,251,188
1,375,329 59-73
4.349,614 84-76
5-724,943
Of the large estates 79% (84%) was forest and 1.386,881 ac.
agricultural land. Hardly I % of the small holdings is under forest,
while 4,927,763 ac. are agricultural land.
This division of property, large and small farming being con-
ducted in independent self-contained units, proved economically
progressive. (Only some 12,000 leasehold farms in North Esthonia
were too small.) But social and political conditions as well as racial
antagonism produced a change tantamount to a social revolution,
accomplished by a coalition of the petty bourgeoisie and the prole-
tariat with a speed attributed to the danger of a spontaneous
Bolshevik move. The beginning was made by the decree of Dec. 17
1918 empowering the State to take possession of " badly managed "
estates. This was not a corn production act, nor a means of enforcing
proper cultivation ; no notice was served, no directions given to the
landlord, no default established, no arbitration admitted, no com-
pensations. The economic result was negative (as shown by the
Agricultural Conference Nov. 1918), but the measure satisfied some
aspirations, seeing that in the course of a year some 300 landlords
were dispossessed. On Feb. 28 1919 another decree promised the
division of the large estates among the soldiers and the landless
agricultural workers, and on Oct. 10 of the same year an agrarian
reform was passed by the Constituent Assembly. It was based on
13
the assumptions that the rights of the landlord were non-existent
in the cases (a) of entails, (b) of glebe land, (c) of estates seized by
Sweden after 1680 and restored to their owners by Russia according
to Art. XI. of the Nystad Treaty of 1731 (this applied to % of the
manorial estates) and (d) with regard to former waste land (peasant
land) reunited to the demesne according to the Statutes of 1849 and
1856 (about Vf, of this category of land). No compensation was
therefore to be granted in these cases. The fact that during the
German occupation the landlords were prepared to cede % of their
land for German colonization, and the desire to prevent confiscation
without order and programme as in Russia, were also of moment.
According to the Act of Oct. 10 the nationalized land fund had to
be redivided on the following lines: (a) Leased farms remained the
property of the occupier; (b) forests were to be managed by the
State (Art. XXVI.) ; (c)the manorial houses, gardens and parks became
the property of the State (Art. XXVII.) ; (d) glebe land must either be
let to church parishes or distributed to neighbouring boroughs;
(e) arable land was to be allotted in small holdings to soldiers, their
relatives and landless workers, with hereditary tenure. The former
owners were to move from their homes, only foreigners to remain in
occupation of their lands and homes, until a definite compensation
Act could be passed and the indemnity paid. The principles on
which compensation was to be calculated were laid down in the Act
(Art. XII.-XIV.) and, unless alterations should be introduced, would
lead'to the following consequences.
The valuation of the land for the former land tax was to be the
limit of the indemnity. Therefore (a) many mortgagees, banks as
well as private persons, would lose their security, although since
1864 all such charges had been duly registered. In Northern Estho-
nia mortgages of 34,352,400 rubles would be deprived of security
to the mortgagees, (b) The value of the buildings alone was insured
against fire in 449 estates for a sum of 42,544,264 rubles, while the
proposed amount of compensation for 468 estates amounted to
11,981,450 rubles. (c) In numerous estates the value of drainages
effected for the last 25 years is higher than the promised compensa-
tion for the land, (d) The rate of indemnity for live stock and imple-
ments was from 15 to 150 times lower than their market value.
Even Esthonian politicians (Toennison) appeared doubtful whether
the ruin of the landlords would prove ultimately of economic benefit
to the country, and amendments were being discussed in order to
restore confidence and improve the money market. The Ministry of
Agriculture reports concluded: " In spite of all difficulties 20,000
farms were established by spring 1920. The lack of inventory is one
great obstacle. Many of the agricultural workmen due to this have
not succeeded in becoming tenants and therefore oppose the dis-
tribution of land. A certain percentage of the new landholders will
fall out of the ranks; but the production problem is not considered
to be insolvable." An Esthonian critic (A. Busch) in a monograph
insisted that live stock and implements were deteriorating and that
not a single building had been erected since the law was passed. The
transformation of large holdings into small holdings required a new
investment of capital, which was totally lacking.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Apart from the official publications of the Estho-
nian Government quoted at length in the non-official periodicals
published in Paris and London, sources of information were scanty in
1921. The proceedings of the Paris Peace Conference were not yet
accessible. The literature on the subject is either panegyric, prop-
agandistic or detractory. Memoire sur VRsthonie presentee par la
Delegation esthonienne a la Conference de la Paix, 1919; Martna,
Memorie della Delegazione estone (Rome, 1919); in German, Die
Esten und die Estnische Frage; in French, L'Esthonie et les Esthoniens
(Paris, 1919); Revue Baltique (Paris, Sept. 1918. in progress): Estho-
nian Review^ (London, July igig-June 1920) ; Baltic Review (London,
Aug. 1920, in progress) ; Oskar Bernmann, Die Agrarfrage in Estland
(1920); Courland, Livonia and Eslhonia (handbooks prepared under
the direction of the Historical Section of the Foreign Office, 50,
London, 1920) ; Gaston Gaillard, L Allemagne et le Baltikum (1919) ;
Baron Alfons Heyking, The Baltic Probleiti (1919) ; Russian Libera-
tion Committee, The Baltic Provinces (anonym, by Baron Korff,
1919); Alexis Engelhardt, Die deutschen Ostseeprovinzen Russlands
(3rd ed., 1916). All such publications represent various points of
view. (A. M.)
EUCKEN, RUDOLF CHRISTOPH (1846- ), German philos-
opher and religious teacher (see 9.878). During the World War
Eucken, like many of his academic colleagues, took a strong line
in favour of the causes with which his country had associated
itself. After the war he became the chief leader of the new ideal-
ist movement in Germany, which obtained many adherents
among politicians as well as among sections of the general public
hitherto averse to the tendencies it represents. The representa-
tives of the main current of this movement regarded Christianity
as the culminating point of religious aspirations, but based no
hopes upon the Christian churches ever deepening the religious
consciousness. Other currents continued to identify themselves
more or less with the churches, and a common ground was found
in great assemblies of men and women of the younger generation,
EUGENE, ARCHDUKE EUGENICS
generally in the open air, where plans were discussed for strength-
ening the moral fibre of the nation in view of the overwhelming
problems arising out of Germany's political and military collapse.
After 1910 Eucken published the following works and pamphlets:
Grundlinien einer neuen Lebensanschauung (2nd ed. 1913);
Konnen wir noch Christen sein? (1911); Erkennen und Leben (1912);
Die Lebensanschauungen der grossen Denker (ioth>ed. 1912); Die
Trdger des deutschen Idealismus (1915); Mcnsch und Welt: eine
Philosophic des Lebens (1918; 2nd ed. 1920); Deutsche Freiheit: ein
Weckruf (1919); Einfuhrung in die Hauptfragen der Philosophie
(2nd ed. 1920).
EUGENE, ARCHDUKE (1863- ), Austro-Hungarian field-
marshal, was born May 21 1863 at Gross-Seelowitz in Moravia.
In his military career he had become commander of the XIV.
(Innsbruck) Corps and army inspector when, before the out-
break of the World War, considerations of health compelled
his retirement. It was only after the retreat of the Austro-
Hungarian troops from Serbia in Dec. 1914 that the Emperor
handed over to him the command of the army holding the
Danube-Save line. After the Italian declaration of war the
Archduke took over the command on the south-western front.
At the time of its greatest extension his constantly changing
area of command stretched from the Ortler to the sea. The
battles fought under his directions on the Isonzo and on the
Tirol front formed a series of successes. As a staff commander the
Archduke was associated with Gen. Alfred Krauss (born 1862
at Zara), who was also known as a writer on military subjects.
Under the new regulations concerning army commands in Jan.
1918 the Archduke received no further active command. As
Grand Master of the Teutonic Order he remained unmarried.
His unaffected character made him very popular.
EUGENICS (see 9.885*), the name coined by the late Sir Francis
Gallon (from Gk., eiryecifa, well-born), and first used by him-
in his work on Human Faculty (1883), for what he defined as the
" science of improving stock, which is by no means confined to
questions of judicious mating, but which, especially in the case
of man, takes cognizance of all influences that tend, in however
remote a degree, to giving more suitable races or strains of blood
a better chance of prevailing over the less suitable than they
otherwise would have had." The word " science " used in this
connexion is apt to be a little misleading. " Science " is used
to denote two different things; it may mean the knowledge of a
particular group of the laws of nature, or it may be used to denote
the art of applying this knowledge in order to effect a desired
object. It is clear from the context that it was in the second
sense that Galto'n intended to use the word " science, " and
therefore a shorter and perhaps less ambiguous definition of
eugenics would be " the application of our knowledge of the
laws of heredity to improving the quah'ty of the human race."
The aim of eugenics is therefore not primarily the collection
of facts, but the construction and advocacy of practical pro-
posals. The character of these proposals will of course depend
on our conception of the laws of heredity, but the study of these
kws forms the subject matter of the science of genetics. Genetics
is a department of biology; and the last word in all controversies
connected with heredity must rest with the biologist.
Like all the other laws of nature, the laws of heredity can only
be ascertained by the carrying out of carefully thought-out
experiments under standard- conditions. It thus follows that
these laws must be investigated by dealing with animals and
plants since we are not allowed to subject our fellow-beings to
experiments or to control their mating. When we deal with
human statistics we must therefore interpret them according to
the laws which we have deduced, from our standardized ex-
periments on the lower organisms, and in working with these
statistics, the help and criticism of skilled mathematicians con-
stitute invaluable aids to research, but mathematics applied to
data unsifted by the biologist are valueless.
The popular conception of the best method to improve our
race is to improve the environment, and for measures of this kind
the American investigators have adopted the term euthenics.
" All men are born free and equal, " stands in the fore-front
of the American constitution; and it is assumed that the differ-
ences between them are due to differences in up-bringing, to
their mental and material circumstances in fact. If this supposi-
tion were justified it followed that the great remedy for many
of our social ills was the extension of education, and on this
supposition the social reformers of the loth century have pro-
ceeded. Now it may be conceded that in order to bring out
the full potentialities of any organism a favourable environment
is necessary; if the soil be too dry the seed will either not germi-
nate at all or if it does germinate it will produce but a poor and
sickly plant; but all gardeners know that no amount of moisture
or manure will ever produce from seed of inferior stock the plants
which can be raised from fine varieties. If the poultry-keeper
wishes for a large egg supply he must choose the breeds of fowl
which he will keep; no matter how he feeds the inferior breeds he
will not obtain from them a good yield of eggs.
One of the first questions therefore which presents itself to the
eugenist for solution is whether the mental and moral qualities
of men are inherited according to the same laws as govern the
production of eggs by fowls. Gallon endeavoured to find an
answer to this question, but the means which he adopted were
decidedly crude. For inslance, he obtained records of what he
termed the good tempers and bad tempers of married people l
and tried to find out whal proportion of ihe children were good-
tempered or bad-tempered; and again he went through old lisls
of Ihe resulls of examinalions al Cambridge, 2 and Iried to show
that a large proportion of the sons of those who had attained
distinction in these examinations later rose to occupy imporlant
positions Ihemselves. These methods certainly did give indica-
lions that character and ability were inheriled, but they were
open to grave objections. Thus it might be said that estimates of
good temper and bad temper on the part of observers were un-
analyzed haphazard impressions incapable of accurate measure-
ment; and again, so far as the inheritance of mental ability was
concerned, it was pointed out that a boy could inherit from his
mother as strongly as from his father, and that in the case of
Cambridge scholars there were no means of ascertaining the
mental capacities of the mothers.
Since Gallon's time, however, enormous slrides have been made
in altacking the problem of accurately measuring mental ability.
The extension of compulsory educalion to all the children of the
leading nations of Europe and the standardization of the cur-
ricula of education have provided investigators of mental ability
wjlh a very large amount of material. After many years' work
and thousands of trials on the children of the elementary schools
of Paris, Drs. Simon and Binet succeeded in elaboraling a series
of tests 3 by means of which they could measure the degree
of intelligence attained by growing children. The distinclive
feature of these tests was their independence of any special lype
of inslruclion. They were so framed that, for example, a child
on atlaining ihe age of three could be reasonably expected to do
the things prescribed for a child of three, and fail to do Ihose
allolled lo a child of four. For instance :
At I year a child should recognize food.
At 2 years (i) walk; (2) obey a simple direction.
At 3 years (i) point out nose, eye and mouth; (2) repeat two
digits; (3) enumerate the objects in an engraving; (4) tell his sur-
name ; (5) repeat a sentence with six syllables.
At 4 years (i) tell whether it is a boy or a girl; (2) name a key,
knife and a penny; (3) repeat three numerals; (4) point out the
longer of two lines.
At 5 years (i) discriminate the heavier of two boxes; (2) copy a
square; (3) repeat a phrase with 10 syllables; (4) count four pennies;
(5) reconstruct a card cut diagonally into two pieces.
Similar tests were devised suitable lo the inlelligence of chil-
dren of every age up lo fifleen. Al Ihis age Ihe growth of men-
tal capacily as dislinct from attainment seems to be complete.
If a child of three could perform the tests arranged for a child
of four he was said to be advanced; if he could only perform Ihose
suilable for a child of two he was said to be backward.
1 Natural Inheritance (1889).
1 Hereditary Genius (ist ed. 1869, 2nd ed. 1892).
8 For a full account of these tests see " The Measurement of
Intelligence," by Dr. T. Simon (trans, by Dr. W. C. Sullivan), The
Eugenics Review, vol. vi., No. 4, Jan. 1915.
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
EUGENICS
This scale devised for the school children of France has been
tested in the elementary schools of Italy and of the United
States. It has been found to be right in principle, although tests
and ages require some slight adjustment when applied to children
of other races than the French.
Now when we apply these tests to the unfortunate people
denominated imbeciles and feeble-minded, we make the sur-
prising discovery that some of them, although they may live
td an advanced age, are never able to perform the tasks allotted
to a child of three and that none of them can do more than pass
the tests suitable to a child of ten. Here then is the explanation
of mental defect; it is the failure of the mind to develop further
than to a certain 'stage. The next step was to ascertain whether
or not this unfortunate character was hereditary, and the merit
of solving this, perhaps the most important of eugenic prob-
lems, must be accorded to Dr. Goddard, 1 a doctor attached to
the staff of the Vineland Institution for insane and mentally
defective children in the state of New Jersey. This institution is
a charitable one, which takes in defective children and gives them
the best education which they are capable of receiving. All the
inmates are tested on admission, and at suitable intervals after-
wards, by the Simon-Binet scales.
Now Dr. Goddard secured the services of a certain number of
educated investigators, who received a special course of training
in the institution itself and were then sent forth to investigate
the ancestry of the inmates so far as this could be accomplished.
This they did by gaining the confidence of the relatives of the
inmates, to whom the acceptance of the care of their afflicted
children by the Vineland Institution was a great boon, and who
were naturally anxious to learn about their progress and quite
ready to talk about the first appearance of what to them was an
ordinary malady. In this way the investigator was enabled to
find out whether any of the brothers or sisters of a particular
child were mentally defective, whether his parents or his grand-
parents had been similarly affected, or whether there were cir-
cumstances.pointing to some accident as the cause of the trouble.
By proceeding along these lines it was possible to draw up an
ancestral chart for each inmate of the institution. In this chart
a square indicated a male relative, a circle a female; if it appeared
that the relative was mentally defective the square or circle was
blackened if on the other hand the relative was clearly normal
a square (or circle as the case might be) with the letter N in-
scribed was placed on the chart. Where definite information
was lacking a blank square or circle was added.
The chart was revised at intervals, a fresh investigator being
employed for the research on which the revision was based.
In practically no case did renewed inquiry lead to the conclusion
that relatives formerly regarded as defective were really normal;
on the contrary, at every fresh examination more doubtful cases
resolved themselves into definitely feeble-minded ones and the
child's chart was correspondingly blackened.
The net results of Dr. Goddard's investigations were as follows.
In the case of 6,000 children a mentally defective ancestor
was ascertained; and about one-fourth of these children were
definitely feeble-minded and about one-fourth definitely normal;
the mental condition of the remainder could not be ascertained.
In the case of 1,500 children there was a definite history of an
accident which might be regarded as the cause of the mental
condition, and 804 children are classified as of " neuropathic "
ancestry, i.e. the descendants of epileptic or hysterical parents,
a condition which seems akin to feeble-mindedness. It should
be remarked that these numbers included not only the inmates
of the institution but their brothers and sisters and cousins who
were outside and many of whom were quite normal mentally.
Where both parents were mentally defective practically all the
children were feeble-minded: out of 750 such children investigated
only six were reported as normal; and considering the low grade
of sexual morality maintained by such people the parentage of
these children must be the subject of considerable doubt. In
the case of one such family, where both parents were mentally
1 H. H. Goddard, Feeble-mindedness (1914).
defective, two children out of a large number were normal but
these two were black and therefore of obvious illegitimate origin.
Where one parent was defective and the other, though normal,
had a defective ancestor, then as a rule some of the children in
the family were defective and others normal. The same results
were obtained where both parents themselves were normal
but where one of them was descended from a defective ancestor.
Now these results are in accord with the newest and best-
attested results of researches into the inheritance of certain
characters in the lower animals and in plants; the laws governing
this kind of inheritance are termed Mendelian because they
were first ascertained by Gregor Mendel, an Augustinian monk
in the middle of the igth century. Mendel's work was unnoticed
by most of his contemporaries and was only rediscovered and
confirmed by further research in 1900. Briefly the laws which
he discovered may be summarized thus:
(i) In different breeds or strains of the same species characters often
appear in pairs so that only one of the pair appears in one strain :
such characters are termed allelomorphs. (2) When two such
strains are crossed, in the first generation of hybrids only one of the
allelomorphs appears: this is termed the dominant character; the
allelomorph which fails to appear is termed the recessive character.
(3) If the first generation of hybrids be used as parents of a second
generation of hybrids, one-fourth of these will exhibit the recessive
character, and these if used to propagate a further generation will
give rise to nothing but recessives for however many generations
propagation may be carried on. (4) In cases (such as plants) where
self-fertilization is possible the three-fourths of the second hybrid
generation which exhibit the dominant character can be individually
tested as to their hereditary potentialities. It is then found that
one-third of them (i. e. one-fourth of the whole generation) give
rise to nothing but dominants, but the remainder (i.e. one-half of the
whole generation) behave as did the first generation of hybrids, i.e.
each gives rise to progeny three-fourths of which exhibit the
dominant character and one-fourth the recessive character.
These results were interpreted by Mendel as proving that the
first generation of hybrids produced two kinds of germ cells in
equal numbers, each kind bearing one of the allelomorphic
characters, and that these two kinds were mixed at random in
fertilization. Bateson and Punnett 2 later gave reasons for be-
lieving that the recessive quality of a character was due to
the fact that it was caused by the absence of something which
was present in the dominant, and that when two germ cells
united in fertilization, if one of them bore the dominant character,
that was sufficient to ensure the appearance of that character
in the resulting organism.
Menfal defect is therefore a recessive character due to the
want of something in the fertilized egg which gives rise to the
mentally defective child, something which is present in the germ
from which the healthy child originates. We now understand
why two defective parents can give rise only to defective children
and why a normal child can spring from the union of a normal
and a defective parent, and further why such a child may in turn
give rise to defective children as well as to normal ones.
The social implications of this discovery are fundamental and
far-reaching. We see at once and this is in accordance with the
experience of the Vineland authorities why all efforts to raise
the mentally defective above a certain level by education are
bound to fail. Further, we see that unless such defectives are
segregated for life and prevented from breeding they constitute
a constant source of potential poison to the race.
If we regard all children who fail to attain a greater mental age
than nine as defective, they can be conveniently arranged in
three groups, viz. (a) those who never attain a mental age of more
than three years, who are termed idiots; (V) those who never
attain a mental age of more than six years, who are termed im-
beciles ; whilst (c) those reaching mental ages of seven, eight and
nine years are termed in English law " feeble-minded," but by
the American authorities " morons " (Gk., fiupos, foolish).
Neither idiots nor imbeciles constitute a social danger since their
incapacity is so great that they are unable to support themselves
in the ordinary battle of life and must therefore be maintained
2 W. Bateson and R. C. Punnett, " A Suggestion as to the Nature
of Walnut Comb in Fowls," Proc. Camb. Phil. Soc., vol. xiii , 165. See
Mendel's Principles of Heredity, by W. Bateson (1919).
16
EUGENICS
in institutions, but morons possess sufficient intelligence to
struggle along in the lowest social grade and in the poorest-paid
employments, and it.is just these grades of society which produce
an enormous crowd of children which in former times died out
but which our philanthropists now endeavour to keep alive at
the expense of taxes levied on the better grades of society.
The gradual lowering of the grade of mental capacity in the
whole population which must result from these conditions is not
the full extent of the evil. Not only are the morons defective in
intelligence, they are also defective in self-control which is the
basis of all morality. American investigators have applied the
Simon-Binet tests in certain large American cities to the delin-
quents who appear before police-courts: and their results point
to the conclusion that a large proportion of the thieves, prostitutes
and habitual drunkards are mental defectives. In one case, to
give one example, it was found that 50% of prostitutes were
indubitably feeble-minded and this proportion was arrived at
when a large number of doubtful cases had been put down as
normal. 1 There seems to be no tendency such as Lombroso
postulated in these unfortunates to commit crime for its own
sake; their crimes are simply due to an inability to control the
tendency to the gratification of their own desires and passions,
irrespective of the consequences to others and to themselves.
Dr. Goddard points out that there are two totally different
kinds of inebriates to be met with, viz. (i) ordinary people who
have lapsed into drinking habits but who are quite capable,
if they become sufficiently frightened, of being completely cured,
and (2) morons, ready to repent with tears and to sign any pledge,
but certain within a week to plunge again into intemperance.
These conclusions which run counter to so many popular pre-
judices have naturally awakened much criticism and opposition.
It should be stated that Dr. Goddard's work has been repeated
at various places in the United States, and that similar results
have been obtained, but it is to be feared that in many cases
his extreme care and the constant repetition of his investigations
which he practised have been omitted. Hence Dr. Heron 2
and Prof. Pearson 3 have pointed out that the methods of
ascertaining the degree of mental defect were often extremely
unsatisfactory and unconvincing and Goddard's methods of
ascertaining the feeble-mindedness of the parents and other
relatives of feeble-minded children have been criticized as being
based on impressions which the investigators derived from mere
gossip. On the face of it there is much in this objection, but on
the whole Goddard's answer to it is satisfactory. He says first
that the investigators were carefully trained so that their judg-
ment could be relied on, and secondly that when different in-
vestigators examined the same case, at considerable intervals,
they arrived at concordant results. From the point of view of
students of heredity it is of far greater importance that the
inheritability of mental defect should have been established in
the carefully standardized investigations of Dr. Goddard than
that obvious blunders should have been demonstrated in many
of the parallel investigations carried out elsewhere.
A school of English social reformers of which Dr. Saleeby
has been a prominent member have endeavoured to account for
most of these cases of mental defect by the action of what they
term racial poisons. They maintain that alcohol, when drunk
in immoderate amounts, and the toxins of the venereal disease
syphilis both attack the germ cells carried in the parents' bodies
and not only tend to cause the production of diseased and de-
fective children but that these children if they survive and re-
produce likewise give rise to imperfect offspring. Now it is
conceded on all hands that the toxins of syphilis do in certain
cases penetrate the placenta, and interfere with the growth of the
1 Report of the Massachusetts Commission for the Investigation of
the White Slave Traffic so-called.
* David Heron, Mendelism and the Problem of Mental Defect:
I. A Criticism of Recent American Work, Biometric Laboratory Pub-
lications (Questions of the Day), No. 7.
* Karl Pearson and Gustav Jaederholm, Mendelism and the Prob-
lem of Mental Defect: II. The Continuity of Mental Defect, ibid.,
No. 8. Mendelism and the Problem of Mental Defect: HI. The Grad-
uated Character of Mental Defect, etc., ibid., No. 9.
embryo; nay more, that the embryo itself may become infected.
As a result horribly malformed and diseased infants are born,
but when these survive they appear to get rid of the syphilitic
infection before the completion of adolescence, and there is no
reliable evidence that their germ cells are defective or diseased.
With regard to alcohol it seems clear that immoderate in-
dulgence in alcohol about the time of conception and during
pregnancy tends to produce children with weakened constitu-
tions, but again there is little or no evidence that their germ cells
are weakened. It is true that one investigator (Stockard) 4>6
claims to have proved that by making guinea-pigs inhale the
vapour of absolute alcohol for several hours daily he succeeded
in causing them to produce weakened offspring. In these young
guinea-pigs injuries to the eyes and nervous system were promi-
nent, and these weaknesses were transmitted in increased degree
to subsequent generations without further exposure to the
influence of alcohol. The stock died out in the fourth or fifth
generation. It would, however, be exceedingly rash to general-
ize from these experiments. Pearl 6 repeated them, using the
domestic fowl instead of the guinea-pig, and found that the
chicks produced by alcoholized parents were on the whole hardier
than those whose parents were left untouched. The present
writer has repeatedly introduced large quantities of absolute
alcohol by subcutaneous injection into the bodies of white mice,
so that they passed into a state of complete insensibility, yet
even after repeated treatment of this kind they recovered and
became the parents of offspring which were apparently quite
healthy. Finally, considering the enormous extent to which
alcohol has been consumed by the British nation during the last
300 years it is obvious that if any permanent injury had been
done to the germ cells, it should be now a diseased and crippled
nation instead of a virile people such as it sufficiently proved it-
self to be in the World War of 1914-8. That the causes of mental
defect cannot be found in the alcoholism of the parents was
definitely proved by Goddard. Of 300 children born of defective
parents not alcoholic 99% were mentally defective; and of 130
children born of alcoholic defectives 985% were defective.
Mental defect must be assigned to the same cause as that
which produces other types of Mendelian recessive. It is the
common experience of all who have bred large numbers of animals
or cultivated large numbers of plants, that from time to time
Mendelian recessives turn up, and no more definite cause for
their appearance has ever been suggested than that of " accidents
of division " in the ripening germ cells. These recessives in many
cases show varying degrees of defect which closely recall the
grades of mental defect met with amongst the feeble-minded.
For instance, in the cultures of the fruit-fly Drosophila ampe-
lophila made by Prof. Morgan and his pupils various grades of
blindness have appeared. The normal pigment necessary to the
function of vision is of a dark red colour: complete albinos in which
the eyes are white frequently occur, and also various imperfect
grades of red classified by Morgan as cherry, eosin, etc. The
occurrence of these defectives in the fruit -fly is certainly not
attributable either to syphilis or to alcohol, and there is no more
reason to attribute the occurrence of mental defectives in the
human race to these causes than there is to assign these " race-
poisons " as causes of the defectives in the fruit-fly.
As the results of the inquiry into the nature of human heredity
are so startling and seem to involve such grave consequences it
is obviously the first step in eugenic endeavour to make them as
widely known as possible, so as to prepare public opinion for the
practical steps which sooner or later must be taken. With this
object the Eugenics Record Office was established in America
by the Carnegie trustees and placed under the able presidency
of Dr. Davenport. In England Sir Francis Gallon by a bequest
in his will founded a chair of Eugenic Research in University
4 C. R. Stockard and Dorothy Craig, " An Experimental Study
of the Influence of Alcohol on the Germ-Cells," Archiv fur Entwick-
lungsmechanik, vol. xxxv. (1913).
6 C. R. Stockard and George N. Papamcolaou, " Further Studies
of the Modification of Germ-Cells," Jour.Exp. Zoo/., vol. xxvi. (1918).
R. Pearl, " The Experimental Modification of Germ-cells,"
pt. .i., Jour. Exp. Zool., vol. xxii. (1917).
EUGENICS
College, London, to which his friend Prof. Karl Pearson was ap-
pointed. Prof. Pearson has established a biometrical laboratory
in which a large amount of valuable statistical work has been
accomplished and much evidence adduced bearing on such ques-
tions as the inheritability of consumption, etc. The Eugenics
Education Society, the object of which was not research but an
endeavour to make the results of research widely known, was
founded in London under the honorary presidency of Sir Francis
Gallon. Its first president was Sir James Crichton-Browne, its
second president Mr. Montagu Crackanthorpe, to whom suc-
ceeded Maj. Leonard Darwin in 1911.
The cause of eugenics owes a great debt to Maj. Darwin for
having pointed out clearly wherein fitness to survive in the
eugenic sense really consists. On this subject much confusion
has reigned not only in the minds of the general public but also
in the minds of the first enthusiasts for eugenic reform. Attention
was at first concentrated on physical health and muscular
development, and it was an easy task for opponents to point out
that the " big blonde beast " of Nietzsche was not the most de-
sirable type of man, and that men of great talent and initiative
often were so in spite of the handicaps of physical disease or
infirmity, that Caesar and Mahomet both suffered from epilepsy
and that Robert Louis Stevenson died of consumption.
As Bateson 1 has well put it: "We animals live not only
on account of but in spite of what we are." Maj. Darwin 2 has
emphasized the fact that the decisive factor in the human
struggle for existence is general ability and that, broadly speaking,
when we compare together members of the same profession the
greater the ability the greater the pay.
It is an easy task for the critic to point to individuals who
though able and virtuous have become poor, and to others who
though rich are idle and vicious, but these exceptional cases do
not detract from the generalization insisted on by Maj. Leonard
Darwin that on the whole the poor deserve to be poor and that
their ranks are continually swollen by the descent of the unfit
from the superior strata of society. It may be added that if the
rich persist in being idle and vicious then riches have a strong
tendency to disappear a fact borne witness to by the Lancashire
proverb, " It takes three generations to pass from clogs to clogs ";
further, that if the able and. virtuous poor persist in well-doing
they invariably rise to affluence in one or two generations, so
that these apparent exceptions to Maj. Darwin's generalization
have a way of righting themselves.
BIRTH CONTROL
The Dean of St. Paul's (the Rev. Dr. Inge), 3 a prominent
member of the Eugenics Education Society, has pointed out that
during the first half of the ipth century, when no free education
was provided, there were far more emergences of men of talent
and ability from the masses than during the second half when
every effort had been made to " raise the poor " by education,
sanitation and doles. Maj. Darwin has called attention to the
discovery of harmless and painless means of sterilization Ly
X-rays: so that limitation of the birth'-rate by preventing con-
ception is now easily accomplished.
Formerly the natural fecundity of all classes of society was
allowed to flow on unchecked: even under these circumstances
larger families were born to the poor than to the rich because
the poor marry early and im'providently, which is one of the
main causes of their poverty, but the greater death-rate amongst
their children prevented the poorer strata of society from in-
creasing relatively to the rich. Now, however, the rich limit their
families to a number which they can easily support, and this
number tends to become smaller and smaller as heavier taxation
is levied to provide for the survival and education of large fami-
lies of the poor. Eugenists contend that the State is in this way
deliberately cutting off its best stocks which raised it to greatness
in the past, and on the continuance of which its whole future
1 Materials for the Study of Variation (1894).
" Presidential Address to the Eugenics Education Society,"
Eugenics Review, Oct. 1914.
3 Outspoken Essays (1920).
depends. Against this whole policy the Eugenics Education
Society has raised a continuous protest and the Eugenics
Record Office of America has published a valuable series of
bulletins 4 showing the awful progeny of criminals, paupers and
lunatics that have sprung from a single worthless family during
the last ioo years, and some American states have passed some-
what hastily conceived laws designed to cause criminals and
idiots confined in state prisons to be sterilized. 6
It is indeed obvious that mere restraint of marriage will avail
little since it by no means prevents illegitimate union, and
amongst the lowest strata of society the marriage ceremony is
frequently dispensed with. The only way in which the cruel
methods of natural selection can ultimately be avoided is by the
sterilization of the unfit ; in a word, by preventing parents who
are unable properly to support the offspring which they have
already produced from producing any more. A first feeble step
in this direction may be found in the regulation which until
recently was enforced in English poorhouses, forbidding husbands
and wives to live together, but public opinion would now be
opposed to any extension of this principle: people generally
are so obsessed with the liberty of the subject that the liberty
of the depraved and worthless to pollute society by a stream of
worthless progeny has not been seriously challenged.
The reckless reproduction of the poor in England is sometimes
defended on the ground that it contributes to the population
of the British overseas dominions and so to the up-building of
the British Empire. But on closer analysis we find that this
defence will not hold. The great British dominions have very
clear conceptions about the type of immigrant whom they desire
and whom alone they will admit. They desire people of initiative
and adaptability and these are just the qualities which are
lacking in our submerged tenth. Incidentally the submerged
tenth are without the means of emigration, and the dominions
have wisely refused to accept immigrants who come to them on
" assisted passages." As things were in 1921 England was being
threatened more and more with the fate of becoming a reservoir
of the unfit, since it is the fit who both emigrate and limit their
families in accordance with their means. The Dean of St. Paul's
has pointed out that between the years 1700 and 1800 the popula-
tion of Great Britain increased by 30% but that between 1800
and 1900 it increased by no less than 300%. Statistically, there-
fore, it appears that the' British Isles are rapidly approaching a
condition of over-population, even if they have not already
attained it. What is needed is not an increase in the birth-rate
but a rigorous selection of those who are to be the parents of the
future generation. In former ages this selection was accomplished
by famine and pestilence. Ireland in 1846 had eight millions of
starving peasantry living a life little better than that of the pigs
which they housed in their cabins. The famine and emigration
in 40 years reduced the population to four millions who might
be described as thriving farmers. The Black Death in the i4th
century wiped out two-thirds of the population of England:
the following century was the most prosperous and happy time
for the agricultural labourers of England of which there is any
record. Well has it been said: " In the good old days people
died in the country as fast as they now die in the slums of cities,
and they died in the cities as fast as white people die on the coast
of Guinea." If things go on as they are such a selection will again
sooner or later be accomplished by nature; the whole purpose
of eugenic propaganda is to make clear that we are approaching
such a catastrophe; and to endeavour by humane and wise
methods to avert it; to so arrange matters by legislation that the
enterprising and provident shall be the parents of the future race
and that drunkards, wastrels and reckless shall be debarred
from handing on their vices to posterity.
See Francis Galton, Hereditary Genius (1869; 2nd ed. 1882);
Human Faculty (1883); Essays in Eugencis (Eugenics Education
4 A. H. Estabrook and C. B. Davenport, The Nam Family,
Eugenics Record Office (1912).
5 Indiana, Washington, California, Connecticut, Nevada, Iowa,
New Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Michigan, Kansas, Wis-
consin. For details see Popenoe, Applied Eugenics, pp. 191-4..
i8
EUGENIE EUROPE
Society, 1909); Edward Schuster, Eugenics (1913); W. C. D. Whet-
ham and C. D. Whetham, Introduction to' Eugenics (1912), Heredity
and Society (1912), The Family and the Nation (1909); C. B. Daven-
port, Heredity in Relation to Eugenics (191 1) ; H. H. Goddard, Feeble-
mindedness: its Causes and Consequences (1914); The Kallikak
Family: a Study in the Heredity of Feeble-mindedness (1912); A. F.
Tredgold, Mental Deficiency (Amentia) (2nd ed. 1914) ; Alfred
Binet and Th. Simon, translated by Clara Town Harrison, A
Method of Measuring the Development of the Intelligence of Young
Children (1912); Paul Popenoe and Roswell Hill Johnson, Applied
Eugenics (1920). (E. W. MACB.)
EUGENIE [MARiE-EuGENiE-lGNACE- AUGUSTINE DE MONTIJO]
(1826-1920), ex-Empress of the French (see 9.885). During the
World War she turned her home at Farnborough into a military
hospital. She followed with intense sympathy the fluctuating
fortunes of France, and lived to see the injustice of 1871 corrected
by the Treaty of Versailles. She died on July n 1920 at Madrid,
while on a visit to her nephew, the Duke of Alva. A few days
previously she had undergone an operation for cataract, and
succumbed to an attack of uraemia.
EUROPE (see 9.922). In deab'ng with the general European
situation during the years which intervened between 1909 and
the outbreak of the World War, the historian is faced with the
fact that the importance of this period lies in the conclusion.
Always there is before us the problem: was the war with which it
terminated the inevitable outcome of deep-seated causes, or was
it an avoidable result of demonstrable blunders and crimes? A
consideration of this problem makes it necessary to revert
briefly to previous events. Much which in 1910 was obscure has
been elucidated by later publications; much which was then a
conjecture or hypothesis has been verified; and much which could
then only be tentatively suggested can now be frankly said.
The Triple Alliance. The chief characteristic of the first
years of the 2oth century is the rivalry of the two political groups
into which Europe was divided. As we can now see, the establish-
ment of the Triple Entente (England, France, Russia) was a
necessary and inevitable counterweight to the Triple Alliance
(Germany, Austria and Italy) ; for this latter alliance, so long as it
stood alone, gave to Germany a preponderance upon the con-
tinent of Europe so great as to be a permanent check on the free
diplomatic activities of other states, and possibly a danger to
their independence. It is true that the original alliance between
Germany and Austria in 1879 had been a method of maintaining
peace and securing the status quo. At that time Germany under
Bismarck was, as he said, a satiated state; all that it required was
time and peace for the development of its internal resources. In
order to secure this he had built up an extraordinarily com-
plicated system of alliances and agreements. We have first the
original Austro-German Alliance of 1879, which was repeatedly re-
newed and remained in force until the outbreak of the World War.
This treaty, which was published in 1881 in an incomplete
form, bound the two empires to help each other in case it was
attacked by Russia; if either was attacked by a third Power, the
other was to observe at least a benevolent neutrality, and if
the attacking Power was supported by Russia, then to come
to the assistance of its ally. Side by side with this treaty of
mutual defence against Russia, in 1881 Germany and Austria
entered into an alliance with Russia, the chief point of which
was a mutual engagement to act together in all Balkan matters.
This treaty was renewed in 1884 for three years. It lapsed in
1887, and for it was substituted the " Reinsurance Treaty "
between Germany and Russia alone, by which each party agreed
to maintain benevolent neutrality towards the other in case of a
war with a third Power. This was not to apply in the case of a
war against Austria or France if this resulted from an attack
against one of these latter Powers by one of the parties to the
treaty. In addition, Germany recognized the rights historically
acquired by Russia in the Balkan Peninsula, and particularly the
legitimacy of her preponderant and decisive influence in Bulgaria
and in Eastern Rumelia. There was to be no modification of the
territorial status quo in the Balkans without previous agreement
and the principle of the closing of the Straits was reaffirmed.
This lapsed in 1891; Caprivi is reported to have said that it was
too complicated for him. Meanwhile, in 1882, the Triple Alliance
was arranged between Austria, Germany and Italy, the essential
point of which was that Germany and Austria were bound to
come to the assistance of Italy if she was attacked by France,
and similarly, Italy to come to the assistance of her allies if
either of them was attacked or engaged in a war with two or
more Great Powers; a special protocol stated that this treaty
could not in any case be regarded as being directed against Eng-
land. In 1883 Rumania, by a separate treaty with Austria, to
which afterwards Germany and Italy adhered, became attached
to the group, the allies binding themselves to defend Rumania if
she was attacked. The text of this'treaty was kept strictly secret;
it was a personal act of the King of Rumania, and was communi-
cated to no one except the prime minister. In 1887 the Triple
Alliance was renewed and extended, the two German Powers now
undertaking to support Italian interests in North Africa, both in
Tripoli and Morocco; these clauses included an undertaking to
support Italy in any action that she might take to safeguard her
position, even to war with France. In 1891 the third treaty of the
Triple Alliance reasserted in a strengthened form the Mediterra-
nean obligations to Italy; a very important clause (VII.) deter-
mined that every advantage, territorial or other, obtained either
by Austria or by Italy in the Balkans should be based on the
principle of reciprocal compensations.
These four Powers formed a coherent group, but to it other
states were more loosely attached. In 1887, when there were
cordial relations between the British and the German Govern-
ments, Lord Salisbury, by an exchange of notes, came to an
agreement with Italy and Austria to maintain the status quo in
all the eastern waters of the Mediterranean, while Italy under-
took to support Great Britain in Egypt; Great Britain on her
side expressing her intention to support the action of Italy in
North Africa. There was also an agreement between Italy and
Spain as to Morocco, and at this time Serbia also was attached
by a separate treaty to Austria.
We see that this very elaborate structure of treaties and
agreements was really approximating to a general European
system into which in one form or another there were brought
Austria, Italy, Rumania, Spain, Serbia, Great Britain, and even
Russia; the whole object was the isolation of France, and it
served its purpose of securing to -Germany full and peaceful
enjoyment of all that she had gained by the war of 1870-1. The
extension of this system to the Mediterranean was advantageous
to Great Britain in so far as it tended to strengthen her positipn
in Egypt. The pivot was Germany and the centre of gravity was
the German army; this it was which held the whole together. It
was a system in which Europe could acquiesce only so long as
the policy of Germany was passive; a reaction must inevitably
arise if Germany began a policy of active expansion. With the
accession of a new emperor and the resignation of Bismarck, the
Triple Alliance, while unchanged in form, acquired a new mean-
ing. The period of rest and recuperation in Germany was over,
and the new empire, conscious of its strength, began to stretch
out with great ambitions towards the other quarters of the globe.
The immense growth of German wealth, the skill with which the
mineral and agricultural resources were developed, and the
expansion of manufactures naturally led to an extension of
foreign trade. German agents, supported by German bankers,
were to be found in every part of the world; there was a great
development of maritime shipping, and this naturally led to the
acquisition of extra-European dependencies and the extension
of political interests. The first years of the new Emperor's reign
appear a tentative experiment; with the appointment of Herr
(afterwards Count and then Prince) von Billow, first as Foreign
Secretary and afterwards as Chancellor, the new tendencies
became the deliberate and conscious policy of the German
Government. It was inevitable, even with the best possible
intentions, that numerous causes of friction should arise with
other nations, and especially with Great Britain, for there was no
part of the world (except perhaps South America) in which the
expansion of German influence did not touch British interests.
Franco-Russian Alliance. Germany could embark with full
confidence on this great policy of expansion just because her
EUROPE
essential security at home was so well guarded; hers was the
only alliance on the continent. But ever since 1870 acute ob-
servers had foreseen that, some day or another, France and
Russia would join together in order to redress the balance of the
continent. This event took place in Aug. 1891. The agreement
(which was formulated in an exchange of notes) was based
on " the renewal of the Triple Alliance and the more or less
probable adhesion of Great Britain to the political views of this
alliance." It contained two clauses: one that the two Govern-
ments would agree together on any question of such a kind as to
endanger the general peace; and the other that, in case either
party was menaced by an attack, they would agree together on
the measures to be taken. Two years later, however, after long
negotiations in which many difficulties were encountered, this
was supplemented by a military convention (Dec. i8p3-Jan.
1894): if either France or Russia were attacked by Germany,
France or Russia respectively would apply all her forces to attack
Germany. If the forces of the Triple Alliance, or one of the
Powers of which it consisted, were mobilized, France and Russia
would immediately mobilize. The number of troops to be
employed was specified, and it was agreed that there should be
joint action between the general staffs and interchange of all
information relative to the armies:;pf the Triple Alliance.
But even after this there wafc little real cordiality in the
relations between Russia and France. Russia, moreover, was
occupied with Asiatic affairs, and had come to a friendly agree-
ment with Austria as to the Balkans which was confirmed by an
exchange of notes on May 8 1898. The internal dissensions
of France (it was the time of the Dreyfus trial) weakened the
influence of that country abroad. France indeed was protected
against the danger of a new attack from Germany, but received
little support from Russia in the normal discussion of diplomatic
matters. The essential change took place at the turn of the
century. Up to this period Great Britain had held aloof from
the continental system. The British occupation of Egypt had
resulted in a continued estrangement from France, and on the
whole there was a tendency towards a close understanding with
Germany and the other members of the Triple Alliance. This
understanding was now broken. The first serious differences
arose out of South African affairs. The Kriiger telegram of 1896
was a flash of lightning; no storm followed, but this and the
intense animosity against Great Britain shown during the Boer
War were symptoms that could not be neglected. By a large
party in Germany the consolidation of British power in South
Africa was regarded as the loss of a sphere which they had marked
out for German expansion. Though the matter is still extremely ob-
scure, there is no doubt that during 1898, 1899, and 1900 proposals
were discussed in every chancellery in Europe for a European
coalition against England, and the impression produced in other
countries was that such a coalition would be welcomed by
Germany. Equally important was the altered attitude of Ger-
many towards the Near East. The great and legitimate expan-
sion of German commercial and economic interests was accom-
panied by a growing cordiality with the Porte, and during his
visit to Damascus, in 1897 the German Emperor proclaimed
himself the protector of all Mahommedans throughout the
world an utterance which from anyone but him would have been
justly regarded by France and Great Britain as an unparalleled
provocation. There was also a serious conflict of interests in the
Far East. The evidence which came from many sources was
sufficient to make it obvious to every British statesman that a
continued political isolation was dangerous. England must
have friends, and friends on whom she could rely.
From 1898 to 1901 advances were repeatedly made to Germany
by Great Britain, and the project of a definite diplomatic under-
standing, nay even of a defensive alliance, was ventilated. The
suggestions were accompanied by warnings that if an arrange-
ment with Germany was not reached, then recourse would be
had to the opposed alliance. The offers were rejected; the warn-
ings disregarded. To the German Foreign Office, to Prince Billow
and to the Emperor, it was an axiom that there could be no real
friendship, as they said, " between the whale and the bear."
They feared, or professed to fear, that an alliance with England
would only mean that they would be used as a military advance
post against Russia; in the case of war the brunt of the fighting
would fall upon them, while Great Britain would gather up the
spoils in Asia. " The danger was imminent that if Germany
allied herself with England she would have to undertake the role
against Russia that Japan assumed later single-handed." They
believed that they could do better business by playing off the
rival empires against one another, by refusing to commit them-
selves either to Russia or to England, and by using the rivalry
to extend their own influence and possessions.
The German Navy. But there was another influence at work.
One of the chief tasks which the German Government had set
itself was the building of a great war fleet. It was the considered
opinion of German statesmen that, if they were to come to a
friendly diplomatic arrangement with England, this would
inevitably compel them to limit their naval development; they
affected to think that a fleet built by a Germany friendly to
England would be a fleet built under patronage and limited by
the British insistence on superiority at sea. This they did not
desire; they preferred, therefore, full freedom to build against
England, trusting that it might be possible to avoid a serious
conflict during what Prince Biilow calls the " danger period of
construction." It was indeed the new naval ambitions, more
even than the rejection of the British offer of an alliance, that
conditioned the whole European situation. After all, in 1887
Bismarck had offered an alliance to Lord Salisbury, and the
rejection of this offer did not mean any serious misunderstanding.
The building of the German fleet was an action of a very different
character. It could only be compared to the similar work by
which from 1857 onwards the Prussian army, after a period of
comparative stagnation and inefficiency, was brought up to the
highest point of perfection, and we know how this great instru-
ment of war, when perfected, was used to further Prussian
policy. There could be no doubt that the navy, when completed,
would also be used for the same object, and in fact the responsible
spokesmen of Germany took care to leave no doubt on this point.
They wanted the fleet to support their diplomacy. In the memo-
randum which accompanied the great Navy bill of 1900 this was
clearly stated. The navy must be such that, " even for the
greatest sea Power, a war with it would involve such risks as to
jeopardize its own supremacy."
It would be an error to suppose that the German Government
were deliberately looking forward to forcing a war with England.
Still more misleading to assume, as so many did in England, that
the object was an invasion. There has never been forthcoming
any evidence of any kind to justify the belief that the German
military and naval programme included the landing of a hostile
force upon England's shores. The danger was of quite a different
character, but it was none the less serious. The calculation was
that if there was a fundamental difference between British and
German policy, the possession of a great fleet would enable Ger-
many to get her way, because England might be put in such a
position that she would not dare to risk war. And what was the
kind of point on which such a difference of policy might arise?
Had the German fleet been in existence during the Boer War,
there can be no shadow of a doubt that it would have been used
to support European intervention. And again, it had become
the avowed policy of the German Emperor to use his friendship
with the Sultan as a means of winning the confidence of the
Mahommedan world, and this we have his own words for it
was an instrument which might in necessity be used to render
impossible the position of England in Egypt or to arouse difficul-
ties in Mesopotamia, in Persia, in India itself. It was the calcula-
tion that if any such controversy arose, Germany would not be
alone; if she were allied to some other Great Power which pos-
sessed a formidable navy Russia, France, Japan, or the United
States the predominance at sea, on which the very existence of
the British Empire depended, would be imperilled.
It is not necessary to enter into details of the German
fleet, nor to discuss the very complicated controversies which
constantly recurred. It is sufficient to point out the main out-
20
EUROPE
standing facts which are beyond dispute. The building of the
German fleet was governed by the Law of 1900 (that of 1898 was
purely preliminary), which was amended in 1906, 1908 and 1912.
The original Law determined that the permanent establishment
of the fleet should be 38 battleships and 20 armoured cruisers;
each ship was to be replaced once every 25 years. By this the
standard of building was finally set down. The Act of 1908
determined that battleships and cruisers were to be replaced
once every 20 years instead of 25. That of 1912 increased the
number of battleships and cruisers to 6 1 . The effect of this would
be that, when the programme was completed, Germany would
have five squadrons of battleships, of which three were to form
the active fleet, two the reserve. In order to understand the full
effect it must be remembered that the Law, though it deter-
mined the number of vessels, did not deal with their character,
size, or fighting power. When dreadnoughts and super-dread-
noughts were introduced, an old ship of (say) 10,000 tons would
be replaced by one of 25,000 to 27,000 tons with a corresponding
increase in speed and armament. Moreover, especially by the
last Law of 1912, arrangements were made for a very great
addition of smaller vessels, destroyers and submarines, and above
all for keeping the personnel of the navy at such a standard that
the whole of the fleet would be available at any time of the year.
The total effect was that there was stationed in the Baltic and in
the North Sea a fleet stronger than any other except that of
Great Britain, and larger and more powerful than the whole of
the British fleet had been 20 years before.
This menace was one which had to be met. No child could
suppose that it would not affect the whole trend of British policy.
The Germans themselves knew this well. What they feared was
that England would attack while she still enjoyed her previous
naval supremacy and before the German fleet had grown large
enough to be dangerous. But this policy of a " preventive " war
was never even seriously considered by responsible British states-
men. Their answer was the only possible one. In the first place
the British fleet must be strengthened and its whole organization
altered. A fleet, like an army, must be found in the place where it
is wanted. In the old days the North Sea had been empty of
ships; it was in the Channel, in the Mediterranean, in the
Atlantic, that the British fleet was placed. The centre of gravity
was the Straits of Gibraltar. Circumstances were now changed,
and so a great reorganization was effected by which outlying
stations were denuded of ships and the bulk of the fleet was
stationed in the North Sea.
The Mediterranean had also, however, to be guarded. Austria
was increasing her fleet, and Italy was an ally of Germany. As
early as 1900 a naval agreement (this has not been published)
had been made between the three Powers of the Triple Alliance.
To meet this danger in 1912 it was agreed by England that
France should concentrate the greater portion of her fleet in the
Mediterranean; in the event of a common war with Germany it
'would fall to the British fleet to defend the northern and western
coasts of France. In the same year a naval convention was
concluded between France and Russia; with the building of the
Kiel Canal the importance of the Baltic in naval strategy had
increased. In 1913 a further naval convention between the three
Powers of the Triple Alliance was made, and in May 1914
proposals were made for naval conversations between Russia and
Great Britain; it is to be noted that at the end of June in the same
year the enlargement of the Kiel Canal, by which the biggest
ships could pass through it, was completed.
All this was not enough. The German plan was based on the
assumption that Germany would be able to gain further allies
in addition to those she already had. England also must have
allies. Now that Germany was becoming the second naval Power,
England could no longer afford to regard with equanimity Ger-
man military predominance upon the continent of Europe, for
this might eventually mean the further weakening of France
and, whether by war or by diplomacy, German control over the
Low Countries. It might also mean the pressing down of Ger-
man influence through the Balkans into the Mediterranean. It
must never be forgotten that the acts of the Triple Alliance dealt
not only with the continent of Europe, but with the Mediter-
ranean and the shores of Africa. The success of the German
schemes required one of two things, either an alliance with other
states against England, or such increase of German preponder-
ance that they would become, for political purposes, subject to
German will. It was necessary, therefore, for England to guard
against either contingency, and she could only do so by enter-
ing into a firm understanding to join with them in resistance to
any unprovoked act of German aggression.
These considerations were so weighty that alone they are
sufficient to explain and justify the action of the British Govern-
ment. The further information which has now become available
completely substantiates them. We now know from the letters
of the Kaiser to the Tsar, which were published after the Russian
Revolution, that throughout the whole of the reign of Nicholas II.
the German Emperor had been using the strongest personal
pressure upon him to bring about an alliance between Germany
and Russia, the point of which was avowedly directed against
Great Britain, an alliance into which France would be forced to
come. This had been his policy long before the establishment of
the Entente with France; whatever the subject of the diplomatic
negotiations at the moment might be whether it was Armenia
or Crete or South Africa or Egypt, neutrality during the Russo-
Japanese War, or Morocco always we see the same ambition.
He hoped to create trouble for India by encouraging a Russian
move on Afghanistan, and for this purpose to arouse the slumber-
ing passions of Islam: " Remember what you and I agreed upon
at Peterhof, never to forget that Mahommedans were a tremen-
dous card in our game in caSe you or I were suddenly confronted
by a war with the certain meddlesome Power." He encouraged
Russia to give support to Turkey as against Great Britain in
the Persian Gulf:
" Last but not least, an excellent expedient to kill British inso-
lence and overbearing would be to make some military demonstra-
tions on the Perso- Afghan frontier. . . . Even should the forces
at your disposal not suffice for a real attack on India itself, they
would do for Persia."
All this culminated when on July 24 1905 he persuaded the
Tsar to sign the Treaty of Bjorko, a secret alliance against
England which it was his hope would afterwards be joined by
France. This is the kind of method by which he professed to be
guarding the peace of Europe. The judgment of King Edward
made to a Danish diplomatist may be recalled: " I will admit
this, that with a man of so impulsive a temperament as the
German Emperor at the head of the greatest Power in Europe,
anything may happen." This correspondence was secret, but
in diplomacy there is no absolute secrecy, and the rumours
of it must be taken into account if we are to understand the
profound distrust which was felt for Germany during these years.
Franco- British Entente. These were the circumstances in
which a great change of policy took place. The first step was the
British alliance with Japan. In this it had originally been
contemplated that Germany should be a partner. But Germany
did not accept the opportunity offered her, and, in addition,
German action over the Manchurian agreement showed that no
confidence could be placed in any German engagement. The
alliance therefore was one between Japan and Great Britain alone.
In 1904 a colonial agreement was reached between England and
France, by which the numerous points of friction between the
two countries were settled. The essence was that France recog-
nized the British position in Egypt. To do so was a bitter blow
to most cherished French traditions and ambitions. In return
for this Great Britain recognized the special position of France
in Morocco and gave up to France her claims and interests.
This agreement in its original inception had, at any rate in
England, no special point directed against Germany. It was
probably due chiefly to Lord Cromer, but his efforts were sup-
ported by Lord Lansdowne and King Edward VII. The object
was merely to clear away the outstanding causes of contro-
versy with France, but it was to have far-reaching results.
This agreement was quite unexpected and very unwelcome
in Berlin. The whole basis of German diplomacy was cut away.
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21
Europe ac once took on a new aspect. In the ordinary diplomatic
negotiations Germany must look forward to a situation in which
she was confronted no longer by disunited and antagonistic
States, but by great Powers, acting in union and cooperation.
Even the Triple Alliance itself was shaken, for it was obvious that
Italy could not be depended upon in any serious conflict with
both France and England. It must therefore be the chief object
of German diplomacy to drive a wedge between England and
France. For this reason, from this time onwards, every diplo-
matic incident, even of minor importance, at once reverberated
throughout the whole of Europe. This is illustrated by the Moroc-
co affair. Morocco was of great importance to France; it was
essential to England that no hostile Power should be established
on the north-western coast of Africa; apart from this, Morocco
was merely of trivial importance to the rest of the world, includ-
ing Germany. But Morocco was made the test of the Entente.
Germany, taking advantage of the temporary crippling of Russia
by her military and naval defeat in the Far East and the internal
disturbances which followed, brought the full weight of her mili-
tary superiority to bear upon France, and thereby forced her
into a conference and brought about the resignation of Delcasse.
This action defeated its own object. It cemented the union
between France and Great Britain, and as soon as it became ob-
vious that France, by entering into this union, exposed herself to
the threat of war, it was inevitable that England should take steps,
if necessary, to protect her new friend. It was the threats by
Germany which gave a military side to what had at first been
merely a diplomatic arrangement.
No doubt the French handling of the whole matter was open
to criticism, but there was a peculiarity about the arrangement
of 1904 which placed Great Britain in a delicate position. As was
pointed out at the time in France, England, while she gained
definite and defined rights which France surrendered to her in
Egypt, gave in exchange only eventual rights in Morocco;
France, in return for a definite surrender, got nothing but hopes;
England acquired Egypt, France merely the prospect of acquiring
Morocco. In these circumstances there was obviously an absolute
obligation on Great Britain to see to it that her support of
France in Morocco should not be half-hearted; had this support
been withdrawn simply because some of the subsequent details of
French action were open to criticism, then the worst possible
construction might have been placed on the good faith of the
British Government; it would have appeared that, after having
secured themselves in Egypt, they had seized on a subterfuge
so as to avoid carrying out their side of the agreement.
Anglo-Russian Entente. Not only did the German attempt to
separate Russia from France fail, but in 1907 an arrangement was
made by which the outstanding points of difference between
Great Britain and Russia in Tibet, Afghanistan and Persia were
settled. The approximation between the two empires, which had
for so long been in a state of complete rivalry, was cemented
by a meeting between King Edward VII. and the Tsar, which
took place at Revel in June 1908. The chief and almost only
subject of discussion was the state of affairs in the Balkans, and
it was agreed that there should be common action for bringing
about a reform in Macedonia. Very misleading statements with
regard to these conversations have been constantly repeated by
high authorities in Germany, as, for instance, that the definite
understanding was arrived at that the two Powers should attack
Germany together in the year 1916. There is no truth of any
kind in this. The meeting was followed shortly (Aug. 12) by one
between King Edward and the Austrian Emperor at Ischl. This
also has been the subject of equally erroneous statements, as, for
instance, that King Edward tried to persuade the Emperor to
secede from the alliance with Germany. This is quite untrue, and
was not in accordance with the principles of British policy. The
subjects of discussion were very different. The Austrian Em-
peror gave an undertaking that his Government would not take
any isolated action in the Balkans without informing and con-
sulting the other Powers, and the King tried to induce him to use
his influence to dissuade Germany from continuing the increase
of the German fleet. The whole object was the maintenance of
peace, and much would have been done to secure this if a stoppage
could be put to the rivalry in shipbuilding between England and
Germany, and if no surprise action was taken in the Balkans.
The Annexation Crisis, 1908. It was the contrast between
the language used by the Emperor Francis Joseph on this
occasion and the action of Austria in the sudden annexation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina eight weeks later which explains the
intensity of feeling shown by the British Government and Sir
Edward Grey as to the latter point. Apart from this and the
general principle of the sanctity of treaties, they foresaw how
dangerous would be the effect of the joint Bulgarian and Austro-
Hungarian action upon public opinion in Turkey. It was the
annexation which more than anything else brought to a head the
passionate national feeling among Christians and Moslems to
which all the wars which followed were due, and the conclusion
of the crisis was reached in such a way as to leave the most intense
animosity in Serbia against Austria, and to insure that the full
support of Russia would be given to Serbia and that hence-
forward the Balkans would once more become' the field for the
activities of Russian diplomacy, which had never been scrupulous
in the methods which it used.
The episode is important, for in it is to be found the explana-
tion of much which happened in 1914. Just when it seemed as
though the very prolonged and acrimonious controversy might
be reaching a conclusion, Count Pourtales, the German am-
bassador, delivered to M. Isvolsky " a peremptory demand "
that Russia should without conditions agree to the abrogation of
Article 25 of the Treaty of Berlin, that is, should recognize the
annexation. It would no doubt be wrong to speak of this as an
ultimatum; there was no threat of war; it may be described
rather as a diplomatic ultimatum; an immediate decision was
asked for, and it was intimated that, if the answer was un-
favourable, Germany would " Idcher I'Autriche sur la Serbie."
It is important to understand what this threat for it was a
threat implied. A war between Austria and Serbia would have
placed Russia in a most disadvantageous position; weakened as
she was, she could not have come to the help of Serbia, because
under the system of alliances Germany would, if necessary, come
to the help of Austria. It was in fact a threat that, if the demand
was not complied with, Austria, depending upon the ultimate
support of the German army, should be given carle blanche to
free herself of Serbian opposition. It may be added that Ger-
many showed some disposition to use a similar threat to England.
Before this, Russian resistance collapsed; they agreed to the
German demand without even consulting France and Great
Britain. The success was a notable one, but it was dangerous.
It was one which could not be repeated. Russia had given way to
threats once; she could not afford to do so a second time. It
left an intense feeling of indignation in St. Petersburg, which
persisted, and became one of the most dangerous factors in the
European situation. Personally M. Isvolsky, who soon resigned
the post of Foreign Minister, henceforward became the active
partisan of an anti-Austrian policy, and was only anxious to
revenge himself for the humiliation which had been placed upon
him first by Count Aehrenthal and secondly by Germany. The
German Government, it is true, did their best to smooth away the
impression caused by the harshness of their action, and, after
having shown Russia how little the Entente was able to defend
her against the Triple Alliance, attempted to win Russian
friendship. But the effect of these efforts was obliterated by the
German Emperor, who, in a visit to Vienna in the autumn of
1910, took occasion to recall how he had come to the help of his
ally " in shining armour."
Agadir. The annexation crisis had occurred at a moment
when the relations between France and Germany were com-
paratively friendly; an attempt had been made at establishing
economic and financial cooperation in Morocco. An awkward
episode (the German consul at Casablanca was inducing soldiers
of the Foreign Legion to desert and was arrested) was settled by
arbitration. But this cooperation did not last long. The ambi-
tions of the Colonial party in Germany could not be reconciled
with the complete political control which France aimed at. A
22
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new and very serious crisis arose in 1911. The French, in con-
sequence of a civil war in Morocco, followed by the abdication of
the Sultan, advanced to Fez. This appeared to show a desire to
disregard obligations of the Convention of Algeciras. Germany,
in order to support her claim to be consulted, took a step which,
as so often happened, could be interpreted as a threat. She sent a
small ship-of-war to Agadir. It was of course assumed, not only
abroad but in Germany itself, that this action meant that the
German Government proposed to claim part of the western coast
of Morocco and were even intending to land troops in order to en-
force this claim. It seems probable that the German Government
themselves had not at the moment really made up their minds
precisely what they wanted. The obvious answer to this German
move would have been the dispatch of a French or British war-
ship a policy which was strongly pressed by some of the French.
The combined wisdom and moderation of the British and French
Governments prevented them answering a threat by a threat, but
the renewal of the old methods, the clear intention of once more
forcing France into separate conversations without England and
thereby extorting unwelcome concessions, could not be over-
looked. A final understanding between France and Germany
would have been welcomed by the British Government, but they
could not stand aside and see France forced under the threat of
war to cede to Germany either a position in Morocco itself or
quite excessive cessions elsewhere. In a speech at the Mansion
House on July 21, Mr. Lloyd George, then Chancellor of the
Exchequer, said:
" I conceive that nothing would justify a disturbance of inter-
national good-will except questions of the gravest national moment.
But if a situation were to be forced upon us in which peace could
only be preserved by the surrender of the great and beneficent posi-
tion Britain has won by centuries of heroism and achievement
by allowing Britain to be treated, where her interests are vitally
affected, as if she were of no account in the cabinet of nations then
I say emphatically that peace at that price would be a humiliation
intolerable for a great country like ours to endure."
Shortly afterwards separate conversations were begun between
Germany and France on the basis that Germany would agree to
disinterest herself in Morocco completely, receiving in return
territorial concessions in other parts of Africa. There were many
anxious moments, for some of the German demands were ex-
cessive, but eventually an agreement was reached by which
France surrendered to Germany important parts of her posses-
sions on the Congo. As in the previous Morocco discussions, the
importance of the episode lay not so much in the immediate
question at issue as in the attempt of Germany to separate Eng-
land and France and to intimidate France. As before, this had
the natural result of strengthening the union between France and
England, and taking a stage further the military and naval
accompaniments of this agreement.
Great Britain and Germany, 1909-14. The final settlement
of the Moroccan question led to an improvement in the relations
between Great Britain and Germany. One of the first acts of
Bethmann Hollweg, who on the resignation of Prince Billow
became Chancellor in 1909, had been to make proposals which
might bring about an amelioration of the relations between Ger-
many and England, and for the next four years conversations
with this object continued. The negotiations turned on two
points: (i) a naval arrangement, the object of which would be to
prevent the two countries continuing on an unlimited rivalry of
armaments; (2) a general political understanding by which each
country should be assured that the other would not join in
attacking it in case of war. From 1909 to 1911 the discussions
took the form of conversations of the ordinary diplomatic nature,
interspersed with public speeches in the two Parliaments. They
were broken off in the summer of 1911 owing to the Agadir diffi-
culty, but after that had been surmounted, were resumed at the
beginning of 1912, when on Feb. 9 Lord Haldane was, in con-
sequence of a suggestion from Germany, sent on a special mission
to Berlin. On neither point did these negotiations lead to any
definite result. As to the naval agreement it seems clear that
Bethmann Hollweg would have welcomed it, but that his support
was not strong enough against the opposition of Tirpitz and the
Emperor. The proposals for a general political agreement broke
down because, as soon as a precise formula was put forward, it
appeared that Germany would not be satisfied with any arrange-
ments except one which would be so worded as to imply that
Great Britain would be debarred from coming to the assistance of
France if she were attacked. Anything of this nature was of
course out of the question, for, as Sir Edward Grey said on Nov.
27 1911, " one does not make new friendships worth having by
deserting old ones." What Lord Haldane suggested was a state-
ment that: " England declares that she will neither make nor
join in any unprovoked attack upon Germany. Aggression upon
Germany is not the subject and forms no part of any treaty,
understanding or convention to which England is now a party,
nor will she become a party to anything which has such an
object." What Germany asked for was a statement that: " If
either of the high contracting parties becomes entangled in war
with one or more Powers, the other party will at least observe
toward the Power so entangled benevolent neutrality, and will
use its utmost endeavour for the localization of the conflict."
This, of course, could not be accepted. None the less, the very
fact that this attempt had been made, though it failed, left the
relations between the two Governments more cordial; even more
important was the practical illustration afforded by the sub-
sequent Balkan troubles as to the importance of cooperation
between them. Everything tended to show that the peace of
Europe could be maintained if Germany and Great Britain, while
each maintaining full loyalty to its own associates, were willing,
when any difficulty arose, to communicate frankly and freely
with one another and to discuss the best method of settlement.
By this means the two alliances might cease from their rivalry and
gradually be merged in a general concert. This was a system
which Sir Edward Grey deliberately adopted; the whole han-
dling of political difficulties was based upon this, and so long as
Germany acted in a similar spirit things went well. When the
World War ultimately broke out, it was because Germany, in
a very grave crisis, ceased this cooperation and in profound
secrecy made herself the associate of schemes the success of
which would have been most detrimental to one of the partners
in the Triple Entente. Meanwhile, during 1913 and the first
half of 1914, negotiations were begun and carried through to a
successful issue by which the two chief outstanding points of
controversy were in fact removed. A settlement was at last
brought about with regard to the Bagdad railway and the
reversion of the Portuguese colonies in Africa.
The situation in Germany was, of course, the subject of the
most careful study by those who were responsible for directing
British policy. Opinions were much divided in England; there
was even a belief, which was probably well founded, that neither
Herr von Bethmann Hollweg nor Herr von Jagow desired any-
thing but the best relations. On the other hand, it must remain
a matter of comparative indifference whether in any particular
year the German administration then in office was well disposed.
Their position was at the best very precarious. All information,
both from public and confidential sources, showed that a very
large section of educated German public opinion was animated by
feelings of intense animosity against England, and although this
party was at the moment in opposition to the Government, at any
time they might come into office, all the more because of the very
unreliable character of the Emperor, of whom the only thing that
could be said with certainty was that no one could foresee what he
would do. Moreover, there was another factor to be kept in mind.
Good relations between Great Britain and Germany might be
valued, not for their own sake, but merely as a device for separat-
ing Great Britain from her associates. It was an obvious policy to
encourage a spirit of conciliation, so that if there was a serious
conflict with Russia, English public opinion would refuse support
to Russia. To put it brutally, Germany had no reasons to fear a
war if England stood out; according to all instructed German
expectations the crisis of any great European war would be over
in the first two months. All that was necessary then was to secure
that England should remain neutral during the first stage; if once
the essential victory in France were secured, then nothing else
EUROPE
really mattered. Germany would quite well be able to acquiesce
in an interference of Great Britain at a later stage, for, though
this might be used to moderate the claims of the victors, it would
not eliminate the fact of the victory. It was the consciousness of
this which made it absolutely necessary that every advance to
Germany should be accompanied by the clearest and most public
intimation that the union of the Entente was not thereby weak-
ened. So we get the key to British policy: the maintenance of the
two alliances, but the frank and friendly discussion between Great
Britain and Germany on each point of difference as it arose.
This was a policy which required great skill, firmness and a
cool head. For this reason, in the very critical circumstances, the
direction of British policy was kept to a large extent in the hands
of a small group Sir Edward Grey, Mr. Asquith and Lord
Haldane; just as it had been recognized that foreign policy should
be kept out of the ordinary party conflict, so it became necessary
not to allow vacillation to arise from the conflict of opposed
groups in the Cabinet. It was, as subsequent events were to
show, a misfortune that some of the other countries concerned
were not guided with equal skill and firmness.
Austria and the Balkans. It is not in the stronger but in the
weaker states that the occasions for war arise not in Germany,
France and England, but in Russia, Turkey and Austria-Hun-
gary; for when a Government is weak, popular passions have
.their way, and the best plans of the wisest statesmen may be
frustrated. As the long reign of the aged Emperor Francis
Joseph of Austria was nearing its end, the whole internal fabric
of his empire was growing out of joint, and there was neither
purpose, skill, nor foresight to remedy this. As will often happen
in such circumstances, there were many who hoped to find in
a spirited foreign policy an escape from internal difficulties,
One party, reverting to the older Austrian traditions, looked to a
war with Italy, for it was a peculiarity of the situation that, while
Italy and Austria were allies, they were always arming and in-
triguing against one another, and the Government of Trieste, by
its strongly anti-Italian acts, fomented the spirit of irredentism
which had only for a time been suppressed during the first years
of the Triple Alliance. But it was the Slav problem which
presented the greatest difficulty, and this had both its internal
and its external aspect. At home the settlement of 1868 had
given to Germans and Magyars constitutional predominance in
the Dual Monarchy which was not justified by their numerical
proportion. The strong Slav spirit found expression in the grow-
ing ambitions of the Czechs, while the southern Slavs, Croats and
Serbs alike were in open opposition to the misgovernment of
Budapest. At the same time the Magyars, with singular blind-
ness, refused to take any steps to remedy the just grievances of
the Rumans of Transylvania. This national discontent when
suppressed at home naturally turned for help abroad, and the
internal dislocation of the Habsburg Monarchy became involved
in the Balkan troubles. From 1804 there had been a cessation of
the secular rivalry of Austria and Russia; Russia was occupied
with her Far Eastern schemes, and the two empires had agreed
on the maintenance of the status quo, an agreement which was
cemented and continued at Miirzteg in 1897. The Austrian
position in the Balkans depended upon the alliance with Rumania
and an important understanding with Serbia, which had become
almost a client state of Austria. The mutual hostility between
Serbia and Bulgaria, Bulgaria and Greece, ensured the continued
equilibrium. In order to maintain this state of things, the Aus-
trian Government did not scruple to condone, if it did not ac-
tually encourage, the assassination of King Alexander of Serbia.
But .this instrument they lost by the foolish attack upon Ser-
bian commercial prosperity, the beginning of a definite and final
rupture, which, as we have seen, led to and was aggravated by
the annexations. From this time it was the one object of the
Serbian nation to achieve its expansion at the expense of Austria.
To Russia the discontent of the southern Slavs of the monarchy
was a welcome weapon. In the rivalry of the two empires a new
stage had been introduced. Russia, by fomenting Serbian
intrigues, might hope to strike a blow at the very existence of the
Habsburg Monarchy itself. There was only one method of
meeting this, and that was internal reconstruction. This was
said to be the object of the heir to the throne, but, in view of the
obstinate resistance to be expected from Hungary, nothing could
be done during the lifetime of the old Emperor.
This was the state of things when a new and quite unforeseen
evolution began in the Balkans.
The Balkan Wars. It had long been agreed that to Italy
should fall the reversion of Tripoli. The increasing disorder of
the Turkish Empire, the obvious failure of the Young Turks to
establish an orderly and civilized government, made it appear
that the time for action had come. In Sept. 1911, at the very
crisis of the Agadir incident, without previous warning the
Italian Government presented an ultimatum to Turkey, and
three days later, on Sept. 29, declared war. On Oct. 4 an Italian
force landed in Tripoli, which, during the next months, was
occupied with the very difficult task of subduing the resistance
both of the Arab population and of the Turkish troops. A full
year was in fact to pass before, by the victory of Sidi Bibal, the
kernel of the resistance was overcome. Meanwhile, in order to
force the Turkish Government to agree to a cession of the
province, the Italian fleet in Feb. 1912 appeared before Beirut,
and in May occupied Rhodes and the islands of the Dodecanese.
It was clear that an Italian attack on Turkey in the Aegean would
arouse the hopes and ambitions of the Balkan States themselves.
There were abundant causes of trouble. The Young Turks had
no more succeeded in bringing peace and order into Thrace and
Macedonia than had the Government of 'Abdul Hamid; the
religious rivalry, the exploits of the Comitadji, the massacres and
ravages by the Turks, continued in this unhappy country, and it
seemed as though it were becoming the declared policy of the
Turkish Government to remove the Macedonian difficulty by
the extermination of the inhabitants. Experience had shown
them that no serious help would come from the Great Powers,
who, fearful of the consequences of Balkan troubles, adhered with
what we may call unintelligent obstinacy to the doctrine of the
status quo. If anything was to be done, the Christian States must
do it themselves. In Feb. 1912 negotiations were begun under
the deepest secrecy between Serbia and Bulgaria, and on March
13 there was signed a treaty of friendship and alliance, by which
the two kingdoms mutually guaranteed to one another their
political independence and the integrity of their territory, and
a:greed to support one another with all their forces if either were
attacked by one or more states. More than this, they agreed to
support one another if any of the Great Powers attempted to
occupy any part of the Balkans which was at present under
Turkish dominion, a clause which was obviously directed against
Austria. This treaty was accompanied by a secret additional
treaty and a military convention; the first of these was in fact in
the nature of an offensive alliance against Turkey and was
followed by detailed arrangements as to the disposal of any
Turkish territory which might be acquired. The treaty was to be
communicated to Russia, and all matters undetermined in the
treaty were to be settled by the arbitrament of Russia. The
military convention determined precisely the nature and charac-
ter of the help to be given in the case of a war with Turkey or with
Austria or Rumania. This treaty was in accordance with the
agreement submitted to the Russian Government, but they did
not communicate it to their allies. It was followed in May by a
similar treaty between Greece and Bulgaria, the initiative to
which was to a large extent given by Mr. J. D. Bourchier, the
well-known correspondent of The Times. The whole scheme was
one unparalleled in recent years; the Balkan States, so long the
clients and the playthings of the Great Powers, had at last agreed
on that which no one who knew their mutual animosities had
believed possible: they had joined together to free their co-
religionists from the Turks and if necessary to protect the
Balkans against the external aggression of any Great Power.
The action prefigured in the treaties was hastened by the con-
clusion of the war between Turkey- and Italy; negotiations were
entered into during the month of August and were brought to a
conclusion by the Treaty of Lausanne signed on Oct. 18, by which
Turkey surrendered Tripoli to Italy, the future of the Aegean
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Is. being reserved for later arbitration. It was necessary, if
the attack on Turkey were to be made, that it should take place
at once so as not to leave time for preparation. On Oct. 8 Monte-
negro declared war; on the I3th the three other allied states
presented an ultimatum demanding the immediate grant of
autonomy to Macedonia; on the i4th the population of Crete
declared themselves independent of Turkey, and formally joined
Greece ; and on the 1 7th the declaration of war was sent.
These events seem to have been carried out without the privity
of any of the Powers except Russia, and were equally unwelcome
to all to the Entente as much as to the Triple Alliance. At the
last moment a hasty and ill-advised scheme was put forward by
the joint action of Austria and France for localizing, if not pre-
venting, the impending hostilities; the united Great Powers of
Europe declared that in the event of hostilities they would not
permit any alteration of the territorial status. At least German
opinion seems to have anticipated rapid success for the Turks, a
success which would have been welcome to them; they were
speedily disappointed and disillusioned. Before the end of the
month the Turkish army had been defeated and routed by the
Bulgarians in the two great battles of Kirk-Kilisse and Lule-
Burgas; the Serbians had overrun the whole of Macedonia, the
Turkish force opposed to them fleeing in panic and disorder. The
Greeks, advancing from the south, occupied southern Albania
and also quickly made their way to Salonika. Within a month
the Turkish rule in the Balkans had come to an end; there was
left to them only Constantinople and parts of Thrace. The
Bulgarians advanced rapidly towards the capital; it was for the
moment their dream that it would be a Bulgarian army which
would rescue San Sofia from the Moslems, and Ferdinand hoped
that the day was approaching when he would ride as a con-
queror into the streets of Constantinople. They were disap-
pointed. In a series of battles, Nov. 17-22, the Bulgarian
assault on the lines of Chatalja failed; cholera made its appear-
ance in the army and on Dec. 3 an armistice was concluded.
It remained for Europe to determine its attitude towards these
unexpected events. The danger was extreme that the Balkan
might become a European war.
The Austrian Government was determined to put a barrier to
Serbian ambition. The arrangements with Bulgaria were based
on the assumption that Serbia should gain her reward by the
annexation of the northern part of Albania and should thereby
obtain access to the Adriatic. This Austria would not permit.
She did not wish to see a Slavonic State having access to a sea
which she looked upon as her own. In this matter she could
depend upon Italian support. Austrian troops were mobilized;
garrisons in Herzegovina were placed upon a war footing, and the
situation was aggravated by numerous personal incidents, as for
instance by stories which were put about that the Serbians had
imprisoned and ill-treated an Austrian consul. War between
Austria and Serbia was imminent, but if it broke out Serbia would
be supported by Russia, and in answer to Austrian military
preparations, Russian troops on the south-western frontier were
placed on a war footing. A war between Austria and Russia
would, in consequence of the complicated system of alliances,
inevitably bring in Germany and France, and thereby bring
about the great struggle which everyone wished to avoid. The
danger was averted by France, Great Britain and Germany, who
worked together to bring about conciliation. It had been ar-
ranged that, side by side with the peace negotiations which were
taking place in St. James's Palace, the ambassadors of the Great
Powers in London should sit in conference under the presidency
of Sir Edward Grey. It was agreed that France and Great
Britain should give their support to Austria, and that Albania
should be set up as an independent state. This removed the
essential point of controversy, and in February the Austrian
Emperor sent Prince Hohenlohe on a special mission with a letter
to the Tsar. It was agreed that the two Powers should de-
mobilize, and from this time the extreme friction began to
diminish. But the refusal of Serbian access to the Adriatic was
to have unexpected results. It cut away the basis on which the
division of the spoil had been arranged between the Balkan
States. The Serbian Government therefore demanded a larger
portion of Macedonia than had been originally assigned to her.
They based this claim also on the point that Bulgaria had not
provided her due share of forces to fight in the western area, while
Serbia had contributed more than she was bound in the struggle
for Adrianople. Under these circumstances an appeal to the Tsar
to arbitrate was enjoined. But before he had even received the
appeal, a catastrophe took place. The old animosity against
Bulgaria, which had been for so many hundreds of years tradi-
tional among the Greeks and Serbians, was again growing. The
armies were in Macedonia still in closely adjacent quarters. The
Bulgarian Government, under what influence we do not know,
determined on a sudden blow, and on June 29 an attack in form
was delivered by the Bulgarians against the Serbian forces.
Immediately afterwards the Greeks in Salonika attacked the
Bulgarians. This new fratricidal war had scarcely begun when
two new champions entered the field. The Turks denounced the
armistice and a fortnight later retook Adrianople. On July 18
Rumania, with a fresh army, entered the field, declared war on
Bulgaria, and occupied the Dobruja. Before this great superior-
ity of force the Bulgarians, who had lost so heavily in the war
the dead alone were 30,000 had no course open but to capitulate.
On the demand of Rumania a conference was summoned to
Bucharest, which on July 30 arranged an armistice, and on Aug. n
the Peace of Bucharest was signed. By this Bulgaria had to
surrender to Serbia the whole of Macedonia, to Greece a large
part of the northern shore of the Aegean, while to Turkey she had
to restore Adrianople and to Rumania to surrender the Dobruja.
The situation left by the Treaty of Bucharest was very
precarious. It was obvious that Bulgaria would not willingly
acquiesce in the loss of territory and prestige. The mutual
animosity between Serbia and Austria continued, and the Prince
of Wied did not show himself capable of coping with the very
serious difficulties in Albania. There were acute differences
between Turkey and Greece, and the renewal of war seemed
imminent. But these mere local complications could doubtless
have been overcome so long as no one of the Great Powers
intervened; separate action by any one of them must almost
inevitably bring about the great trial of strength between the
rival alliances. It was the object of every responsible statesman
to prevent this arising. The immediate danger arose from
Austria and Russia. Austrian policy was inclined towards
Bulgaria and desired to see the Treaty of Bucharest overthrown.
In the summer of 1913 they proposed an immediate attack on
Serbia; in this they did not have the support of Berlin. The
German Government was clearly dissatisfied with the Austrian
handling of the Serbian difficulty, and also with the unneccesary
harshness with which the Hungarians treated the Rumans. They
rightly saw that an amelioration of the position must be found in
an internal reform of the Dual Monarchy. On the other hand,
German ambitions were becoming a serious danger. Count
Wangenheim, who had succeeded Marschall von Bieberstein as
ambassador to the Porte, was with great assurance strengthening
the German control at Constantinople. This was a development
which Russia could not regard with equanimity. A crisis was
reached during the winter, when Gen. Liman von Sanders was
not only appointed to reorganize the Turkish army, but was
given actual control over the army corps stationed in Constanti-
nople. This led to a strong protest from Russia, and was followed
by very violent press polemics between Germany and Russia.
It is clear that Russia was becoming impatient. It looked as
though Germany, with the conclusion of the Bagdad agreement,
and in other ways, would gain complete control over Turkey,
military, political and economic. This, if achieved, would be a
formidable impediment to the ultimate realization of what had
for so long been the permanent object of Russian policy not
only the opening of the Straits but the control of Constantinople.
In February, as we now know, the situation was reviewed; it was
agreed that these hopes could only be achieved as the result of a
European war, and that'it was necessary to prepare the scheme
for landing troops on the Bosporus if the contingency arose. Rus-
sia did not take her allies into her confidence. The most serious
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element in the situation was that, more and more, the old rivalry
between Austria and Russia, which had always been found
manageable, was giving place to a direct conflict of interests
between Russia and Germany herself. So long as Austria alone
was concerned, it could be hoped that Germany, who had no
desire to embark on a European war merely in defence of the local
Austrian interests, would intervene in some way or another and
join with England in keeping the peace. So soon as the direct
ambitions of Germany herself were involved, this security was
removed. Moreover, the commercial treaty made between
Russia and Germany in 1892 was running out; Germany had
succeeded in imposing upon Russia conditions whicji subordi-
nated Russian interests to those of Germany. Any negotiations
for the renewal of the treaty must certainly react on the political
situation. Already the very anticipation of this had aroused all
the strong national spirit in both empires. The Russians in
particular were determined not to anticipate a renewal of the
humiliating position in which they had so long been placed.
The preceding narrative will have shown how complex was the
diplomatic situation. But after all, this was nothing new in the
history of Europe, and the points at issue in almost every case
concerned not the vital security of any one of the Great Powers,
but rather the external extension of their power and influence.
It might therefore well have been hoped that, with prudence and
self-restraint on the part of the leading statesmen, peace might be
kept. Experience showed that a solution could be found for
each particular problem as it came up, either by separate
negotiations between the interested Powers, or by substituting
for the mutual rivalry of two hostile groups common action of
the Concert of Europe. This was the principle by which Sir
Edward Grey was always guided, and it was his hope that in
it he might have the support of the German Government.
It was a policy which could only be successful if it was accom-
panied by a frank recognition of the existing facts, with the
avoidance of subterranean intrigues.
The Rivalry in Armaments. So long then as England could
depend on German cooperation, war might well have been
avoided had the trouble been merely diplomatic. There were,
however, other elements. Diplomatic controversy was accom-
panied by the rivalry in armaments. European Ministers of War
were ceaselessly occupied in perfecting the armies. The con-
tinued expansion of German population enabled this to be done
within the limits of the Law of 1871, which determined that the
strength of the army on its peace footing should be i % of the
population. In 1893, by reducing the term of service from three
to two years, the number of trained men was increased by nearly
50% without any increase in the peace establishment. Further
increases in the peace establishment were made in 1899, in 1905
and in 1911. In 1912, after Agadir, the establishment was raised
to 723,000. The Balkan wars, ending as they did in the collapse
of Turkey and the increased power of Serbia, were made the
reason for a still further addition. The peace strength was
raised to 870,000 men, and to meet the extraordinary charges
involved in this the Government had recourse to the dangerous
expedient of a capital levy of 50,000,000. Each of these laws
was of course answered in France and in Russia, and in 1913
France, always confronted by the fundamental disadvantage of
her smaller population, had no resource except to raise the period
of compulsory service with the colours from two to three years.
It was obvious that this state of things could not continue. The
strain on the finances and on the manhood of the nations was
becoming overwhelming. But when it was proposed that the
limitation of armaments should be discussed at the Hague Con-
ference in 1907, it was Germany who answered that she could
take no part in any conference where this matter was on the
agenda. At the same time the general staffs were planning in
detail every step in the campaign. To Germany the " war on two
fronts " had become a household conception. All the details
were worked out by Schlieffen the instantaneous blow on
France which must be delivered and carried through before the
more slow-moving Russian battalions were on their way. But if
this blow was to be successful it must be delivered not on the
guarded frontier to the east, but across Belgium. And so all the
preparations were made, the lines were built, military camps
established, the dislocation plans worked out. This could not be
hidden. France had to devise her counter-moves to the opening
gambit. If the war began with an unprovoked attack by Ger-
many, then the French hoped they would not be alone; they
could depend on the cooperation of Great Britain and Russia.
But this cooperation would be futile unless it had been planned
in advance. The safety of France would depend upon the
promptitude of her allies. The mobilization of Germany would
be almost instantaneous. That of Russia must be accelerated,
and every detail be prepared for placing the army on the frontier
at the earliest moment. Hence we get the building of strategic
railways in Poland and a great reorganization of the army. But
this again was represented in Germany as a menace, which was
made a reason for further increases in the German army. The
effect was felt even in the most unmilitary of nations. Belgium,
whose security was once more threatened, had to introduce com-
pulsory military service, and Great Britain could not stand out.
The war when it came would not move with the deliberation of
the great collisions of earlier days when it was sufficient for Great
Britain to begin to collect an army after the first shot had been
fired. Whatever the course of events might be, one thing was
clear to everyone the result would be determined to a large
extent during the first six weeks. If, as seemed probable, the war
began with the German invasion of Belgium, then British troops
must be there to protect the soil of Belgium and of France.
Therefore, as early as 1906, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman
approved the conception of conversations between the general
staffs to discuss the forms of cooperation in the event of war.
But if this cooperation was to be effective, the British army must
be ready. And so a great reorganization took place, carried
through by Lord Haldane as Minister of War, the result of which
was that, for the first time in her history, England would at the
outbreak of the war be able, if necessity required and the occasion
justified it, to place some 150,000 men in the north of France
before the first contact took jUlace; in 1912 the agreement as to
military conventions was embodied in an interchange of notes
between England and France.
German Militarism. The rivalry in armaments and the
inordinate growth of the armies had a double effect. It directly
influenced the diplomatic discussions. Neither side could avoid
the apprehension that their opponents might be deliberately
intending to force the issue; as soon as this apprehension arose,
then military preparations must begin, even while diplomatic
discussion was continuing; but the very suggestion of this would
at once bring the general staffs into the discussion. They, intent
only on ensuring that, if there was to be war, nothing should be
left undone which would secure victory, might easily divert the
negotiations which normally had as their object the avoidance of
war, and substitute the object of bringing about war at a favour-
able moment and under favourable auspices. Much therefore
depended on the submission of the military to the political
element. This was completely secured in those western demo-
cratic states in which the control over the Government lay in the
hands of Parliament; the situation was less favourable in the
three eastern monarchies in Russia, where a weak ruler and
an incompetent and dishonest bureaucracy were struggling against
the rising forces of revolution; in Austria, where conflict of
nationalities threatened the very existence of the state; in
Germany, where it was the official doctrine taught by Bismarck,
the theme of every speech of the Kaiser, that the power, the
influence and the existence of the nation were based upon the
army. The world was never allowed to forget that if Germany
was now the greatest Power in Europe, it was because the
German army had marched to Paris in 1870, and, if necessity
arose, could do so again; and the German people were never
allowed to forget that it was the Prussian army by which German
unity had been achieved, and it was on the army, carried out
with the spirit of and trained by Prussian officers, that the exist-
ing constitution depended. The influence of the German Em-
peror ultimately depended on the prestige which he had inherited,
26
EUROPE
and, if the crisis came, he could only maintain his power by the
same methods by which it had been attained.
It was in Germany and Germany alone that organized and
official opinion put forward, as the very basis of political life,
frank and unabashed, the power of the sword. Historically this
could easily be explained, and no nation can free itself from its
own past. English opinion, just because it required the main-
tenance of sea-power, on which the existence of the Empire and
the security of the nation depended, was always prompt to
recognize the equal necessity to Germany of a strong army.
But it could not be obscured that, while in other nations the
maintenance of great armaments was regarded as a burden of
which they would gladly be freed, in Germany the increase of
military power was welcomed as an end in itself. It was not mere-
ly a weapon of security, an instrument of Government it wasthe
basis of the state; the efforts of the pacific writers were not merely
criticised on their merits, but condemned as heresy. And this
was no mere academic principle it was made the corner-stone of
German diplomacy. Whatever the question at issue might be,
always there was heard from Germany the ultimate appeal to the
German army. This bred a habit of impatience. Whenever
Germany was worsted in diplomacy and this often happened
there were many who would cry out that after all there were
other means by which she could secure the victory.
Every increase in German armaments required an appeal to
the patriotism of the people. These appeals could not be made
without arousing a dangerous spirit. The German Government
had been glad to secure the support of the newly formed Flotten-
verein for their great naval programme; its emissaries found their
way into every town and village in the country, and the literature
they disseminated necessarily encouraged hostility to Great
Britain. The Pan-German League openly advocated a policy
which would have involved Germany in war with every country
in the world, but the rising spirit of Chauvinism had spread far
more widely, and the very fact that it was criticised by the
Socialists tended to make sympathy with it the hallmark of a
" good German." The Government, which depended for the
naval and military votes on the spirit of militant patriotism,
found that they had aroused a force which they could not, even
if they would, control. During the year 1913 the centenary
celebrations of the great events by which Germany freed herself
from the Napoleonic yoke added fuel to the flame. Inspired by
the intense consciousness of Germanic superiority, the Ger-
mans were ready, when the time came, to emulate in war,
as they had surpassed in peace, the deeds of their forefathers.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Official documents and publications: The texts
of the treaties will be found in British and foreign state papers.
The most important special collection of treaties is: Dr. Pribram,
The Secret Treaties of Austria-Hungary 1879-1914 (1920). The text
of the Franco-Russian agreement is published in Documents diplo-
matiques: L' Alliance Franco-Russe, issued by Ministere des Affaires
fetrangeres (Paris, 1918). The treaties between the Balkan States
in 1912 were published by Guechoff in L' Alliance Balkanique (1918);
see also BALKAN PENINSULA: Balkanicus, The Aspirations of Bul-
garia; Report of the International Commission to inquire into the
Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars (Carnegie Endowment,
1914) ; Le Traitc de Bukarest (Bukarest: Imprime'rie de I'Etat, 1913).
The official statement of the German case on the responsibility for
the war, Das deutsche Weissbuch ilber die Schuld am Kriege (1919),
contains a good deal of material, especially on the relations with
Russia and Balkan affairs. Siebert, Diplomatische Aktenstiicke zur
Geschichte der Ententepolitik der Vorkriegsjahre (1921), appeared
too late to be used in this article. The fullest general treatment of
the period is that by Reventlow, Deutschlands Auswartige Politik
1888-1913 (1914). The second edition, 1915, differs materially
from the first. Egelhaaf, Geschichte der neuesten Zeit (1918), is a well-
arranged textbook, but the treatment of the events connected with
the war is very partisan. The fullest treatment in English is that
of Bernadotte Schmitt, England and Germany 1740-1014. Zur
Europiiischen Politik 1897-1914: Unveroffentlichte Dokumente in
amtlichem Auftrage herausgegeben unter Leitung von Bernhard
Schwertfeger, 5 vols., contains selections from the despatches of Bel-
gian diplomatists during the years before the war, which were taken
from Brussels during the German occupation.
For British policy before the war, see Lord Haldane, Before the
War (1920) ; Lord Loreburn, How the War Came (1919) ; Sir E. Cook,
How Britain Strove for Peace; Prof. Gilbert Murray, The Foreign
Policy of Sir Edward Grey; Sir Geo. Prothero, German Policy before
the War (1916). The correspondence between the German Emperor
and the Tsar has been published in The Kaiser's Letters to the Tsar
(The Willy-Nicky Correspondence), edited by N. F. Grant.
Among the memoirs and reminiscences the more important are:
Prince v. Billow, Imperial Germany (1914); Grand Admiral v. Tir-
pitz, My Memoirs; Karl Helfferich, Die Vorgeschichte des Welt-
krieges (1919) ; Bethmann Hollweg, Reflections on the World War
(1920); von Jagow, Ursachen und Ausbruch des Weltkrieges (1919);
Baron Beyens, L'AllemagneavantlaGuerre (1915) ; Dr. M. Boghitsche-
witsch, Kriegsursachen ( 1919), (English translation, C. L.Van Langen-
huyen, Causes of the War, 1919); Raymond Poincare, Les Origines
de la Guerre (1921); Baron v. Eckardstein, Lebenserinnerungen und
politische Denkwiirdigkeiten (1919). Of great importance are the
four volumes by Otto Hammann: Der neue Kurs, Zur Vorgeschichte
des Weltkrieges, Um den Kaiser and Der missverstandene Bismarck.
For the growth of the German navy see Archibald Hurd, The
Command of the Sea (1912); for Austria-Hungary: H. Wickham
Steed, The Growth of the Habsburg Monarchy (4th ed., 1919); Dr.
Seton-Watson, The Southern Slav Question and the Habsburg Mon-
archy (1911); for Morocco: Caillaux, Agadir (1919); Tardieu, La
Conference d'Algeciras (1907); E. D. Morel, Morocco in Diplomacy
(1912, republished as Ten Years of Secret Diplomacy, 1920); Docu-
ments Diplomatiques: Affaires du Maroc (1912). (J. W. H.-M.)
THE OUTBREAK OF WAR
The Murder of the Austrian Archduke. The preceding pages
of this article describe the state of Europe when, on Sunday,
June 28, the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir to the Austrian
throne, and his wife, while on an official tour of inspection in
Bosnia and Herzegovina, were murdered at Serajevo, the
capital. The two assassins were young men of 20 years of age,
natives of Bosnia and therefore Austrian subjects. Such evidence
as is available seems to show that the motive for the crime must
be traced to the intense racial animosity which had existed in
Bosnia since the time of the annexation, increased as it was
by the growing discontent in Croatia, and by the rising tide of
aggressive nationalism in Serbia; no evidence has been forth-
coming which would compromise any responsible Serbian officials,
still less the Serbian Government itself. Among the accomplices
were indeed two residents of Serbia, a major named Jankasitch
and a Croatian exile, Tziganovitch, the first being a Comitadji
chief, the second a temporary railway clerk. All the other accom-
plices seem to have been Bosnians. The two assassins were
eventually condemned to penal servitude; of the accomplices
three were executed. This crime created a great sensation. It
happened at the time of the German festivities at Kiel, associated
with the completion of the enlargement of the canal, at which
a British squadron was present. They were at once broken off.
The German Emperor returned to Berlin. He intended to go to
Vienna to attend the funeral of the Archduke, and at the same
time to discuss the political situation with his ally; this project
was abandoned, for the police had intelligence of a great plot;
twelve assassins were on their way to Vienna.
Elsewhere, except among the comparatively few who really
understood how precarious was the position in the Balkans, it
was the personal aspect of this event which attracted attention.
The general feeling was one of deepest indignation, and of the
warmest sympathy for Austria and for the aged Emperor, Francis
Joseph, whose life had already been so full of tragedy. In
Austria it was regarded as a grave political portent. The death
of the Archduke seems to have been treated in the highest quar-
ters with remarkable equanimity, but the crime which was no
isolated act was looked on as a blow at the very existence of the
monarchy. The relations with Serbia had for long been the cause
of grave disquiet, internal as well as external. There had in fact
just been drawn up a very important Austrian memorandum for
communication to the German Government; in it the Balkan
situation was discussed, and stress was laid on the scheme at-
tributed to Russia of creating a new Balkan league, which was
to include Rumania and be used as an offensive weapon against
the Triple Alliance. In this scheme the disaffection in Bosnia
and Croatia, which was fermented by the agitation from Serbia,
would be a dangerous instrument. Against this it had been in-
tended to propose a pro-Austrian anti-Serbian alliance with Bul-
garia and Turkey, which could be used also to check the pro-
Russian influences in Rumania. Count Berchtold and his col-
EUROPE
27
leagues now determined immediately to use this new opportunity
so as to rid themselves once and for all of the menace to the mon-
archy caused by the Yugoslav propaganda; by doing so they
would be bringing to an issue, on an occasion favourable to them-
selves, the great rivalry in the Balkans with Russia.
The policy of Count Berchtold was apparently influenced by
three motives: (i) the quite justifiable determination for the
punishment of the murderers and their accomplices, together
with the prevention of similar acts in the future; (2) the desire
to show that the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was not effete,
helpless and incapable of action; (3) to gain a great and perma-
nent political advantage as against Russia. Of these the second
seems to have been the most important. There was a general
feeling throughout the empire that the Government must show
its strength by some strong act, a feeling which was encouraged
by the language used by the German ambassador in Vienna:
" What Germany looked for was a firm and definite plan of
action; if this was forthcoming she would be completely on the
side of Austria." But Austria could not take action unless sure
beforehand of German support. Count Hoyos was therefore
despatched on a special mission to Berlin. He took with him both
the memorandum written before the murder and also an auto-
graph letter of the Emperor to the Kaiser of July 2, in which the
dangers to Austria of the Serbian agitation for the union of all
Southern Slavs under Serbia was pointed out. In view of this the
policy of Austria must be the isolation and diminution of Serbia
and the suppression of Serbia as a political factor in the Balkans;
it was necessary for the peace of Europe that the criminal
agitation in Belgrade should not continue with impunity.
The Decision in Berlin. This letter was delivered personally
by Count Szogyeny, the Austrian ambassador, on July 5 to the
German Emperor, who was due to leave for his annual holiday
in the North Sea on July 7. It was during these two days that
the decision on which so much was to depend was made. The
information available up to the end of 1921 as to the actual
course of events in this respect still left much obscure. During
the war it was circumstantially reported that a joint council was
held between Austrian and German statesmen and soldiers at
which a plan of political and military action was decided. It now
seems clear, however, that no such formal meeting took place, an
omission which has naturally been the subject of hostile criticism
in Germany; the very serious diplomatic steps which were to
follow ought undoubtedly to have been preceded by a thorough
sifting of the whole situation political, military, naval and eco-
nomic. The Kaiser, after receiving Count Szogyeny and Count
Hoyos before he left for Norway, had, as he could not well avoid
having, separate conversations with representatives of the army
and navy. It is beyond doubt that the final decision was one for
which he was immediately and personally responsible. While
explaining that he must, of course, consult the Chancellor on a
matter of serious European importance, the Count was author-
ized to inform the Austrian Emperor that in this question he
could " depend on the complete support of Germany." " This
especially applied to Austrian action against Serbia." " In the
Kaiser's opinion there must be no delay. Russia's attitude would
certainly be hostile, but he had for years past been prepared for
this; if it was to come to a war between Austria-Hungary and
Russia she could be convinced that Germany would stand at her
side with her usual fidelity. Moreover, Russia, as matters stood,
was in no way ready for war, and would certainly consider before
appealing to arms." This is confirmed by the diary of Herr
Muhlon and the comments on it by Herr Helfferich, from which
we can gather that those who had been brought into contact with
the Kaiser understood that he was determined that on this
occasion there should be no drawing back; his support would be
given to Austria, and Austria would be sure that he would con-
tinue it to the end; he was especially urgent that Austria should
act quickly; delay would increase the risk of a European war.
The Kaiser left Berlin for his visit to Norway, as arranged,
on July 7. The official German answer, though more guarded,
was in accordance with his language. In it the Chancellor
explained that the view of the German Government was that the
relations between Austria and Serbia were a matter within the
competence of Austria alone ; Germany therefore did not propose
to claim any right to interfere. What this, of course, meant was
that Austria received a free hand to couch her demands on Serbia
in such terms as she chose; Germany already knew that they
would be such as to make war very probable. But Austria had
already been assured that, if this action led to war with Russia,
Germany would be at her side. It is noticeable that no advice or
warning was given that the demands on Serbia should be so
modified as to avoid this danger. On the other hand great
attention was given to the diplomatic preparation; everything
was to be done to secure for a war with Serbia the support or
neutrality of the neighbouring states. With this object the
Kaiser, though strongly against his own personal inclination,
agreed that the King of Bulgaria should be asked to join the
Triple Alliance, and, in view of the great German interests in
Turkey, negotiations with the same object should be entered into
with the Porte. What above all interested them was the position
of Rumania and Italy. The situation in Rumania caused much
anxiety, for King Charles let it be known that he would probably
not be able to bring the country with him into a war with Russia
on the side of the Germanic Powers ; all, however, was to be done to
strengthen German influences in that country. As to Italy it was
agreed that its Government should not be informed beforehand
as to the blow which was impending against Serbia, but Germany
pressed very strongly that Austria should be prepared to offer to
Italy suitable compensation for any gain in territory or political
influence in the Balkans which might accrue to her.
Analysis of the objects and motives of the German Government
is all the more difficult because, in its political composition, it had
no powerful personality such as Bismarck had once been, and its
actions were the result of many conflicting influences, while
decisions were always liable to be deflected by the impulsive and
vacillating character of the Kaiser himself. There was in the first
place genuine indignation at the crime of Serajevo, an indignation
which in the Kaiser's mind took the characteristic form that there
must be cooperation between all monarchical States against ele-
ments of disorder. This motive was one which, no doubt, it was
hoped when the time came he would use with effect upon the Tsar.
Politically there had long been dissatisfaction at Berlin with the
conduct of affairs in Austria; the force and decision which were
needed in an ally were wanting. It was hoped, therefore, that the
opportunity would be used to remedy this defect. But there were
further and greater objects which would follow automatically; if
Russia could be persuaded to stand aside while Serbia was over-
run by the Austrian army, it would become evident that Russian
protection was of no avail to Serbia; Serbia would be pushed out
of the way, and thereby the Germanic Powers would gain in fact
the control of the Balkans and the road to the East. It was an
essential part of the scheme that Great Britain and France should
be urged to use their influence to keep Russia quiet; if they did
not do so then the responsibility for any extension of the war which ,
ensued would seem to attach to them; if they did then the internal
harmony of the Triple Entente would be weakened; Russia would
feel that she had been deserted by her allies. It was possible that
these results might be obtained without a European war. If, how-
ever, Russia was determined to meet the challenge and war
resulted, it was hoped that matters could be so arranged that
the responsibility for the war should appear to fall on Russia
and the Entente. The general condition of Europe was very
threatening; it seemed probable that under any circumstances
the " great war " must ensue shortly; it was believed that
Russia would be ready in about two years. If there was to be a
. war the summer of 1914 seemed on the whole to be favourable to
Germany. The Kiel Canal had been enlarged; the army was at
the height of efficiency; the diplomatic situation seemed favour-
able; there were very serious labour troubles in Russia, serious
parliamentary disputes in France, and it appeared as if there
might soon be open rebellion in Ireland, with possibly something
approaching mutiny in the British army. It was indeed impos-
sible to depend on Italy; but if Bulgaria and Turkey could be won
over this would counteract the uncertainty of Rumania's action.
28
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German support having been secured, the Austrian Govern-
ment proceeded to prepare the text of the demands to be present-
ed to Serbia. The great point was that they should be so drafted
that they would be unacceptable; the object was not a mere
diplomatic victory but war; it was held that nothing would meet
the situation and restore the authority and prestige of the
monarchy short of an effective display of military strength. It
was agreed, however, in consequence of the strong pressure used
by Count Tisza, who alone was in opposition to the policy pro-
posed, that the annexation of any part of Serbia, apart from a
rectification of the frontier, should be repudiated; on the other
hand, it might well be that, as a result of a successful war, por-
tions of Serbia should be assigned to Bulgaria and Albania. The
actual drafting of the ultimatum was apparently entrusted to
Count Forgach, formerly Austro-Hungarian minister at Belgrade,
who had been closely concerned in the concoction and manipula-
tion of the Friedjung forgeries. On July 17, the final draft, having
passed the Council of State, received the approval of the Em-
peror, Francis Joseph, but it was determined to postpone its
presentation till July 23; it would be better to delay until M.
Poincare, the French President, who was to visit the northern
courts, had left St. Petersburg.
These arrangements were conducted in the greatest secrecy.
All that was known outside was that Austria was contemplating
some serious action against Serbia; this was naturally sufficient to
cause apprehension and anxiety, but, during the days of waiting,
the Austrian Government used its influence to damp down the
very violent denunciations of Serbia in the Viennese press, and in
other ways tried to still the vigilance of the other Powers, As
late as July 19 they assured the Russian ambassador in Vienna
that nothing dangerous to the peace of Europe was being under-
taken, and in consequence he went on a holiday. The British
Government and nation, whose attention was preoccupied at the
moment with the Irish problem, were inclined to regard the local
dispute between Serbia and Austria as not being one in which
they were vitally concerned; and Mr. Asquith's Cabinet, which
was perhaps not very well informed as to Balkan matters, was
late in realizing how imminent was the danger. On July 16, the
British ambassador, Sir Maurice de Bunsen, was able to give Sir
Edward Grey a warning which was corroborated from unofficial
sources. None the less the belief that there would be a real
danger of European war was slow in maturing in Great Britain,
in spite of the anxiety felt in a few well-informed quarters. This
attitude was based on a belief that, after all, the German Govern-
ment would not support Austria in any reckless policy.
The Austrian Nqle. The ultimatum was presented at 6 P.M.
on Thursday, July 23, by Baron de Giesl to Dr. Patchou, as
M. Pashitch, the Serbian prime minister, was absent from
Belgrade. The note had been admirably drawn up to fulfil the
avowed object that it should contain demands which could not
possibly be complied with. It required that Serbia should first
of all officially publish on the front page of the Official Journal
a condemnation of the Serbian propaganda against Austria-
Hungary, regret for the part taken by Serbian officers and officials
in this propaganda, and a promise of amendment in the future.
There were in addition ten requirements, which include, among
others, the dissolution of " Narodna Obrana," the suppression of
any publication which incited to hatred and contempt of the
monarchy, the elimination from public instruction in Serbia
(including the teaching body) of anything that served as propa-
ganda against Austria-Hungary, the removal from the army
and the administration of officers and officials guilty of such
propaganda whose names might be communicated by the Austro-
v Hungarian Government, the collaboration in Serbia of Austro-
Hungarian representatives for the suppression of the movement
against the territorial integrity of the monarchy, and that
Austro-Hungarian representatives should take part in judicial
proceedings against all the accessories to the plot of June 28 on
Serbian territory. A reply was required by 6 o'clock on the
evening of Saturday July 25.
As was immediately pointed out by everyone who read this
document it would be impossible for the Serbian Government to
accept all these demands; no such requirements had ever been
directed to a fully sovereign State in particular the requirement
that unnamed officials should be dismissed on the request of
the Austro-Hungarian Government, and that Austro-Hungarian
officials should take part both in police and judicial proceedings
on Serbian soil, was clearly one impossible to be granted. There
could be only one conclusion, that Austria intended to force a war
with Serbia and that in doing this she had deliberately prepared
to meet the opposition of Russia. But it was clear that Austria
could not have taken this step without the previous consent of
Germany. It was therefore at once concluded that the two
Germanic Powers had determined immediately to challenge
Russia, and with Russia France, to a great trial of strength.
This view was supported by a note which on the following day
was delivered at St. Petersburg, Paris and London, in which the
German Government announced that they considered the pro-
cedure and demands of the Austrian Government to be both
equitable and moderate. (It is now known that these words had
been written at a time when the German Government did not
precisely know what the demands of the Austrian Government
would be. It did not occur to anyone outside that the Govern-
ment of a great State could be guilty of such unparalleled levity;
it was naturally assumed that they had seen and approved the
text of the Austrian note beforehand, and all their disclaimers
were received with incredulity.) The German Government also
emphasized their opinion that the questions at issue between
Austria and Serbia should be settled by these two States alone,
and lastly, they intimated that interference by any other Power
would be followed by incalculable consequences. This could
obviously mean nothing except that Germany was backing up
Austria, would support her even up to a war with Russia, and
that a threat was intended to France and Great Britain that,
unless they put themselves on the Austrian side and brought
pressure to bear upon Russia to withdraw her support from
Serbia, a European war would result.
The news reached St. Petersburg just after M. Poincare
had left. The secrecy with which the ultimatum had been
engendered, the misleading assurances, the absence of any warn-
ing to or consultation with other States, all seemed to point to a
deep-laid plot. The reaction was precisely what was to be
anticipated. The greatest indignation was expressed and the
indignation was genuine. M. Sazonov at once asked for assur-
ance that he should have the full support of France and Great
Britain against this unparalleled act of aggression; the only
method of avoiding war with Germany was, he said, that Ger-
many should know that she would be confronted by the united
forces of the Entente. At the same time Russian military prepa-
rations were at once begun; it was decided at a meeting of the
Russian Council of State on July 25 that all preliminary steps
should be taken and that Sjizonov should be authorized to give
the signal for mobilization as soon as it seemed to him necessary.
Meanwhile a public communique was issued that Russia could
not remain indifferent to the fate of Serbia. Similar language was
used in private and official interviews. It was from the begin-
ning perfectly clear that Russia intended to resist the Austrian
scheme, by war if necessary.
In these circumstances much depended on the action of Great
Britain. During these days France could do little, for the Presi-
dent and the Foreign Minister were at sea. Russia and France
both pressed Sir Edward Grey to declare himself. The situation
was a difficult one. He clearly could not, as' the Russians asked,
give an unconditional promise to join with Russia if war ensued;
by doing so he would incur the danger of increasing the influence
of the war party which undoubtedly existed at St. Petersburg.
Moreover, he would not have the full support of the Cabinet,
nor apparently of the country. On the other hand he could not
give the promise of neutrality which Germany asked for, nor
could he even press Russia too strongly to suspend her military
preparations, for, by so doing, he would in fact be giving his
support to an act of aggression against a State with which he was
in the closest diplomatic agreement. He therefore saw from the
beginning that the only possible means of avoiding a European
50
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40
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29
war was to bring about some form of mediation or conciliation
by which time would be gained; then some means might be found
of settling the crisis in a peaceful way. For the next five days^
supported by France, he pursued this path with energy and
resource. In accordance with the practice of the last years he
depended on the cooperation of Germany. To intervene directly
between Austria and Serbia was out of the question; if Russia
became involved the only remedy would be joint action of Great
Britain and Germany. He knew that he had the support of
Prince Lichnowsky, the German ambassador in London; he
hoped for the cooperation of the German chancellor; he did not
know how fundamental was the difference between the German
ambassador and his Government.
His first suggestion was that Austria should give Serbia more
time, and not, as was threatened, break off diplomatic relations if
Serbia did not accept all the requirements of the ultimatum by
6 o'clock on Saturday, July 25. This proposal, which was sup-
ported by Russia, received no support in Germany, and in fact
reached Vienna almost too late. It was at once rejected there.
The Serbian answer was actually delivered at the appointed hour
on July 25. It was very conciliatory. It went to the furthest
possible extreme in compliance; every demand was granted with
the exception of two: the dismissal of unspecified officials and
officers and the cooperation on Serbian soil of Austrian officials.
The Austrian minister, however, at once, in accordance with his
instructions, left Belgrade. Sir Edward Grey, however, now
began to press for mediation, not between Austria and Serbia,
but between Austria and Russia, by the four Powers, Great
Britain, Germany, France and Italy. On July 27 he converted this
into a firm proposal for submission of the points at issue between
Austria and Russia to a conference of the ambassadors in London.
This proposal was rejected by the Germans on the ground that
they could not ask Austria to submit to what would in fact be an
Areopagus of the Powers. They also would prefer separate
conversations between Austria and Russia, which Sazonov had
meanwhile suggested. One of the reasons for the rejection was, as
has since been explained, that they would not trust their own
ambassador in London.
The text of the Serbian answer to the Austrian note was
received in London on July 27. Sir Edward Grey at once pointed
out that this reply could surely be made the basis of negotiations,
and pressed that, if Austria continued her intransigeant attitude,
it would appear that she was deliberately aiming at war. These
representations were fully reported to Berlin by Prince Lichnow-
sky, who warned the German Government that, if they continued
their negative attitude, they would no longer be able to depend
upon the neutrality of Great Britain. These representations
were without effect. The German Government indeed on July 27
forwarded Sir Edward Grey's proposals to Vienna, but at the
same time they informed Count Szogyeny, the Austrian ambassa-
dor, that they did so merely because they did not wish to alienate
Great Britain, and in no way associated themselves with the
proposals which they did not wish to see adopted. The negative
attitude of Berlin, the apparent refusal to do anything to restrain
Austria, inevitably produced the conviction that Germany was
no longer working for peace. If this were so there then remained
only one means of avoiding war, that Great Britain should give a
formal warning that in the event of war she would be found on the
side of Russia and France. This was from the beginning strong-
ly urged both at Paris and St. Petersburg; a first step in this
direction was the order given to the British fleet (which had been
assembled for manoeuvres) not to demobilize; this order was made
public on July 28.
However, on the morning of July 28, some change became
apparent in the German attitude. The Kaiser had returned to
Potsdam from his North Sea cruise on the afternoon of July 27.
There was at once laid before him the text of the Serbian answer,
which, owing to very serious delay, for which the Austrians were
responsible, had not reached Berlin until that day. He saw that
it left to the Austrians no defensible ground for a declaration of
war. " A brilliant achievement; this is more than could have
been expected. A great moral success for Vienna, but with it
every ground for war disappears, and Giesl ought to have re-
mained quietly at Belgrade. / would never have ordered mo-
bilization." He therefore, on the morning of July 28, caused to be
sent to Vienna a proposal that Austria should be satisfied with the
occupation of Belgrade and a defined limit of territory, and
should issue her demands from there. This would give to the
military feeling of Austria that satisfaction which they might
reasonably demand. As was pointed out: " If Austria continues
her refusal to all proposals for mediation or arbitration, the
odium of being responsible for a world war will in the eyes of the
German people fall on the German Government. On such a basis,
however, a successful war on three fronts cannot be started and
carried through." The weakness of this proposal was that it was
based on the assumption that war with Serbia would have begun;
but as soon as war began, clearly Russia must mobilize. No
settlement could be successful unless it provided for a mutual
understanding as to the military measures to be taken on both
sides; such an understanding must be made at once and com-
municated to Russia. The Emperor's proposal assumed that
while Austria began a war with Serbia, Russia should cease all
military measures. This clearly was impossible.
Austrian Declaration of War against Serbia. Russian mobiliza-
tion was in fact becoming imminent. The preliminary work had
proceeded rapidly; reports came to Germany from all parts of the
Russian Empire showing the activity of the preparations. The
Russian position never changed. They would not proceed to
the next stage until Austria took overt action either by a military
advance or declaration of war. As soon as she took either of these
steps, Russia would mobilize part of her forces. This con-
tingency was realized on Tuesday, July 28. Austria had issued an
order for the mobilization of eight army corps on July 26, and
now sent a declaration of war against Serbia in an open telegram
to Belgrade. The Austrian Government had informed Germany
of their intention to do this the day before, but no warning or
suggestion that some delay would be useful was given. Germany
in fact was now beginning to experience the results of the very
ill-considered language used three weeks before; the Kaiser had
insisted then on the necessity for rapid and vigorous action; to
press now for moderation and delay would have exposed him to
the charge of vacillation which on other occasions his actions had
appeared to justify, and from which he had boasted that on this
occasion he would be free.
As soon as the news of the declaration of war reached St.
Petersburg it was decided that partial mobilization must follow;
the German and other Governments were immediately informed.
This decision was confirmed when on the same day the Austrians
broke off the separate conversations with Russia which Sazonov
had suggested, giving as a reason the declaration of war with
Serbia, an act for which they themselves were entirely respon-
sible. Even now, however, there was a delay of 24 hours. The next
morning news came that the Austrians had begun to attack and
were bombarding Belgrade. Further delay seemed impossible.
Apparently the Tsar signed the ukase for the mobilization of 13
army corps in the early afternoon of Wednesday, July 28. After
doing so he caused Count Pourtales, the German representative
in St. Petersburg, to be assured that it was not his intention to
take any threatening measures against Germany, and that
mobilization did not necessarily imply war even against Austria.
About 7 o'clock that evening Cqunt Pourtales called on Sazonov,
and under instructions from the German chancellor warned him
that any further military preparations or mobilization would
involve German mobilization, and that German mobilization
meant war. This message was so worded that it seemed to
prohibit even partial mobilization against Austria. The German
explanation is that it was meant as a friendly warning, but it was
taken, not unnaturally, as something in the nature of an ulti-
matum. The effect was that the order for partial mobilization
was that very evening changed into one for the general mobiliza-
tion of the whole army. There were many reasons for this.
Mobilization included also dislocation of the scheme for drawing
up the Russian army on the frontier. The whole arrangements
for the scheme would depend on whether it was to be merely a
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warning directed against Austria, or whether an immediate war
against both empires was imminent. To change from partial
mobilization to general mobilization would be an extremely
difficult and complicated task. If partial mobilization would, as
seemed to be the case, bring about war with Germany, Russia
might find herself in an extremely dangerous situation.
Meanwhile there was great anxiety in Berlin. The Govern-
ment were not well informed as to the intentions of Austria, and
answers to telegrams were long delayed. There was also a
serious divergence between the political and military authorities.
The general staff were becoming very nervous. If there was to
be war it was essential that it must begin at once in order that
they might gain the advantage which came from their higher
stage of military preparation. Every day that elapsed would
have the result of enabling Russia to enter the campaign sooner
than had been anticipated. On the other hand, from the
political point of view, especially having regard to the effect on
public opinion in Germany and in Great Britain, it was most
important to avoid action which might appear provocative.
Matters must be so arranged that the appearance of aggression
would fall upon Russia. The whole situation appears to have
been discussed in a council which met at the palace at Potsdam
that evening. There is no authentic record of the discussion, but
from subsequent revelations it is clear that a demand was made
by the general staff for immediate mobilization, and was refused.
It was, however, determined to make a strong effort to avoid the
danger, which was becoming more apparent, of active -British
intervention in the war; with this object, that very evening
between 9 and 10 o'clock, the German chancellor sent for Sir
Edward Goschen, the British ambassador, and made him a
strong offer for British neutrality. In return for this Germany
would be prepared to promise that in the event of a successful
war no part of France would be annexed by Germany. This
suggestion was, of course, the next day indignantly refused.
Scarcely, however, was the interview over when a fresh telegram
from Prince Lichnowsky was received, containing a friendly
warning from Sir Edward Grey that, if war resulted, England
would probably not be able to keep out of it. This produced
something like consternation. The negotiations with Austria as
to Italy had not been proceeding favourably, and all the in-
formation seemed to show that Italian support would not be
forthcoming. The very same night three additional telegrams
were dispatched to Vienna couched in the most pressing and
urgent terms, exhorting the Austrian Government not to con-
tinue their refusal against all projects of mediation; if they did so
they would be dragging Germany into a European war, in which
Italy would not be on the side of the Triple Alliance and in which
Great Britain would be among the enemies, a war, therefore,
which would be fought under the most unfavourable conditions.
It was only by using the last measure, the threat of war, that
British influence for peace began to be effective but too late.
Russian and German Mobilization. Among the numerous
other telegrams sent out from Berlin on this evening was one from
the Kaiser to the Tsar, again impressing on him in the strongest
terms the danger of mobilization. In consequence the Tsar,
shortly before midnight, telephoned both to the chief of the
Russian general staff and to the Minister for War, instructing
them to alter the determination already arrived at; there is some
conflict in the evidence as to whether he ordered the cessation of
all measures of mobilization, or merely that partial mobilization
should be substituted for general. However this may be, the
Minister for War, General Sukhomlinov, who was much im-
pressed by the dangerous position into which Russia was drifting,
and by the inextricable confusion which would be created if the
mobilization orders which had already been sent out were counter-
manded, determined on his own responsibility to disobey the
orders which he had received and to leave things as they were;
and he told the chief of the staff, General Januskevitch, to
ignore the Tsar's instructions. In consequence the order for
general mobilization was maintained. M. Sazonov does not
appear to have known this; anyhow he told the French ambassa-
dor that the order for general mobilization had been issued, but
subsequently revoked. At a meeting which took place the follow-
ing morning, July 30, the situation was again discussed, and on
this occasion Sukhomlinov, according to his own evidence
given at his subsequent trial, " lied to the Tsar " and allowed
him to believe that his orders had been exe'cuted. During the
same morning a further interview between Sazonov and Pourtales
had resulted in the drafting of a formula by which it was hoped
that a way out of the difficulty would be found. This had been
sent to Berlin. The answer to it came in the late afternoon and
was an uncompromising refusal. During the day there was
telegraphed from Berlin news of a false press announcement that
German mobilization had been ordered; this was contradicted
very shortly afterwards. As a result of these events and the
information that the Austrian bombardment of Belgrade was
continuing, the Tsar in the afternoon reconfirmed the decision of
the previous evening that general mobilization should be pro-
ceeded with. He seems never to have been informed of the
disobedience to his orders. The notices were put up throughout
the Russian Empire during the course of the night, and on the
following morning the fact was public. There was, however,
s"ome delay in communicating it abroad; the news does not seem
to have reached either Paris or London until very late in the
afternoon. It reached Berlin shortly after midday. The Kaiser
at once left Potsdam for Berlin and ordered the proclamation of
Kriegszustand, the first step before mobilization; a telegram was
also sent to Pourtales that he should immediately call on Sazonov
and! inform him that unless the order for general mobilization
was recalled within 24 hours Germany would consider herself
at war with Russia. No answer was given; German mobilization
was proclaimed the next day, Saturday, Aug. i, and war was
declared at 5 o'clock in the afternoon.
The Russian order for general mobilization seems on all
grounds to have been ill-advised; from the military point of
view delay was advantageous to Russia. Politically it provided
the German Government with the pretext which was essential to
them: for the moment it appeared as if Germany was de-
fending herself against a Russian invasion ; the solidarity of the
nation was secured and even the Socialists ceased their criticism
and opposition. It was this which made the Reichstag, which
assembled on Aug. 3, almost unanimous in its support of the war
measures laid before it. It also destroyed any slender possibility
of still avoiding war. The decision seems to have been due not
so much to any deliberate desire for war, as to the state'of nervous
panic which prevailed in the sinister situation by which Russia
was suddenly confronted; owing to the provocative and menacing
action of Austria and Germany there was no cool and balanced
judgment or strong hand to exercise control. All accounts agree
that even Sukhomlinov was overwhelmed by the crisis, and the
Tsar throughout was in a state of pitiable indecision.
The extreme rapidity with which these events took place
frustrated all the efforts at mediation which were in progress.
Sir Edward Grey had put forward a new plan, very similar to the
German Emperor's proposal that Austria should issue her terms
from Belgrade, but he had accompanied it by conditions which,
if accepted, would have got over the mobilization difficulty. This
had been communicated by Berlin to Vienna, but no answer had
been received when Germany, by her ultimatum, broke through
all the negotiations. None the less, even as late as Saturday, Aug.
i, this and other suggestions continued to be the subject of an
interchange of telegrams. While they ceased to have any prac-
tical importance it may be noted that, in a telegram of July 31,
the Austrian Government so far deviated from their previous
attitude as to accept the idea of mediation by the four Powers
between Austria and Serbia. This was a considerable concession,
ljut it was in fact superseded by a personal telegram from the
Austrian Emperor sent almost at the same time, and its value was
diminished because it was accompanied by the condition that
Austrian military action against Serbia should continue, but
that Russia should discontinue all her military preparations. It
need not be said that on these lines no arrangement could have
been made, for this would have implied that Russia should stand
passively by, watching the defeat of the Serbian army and allow-
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Ing Austria to occupy the whole of Serbian territory. There is
indeed no indication that, so far as Austria was concerned, the
postponement of the Russian general mobilization would have
had any effect upon the final issue. The order for general
mobilization was determined on the afternoon of July 30, and
issued on July 31, before Russian mobilization was known.
France and Germany. In accordance with the terms of the
Franco-Russian Alliance, an aggressive war declared by Ger-
many against Russia inevitably entailed war with France. The
French President, M. Poincare, and the premier, M. Viviani,
reached Paris on the evening of July 29 ; they at once telegraphed to
Russia that France would fulfil the obligations of her alliance,
while continuing her efforts to preserve peace. From the begin-
ning of the crisis France had, like all other nations on the con-
tinent of Europe, immediately begun all the necessary military
preparations. Even the smaller States, such as Holland, had
from the beginning of the week been doing the same thing.
It is not necessary to enter into the discussion which took place
at the time as to the particular stage of military preparations
reached in each country on each day. The Austrian ultimatum
to Serbia was an act of such a nature that, followed as it was by
the rupture of diplomatic relations and the declaration of war, no
responsible Government could afford to lose a moment in carry-
ing through every measure short of the final act of calling up the
reserves, to which the name of " mobilization " is generally
given. Suffice it to say that by July 31 the French and German
covering troops on the frontier were both in position. The
French, however, in order to avoid any untoward incident, took
the precaution of keeping their troops 10 km. from the frontier.
This was not imitated by the Germans, and in fact could not be,
for the great fortress of Metz was actually on the frontier, and
there seems no doubt that before July 31, on several occasions,
German troops had crossed the French frontier. The Russian
mobilization, the consequent German mobilization, and the
declaration of war against Russia, made it imperatively necessary
for the German Government without any delay to settle the
issue with France. As has already been pointed out, the basis
of their whole plan of operations was an instantaneous invasion
of France. They therefore could not allow a day to pass unused;
if there was to be war with France, it must come at once. Ac-
cordingly at 7 o'clock on July 31, Herr von Schoen, the German
ambassador in Paris, called on M. Viviani and announced that he
would come again the next day to learn what the attitude of
France would be in case of a war between Germany and Russia.
He came in consequence on Aug. i, and was informed merely
that " France would do that which her interest dictated."
French general mobilization was ordered on Aug. i, at almost
exactly the same time as that of Germany. It would have been,
natural that the actual declaration of war by Germany should
immediately have followed; it was, however, delayed for two
days, partly in consequence apparently of a misunderstanding
which arose in London. Lichnowsky telegraphed that he had
received an inquiry whether Germany would stand out if England
secured the neutrality of France. What seems to have been
meant was an idea that both France and Germany should remain
neutral, leaving Austria and Russia alone at war; this was
misinterpreted as a suggestion that France should remain neutral
in a war between Germany and Russia. Nothing could have
been more favourable to Germany than this, but subsequent
revelations have shown that even French neutrality alone would
not have been accepted by Germany. Herr von Schoen was
instructed, if France promised to remain neutral, to demand that
she should hand over the fortified cities of Toul and Verdun to
Germany as a guarantee. That such a proposal should ever have
been seriously entertained shows how abnormal was the men-
tality of Berlin. There was never the slightest doubt that France
could not leave Russia unprotected against a combined attack
from both Germany and Austria.
The situation at the end of the week was a very anxious one in
Paris. War with Germany was now certain, and France might
anticipate that within a few days the whole force of the German
army would be thrown against the frontier. The future of
France seemed to depend upon the action of Great Britain. But
in London all seemed uncertain. The strongest representations ,
were made by M. Cambon to Sir Edward Grey, and the President
of the French Republic addressed an autograph letter to King
George urging the vital necessity for help from England. No
promise could be given. The British Cabinet were then divided.
Neither they nor, as was thought, the country would have
approved of the interference of Great Britain in a continental war
in which her interests and honour were not immediately involved. 1
Though Great Britain could not stand by and passively watch
the defeat and dismemberment of France, this might be a reason
for preparing to intervene if at any time it became necessary,
but not for taking part as a principal from the beginning. There
was indeed one point in which, admittedly, both British interests
and British honour were closely concerned, viz.: the neutrality of
Belgium. Great Britain was bound by the Treaties of 1839 to
intervene if either party to a war violated that neutrality. Fol-
lowing, therefore, the precedent of 1870 Sir Edward Grey, on
July 30, addressed a message both to the French and the German
Governments, drawing their attention to this point and asking
for assurance that Belgian neutrality would be respected. The
answer from France was quite satisfactory. The German
Government, on the other hand, said that they were unable to
give any answer to the question. On Sunday, Aug. 2, Sir Edward
Grey, on his own responsibility, without obtaining the consent
of the Cabinet, took another step. He informed the French
that if a German fleet attacked France in the Channel or the
Atlantic, Great Britain would immediately intervene with her
fleet. Apart from the Belgian question, it would still have been
possible for Germany to keep Great Britain neutral by limiting
the war against France to land operations, and it would clearly
have been in her interests to do so.
All then seemed to depend on the Belgian question. On
Monday, Aug. 3, the German Government formally declared war
against France. The actual reasons given were statements that
the French had violated German territory by dropping bombs
from aeroplanes, and in other ways. The German Government
has since acknowledged that these statements were untrue.
Meanwhile it became known in London (Aug. 2) that German
forces had crossed the Luxemburg frontier and occupied the
Grand Duchy, the neutrality of which was guaranteed by the
Great Powers, Germany herself included; and also that the Ger-
man minister at Brussels (as Sir E. Grey told the House of Com-
mons on Aug. 3) had delivered a note to the Belgian Government
demanding free passage for their troops across Belgian territory;
if this was granted they undertook to leave Belgium at the end of
the war with her independence and territory unimpaired, and in
fact held out hopes of increase of territory at the expense of
France, either in Europe or in the colonies. If the request was
refused, Belgium would be treated as an enemy. An answer was
required within 12 hours. This action was excused by the
statement that the German Government had reliable information
that French forces intended to enter Belgium. But it is now known
that the whole note, including this statement, had been drafted
more than a week before by the general staff. After a midnight
sitting of the Belgian Council of State, presided over by the King,
a refusal was handed to Herr von Below. Before this happened
German troops had already crossed the frontier, and in con-
sequence Herr von Below receiyed his passport and was requested
to leave the country immediately.
These events were decisive for Great Britain. All the doubts by
which the Cabinet and large sections of the country had been
assailed during the previous week were at once swept aside. On
the afternoon of Aug. 3, Sir Edward Grey explained the menacing
nature of the situation to the House of Commons, and on the
next day (after a further statement in Parliament by the Prime
Minister) an ultimatum was dispatched to Berlin requiring the
German Government to respect Belgian neutrality. This was
1 Nevertheless, it was being vigorously contended by The Times
during this juncture that British interests and honour were involved,
though the " pacifist " section of the London Press as vigorously
denied it. . (Ed. E.B.)
EUROPE
presented by Sir E. Goschen to Herr von Jagow; as the request
was refused, he demanded his passport, and war between Great
Britain and Germany began at midnight (Aug. 4-5).
BIBLIOGRAPHY. -The chief authority for the events dealt with
above is the official correspondence published by the various Gov-
ernments. A translation of the full text of all documents published at
the beginning of the war will be found in Collected Diplomatic Docu-
ments relating to the Outbreak of the European War, printed by the
Stationery Office (1915); there are numerous other collections, as
for instance The Times Documentary History of the War, vols. i. and
ii. (1917); Mach's Official Diplomatic Documents relating to the
Outbreak of the European War, containing both the originals and the
translations (notes unreliable; 1916); useful selections are those by
Reinach, Histoire de Douze Jours (1917), and Max Beer, Das Regen-
bogenbuch. The original German White Book was very incom-
plete and has been superseded by the later publication, Deutsche
Dokumente zum Kriegsausbruch, Vollstandige Sammlung der von
Karl Kautsky zusammengestellten amtlichen Aktenstucke, mil einigen
Erganzungen, edited by Graf Max Montgelas and Prof. Walter
Schiicking, 4 vols. (1919). There has also been published the
full text of the Austrian correspondence, Diplomatische Akten-
stucke zur Vorgeschichte des Krieges 1914, 3 parts (1919); see also
Dr. Roderich Gooss, Das Wiener Kabinett und die Entstehung des
Weltkrieges (1919). The original British White Book, on the other
hand, gives a faithful and practically complete account of the action
of the British Government as recorded in the official papers and
correspondence in the Foreign Office Archives. To these should
be added the Rumanian and the Greek White Books (Le Livre
Blanc Grec Les Pourparlers Diplomatiques 1913-7 (1918), Berger-
Levrault), also the Austro-Hungarian Red Books on the relations
to Italy and Rumania.
Other Publications. The very numerous works which appeared
during the war are to a great extent superseded owing to the further
information which is now available. Of them the more important
are: J. M. Beck, The Evidence in the Case (1914); J. W. Headlam,
The History of Twelve Days (1915); J. W. Headlam, The German
Chancellor and the Outbreak of War (1915); Wm. Archer, The Thir-
teen Days (1915); C. Oman, The Outbreak of the War, 1914-8 (1919);
J' Accuse, by a German (Dr. Richard Grelling: 1915); Dr. Richard
Grelling, The Crime (1917).
Of the later literature, special works and memoirs, the following
are the most important : Report of the Commission of the Paris Con-
ference on the Responsibilities for the War, published by Congress
(Hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate,
66th Congress, Treaty of Peace with Germany, 1919) ; Das Deutsche
Weissbuch uber die Schuld am Kriege (1919); Zur Vorgeschichte des
Weltkrieges Beilage zu den stenographischen Berichten uber die
offentlichen Verhandlungen des Untersuchungsausschusses (1921);
Karl Kautsky, Wie der Weltkrieg entstand (1919); for criticism see
Prof. Hans Delbriick, Kautsky und Harden (1920); Rene Puaux,
Le Mensonge (1918); E. Waxweiler, La Belgique Neutre et Loyale
(1915); Dr. Muhlon's Diary (1918); Prince Lichnowsky, My Mis-
sion to London, 1912-4 (1918); Karl Helfferich, Die Vorgeschichte des
Weltkrieges (1919); Bethmann Hollweg, Reflections on the World
War (1920); Jagow, Ursachen und Ausbruch des Weltkrieges (1919);
Baron Beyens, L'Allemagne avant la Guerre (1915); Dr. M. Boghit-
schewitsch, Kriegsursachen (1919) -English translation, Causes of
the War (1919, G. L. van Langenhuysen) ; Raymond Poincare,
Les Origines de la Guerre (1921); Graf Pourtales, Am Scheidewege
zwischen Krieg und Frieden (1919); Oberstleutnant von Eggeling,
Die Russische Mobilmachung und der Kriegsausbruch (1919).
G- W. H.-M.)
EUROPE AFTER THE WAR
Under the heading of WORLD WAR, the diplomatic history
of the war period itself is separately dealt with. European
history was mixed up in this period with world history. It
remains here to speak of the new Europe resulting from the war.
The changes produced in the political system of Europe by
the war and the peace settlement were in their magnitude and
importance comparable only to those embodied in the similar
settlements made by the treaties of Westphalia, the Peace of
Utrecht and the Congress of Vienna. The territorial settlement
(see accompanying map) affected directly or indirectly every
nation on the continent except Spain and Portugal. It was made
partly by the treaties signed at Versailles, St. Germain, Trianon,
Neuilly and Sevres, but these left several matters undecided
which have been dealt with by subsequent agreements. In the
summer of 1921 the principal districts left undetermined were
Upper Silesia, East Galicia, the eastern frontiers of Poland and
the boundaries of Albania.
Western Europe. In western Europe the most important
result has been the increase in the territory and influence of
France, who has recovered the lost provinces of Alsace and Lor-
raine, which are now again incorporated in France. Her hope
was permanently to detach the left bank of the Rhine from Ger-
many, and, by joining this territory with Belgium and Luxem-
burg into a French sphere of influence, to secure herself against
the danger of a fresh German invasion. This object was only
partially attained. By a provisional arrangement, which normal-
ly would not last more than 15 years, the principal Allied and
Associated Powers, among whom in all matters of western Europe
France naturally took the leading place, had the right to occupy
the Rhine with the bridgeheads and virtually control all German
territory on the left bank of the river; inter-Allied control was
exercised by a civil commission which sat at Coblenz under
French chairmanship. Clauses of the Treaty of Versailles gave the
control and navigation of the Rhine to an international com-
mission, and France had for a period of 15 years acquired certain
rights over the port of Kehl on the right bank of the river. The
territory of the Saar valley had also for a period of 15 years been
separated from Germany and placed under the control of a com-
mission appointed by and responsible to the League of Nations,
the full ownership of the mines being given to France. The
chairman of the commission was French, and French influence
was dominant; French troops continued to be maintained there,
a contingency not contemplated by the Treaty. The final de-
cision as to the fate of this district was reserved for a plebiscite
in 1935; under this the inhabitants would have the right to opt
either for restoration to Germany, incorporation with France, or
a continuance of the existing system.
The Grand Duchy of Luxemburg retained its independence
and status as a sovereign State, but the close connexion with
Germany was severed, and in May 1921 a treaty for economic
union with Belgium was signed, under which there would be a
customs union between the two countries, and the railways
would be jointly managed. In addition to this, Belgium, under
the Treaty of Versailles, acquired a small increase of territory
at the expense of Germany in Eupen and Malmedy, and was
also freed from the limitations on her full sovereignty imposed
by the settlement of 1839; she henceforward took her place
among the other European States without the restrictions of
permanent and guaranteed neutrality. This was the end of a
system which in one form or another had played an important
part in European politics for some 200 years. Belgium also
entered into a military convention with France.
Central Europe. It was in the centre and the east of Europe
that the greatest changes took place. The three great monarchies,
which since the days of Catherine, Frederick the Great and
Maria Theresa had dominated so large a portion of the continent,
disappeared. In Petrograd, Berlin and Vienna, the old centres
of authority, the court made way for Republican Government,
and the great armies by which Europe was overawed ceased to
exist. But the character of the change in each case was very
different. Germany came out of the war a united State; all
projects for disruption, for instance, in the Rhine Provinces or
Bavaria, failed, and she still was in population the largest coun-
try, except Russia, on the continent of Europe, and in area
second only to Russia and France. She had ceded Alsace-Lor-
raine to France, to Denmark the northern portion of Schleswig,
to Poland the greater part of the provinces of Posen and West
Prussia; the city of Danzig, which commands the mouth of the
Vistula, was created a sovereign State under the guarantee of
the League of Nations, but by a treaty was incorporated within
the Polish customs frontier, the control of railways, port and
foreign relations being given to Poland. Memel and the surround-
ing district were ceded to the principal Allied and Associated
Powers, ultimately, no doubt, to be transferred to Lithuania.
A large slice of Upper Silesia was transferred to Poland. In
addition to this, for a maximum period of 15 years the left
bank of the Rhine was subject to inter-Allied occupation and
control, and Germany was forbidden to maintain any troops
or fortifications within this area or within 50 m. of the right
bank of the river, and for the same period was deprived of the
Saar valley.
EUROPE
33
Even more important than the loss of territory were the eco-
nomic and financial disabilities imposed on Germany by the
peace settlement, and the state of internal instability caused
by the Revolution. The general effect was that, for the present,
Germany was unable to .take any active part in European politics;
she had become a passive element in the continental system and
the utmost that she could do was to concentrate on the slow and
arduous task of internal reconstruction, which at the best must
take many years. The prime occupation of France was to secure
the safeguards which would be necessary when the process of
recovery had been completed.
By far the most striking of the changes was the disappearance
from the map of Europe of the great Habsburg Monarchy, which
since the days of Charles V. had played so important a part.
This is an event. to which there is no parallel in European history.
It is the first time that one of the Great Powers of Europe has,
not by slow and prolonged process, but by a sudden collapse,
ceased to exist. As an immediate result there was added to the
European system one new State (the new Austrian Republic),
and three others were so changed that they might equally well
be considered as new members of the family of nations.
1. The ancient kingdom of Bohemia, which since 1526 had
been merged in the Habsburg possessions, reappeared under the
title of Czechoslovakia. To quote the preamble to one of the
treaties signed at St. Germain:
" The union which formerly existed between the old Kingdom of
Bohemia, the Margravate of Moravia and the Duchy of Silesia
on the one hand, and the other territories of the former Austro-
Hungarian Monarchy on the other, has definitely ceased to exist,
and the peoples of Bohemia, of Moravia and of part of Silesia, as
well as the peoples of Slovakia, have decided of their own free will
to unite, and have in fact united, in a permanent union for the
purpose of forming a single sovereign independent State under the
title of the Czecho-Slovak Republic."
What this means is that to the old territories of the Bohemian
Crown was added a large portion of the ancient Hungarian
kingdom, which was inhabited by the Slovaks, a race closely
akin to the Czechs. It was strongly urged by some that the
German-speaking portions of Bohemia and Moravia should be
allowed, if they so desired, to unite themselves with the new
Austria or with Germany. This was wisely and inevitably re-
fused by the Peace Conference, but, on the other hand, by a
special treaty signed at Paris on July 28 1920, that portion of the
small duchy of Teschen, the population of which was predomi-
nantly Polish, was separated from the rest and united with the
new Poland. In addition to these territories, that portion of the
kingdom of Hungary which was inhabited by the Ruthenians
was also incorporated with Czechoslovakia, but the Treaty of
St. Germain gave to it the right of autonomy.
2. On the south there was achieved the union in one State
of nearly all the South Slavs; the small kingdom of Serbia,
which a few years before the war numbered only some three
million inhabitants, was increased to an important State with
a pop. of 14 millions, including Croatia, part of the Banat, and
portions of the former Austrian provinces of Dalmatia, Carniola
and Istria. As a symbol of the changed condition, the kingdom
of Serbia took the title of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and
Slovenes, but it is often spoken of as Yugoslavia.
3. The settlement of the frontiers between this State and
the kingdom of Italy was the subject of long, arduous and often
critical negotiations, which were settled finally by the Treaty of
Rapallo of Nov. 1920. By this Italy acquired nearly the whole
of Istria; the town of Fiume, which was the special subject of
controversy, became a self-governing community, closely attached
to Italy. Italy on the other hand surrendered the claims she
had under the Treaty of London to other portions of the Dal-
matian coast, retaining only Zara and a few islands. To the
problems of Europe was added that of the Adriatic, which seems
destined to become the object of rivalry between Italy, Yugo-
slavia and Greece. In the north, Italy acquired the most gener-
ous settlement of her claims to all Italian lands, not only Trieste
and Gorizia and the Trentino, but also the whole of Tirol up
to the Brenner Pass and the main chain of the Alps, and for the
first time thereby extended to her natural geographical frontier;
as a result of this, 700,000 German-speaking Tirolese and a large
number of Slavonic race in Istria came under the Italian Crown.
4. On the east, Rumania acquired part of the Banat and
the whole of Transylvania, in addition to Bessarabia, her popula-
tion thereby being about doubled. Here again it was impossible
to draw a line by which all the Rumanians of Hungary should
be assigned to Rumania without at the same time transferring
the allegiance of a large non-Rumanian population, chiefly
Magyars and Czechlers (a branch of Hungarians), who also
include the German colony of Siebenburgen.
The only portion of the old monarchy which in the summer of
1921 had not been definitely assigned was the province of
Galicia. It was a matter of course that the western part, purely
Polish in population, should go to Poland, and in fact the incor-
poration was effected immediately after the conclusion of the
Armistice. On the other hand East Galicia, which comprises
a pop. of over 4,500,000 and an area of some 17,000 sq. m., is
inhabited by a population Russian in origin and speech, to
which the name of Ruthenian or Ukrainian is generally applied.
The Poles, however, claimed this, partly on historical grounds
and partly because of the great interests in the country of the
Polish aristocracy who owned large portions of the land. No
decision was arrived at by the Peace Conference, but in July
1919 the Polish army was permitted to occupy the territory;
proposals for assigning it with guaranteed autonomy to Poland
broke down, and the Polish Government was in 1910-21 in
practically undisturbed control. In the Treaty of Sevres of
Aug. 10 1920, in which many minor frontier questions were
settled, clauses were included assigning West Galicia to Poland,
but the Poles refused to sign this treaty, presumably on the
ground that by doing so they would appear to acquiesce in a
differentiation between eastern and western Galicia; no Polish
Government could afford to give up its claim to East Galicia.
The result was that technically the whole of the province still
belonged, in the middle of 1921, to the principal Allied and As-
sociated Powers, to whom it was ceded by the Treaty of St.
Germain on Sept. 10 1919. West Galicia must, doubtless, remain
an integral part of Poland. The future of East Galicia, however,
remained a source of anxiety. Poland would be satisfied with
nothing less than complete and unconditional sovereignty; the
British Government was morally pledged by the support which
it gave to the Ruthenians during 1919 not to surrender them,
without stringent safeguards, to the rule of a nation whom they
professed to regard as their hereditary enemy, and a restored
Russia or an independent Ukraine would probably try to estab-
lish a claim to this district.
5. Of the old Austro-Hungarian Monarchy little remained
when all these cessions had taken place. On the one hand we
have the ancient crown lands of the Habsburgs, Upper and Lower
Austria, Salzkammergut, Tirol and Vorarlberg. The Conference
having refused to permit the union with Germany which was
desired by large portions of the population, these were constituted
as the Republic of Austria (the title of German Austria, which
was at first taken, did not receive the approval of the Paris
Conference), with a pop. of about 6,000,000. It is, except for the
great city of Vienna and its suburbs, a predominantly mountain-
ous and agricultural district. The problem of the future of
Austria had a dual side, that of the country and that of Vienna.
No city had suffered so much by the war and the peace; cut off
from former trade connexions, left with a pop. of two millions
of whom so many earned their livelihood from the presence of
the court and the administration, the population would have
been condemned to a slow process of starvation but for the
assistance provided chiefly from America and Great Britain.
The future of Austria remained one of the problems of Europe.
France was unalterably opposed to the union of Austria with
Germany, for this would, quite apart from the serious increase
to German population, produce a Germany which extended from
the Alps to the Baltic, and cut off western from eastern Europe.
Such a Germany would be a grave menace to the other States
and would compromise both Switzerland and Czechoslovakia.
34
EUROPE
6. The proud and ancient Magyar Monarchy, which had
existed for over 1,000 years, and which, by the sway it exercised
over the subject Slavs and Rumans, and by the influence it
wielded in the Dual Monarchy, had attained a position in
Europe beyond what the numbers of the ruling race warranted,
was now reduced to a small State of about seven millions. Sur-
rounded by jealous neighbours which had grown by its fall,
with frontiers equally unfavourable for defence or trade, and
still suffering from the effects of the revolution, the Magyars
could only watch and wait for an opportunity to retrieve some-
thing of their lost power and territory. After the Bolshevik
Revolution of 1919, power came into the hands of the reactionary
parties, supported by the peasants; the State was still in theory
a monarchy, but a monarchy without a king. The Emperor
Charles was still the crowned king of Hungary; he made two
visits to the country in a vain attempt to recover his crown, but
the return of a Habsburg was vetoed both by the Allies and
by the other successor States, for in view of the former history
and great pretensions of the House this could not be regarded as
a merely domestic Hungarian matter.
The substitution of this complex of States, each with its own
problems and ambitions, for the great military monarchy com-
pletely altered the whole balance of the continent. During the
period immediately succeeding the Peace, they were chiefly
occupied with internal matters, especially the framing of new
constitutions; Czechoslovakia and Rumania were confronted
with the serious problem of incorporating in the new system large
numbers of unwilling citizens. The severance of old-established
commercial ties necessarily caused grave dislocation of trade; all
suggestions for the reestablishment of some kind of commercial
union broke down, chiefly owing to the very strong opposition
to anything which might lead to the restoration of the financial
and commercial supremacy of Vienna. On the other hand close
relations were set up between Czechoslovakia, Rumania and
Yugoslavia; these States entered into a system, to which the
name of " Little Entente " was applied, which had for its first
object their mutual protection against any proposal to restore the
Habsburgs in Hungary, but showed also a tendency for common
action even against the Western Powers.
North- Eastern Europe. The Paris Conference was not in a
position to determine the territorial settlement so far as it dealt
with the former possessions of the Russian Empire, for the final
decision on these matters required the assent of Russia, and
there was at the time no recognized Russian Government and no
official representative of Russia at Paris. The settlement, so far
as it went, was therefore the result of local action for which the
Allies had no direct responsibility. All that they could do was to
insert in the Treaty of Versailles a clause that the determination
of the eastern frontiers of Poland must be submitted to the prin-
cipal Allied and Associated Powers.
The governing factor was the terrible fate of Russia, which far
surpassed the disasters that the war had brought upon central
Europe. The defeats sustained by the Russian armies had
during the war brought about the occupation by German forces
of Poland and of the Baltic provinces. The overthrow of the
autocracy in March 1917 was followed by a complete dissolution
of the Russian army; in Oct. of the same year there was estab-
lished the Communist Government under Lenin and Trotsky.
By the treaties of Brest Litovsk the Bolshevik Government
was forced to accept the separation from Russia not only of
Poland but of the Baltic provinces and of the Ukraine, which
was occupied by German forces, while at the same time the
Allies supported the attempts which were being made by Kol-
chak and Yudenitch to overthrow the Bolsheviks. Further
calamities followed. In accordance with the avowed principles
of their party the first step of the new Government was to
eliminate those classes the court, the aristocracy, the bureau-
cracy and the middle classes by whom hitherto the country
had been administered. Large numbers, including the Tsar and
Tsarina and their children, were put to death. Others fled the
country, and those who remained were condemned to a life of
obscurity and penury. Many doubtless succumbed to the
hardships and starvation they had to endure. This action
naturally brought about a state of civil war, for the representa-
tives of the old regime desired to overthrow the Government
which was being built up by their destruction. The condition of
civil war continued for another two years. It was conducted
with great ferocity on both sides, but after the failure of Denikin
in South Russia in 1920 the Bolsheviks succeeded in establishing
their rule over all those territories which were of Russian race
and language. The long continuance of the civil war had, however,
the effect for the time of preventing the Bolsheviks from a mili-
tary advance towards the west, and it left the country greatly
impoverished. Meanwhile, as could have been anticipated, the
attempt to govern Russia in accordance with Communist doc-
trines failed. In particular the peasants, who were now in oc-
cupation of the land, refused to provide food for the inhabitants
of the towns; the whole system of transport and production
broke down, and to add to the other calamities there was a
serious failure of crops both in 1920 and 1921. The Bolshevik
Government was ostracized by the rest of Europe, and all at-
tempts to extend their authority over the separated western
provinces failed. After the Armistice, Poland within undefined
limits was recognized by the Allies as a sovereign State, the
nucleus of which was " Congress Poland"; to this were added
the Polish territories taken from Germany and Austria. On
the east, the new Polish State was at war with the Bolsheviks.
The causes of enmity were, first, the avowed intention of the
latter to impose their form of government upon Poland, and
secondly the delimitation of the frontier. The Poles claimed
almost the whole of the territories which had belonged to the
ancient kingdom, including as they did large portions of White
Russia and the Ukraine, the population of which was almost
exclusively Russian. The Polish Government, however, who
were also at variance with Denikin, refused to give him that
assistance which might possibly have led to the success of his
arms. After his collapse in the spring of 1920, the Poles, dis-
regarding advice given them by the British Government, took
the offensive, invaded the Ukraine and advanced as far as Kiev;
they were unable to maintain their position; during the month
of July they were rapidly driven back by the Bolshevik armies,
who entered Congress Poland and nearly reached Warsaw.
Negotiations for an armistice were begun at Minsk, but, owing
to the excessive demands of the Bolsheviks, no agreement could
be reached. Helped by French military advice and by supplies
from western Europe, the Poles quickly recovered courage, and
during the month of Aug., with little fighting, drove out the
invading Bolshevik army and again advanced into White Russia
and the Ukraine. As a result of these events negotiations were
begun for an armistice, and in the early months of 1921 a series
of treaties was arranged by which the whole of the western
frontier of Russia was determined. This was followed by an
agreement between Great Britain and Russia, by which trade
relations were resumed (March 19 1921), a policy to which
France was strongly opposed.
The result of these events was that there were temporarily
separated from Russia all those territories included in the empire,
the population of which was of non-Russian race, and five new
States were added to the European system.
i . Finland had already severed herself from Russia before the
end of the war, to a large extent owing to the support given to
the White Government by Gen. von der Goltz and a small de-
tachment of German troops. As soon as the war was over the
Government was recognized by the Allies, and by the Treaty of
Dorpat of Oct. 14 1920 the Bolsheviks also recognized the in-
dependence of the country and the boundaries were fixed. By
this the connexion between Finland and Russia, which had
existed since it was conquered from Sweden in 1809, ceased.
Reminiscences of the older Swedish connexion were revived by a
dispute which arose as to the Aland Is., which stretch across
the mouth of the Gulf of Finland; the population was entirely
Swedish and had expressed a desire for union with Sweden.
Owing to the intervention of the Allies, this matter, which
threatened to lead to war, was referred for settlement to the
EUROPE
35
League of Nations, who in May 1921 issued their award: they
were to remain a part of Finland, with local autonomy.
2. The former Baltic provinces, after their separation from
Russia during the war, organized themselves into three States,
Latvia, Esthonia and Lithuania, with republican institutions;
with the help first of the Germans and afterwards of the Allies,
they succeeded after severe fighting in repelling several Bol-
shevik attacks, and at the beginning of 1921 Latvia and Esthonia
were formally recognized by the Allies. The relations to Russia
were determined by treaties signed at Reval in April 1921.
Formal recognition of the Government of Lithuania by the
Allies was still delayed during 1921, chiefly owing to the fact
that the Poles were desirous of bringing about some kind of
union between Lithuania and Poland. The boundaries of the
two States remained at issue, both of them claiming the city of
Vilna. After the repulse of the Bolsheviks in 1920, it was in
Oct. of the same year seized by a lawless act of force on the part
of the Polish Gen. Zeligowski, with the scarcely veiled connivance
of the Polish Government. It was agreed that the dispute should
be referred to the League of Nations.
3. The most important change was the reconstitution of an
independent Poland, a natural result of the fall of the three
military monarchies responsible for the partitions. The frontiers
of the State created great difficulties and serious differences be-
tween the Allies, and it was only late in 1921 that, after ref-
erence to the League of Nations, a decision was arrived at regard-
ing Upper Silesia (see SILESIA).
The future of this part of Europe depended on Russia and
Poland. It had been the ambition of Poland, in which she was
supported by France, to succeed to the position which in older
days the Polish Monarchy had held, and with very extensive
territory which, had all her claims been granted, would have
contained a pop. of nearly 40 millions, to be a permanent barrier
between Germany and Russia. But ambitions of this nature
require great administrative capacity as well as extended posses-
sions. The Poles, largely owing to the continuous warfare in
which they were involved, found little time for dealing with the
administrative problems; the finances fell into a state of disorder,
the Polish mark being quoted in 1921 at 8,000 to the pound
sterling. The amalgamation of Russian, Austrian and Prussian
Poland presented grave difficulties, and there was danger lest
Poland might become a source of weakness rather than of
strength. The permanent peace of Europe in the east could not
be secured until a friendly and pacific Government was estab-
lished in Russia, and it was unlikely that any settled Russian Gov-
ernment would acquiesce in the complete separation of the Baltic
provinces, which intervene between Russia and the sea, or in
the permanent cession of large portions of White Russia and the
Ukraine to Poland, inhabited as they are by a population Russian
in origin and speech.
The Balkans. The result of the war in the Balkans was,
first, the completion of the process by which the Turkish Empire
in Europe ceased to exist, and secondly a continuation of the
work of the Treaty of Bucharest by which Bulgarian ambitions
were sacrificed to the rival States of Serbia and Greece. By the
Treaty of Sevres the Sultan was deprived of all his European
possessions except Constantinople, where he enjoyed only the
shadow of authority, the Straits, so long the centre of inter-
national rivalry, being transferred to international control.
The decision of the Treaty of Bucharest, by which Macedonia
was divided between Serbia and Greece, was maintained; but in
addition, by the Treaty of Neuilly, Greece came into the posses-
sion of the whole of the north coast of the Aegean (thereby
cutting off Bulgaria from this sea) as well as Thrace, including
the city of Adrianople. On the north the whole of the Dobrudja
was assigned to Rumania; Bulgaria therefore came out of the
war with a territory of about 71,000 sq. m. and pop. of five
millions, much the smallest of the Balkan States a great
disappointment in view of the high ambitions which had been
entertained such a short time before. Another new State was
permanently added to Europe in Albania, which at the As-
sembly of 1920 was admitted as a member of the League of
Nations. The final decision as to the frontiers had not yet been
arrived at in 1921, 'owing to the difficulty of reconciling the
rival ambitions of Greece and Italy. There were many other
causes of unrest. The Balkan settlement had been markedly
favourable to Greece, chiefly owing to the confidence given by
the Allies to M. Venizelos. The Greek elections of 1920, which
brought about the fall of that statesman and (after the early death
of King Alexander) the restoration of Constantine, had therefore
more than local importance. It seemed for the moment as though
the whole basis of the settlement had been destroyed. The Treaty
of Sevres was not ratified. The Turkish National party under
Kemal Pasha, which had established itself in Anatolia, with
its capital at Angora, claimed for Turkey not only the whole of
Asia Minor, but large parts of Thrace, including Adrianople,
while the extremists went so far as to demand the restoration
of the whole Turkish Empire, including Mesopotamia and Pales-
tine. There was some evidence of serious discord between the
Allies; both Italy and France entered into separate negotiations
with the Kemalists. At the Conference of London, March 1921,
which was attended by representatives both of the recognized
Government in Constantinople and of the Kemalists, an attempt
was made to find some basis of agreement between the Greeks
and the Turks; this failed; a state of war followed, and though
the Greeks started their campaign in Asia Minor successfully,
their effort was brought to a standstill in the autumn.
Looking at Europe as a whole, it is seen that in 1921 the
political system which had existed for so long, depending on the
mutual rivalries and cooperation of some five or six great States,
approximately equal in power, had for the time ceased to exist.
Of them there remained only Great Britain, France and Italy;
Germany, though she had retained her unity, was prevented
from asserting her place as an independent European Power by
the very stringent disarmament conditions which had been im-
posed upon her, and also by the economic difficulties involved in
the reparation clauses of the Treaty. The immediate result there-
fore was the ascendancy of France, who had, at any rate for the
time, regained the position as the leading continental State,
which in earlier days had come to be regarded as her permanent
prerogative. This position France was aiming at making per-
manent, first by cementing her control over all countries on the
left bank of the Rhine, and secondly by the establishment of a
powerful Poland, the policy of which should be subservient to
that of France. The interests of Italy were concentrated on the
south-east of Europe, the Mediterranean and western Asia.
As a result of the war and the peace, the immediate general
control, at any rate over all matters springing out of the treaties,
was vested in the " Principal Allied and Associated Powers "-
Great Britain, France, Italy, the United States and Japan; as
the United States did not ratify the treaties, and Japan took
little part in European affairs, the group practically consisted,
up to the autumn of 1921, of the three other Powers, with whom
for certain purposes Belgium was associated. The organs through
which they worked were the Ambassadorial Conference sitting
at Paris, and the Council of Prime Ministers, which met from
time to time to deal with larger political matters. It followed
from this that the peace and order of the continent, which was so
essential in order to give an opportunity to repair the ravages of
the war and meet the grave economic difficulties under which
Europe was labouring, ultimately depended upon the friendly
cooperation of these three Powers. This cooperation was not
maintained without difficulty. In particular there were serious
differences between Great Britain and France with regard to the
treatment of Germany, the execution of the reparation clauses
of the Treaty, and as to Polish affairs. These reached a crisis
when in March 1920 the French, without consulting their Allies,
occupied Frankfurt and other towns on the right bank of the
Rhine, and again in July-Aug. 1921, when there was a grave
difference of opinion as to Upper Silesia. There were also open
disagreements as to the Near East. The unity of aims which alone
could give efficiency to their joint action was wanting.
Side by side with the Supreme Council was the League of
Nations, but the relation of the two organs had not been clearly
EVANS EXCESS PROFITS DUTY
differentiated. The League had not the power and resources to
deal with matters in which larger political issues were involved,
and its activities were chiefly confined to those specific matters
referred to it by the treaties of peace, or to other matters of
minor importance in which its help was invoked, as, for instance,
the Aland Is. and Vilna. In 1921 it included all European States
with the exception of Germany and Russia, but these two to-
gether represented a potential force equal to that of almost the
whole of the rest of the continent, and the League was not yet able
to take the position, which its advocates anticipated, of a final
Court of Appeal whose decisions would be, if necessary, en-
forced. So far indeed the hopes of a new era in international
relations had not been fulfilled. Disarmament had been im-
posed upon Germany, Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria, and there
had been a great reduction of armaments in Holland and Scandi-
navia; but France and Italy maintained the older system, and
the new States, intent on their independence and integrity, were
determined to rely on their own strength. In particular, Poland,
occupied as she had been in the war with Russia, and with the
enforcement of her territorial claims on her other frontiers,
maintained an army of some six or seven hundred thousand men,
an army which was a heavy burden on the finances and the re-
sources of the country.
After the Napoleonic War, the Great Alliance, supported as it
was by large armies, was in fact able to impose its will upon the
continent. In. a not dissimilar situation France, Great Britain
and Italy together had neither the resources nor the unity of will
which would have been requisite even if they desired to imitate
their predecessors; in particular, England, occupied with urgent
difficulties of finance, and burdened with great responsibilities
in other parts of the world, was intent, so far as possible, on
avoiding new continental entanglements. The task of supervising
the execution of the treaties of peace was in itself more than
sufficient to occupy the Allies, and in consequence the smaller
States were enabled to show an independence, the attainment
of which was one of the avowed objects of the Allies in the war.
Europe had been freed from the danger of one European predomi-
nance; it showed no disposition to accept that of the victors in the
war. In this state of affairs the smaller States were tending to
associate themselves in local groups e.g. in Scandinavia, the
Baltic States, the successor States of Austria-Hungary and
the political problems by which the continent was still distracted
more and more assumed a local rather than a general character.
It might be hoped that, though slowly, the animosities excited by
the war would subside, and that these local groups would be able
to concentrate their attention on the very urgent economic prob-
lems, the settlement of which was so essential to the future wel-
fare of the continent.
See A History nf the Peace Conference of Paris, edited by H. W. V.
Temperley, 1920.
EVANS, SIR ARTHUR JOHN (1851- ), English ar-
chaeologist, was born at Nash Mills, Herts., July 8 1851, the eldest
son of Sir John Evans, K.C.B. (see 10.2*). Educated at Harrow,
Brasenose College, Oxford, and Gottingen, he was elected fellow
of Brasenose and in 1884 keeper of the Ashmolean Museum at
Oxford, holding this post till 1908. He travelled in Finland and
Lapland in 1873-4, and in 1875 made a special study of ar-
chaeology and ethnology in the Balkan States. In 1893 he began
his investigations in Crete, which have resulted in discoveries of
the utmost importance concerning the early history of Greece
and the eastern Mediterranean (see 1.246, 7.421). A member
of all the chief archaeological societies in Europe, he was given
hon. degrees at Oxford, Edinburgh and Dublin, and was made a
fellow of the Royal Society. In 1911 he was knighted. His chief
publications are: Cretan Pictographs and Prae- Phoenician Script
(1896); Further Discoveries of Cretan and Aegean Script (1898);
The Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult (1901); Scripla Minoa
(1909 et seq.); and reports on the excavations at Knossos. He
also edited, with additions, Freeman's History of Sicily, vol. iv.
EVANS, SIR SAMUEL THOMAS (1859-1918), British judge,
was born at Skewen, near Neath, May 4 1859. He was educated
at the local school and at London University, being afterwards
admitted as a solicitor (1883). He practised for some years at
Neath, but in 1891 was called to the bar, where he soon built
up a large practice, his numerous Welsh connexions being of great
value. In 1890 he was elected Liberal member for Mid-Glamor-
ganshire, and held the seat until 1910. In 1901 he became a Q.C.,
in 1908 was elected a bencher of the Middle Temple, from 1906-8
was recorder of Swansea, and in 1908 was knighted and appointed
solicitor-general by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. In 1910
he was raised to the bench, becoming president of the Probate,
Divorce and Admiralty division. On the outbreak of the World
War the Prize court was reestablished, and the work here done
as president by Sir Samuel Evans was of the highest value,
many of his judgments laying down principles of great importance.
He was created G.C.B. in 1917, and died in London Sept. 13 1918.
EVERT, ALEXEI (1857-1917), Russian general, was born in
1857 and entered the army in 1876 after finishing his course at the
infantry military school in Moscow and receiving a commission
in the Volinsky Guard Regiment. He passed through the
academy of the general staff, and was appointed on the general
staff. Later, after commanding an infantry regiment, he was in
1900 promoted to the rank of general. In the war with Japan
1904-5, he served on the commander-in-chief 's " quartermaster "
(i.e. general) staff and later as the chief of the staff of the I. Army.
In 1906 he became chief of the general staff, but very soon
afterwards he was appointed commander of the XIII. Corps.
In 1912 he was commander of the troops of the Irkutsk military
district. In Aug. 1914, while commanding the IV. Army, he
participated in the victory of the Russians in the Galician battle,
for which he was awarded the cross of St. George of the 4th
degree. In Oct. his army was thrown on the W. bank of the river
Vistula, where under his leadership it fought in the fierce battles
of the winter of 1914-5 and the summer of 1915. In Aug. 1915
he was appointed commander-in-chief of the north-western group
of armies, and he extricated the armies under his charge from a
very critical position during the Vilna-Molodechno operations.
In 1916, in order to relieve pressure on the western front, several
attempts to break through the German line were made on his
front, causing great losses of men and ending unsuccessfully.
In March 1917, at the beginning of the Revolution, he was
relieved of his duties, and he was later reported to have been
killed by the Bolsheviki.
EXCESS PROFITS DUTY AND TAX The outbreak of the
World War in 1914, and the consequent gigantic increase in the
public expenditure of the belligerent nations, led inevitably, not
only to an increase in the weight of existing taxes, but also to a
search for fresh sources from which substantial amounts of rev-
enue could be raised. It soon became clear. that, among the po-
tential sources of additional revenue, the taxation of " excess
profits " merited serious consideration, and the subject was ex-
plored in many countries, with the result that, during the war,
taxes of this character were imposed in the United Kingdom, Aus-
tralia, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa, France, Italy, the
United States of America and other countries. The characteristic
features of these taxes were: (i.) that they were charged in re-
spect of the profits of trading concerns as such rather than of
individuals, and (ii.) that the amount payable was determined,
not by reference to the total profits of a concern, but by reference
to its profits in excess of a certain standard, ascertained separately
in each case on a prescribed basis. It was in the basis adopted
for the computation of the standard that the main difference in
principle between the various taxes was found, and in this respect
the taxes fell into two distinct classes. On one basis the tax may
be described as essentially a tax upon war profits, inasmuch as
it was levied upon profits arising during or after the war in
excess of a standard representing the profits or average profits
of a period prior to the war. On the other basis, the tax took
the form of a tax on profits in excess of a prescribed return on
capital, and the standard was generally calculated by reference
to a percentage upon the capital employed in earning the profits.
It was the former of these two principles which was adopted as
the general basis of the tax in the United Kingdom (where a tax
on excess profits was first imposed), although the latter principle
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
EXCESS PROFITS DUTY
37
appeared as a secondary feature in the scheme. Both bases,
either separately or in combination, appeared in the schemes
adopted in other countries.
UNITED KINGDOM. The taxation of excess profits in the United
Kingdom was effected by means of two separate and distinct
imposts, viz. the munitions exchequer payments (commonly
known as the munitions levy) and the excess profits duty. The
character and the causes which led to the introduction of these
two imposts were essentially different. The munitions levy,
which applied only to a restricted class of concerns, viz. those
engaged on the production of munitions of war or work allied
thereto, was not primarily designed for the purpose of raising
revenue. Owing to the urgent need of producing munitions in
enormous and ever-growing quantities, it became necessary in
the early part of 1915 that the Government should control the
operations of these concerns and lay down conditions as to the
employment of labour therein, conditions which were regarded
as prejudicial to labour interests, and it was ultimately arranged
that, while on the one hand labour would accept the proposed
conditions, the owners of such concerns would for their part
agree to hand over to the Government any amount by which
their profits exceeded a certain standard. The amount so handed
over was the munitions levy, and this levy was thus imposed as
part of what may be termed a bargain made between capital,
labour and the State, in order to secure increased production of
necessary war materials.
The excess profits duty, on the other hand, was imposed
purely for fiscal purposes, and, unlike the munitions levy, was a
tax on trades and businesses in general. But while it was essen-
tially a means of raising large amounts of revenue, the excess
profits duty met a growing popular demand for a curtailment
of the large profits made in many classes of trade owing to the
war. Early in the war it had become obvious that, owing to
restricted supplies of, and enormously increased demands for,
various commodities, huge profits were being reaped by those
who traded in those commodities (see PROFITEERING), and
there was an ever-increasing volume of opinion, which became
more and more insistent as the war continued, that those huge
profits, due directly to war conditions, must not be allowed to
remain in the possession of private traders, but should be ap-
propriated by the State either in whole or in part, and applied to-
wards meeting the cost of the war. It was this growth of public
feeling, the feeling that the war must not become a means where-
by certain citizens could enrich themselves at the expense of the
community while others were dying on the battlefield, as well
as the urgent financial needs of the State, which led in the middle
of 1915 to the proposals for the taxation of excess profits, and
then to the actual imposition of the excess profits duty.
In the following outline the excess profits duty, although it was
imposed at a later date than the munitions levy, is dealt with
first, as the more important and more general.
General Scheme of the Excess Profits Duty. The excess profits
duty, which was first imposed by the Finance (No. 2) Act, 1915, was
charged on the excess profits of businesses which were either carried
on in the United Kingdom or carried on abroad and owned by
persons residing in the United Kingdom. The duty extended to all
classes of business, including agency, with the following exceptions,
viz.: (a) husbandry in the United Kingdom, (b) offices or employ-
ments, (c) professions, and (d) commercial travellers. The duty was
charged upon profits, in excess of a pre-war standard of profits,
arising in an accounting period, i.e. a period, not exceeding 12
months in length, which normally corresponded with the period for
which the accounts of the business were made up. Although the
Finance (No. 2) Act, 1915, was not passed until the end of 1915, the
duty was imposed with retroactive effect and charged by that
Act upon the excess profits arising in any accounting period which
ended after Aug. 4 1914 (the date of the commencement of the war)
and before July I 1915. The duty was regularly continued by each
annual Finance Act to the year 1920 inclusive and in each case the
period of charge was extended for what was practically another
year. These later Acts, while introducing certain modifications of
detail, did not materially affect the general scheme of the duty.
Rate of Duty. The excess profits duty was originally imposed at
the rate of 50%, but that rate was varied in succeeding Acts. The
changes in the rate of duty at successive periods are set out in the
following table.
TABLE SHOWING VARIATIONS IN THE RATE OF EXCESS PROFITS
DUTY, 1915-21.
Period of Incidence
Rate of duty on
excess profit
per cent.
For a year from the commencement of the first
accounting period
From the end of the first year to Dec. 31 1916 .
From Jan. i 1917 to Dec. 31 1918 .
From Jan. I 1919 to Dec. 31 1919
From Jan. I 1920 to the termination of the duty,
viz. the end of the final accounting period .
50
60
80
40
60
In the case of a business which commenced after Aug. 4 1914,
the rate of duty was 50 % in respect of any accounting period ending
on or before Aug. 4 1915, and 60% for any other accounting period
or part of an accounting period up to Dec. 31 1916.
Pre-War Standard of Profits. As stated above, the duty was
charged on profits in excess of a pre-war standard. This standard
was based upon the pre-war profits of the business; but in order to
avoid the imposition of too heavy a burden upon the taxpayer in
cases where the pre-war profits were small in amount, alternative
methods of measuring the pre-war standard were provided, the tax-
payer being given the choice of adopting that standard which was
most favourable to him. It must, however, be made clear that,
whatever standard was adopted, it was a standard based upon
actual facts and not upon hypothetical conditions. The normal
standard was one based upon the average profits of the business in
the best two out of the last three pre-war years. Where there had
been only two years of pre-war trading, the standard was the
average profits of those two years, or (at the option of the taxpayer)
the profits of the second of those two years. Where there had been
only one year of pre-war trading, the standard was for that year.
Alternative methods of computing the standard, which could be
adopted by the taxpayer, if he so desired, were as follows: (i.) A
standard based on the average profits of four out of the last six pre-
war years (restricted to cases in which the average profits of the last
three pre-war years were 25 % less than those of the preceding three
years), and (ii.) a percentage standard, i.e. a standard computed at
the statutory percentage rate upon the capital employed in the
business. (The basis on which capital was computed and par-
ticulars of the statutory percentage rate are set out and explained
in the section which follows.)
In the case of a business which had less than one year of pre-war
trading or was not commenced until after the outbreak of the war,
the standard was normally a percentage standard ; but an alternative
standard was provided, computed by reference to the pre-war
earnings of the proprietor of the business, whether those earnings
arose from a profession or employment or from some other business.
As regards accounting periods ended after Dec. 1919, a further
alternative standard was provided (by the Finance Act, 1920)
applicable in general to businesses carried on by individual owners,
partnerships and private companies, whether those businesses were
commenced before or after the outbreak of war. This standard,
known as the substituted standard, only took effect for accounting
periods ended after Dec. 31 1919. The substituted standard was
computed by adding to the percentage standard a sum of 500 in
respect of each proprietor working full time in the business
subject to the limitation that the standard was not to exceed 750
for each working proprietor.
Capital and the Statutory Percentage Rates. The capital taken into
account for purposes of excess profits duty was broadly speaking the
proprietor's capital actually employed in the business, and was
computed by deducting the amount of the liabilities from the value
of the business assets. In making that computation the following
principles were followed: (i.) Investments outside the business
were not taken into account (except in the case of investment, etc.
companies), as the capital they represent was not capital employed
in the business, (ii.) Debentures and other loan capital were treated
as liabilities, and the amount thereof was consequently deducted in
making the computation, (iii.) Assets in general (apart from cash or
debts) were valued at cost (or, if pot acquired by purchase, at their
value when they first became assets of the business), subject to any
proper deduction for wear and tear, etc. The result of a computation
on these lines was an amount which, though it might differ from the
amount of capital shown in the balance sheet, was a measure of the
proprietor's capital, including reserves, employed in the business.
For ascertaining the percentage standard, the statutory percentage
rates prescribed in the Acts relating to the excess profits duty were
applied to the capital computed on the above basis.
The percentage rates, some of which were varied from time to time
during the lifetime of the duty, differentiated between companies
on the one hand and private businesses on the other, a- lower rate
being prescribed in the case of companies on the ground that in their
case a deduction from profits was normally allowed in respect of
remuneration paid to the directors and managers, whereas no deduc-
tion was allowed for remuneration paid to the proprietor of, or part-
ner in, a private business. '
EXCESS PROFITS DUTY
The statutory percentage rates applicable for the purpose of
determining the percentage standard were as follows:
In the case
of companies
or other
bodies
corporate.
In the case
of private
businesses.
(i.) In respect of accounting periods
ended on or before Dec. 31 1916 .
(ii.) In respect of accounting periods
ended after Dec. 31 1916 (a) In the
case of a business having one or more
pre-war years
(ft) In the case of a business having less
than one pre-war year or a business
commenced since the outbreak of war
6%
6%
9%*
T /
7 /o
8%
II %*
* Increased by 2 % for accounting periods ended after Dec. 31 1919.
Provision was made, however, for an increase of the statutory
percentage rate in cases where a class of trade could prove an
application that special risks attached to the employment of capital
in that trade. Such applications, which could only; be made on
behalf of a class of trade as a whole and not by individual concerns
within a class, were dealt with by a board of referees specially
appointed by the Treasury.
Statutory Allowance. In computing excess profits, a deduction
of 200 per annum was allowed in the case of every business. This
amount was subsequently increased in the case of small businesses :
(i.) In respect of accounting periods ended after Dec. 31 1916, by
varying amounts up to a maximum addition of 400 per annum, and
(ii.) in respect of accounting periods ended after Dec. 31 1919, by
varying amounts up to a maximum addition of 800 per annum.
Computation of Profits. Profits both in the accounting periods
and in the pre-war years were computed by reference to the actual
profits arising in those periods, and it was a general principle of the
tax that a similar basis of computation should be adopted through-
out. Subject to certain exceptions, the general basis of computation
of profits was the same as that adopted for purposes of income tax.
Income derived from investments (save in the exceptional case of
investment concerns) was excluded from the computation of profits;
but the income-tax method was departed from in allowing a deduc-
tion in respect of interest on borrowed money. In three other
directions in particular a departure was made from the general
scheme of computing profits for purposes of the income tax. In the
first place, the amount allowable as a deduction in respect of the
remuneration of directors and managers of a business was expressly
restricted to the amount so paid in the last pre-war trade year, unless
the commissioners of Inland Revenue (the assessing authority)
directed otherwise. In practice, the commissioners restricted the
allowance to the amount paid in the last pre-war year in cases where
the director or manager was in a proprietary position. In other
cases, the increased remuneration paid was in general allowed as a
deduction either in whole or in part. In the second place, a deduction
from profits was expressly authorized by section XI. (3) of the
Finance (No. 2) Act, 1915, in respect of special depreciation due to the
war of capital assets employed in the business and of expenditure on
repairs deferred in consequence of the war. In the third place, recog-
nition was given in the excess profits duty to the principle that
variations ofcapital imply variations of profit, and where the capital
employed in the accounting period varied in amount from that
employed in the standard period, an adjustment was made a
deduction (at the statutory percentage rate) being allowed in respect
of any increase in the amount of capital in the accounting period as
compared with that in the standard period, and an addition being
made in respect of any corresponding decrease.
Apart from the general provisions for the computation of profits,
special provisions were enacted with respect to investment com-
panies, cooperative societies, the shipping industry and businesses
carried on by municipal authorities; and the duty was extended by
the Finance Act, 1918, to profits arising from certain sales of trading
stock which were in the nature of capital transactions.
Set-off in Respect of a Deficiency of Profits Below the Standard. At the
time when the excess profits duty was first introduced, the view was
taken that, having regard to the very high rate at which the duty
was charged, it was necessary to take into consideration the general
position of the trader over the whole lifetime of the duty. This view
fed to the introduction into the Statute of a provision under which
the taxpayer became entitled to set off, against the excess profits
duty of one accounting period, a sum equivalent to the duty on the
amount by which his profits in another were below the standard.
Administration of the Duty. Unlike the income tax, many of the
assessments to which are made by a number of local bodies, the
administration of the excess profits duty was expressly placed by
Statute in the hands of one central authority, the commissioners of
Inland Revenue, by whom the assessments were made, the main
part of the work being carried out under their direction by H.M.
Inspectors of Taxes. By this means it was possible to secure a
measure of uniformity of practice which was otherwise unattainable
in the case of a tax of so novel and difficult a character. From the
assessments made by the commissioners of Inland Revenue the
trader had a statutory right of appeal to either the general com-
missioners of Income Tax (local bodies appointed for the purposes of
the income tax) or to the special commissioners of Income Tax.
From the decisions of those commissioners, an appeal lay to the
courts on a point of law at the instance of either the trader or the
assessing authority (the commissioners of Inland Revenue).
On certain specific points, the settlement of a matter in dispute
between the trader and the commissioners of Inland Revenue was
reserved for the board of referees appointed by the Treasury, from
whose decision an appeal lay to the courts on a point of law.
The duty was collected by the commissioners of Inland Revenue,
and payment was required to be made two months after the notice
of assessment was issued, though the commissioners of Inland Rev-
enue were empowered to accept payment by instalments in suitable
cases. Discount at varying rates was allowed on prepayment of
duty, and certain Government securities issued during the war
could be tendered in satisfaction of the duty.
Termination of the Excess Profits Duty. In the early part of 1921,
Mr. Chamberlain, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, announced
that the Finance bill of that year would contain proposals for bring-
ing the excess profits duty to an end. The decision to terminate the
duty gave rise to almost as many difficult problems as did its imposi-
tion, the most important being those connected with the restriction
of the duty to a uniform aggregate period of charge for all businesses
alike and with reliefs to compensate for the heavy drop in the values
of trading stocks after the termination of the duty.
The proposals embodied in the Finance bill of 1921 contemplated
that, in the case of businesses which were in existence before Aug. 4
1914, the liability to excess profits duty would terminate on such a
date as would result in each business being subject to the duty for a
period of seven years from the commencement of the first accounting
period. As such businesses commenced liability at different dates
they would terminate liability at different dates, but in no case
would liability cease before Aug. 5 1920, or after Aug. 4 1921.
Businesses which did not come into existence until after Aug. 4 1914,
would, it was proposed, cease to be liable to the duty at a fixed date,
Dec. 31 1920. As regards the valuation of trading stocks it had been
recognized from 1917 onwards that traders holding stocks of com-
modities might be involved in very heavy losses shortly after the
termination of the excess profits duty and that some relief from
excess profits duty in respect of such losses might fairly be given.
Provisions of a highly technical character for granting this relief
were included in the Finance bill of 1921.
General Observations. In general, the administration of the duty
proceeded smoothly and without any serious friction, and this was
undoubtedly due in the main to the patriotic attitude adopted by
taxpayers. Recognizing the necessity of the State to levy large
sums by way of taxation, the taxpayer, notwithstanding the very
high rates at which the duty was imposed, was not disposed during
the war to raise issues affecting his liability, unless those issues were
of a serious character involving very large sums.
That the duty proved a great success from the point of view of the
Exchequer is evidenced by the following figures of its yield. These
figures include the yield of the munitions levy:
Financial Year.
Budget Estimate.
Amount paid into the
Exchequer.
1915-6
1916-7
1917-8
1918-9
1919-20
1920-1
1921-2
86,000,000
200,000,000
300,000,000
280,000,000
220,000,000
120,000,000
140,000
139,920,000
220,214,000
285,028,000
290,045,000
219,181,000
It was anticipated that in 19223 some further substantial
amount would be yielded, approximating to 70,000,000
The following figures giving the approximate excess profits arising
in the undermentioned periods may be of interest :
Approximate
amount
of excess
Accounting periods ended profits
Between Aug. 5 1914 and March 31 1917 . . . 600,000,000
During the year ended March 31 1918 . . . 420,000,000
During the year ended March 31 1919 . . . 460,000,000
During the year ended March 31 1920 . . . 500,000,000
Although the duty proved invaluable as a means of producing
revenue, experience showed that a tax of this character (i.e. one
which has regard to the profits of a particular period as a standard)
is one which is only suitable for adoption as a temporary measure in
times of emergency. Where the circumstances are such that in-
creased profits are being made by any considerable section of the
community, an excess profits duty is certainly a most useful expe-
dient for raising money quickly from those who are able to pay.
But it is perhaps not suitable for adoption in normal times and
circumstances or as part of a permanent scheme of taxation. It is
in some respects unequal in its incidence as between one taxpayer
EXCESS PROFITS DUTY
39
and another, and unless the rate of duty is kept low it tends to dis-
courage enterprise and to lead to extravagance and evasion.
Excess Mineral Rights Duty. This duty was imposed as a com-
plementary duty to the excess profits duty and, broadly speaking,
remained in force over the same periods.
At the time when the excess profits duty was imposed upon
traders on the ground that they were making excessive profits from
the sale of general commodities, it was pointed out that, owing to
the war, owners of mineral royalties were obtaining largely enhanced
royalties. It was therefore decided to impose a duty on these
enhanced royalties in so far as the increase was due to an increased
rate of royalty and the duty so imposed was the excess mineral
rights duty. The excess royalty on which duty was charged was
computed by reference to the royalty paid in the pre-war years,
and the rates of duty were the same as for excess profits.
The duty applied to only a limited number of taxpayers, was easy
to administer and presented very few difficulties in practice. The
yield was approximately some 250,000 per annum.
Munitions Levy. The munitions levy the official title of which
was the munitions exchequer payments was imposed by the
Munitions of War Acts, 1915 and 1916, and the rules made there-
under. It applied only to businesses (mainly concerned in the
manufacture of munitions and war material) which were subject to
Government control under the Munitions of War Acts, and the
period of liability commenced in each case from the date when the
business was made a controlled establishment under those Acts.
Different businesses consequently commenced to be liable to the
levy at different dates according to their respective dates of control ;
the earliest date at which any business was controlled being July 2
1915. The levy was repealed by the Finance Act, 1917, as from
Dec. 31 1916. The scheme was to allow the owner of the controlled
establishment to retain a certain amount of profit (defined as the
" divisible profit ") the whole of the balance of profit in-excess of that
amount being taken by the State. The " divisible profit " was
measured by a standard amount of profit plus one-fifth of that
standard and the standard was normally the average profit of the
controlled establishment in the two years before the war.
Various allowances were prescribed in the rules (1915) relating to
the levy, among the more important of which were allowances for
increased output, increased capital, capital expended specially for
purposes of munition work, and the rendering of special service.
Although controlled establishments were subject to this special
levy they were also subject, like all other businesses, to the general
tax, the excess profits duty. Provision was, however, made that
only the higher of the two charges should be payable. The result
was, therefore, that while the two imposts ran concurrently, con-
trolled establishments were liable like other trading concerns to
excess profits duty and were also liable to a possible additional
charge representing the excess (if any) of the munitions levy charge
over the excess profits duty charge.
When the rate of the excess profits duty was increased to 80 % as
from Jan. I 1917, it became clear that in practically every case the
excess profits duty would exceed the munitions levy charge. In
these circumstances there was no object in continuing the munitions
levy and that impost was repealed as from Dec. 31 1916.
The levy was administered at first by the Minister of Munitions;
but when the levy was repealed by the Finance Act of 1917, the
administration was transferred to the commissioners of Inland
Revenue, the body in whom the administration of the excess profits
duty was vested. Appeals against assessments to the levy were
referred to a board of referees under the Munitions Acts.
In itself the munitions levy can hardly be regarded as a scheme of
taxation ; rather it was a means of restricting the amount of profits
which the State was prepared to allow owners of certain particular
classes of business to retain. In this respect an analogy to the
munitions levy may be found in the coal-mines excess payments
imposed by the Coal Mines Control Agreement (Confirmation) Act
of 1918, and the coal levy imposed by the Coal-Mines Emergency
Acts of 1920 and 1921, which were applied to the coal-mining indus-
try, and which had the effect as from March I 1917 to March 30 1921
of restricting the amount of profit the owners of that industry might
retain, the balance being taken by the State. (G. B. C.)
UNITED STATES. In the United States the " excess-profits
tax" (Act of March 3 1917), together with the "war excess-
profits tax" (Act of Oct. 3 1917), and the "war-profits and
excess-profits tax " (Act of Feb. 24 1919), was a natural product
of the feeling that the abnormal expenses due to war should be
borne so far as possible by taxes upon the increased profits of
business which war usually brings. During the American Civil
War the state of Georgia had adopted (1863) a tax on business
profits in excess of 8% on the capital stock, varying from 5 to
25% according to the amount of such excess profits. But this
experiment had been forgotten when the World War broke out,
and the demand for special taxation of war profits first found
expression, following the example of England, in the munition-
manufacturers tax of Sept. 8 1916.
While the earlier plans for excess-profits taxation had attempted
to confine it to profits directly attributable or traceable to the war,
this limitation was soon abandoned and the net was spread for an
increase or excess of profits during the war over normal profits
earned prior to the war, allowance being made through a per-
centage of capital for (a) new business concerns, (b) additional
investment by old concerns, and (c) concerns whose profits were
abnormally low during the pre-war period. When the United
States on March 3 1917 adopted its first excess-profits tax for the
purpose of creating a " Special Preparedness Fund," Canada's
plan of disregarding pre-war profits was followed, and a tax of 8%
imposed upon the net income of partnerships and corporations
in excess of " the sum of (a) $5,000 and (b) 8% of the actual
capital invested."
The American decision to ignore pre-war profits was made
deliberately by the framers of the law on the grounds that a
deduction based upon invested capital is simpler, better designed
to serve as the basis of a permanent tax, and more equitable in
that it prevents taxpayers from securing immunity from taxation
during the war on the ground that they had been unusually
prosperous before the war. Eventually this decision precipitated
an important controversy between the adherents of a " war-
profits tax " (with the normal deduction based on pre-war
earnings) and the advocates of an " excess-profits tax " (with the
normal deduction computed as a percentage of invested capital) ;
but the victory rested on the whole with the latter, although
minor use of the pre-war profits was made in the tax finally
collected for the year 1917, and for the one year 1918 a dual or
alternative tax was imposed, the taxpayer paying in effect an
80% war-profits tax, or an excess-profits tax at progressive rates
of 30 and 65 %, whichever was the higher. For the year 1919 and
thereafter, however, only the excess-profits tax was retained.
Rates and Exemptions. Under the American tax the normal
exemption or " excess-profits credit " consists of a specific exemption
of $3,000 plus 8 % of the invested capital. Profits or income in excess
of this credit but not in excess of 20% of the invested capital are
taxed at the rate of 20% and the remaining or higher profits are
taxed at the rate of 40%. Under the American Act of Oct. 3 1917
the specific exemption to individuals and partnerships was $6,000
but to corporations only $3,000.
Taxpayers Subject. The American law of 1917 applied to all
trades and businesses including professions and occupations, but in
case the trade or business had no invested capital or not more than a
nominal capital, the tax was virtually an additional income tax
equal to 8 % of the income in excess of $3,000 for corporations and
$6,000 for other taxpayers. Beginning with 1918, however, the
tax was confined to corporations, excluding personal-service cor-
porations (i.e. those " whose income is to be ascribed primarily to
the activities of the personal owners or stockholders who are them-
selves regularly engaged in the active conduct of the affairs of the
corporation and in which capital, whether invested or borrowed, is
not a material income-producing factor ") which are taxed sub-
stantially as partnerships. This limitation was due to dissatisfaction
with the attempt to tax professional men under the Act of 1917, and
a recognition that the income-tax proper bears more lightly upon
corporations than upon other taxpayers. Under the income tax
the entire income or profit of an individual is subject to normal tax
and surtaxes (the latter rising to 65%), whether the income is
spent or reinvested; but the corporation does not pay income sur-
taxes and its stockholders pay surtaxes only on the profits which are
distributed. After 1917, therefore, the excess-profits tax became a
compensatory or balancing tax upon the income of corporations
similar to the 5 % corporation profits tax adopted in 1919 for the
same purpose in the United Kingdom.
Yield. Judged by the standard of productivity, the most im-
portant quality of a war tax, the excess-profits tax was conspicuously
successful during the war. The yield of the tax is shown herewith :
Excess-Profits Tax Returned for Calendar Year
1917
Individuals, etc.
Partnerships .
Corporations .
Total
1918 .
1919 .
1920 .
. $ 101,249,781
103,887,984
. 1,638,747,740
. . 1,843,885,505
- 2,505,565,939
. (est.) 1,315,000,000
. (est.) 520,000,000
The figures for 1918 represent possibly the largest annual amount
ever produced in one country by a single tax. During the crucial
years 1917-9 the excess-profits tax produced more than 25% of the
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN
total ordinary receipts (excluding receipts on account of public debt).
Although the rates were severe, rising to 8p% for 1918, the tax was
collected without crippling industries owing to the high level of
profits and to the protective effect of the normal exemption, the
relief provisions, and the large degree of administrative discretion
authorized in practically all excess-profits tax laws. Indeed, after
payment of the heavy war income and profits taxes combined,
the corporations of the United States had left, in each of the years
1917-9 inclusive, larger money profits than in any other year for
which statistics exist, except the year 1916.
Weakness of the Tax. Both political parties had promised the
repeal of the excess-profits tax in the year 1921. This was partly
explained by the sharp decline in its productivity under peace
conditions, reflected in the statistics given above. But in the main the
unpopularity of the tax was due to the effect of its high rates in
stimulating extravagant expenditures by the taxpayers subject
to it; the general belief (probably ill-founded in part) that it was
passed on loaded with additions to the general body of consumers ;
its limitation to a small proportion (in number) of the business
concerns; its great complexity which left the taxpayer uncertain
as to his liability and threatened to cause, in the words of the
Secretary of the Treasury, an administrative breakdown; and most
of all to its capricious inequalities. The essential object of the
tax was to lay a heavy tax upon " supernormal " income or profits.
But to determine what constituted " normal " profits was a task of
great difficulty. Where this normal profit was determined on the
basis of pre-war profits, to use the words of the British Chancellor
of the Exchequer, " prosperous concerns with a large pre-war profit
standard might escape liability for the tax because their present
profits, though high, are not in excess of their standard, and, at any
rate, they pay tax on what all of us think an unduly low scale. '
In the United States, where the normal exemption was computed as
a percentage of invested capital, corporations which had been
liberally capitalized gained an unfair advantage over those which
had been conservatively financed. The American tax unquestionably
bore more heavily upon hazardous industries than upon those with
more stable earnings. Thus for 1918, among corporations liable for
excess-profits tax, the average ratio of the tax to net income was
30%. But construction companies paid 48%, manufacturing
industries 38 %, mining 25 % and banks only 9 %. This tax, said the
Secretary of the Treasury in 1919, " encourages wasteful expendi-
ture, puts a premium on overcapitalization and a penalty on brains,
energy and enterprise, discourages new ventures, and confirms old
ventures in their monopolies."
See Treasury Department, Regulation No. 41, relative to the
War Excess-Profits Tax of 1917. (T. S. A.)
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN (see 10.50). In no department of
finance was there a greater upheaval as the result of the World
War than in that of national currency-values as shown in the
foreign exchanges. The theory of foreign exchange is sufficiently
explained in the earlier article. It remains to deal here with the
historical developments subsequent to 1910.
For some years immediately preceding the World War there
had been a gradual movement on the part of all important
countries towards the establishment of their currencies on a gold
basis. It is true that only in England, the United States and
India was there an absolutely free and unrestricted gold market,
yet all the other leading countries, with the exception of China
and Brazil, may be considered to have achieved this object, for
although, as regards most of them, difficulties were placed in the
way of those who desired to withdraw gold from their respective
State banks for the purpose of export, yet it was generally under-
stood that, in the last resource, these banks would part with
gold rather than permit their exchanges to depreciate below their
gold parity. The result was that exporters and importers in all
these countries could trade with each other without troubling
themselves about possible fluctuations in exchange. Rates moved
within very narrow limits and merchants could ignore them.
Even in the case of such countries as Italy and Spain, which
had not quite succeeded in stabilizing their exchanges (i.e.
bringing their currency-values up to the gold par), the risk of
loss through sudden and violent fluctuations in exchange rates
was very slight. It was only when trading with China, Brazil,
Portugal, and a few small South American and Central American
states, that merchants felt it necessary to take exchange risks
into account, and the more prudent were in the habit of avoid-
ing such risk by buying or selling exchange for forward delivery.
Most banks and banking houses in England and elsewhere
bought and sold foreign exchange, but they did not do so prima-
rily with the object of making large profits, for very little money
could be made out of exchange operations when fluctuations were
small and of rare occurrence. Their chief object was to meet the
requirements of their customers. Indeed, foreign banks having
branches in London regarded their foreign. exchange trading de-
partments as the least expensive form of advertising. In fact,
when one looks back to those times, one realizes that the cur-
rencies of nine-tenths of the world were for all practical purposes
identical. One felt just as certain of getting 25 francs or 20 marks
for a pound sterling as of getting twelve pence for a shilling or
100 centimes for a franc.
War-time Conditions. In reviewing conditions that ruled
during the early days of the war, one cannot but wonder at the
remarkable adaptability of the London foreign exchange market,
particularly when account is taken of the numerous obstacles and
restrictions that the British Government considered necessary,
for good reason, to put in the way of exchange transactions.
When the British Treasury assumed complete control over the
London exchange market at the outbreak of the war, they had
three important objects in view: first, to prevent British capital
from being sent abroad; secondly to close every avenue by which
enemy nations might carry on their trade with direct or indirect
assistance from England; and thirdly to enable every British or
Allied trader to obtain or to dispose of all the " exchange "
necessary to carry on his legitimate business.
The following are some of the difficulties that had to be con-
tended with. All communication between England and enemy
countries was*strictly prohibited. All letters and telegrams to and
from England were opened and read by official censors and were
subject to indefinite delay, if indeed they ever reached their
destination. No transactions of a " speculative " nature were
permitted. No gold coin or bullion was allowed to be exported
from Great Britain without a licence, which was almost always
refused. Exchange dealers were not permitted to deal with
neutral banks or firms unless they obtained from them their
signatures to the following declaration:
We undertake to the best of our ability that the account which
you keep in our name on your books will not be utilized by us or by
third parties for our account in any way which will, either directly
or indirectly, assist, or be for the benefit of, any enemy of Great
Britain, including any person, firm or company on any list published
by His Britannic Majesty's Government and called the Statutory
List; and, further, that any business whatsoever that we request
you to undertake for our account will neither facilitate, nor com-
pensate, nor clear transactions in any way or at any time connected
with an enemy of Great Britain, including any person, firm or com-
pany on any list published by His Britannic Majesty's Govern-
ment and called the Statutory List.
We understand this undertaking to apply to every kind of trans-
action for which we utilize our account with you, including
(but not excluding any other transactions which might directly or
indirectly benefit any enemy of Great Britain or her Allies as above
stated) :
All sight or telegraphic payments to private individuals, firms,
banks, etc., in Great Britain or other countries.
The transfer of pounds sterling and/or foreign moneys to or from
neutral countries on behalf of ourselves or third parties.
The collection of remittances, coupons, drawn bonds, etc.
The opening of documentary credit for the import and/or export
of goods to or from our country or other countries.
The collection and/or negotiation of cheques and bills on Great
Britain and other countries.
All cheques and bills drawn by us to the order of third parties.
All payments, telegraphic and mail, that we make in sterling
through your intermediary.
All moneys that you receive in sterling from other parties for
the credit of our account and/or moneys ordered to be held at the
disposal of third parties.
Bills domiciled payable with you.
British banks and bankers, dealing with foreign countries, had
to fill up once a week and send to the Ministry of Blockade, a
printed form showing under four columns:
(a). The approximate total of available cash sterling balances
held for account of persons, firms and corporations domiciled in
each country (less overdrafts) ;
(b). The approximate total of British Treasury bills and other
sterling bills, payable in Great Britain, held_ at their free disposal
for persons, firms and corporations domiciled in each country;
(c). The approximate sterling equivalent of foreign currency
balances with banks in each country ;
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN
(d). The approximate sterling equivalent of currency over-
drafts " Nostro " abroad at banks in each country.
No British firm or institution was permitted to work in ex-
change in joint account with a neutral firm or institution. It was
not permissible to execute an order for a neutral to buy or sell
foreign exchange unless it was stated for whose account the order
was given. It was not permissible for exchange dealers to keep in
foreign countries more than the minimum cash balances necessary
for keeping their accounts open. An official list was sent period-
ically to all exchange dealers from the finance section of the Minis-
try of Blockade containing the names of persons and firms whose
transactions it was undesirable to facilitate or finance. The last
of these lists (colloquially known as "Black Lists"), which was
circulated in Dec. 1918, contained no less than 10,000 names of
persons or firms with whom it was not permitted to trade either
directly or indirectly. It was not permissible to telegraph in
cypher, though as a concession when ordering telegraphic trans-
fers of money one private " check " word was permitted in each
telegram, but this only to lessen the risk of fraud. (A few
recognized codes in general use could, however, be employed, but
the telegram had to commence with the name of the code and a
small fee was charged by the censor.)
Troublesome these restrictions undoubtedly were, but they
were not unreasonable; and foreigners, both Allies and neutrals,
recognized that they were necessary and were not intended in any
way to hamper them in carrying out their own legitimate trade.
A large and increasing volume of orders to buy and sell foreign
exchange came to the London market from the continent of Eu-
rope and also from America, with the result that London never
lost its preeminent position as the world's centre for foreign
exchange. Indeed, the great increase in the volume of exchange
transactions that started very shortly after the declaration of
peace, when exchanges were decontrolled and all restrictions
were removed, found England better equipped than ever before
for maintaining its leading position.
In this connexion the three subjoined tables, A, B and C, for
London business done on various foreign centres, are of interest.
The first (A) shows the highest and lowest exchange quotations
during a normal pre-war year, the second (B) gives similar quota-
tions for a post-war year, and the third (C) is a record of the rates
at which actual transactions took place on one day in 1921:
TABLE A. Pre-war Rates 1912.
Method of Quoting.
Lowest.
Highest.
New York.
Dollars per pound
4-84H
4-88i
Paris .
Francs per pound
25-I3
25-29!
Brussels
Francs per pound
25-31
25-40
Germany .
Marks per pound
20-41 i
20-55
Amsterdam
Guilders per pound
!2-o6f
12-ioJ
Italy .
Lire per pound .
25-34
25-63
Madrid
Pesetas per pound
26-58
27-34
Stockholm.
Crowns per pound
18-17
18-29
Christiania
11 11 11
18-17
' 18-29
Copenhagen
Lisbon
11 11 11
Pence per milreis
18-17
4 6id.
18-29
49fd.
Vienna
Crowns per pound
24-065
24-25
Bombay
Pence per rupee
is. 3 Ud.
is.4^d.
Buenos Aires
Pence per gold peso
48 Ad.
4 8Md.
England was by no means the only country where foreign
exchange transactions were subject to strict State control. In
Germany, in fact, restrictions were far greater than in England.
In that country dealings in foreign exchange were confined,
officially, to certain firms and banks, numbering in all 28, who
were granted licences by the German chancellor permitting them
to do that kind of business. The offiqes where such transactions
were authorized were known as Divisenstellen or " Foreign Ex-
change Offices." Official rates governing exchange transactions
were fixed by the State Bank. These varied from time to time.
Table D (on p. 42) gives the highest and lowest official Berlin
rates for the years 1916, 1917 and 1918.
It will be noticed how very steady were the Austrian, Hun-
garian and Bulgarian exchanges, especially during 1917. Even
that on Constantinople varied only about 5 % during that year.
If one compares these with the variations in the French, Italian
and American rates of exchanges as quoted in London in 1917, one
will find that the German control was, on the whole, rather more
successful, for although the difference between the highest and
lowest quotations for the " pegged " dollar was barely j of i %,
that for the French franc was about 2 J % and that for Italy was
as much as 31 per cent.
TABLE B. Post-war Rates 1920.
Percentage of Vari-
ation.
Lowest.
Highest.
Method of Quoting.
2 5'75 Montreal
3-65
4-59
Dollars per pound
25-19 New York
3'2ii
4-025
11 ii ti
68-83 Pa"s
40-75
68-80
Francs per pound
32-90 Holland
8-65
11-50
Guilders per pound
112-00 Italy
50-00
106-00
Lire per pound
52-26 Spam
18-98
28-90
Pesetas per pound
247-82 Portugal
5fd-
20d.
Pence per milreis
44-21 Norway
18-57
26-78
Crowns per pound
8-44 Sweden
17-07
18-51
11 11 11
32-20 Denmark
19-60
25-91
11 11 it
205-08 Finland
59-00
180-00
Finnish marks per pound
204-16 Germany
I2O-OO
365-00
Marks per pound
20-26 Switzerland
I9-40
23-33
Francs per pound
57-55 Belgium
40-40
63-65
11 11 it
96-85 Greece
25-40
49-50
Drachmas per pound
170-83 Bucharest
I2O-OO
325-00
Lei per pound
233-33 Vienna
480-00
1,600-00
Crowns per pound
246-15 Prague
I30-00
450-00
11 11 11
521-62 Warsaw
370-00
2,300-00
Polish mks. per pound
90-77 Rio de Jan-
eiro
9*L
l8Hd.
Pence per milreis
44-68 Buenos
Aires
Sold.
73ld.
Pence per gold peso
100-00 India
is.4fd.
2s. 9|d.
Sterling per rupee
29-02 Japan
2s. 4d.
33. o\d.
Sterling per yen
145-16 Shanghai
33. lod.
93. 6d.
Sterling per tael
2-60 Singapore
2s. 3d.
2s.4M<l.
Sterling per dollar
TABLE C. Rates on Jan. 25 1921.
Percentage of Variation.
Lowest.
Highest.
9-00 Paris.
50-00
54-50
0-17 Amsterdam
n-39
11-41
8-27 Belgium .
47-75
51-70
0-80 Spain
27-50
27-72
3-71 Italy.
IOI
104!
0-16 Switzerland
24-04
24-08
0-91 Stockholm
17-46
17-62
2-05 Christiania
19-55
19-95
3-78 Copenhagen
18-50
19-20
0-52 New York
3-8o
3-82
0-46 Canada .
4-3
4-32
4-00 Portugal .
6id.
0-50 Buenos Aires
49ld
5oU
i-oo Greece
so
I -80 Finland .
ill
"3
9-35 Germany.
203
222
8-33 Austria .
1,200
I,3OO
Among the other difficulties that the German trader had to
contend with were these: No German current coins or bank-
notes were permitted to be sent abroad unless permission had
been obtained previously from the State Bank. No German or
foreign money could be sent abroad for the purpose of acquiring
securities or merchandise of any description without the per-
mission of the State Bank. This prohibition also extended to
barter. No foreign credits of any description in German currency
were permissible without the sanction of the State Bank. The
Imperial chancellor had the power to authorize the State Bank to
requisition from the possessor any foreign currencies, foreign
balances or other " means of payment abroad," giving in exchange
their full value in German marks at the official exchange then
ruling. Persons or institutions acquiring or disposing of foreign
exchange in any shape or form were obliged to give full in-
formation as to the nature of the business in question to the State
Bank, and the Divisenstellen were empowered to make it a
condition that this information should be given before doing
business with them. Persons infringing any of these regulations
or found to be giving false information, rendered themselves
liable to fines varying from 100 to 50,000 marks and to imprison-
ment for periods not exceeding one year. In addition to this, the
money or goods in question might be declared forfeit to the State!.
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN
Secrecy on the part of the Divisenstellen was ensured by an edict
rendering anyone guilty of betraying any information obtained
liable to a substantial fine or imprisonment.
The business of German money changers was very much
hampered and restricted by emergency legislation. Money
changers were certainly permitted to buy and sell foreign
currencies against their equivalent in German marks, but the
total amount so exchanged for one and the same person or firm
by one or more money changers on one single day could not
exceed 1,000 marks, nor in one calendar month 3,000 marks,
unless special permission had been granted by the State Bank.
Certain exceptions were made. For instance, it was not necessary
to obtain permission to send funds abroad for the purpose of
providing for the necessary disbursement of ships, nor for the
purchase abroad of German war bonds or exchequer bonds.
That part of Belgium occupied by German troops was treated in
an exceptional manner and its exchange could be purchased or
sold to any extent. Still, even in Germany, a very large export
and import business could be carried on with Holland, Switzer-
land and Scandinavia. That trade was practically impossible
with more distant countries was due to the blockade and not to
foreign exchange restrictions.
In order .to appreciate the effect produced by the war on the
mechanism of dealings in foreign exchange, it is necessary to
bear in mind the position previously occupied by the sterling bill
throughout the world. Owing to the fact that London had been,
for a far longer period than any other country, an absolutely free
market for gold, and that the Bank of England had been willing
to cash its notes on presentation, in gold to any extent, both for
internal use and for export, the " exchange " of the whole world
centred round the sterling bill, which had come to be regarded as
actual interest-bearing gold. Nearly every foreign state bank was
in the habit of keeping a certain portion of its reserve in sterling
bills, which were renewed from time to time, as they became due,
and only " melted " when and as these banks desired to replenish
their stocks of gold.
Another thing to be remembered is the facility with which the
Government banks of England, France, Germany, Belgium,
Holland and other countries, could, until the outbreak of war,
control their exchanges by raising or lowering their official
discount rates. If, for instance, the rate of exchange between
London and Paris was such that gold was being sent in incon-
venient quantities from England to France, the Bank of England
would raise the bank rate (and thus the value of money) in London
to a sufficient extent to make it profitable for French banks to
leave their money in England, or English bankers would draw
three-months bills on France, in order to meet the demand for
remittances to that country. Such bills, being almost invariably
of the highest quality, were eagerly sought for by French banks
and readily discounted in Paris.
The immediate effect of the outbreak of hostilities at the open-
ing of Aug. 1914 was to break down the whole fabric of foreign
exchange throughout the world. Credit, as regards foreign ex-
change, for the time being ceased to exist, and in' every country
there was a rush on the part of bankers and merchants to bring
home their credit balance from abroad and to " melt " all their
foreign bills. The movement of exchanges at the beginning
of Aug. 1914 was most interesting. In America, for a short time,
it was quite impossible to obtain exchange to meet indebtedness
by remittances to London, and the value of the pound sterling in
New York in consequence rose in one day as much as 30 per cent.
On the other hand, in Paris the value of the pound depreciated
4 per cent. And this was in spite of the fact that, contrary to what
prevailed in other countries, no prohibition was then put on the
export of gold from the Bank of England.
In London, during the Aug. 1914 bank-holiday interval, which
was prolonged by Royal Proclamation from Monday the -3rd
until Friday the 6th, in order to avoid a panic, one of the most
important problems before the British Treasury was the re-
establishment of foreign exchange, since it was recognized that,
until this was accomplished, it would be quite impossible to carry
on the foreign trade of the country. It was necessary in the first
instance to reestablish the position of the sterling bill. For this
purpose two things were necessary: (i) to induce English
accepting houses to continue to grant legitimate trade credits,
and (2) to induce banks and discount houses to discount these
acceptances when created. The accepting houses realized that an
unknown but probably a large proportion of their acceptances
would not be provided for by the drawers at due date, while the
discount houses believed that many of the bills bearing their
endorsements or guaranteed by them might not be met by the
acceptors. Neither acceptors nor endorsers therefore felt them-
selves justified in adding to their liabilities.
These two apparently insuperable difficulties were overcome by
the Treasury, with the assistance of the Bank of England. The
Government, by a series of proclamations, relieved the endorsers
of all approved sterling bills of their liability as endorsers, and
authorized the Bank of England to advance at interest to all
approved English acceptors, who, for reasons connected either
directly or indirectly with the war, should not receive the money
necessary to meet their acceptances at maturity, loans to meet
these bills, repayable on or before one year after the termination
of the war. Almost immediately these measures had the desired
effect, and so far as the import trade of the United Kingdom was
concerned exchange very soon resumed more or less its normal
position. All trustworthy export houses abroad were sure of being
able to finance their exports to Great Britain, and could rely on
finding a ready market in London for their sterling bills. Cash
payments, owing to the irregularity of the post, were usually
made by telegraphic transfers. Exchange operations resulting
from British export trade were not found so easy to carry out,
and it was in this connexion that the mechanism of exchange
underwent most change. No belligerent country other than
England had been able in the early days of the war to maintain
a free discount market; and throughout Europe, in those coun-
tries where gold had hitherto been obtainable, its export was
prohibited. The result was that, in continental rates of exchange
on London, although there was a limit as to the extent of a fall,
owing to there still being a free gold market in England, there was
no limit as to a rise. As a result, no prudent bank or exchange
dealer in London kept any substantial balance abroad, and
portfolios of bills in foreign currency (formerly held to the value
of tens of millions of pounds) were no longer maintained. Their
place in the business was taken by Treasury bills.
TABLE D. Official Rates of Exchange in Berlin.
Holland.
Denmark.
Sweden.
Norway.
Switzerland.
Vienna.
Madrid.
Bulgaria.
Constanti-
nople.
Parity :
Fl. 100
equals
M.I68}
Parity :
Kr. 100
equals
M.II2*
Parity:
Kr. 100
equals
M.II2}
Parity :
Kr. 100
equals
M.II2J
Parity :
Fr. 100
equals
M.8i-
Parity:
Kr. 100
equals
M.8 5 -
Parity :
Pts. too
equals
M.8i-
Parity :
Leva. 100
equals
M.8i-
Parity :
i (Turkish)
equals
M.i-
1916
Highest
Lowest
1917
Highest
Lowest .
1918
Highest
Lowest .
239i
217
3I4|
22OJ
364
215*
164
H8f
233
161}
225*
152*
i;i|
i49i
259!
171!
250}
162}
I6 7i
I 4 8J
234}
i65i
238!
I59i
n6|
lOlf
I5 fi
Il6j
178!
II2J
71-57
63-95
64-45
63-95
66-25
5.V95
136*
124!
141
103
79i
7 6i
8o|
79i
80
79
2 1 '05
19-90
21-10
I8-85
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN
43
The prohibition against selling stock-exchange securities owned
by foreigners on the London market, and the difficulty in the way
of selling securities held in England on any other market except
that of New York, combined with the British Government having
assumed practical control of all credit operations, resulted in the
very early days of the war in foreign exchanges being swayed
almost entirely by actual trade transactions. Thus, the American
sterling exchange (London on New York) after the first month or
so of the war remained at a rate then considered low, because
Great Britain was importing vast quantities of food and muni-
tions from the United States and a large adverse balance of trade
was being created. On the other hand in countries like France
and Italy, who made large purchases in England, the exchange
rose (i.e. depreciated in value) to heights that had not hitherto
been reached. The same thing occurred even to a greater extent
with regard to the Russian exchange (rubles). Russia in pre-
war days had met its large indebtedness to England to a con-
siderable extent by the export of food-stuffs, but owing to the
closing of the Black Sea and the Baltic ports it was unable to
carry on its export trade to anything like the normal extent.
Heavy as was the depreciation in these rates of exchange, it would
have been much heavier were it not for the fact that the British
Government assisted its Allies to obtain large credits in London
and in other markets.
In the case of countries like Brazil, Argentina and Chili, it had
become almost impossible to obtain exchange on London. This
was especially the case in Brazil where the export trade is seasonal.
Before the war it had been the custom for South American banks
to obtain financial credits in London during the periods when
trade bills were not forthcoming, and by means of bills drawn
against these credits their debts to Europe were tided over.
These credits were eventually liquidated by means of trade bills
created during the export season. In the early stages of the war
European creditors either had to wait for their money or to
accept very unfavourable rates.
Nevertheless, chiefly owing to the action taken by the British
Government, the mechanism of foreign exchange was less seri-
ously affected on the whole than might reasonably have been
expected. Only for a very short period and between very few
countries was trade held up altogether on account of exchange
difficulties, but the fluctuations of rates of exchange between most
countries became so great that the cost of exchange soon became
a very important factor and had to be reckoned with, even in
transactions on which the margin of profit was considerable.
During the first year of the war the pound sterling had main-
tained its value fairly well in all neutral countries and particularly
so in the United States, which was neutral until April 1917.
At the end of 1915 the leading exchange rates with countries
open to business on the London market were as follows:
Montreal . 4'74j Christiania . I7' 2 5
New York 4'74j Stockholm . 17-10
Paris . 27-73 Copenhagen 17-35
Amsterdam 10-83 Petrograd . 159
Italy . 3I-45 Calcutta . 1/4 "
Madrid . 25-05 Rio de Janeiro 12
Lisbon . ' 34d. Buenos Aires 49
Switzerland 2 4'9O
England however had been pouring money into America in
ever-increasing amounts, to pay not only for those commodities
for the supply of which England in normal times depends to a
large extent on America, such as cereals, cotton, etc. and these
at very high prices but also for the vast quantities of war mate-
rial of all kinds which were being manufactured at high pressure
and even higher cost both for England and for its Allies. Ex-
change to meet the payments for these articles as they became
due was provided partly by the export of gold. Between Oct. i
and Dec. 31 1915, gold to the value of over seventeen million
pounds sterling was withdrawn from the Bank of England for
export to New York alone partly by the proceeds of the sale
through ordinary channels of the bulk of what may be described
as the floating stock of American securities held in England, and
partly by the calling in as they became due of all the short-term
loans that had been made by English investors to America. In-
deed, at the very beginning of the war, the city of New York was
called upon to repay 13,500,000 that happened to fall due at that
time; and as this large sum had to be found very quickly on a
panicky and depleted exchange market, as high an exchange as
$6.75 had to be paid per British pound for prompt cable payment.
It must have been evident at the time that, owing to the fact
that England had just become involved in a life and death
struggle with a desperate and powerful antagonist, whereas
America could not but profit through its neutrality, the pound
must depreciate and the dollar appreciate. But the demand in
New York had to be met regardless of cost.
It is a curious and interesting fact that when the dollar was at
its worst, i.e. $6.75 to the pound on Aug. 3 1914, the premium on
the pound in New York was $1.79, whereas when the British
pound was at its lowest value, about $3.19 in Feb. 1920, it was
at a discount of only $1.64!.
Very soon after the outbreak of the war, the principal foreign
exchanges tended to group themselves into four divisions on the
London market. These became known as the " Allied exchanges,"
the " Enemy exchanges," the " Neutral exchanges " and the
" Eastern exchanges." Whether we take as a basis the pound
sterling or the United States dollar (to which, in fact, the pound
was steadily linked in value from the commencement of 1916
till four months after the Armistice was declared), we find,
speaking generally, that the Allied exchanges were at a discount,
the Enemy exchanges at a greater discount, and the Neutral and
Eastern exchanges at a premium.
The reason is not far to seek. Of the Allies, only England and
France could be described as wealthy; and partly because the
war on the western front was waged mainly on French territory
so that not only the most fertile part of France but also the chief
centres of French industry were devastated, and also because
the French were very inadequately taxed during the whole
period of the war French international credit was not main-
tained on the same level as that of England. The other Allies
were lacking in accumulated wealth, and very soon became
financially dependent, primarily on England and to a smaller
extent on France. But the leading neutrals, who in Europe
comprised Holland, Spain, Switzerland and the three Scandina-
vian kingdoms and in S. America the Argentine Republic, were in
a very favourable financial position. The European neutrals
could trade to their great pecuniary advantage with both groups
of belligerents, and could take full advantage of the great demand
that sprang up for their produce. Spain could supply France
with textiles and metals, Norway and Sweden could meet the
demand for timber and paper (which was much increased by the
closing of the Baltic ports), and Denmark and Switzerland were
able to supply both sides with dairy produce. In addition to these
advantages the important mercantile fleets of Holland, Scandi-
navia and Spain were able to earn large profits because of the
great rise that took place in freights. Indeed, throughout the war,
preference was generally given by shippers to ships owned by
neutrals, because the risk of their being sunk was considered
somewhat less and the rates of insurance on their cargoes were
therefore materially lower.
The eastern countries, China, India and Japan, were, it is
true, belligerents, but their financial burdens were but slight com-
pared with those of their European colleagues; and since China
and India were large exporters of raw materials, while Japan
assumed gradually the position of Germany as the chief supplier
of the less costly manufactured articles, all three countries
profited greatly by the war.
It may be asked why, although the United States was a free
gold market and the pound was " pegged " (see below) to the
dollar, both the sterling and dollar exchanges should have been
for so long a period at a considerable discount in Spain and in
Scandinavia. Indeed, on one day in Nov. 1917 the pound
sterling was worth no more than Kr. 9-90 in Stockholm, and in
April 1918 it was only saleable at Kr. 11-90 in Christiania
and Copenhagen. The explanation is that, fearing the evils that
might arise from " inflation," these four countries, one after
another, announced that they would no longer purchase gold in
44
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN
any other form than that of their individual currencies, excepting
on terms that would render such importation unprofitable.
After the end of the war, when the demand for their produce
slackened, these countries suffered from, this somewhat original
form of legislation by which gold was refused in payment. The
exchanges of all of them fell to a substantial discount hi New
York, and three out of the four went to below their pre-war
value as expressed in sterling.
Control of Exchanges. Towards the end of 1915 the future out-
look for sterling in New York began to assume a very serious
aspect. The normal floating stock of American securities (as
apart from regular investments) held in England was nearly
exhausted, while the demands on America for war material were
greater than ever. The British Government then decided that a
supreme effort must be made to control foreign exchanges in
general, and more particularly to ward off at all costs the threat-
ened collapse in the gold (or in other words, the international)
value of the pound sterling, as represented by its dollar exchange.
Realizing, very wisely, that this task was too vast and too difficult
to be dealt with in an adequate manner by any of the existing
Government departments, they appointed a small committee
which was known as the " London Exchange Committee " and
gave them a free hand to deal with the situation as they thought
best. The members of this Committee, which was under the chair-
manship of the then governor of the Bank of England, Lord
Cunliffc, included Sir Brien Cokayne (afterwards Lord Cullen),
deputy-governor of the Bank of England; Sir Edward H.Holden;
Sir Felix O. Schuster; Mr. Gaspard Farrer; Mr. Stanley Baldwin;
the Hon. Sydney Peel. Later Mr. Baldwin retired and was
replaced by Mr. H. G. Levick. The Committee were mainly men
of international reputation, not only conversant with foreign ex-
change but also accustomed to deal with vast sums of money, and
whose capacity had been proved by the success of the institutions
they controlled. The activities of this Committee were not con-
fined to American exchange, although that was considered to be
its principal task, for the maintenance of the American exchange
in itself was a support to the exchanges of the Allied nations and a
great help to neutrals, for whose commercial transactions it was
the only element of steadiness. It also watched carefully other
exchanges, especially that of Holland, the wealthiest and most
important of European neutral states.
Before starting their work the London Committee had to
convince themselves that the means at their disposal were
adequate for their task. What were these means? First came
the stock of gold in the vaults of the Bank of England, over which
they were given control, but this was none too large as a reserve
against the Bank of England notes and the ever-increasing
amount of Treasury notes that had taken the place of gold as the
medium of circulation. Secondly, there was a considerable
stock of gold held independently in the vaults of the London
clearing banks, but this also was better left untouched if possible,
as it formed a most valuable secret reserve that could be used to
replenish the stock of gold held by the Bank of England should
need arise, as indeed it did later on. Then there was the fresh gold
coming in regularly from the gold-mines of the British Empire,
averaging about 55,000,000 per annum or about 65% of the
total world's production. This valuable " gold-income " was
also placed at the disposal of the Committee to do with as they
thought best. Finally, there was an unknown but certainly a
very large quantity of foreign and colonial stocks and shares
remaining in the hands of British investors and having an inter-
national market on realization: owners of these securities (see
DOLLAR SECURITIES MOBILIZATION) were invited to sell them or
to lend them to the British Government on favourable terms, and
power was taken to commandeer them at market price should it
become advisable to do so, but the amount forthcoming volunta-
rily was found to be ample. 1
1 The value of the foreign securities actually deposited in this
way at the British Treasury reached the high figure of 438,311,-
ooo; this amount was considerably larger than had been expected.
In addition to this, securities were sold to the Bank of England to
the value of 46,000,000 and to the " Dollar Securities Committee "
Having completed their exhaustive enquiries, the Committee
decided that the means at their disposal were adequate and that
the object in view was worth the cost. They embarked on their
great task in Jan. 1916, and from that date until March 1919 the
pound sterling was steadily maintained at a figure in New York
equivalent to about par if allowance is made for the increased
cost of freight and insurance for gold. It was not until March
1919 that it was decided that, the object having been achieved,
control or " pegging " might be removed and the exchange
allowed gradually to take its own course without interference.
It may be mentioned here that while financial authorities
have been unanimously of opinion that this " pegging " of the
American and English exchanges was the greatest, the most
difficult, the most far-reaching in its effects, and the most
successful of all the financial schemes embarked on during the
war, there are some who think that the control was enforced for
a longer period than was necessary, in view of the great expense
entailed and the manifest fact that an exchange cannot be stabil-
ized by artificial means for all time.
The Anglo-American exchange was the only one that was
actually " pegged " or fixed, but the other exchanges were
watched with equal care, and where ordinary means did not
suffice gold shipments were made to Holland as well as to
America. Important negotiations were entered into with such
Governments as Argentina, Uruguay, and especially Japan, and
proved very useful in maintaining some sort of stability for the
pound, while other understandings were effected with various
banks in Scandinavia, Spain and Switzerland.
The decontrol took place without any flourish of trumpets,
and it was some little time before the world realized its full
significance. It was not until July 1919 that the American ster-
ling exchange fell below $4.50, nor till Dec. of that year that it
broke below the $4.00 mark. In Feb. 1920 it fell below $3.50,
when it touched $3.19, the lowest point recorded. In April 1920
it temporarily rose once more to over $4.00, but subsequently
declined again below that level. The fluctuations in exchange
after decontrol gave rise to a vast amount of speculation.
One of the chief causes contributing to the success of the
task of the London Exchange Committee was the confidence
inspired in the minds of neutrals, for it stands to reason that,
great as were the resources placed at their disposal, the amount
of the indebtedness of England to America soon became much
larger, increased as it was by England assuming responsibility
of 170,044,000. The following table gives fuller details of these
operations :
Purchases
.
Loaned
Securities .
Total
Dollar bonds
Dollar shares
Sterling bonds
Sterling shares
Registered stocks
Home railways
Franc bonds
Krone bonds
Florin bonds
Florin shares
136,002,988
48,263,552
27,803,232
875
4-"9,358
9,300
445,091
39,571,276
60,718,776
115,160,124
171,851,047
17,494,182
338,340
452,894
364,550
175,574,264
108,982,328
142,963,356
875
175,970,405
17,494,182
338,340
452,894
373,850
445,091
216,644,396
405,951,189
622,595,585
These figures are exclusive of a special creation of $40,000,000 Can-
adian Pacific Railway 4 per cent Dollar Debenture stock, depos-
ited by the Canadian Pacific Railway Company. Of the total
amount purchased, as given in the first column, i.e. 216,644,396,
the Bank of England bought 48,600,000 and the Dollar Securities
Committee 170,044,000. The deposits on loan on March 31 1919
amounted, therefore, to 405,951,000, which, with the deposits on
loan sold to the Treasury, 24,360,000, and the 8,000,000 special
deposit of the Canadian Pacific Railway Company, made the bal-
ance actually deposited 438,311,000. As will be seen from the
above table, dollar securities constituted the major portion of those
mobilized. Of the American securities, amounting to 250,543,000,
which came into possession of the Treasury, 177,614,000 or more
than 70 % were bought for resale in New York, and 72,928,000 or
29 % were still held in Great Britain at the time this report was
made. A good deal was subsequently disposed of, bringing the total
amount redeemed by the United States to about 200,000,000.
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN
45
for debts contracted by its Allies for the purposes of the war. In
fact, England may be said to have shouldered the entire burden
until April 1917, when America joined the Allies. The neutrals
believed in England's financial strength, and they also recognized
that the pound sterling was interchangeable with the dollar on a
basis which, with allowance for the increased cost of freight and
insurance, was approximately equal to pre-war par value. In
other words, since America remained on a real gold basis, and the
English and American exchanges were linked together, England
was for practical purposes also on a gold basis. They therefore
were equally content to leave their rapidly accumulating foreign
credit balances either in England or America, in whichever
country a better rate of interest was obtainable. In order to offer
an inducement for them to select England, the British Govern-
ment authorized the Bank of England on their behalf to pay to
British banks and bankers a specially high rate of interest on
deposits emanating from customers in neutral states (see MONEY
MARKET). Thus neutrals were able to get in England a rate
of interest for their balances substantially higher than they could
have got with equal security in America. They therefore ab-
stained to a great extent from converting their sterling into
dollars, which would have added greatly to the difficulties and
expenses of the London Exchange Committee.
Vast as this operation of " pegging " the sterling exchange in
America was, it was only part of a still more ambitious scheme.
The object in view was to stabilize at the same time the French,
the Russian and the Italian exchanges. With France success
might have been possible, although France lacked one of the
great essentials for that purpose, i.e. a gold " income." None,
or practically none, of the newly mined gold of the world was
controlled by France. The Bank of France, however, possessed
a very large stock of gold, amounting to 169,351,920 at the
beginning of 1915, and the quantity of gold coin circulating in
France was larger than in England. The French also had many
investments abroad even apart from their holdings of Russian
securities; but they were unwilling to make the great sacrifices
that were necessary to ensure success. Their taxation was in-
finitely lighter than that of England. The logical mind of the
Frenchman argued thus: " If we lose the war we are ruined
anyway. If we win, then we shall have power to force the defeated
enemy to foot our bill down to the last franc. So why worry
now?" They certainly did not over-estimate the power of the
conqueror to dictate his own terms, but they omitted to take
into their calculations the possibility that the defeated nations
might be unable to pay what was demanded of them. At any rate
they endeavoured to stabilize the French franc largely on money
borrowed, first from the British Government and English invest-
ors and accepting houses, and later from America. Such an at-
tempt was foredoomed to failure, and the wonder is that they
were able to keep their rate of exchange as favourable (or as far
from unfavourable) as they did for so long a period. The move-
ments of the French exchange as well as those of other countries
will be seen in the annexed tables.
With Italy it was still more difficult, and the various attempts
that were made to prevent a breakdown in that exchange were
not very successful; but then Italy was absolutely unable to
rely on its own resources, much as it might wish to have done so,
and it cannot justly be accused of backwardness in the im-
position of taxes. As regards Russia, the attempt might well be
described as farcical, since it resulted chiefly in enabling wealthy
Russians to remove their money from their own country to
places of safety abroad, at the expense of the British Government
and the English accepting houses, who gave their unwilling as-
sistance not with the object of making a profit, but because their
patriotism was appealed to.
Table E gives the rates of exchange on New York ruling in
London at the beginning and the middle of each month from
Jan. 1914 to Dec. 1920.
Indian Exchange. In striking contrast to the success that
crowned the efforts of the London Exchange Committee in deal-
ing with the Anglo-American exchange, was the failure of the
Indian Government to maintain the pre-war ratio between the
TABLE E.
Jan.
Feb.
March
April
May
June
July
Aug.
Sept.
Oct.
Nov.
Dec.
1914
4-8li
4-84!
1915
4'85i
4-84
4-84
4-82-i-
4-80
4-80
4'79{i
4-791
4-79
4-781
4-77
4-771
4-761
4-76J
4-67^
4'68i
t-66|
4-651
1916
4-761
4-76*1
4-761
1917
4-76M
4-761
4-761
1918
4-76f
4-76M
4-7631
4-76*1
4'76*J
do. *
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
4-76*1
4-76*1
4-76|
4 - 7 6i
4-76*
4-76A
4-76A
4-76J
4'76f
4-765
1919
3-781
4'5of
4'i6i
1920
3-47!
British pound and the Indian rupee that had existed without a
break since 1898.
The Anglo-Indian exchange has always been a very difficult
one to deal with, and it took five years' hard work (from 1893 to
on the part of a particularly well-managed department
of the Indian Government to establish the ratio of 15 rupees
to the English sovereign, or is. 4d. per rupee. 'With great
difficulty and at vast expense to the Indian taxpayer, this ratio
was maintained during the war until Aug. 1917, when the Indian
Council in London announced that they would no longer sell
Indian exchange under is. sd. per rupee. In April 1918 the rate
was raised to is. 6d.; in May 1919 to is. 8d. ; in Sept. of that
year to 2s. od.; in Nov. to 2s. ad. and in Dec. 1919 to 25. 4d.
In Jan. 1920 the rate was reduced to 23. od., at which rate it was
hoped that the exchange might be maintained, but by this time
the Indian Government had been forced to come to the con-
clusion that the task of controlling the Anglo-Indian exchange
was altogether beyond their power, and having spent on their
attempts well over 20,000,000 and having caused losses far
exceeding this amount to the Anglo-Indian trading community,
while achieving no adequate result, they abandoned the attempt
to interfere with the natural movements of their exchange.
In the course of their operations they purchased from the United
States practically the whole of their accumulated stock of silver,
amounting to 200,000,000 ounces. They suspended their weekly
offerings of rupee exchange in London, and for a considerable
period offered sterling exchange on the Indian markets. But
it was to no purpose. The phenomenal rise in prices of com-
modities up to the early days of 1920, and their subsequent rapid
fall, made their task too heavy for them, and after having
reached 2s. gjd. on Feb. 14 1920, the value of the rupee fell
away till it touched is. 3d. on March 7 1921.
It must be borne in mind, however, that it is a far simpler
task to " peg " an exchange to one which remains on a free gold
basis as was that of England before the war, and as that of
America still remained than to do so to that of a country whose
currency is purely a fiduciary one and is subject to violent
fluctuations in countries having a gold standard. In fact, during
1920 the average gold value of the pound note was only 143. 6d.
or 27^% discount, equivalent to 43 pence on a is. 4 d. rupee.
Chinese Exchange. From time immemorial the Chinese ex-
change has been based on the price of bar silver, and the rate
of exchange between Shanghai and England still rises and falls
with the market price in London of that metal. It is true that the
fluctuations in this exchange have been extraordinarily violent in
recent years, but so have the movements in the price of silver.
In this connexion it may be said that a large proportion of the
supplies of silver that came to the London market during 1919
4 6
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN
and 1920 was in the form of the melted silver currencies of
France, Belgium, Germany and Austria, which were withdrawn
from circulation and melted into bars. So much of this silver
came into that market during this period that, notwithstanding
the fact that the U.S. Treasury made an agreement with the
American producers to purchase an amount of silver sufficient to
replace what they had sold to the Indian Government at the
fixed rate of a dollar an ounce, it was obtainable in large quanti-
ties at prices considerably below what it was costing to produce
it in many of the most important mines. And yet the French,
Belgian, German and Austrian Governments were making sub-
stantial profits in terms of their own depreciated currencies.
South African Exchange. Up to the time of the outbreak of
war, there was almost a stereotyped London rate of exchange
on S. Africa, never varying beyond the cost of sending gold either
way usually, buying o- 5 % discount, selling o 5 % premium. Ow-
ing to the difficulty in getting the natives to take and circulate
notes, gold was the S. African currency in common use. In normal
times there is a considerable leakage of gold from S. Africa.
This rose to considerable proportions after the war had com-
menced owing to the heavy premium on gold in other countries.
Even after a law had been passed prohibiting the export of gold,
a considerable amount of smuggling took place and continually
reduced the amount of sovereigns held by the S. African banks.
In order to replenish their stocks, the banks had to import
sovereigns from England, resulting in the strange spectacle of the
largest gold-producing country of the world importing gold.
This was due to the fact that all the fresh gold produced by the
mines was requisitioned by the British Government.
Owing to the shortage of sovereigns, and the shipping of gold
being a considerable expense to the banks, exchange facilities to
exporters from England were somewhat restricted, and in May
1920 a premium of 8% was charged for remittances to S. Africa.
The scheme by which a Federal Reserve bank for S. Africa was
authorized to issue inconvertible notes to take the place of the
gold currency, caused the exchange to drop to par in Aug. 1920,
and the swing of the pendulum, encouraged by a considerable
increase in the import of goods, created a shortage of funds in
London and sent the exchange in the other direction until 6 %
was charged for remittances on London in S. Africa in Nov.
1920. Hence the strange phenomenon of the currency of the
greatest gold-producer in the world being at a discount as
compared with the British Treasury note.
Rates of Exchange. Table F gives the chief rates of exchange
ruling in London on three typical days: the end of- July 1914;
the day on which the Armistice was declared (Nov. n 1918);
and the last working day of the year 1920. There are also given
the pre-war parity rates; the highest and lowest rates touched
during the war, and also the highest and lowest rates touched
between Armistice day and Dec. 31 1920; and that of Aug. 10
1921. The Austrian and German rates of exchange current
during the war are those obtained from neutral countries.
TABLE F. Comparative Rates on London.
Place
Method of
Quoting
Pre-War
Parity
Rate of
Exchange
July 30 1914
Highest
Rate
during
War
Lowest
Rate
during
War
Highest
Rate
between
Armistice
and
12-31-20
Lowest
Rate
between
Armistice
and
12-31-20
Rate of
Exchange
Nov. ii 1918
Rate of
Exchange
Dec 31 1920
Rate of
Exchange
Aug. 10 1921
New York
Dollars to .
$4.8744
4 . 90500 (cable)
6 50
4-49
4 -76S
3 2lJ
4.76! 4-76}
3-53i 3-55
3.64 3.67
Montreal
Dollars to .
$4.8744
4.95 (cable)
5 "
4-49
4-861
3^65
4.86 4.86J
4.09 4.12
4.05 4.08
Paris
Francs to .
Frs.25. 207
24-75 25.15
29.02
24.80
68.80
25.80
25.80 25.86
59-50 59.90
46.65 46.87
Brussels.
Francs to .
Frs.25. 207
25.00 25.25
38.50
25.323
63-65
25. gs
56.70 57-00
48.10 48.30
Italy .
Lire to . .
Lire 25.207
25.60 27.oo(29th)
45.6s
25.00
106.00
30.25
30.25 30.37}
IOI IO2
83 84
Switzerland
Francs to .
Frs.25. 207
25.124 25.25
26.50
18.50
25.20
18.95
23.08 24.05
23.14 23.18
21.67 21.75
Athens .
Drachmas to
Drs.25. 207
25.12} 2S-i8i
49-50
22.50
48 48*
66 67
Russia .
Rubles to 10
Rbls.g4.6o
102 103 nom.
t43o.oo
95.00
Helsingfors
I-mks. to
Fmks. 25.207
25.3725.42(27111)
44.60
25.802
180.00
41 75
11$ 118
35 245
Madrid .
Pesetas to .
PtS.25.2O7
25.92 26.o2(2gth)
26.90
IS 95
28.00
18.60
24.00 24.15
26.43 26.53
28.15 28.31
Lisbon .
Pence to escudos
53! per esc.
45jd 461d(29th)
42jd.
2 7 ;d.
36d.
Sid.
3old. 3i|d.
6d. 7d.
6}d. 7d.
Amsterdam
Florins to .
Fls.i2.o867
12.15 12. i6(2gth)
12.45
9.01
11.88
8.65
11.45 11.48
11.25 11.27
11.77 11.82
Berlin .
Marks to .
Mks.20.4i8
20.55 20.70(291)1)
32
20.60
365.00
67.50
257 259
293 297
Vienna .
Kronen to .
Krs.24.o2
24. 40 24. 70(29 th)
53
24.80
1600
160
1500 I55O
3150 3350
Prague .
Kronen to .
Krs.24.oa
.
450
80
305 310
282 200
Warsaw.
Marks to .
Mks.2o.4i8
.
.
2300
67
2200 23OO
7200 74OO
Bucharest
Lei to . .
Lei 25. 207
325
50
_
282 285
280 285
Belgrade
Dinar to .
D. 25.207
.
145
58
125 130
145 155
Chris tiania
Kronor to .
Krs.i8.i3t
18.26 l8.36(2gth)
19-75
II. OO
26.78
16.75
17-5.5 17-58
22.95 23.15
28.50 28.70
Stockholm
Kronor to .
Krs.i8.i3t
18.26 18.36(29111)
19.75
9.90
18.51
17.10 17.20
17.66 17.72
17.45 17-55
Copenhagen
Kronor to .
Krs.i8.i3t
18.2818.38(29^)
19-75
11.90
25.91
17-48
1 7 . 80 1 7 . 90
23.05 23.20
23-30 23.50
Alexandria
Piastres to .
97}
97J 97l (29th)
981
96
97i
g? 1
97i g?t
97l 97\
97B
Bombay
Yokohama
Sterl. to rupee
Sterl. to yen.
l6d.
2 4 Ad.
is.3(d. is.4d.
2s.oid. 2s.ojd-
2S.4(1.
IS.3W.
2S.lAd.
2S.g)d.
3s.o|d.
IS. 4 d.
2S.ld.
is.6d. is.6Ad.
2s.3Jd. 2s.3jd.
is.SJd- is.sJd.
29.8d. 2S.8Jd.
is-3|d. is.3fid.
2s.7id. 2s.7fd.
Shanghai
Singapore
Sterl. to tael.
Sterl. to dollars
38d.
2s.3Jd. 25. 4 id.
2s.3Hd. 2s.4Ad.
5s.6d.
2S.lid.
25-3d.
gs.6d.
2S. 4 !d.
3S.iold.
2S.3jd.
Ss.od. 5s. id.
2s.3fjd. 2s.4Ad.
43. id. 4S.2jd.
2s.3ftd. 2s.33id.
3S.6Jd. 3S.7Jd.
Rio de Janeiro
(god.)
Pence to milreis
2 7 d.
isHd. (2gth)
isid.
10 iV
ISA
g!,
I3ri
gH(3oth)
8
Buenoj Aires
Pence to dollar.
47id.
4 8i(Aug. 4)
55
4i
73J
sort ' siH
SI SiJ
44i 44i
Valparaiso (god.)
Pence to gold
peso
i8d.
9l(29th)
17!
7
isH
8!|
12}
9ft
Montevideo .
Pence to dollar
5.d.
66
73
S8 59)
49* So!
43J 44
Shanghai exchange being on a silver basis there was at no time a fixed parity between its currency and that of London. fTo Jan. 7 1918-
TABLE G. Value of pound sterling, Dec. 31 1920.
Compared
Purchasing
Compared
Purchasing
Dec. 31 1920
Middle rate.
with pre-war
par value,
sterling
power of i
as com-
pared with
Dec. 31 1920
Middle rate.
with pre-war
par value
sterling
power of i
as compared
with pre-
premium.
pre-war value.
discount of.
war value.
France ....
59-70
I36J %
2 7 4
New York
3'54i
27i %
o 14 6
Belgium.
56-85
125* %
2 5 i
Montreal
4-ioj
I5l %
o 16 10
Italy ....
loij
3025 %
406
Holland.
11-26
6| %
o 18 8
Norway
23-05
27 %
i 5 5
Sweden ....
17-60
-,i o/
2 2 /o
o 19 6
Denmark
23-I2J
271 %
i 5 6
Switzerland .
23 16
8 %
o 18 5
Finland ....
Germany
116-50
258-00
362 %
1,163* %
4 12 5
12 12 8
Argentina
Japan ....
snW.
2/8J
61 %
23* %
o 18 8
o 15 4
Greece ....
48-12*
91 %
i 18 2
India ....
l/Stt
9l %
o 18 2
Austria ....
1,525-00
6,249 %
63 99
Shanghai
4/i rV
43i %
o ii 3
Rumania
283-50
I.024J %
ii 411
Portugal
6id.
720 %
8 4 o
Spain ....
26-48
5 %
i i o
Brazil ....
9tfd.
63 %
i 12 8
Warsaw
2,250-00
10,920 %
110 4 o
Prague ....
307$
1,180 %
12 16 o
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN
47
On Sept. i 1921 the London rates were as follows: New York,
V73i: Montreal, 4-14!; Paris, 47-56; Belgium, 48-97; Italy, 84;
Holland, 11-74; Spain, 28-61; Switzerland, 21-84; Stockholm, 17-16;
Christiania, 27-55; Copenhagen, 21; Berlin, 319; Portugal, 6;
Greece, 66i; Bucharest, 317; Finland, 258; Vienna, 3,100; Prague,
312- Warsaw, 10,650; India, Is. 4jd. ; Yokohama, 2s. 7sd. ; Buenos
Aires, 43!; Riode Janeiro, yl; Serbia, 168; Bulgaria, 450; Budapest,
1,450.
Table G shows the changes that took place in the value of the
pound sterling in different countries as between pre-war basis
(1914) and Dec. 31 1920, the left section showing where the pound
had risen to a premium and the right section where it had fallen
to a discount.
In order to understand accurately the extent of the deprecia-
tion of the various exchanges since they ceased to have a gold
standard, it is better to take as a basis for comparison the
American gold dollar rather than the British paper pound.
Table H shows the rates of exchange ruling in New York (a)
immediately before the declaration of war, (b) just after America
joined the Allies, and (c) when the Armistice was declared.
Table I gives the rates ruling on Dec. 31 1920, and includes
those of several countries not previously quoted in America.
Speculation. During the war speculation in foreign exchanges
was almost entirely confined to the six neutral states of Europe
Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Spain and Switzerland
and to the United States, which was free to deal in all exchanges
until it came into the war in 1917. These countries traded very
extensively with both groups of belligerents, and quickly amassed
very large profits through selling their produce and manufactures
at high prices, and also through obtaining abnormally high
freights with their steamers. Much of this money was paid in the
currency of the purchasing countries and large foreign balances
were thereby accumulated. The natural effect was to depreciate
the value of the pound, the franc, the lira, the ruble, the mark
and the Austrian crown, all considerably but in different
degrees. Most of the neutral export merchants and shippers be-
came large sellers of foreign credits, and had they not been able to
do so they would have been obliged to cease exporting, but there
are always people in every country willing to buy almost anything
at a price, and it did not take long before the speculative habit
which is the invariable result of sudden prosperity was turned in
the direction of foreign exchange, and not only bankers and
banks but also private individuals indulged in a perfect orgy
of speculation.
Many of these speculators bought sterling exchange, others
bought marks. They frankly backed the side they thought would
win, and gained or lost accordingly, but there were others who
thought it more prudent to " hedge " that is, to divide their
risks and turn part of their money into pounds and part into
marks. These persons omitted one very important factor from
their calculations, i.e. that the prospect of loss in the value of the
currency of the losing side must of necessity be immeasurably
greater than the prospect of gain in that of the winning side.
TABLE H. New York Rates (in dollars).
Place.
Method of Quoting.
Pre-war
Parity.
August 1914.
May 1917.
November 1918.
Rate of
Exchange.
Per cent
of pre-war
Parity.
Rate of
Exchange.
Per cent
of pre-war
Parity.
Rate of
Exchange.
Per cent
of pre-war
Parity.
London ....
Dollars per I .
4-8665
5-50
113-02
4-7556
97-72
4-7575
97-76
Paris ....
Fes. 100.
19-3
21-74
112-64
I7-52
90-78
18-55
96-11
Milan ....
Lire 100.
19-3
20-41
105-75
14-28
73-99
15-75
81-61
Yokohama .
Yen 100.
49-85
49.90
IOO-IO
5I-I3
102-58
54-75
109-83
Petrograd
Rbs. loo.
SI'S
5I-56
IOO-I2
28-10
54-60
Berlin ....
' Mks. 400.
95-2
96-25
IOI-IO
59-537
60-83
58-520
61-47
Vienna ....
' Krn. 100.
20-3
20-37
100-34
9-593
46-09
8-10
39-90
Amsterdam .
Fls. 100.
40-2
41-25
102-61
41-25
102-61
42-25
105-10
Copenhagen .
Kr. loo.
26-8
27-50
102-61
28-70
107-09
27-00
100-75
Stockholm
Kr. 100.
26-8
27-50
102-61
30-00
ni-94
29-00
108-21 .
Zurich
Fes. 100.
19-3
21-51
in-45
19-82
102-69
20-32
105-28
Madrid
Pts. 100.
19-3
20-85
108-03
22-75
117-88
20-70
107-25
Buenos Aires
' Pap. Pes. 100
42-45
44-26
104-26
45-253
106-60
Valparaiso
Pes. 100.
18-80
19-12
101-70
23-17
123-24
25-5I
I35-69
Bombay
"Hong- Kong .
' Rps. 100.
'H.K. $100.
3 2 -44
33-oo
46-45
101-73
32-50
58-00
100-18
35-15
80-00
109-90
'Shanghai
' Taels 100.
64-00
86-50
124-00
* Hong- Kong and Shanghai exchanges being on a silver basis
New York.
there was at no time a fixed parity between their currencies and that of
TABLE I. New York Rates, Dec. 31 1920.
Nominal Gold Value.
Dec. 31 1920.
Per cent of Dis-
count.
4-8665 dollars to
England.
3-525 dollars for .
27-6
19-30. to I franc .
France .
i
5-89 cents for I franc .
69-3
23-8c. to
mark .
.
Germany
1-38 cents for i mark .
94-3
19-30. to
lire
Italy .
t
3-46' cents for I lira
82-1
4O-2C. to
guilder
Holland .
31-30 cents for i guilder
22-1
19-30. to
peseta
Spain
13-45 cents for I peseta.
30-3
19-30. to
franc .
Switzerland .
15-20 cents for i franc .
21-2
I -08 dol
ars to I escudo
Portugal
10-30 cents for i escudo
81-1
19-30. to
franc .
Belgium.
6-17 cents for i franc .
67-9
20-260. to
crown .
Austria .
0-24 cents for I crown
98-7
20-260. to
crown .
(
Czechoslovakia
t
1-15 cents for I crown
94-3
19-30. to
leu
Rumania
1-28 cents for i leu
93-3
19-30. to
drachma .
Greece .
7-25 cents for i drachma
62-4
26-80. to
crown .
Norway .
.
15-65 cents for i crown .
41-6
26-80. to
crown .
Sweden .
19-85 cents for i crown .
26-0
26-8c. to
crown .
,
Denmark
15-65 cents for I crown.
41-6
19-30. to
finmark
Finland .
2-90 cents for i finmark
84-9
23-80. to
mark .
Poland .
0-17 cents for i mark .
99-3
51-460. to
ruble .
Russia .
0-45 cents for i ruble .
99-1
1000. to
I ... .
Canada .
86-6 cents for $i .
13-4
42-450. to
peso .
Argentina
33-15 cents for i peso .
21-9
32-440. to
milreis
Brazil .
.
14-00 cents for I milreis
56-8
48-660. to
rupee
India
26-00 cents for i rupee .
46-5
49-850. to
yen .
Japan
48-37 cents for i yen
3-o
4 8
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN
For instance, a Dutch speculator might have bought 10,000 for
100,000 guilders and at the same time 300,000 marks for another
100,000 guilders: this was in the early part of 1916 when it
was doubtful which side would win the war. On Jan. i 1921, if
he realized his holdings he would have gained about 10,000
guilders on his sterling but lost 70,000 guilders on his marks.
Should, however, this speculator have been tempted by the
greater depreciation to have bought Austrian crowns and French
francs, he would have lost half his money on the realization of
his francs and practically the whole when he sold his crowns.
It was, however, chiefly in their mark investments that neutral
states lost a large proportion of their war profits.
Another very favourite speculation was the Russian ruble.
Speculation in this currency started very early in the war and
continued long after the establishment of the Soviet Government.
To a great extent it took the form of buying actual ruble notes,
and large masses of these came to Europe partly via Scandinavia
and partly through Siberia. Many of them found a home in
America, but large quantities remained in Sweden and in
England. It was somewhat strange that this buying of ruble
notes should have continued notwithstanding frequent announce-
ments made by the Bolshevik leaders that it was their intention
to issue fresh notes in sufficient quantities to destroy effectually
their value as a purchasing instrument. It was only when it was
realized that the Soviet Government were printing so-called
" Imperial " notes in limitless quantities, using for that purpose
the original plates and producing a spurious article quite un-
distinguishable from the original, that the speculators at last
realized that their rubles were not only absolutely worthless at
the moment but that there was but slight prospect of their
having any value even in the distant future.
It was not however until the Anglo-American exchange was
decontrolled, and restrictions as to dealing in certain exchanges
were definitely removed in the belligerent countries, that specula-
tion became general. Decontrolled exchange without a gold
basis presented all the elements dear to the speculator an un-
limited supply of the article, violent and frequent fluctuations,
ease in buying or in selling to any extent, no fear of being
" cornered," and an international market. The volume of spec-
ulative business soon became much larger than that of transac-
tions done for legitimate trade purposes. But foreign trade could
still be carried on without the merchant running exchange risks
unless he decided to do so. A system was elaborated by which
for any bona-fide trade transaction a merchant enjoying good
credit could purchase or sell his foreign exchange at a rate
based on that of the day on which he did his transaction, for
future delivery at dates that synchronized with his requirements.
It was only when trading with countries whose exchange
could not be sold in the ordinary way for immediate delivery,
that he was unable to arrange for his future deliveries.
The Ter Meulen Plan. To avoid this difficulty, a scheme
was drawn up in the autumn of 1920, known as the " Ter
Meulen Scheme " (from the name of its originator, a partner
in the firm of Messrs. Hope & Co. of Amsterdam). It was
accepted by the League of Nations and was intended to assist
impoverished nations which under existing circumstances were
unable to attract funds for the financing of essential imports.
Up to the end of 1921 this scheme was not in actual opera-
tion, but the plan proposed was recognized as one which would
have an important bearing, if adopted, on the business of
foreign exchange.
The Ter Meulen Scheme was as follows, the text of the League
of Nations articles (Nov. 1920) being here slightly abbreviated:
INTERNATIONAL CREDITS SCHEME
An International Commission shall be constituted under the
auspices of the League of Nations.
The Commission shall be appointed by the Council of the League
of Nations and shall have discretion to appoint agents and sub-
Commissions.
The Governments of countries desiring to participate shall notify
to the Commission what specific assets they are prepared to assign
as security for commercial credits to be granted by the nationals
of exporting countries.
The Commission, after examination of the assets, shall deter-
mine the gold value of the credits which it would approve against
the security "of these assets.
The participating Governments shall then be authorized to issue
bonds to the gold value approved by the Commission. The bonds
shall be in such form, with such date of maturity and rate of inter-
est, as the Commission may decide and shall, in particular, enumer-
ate the assets pledged against the bonds. The denomination of
each bond and the specific currency in which it is to be issued shall
be determined by the participating Government in agreement with
the Commission, in accordance with the conditions applicable to
the particular transactions in respect of which they are issued.
The service of these bonds which will be obligations of the issuing
Government shall be specifically secured out of the revenue of the
assigned assets.
The assigned assets shall be administered by the participating
Government or by the International Commission as a majority of
the Council of the League of Nations may determine on the pro-
posal of the International Commission.
Out of the revenues from the assigned assets there shall be pur-
chased foreign currencies sufficient to provide (a) cover for the
coupons falling due in the next year, (b) a sinking fund calculated
to redeem at maturity 10% of the bonds outstanding, (c) a reserve
in such foreign currency or currencies as the International Commis-
sion may determine for the redemption of any bonds sold as a conse-
quence of failure by the importer to fulfil his contract. Any surplus
remaining after the provision of these services shall be at the free
disposal of the participating Government.
The participating Government will be free either to pledge its
own bonds as collateral for credits for approved imports on its own
account or to lend the bonds to its nationals as collateral for credits
for approved imports on private account.
Each bond shall before issue be countersigned by the Commis-
sion in proof of registration.
The fundamental purposes of the scheme being to facilitate and
expedite the import of such raw materials and primary necessaries
as will enable the borrowing countries to reestablish production
especially for export, bonds secured on the assigned assets shall
not be utilized as collateral for credits for the import of other
commodities.
For each borrowing country the Commission will draw up, in
consultation with the participating Government, a schedule of
approved imports which will be regarded as falling within the defini-
tion of raw materials and primary necessaries.
Particulars of each transaction must be registered with the Com-
mission, which, before countersigning a registered bond will satisfy
itself that the credit is for an approved import and that the period
for which it is proposed to be granted is a reasonable one.
The same conditions as govern the pledge of the bonds as the
collateral for credits for imports on private account shall apply in
cases where the participating Government pledges its own bonds
as collateral for imports on Government account.
After having received bonds duly countersigned the importer
will pledge them with the exporter.
Pledged bonds shall be dealt with as follows: (a) In the absence
of any failure by the importer to fulfil his contract with the exporter,
the coupons on their due date and the bonds as they are released
shall be returned to the importer who shall return them to his Gov-
ernment forthwith, (b) In the event of the importer not fulfilling
the terms of his contract, the exporter (or his assigns) may either
hold the bonds until maturity, or if he prefers he may at any time
sell them in accordance with the laws and customs of his country,
providing that before the bonds are sold a reasonable opportunity
shall be given to the issuing Government to repurchase them
by paying to the exporter the amount of his claim. The pro-
ceeds of such sale shall be applied by the exporter towards cover-
ing his claims against the importer. Any surplus not required for
this purpose shall be accounted for by the exporter to the partici-
pating Government, (c) Any coupons or bonds returned to the par-
ticipating Government or purchased by such Government shall
be forthwith cancelled in accordance with the regulations to be pre-
scribed by the International Commission; cancelled bonds may sub-
sequently with the approval of the Commission be replaced by
other bonds either in the same or in a different currency in accord-
ance with the conditions governing the original issue of bonds.
Bank Notes. An unusual form of speculation sprang up dur-
ing 1918-9. Orders were received in England, France and the
United States from neutral countries for the purchase of English,
French and American bank-notes at rates of exchange very much
more favourable to the sellers than those current for ordinary
bank credits. The French and the American Governments very
soon forbade the export of their bank-notes but the British
Government, after giving the matter mature consideration,
decided that more advantages than disadvantages were to be
gained by permitting the export of Bank of England notes, even
if the ultimate destination of these notes were found to be the
EXPLOSIVES
49
enemy countries. It was afterwards ascertained that these bank-
notes were actually bought for enemy account, and many of
them are believed to have found their way to Turkey and
Bulgaria. Subsequent events proved that the action of the
purchasers, though perhaps not patriotic, was from a financial
point of view a prudent one, as it was evident in 1918 that
in the very probable event of the Allies winning the war, the
value of the pound sterling in terms of their own currency was
certain to increase to a far greater extent than the 10 or 15%
beyond the then current rate of exchange on London that they
were willing to pay to convert their currency into sterling in the
only way they could do it, while at the same time circumventing
the vigilance of the British Ministry of Blockade.
Business Developments. One interesting and important re-
sult of the enormous increase of the volume of foreign-exchange
transactions carried out in London, which, after the Armistice,
established itself more firmly that ever as the world's clearing-
house for that class of trade, has been a remarkable development
in the business of the London foreign-exchange brokers.
Exchange brokers have existed in London for centuries, but
their business was generally confined to buying and selling foreign
exchange for merchants and for those bankers who had no
direct relations with foreign countries. They were in the habit
of meeting twice a week on the Royal Exchange, where the ex-
change dealers also attended, and foreign bills of exchange and
cheques were then sold to the best buyers, and official rates of
exchange were fixed. It is true that with the advent of the
telephone it became more and more the custom to carry through
the more important transactions, especially those between
exchange dealers themselves, by means of telephonic com-
munication, but such transactions were far from numerous, and,
such as they were, they were generally done in a leisurely manner.
Now all this is changed. The leading exchange brokers confine
themselves entirely to working between the various exchange
dealers. From ten in the morning until six in the evening their
offices are a regular pandemonium. Some of them employ as
many as 40 or 50 private telephones in addition to several general
ones, and the largest of them carry through on an average about
two-hundred transactions a day, mostly for very large sums.
They make it their business to keep their clients posted in
all the various and quick movements that occur almost from
minute to minute in exchange rates, and carry out their trans-
actions with the rapidity and accuracy without which business
of that class would be impossible.. They assume no financial
liability, for when their contracts are passed their responsibility
ceases. To succeed and their business is a very lucrative one
though their scale of commission is infinitesimal they need
discretion, integrity and intelligence. They must never discuss
one client's business with another client, nor divulge the name of
a buyer to a seller or vice versa, until the transaction is completed.
The service the broker renders to the dealer is an extremely
valuable one, and the result is that there is practically no business
done between dealers without the intermediary of a broker. An
interesting fact in this connexion is that, at the end of 1920,
the biweekly meetings that had been held between dealers for
generations "on 'Change" were abolished.
Partly because this system of employing exchange brokers
enables large and numerous transactions to be carried out with
great rapidity, partly because the temperament of the chief
London dealers in foreign exchange is such that they are easily
able to resist the temptation to speculate to any great extent
on their own account, partly because those who deal in foreign
exchange in London are banks and bankers of the highest stand-
ing, but more particularly because the sterling bill has by no
means lost its prestige throughout the world, London has
established herself more firmly than ever as the central foreign
exchange market of the world, and all day and every day there is
a constant flow of cables and telegrams from all quarters bringing
orders to buy and sell every possible kind of exchange in amounts
that were never imagined possible in pre-war days.
Lessons of the War. Many lessons have been taught by the
new conditions brought about by the war. One of the most
important of these is that State interference with the natural
movements of exchange, excepting for a limited period and with
success practically assured, is a mistake and likely to lead to
disastrous results. The " pegging " of. the pound sterling to the
American dollar certainly so long as America was a neutral
Power proved nevertheless to be wise and legitimate. The
attempts of other countries to stabilize their exchanges at that
time were for the most part unsuccessful.
Another fact that has been brought to light is that, to a credi-
tor country, especially one which depends for its prosperity to a
large extent on its export trade, a favourable exchange is a dis-
tinct disadvantage, which can only be overcome if the nationals
of that country are willing to invest a substantial proportion of
the value of their exports in those foreign countries which buy
their goods. An outstanding example of such a country is Amer-
ica, for up till the spring of 1921 Americans were only just begin-
ning to acquire the habit of investing their money outside their
own country; this rendered it extremely difficult for their export
merchants to finance their business, as the majority of foreign
importers were only able to pay for their goods by means of their
own currencies.
It does not follow, however, that an American merchant would
be absolutely precluded from selling goods (say) to Poland
against payment in Polish marks merely because no one in
America would be willing to invest his money in that country. So
long as exchange dealers or speculators in another country whose
own currency is in fair repute would be willing to purchase Polish
marks either directly or indirectly against dollars that is to
say, either paying for the Polish marks in American dollars or in
some currency that could be converted into dollars if the
American exchange dealer so desired so long could the American
merchant continue to sell his goods to Poland against payment
in that country's currency.
On the other hand, manufacturing countries whose exchanges
have depreciated heavily and rapidly are in a very favourable
position to compete in foreign markets. They can buy their raw
materials abroad just as cheaply as any other country, while, as
has been proved, the rise in the cost of manufacture particularly
as regards wages lags far behind any rapid rise that may take
place in exchange rates. Such a country would be able to under-
sell its competitors to a considerable extent while still making
very large paper profits. As an example: the first serious set-back
in trade that occurred in Germany after the declaration of peace,
was when the German rate of exchange fell temporarily from
365 to 120 marks to the pound, in the early part of 1920. Had the
internal value of the mark, that is to say its purchasing power
within the boundaries of Germany, depreciated to anything
approaching its external value, it would not have been possible
for German trade to revive as rapidly as it did.
It is safe to predict that in a highly civilized country, well
organized for trade purposes, such as Germany, the internal and
external value of its currency must equalize itself approximately
sooner or later, but the process is slow and gradual, and during
the years that intervene it may be possible for that country to
build up an export trade on so firm a basis that it would be
difficult for other countries to oust it from its position, even when
it is no longer helped by favourable exchange conditions. In fact,
it is a mistake to suppose that any country derives advantage
from the greater depreciation of another country's currency. The
latter cannot afford to import from the former anything beyond
its merest necessaries, and on the other hand it is able to under-
sell it in all competitive markets. (E. L. F.)
EXPLOSIVES (see 10.81-4). In the World War of 1914-8 the
use of high explosives went beyond anything previously known.
Economic considerations played a large part in determining the
types used, and their methods of manufacture. Many improve-
ments were introduced to save labour and eliminate waste in
production, but it became evident very early in the struggle
that to meet the demand with existing types was a sheer im-
possibility, and this led to the adoption of others, hitherto un-
tried and unproved. Apart from military uses, explosives also
play an essential part in industrial work, the necessary supply
EXPLOSIVES
for which had also to be maintained during the war period. The
main types of these had been standardized for years, but the
experiences of the war have had some effect in influencing the
uses of industrial explosives. The conditions which have to be
met by commercial explosives are not so stringent as in the case
of military explosives. Thus the latter are liable at any time to
be subjected to hostile fire, and must therefore be very insensi-
tive to shock; this precludes many of the explosives which are in
use for commercial mining, etc.
Military Uses. High explosives for military purposes are
required for the bursting charges of artillery shells, air and trench -
mortar bombs, grenades, naval mines, torpedoes, depth charges,
as well as for land mines and demolitions in the field. For the
two last-mentioned purposes ordinary commercial blasting ex-
plosives may on emergency be used, but a serious danger will be
involved to the user if the explosive is of such sensitiveness as
to be " set off " by the impact of hostile fire. On this account it
is generally undesirable to use explosives containing nitro-
glycerine, which form such a large part of the blasting explosives
produced for industrial purposes.
The choice of explosives for shells requires special care, as the
shock of discharge is so great in modern ordnance that only
explosives which are very insensitive to shock can be safely used.
For this reason gunpowder was regarded for many years as the
only safe explosive for the bursting charges of common shell.
The premature explosion to which guncotton gave rise had
tended to confirm this view; so that gunpowder, in spite of the
comparative mildness of its explosion, remained in universal use
until the introduction of picric acid by the French in 1885.
Picric Acid. This was discovered by Woulffe in 1771, but
its explosive properties remained for a long time unrecognized.
Sprengel had demonstrated its capability of detonation in 1871.
In 1885 Turpin, a French chemist, applied it to the filling of
shell, for which, by reason of its stability and insensitiveness to
shock, as well as its extremely violent action when properly
detonated, it proved eminently suitable. Shortly after this, pic-
ric acid under various names, either with or without the addition
of other substances such as collodion or paraffin wax to reduce its
sensitiveness, was universally adopted by the Great Powers as a
high explosive for shell-filling. Picric acid can be melted and
poured into the shell, where it sets into a compact mass the
method adopted in the British service. It was first used in actual
warfare by the British army in the S. African War of 1899-1902
under the name of " lyddite." Picric acid is also the main or sole
constituent of the French melinite, the Japanese shimose powder,
and the Austrian ekrasit. Lyddite can hardly be said to have
fulfilled in the S. African War the somewhat exaggerated claims
made for it, as the shells, especially of the smaller sizes, were
uncertain in their detonation, but this was due to the fear still
prevailing of premature explosion in the bore, which prevented
the use of a sufficiently powerful detonating impulse in the per-
cussion fuze being employed. In the World War of 1914-8,
after this disability had been removed, through the employment
of a fulminate detonator and a suitable exploder system, shells
filled with lyddite were amongst the most certain and violent in
their action. When completely detonated, these shells give a
dense black smoke due to unconsumed particles of carbon through
lack of sufficient oxygen for complete combustion. This smoke is
of great assistance to the gunner in enabling him to locate their
explosion and so to adjust the range as required.
The manufacture of picric acid has been carried out for many
years by the so-called " pot process," and this was retained essential-
ly unchanged throughout the war. In this process, phenol (carbolic
acid) is first heated with sulphuric acid, whereby phenol-sulphonic
acids are formed, as for instance in the following equation :
C.HsOH+aH^O, = C, H S (SO,H) 2 OH+2H 2 O
Phenol. Sulphuric Phenol disulphonic acid,
acid.
This on cooling forms a buttery mass, which is then transferred
to earthenware pots and diluted. Nitric acid is allowed to trickle in
slowly through glass syphons, and thus converts the sulphonic acids
to tn-mtro-phenol or picric acid, which has the formula CeH 2 (NO 2 ) 3 -
OH. The residual acid is drained off and the crystals of picric acid
are thoroughly washed and then carefully dried on glass plates in a
warm chamber. The last operation is the most dangerous part of
the manufacture and is carried out at a distance from the nitration
process. The main recent developments have been directed towards
increasing the yield of picric acid and economizing acids, on the
one hand by recovering the residual sulphuric acid, and on the other
hand by collecting the large volumes of nitrous fumes evolved
during the nitration process, which were formerly allowed to go to
waste, thereby causing a serious contamination of the atmosphere.
At a later stage of the war a continuous process was patented for
the manufacture of picric acid. In this process the phenol sulphonic
acids were caused to traverse a long trough constructed of acid-
proof bricks, and nitric acid was injected through a series of al-
uminium jets at intervals along the trough. This method saves a
great deal of handling, and is claimed to give very good yields of
picric acid. Under ordinary circumstances the yield of picric acid
is about 1 80 Ib. from each loo Ib. of phenol.
An alternative process, which was introduced and used with
success during the war, was based on the intermediate formation
of di-nitro-phenol. This process started out from benzene and passed
through the following stages :
C 6 H 6 C 6 H S C1 C 6 H 3 (NO 2 ) 2 C1.
Benzene. Mono-chloro-benzene. Di-nitro-chloro-benzene.
CeH 3 (NO 2 ) 2 OH C 6 H 2 (NO 2 ) 3 OH.
Di-nitro-phenol. Picric acid.
The final nitration was effected with concentrated nitric and
sujphuric acids; the picric acid being washed free from acid and
dried in stoves as in the phenol process.
Trinitrotoluene (T N T), which is known officially as Trotyl,
is a high explosive very similar in its action to picric acid and had
been discovered by Wilbrand in 1863. Its manufacture in small
quantities in Great Britain had been taken up some 15 years
before the outbreak of the World War, mainly for export or as
ingredient of certain blasting explosives, and about 1893-4 it
was made on a more considerable scale in Germany, where its
value as a shell-filling became recognized some ten years later.
T N T has the advantage of melting at a lower temperature than
picric acid, and of not forming sensitive salts (picrates) with
metals; added to which it is even less sensitive to shock and
consequently less liable to give rise to premature explosions in
the bore of the gun. The lower melting point of T N T (81 C.)
enables it to be melted in steam-jacketed pans, whereas picric
acid (121-6 C.) needs hot-air chambers or oil baths.
The manufacture of T N T in Great Britain prior to the war
was very small, and the best methods had to be worked out
from first principles after the outbreak of war. The existing
processes were slow and wasteful, and it was necessary to find
the best conditions for expediting the process and obtaining the
highest possible yield of T N T with the greatest economy of
sulphuric and nitric acids.
T N T is made from toluene (CH 3 C 6 H 6 ) by the action of nitric
acid (HNO 3 ) as indicated in the following equations:
CH 5 C 6 H 6 -|-HNO3 = H 2 O-f-CH 3 C6H 4 (NO 2 ) (mono-nitro-toluene)
CH 3 C 6 H 4 (NO 2 ) +HNO 3 = H 2 O+CH 3 C 6 H 5 (NO 2 ) 2 (di-nitro-toluene)
CH,C,H 3 (N0 2 ) 2 +HNO S = H 2 O+C H, C H 2 (N O 2 ) 3 (tri-nitro-tolu-
ene).
A continuous process was introduced during the war, and proved
very successful. In this process, mono-nitro-toluene entered at one
end of the plant and strong sulphuric acid at the other, the nitric
acid being introduced at intermediate points.
In all of these processes the product is a crude T N T of melting
point 74 to 77 C. In general this is good enough for explosive
purposes, but for special uses it has to be purified by crystallization
or by washing with alcohol.
A more recent purification process consists of a treatment with
sodium sulphite, which destroys the chief impurities the isomeric
tri-nitro-toluenes. There are six possible tri-nitro-toluenes, which
differ according to the relative positions of the nitro groups in the
molecule. These are all known, but only three of them are formed
by direct nitration. The first stage of the nitration gives mainly
ortho- and para-nitro-tpluene with about 3 to 4% of meta-nitro-
toluene. On further nitration, ortho- and para-nitro-toluene can
give the normal symmetrical tri-nitro-toluene ; the meta compound
cannot do so and consequently gives other isomers as shown below :
CH,
Ortho
CH>
CH, CH,
o _tr
NO, NO,
Para Symmetrical TNT.
NO.
,
and
N o,
Meta-
NO, NO,
Isomers of T N T.
EXPLOSIVES
Other Nitro Compounds. Picric acid and TNT are nitro
derivatives of phenol and toluene respectively. In fact practi-
cally all military high explosives are nitro derivatives of aromatic
compounds, which latter are produced from the distillation of
coal tar. This source of toluene was supplemented by the use of
certain natural petroleums which contain benzene and toluene,
and the supplies of phenol were augmented by synthetic pro-
duction from benzene, another derivative of coal tar. Neverthe-
less, these sources of supply were not equal to the demand, and
other means of supplementing them had to be found in the war.
Thus tri-nitro-cresol, which is closely allied to picric acid, was
much used by the French, as well as di-nitro-naphthalene and
di-nitro-phenol, to supplement picric acid. Tri-nitro-anisol, hexa-
nitro-diphenylamine, hexa-nitro-diphcnyl sulphide and others
were largely used by the Germans. All of these are derived from
coal tar and are consequently limited to the available supply of
this raw material. Only by finding some material available in
larger quantity, with which these nitro compounds could be
mixed, was it possible to cope with the demands. The above
nitro compounds have the feature in common that they contain
insufficient oxygen for their complete combustion: hence the
most suitable admixture is a salt rich in oxygen.
Ammonium Nitrate. Of all the available salts, the one which
stands out by reason of its accessibility and suitability for the
purpose is ammonium nitrate, a substance known as early as the
1 7th century and yet destined to play a most important part in
the development of high explosives in the 2oth century.
Mixtures of nitro derivatives of the aromatic compounds with
ammonium nitrate, of which Roburite, Ammonal, and Dread-
nought powder are amongst the best known, had long been used
commercially for blasting purposes, particularly in fiery mines,
where the high temperature of explosion of those containing
nitro-glycerine is liable to cause explosion of the fire-damp.
Ammonium nitrate explosives are also cheap and safe both to
make and to handle, owing to their great stability and insensi-
tiveness. They are useful for many purposes where the greater
brisance or shattering power given by nitro-glycerine is not re-
quired. One of their main disadvantages is the hygroscopicity or
moisture-absorbing power of ammonium nitrate, which necessi-
tates suitable protection or " waterproofing " from the air in
order to prevent the explosive becoming so damp as to fail to
respond to the detonating impulse. Although this protection can
be readily given in shells and other articles of ammunition, it was
probably their characteristic of deliquescence together with
the difficulty of detonating such explosives effectively which was
responsible for the delay in their adoption for military purposes,
except possibly in Austria, where ammonal was to some extent
in vogue. Moreover, the peace-time requirements before the war
could be amply met in England from lyddite, of which the
properties were well known. When, however, other sources of
supply of high explosives in gigantic quantities had to be found,
ammonium nitrate opened up the best, if not the only, solution,
as far as the resources of Great Britain permitted. Yet ammonium
nitrate by itself is hardly an explosive at all. By means of a
very powerful detonator it is possible to cause a mild explosion
and the disruption of the ammonium nitrate molecule, but
under ordinary circumstances no " explosive " precautions need
be taken in its manufacture or transport a matter of consid-
erable advantage in providing the quantities of several thousand
tons a week which were required.
Prior to the World War, ammonium nitrate was made by neu-
tralizing nitric acid with ammonia
HNO 3 + NH 3 = NH,NO,
Nitric acid. Ammonia. Ammonium nitrate.
but the war demands were such that it was necessary to circumvent
the necessity of erecting nitric acid plants on such a large scale. This
led to the introduction of methods depending on double decomposi-
tion of salts.
(l) A modification of the ammonia soda process, as indicated in
the equation:
NaNO 3 + NH 4 -HCO 3 = NaHCOs + NH 4 NO 3
Sodium Ammonium Sodium Ammonium
nitrate. bicarbonate. bicarbonate. nitrate.
(2) From calcium nitrate, made either by the arc process or by the
action of calcium chloride on sodium nitrate:
2 NaNO, + CaCI 2 = Ca(NO,) s + 2 NaCl.
Sodium Calcium Calcium Sodium
nitrate. chloride. nitrate. chloride.
Ca(NO,) 2 + (NH 4 ) 2 C0 3 = CaCO 3 + 2 NH 4 NO 3
Calcium Ammonium Calcium Ammonium
nitrate. carbonate. carbonate. nitrate.
(3) From sodium nitrate and ammonium sulphate:
2 NaNO, + (NH 4 ) 2 S0 4 = Na 2 SO 4 +2 ,NH 4 NO 3
Sodium Ammonium Sodium Ammonium
nitrate. sulphate. sulphate. nitrate.
In view of its extreme solubility in water, it is difficult to purify
the ammonium nitrate completely from the salts which accompany it.
The dry salt is very deliquescent and precautions must be taken after
drying to avoid the introduction of moisture. A peculiarity of
ammonium nitrate is that it undergoes transitions to different
crystalline forms at certain temperatures, for instance at about 32
C. and 85 C. the crystalline form changes and also the specific
gravity. This point is of considerable importance in shell-filling.
Amatol. The high explosive which was used in the largest
quantities by Great Britain during the war was " Amatol,"
under which name various mixtures of ammonium nitrate with
TNT are comprised. These form powerful high explosives capa-
ble of detonation with a considerable velocity. " Amatol 40/60 "
contains 40% of ammonium nitrate to 60 of T N T and is
sufficiently fluid when heated to permit of its being poured in the
molten condition. "Amatol 80/20 " contains 80% of ammonium
nitrate, which is approximately the proportion necessary for
complete combustion of the TNT. This can be compressed into
shells, or forced in in a plastic condition above the melting point
of the TNT. Either of these methods is much more expedi-
tious than the operation of pouring the molten explosive into
the shell and allowing it to solidify.
Apart from amatol, mention should also be made of certain
other ammonium nitrate explosives which were used during the
war. Ammonal had been used in Austria before the war and con-
tained ammonium nitrate, TNT, aluminium powder, and charcoal.
At a later stage the aluminium was reduced to 3%, as this metal
was in great demand for air-craft purposes, and the charcoal was
omitted, the resultant mixture being termed alumatol. Sabulite
contained ammonium nitrate, TNT, and calcium silicide.
War Requirements. The extent to which the three main high
explosives were employed is well illustrated from the table on
the following page of quantities manufactured in Great Britain
during successive years of the war (see also MUNITIONS OF WAR).
For the purpose of comparison, a table of industrial require-
ments is added, showing the amount of explosives used in
mines and quarries.
So far as Great Britain was concerned, the war was practically
fought on the three high explosives, picric acid (lyddite), TNT,
and amatol. These necessitated enormous importations of so-
dium nitrate from S. America for the manufacture of nitric acid
and ammonium nitrate, as well as the importation of sulphur
and pyrites for the equally necessary sulphuric acid. Nitric and
sulphuric acids are the life-blood of the explosives manufacture,
whether it be high explosives or propellant explosives. Without
the command of the sea this would have been impossible.
Perchlorate Explosives are analogous to the ammonium nitrate
explosives. The perchlorates were discovered by Stadion in 1815.
Sodium perchlorate is obtainable by electrolytic methods from
common salt, and is readily converted to ammonium perchlorate.
Ammonium perchlorate has the advantage of not being hygro-
scopic like ammonium nitrate, but on the other hand explosives
made from it are generally more sensitive to shock and friction
than those containing ammonium nitrate, and are consequently
liable to be exploded by the penetration of a rifle bullet or the
shock of discharge in a gun. An example of the ammonium
perchlorate type of explosives is blastine, which was used in
considerable quantities during the war. It contains ammonium
perchlorate, sodium nitrate, di-nitro-toluene and paraffin wax.
Industrial Explosives. Industrial explosives are not liable
to be exposed to such severe conditions of mechanical shock as
military explosives (shock of discharge of a shell from a gun,
hostile enemy fire, etc.). This permits of the application of types
EXPLOSIVES
British Military Requirements, 1914-8.
1914
from
Aug.
4
1915
1916
1917
1918
Total
short
tons
Picric acid (Lyddite), tons (2,000 Ib.)
TNT, tons (2,000 Ib.)
Ammonium nitrate, tons (2,000 Ib.)
331
143
2,475
7-347
9,184
18,492
5i,i39
62,512
32,053
94,796
147,648
15,160
84,979
204.457
68,511
238,404
423,801
Toted, short tons
474
19,006
132,143
274,497
304,596
730,716
British Industrial Requirements, 1915-8.
1915
1916
1917
1918
Total
short tons
Gunpowder, tons (2,000 Ib.)
Permitted explosives, tons (2,000 Ib.)
Other explosives, tons (2,000 Ib.)
6,827
4,918
3,36l
6,288
5,505
3,606
6,318
5,778
3,771
5,618
5,68o
3,636
25,051
21,881
'4,374
Total, short tons
15,106
15.399
15.867
14.934
61,306
of high explosives containing nitro-glycerine (dynamites, etc.),
and potassium chlorate (cheddites), which are of great utility.
Moreover, in industrial work great violence is not always re-
quired; in many cases it is desired to dislodge the material with
as little shattering as possible, and this leads to a range of explo-
sives differing widely in their velocities of internal combustion.
For individual classes of work special requirements have to
be met; thus for blasting in enclosed spaces it is important to
avoid the formation of poisonous gases such as carbon monoxide;
for work in coal-mines, where inflammable dust and gases may be
present, it is important to avoid explosives which give a powerful
flame, and might thus ignite the coal-dust or gases.
As examples of the types of industrial explosives in use we
have (i) explosives in which liquid nitro-glycerine is absorbed in
wood-pulp, kieselguhr, etc., with the addition of nitrates and
other salts; (2) blasting gelatine, gelatine dynamite and gilegnite,
in which the nitro-glycerine is gelatinized with nitro-cotton; (3)
ammonium nitrate mixtures; (4) gunpowder and various allied
mixtures; (5) cheddites containing potassium chlorate mixed
with castor oil and nitro compounds; (6) mixtures containing
potassium and ammonium perchlorates.
In recent years the methods of liquefying air have undergone
great advances, and this has led to the use of liquid oxygen for
explosive purposes. A cartridge of carbonaceous material is
dipped into liquid oxygen and is then inserted into the bore-hole
and detonated. This forms a very direct means of supplying
the oxygen necessary for the combustion of the carbon, but, as
the liquid oxygen evaporates quickly, the mixture must be ex-
ploded within a few minutes, or it loses its explosive properties.
Powerful explosives may also be made by mixing liquefied
nitric peroxide with combustible materials. Nitric peroxide is
readily liquefied, and as its boiling point lies at 2iC., there is no
difficulty in keeping it in the liquid condition. On explosion,
the oxygen passes from the nitric peroxide to the combustible
substances. Since, however, nitric peroxide* is very poisonous,
precautions must be taken in its manufacture and handling.
An interesting development in industrial explosives is their
application to agricultural purposes. Useful results have been
obtained, especially in America and South Africa, in breaking
up hard ground and in removing tree stumps.
Action of High Explosives. The destructive effect of high ex-
plosives in munitions and in the blasting of rocks is due to the very
sudden pressure of gases developed, and also in the case of shells to
the projection of fragments of the envelope itself.
An explosive may be denned as a substance containing potential
energy which can be suddenly released through its rapid decom-
positions into hot gaseous products. These tend to occupy a far
greater volume than the original substance from which they sprang,
and in doing so exert great pressure on the containing vessel or
any material with which they are in contact.
Explosives may be solids, liquids or gases, but those used for
industrial or military purposes are for the most part solid, for the
sake of convenience in handling, and almost invariably contain
oxygen. The transformation into gas is usually due to a process of
internal oxidation or burning, and the heat evolved tends further to
expand the gases. Under ordinary circumstances, combustion can
only take place slowly, being limited by the rate at which fresh air
or oxygen can be supplied to the burning material. In explosives, on
the other hand, oxygen in a loosely combined form is present in
intimate contact with the combustible materials. This proximity
may be merely mechanical as in the case of gunpowder, or " inter-
atomic "as for example inT NT. Gunpowder is a purely mechanical
mixture of three ingredients, potassium nitrate (saltpetre), charcoal
and sulphur, each of which is in itself non-explosive. The oxygen in
the potassium nitrate is striving to attach itself to the charcoal and
sulphur, which form the combustible materials, and is enabled to do
so as soon as external energy, usually in the form of a flame, is
applied sufficient to break down the link or bond between the nitro-
gen or oxygen in the molecule of nitrate. Combustion can then only
proceed at the points where the particles of charcoal and sulphur
come into contact with the oxygen supplied to them. This explains
the ad vantage of good incorporation and the greater rapidity of fine
grain powders, but at best the proximity of the three ingredients to
one another cannot be closer than is obtainable by purely mechanical
means. In a high explosive such as T N T, which is a definite chem-
ical compound (Cer^NCyjCHs), the oxygen, loosely linked to the
nitrogen, is available to unite with the carbon and hydrogen in the
same molecule. The elements are therefore in atomic proximity and,
consequently, the disruption of the molecule of T N T into hot gases
can proceed at a rate which, in comparison with that of gunpowder,
is almost instantaneous. The greater the volume of gases produced
the greater will be the pressure formed. The rapidity with which
the transformation takes place determines the disruptive effect or
brisance of the explosion a very high rate of explosion corre-
sponding to a sudden blow and a low rate to a prolonged push. In
high explosives the explosion wave is propagated with an accelera-
tion until it reaches its maximum, or " velocity of detonation."
In order that the velocity may reach its maximum, it is necessary
that a sufficiently powerful initiating impulse be given. In general
the explosive must be confined in a metal tube in order to detonate
with its maximum velocity; and since the communication of the
explosion from particle to particle is retarded by many air-gaps in the
mass of the explosive, some compression is usually necessary in order
to enable the maximum rate of detonation, which is a definite
physical constant for each explosive, to be attained.
The effect of physical condition on the mode of explosion is seen
;n modern smokeless propellants. Nitro-cellulose in its ungelatinized
condition is a high explosive, but when gelatinized by solvents so as
to form a horny compact mass (with or without nitro-glycerine) it
burns relatively slowly from the exterior surface, instead of being
resolved en masse into gas.
There is no definite line of demarcation between a " high " and
what may for the want of a better term be called a " low " explosive,
such as gunpowder. No intensity of initial impulse can cause the
latter to explode at a greater velocity than about 300 metres per
second. In the recognized high explosives the velocity of detonation
may reach to about 8,000 metres per second and is never less than
two or three thousand. In a slow explosive, such as gunpowder,
good tamping is requisite to obtain the best results, as the gases
nave time to find the line of least resistance, but with a high explo-
sive the inertia of the explosive itself and of the super-imposed
atmosphere offers almost as much resistance to the intensely sudden
evolution of gases as does a solid body. In consequence high ex-
plosives are sometimes said to " strike downwards." This of course
is an erroneous expression, as at the moment of detonation the force
of the explosion must be equal in all directions, but the tangible
result of a crater blown in the ground is visible to the senses, whilst
the considerably larger hole blown in the air is not. It is this un-
tamped effect of high explosives which makes them so much more
effective for most military purposes than gunpowder.
EXPLOSIVES
53
Thus we have in explosives a store of molecular energy in a
condition of unstable equilibrium, requiring some form of external
energy to release it. This may consist of ignition, friction, percus-
sion or the action of a detonator, which imparts a violent shock to
the explosive and at the same time emits a flash of flame.
- Mercury Fulminate. For stable high explosives a detonator
is almost invariably used. Indeed, it is almost impossible to cause
an insensitive explosive such as amatol to detonate without such an
initial impulse. The discovery of fulminate of mercury by Howard
about the year 1800 had a far-reaching effect on military and
industrial explosives. This sensitive chemical compound is readily
caused to detonate by heat, friction, or percussion.
It is consequently manufactured only under the greatest pre-
cautions in small quantities at a time. It is made by first dissolving
mercury in nitric acid, and then pouring the solution into alcohol.
A vigorous reaction takes place, and after a time the mercury
fulminate separates out. It has then to be washed and finally dried
very carefully at a low temperature.
Mercury fulminate revolutionized the methods of bringing about
explosion, being first used in percussion caps for igniting gunpowder,
and thereby displacing the cumbersome and uncertain method of
flint and steel. At a considerably later date its value as a detonator
or igniting agent for more stable high explosives became recognized,
for which purpose it is now mainly used. When required simply for
ignitory purposes a mixture with potassium chlorate, which causes
a larger and hotter flame, is generally employed.
In order to appreciate the function of the detonator it is necessary
to consider that in an explosive substance each molecule in its
decomposition gives out a surplus of energy, and so provides the
initial impulse required to decompose the neighbouring molecules.
When, however, a high explosive such as T N T is merely ignited,
the decomposition propagates itself slowly at first, and may cease
altogether owing to external cooling; in any case, the velocity of
decomposition increases but gradually, and it is only after a con-
siderable quantity has decomposed that detonation ensues. As
much as five tons of T N T have been known to burn off without
explosive violence, though this is by no means always the case.
The particular value of fulminate of mercury as a detonating
agent is due to the fact that the explosion wave is in the first place
very easily initiated in it by heat or friction, and in the second place
is accelerated to its maximum almost instantaneously, so that com-
plete detonation of the bulk immediately ensues, and the detonation
is similarly imparted to any high explosive, with which the fulminate
is in contact. Owing to the sensitiveness of the fulminate, not
more than about 10 grains of the detonating substance is em-
ployed in artillery shell. In order to communicate the detonation
to the stable high explosive in a shell, it is usual to " step up " the
detonation wave. Thus the fulminate detonates a core of an ex-
plosive of intermediate sensitiveness such as tetryl (tri-nitro-phenyl-
methyl nitro-amine), and this detonates the main high explosive.
Similarly, when it is desired to detonate a slab of wet guncotton, it is
necessary to insert a " primer " of dry guncotton between the de-
tonator and the wet guncotton.
Detonators of standard sizes are made for commercial blasting
purposes; thus the size known as No. 8, containing 30-9 grains of
fulminate, is in common use for blasting, and was used during the
war in Mills grenades and trench-mortar bombs, where the shock
of discharge is very much less than in a gun.
Another compound which has come into use to a considerable
extent as a detonating substance is lead azide (PbNe). This is an
example of an explosive containing no oxygen or combustible
matter its explosion is due to a simple disruption of the molecule
into lead and nitrogen.
Properties of High Explosives. The investigation of the be-
haviour of explosives on detonation is attended by considerable
difficulties. Some account of recent methods is given by Sir R.
Robertson in the Journal of the Chemical Society, 1921, vol. cxix,
p. I, from which the appended data are taken.
Important advances have been made in methods of measure-
ment of the time-pressure curve of high explosives. The explosive
is detonated at one end of a suspended steel bar and causes a wave
of compression to travel along the bar. This is reflected at the far
end as a wave of tension which causes a disc lightly attached to be
projected into a ballistic pendulum, whereby the momentum de-
veloped overa very small time interval, usually about five millionths
of a second, is obtained.
Explosives in the Future. It is natural to inquire what are
likely to be the future developments of explosives. If the history
of the application of explosives be broadly reviewed, it is some-
what striking that the materials used for explosive purposes in
the World War of 1914-8 were practically all chemical compounds
which have been known for at least 50 years. Indeed, the history
of the last century has been much more concerned with dis-
coveries relating to the methods of application of explosives than
the discovery of new explosive compounds. The popular im-
agination readily accepts stories of new explosives of fabulous
violence, but experience shows that it is not in such directions
that research has met with its greatest successes. Until about the
middle of last century gunpowder held the field, although gun-
cotton, nitro-glycerine, picric acid,mercury fulminate, ammonium
nitrate, and the chlorates and perchlorates were all known com-
pounds. Only one of these namely, mercury fulminate was
used at all, and this only in its capacity as a simple igniter. The
successive steps which led to the utilization of one after another
of the modern explosives were first directed towards the nitric
esters nitro-glycerine and nitro-cellulose. Nitro-glycerine was
brought into a form in which it could be practically used, by
absorbing it into the pores of kieselguhr and later by incorpo-
rating it into gelatinized explosives, thus giving rise to extremely
powerful combinations. In the utilization of nitro-cellulose,
the initial problem was to bring it into a sufficiently stable
condition to render it safe against spontaneous explosion. The
discovery of the conversion of nitro-cellulose to a gelatinous
condition by treatment with solvents led to valuable blasting
explosives such as gelatine dynamite, and, more important still,
formed the basis of the modern smokeless propellants.
The method of initiating the detonation of high explosives by
mercury fulminate dates from 1867, and opened the way to the
ultimate utilization of very insensitive explosives for blasting
and military purposes. The importance of this discovery will be
realized when it is considered that it rendered possible the use of
a wide range of ammonium nitrate and other mixtures for indus-
trial purposes, and the use of T N T and amatol for military
purposes in the World War. Many more steps in the investigation
of detonation were, however, necessary before the mechanism of
gun-shells was so perfected as to give efficient detonation com-
bined with perfect safety; and although the use of aromatic
nitro compounds, as represented by picric acid, for shell purposes
was introduced about 1886, it is only in the present century that
the methods of detonation have been so perfected as to render
these high explosives an outstanding factor in warfare.
The number of new explosives which have been patented is
enormous, but these consist almost entirely of different mixtures
of known ingredients, nor is it likely that any spectacular dis-
covery will be made in the nature of a new compound of unprece-
dented power. In the first place, granted that the oxygen is
correctly balanced against the carbon and hydrogen, the chemical
energy can only be increased by lowering the heat of formation.
This might be done to some extent, and compounds of somewhat
Behaviour of Explosives on Detonation.
Explosive.
CO r*
11
&""
38.
SJ
Heat evolved
(cal. pergrm.)
Stability test c.c. per hr. per kilo,
after 40 hrs. in a vacuum.
Relative
insensitive-
ness to impact
(Picric Acid
= 100).
Velocity of Detonation.
Density.
Metres
per sec.
80 C. 120 C. 140 C.
Tri-nitro-toluene
Tri-nitro-benzene
Tri-nitro-phenol (Picric Acid)
Tetryl .
Tetra-nitro-aniline
Nitro-cellulose (13% I. N) ....
Nitro-glycerine
Mercurv Fulminate
728
820
744
794
875
713
924
940
914
1,090
982
1,478
9
o
0-6
8
18
5,000
3,660
2-5
H5
107
IOO
70
86
23
13
10
1-57
1-63
1-63
1-2
loose
6,950
7,250
7,520
7,3oo
3,000
54
EXPLOSIVES
greater power are, in fact, known, but the increase of power
is almost invariably accompanied by chemical instability and
mechanical sensitiveness to shock and friction, which make it
difficult to apply such explosives in a practical way. Advances
have been made in the discovery and application of useful in-
termediary explosives of the tetryl type, and there is room for
further advances in this direction, but these are limited in scope.
In the sphere of propellants, it appears likely that advances may
be made in the direction of improvements on the present methods
of gelatinizing by volatile solvents, the introduction of compounds
of greater stability, and the attainment of greater power without
the erosion which has hitherto limited it.
All investigations must naturally be subservient to a great
extent to economic considerations. In the World War the availa-
bility of raw materials was a factor of decisive importance, and
this limited the choice of compounds which could be made in
large quantities. The necessity of importing the materials
necessary for the manufacture of explosives is bound to direct
attention to materials which can be obtained from home sources.
This lends a special significance to the fixation of atmospheric
nitrogen in the form of ammonia and nitric acid. It points also
to the further development of perchlorates, which can be manu-
factured electrolytically from materials obtainable in most coun-
tries; and further investigations may overcome the present difficul-
ties in the use of liquid oxygen.
In the future, as in the past, the advances will probably lie
mainly in the direction of improvements in the methods of appli-
cation of explosives, unless some method should be discovered
whereby the enormous energy of disintegration of the atoms
could be released at will; this cannot however be said to be within
sight, and it is perhaps well that such stupendous forces should
be withheld from human control until a greater sense of interna-
tional responsibility is developed in mankind.
(C.D.C.;R.C.F.)
FABRE FALKLAND ISLANDS BATTLE
55
FABRE, JEAN HENRI (1823-1915), French entomologist,
was born at St. Leons in Avcyron Dec. 21 1823. At ten
years old he went to Rodez as a choir boy and there received
the elements of a classical education, continuing it further
at the normal school of Vaucluse. But his whole bent was for
science, and, after he had become a teacher at Carpentras, he
worked in his spare hours at physics and mathematics and be-
came interested in insects, the study of whose habits was to
form his life-work (see 3.626, 6.672, 14.180). Later he became
a teacher of physics, first at Ajaccio and afterwards at Avignon.
His first observations were published in Annales des Sciences
Naturelles (1855-8), followed a good deal later by Souvenirs
Entomologiqucs (1879-1907). He was a Chevalier of the Legion
of Honour. He died at Serignan, Provence, Oct. n 1915.
FAGUET, EMILE (1847-1916), French critic and man of
letters (see 10.125*), continued up to 1914 to publish several
volumes annually of critical and literary studies, more especially
concerning Rousseau (Rousseau pciiseur, 1910; Vie de Rousseau,
}gi i ; Les Amies de Rousseau; Rousseau artiste, etc., 1912).
Amongst others may be noted a volume on Madame de Sevigni
(1910); a study of Rostand (1911); En lisant Moliere (1914) and
Msgr. Dupanloup (1914). He died in Paris June 7 1916.
FAIRBAIRN, ANDREW MARTIN (1838-1912), British non-
conformist divine (see 10.129), died in London Feb. 9 1912.
FAIRBANKS, CHARLES WARREN (1852-1918), American
politician, was born near Unionville, O., May n 1852. On
graduating from Ohio Wesleyan University (1872) he became a
newspaper reporter in Pittsburgh. He was admitted to the bar
in 1874, and began practice at Indianapolis, Ind., where he was
made solicitor for the receiver of the Indianapolis, Bloomington
and Western railway. Henceforth he had much to do with rail-
way affairs and became a railway financier. He attained a
prominent place in state politics, being chairman of the Republican
State Convention in 1892, 1898, and 1914. He was in charge of
McKinley's campaign in Indiana, preceding the National Con-
vention in 1896; and the following year he was elected to the
U.S. Senate, having been nominated by the Republicans over
several prominent candidates, including Gen. Lew Wallace.
He was chairman of the U.S. representatives on the British-
American Joint High Commission for dealing with Canadian
questions in 1898 and 1903, being reelected to the Senate in the
latter year. At the Republican National Convention in 1904 he
was unanimously nominated for Vice-President with Theodore
Roosevelt and was elected. In 1912 he had a large part in the
making of the Republican platform. In 1916 he was again
nominated by the Republicans for Vice-President but was de-
feated. He died at Indianapolis June 4 1918.
FAISAL (1885- ), Arab Emir, third surviving son of Hus-
ein, King of the Hejaz, was born at Taif in 1885. He spent his
infancy at Rihab in accordance with the tradition of the Qoreish.
At the age of eight he was brought to Mecca, where he began
his early studies, but was afterwards sent to Constantinople to
join his father and here he received a good modern education.
On attaining manhood he held official appointments under the
Turkish Government. With his brothers, he took an active part
in the constitutional movement which led to the deposition of
'Abdul Hamid, as a part consequence of which the emirate of
Mecca was restored to his father Husein ibn 'Ali in 1908, Faisal
returning to Mecca with him. He followed a military career,
and commanded the Arab contingent in the Turkish operations
against the Idrisi in 1911-3. In 1914 he was elected deputy for
Jidda in the Turkish Parliament. Up to that time he was not
markedly prominent among his brothers, but from 1915 he
favoured Arab Nationalist aspirations, and (with his brother
'Abdulla) furthered his father's anti-Ottoman designs. At the
outbreak of the Arab revolt in 1916 he commanded the rebels
at Medina, and, in the crisis which followed the failure to capture
the city, he came much to the front. He organized the revolting
tribes each under its tribal leader, devised a scheme for the
formation of an Arab regular army, and developed a particular
school of irregular warfare. He commanded the Arab northern
forces which, after the taking of Akaba (July 1917), constituted a
friendly army of the right wing of the Egyptian Expeditionary
Force. He led the Arab troops at their entry into Damascus
1918, and to him, subsequently, was entrusted the task of setting
up, in the eastern area of Syria, a provisional military adminis-
tration to exercise control until peace was signed. Faisal pre-
sented the case of the Arabs before the Peace Conference in
Paris on Feb. 6 1919. His administration maintained compara-
tive security throughout 1919. In March 1920 he was proclaimed
King of Syria at Damascus by the Syrian National Congress,
but this proceeding received no official sanction from the Allied
Powers, and the regime was overturned by the entry of French
troops into Damascus in July of the same year, Kerak then be-
coming the headquarters of Faisal's administrative district. He
spent some time in London in 1919 and again in 1920-21. On
Aug. 23 1921 with the support of the Arab notables, ascer-
tained by a referendum he was crowned King of Iraq (see
MESOPOTAMIA) and became ruler of the new State set up under
the mandate accepted by the British Government.
FALKENHAYN, ERICH VON (1861- ), Prussian general,
was born Sept. n 1861 at Burg Belchau in the district of Thorn.
He took part in the China expedition of 1900 and remained in
China with a brigade of occupation till 1903. In 1906 he was
appointed chief-of-staff of the XVI. and afterwards of the IV.
Army Corps; in 1913 he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-
general and was appointed Prussian Minister of War. He suc-
ceeded Gen. von Moltke in Dec. 1914 as chief of the general
staff of the army and was advanced to the rank of general of the
infantry. It was on his initiative that the Russian lines were
broken through at Gorlice-Tarnow on May 2 and 3 1915, and he
likewise helped to plan the summer offensive of that year
against Russia and the operations by which in the winter of
1915-6 Serbia was overrun. He was made responsible, however,
for the ill-success of the German attacks of 1916 at Verdun, and
was replaced as chief of the general staff by Hindenburg in Aug-
ust of that year. He was then assigned the leadership of the
IX. Army against Rumania and commanded in the fighting at
Hermannstadt and on the Targu Jin. In 1917 he took command
of the so-called Asiatic Corps, for operations in the Caucasus, etc.,
and in 1918 and 1919 was at the head of the X. Army. He wrote
an interesting account of the German conduct of the war during
its first two years entitled Die obersle Heeresleitung in ihren
wichtigsten Entschliessungen 1914-16 (1919).
FALKLAND ISLANDS BATTLE. The battle of the Falklands,
one of the principal naval actions of the World War, was fought
on Dec. 8 1914 to the S.E. of the Falkland Is., between a Brit-
ish battle-cruiser squadron under Vice-Adml. Sir F. Doveton
Sturdee and the German East Asiatic Squadron under Adml.
Graf von Spee. The British ships were:
" Invincible " (flag.), Capt. Percy Beamish, b. c., 1908, 8 12-in.,
25j knots.
" Inflexible," Capt. R. F. Phillemore, b. c., 1908, 8 12-in., 25!
knots.
" Carnarvon" (Rear-Adml. A. P. Stoddart), Capt. H. L. Skip-
with, a. c., 1904, 4 7'5-in., 6 6-in., 20 knots.
' Cornwall," Capt. W. M. Ellerton, a. c., 1904, 14 6-in., 22 knots.
' Kent," Capt. J. D. Allen, a. c., 1903, 14 6-in., 22 knots.
' Glasgow," Capt. John Luce, I.e., 191 1,2 6-in., 10 4-111. ,25^ knots.
' Bristol," Capt. B. H. Fanshawe, 1911,2 6-in., 10 4-in., 25^ knots.
' Macedonia, Capt. B. S. Evans, a. m. s.
The following composed the German squadron:
' Scharnhorst," a. c., 1907, 8 8-2-in., 6 5-9-in., 2o| knots.
' Gneisenau," a. c., 1908, 8 8-2-in., 6 5-9-in., 205 knots.
' Leipzig," 1. c., 1906, 10 4-i-in., 2Oj knots.
' Niirnberg," 1. c., 1908, 10 4-i-in., 22 knots.
' Dresden," 1. c., 1908, 10 4-i-in., 25^ knots.
Also three supply ships, " Seydlitz," " Baden," " St. Isabel."
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
FALKLAND ISLANDS BATTLE
Adml. Sturdee had arrived at Stanley Harbour, in the Falk-
lands, only the day before, in the forenoon of Monday, Dec. 7.
The " Canopus," an old battleship, was already there, moored
in Port Stanley waiting in conjunction with a body of sturdy
volunteers to resist von Spec's expected attack. It was Adml.
Sturdee's intention to coal at once and continue the pursuit of
von Spee on the pth, but his own colliers had not arrived and
there were only three in harbour. It was arranged that the
" Carnarvon," " Bristol " and " Glasgow " should coal first, the
battle cruisers next, and the " Kent " and " Cornwall " last.
The squadron was ordered to keep steam for 12 knots at two
hours' notice, and the " Macedonia," an armed merchant ship,
>BADEN
S.ISABEL 7 $3 pm ,
t.SO p m.
CRUISERS &
1_IOHT CRUISERS
,'SCHARNHORST 4.17 p m.
GNEISENAU 6 02 p.m.
A
'~
' lY
,' ff ".'TW NURNBERG
\<. "^ 7.27pm.
V-.+ LEIPZIG 9.23 p m.
CORNWALL
& GLASGOW
FIG. I. Battle of Falklands.
took the guard for the night. No sooner had coaling started
than it was found that the coal in one collier had deteriorated,
and at first only two colliers were available. The " Carnarvon "
and " Glasgow " had finished by 6 A.M., and at first flush of
dawn the " Bristol " and " Invincible " started to coal. By this
time another collier had arrived, and the "Inflexible" began
coaling about the same time. The " Kent," " Bristol " and
" Cornwall " had not begun. The " Bristol " had her fires
drawn to remedy defects, and the " Cornwall " an engine opened
up at six hours' notice. This was the situation when, at eight
o'clock, the " Glasgow " fired a gun. This was to call attention
to a signal which had been flying for some minutes at the look-
out station on Sapper Hill. It reported two strange ships in
sight. A scene of bustle and commotion ensued. Colliers were
cast off and great clouds of smoke began to pour from the
funnels as the ships raised steam. At 8:14 A.M. the signal
went up to prepare to weigh. The " Kent " by this time had
taken over guard from the " Macedonia " and had passed down
the harbour towards the entrance. The ships which had
appeared so unexpectedly on the scene were the " Gneisenau "
and " Nurnberg," which von Spee had sent on in advance. They
approached from the south-west to within about 14,500 yd.
and the men could be seen fallen-in on their decks ready to effect
a landing. They were not in sight from the " Canopus," but a
fire control station had been set up on the hill, and at 9 A.M. she
opened fire with her i2-in. guns over the sand dunes. The shots
fell short, but they made the " Gneisenau " turn away for a time
to increase the range. The " Scharnhorst " was still some 15 m.
from the entrance, but the clouds of smoke rising over the
hills had aroused von Spec's suspicions and he ordered the
supply ships to keep away. From the " Gneisenau " there came
a report of six men-of-war in the harbour, and the Admiral
ordered steam in all boilers, directing the " Gneisenau " at the
same time to steer east and not to accept battle. By 10 A.M.
the "Invincible," "Inflexible" and "Cornwall," which by
dint of strenuous exertions on the part of her engine-room staff
had got steam up, were under weigh and leaving harbour. They
were vomiting out huge clouds of smoke which concealed them
for a time, but it cleared away for a few minutes, revealing the
tripod masts of battle cruisers, and von Spee knew that his hour
of trial had come.
By 10:20 Sturdee was clear of the harbour; the enemy was
well down to the south-east about n m. off and the British
Admiral hoisted the " General Chase," a signal for each ship to
steam as hard as she could after the enemy. It was a perfect
summer day with a blue cloudless sky and calm sea. A light
wind was blowing from the north-west. Masses of black smoke
were pouring from the battle cruisers' funnels and a great white
wake was growing at their stern.
The engagement resolves itself into two phases. A chase from
10:20 A.M. to 1:28 P.M. and the action from 1:28 P.M. to 6:ic.
P.M. (see figs, i and 2). By n A.M. the enemy were showing
above the horizon and the battle cruisers had eased to 24 knots.
The " Glasgow " was on the " Invincible " port bow, the " Kent "
on her quarter. The " Carnarvon " and " Cornwall " were
five m. astern, and to give Rear-Adml. Stoddart in the former a
chance to get up the Admiral reduced to 20 knots. The " Bristol "
by extraordinary exertions on the part of her engine-room staff
had managed to raise steam. Some ladies off Port Darwin
CORNWALL 4,
KENTi
GLASGOW *
1,47
\
,,. 1 ,,,
'I'l' 1 !!) .|.',it.'> S< GNEISENAU
'-M",^
'-''> I
LEIPZIG i INURNBERG
/DRESDEN
BRITISH
'3 rs
to^i-^J^NVINCIBI
<>*7, ', / '.^INFLEXIBLE
',"<,',!'
''>'///////,'//>
^..>...430 '*>\^\
'.10 ^ ..|NFLEXIBL ( E 1 ,r>,\3.J7
^.
,.\' >\j/SCHAHNHORST
'V'.'yv* 4.17p.m.
fGNEISENAU
6 02 pm.
FIG. 2. The Main Action.
had seen von Spec's colliers, and the information was passed to
Port Stanley and then to Adml. Sturdee, who dispatched the
"Bristol" and "Macedonia" to deal with them. By 11:30
A.M. the chase was gradually coming round to south-east by east.
The " Carnarvon's " efforts to get up were unavailing and
Sturdee increased speed. By 12:50 P.M. the battle cruisers
were going 25 knots, overhauling the enemy fast.
The " Leipzig " was beginning to feel the pace and was drop-
ping behind. At 12:55 P.M. her range had dropped to 16,000
yd. and the " Inflexible " opened fire. Von Spee seeing his light
cruisers in danger ordered them to scatter, and they broke off
to the southward, but Adml. Sturdee was ready for the con-
FALKLAND ISLANDS BATTLE
57
tingency, and the " Glasgow," " Cornwall " and " Kent " went
after them in hot pursuit. Von Spec turned to E.N.E. to ac-
cept action and took station ahead of the " Gneisenau," while
Sturdee's battle cruisers to the northward of him turned into
line ahead on an easterly course. At 1 125 P.M. they opened
fire, the " Invincible " on the " Gneisenau " and the " Inflexi-
ble " on the " Scharnhorst," at first, shifting target later when
the " Scharnhorst " passed ahead.
The action which followed may be divided into three phases; an
opening encounter from 1 125 P.M. to 2 P.M., then a pause from
2 P.M. to 2:45 P.M. in which the chase was resumed, and the
final engagement. The opening shots were fired at about 14,000
yd., and von Spee led round to the north-east for a few minutes
to close, continuing at 13,000 yd. on a north-easterly course,
which gave the " Carnarvon " a chance of coming up. About
1:40 P.M. the "Invincible" was hit, and Sturdee turned to
port to open the range and take advantage of his heavier guns.
Dense clouds of smoke were pouring from the battle-cruisers'
funnels, and the north-easterly course and north-westerly wind
carried it southward towards the enemy, smothering the range.
By 2 P.M. the range had increased to 16,000 yd. and fire was
checked. The " Invincible " led round to the south-east at
2:05 P.M. to close, but the enemy was lost to sight for a few
minutes in the smoke, and when he reappeared he was found
to have turned right away to the southward in the direction of
his light cruisers. Sturdee in reply turned to the southward
and increased speed, and the chase began again. It continued
for nearly 40 minutes. By 2:45 the range was down again to
15,000 yd. and turning two points to port Sturdee opened fire.
Von Spee did not reply for some minutes, then deciding to accept
action he turned to the east again and opened fire at 2:55 P.M.
The action ran to the eastward till 3:15 P.M. with the range
falling from 12,000 to 10,000 yards.
The British guns were now establishing their mastery. A fire
had broken out in the " Scharnhorst " and the " Gneisenau "
was listing and showing signs of severe damage. But again the
smother of smoke down the range made spotting difficult, and
at 3:15 P.M. Adml. Sturdee to escape from it turned the battle
cruisers to port together. The " Inflexible " was now leading to
the westward and found herself for the first time free from
smoke. Von Spee might have continued his course to the
eastward which would have opened the range again to something
like 17,000 yd. at the expense of a concentration of fire on the
" Gneisenau " in rear, but he preferred to continue the battle
on a parallel course, and led round to starboard in succession
bringing his starboard guns into action. The " Scharnhorst "
shifted fire to the " Inflexible " and was engaged by her. The
action now ran to the south-westward with the British battle
cruisers circling widely round the enemy, maintaining a range
of about 14,000 yards. By 4:5 P.M. the " Scharnhorst " was
bearing east on a south-westerly course; she had been hit
several times and was listing heavily to port ; her superstructure
was a mass of ruins, and her speed had been reduced to 1 2 knots.
The smoke was again driving down the range, and at 4:10 P.M.
the " Inflexible " to get rid of it turned to starboard and engaged
the " Gneisenau " on a north-easterly and opposite course.
The " Invincible " did not follow her but ran on to the
south-eastward. The end was now near. At 4:17 P.M. the
" Scharnhorst " heeled completely over to port; her stern rose
steeply in the air and she went down. As she disappeared the
"Invincible" turned to starboard and ran to the northward for
ten minutes, then ordering the " Inflexible " to take station
astern, and turning to port at 4:30 P.M. shaped course to the
westward. The " Gneisenau " was some 13,000 yd. to the
south-eastward, still struggling along on a south-westerly course.
No sooner had the " Inflexible " formed astern of the flagship
than the range was again obscured by smoke, and finding it
impossible to see the enemy she turned 14 points to port at
4:45 P.M., and leaving the flagship ran to the eastward towards
the enemy, opening on him with her starboard guns before the
beam and turning to the south-westward at 4:55 on his starboard
quarter at 10,000 yards. The " Invincible " meanwhile held on,
and turning to the south-westward at 4:52 kept the " Gneisenau "
on her port beam at about 12,000 yards. The " Gneisenau "
was now under a heavy concentrated fire. By 5:15 she was in a
sorry plight. The after turret was out of action, the foremost
funnel gone and the ship was barely making headway. A drizz-
ling rain had commenced to fall. At 5:30 P.M. the " Inflexible "
ceased fire under the impression that she had struck, but the
enemy's fore turret still maintained the contest. At 5:45 P.M.
she fired her last shot. She had received some 50 hits and was
sinking slowly. At 6 P.M. she went down, stern first. The
British battle cruisers rescued 188 survivors from the icy water.
The German light cruisers when they left the squadron had
headed south at full speed with the " Kent," " Cornwall " and
" Glasgow " in pursuit. When the chase began, the " Niirn-
berg " was the centre ship, with the " Leipzig " about a mile on
her starboard beam, and the " Dresden " ahead about four m.
on the port bow. The speeds attained by various ships are diffi-
cult to ascertain with absolute certainty. The " Leipzig " was
the slowest ship and was probably unable to go more than 205
knots; the "Dresden" was the fastest and was able to go about 25 j
knots, and possibly something over, while the " Niirnberg "
could probably go 22. All the German ships had been cruising
continuously for four months with no facilities for repair, and
probably found it difficult to maintain their speeds. On the
British side, the " Glasgow " could go 25^ knots, and the " Corn-
wall " and " Kent " can be credited with 22-j and 22 knots
respectively. There could be no doubt as to the sequel once the
British armoured cruisers got within range. The Germans had
nothing heavier than the 4-i-in., good guns for their size but
no match for the 14 6-in. carried by the armoured cruisers.
When the German light cruisers broke off at 1:25 P.M. and the
chase began the British cruisers were some 10 to n miles behind
them. The " Glasgow " did not turn after them till 1:33 P.M.,
then going 24 knots she overhauled the " Kent " and " Corn-
wall " and crossed their bows.
According to German accounts Capt. Luce was overhauling
the " Dresden " slowly for a time, but at 2:53 P.M. when some
four m. ahead of the armoured cruisers he yawed and opened fire
with his 6-in. guns on the " Leipzig," damaging one of her
ventilating fans, which brought the steam pressure down. The
armoured cruisers were now gradually creeping up, and about
4 P.M. the enemy cruisers began to scatter, the " Dresden "
going off to the south-west, the " Niirnberg " to the south-east,
and the " Leipzig " continuing to the southward. Capt. W. M.
Ellerton of the " Cornwall " immediately arranged with Capt.
J. D. Allen of the " Kent " that he would take the " Leipzig,"
leaving the " Nurnberg " to the " Kent." This left the " Dres-
den " to the " Glasgow," but Capt. Luce thought her speed
too great and preferred to remain with the armoured cruisers.
About 4:15 P.M. the " Kent " opened fire on the " Nurnberg "
and the " Cornwall " on the " Leipzig," and by 4:30 the latter
was being straddled. The " Glasgow " now definitely abandoned
all attempt to follow the " Dresden," which disappeared about
5 P.M. in a squall of rain. Turning to the eastward at 4:27
P.M. she passed astern of the " Cornwall," bringing her broad-
side to bear on the " Leipzig." The chase continued to the south-
eastward, for half an hour the " Cornwall " keeping the enemy on
the starboard bow, and steering a more easterly course to keep
her guns bearing. About 4:50 the "Leipzig" turned to the
south-west, and the " Cornwall " following suit had her now
on the port bow and brought her port guns into action. The
" Leipzig " was now beginning to suffer from the effects of the
combined fire, and the " Cornwall " and " Glasgow " had no
difficulty in keeping her at ranges of 9,000 to 10,000 yards.
By 6 P.M. rain was falling, and as the target was becoming
indistinct Capt. Luce made a signal to close. The " Corn-
wall " now began to fire lyddite with immediate effect. By 6:35
P.M. the " Leipzig " was blazing fore and aft, though still firing
fitfully and going some 15 knots. At 7 P.M. her mainmast and
her funnels had gone and she was practically only a burning
wreck, though her flag still flew defiantly at the foremast. After
opening the seacocks about 150 of her crew mustered amidship
FARNELL FASTING
hoping to be saved. But as she made no sign of surrender the
" Glasgow," after waiting half an hour, closed and opened fire
again with terrible effect on the men gathered on her decks.
Two green lights went up which were read as a signal of surrender
and boats were lowered to perform the work of rescue, but she
was heeling heavily to port, and at 9:23, while the boats were
approaching, turned over and disappeared, some 80 m. south of
the spot where her flagship had sunk five hours before. Only
five officers and thirteen men were saved. The British cruisers
had suffered little. The " Cornwall " had been hit 18 times, and
had a list to port, but had suffered no casualties. The " Glas-
gow " had been hit twice with one man killed and four wounded.
The " Kent " all this time had been vigorously pursuing the
" Niirnberg " to the south-east. She had started some seven
miles behind her, but the engine-room staff performed prodigies,
and by feeding the fires with all the spare wood in the ship the
range was brought down to 12,000 yd. by 5 P.M. The " Niirn-
berg " now opened fire with her stern guns. The " Kent's "
shots were falling short, and mist and rain were seriously reduc-
ing the visibility. Within the next quarter of an hour however,
the " Kent " scored a couple of hits, one of which penetrated the
" Leipzig " below the waterline aft and did serious damage.
Then came a dramatic change. Two of the " Nurnberg's " boilers
gave out, her speed dropped to 19 knots and the " Kent " com-
menced to overhaul her rapidly. At 5:45 the " Kent " was on
her port quarter some 6,000 yd. off, and the " Niirnberg "
turned to port to engage her. There was no time to lose in the
failing light and Capt. Allen forced the pace. Keeping the
enemy well abaft the beam to avoid torpedo fire he closed in to
3,000 yards. The pace was too hot for the "Niirnberg" and
she turned right away at 6:02. But the " Kent " followed her
close. By 6:10 the enemy was on fire with only two guns in
action; the " Kent " continued to hit, and circling right round
her bows raked her at 3,500 yards. By 6:25 she was a burning
wreck, listing heavily and down by the stern, but with her flag
still flying. The " Kent " opened fire again and the flag came
down. Just before 7:30 she turned over and sank, but though
a search was kept up till 9 P.M. only seven survivors were found.
The " Kent " had been hit 40 times, but suffered little structural
damage and lost only four killed and 12 wounded.
Meanwhile the colliers " Santa Isabel " and " Baden " had
been found by the " Bristol," who had chased them to the
southward and eastward and captured them about 4 P.M.
They were valuable ships, but Adml. Sturdee had given orders
to sink all transports, and though they were not transports but
ships full of valuable coal they were sunk. The supply ship
" Seydlitz " got off to the southward and found safety amongst
the icebergs. The " Dresden " reached Magellan Straits on
Dec. 10 and anchored in Cockburn Channel with only 130 tons
of coal left. Thence she made for Punta Arenas, where news
came of her on the i2th, though three long months elapsed
before our cruisers could hunt her down.
This was the end of the chase and the encounter known as the
battle of the Falklands. It was the one decisive naval battle of
the war the end of von Spee's squadron, of von Spec, and of
both his sons. It marked the termination of a definite phase of
the struggle at sea. Cruiser warfare collapsed. Germany could
no longer challenge the control of the outer seas, and outside the
North Sea and Baltic the command of the sea was won.
(A. C. D.)
FARNELL, LEWIS RICHARD (1856- ), English classical
scholar and archaeologist, was born at Salisbury Jan. 10 1856.
Educated at the City of London school and Exeter College,
Oxford, he was elected fellow of his college in 1880 and subse-
quently rector in 1913. In 1920 he became vice-chancellor of the
university. After graduating he studied classical archaeology
at the universities of Berlin and Munich, and travelled much in
Greece and Asia Minor. In 1909 he was elected the first Wilde
lecturer in comparative religion, and he was Hibbert lecturer
in 1911. He published Cults of the Greek States (5 vols., 1896);
The Evolution of Religion (1905); Greece and Babylon (1911);
The Higher Aspects of Greek Religion (1912).
FARRAND, LIVINGSTON (1867- ), American education-
ist, was born at Newark, N.J., June 14 1867. After graduation
from Princeton in 1888, he studied medicine at the College of
Physicians and Surgeons, New York, and received the degree of
M.D. in 1891. During the next two years he studied at Cam-
bridge (England) and at Berlin. From 1893 to 1903 he taught
psychology at Columbia University as instructor, and, after 1901,
adjunct professor; from 1903 to 1914 he was professor of anthro-
pology. In 1897 he accompanied the Jesup North Pacific Ex-
pedition, which visited the Indians of British Columbia, and
published two monographs as results of his own investigations.
From 1905 to 1914 he was executive secretary of the National
Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis; and
from 1912 to 1914 was treasurer of the American Health Associa-
tion, during the same period editing the American Journal of
Public Health. From 1914 to 1919 he was president of the
university of Colorado, but in 1917 was granted leave of absence,
following his appointment by the International Health Board of
the Rockefeller Foundation to direct the work against tuberculosis
in France. In 1919 he was made chairman of the Central Com-
mittee of the American Red Cross. In 1921 he was elected to
succeed Jacob Gould Schurman as president of Cornell Uni-
versity. He was the author of Basis of American History (1904)
and various articles on psychology and anthropology.
FARWELL, SIR GEORGE (1845-1915), English judge, was
born at Codsall, Staffs., Dec. 22 1845. He was educated at
Rugby and Balliol College, Oxford, where he took his degree in
1866. He was called to the bar in 1871. In 1891 he became a
Q.C. and in 1895 a bencher of Lincoln's Inn, while in 1899 he was
raised to the bench. In 1900 he came into prominence over the
case known as the Taff Vale judgment (see 27.142), since his
decision, though reversed by the court of appeal, was upheld in
1901 by the House of Lords, and ultimately led to the passing
of the Trade Disputes Act (1906). In 1906 Farwell was made a
lord of appeal, but resigned this position in 1913. He died at
Dunster, Som., Dec. 30 1915. He published Concise Treatise
on the Law of Powers (1874).
FASTING (see 10.193). The adoption of "hunger-striking"
in prison by some of the militant suffragettes in England, just
before the World War, and by Irish Sinn Feiners subsequently,
has served to call attention to the physiological fact that the
human body is capable of more prolonged fasting (abstinence
from food) than had generally been realized. Before they gave
these demonstrations of endurance, fasts of 40 or 50 days had
been regarded as extreme cases. In 1920, however, the Lord
Mayor of Cork, Terence McSwiney, maintained his hunger
strike in Brixton prison during 74 days, and, though subject to
fits of delirium, he was stated to have been conscious until within
a few days of his death.
From a purely scientific point of view it is regrettable that no
definite medical record of this and other long " hunger strikes "
was officially published, in such a way as to provide positive evi-
dence that no " food " (apart from water and medicines) was taken,
since there were naturally suspicions to the contrary in spite of all
questions in Parliament on that point being answered in the neg-
ative. It can only be assumed that such allegations were unfounded.
It has been shown therefore that, if the hygiene of fasting is carefully
carried out, the mere lack of food becomes of small moment to the
preservation of life for several weeks. The beginning of a fast is its
most painful period, for during the first 48 or 36 hours hunger pains,
occasioned by peristaltic contractions of the stomach, persist. These
pains at first increase in severity during some hours, then, if no food
is taken, they begin to pass away. Once they have disappeared they
do not, as a rule, return. The fasting individual passes into a condi-
tion of comparative ease and comfort. The future now depends
on the care with which the debris, collecting in the alimentary canal,
is evacuated for the bowel goes on producing waste matter in
spite of the absence of food. Purgation'is therefore necessary, and
enemata are usually administered. The skin tends to exude an oily
detritus, and unless this is removed constantly a faecal odour will
be experienced. Here again, however, the beginning is the worst
period. After some days the problem of maintaining health is
much simplified, and the patient, though increasing in weakness,
experiences small inconvenience. This period is, however, often
characterized by hallucinations, the mind being dissociated from its
material surroundings. Visions are frequently described and strange
manifestations announced. The patient is now approaching the
FA WCETT FEDERAL FARM LOAN SYSTEM
59
time when he must break his fast or die. Recent investigation sug-
gests that death will be due to acid poisoning, and it is stated that
the administration of what are called " buffer salts," for example the
acid phosphate of sodium, is instrumental in postponing the fatal
issue. In any case the end is apt to occur suddenly, the patient be-
coming collapsed without warning. If the fast is broken with a
little fruit juice and then milk given for a day or two no untoward
results seem to follow. Indeed, many people derive benefit and prac-
tise occasional fasting for a short period as a therapeutic measure.
The Allan treatment of diabetes is an instance in point. There are
many cases on record of men walking considerable distances on the
4Oth day of a fast, and shorter fasts have been fairly common. It
need scarcely be added that water is taken throughout the period of
abstinence in all instances. (R. M. Wi.)
FAWCETT, MILLICENT GARRETT (1847- ), British writer
and political worker, was born at Aldeburgh, Suffolk, June n
1847, the seventh child of Mr. Newson Garrett. In 1867 she
married the economist Henry Fawcett, subsequently Postmaster-
General (see 10.215), and during her husband's life was closely
associated with him in all his work, his blindness making him in
many ways extremely dependent upon her/ She herself produced
various works on economics, including Political Economy for
Beginners (1870), Tales in Political Economy (1875), and, with
her husband, a volume of Essays and Lectures (1872). Mrs.
Fawcett had for many years been interested in the higher educa-
tion of women and in their economic and political future, and
was one of the early workers for women's suffrage, becoming more
prominent in the cause after her husband's death (1884). By
about 1870 various small societies had grown up with the purpose
of advancing the cause of women's suffrage, and in 1896 these
were amalgamated under the name of the National Union of
Women's Suffrage Societies, Mrs. Fawcett in 1907 becoming the
president of this movement. The body was for some years the
only important suffrage society, and most of the pioneers of the
movement belonged to it; but in 1906 the Women's Social and
Political Union was formed, pledged to work by militant, as
opposed to constitutional methods. Mrs. Fawcett was strongly
opposed to the tactics of the militant suffragists, and expressly dis-
sociated the N.U.W.S.S. from any sympathy with such methods.
The constitutional methods adopted by the body of which she
was president included an alliance formed with the Labour party
(1912) by which the society agreed to support Labour candidates
in preference to Liberal when the latter proved unsatisfactory on
the suffrage question. Mrs. Fawcett in 1912 produced her work
Women's Suffrage, and her other books include Lives of Queen
Victoria (1895) and Sir William Molesworth (1901), and Five
Famous French Women (1906).
Mrs. Fawcett's only child, Miss Philippa Garrett Fawcett,
had a distinguished career at Newnham College, Cambridge,
where in 1890 she was bracketed equal to senior wrangler. She
became in 1905 principal assistant in the Education Officer's
department of the L.C.C.
FAYOLLE, MARIE-EMILE (1852- ), French marshal, was
born at Puy (Haute Loire) May 14 1852. He entered the
Ecole Polytechnique in, 1873, and on leaving in 1875 was posted
to the 1 6th Regt. of artillery. As a subaltern he saw service in
Tunis. He was promoted captain in 1882. In 1889 he passed
through the Ecole de Guerre, to which, in Nov. 1889, he returned
as assistant to Col. Ruffey, who was then artillery lecturer. At
this time Foch was lecturer in tactics, and Maud'huy and Petain
joint lecturers in infantry. In 1900 Fayolle succeeded Ruffey as
artillery lecturer and held the appointment for seven years. He
was promoted lieutenant-colonel in 1902 and colonel five years
later. In Nov. 1908 he took over command of a regiment of ar-
tillery, and in 1910 he was made a general of brigade; but as on
May 14 1914 he had passed the age limit and had not received
further promotion he was placed on the retired list. On the
outbreak of the World War he was recalled and given command
first of a reserve brigade and then of the 7oth (Reserve)
Division. This division took part in the abortive Lorraine
offensive of Aug. 1914. It distinguished itself in the defence
of Nancy and was made the subject of a special order of the
day by de Castelnau. In Oct. 1914 the division again received
special notice this time for the part it played in the fighting
on the line Gavrelle-Bailleul. On Oct. n Fayolle was made a
Commander of the Legion of Honour. In June 1915 the division
was again -made the subject of a special army order by Gen.
d'Urbal who commanded the X. Army. On May 13 1915 Gen.
Fayolle had been, contrary to the custom in the case of retired
officers and in face of considerable opposition, promoted a
temporary general of division. In June of the same year he
succeeded Gen. Petain in the command of the XXXIII. Corps.
On Feb. 26 1916 he was promoted to the command of the VI.
Army, and on March 25 following was confirmed in his rank
as general of division. In command of the VI. Army, he carried
out the French portion of the Somme offensive (July 191 6-Nov.
1916). On Oct. 8 1916 Fayolle was made a Grand Officer of the
Legion of Honour. In May 1917 he again succeeded Petain, this
time in the command of the centre group of armies. In Nov. he
went to the Italian theatre in command of the French forces that
were sent thither after the disaster of Caporetto. He returned in
Feb. 1918 and took an important part in repelling the German
offensives of March-June 1918, and in the Allied counter-offen-
sive from July 18 onwards as commander of the northern group
of armies. On July 10 he was given the Grand Cross of the Le-
gion of Honour. Somewhat tardily he was, in Oct. 1919, awarded
the Medaille Militaire. But not long afterwards he was, with
Lyautey and Franchet d'Esperey, given the highest grade of all,
that of Marshal of France.
FAZY, HENRI (1842-1920), Swiss statesman and historian,
was a member of a family which at the date of the Revocation
of the Edict of Nantes (1685) came from Dauphine to Geneva to
seek protection for religious reasons. Its most prominent member
was his great-uncle, the Radical statesman, James Fazy (see
11.591), whose biography (1887) was written by him. He was
born at Berne on Jan. 31 1842. He studied at Geneva for his
doctorate in philosophy and law, became a member of the Gen-
evese cantonal parliament in 1868, and was member of the
cantonal executive from 1897 till his death. He was a Radical in
politics, but of a more moderate type than his great-uncle, and
founded a Radical " group," opposed to the more extreme
section. Carteret, the successor of James Fazy as leader of the
latter, died in 1889, and henceforward Henri Fazy played a more
and more prominent part in Radical Genevese politics. As a
member of the cantonal executive he had charge of the Depart-
ment of Finances, and was much criticised by Gustave Ador, the
leader of the Democrats or Whigs. In 1880 his proposal to
separate Church and State in Geneva was rejected by the people,
but was finally accepted by them in 1907. He was a member of
the Swiss Conseil National from 1896 to 1899, and from 1902 on-
wards. After the Radical defeat of 1918 he was the only member
of his party who was not turned out of office, but he became more
and more conservative as time went on. In 1914, as the senior
member of the Swiss Conseil National, he protested solemnly
against the violation of the neutrality of Belgium.
For many years he was the archivist of Geneva, and also pro-
fessor of Swiss history at the university of Geneva (1896-9 and
from 1902). In the latter capacity he wrote much on Genevese
history. In 1887 appeared the Life of James Fazy, in 1890 the
Constitutions de Geneve, in 1891 L' Alliance de 1584 entre Berne,
Zurich et Geneve, in 1895 Les Suisses et la Neutrality de Savoie,
in 1897 La Guerre du Pays de Gex et I'Occupation genevoise,
1589-1601, in 1902 Histoire de Geneve a I'Epoque de I' Escalade,
1580-1601, in 1909 Geneve el Charles Emmanuel and countless
papers in the Proceedings of the Institut National Genevois. He
died at Geneva Dec. 22 1920.
FEBVRE, ALEXANDRE FREDERIC (1835-1916), French
actor (see 10.231). He retired from the Paris stage in 1893,
and made a final tour of certain European capitals the following
year. He died in Paris Dec. 14 1916.
FEDERAL FARM LOAN SYSTEM [UNITED STATES]. The
Federal Farm Loan Act of 1916 was adopted in the United
States for the following reasons. Increasing use of costly equip-
ment and the rising price of farm land had combined to make the
problem of financing the American farmer a difficult one. His
need for short-time credit, generally, had been met in various
6o
FEDERAL RESERVE BANKING SYSTEM
ways. Country merchants frequently advanced supplies to a
farmer and received their pay after his crop was marketed.
Manufacturers of farm machinery and of fertilizers also did a
large credit business. A great many small country banks had
sprung up since 1890 whose chief function was to supply short-
time credit to farmers. The chief difficulty, however, was to
supply long-time or mortgage credit. When the farmer must
make a heavy investment, he needs a long loan. The only
satisfactory security he can offer is a mortgage, and the market
for farm mortgages is limited, because comparatively few persons
with money to lend are experts in farm values or otherwise in a
position to deal safely in farm mortgages. This difficulty was
accentuated in new communities by the lack of local lenders with
sufficient expertness. It had in the past been partly, but only
partly, overcome in various ways. Local mortgage brokers or
banks having the necessary expertness, could lend on a limited
number of mortgages, and after adding their own endorsements,
discount the loans with eastern investors. In other cases, some
of the large insurance companies sent their own experts into
selected regions to place loans secured by mortgages. Again, a
number of large corporations, commonly called mortgage banks,
were organized to lend on mortgage security and to sell their
own bonds to the investing public. Such a corporation, having
bought a number of mortgage notes aggregating $100,000, would
deposit them with a trustee as security for its own bonds to the
same amount. These bonds were then sold to the general invest-
ing public, but sold on the general reputation of the corporation
issuing them, and not on the buyer's expert knowledge of the
individual mortgages.
In order to extend this principle and enable it to meet the need
for mortgage credit throughout the country, the Federal Farm
Loan Act of 1916 was passed. This Act created a Federal Farm
Loan Board, to consist of the Secretary of the Treasury and four
others to be appointed by the President, and to have general
administrative control of the system. Under this Board there
were created 1 2 farm land banks, located in the 1 2 different dis-
tricts into which the country was divided, each bank to be the
centre of the farm loan system for its own district. In each
district there were to be organized, under its farm land bank, an
indefinite number of farm loan associations, composed wholly of
farmers desiring to borrow money on mortgage; and they
borrow from the farm land bank of their district.
The 12 Federal farm land banks are located in the following
cities: Springfield, Mass., Baltimore, Md., Columbia, S.C.,
Louisville, Ky., New Orleans, La., St. Louis, Mo., St. Paul, Minn.,
Omaha, Neb., Wichita, Kan., Houston, Tex., Berkeley, Cal.,
Spokane, Wash. There was also a provision in the Federal Farm
Loan Act permitting joint stock mortgage banks, such as those
already described, to come in under the Federal farm loan system.
Twenty-five had done so before Feb. 15 1921, with capital stock
of $7,966,000, with bond issues aggregating over $76,000,000,
and with loans to farmers aggregating almost $78,000,000.
Every Federal farm land bank was required to have, before be-
ginning business, a subscribed capital stock of not less than
$750,000. This provided the initial fund from which to purchase
the first batch of mortgages from the farm loan associations.
Additional funds were to be raised through the sale of bonds
to the investing public. Each issue of bonds was to be based
upon a batch of mortgages previously purchased and deposited
as security under the direction of the farm loan board. In order
to assure a sufficient amount of capital stock, it was provided
that in case the total $750,000 of capital stock of any Federal
farm land bank was not subscribed within 30 days after the open-
ing of the books, it was made the duty of the Secretary of the
Treasury " to subscribe the balance thereof on behalf of the
United States." In order still further to assure the farm land
banks a working capital, in case the public was slow to invest in
the farm loan bonds, amendments were passed (Jan. 18 1918 and
May 26 1920) authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to pur-
chase $200,000,000 of such bonds during 1918-21.
On Dec. 31 1920 the U.S. Government held $6,832,680 of the
capital stock of the farm land banks and their bonds to the amount
of $182,235,000. The total bonds authorized and issued by them was
$333.784,500. The total capital stock of the 12 farm banks amounted
to $24,591,515 held as follows:
By the U.S. Government $6,832,680
By National Farm Loan Ass'ns 17,663,725
By borrowers through agents . . . . . 79,230
By individual subscribers
The total amounts loaned by the 12 Federal land
Nov. 30 1920 were as follows:
Springfield
Baltimore
Columbia
Louisville
New Orleans
St. Louis .
15,880
banks up to
St. Paul
Omaha
Wichita
Houston
Berkeley
Spokane
$I3,55,345
H.732,783
20,406,515
27,691,200
25,811,705
30,951,675
49,554,700
48,905,890
31,531,300
40,754,766
18,645,900
46,084,535
Total $368,621,314
Under the operation of this Act and its amendments, such moneys
as are secured from the sale of bonds, either to the Secretary of the
Treasury or to the investing public, are loaned by the farm land bank
to farm loan associations within its district in return for mortgages
given by individual farmers to these farm loan associations. The
course of the money is, therefore, as follows: first, from the investor
to the farm land bank in exchange for bonds; second, from the farm
land bank to the farm loan association in exchange for a batch of
mortgages; third, from the farm loan association to the individual
farmer in exchange for an individual mortgage. The securities,
however, proceed in the opposite direction; first, a mortgage is
given by the individual to his local farm loan association in exchange
for money; second, this and other similar mortgages are transferred
from the farm loan association to the farm land bank in exchange
for money; third, the farm land bank deposits these mortgages
under the direction of the Federal farm loan board and, on that
security, issues its own bonds and sells them to investors.
It was provided in the Farm Loan Act that the bonds of the
farm land banks were to be exempt from taxation. The purpose of
this exemption was to make such bonds so attractive to the general
investor as to compensate for a low rate of interest. This low rate of
interest on the bonds would then enable the farm land banks to
accept farm mortgage notes paying a low rate of interest, and thus
the farmer would be able to borrow at a lower rate than would be
necessary if the farm loan bonds were subject to taxation. Those
issued prior to May I 1920 paid 42%. Subsequent issues pay 5%.
This provision was bitterly attacked on the ground that it was class
legislation, or discrimination in favour of farmers as against other
classes. The matter was under litigation for many months, but
finally in Feb. 1921 the Supreme Court decided in favour of the
constitutionality of the Act. (T. N. C.)
FEDERAL RESERVE BANKING SYSTEM. The Federal Re-
serve Banking System of the United States is the outgrowth of a
movement for what was called " banking reform, " which had
been in progress for about 20 years prior to the enactment of the
Federal Reserve Act on Dec. 23 1913.
The National Banking System, which in 1913 contained a
total of about 7,500 members, had been organized during the
Civil War, the constituent Act being passed in 1863 and modified
in the following year. It provided for the creation of independent
institutions operating under the general requirements of the
National Banking Law, but organized directly at the will of
prospective stockholders. The fundamental basis of the law
was " free banking," as reflected in general authority to organize
banks provided that the capitalization of each institution should
not be less than a specified sum varying with the population of
the place in which the proposed bank was to be situated. The
minimum of capitalization was $50,000 (changed in 1900 to
$25,000). Currency issued by the national banks was based upon
and protected by Government bonds which each bank was re-
quired to purchase in a specified amount, not exceeding, however,
a sum equal to the capital of the bank. Bond purchase provisions
were later modified, but the essential principle remained. When
these bonds had been purchased they were deposited with the
Treasurer of the United States who thereupon issued circulating
notes to the bank. Each bank was required to maintain a specified
reserve which amounted to 25% in the case of banks located in
three central reserve cities (New York, Chicago and St. Louis),
FEDERAL RESERVE BANKING SYSTEM
61
while in reserve cities (eventually nearly 50 in number) the
requirement was 12^% cash in vault and 125% in the form of
balances in banks in the central reserve cities. All other banks
were required to keep 15% reserve, of which 6% had to be cash
in vault and 9% might be in the form of balances in the banks
of central reserve cities.
This system had proved inadequate because in time of stress
or panic there was no recognized means for relieving hard-pressed
banks; also the currency was inelastic, being limited by the
amount of bonds available, and being slow in its issue and
even slower in redemption. During and shortly after the panic
of 1893, an agitation was started in favour of some plan for the
issue of " emergency currency " as a means of preventing the
development of acute panics; this ultimately grew into a demand
for a currency not purely of emergency nature but elastic as
required by business needs, and therefore including issues of
ordinary bank-notes protected by the joint guarantee of the
banks. The only practical outcome of this agitation was seen in
certain sections of the Gold Standard Act of 1900. These pro-
vided for refunding the outstanding U.S. bonds at a rate (2%)
which precluded the growth of a premium while it authorized
banks of $25,000 capital in places with less than 3,000 people.
Both provisions tended to make the issue of notes easier. Al-
though numerous bills were urged, especially after 1907, the
proposed plan for a really elastic note issue was never seriously
considered by Congress because of the unwillingness of the
larger banks to guarantee notes issued by a great many small
institutions. After the panic of 1907 the so-called Aldrich-
Vreeland Act was adopted (May 30 1908). This made provision
for the organization of " national currency associations " which
would have been allowed to issue notes based upon commercial
paper or other securities deposited by constituent banks with
the associations in question. At the time, however, the plan did
not get into practical operation, partly because the difficulties
attendant upon the panic of 1907 had been overcome before the
Act was enacted. Contemporaneously with the Aldrich-Vree-
land Act, provision was made for the creation of a body called
the National Monetary Commission, which continued investiga-
tions for several years and eventually proposed a bill for general
banking reform, ordinarily described as the Aldrich bill. This
measure contemplated the creation of a central banking organ-
ization with branches. The plan still retained the fundamental
concept of an emergency currency, but the proposed institution
was not equipped with the ordinary powers, duties and respon-
sibilities which had been found necessary in central banking
experience abroad. It has been supposed that the Aldrich bill
would have been adopted in its original or a modified form if the
Republican party, under whose auspices it had been developed,
had not been defeated in Nov. 1912. The Democratic party having
come into office in the spring of 1913, the duty of enacting bank-
ing legislation was necessarily assumed by it and in June of that
year a bill embodying what afterward became the Federal Reserve
Act was introduced into congress. The measure had been under
construction and preparation from about March 1912 onward,
and a first draft of it had been presented to President-elect
Wilson soon after the election of 1912. It was then approved by
the President-elect, and the process of perfecting and improving
it went on during the winter of 1912-3 under direction of a House
of Representatives Committee. This bill when introduced had
thus been under consideration at the hands of the special com-
mittee of the House Banking and Currency Committee for about
15 months prior to the date of its introduction, while preliminary
studies had been undertaken even earlier. The bill consequently
was quickly completed, went through Congress during the
middle of 1913 and became law on Dec. 23 of that year.
Theory of Federal Reserve System. The theory of the Federal
Reserve Act was the separation of the central banking functions
of the past from practical bank operation, the latter being carried
on through distinct reserve banks under the general direction of a
board vested with the banking functions of the past. To carry
out this idea, the Federal Reserve Act provided for the creation of
a number of central institutions whose membership was to con-
sist of national banks, while institutions organized under state
law (banks and trust companies) might at will also become mem-
bers. Each such bank was obliged to contribute a sum equal
to 3% of its capital and surplus and to become liable for an
additional 3 % which might be called in case of necessity. The
central directing mechanism of the system was the Federal
Reserve Board, which consisted of five members chosen by the
President of the United States with the Secretary of the Treasury
and the Comptroller of the Currency as members exofficio.
No two of these five selected members were to be chosen from the
same Federal Reserve district. An essential and fundamental
requirement of the Act was the compulsory transfer of the re-
serves of member banks to the Federal Reserve banks, the
reserve provisions requiring a minimum of vault cash and a
minimum of balances on the books of the Federal Reserve
bank, while a certain percentage of the required reserve might be
either in vault or in the Federal Reserve bank. This was the
so-called " divided reserve. " The maximum required reserve
(in central reserve cities) was 18%, of which 5% was to be in
vault, 6% with the Federal Reserve bank, and 7% either in
vault or with the reserve bank at the discretion of the member.
Each reserve bank was authorized to issue currency protected
by notes and bills growing out of commercial, industrial or agri-
cultural operations. These notes and bills were to have a maxi-
mum maturity of 90 days, except where they were the product of
agricultural transactions, in which case the maturity was raised
to 1 80 days. Deposits of these notes were to be made with an
officer known as the Federal Reserve Agent, there being one
such officer at every Federal Reserve bank. Each Federal Re-
serve bank was governed by a board of directors, six of whose
members (three bankers and three business men) were chosen
by constituent member banks voting in three separate groups
according to size of capital, while three (including the Federal
Reserve Agent who was also the chairman) were chosen by the
Federal Reserve Board. The Federal Reserve Board was given
the function of passing on and establishing rates of discount,
such rates, however, being originally named by the boards of
directors of the several Federal Reserve banks. The task of
dividing the country into districts was placed in the hands of an
organization committee with instructions to establish not less
than eight nor more than twelve such districts. This committee
eventually divided the country into 12 districts with a Federal
Reserve bank in each, and the President of the United States
named the Federal Reserve Board in accordance with the new
law, the new organization taking office Aug. 12 1914. On coming
into existence, the board proceeded to organize a Federal Re-
serve bank in each district; the member banks paid in their stock
subscriptions Nov. 2, and the Federal Reserve banks opened for
business Nov. 16 1914. As thus organized the initial paid-in
capital of the system at opening was about $18,000,000, while
the gross reserve balances were $256,000,000. These balances
at the outset were obtained chiefly through actual transfers of
specie and legal tender money ($205,000,000), although in some
cases rediscount credits were granted to aid members in estab-
lishing the necessary legal balance. Each bank was at the outset
equipped with a small staff of officers and employees and a uni-
form accounting system. The beginning of the year 1915 found
the system in operation, but with its transactions upon a small
scale. Its first duty was to aid in the retirement of the emergency
currency which had been issued shortly after the opening of the
World War under the terms of the Aldrich- Vreeland Act as
modified by Congress just after the outbreak of the war in such
a way as to render the working of its provisions rather more
flexible than was possible under the original legislation. At the
outset, however, the system was of considerable service in con-
trolling the outflow of gold which had proved to be an embarrass-
ing feature of the economic changes that immediately succeeded
the opening of the war, while it also aided in other emergency
measures. Various measures were adopted with this end in view
the best known being the so-called hundred-million-dollar " gold
pool " formed after the outbreak of the war to provide exchange
and to check gold losses.
62
FEDERAL RESERVE BANKING SYSTEM
Operation of the System. The operation of the Federal Re-
serve System may be divided into three distinct periods, the
first from Nov. 2 1914 to the declaration of war by the United
States April 6 1917; the second extending from the latter date
to a period some time after the conclusion of the Armistice of
Nov. ii 1918 (the date most aptly chosen for the close of this pe-
riod probably being Nov. 4 1919); while the third period extended
from the latter date to the close of the year 1920. During the
first or pre-war period the functions of the system were con-
cerned largely with the organization of its own constituent units
and the modification of banking practice in the United States
and with the establishment of methods suited to the initiation of
the new plan. These functions naturally fell into two main
groups: (i) in the internal organization of the Federal Reserve
banks, and (2) in theestablishmentof satisfactory relationships be-
tween them and their members. In the latter category should be
placed the work done in perfecting cooperation between the banks
and the clearing housesof thedifferent communities and in develop-
ing methods of collection, in working out plans for rediscounting
with the least possible delay and friction, and other matters of
equal importance. In the same group of functions must also be
placed the work done by the Federal Reserve System in develop-
ing a new standard for commercial paper. The Federal Reserve
Act had given to the Federal Reserve Board the duty of defining
commercial paper. Consequently, one of the first undertakings
of the board was the establishment of regulations designed to
cover the different classes of commercial paper and the processes
to be pursued by reserve banks in discounting such paper.
These regulations did not have the force of law since they merely
amounted to a statement of the standards with which commercial
paper must comply in order to be " eligible," that is to say, to be
rediscountable at the Fedcrable Reserve banks. Nevertheless,
the growing power of the Federal Reserve banks was such that
these standards of eligibility rapidly came to be recognized
through the whole of the banking community. Progress was
made in the matter of securing nearly identical methods of pre-
paring financial statements to be used for the purpose of testing
the credit position of firms who were presenting paper for dis-
count. An outstanding element in the work of the Federal Reserve
Board during this first period was the national and district
clearance and collection system. The Federal Reserve Act had
authorized the board to act as a clearing house for the several
reserve banks, and early in 1915 the board took action by estab-
lishing the so-called Gold Settlement Fund at Washington.
Each bank contributed originally a sum of $1,000,000 in gold,
the entire amount being stored in the Treasury or the sub-treas-
uries. Claims accumulated by reserve banks upon one another
were each week telegraphed as an aggregate to the board at
Washington and offset against one another, the net debit or
credit balances in the fund being registered in a set of books
created for that purpose. The size of the fund grew rapidly and
eventually reached a maximum of about $500,000,000. A second
section of the fund was established to provide for clearances
growing out of the accounts of Federal Reserve Agents as distinct
from the bank to which they were accredited. The Gold Settle-
ment Fund probably would not have been successful alone had it
not been supported by some plan for the collection of items orig-
inating within the several districts. Such a plan was, however,
worked out and put into effect in practically final form begin-
ning about July i 1916. This was the so-called " intradistrict "
collection system. It provided for the depositing of cheques
(at first only on member banks but finally on any other bank or
any banker) by members or holders of clearing accounts with
Federal Reserve banks. These cheques were sent to the banks
upon which they were drawn, the latter being required to remit
the proceeds in cash or acceptable exchange or to authorize the
charging off of these remittances upon the books of the reserve
banks. Member banks, of course, habitually followed the latter
plan, while non-members who had no account with the reserve
bank were obliged to furnish exchange or send coin. Although
there was opposition from the banks which had previously made
a profit out of this kind of exchange business, the opposition
gradually lessened. Possibly the most vigorous form which
it assumed was seen in the amendment to the Federal Reserve
Act adopted in 1917, in which exchange charges made by member
banks were recognized but which, on the other hand, practically
neutralized such charges by providing that the Federal Reserve
banks should not be permitted to pay exchange. The matter
was promptly tested in the courts, and as a result of favourable
decisions and of the evidently beneficial character of the system,
the number of banks which agreed to clear at par was extended
until in 1920 it included more than 29,000 institutions -practically
all the banks of the United States. The total operations of the
Federal Reserve intradistrict clearing system were at the rate
of $13,124,000,000 per month during the year 1920.
War Finance. Although the Federal Reserve System had prac-
tically established itself during the' two and a half years of its
existence prior to the entry of the United States into the war in
April 1917, it was doubtful whether the resources of the system were
sufficiently large to enable it to bear the strain which all recognized
would be thrown upon it as soon as war demands began to make
themselves felt. Accordingly Congress, upon recommendation of
the Federal Reserve Board in June 1917, passed an amendatory Act
which provided that nothing should be counted as reserve except
balances on the books of Federal Reserve banks. The United States
had declared war on April 6 1917, and almost immediately thereafter
many of the larger State banks and trust companies, which had
previously hesitated to become members, filed their applications,
actuated partly by patriotic desire to strengthen the Government's
accounts and partly by the fact that the severe financial stress of
the war would be most easily met by the institutions which had
joined the system. This movement into the Federal Reserve System
was accelerated through the amendatory Act to which reference
has already been made, so that in the course of the year 1917 the
resources of the System were enormously increased, while its gold
holdings were vastly added to through the gradual withdrawal of
coin not only from the vaults of banks but also from circulation.
Shortly after the declaration of war the Secretary of the Treasury
had placed an issue of $50,000,000 of treasury certificates of in-
debtedness with the reserve banks, but it was promptly recognized
that this plan of financing was unsound; and subsequent issues, both
of long-term bonds and of Treasury certificates, were placed with
member banks and so far as possible with the public through the
reserve banks acting as intermediaries. It was seen from the out-
set, however, that in order to keep the rate of interest on Govern-
ment bonds at a low figure and to insure wide distribution of the
bonds, it would be necessary to guarantee their holders that they
could borrow freely by using them as security at rates which would
involve no expense. Consequently, from the date of the First Lib-
erty Loan (June 1917) onward, banks all over the country under-
took to loan to their customers on Liberty Bonds such amounts as
the customers might need, running up to a total close to the face
of the bonds, and at the same time reserve banks undertook to re-
discount the notes collateraled with these bonds when received from
the member banks. As the Government itself had entered, upon a
wide scale, into business enterprises growing out of the war, a
large and increasing volume of its payments for supplies, services
and other needs was made out of the proceeds of bonds and certifi-
cates and this class of paper accordingly superseded in a correspond-
ing degree paper which would otherwise have been made by business
men for the purpose of financing their ordinary transactions. Both
in order therefore to assist the rank and file of the public in absorbing
Liberty Bonds and to facilitate the Government's own operations,
there were large additions to the portfolios or holdings of reserve
banks and the amount of the notes they issued and the deposits
they entered on their books increased rapidly. At the end of 1917
there was outstanding in notes $1,247,000,000 while reserve de-
posits were $1,446,773,000 and total resources were $3,089,945,000.
These conditions were more and more accentuated as the war con-
tinued, particularly in view of the fact that the U.S. Government
found it necessary to advance large sums to foreign countries, selling
Liberty Bonds in order to provide the means for so doing. The
consequence was an enormous increase of general prices brought
about partly by the steady draft upon the consumable commodities
in the country which were exported in great quantities (the total
shipments during 1918 being $6,149,087,545 as against $2,484,018,-
292 in 1913), while they were partly due also to the great increase
of bank-notes and bank deposits both on the books of memljers and
of the reserve institutions themselves. It had been hoped that upon
the declaration of the Armistice there would be a reaction to more
conservative methods of financing, but the enormous commitments
which had been made in sending about two million soldiers to
France and in taking from the Allied Governments their obligations
to a total eventually of about $9,600,000,000, constituted a situation
which could not be immediately altered. In fact, war expenses con-
tinued to increase for several months after the Armistice, and the
floating of a Fifth, or Victory, Loan, early in 1919, was essential in
order to fund some part of the immense floating indebtedness of
FEDERAL RESERVE BANKING SYSTEM
nearly $10,000,000,000 for advances to foreign countries, fully
$2,500,000,000 of such advances being actually paid after the
Armistice. The war finance period thus in effect extended to the
middle of 1919 at least. By that time, however, the advance of
prices was tremendous, and a very serious question arose as to
whether the reserve banks ought to announce a material increase
in their rates of discount. The objection to their doing so was
strongly urged by the Treasury authorities, because such a policy
would result in increasing the cost of money to the Government.
After the War. The final conclusion of the operations attendant
upon the Fifth, or Victory, Loan created a financial situation which
was distinctly better from the standpoint of the Treasury than that
which had existed before, and somewhat reduced the opposition of
the department to a restoration of normal discount rates. Accord-
ingly in Nov. 1919 a tentative advance in the rate of discount on all
classes of commercial paper was made. This had -but little effect
upon the volume of credit outstanding, although it kept the rate of
expansion below that which would otherwise have been unavoidable.
Experience during the next six months showed that much more
positive action would have to be taken, for speculation continued.
It was not so intense in stocks and securities as during the month
immediately after the Armistice, but prevailed very widely in
staple materials as well as in many classes of finished products. In
order to check this development of speculation, it was essential to
limit the extension of credit to traders and manufacturers as well as
to farm interests, which were seeking to obtain bank accommodation
in order to carry large quantities of products which they withheld
from the market. The rate of discount was eventually raised in
May 1920 to a maximum of 7 per cent. Meanwhile a change in the
personnel of the Treasury Department had occurred, and one of the
features of the new regime was an alteration of policy with respect
to methods of borrowing. The Treasury Department now advanced
its offered rate of interest on certificates of indebtedness to a max-
imum of 6%, a figure more nearly corresponding to the prevailing
rate in the open market. These advances took place practically
simultaneously with corresponding action by the Bank of England
and the British Government. The effect in both countries was
beneficial in two ways it tended to place the Government's ob-
ligations more freely in the hands of investors and thus to take them
out of the banks, while the advance in discount rates coupled with
the initiation of an anti-speculative policy and the withholding
of credit from those who desired to hoard and store products tended
strongly to bring commodities directly upon the market. The
consequence was the administration of a sharp check to the growth
of credit, and during the latter part of the year 1920 there was a
decided restriction of the total amount of new bank accommodation
granted both by the reserve banks and by their members, while
there was a very decided reduction in the degree of activity with
which bank deposits were used. In addition to these changes in
bank position was the fact that the extraordinarily high prices which
had ensued upon the close of the war, reaching their peak in May
1920, declined rapidly from the middle of 1920 onward, eventually
reaching, at the close of the year, an average level of about 190 as
compared with 272 in May and 100 in 1913. This rapid decline
tended to curtail the demands upon reserve banks and had the effect
of eliminating the borrowing of many concerns which had been con-
ducting operations on an unsound and semi-speculative basis. The
close of the year 1920 found the reserve banks with $3,552,922,000
in notes outstanding, with total discounts amounting to $2,687,393,-
ooo and total resources to $6,282,755,000.
Expansion of Reserve Banks. Before the entry of the United
States into the war the operations of the Federal Reserve banks had
been restricted, for reasons already explained, so that the personnel
employed was necessarily limited. It had not been found necessary
to expand the number of offices although the Federal Reserve Act
had authorized the creation of branches both at home and abroad.
Early in the history of the system a branch of the reserve bank at
Atlanta had been established at New Orleans because of the im-
portance of that city as a port of communication with South America.
This, however, continued for a good while to be the only branch bank
in the system. The great expansion of operations resultant upon
the fiscal transactions of the Treasury coincided with the upward
swing of business which resulted from the complete establishment
of the collection system. It was found that greater efficiency could
be secured through the opening of new offices at strategic points,
and before Jan. I 1921 there had been created in all 22 branches.
These branches varied to some extent in the scope and character of
their functions, certain of them acting primarily as collection
agencies while others added thereto very considerable powers in the
rediscounting of paper and the holding of reserves. In some cases,
as on the Pacific coast, creation of branches resulted from the fact
that the district in which they were situated was so large that as
a mere matter of convenience it was desirable to establish some local
offices. In other cases the creation of branches grew out of peculiar
local conditions or a need for recognition of the importance of some
industrial centre outside the city in which the parent bank was
situated. The local branch offices were usually given a comparative-
ly simple organization and wherever possible the effort was made
to have them practically dependent upon the bank of the district.
To facilitate this closeness of relationship and also to ensure prompt
action in connexion with clearance and rediscounting operations a
leased wire system, including both telegraph and telephone, was put
into operation between the various banks in 1917, uniting the whole
series of parent offices and branches with the board in Washington
and rendering possible practically instantaneous communication
upon matters of business policy. While it was never deemed ex-
pedient to establish actual branches in foreign countries, the system
early in the war entered into agency relationships with the Bank of
England whereby that institution was to hold funds in trust for the
Federal Reserve banks jointly while they in turn were to undertake
similar duties for the Bank of England. It was understood at the
time that the agency relationship would not, until after the war at
least, lead to the performance of functions involving the buying and
selling of bills or operations in the discount market. Similar rela-
tionships were later concluded with the Bank of France, the Bank
of Japan and various other international institutions, but in all
cases the relationship was on a restricted basis and never resulted
in the undertaking of international discount operations. From the
opening of the war onward, the personnel of the Federal Reserve
banks expanded very rapidly, as was necessary in order to comply
with the heavy demands that were made upon the banks for serv-
ices. For the year 1920 the personnel of the banks probably aver-
aged about 10,000 persons, while their combined earnings for that
year were $181,000,000, and their total expenses of operation,
$29,889,000, or about i6J per cent. Earnings which had been small
before the war, some banks barely making expenses and others paying
a little less than the 6 % dividend provided for in the Act, shot up
rapidly, as the result of heavy Government loans and the large ad-
vance made by the reserve banks in connexion therewith. FoV the
year 1920 the earnings of the entire system, after setting aside all
reserves, providing for depreciation, etc., were well over 200% on
the capital. This, of course, was an abnormal condition resulting
from the financing of the war period and corresponding to similarly
heavy earnings at the central banks of foreign countries. Under
the terms of the original Federal Reserve Act all earnings above 6%
on the capital stock were to be transferred to the Government in
lieu of a franchise tax. The receipts of the Government in the form
of profits from the Federal Reserve banks, therefore, from the be-
ginning to the close of 1920 amounted to about $150,000,000.
Influence of Reserve Banks on Banking and Business. The in-
fluence of reserve banks upon business conditions in the United
States is seen in the results of their effort to establish more uniform
discount rates throughout the country, in their success in harmoniz-
ing commercial paper practices, in their relief of banks which would
otherwise have been obliged to close on account of inability to
rediscount paper, and in a variety of other less important ways.
The question how far the reserve banks have succeeded in establishing
a discount market or in providing a basis for financing foreign trade,
both points which had been much under discussion prior to the pass-
ing of the Act, were in 1921 still matters of controversy. The pro-
vision of the Reserve Act which was intended to aid in the promo-
tion of foreign trade authorized member banks to make bank ac-
ceptances and reserve banks to rediscount and buy such acceptances.
It was natural that some time should elapse before much prac-
tical effect could be given to this provision, but it would prob-
ably have gone into operation as the result of a gradual and normal
evolution had it not been for financial necessities caused by the war.
In general the effect of the war was to disorganize all financial meth-
ods and systems previously in use, and this was as true in the field
of commercial paper as in any other. Early in the war American
foreign trade was placed upon a credit basis, and due to the difficulty
of selling the obligations of belligerent Governments there was a
strong temptation to obtain as much credit as possible upon a pure
banking basis. The result was the lengthening of the maturity of
the bankers' acceptance by every possible means and eventually the
introduction of the so-called " renewal acceptance," whereby groups
of banks entered into agreements which involved the making of
acceptances for financing American exports to belligerents and others,
at the same time that other groups agreed to buy or discount these
acceptances, the first groups in return undertaking to discount
acceptances made by the second group and used to take up the
first issue. This was, of course, a sheer perversion of the intent of
the acceptance, and when after the close of the war there developed
a widespread practice of inflation and " kiting," followed eventually
by an effort on the part of some accepting banks to repudiate ac-
ceptances because of the fact that heavy reductions in prices had
occurred, the result was to impair confidence in American accep-
tances and to retard considerably the movement for their develop-
ment. However, so far as gross volume is concerned, the new type
of paper maintained a very substantial development until 1921 when
the total amount in existence was estimated by the Federal Reserve
Board as approximately six hundred million dollars, but during
the first half of 1921 the value declined largely. Financing of
foreign trade has been on so abnormal a basis and the trade itself
has been so one-sided that it would be difficult to form a conclusive
estimate of the effect of reserve banking in that connexion further
than to say that without the general underlying strength which
had been afforded by the system it would probably have been
impossible for the United States to finance any such enormous volume
of trade as it actually took care of. The effect of the Reserve System
6 4
FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION FENWICK
upon interest and discount rates has undoubtedly been to stabilize
and harmonize them. Not only has there been a narrower variation
of rates in different parts of the country than had been expected
but the system has on the whole held the rates down. During the war
this stability was partly due to wartime control. Subsequent to
the close of the war there was a rebound to much higher rates of
discount, but even these were probably by no means as high as they
would have been, had it not been for the existence of the system.
Relations to Foreign Financing (The Edge Act). While the original
Federal Reserve Act had provided for the organization of foreign
branches by qualified national banks, only a few banks showed
real interest in the branch plan and only one or two took up the for-
mation of branches on a considerable scale. Hence the adoption of an
amendatory Act which authorized national banks to unite for the
formation of banks which should engage in foreign trade financing.
A few such banks were organized, but here also the interest of the
different institutions was soon found to be limited. One reason
assigned for the hesitation of banks in organizing the new corpora-
tions was the fact that they might be compelled to give to competi-
tors an undue amount of knowledge of their own transactions. While,
therefore, a few foreign trade institutions were organized, usually
under the laws of New York state, with stockholders (banks) scat-
tered throughout the country, it was evident within a year or so
that this attempt to provide for the financing of foreign trade had
been unsuccessful. Only in South America and the Far East (and
there as a result of the provisions of the original Federal Reserve
Act authorizing the creation of branches) did the banking system of
the United States gain a distinct foreign development. The lack
of foreign financing mechanism was obscured during the war years
because of the necessity to which many foreigners were subjected
of keeping their balances in New York and generally in dealing with
American banks regardless of the conditions established by the law.
Immediately after the close of the war modifications of this state of
things began, and it became apparent that as soon as Government
financing of American export trade ceased it would be impossible
to maintain exportation long on anything like the basis which had
existed during the war - A measure recognizing the need for an
organization for export banking was taken under advisement in
the winter of 1918-9 and was eventually made law in Oct. 1919.
Meanwhile many American enterprises had fallen into the habit of
financing their own foreign trade by extending long credits to buyers,
while borrowing heavily from their own banks on domestic account
in order to get the funds they needed to carry on trade elsewhere.
In this way between the date of the Armistice and the close of 1920
there had been built up a foreign unfunded balance representing the
difference between American exports and American imports reliably
estimated as high as $4,000,000,000. One outcome of this great ex-
port balance was seen in continuous and violent disturbances of
rates of foreign exchange, sterling (which had a normal par of $4.86)
being depressed as low as $3.25, while other currencies suffered
similarly and in some cases to a greater degree. This condition of
affairs gave an impetus to the idea of establishing upon a national
scale " Edge Act ' corporations under the legislation already re-
ferred to, and during the winter of 1920-1 an effort was made to
bring about the investment of capital in such undertakings, their
purposes being to facilitate the movement of American goods to
foreign countries on long-term credit.
Conclusion. The Federal Reserve System between its organ-
ization at the end of 1914 and the close of the year 1921 passed
through a remarkable development which not only vastly in-
creased its resources as compared with any figures they would
have been likely to reach had it not been for the war, but also
necessitated active participation on the part of reserve banks in
many types of financial transactions from which they might other-
wise have abstained. The results of this activity were both good
and bad good in increasing the activity of the system and in
affording an opportunity to be of direct and material usefulness;
bad in bringing about a mushroom growth which prevented or
curtailed the development of methods and practices upon a
scientific basis. The system as a whole, especially those features
which were at first thought to be of doubtful practicability, had
definitely found its place and established its effectiveness. There
had been improvement in methods of business financing, in the
type of commercial papers, and in the use of modern instruments
in connexion with the conduct of foreign trade. There had also
been a large advance in economy, promptness and effectiveness,
in domestic exchange, and in the collection of cheques. Priceless
service was rendered to the U.S. Treasury during the war and
through it to the world at large, since without the aid of the
Federal Reserve System the financing of the war would probably
have been impossible. On the other hand, the Federal Reserve
System was the instrument through which an inflation of credit
and prices occurred in the United States. The post-war attempt
to curtail such inflation was not begun at a sufficiently early date,
but was steadily working during 1921.
AUTHORITIES. Reports of Secretary of the Treasury and of the
Federal Reserve Board, 1914-20 inclusive; Federal Reserve Bulle-
tins, 1915-20 inclusive. (H. P. W.)
FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION. This American Commis-
sion was created by Act of the U.S. Congress, approved Sept. 26
1914, for the prevention of unfair methods of competition in
commerce. It is composed of five members appointed by the
President, and confirmed by the Senate: not more than three
members may be of the same political party. The Commission
elects its own chairman. It entered upon its official duties March
16 1915. With it was merged the Bureau of Corporations, pre-
viously under the jurisdiction of the Department of Commerce.
If the Commission has reasons to believe that a " person, part-
nership or corporation " practises any unfair method to the prejudice
of the public interest, it shall serve a notice upon such party, submit
a statement of the charges, and set a date for a hearing. The party
complained of has the right to appear and show cause why the Com-
mission should not require the cessation of practices alleged to be in
violation of the law. If the party refuses to obey the orders of the
Commission, the Commission may apply to the U.S. Circuit Court
of Appeals. Banks and common carriers are excepted, they being
under other Federal supervision. The Commission is empowered to
investigate from time to time " the organization, business, conduct,
practices, and management " of any commercial corporation and its
relation to any other corporation , and to make recommendations for a
readjustment of its business alleged to be violating the anti-trust
laws, including those relating to price discriminations, intercor-
porate stock-holdings, and interlocking directorates. The purpose
of the Commission is to advise and regulate rather than to punish.
It is also empowered to investigate trade conditions of foreign coun-
tries as affecting the foreign commerce of the United States, and to
report to Congress with recommendations. The Commission com-
prises .three departments: administrative; economic, in charge of
investigations; and legal, for enforcing its findings.
FEJERVARY, GEZA, FREIHERR VON (1833-1914), Hunga-
rian statesman and general, was born March 15 1833. He
began his career in the army, and as a captain he won in 1859,
for a heroic action on the hotly contested heights of San Martino
in front of Solferino, the highest military decoration of the former
monarchy, the cross of Maria Theresa. In 1872 he became State
Secretary in the Hungarian Ministry of National Defence
(Honved) and Minister of National Defence in 1884. In 1895
he persuaded the Emperor Francis Joseph to agree to the relig-
ious and political reforms of the Wekerle Ministry. In 1903 he
resigned, together with the prime minister, Szell, owing to the
rejection of a bill to increase the contingent of recruits, and
was appointed captain of the Hungarian Life-Guards organized
at that time. He was appointed premier June 18 1905. The
parliamentary majority declared that the Fejervary Ministry
was unconstitutional, and organized a national opposition
against it. Fejervary nevertheless succeeded in settling these
differences by the so-called Pactum, on the basis of which the
Wekerle Ministry was formed April 8 1906. From this time on-
wards Fejervary's political activity ceased and he resumed his
military career. On the death of Prince Esterhazy, captain of the
Hungarian Body-guard, Fejervary was appointed his successor.
He died of cancer of the tongue April 25 1914. (E. v. W.)
FELIX, LIA (1830-1908), French actress (see 10.239). Her
appearance in Sardou's La Haine in 1874 marked the end of her
theatrical career. Inferior in talent to Rachel, she possessed a
beauty which her more famous sister had not. She died in Paris
on Jan. 15 1908.
FENWICK, ETHEL GORDON [MRS. BEDFORD FENWICK] (1857-
), British nurse, was born at Spynie House, Morayshire,
Jan. 26 1857. She was educated privately, and in 1878 entered
the Children's hospital at Nottingham to be trained as a nurse.
After a short time at the Royal Infirmary, Manchester, she be-
came a sister at the London hospital (1878-81), and in 1881
was appointed matron of St. Bartholomew's hospital. In 1887
she married Dr. Bedford Fenwick (b. 1855), the well-known
gynaecologist, and henceforth devoted herself largely to the
work of reorganizing and raising the status of the nursing pro-
fession. From 1889 to 1896 she was managing directress of the
Gordon House Home hospital, and in 1887 founded the British
FERDINAND FIBRES
65
Nurses' Association, of which she was the first member. Mrs.
Bedford Fenwick has been a member of many medical and
nursing congresses and has also contributed many papers to
medical journals. She became in 1893 editor of the British
Journal of Nursing, and was a prominent member of the Society
of Women Journalists.
FERDINAND (1861- ), ex-King of Bulgaria (see 10.269),
played a leading part in the negotiations which led to the Balkan
Alliance and the Balkan War of 191 2. It was generally believed in
Bulgaria that the costly prolongation of the war in Thrace was
attributable to his ambition to capture Constantinople, and that
it was he who, as commander-in-chief, gave Savov the order
to attack the Serbs on June 29 1913. Thus the responsibility for
the disastrous second Balkan War rested with him. There is no
doubt that it was Ferdinand's policy, carried out by a subser-
vient and discredited set of ministers, which brought Bulgaria
into the World War on the side of the Central Powers. He ab-
dicated in favour of his son Boris on Oct. 4 1918 and retired to
Coburg. Queen Eleanor died at Euxinograd Sept. 12 1917 (see
BULGARIA: History).
FERRIER, PAUL (1843-1920), French dramatist (see 10.288),
died at Nouan-le-Fuzelier Sept. n 1920.
FIBRES (see 10.309). Science and technical industry during
the World War were necessarily impressed into war service. " Fi-
bres," animal and vegetable, had an obvious prominence in the
actual materiel of warfare, and their most ordinary applications
assumed intensified importance. An interesting point arose in
Germany and among her allies in the emergency adaptations
which were devised under the stress of short supplies of staple
raw materials. These restricted supplies directly influenced the
production of military explosives; cotton cellulose was supple-
mented or replaced by wood cellulose for producing nitro-cellu-
lose propellant explosives. The wood cellulose to be used for
this purpose was prepared from the " bisulphite " pulps of the
paper industry, by hydrolytic treatments under which these
crude " celluloses " were purified by the removal of 10 to 15%
of their weight of the less stable celluloses. The final product
was characterized by a much-increased proportion of a-cellulose
(Cross and Bevan), and by structural changes of the fibre;
effects which may be comprehensively described as " cottoniz-
ing." This modified cellulose has been established in Germany
as " Supersulfit," and for paper-making uses it has increased
the range of application of wood cellulose in substituting rag
celluloses. Restricted supplies of cotton, as of flax or hemp and
jute, also affected the textile industries of these countries, and
forced the production of twisted paper yams to an industry of
large dimensions, the estimated output in the concluding year of
the war being 200,000 tons. The applications of these yarns cov-
ered a wide range of textile effects, some of which are permanently
adopted. But in the main such products are substitutes, with
the fundamental defect of the short fibre-length (2-3 mm.)
which characterizes the better-prepared pulps of the papermaker.
These developments in any case are a permanent contribution
to fibre technology, and have reopened a number of problems in
the borderland region between the textile and paper-making
industries, which have the common objective of producing a
structure in continuous length from discontinuous elements, with
the fundamental distinction of dry and wet methods. It is
evident that if the control of longer fibres (e.g. 7-15 mm.) on the
Fourdrinier machine can be realized, there would result an in-
teresting extension of this competition of methods, in which a
decisive factor would be the relative cost of production.
Another raw material to claim attention especially under the
stress of war conditions was the fibre of the common nettle. The
textile potentialities of the Urticaceae have long been recognized
and the most conspicuous members of the order, which furnish
the Ramie or Rhea fibre, are the basis of established industry.
With their characteristics of great length of (bast) fibre they
have the defects of extreme variability of dimensions, and re-
quire preparation by chemical methods of separation; from the
plant, moreover, the yields of fibre on the crop- weight are low.
Notwithstanding these defects, which are exaggerated in the
case of the nettle, the industrial utilization of the plant has been
seriously prosecuted in Austria and Germany, and it appears
that, under the condition of an integral working-up of the crop
material to salable products, there is a prospect of commercial
development. Such treatment of the non-fibrous cellular debris
of this crop-plant, as of others, after separation of the primary
product in this case the fibre is indicated in recent develop-
ments of fermentation processes.
Still dealing with the emergency problems of the war period,
the revival of the long-known effects of treating jute fibre with
caustic soda (mercerizing) is noted. These effects are expressed
in the descriptive term " woollenizing ": the fibre is so modified
as to present many points of resemblance to wool. It yields to the
" carding " process, and mixes well with wools: mixtures con-
taining up to 60% of the vegetable fibre can be worked up through
the sliver and roving stages and finally spun to useful yarns.
These were worked on an increasing scale in the Central Euro-
pean countries during the war period.
As a result of the shortage of the staple paper-making raw
materials, the European industry was served in part by miscel-
laneous supplies of material. In England the reeds of the East
Anglian rivers and other districts were brought into requisition,
and experimental quantities of numerous fibrous materials were
worked up into paper and boards.
The restriction in supplies of food-stuffs in Germany and
Austria -Hungary brought forth a crop of substitutes (Ersatz-
stofe). In the agricultural section attention was directed to
the food value of the fibrous components of vegetable material
celluloses and ligno-celluloses generally classed as indigestible,
and cattle foods were adopted containing considerable propor-
tions of these more resistant elements of plant structures.
The literature on this subject has more than the passing interest
of the episode, and attention may be directed to the following:
" Digestibility of Birch Wood," Rubner, Chem. Ztg. 1915, 39, 86;
" Wood Cellulose as Fodder," Schwalbe, Z. Angew. Chem. 1918, 31,
347, and Scurti and Morbelli, Chem. Zentr. 1919, 90, 1112, and on
" Cereal Straws after various Chemical Treatments," Godden,
Jour. Agr. Soc. 1920, 10, 437; Fingerling, Z. Angew. Chem. 1918, 31,
347; Pringsheim, ibid. 1919, 32, 249.
These researches are obviously related to the more specific inves-
tigations of the destructive resolution of the celluloses, fibrous and
cellular, to ultimate products of low molecular weight. The devel-
opments of Power Spirits Ltd. and H. Langwell have established
intensive bacterial fermentations even of the resistant cellulose which
have the external characteristics of the familiar operations of the
brewer and distiller in the production of alcohol. Langwell's in-
vestigations have therefore brought these transformations withjn
such control as to become industrial operations, and as the main
products are alcohol and acetic acid there is the obvious economic
basis for commercial development.
It is clear that such developments are only indirectly involved
in the subject-matter of this article, since the fibrous celluloses and
ligno-celluloses subserve as such their special adaptations to human
requirements. It is possible to apply such processes to the utilization
of the non-fibrous rejecta of such crop plants as flax, hemp, sisal,
manila and phormium, to the production, e.g. of acetic acid, which
would make for the economic working-up of material, and the cover-
ing of costs of production of the staple fibres yielded by these plants.
The direct contributions of these investigations to organic science
are obvious and far-reaching: they extend and define certain con-
stitutional relationships of the celluloses, as chemical individuals,
of first importance; and elucidate many aspects of the plant world in
its primary functions as well as its correlations of interdependence
with the animal world.
The influence of war conditions likewise brought about the
extension of the applications of the Kapok " fibre " (seed hair)
in the composition of marine life-saving appliances. These de-
pend primarily on the low density of a mass of this fibre, even
when much compressed, as in the stuffing or filling of the familiar
life-saving jackets which now replace the cork-lined appliances
of the i gth century. The flotation powers of an enclosed mass
of Kapok is measured in terms of the volume of unit weight
(i gramme) when forced by hand compression into a regular
cylinder. This volume is 10-12 cub. cm., and is a multiple of the
volume of an equal weight of cork substance of highest quality.
The fibre has the further advantage of being compressible in
mass whereas cork is relatively rigid. A jacket can therefore be
constructed and filled with the fibre in such a way as to carry
66
FILON FILTER-PASSING GERMS
out the ideal distribution of floating effect so as to prevent sub-
mergence of the mouth of the wearer. The properties of the fibre
causing this are in the main structural. The fibre canal holds
a relatively large volume of air: the smooth contour of the fibre
and the resilience of the air-filled tube give a large interstitial
(air) volume of the mass even under considerable compression.
In a general survey of the fibre industries there is no disturb-
ance of their fundamental perspectives nor any radical changes
in their many-sided technology to record during 1910-21. The
developments of the artificial (celluloses) fibres was rather im-
peded under the stress of war conditions, though without preju-
dice to the financial prosperity of the leading manufacturing
corporations. There is a new manufacture of an artificial silk
from the cellulose acetate of the British Cellulose Co. (Dreyfus
processes). This product, as a cellulose ester, has certain prop-
erties e.g. lower specific gravity, with a water-resistant qual-
ity which are points of superiority in relation to the cellu-
lose " artificials." On the other hand, it is of lower tensile
strength, of inferior dyeing capacity, and its cost of production
is higher. Its production therefore is limited in scale.
In raw fibrous materials for the paper-making industry, there have
been developments in the production of cotton-seed lint, and the prep-
aration of pulp from the bamboo, and of a concentrated fibre (quar--
ter-stuff) from the papyrus (Cyperus). (See E. de Segundo, " Re-
sidual Fibres from Cotton Seed," Jour. R. Soc. Arts, Feb. 1919;
C. F. Cross, "Cellulose Industries," ibid. 1920 [Cantor Lectures];
W. Raitt, " Paper Supplies from India," ibid. May 1921.)
Note should be made of an investigation by W. L. Balls of the
ultimate structure of the cotton fibre. By a chemical reaction which
induces a controlled distention (by hydration) of the cell wall,
without structural distention, the dimensions of the structure are
exaggerated to a large multiple which brings into evidence a series
of concentric rings which are the daily growth rings of the hair or
fibre (Proc. R. S., B., vol. xc. 1919). (C. F. C.)
FILON, (PIERRE MARIE) AUGUSTIN (1841-1916), French
man of letters (see 10.345), died at Croydon May 13 1916.
In 1910 he published a short biography of Marie Stuart, and in
1911 L'Angleterre d'Edouard VII. and a dramatic poem Shake-
speare amoureux. His Souvenirs et documents, relating to his
former pupil, the Prince Imperial, appeared in 1914.
FILTER-PASSING GERlMS. The discovery by Pasteur of the
significance of microbic life in the phenomena of fermentation,
putrefaction and disease and the development by Koch of an
appropriate technique for the new science of bacteriology had
already led in a comparatively few years to the determination of
the causation of many infectious diseases of man and animals.
There remained, however, a number of diseases of man and
animals and amongst these some common maladies such as
typhus, measles, smallpox, foot and mouth disease, swine fever,
rabies and cattle plague in which the cause had not been dis-
coverable by the methods of microscopical examination and
cultivation which proved successful in so many cases. It was
suggested by Pasteur, who searched in vain for the infective agent
of rabies, that some microbes were too small to be visible with the
optical apparatus at disposal. There is no reason a priori to
suppose that the lower limit of size of microbic organisms should
be of a dimension at present discernible, and the question raised
by Pasteur was answered ten years later by the discovery made
by Loeffler in 1898 that the virus of foot and mouth disease was
invisible. The limit of visibility of a particle is in the last instance
conditioned by the wave length of light. With the best modern
microscopes employing white light of which the average wave
length is 0-55/1 (n T^ira mm.) this limit is rather less than
o-2/i. If ultra-violet light of half this wave length is used, photo-
graphs of objects of about o-i/x in diameter can be made. The
existence of particles of much smaller size can be demonstrated
by the method of dark-ground illumination (Tyndall phenome-
non), when they appear as bright points. The limit appears to
depend upon the intensity of illumination and with direct sun-
light is 0-004/1..
Invisibility of a microbe commonly handicaps every effort at
its isolation, propagation and identification, but does not render
them impossible of achievement, for the existence of a living
virus in an optically clear liquid may still be demonstrated by
its power to infect an animal or plant, or produce recognizable
chemical changes in a medium. The existence of these ultra-
microscopic viruses was brought to light unexpectedly through
the instrumentality of so-called " bacterial filters." These are
constructed of fine-grained unglazed porcelain, clay or infusorial
earth. They are commonly moulded in the shape of hollow
candles and fired at a high temperature. Liquid is made to pass
through the walls of the filters, which vary from a quarter to half
an inch in thickness, by hydrostatic pressure or by suction with
some form of exhaust pump. Use of such filters to separate
bacteria from the products of their activity was first made in
1871. Since that time they have become a usual part of the
equipment of a bacteriological laboratory and have been ex-
tensively employed to free water from microbes for domestic use.
In structure the wall of a filter resembles a bed of sand on a
diminutive scale, with crevices of variable size between the
particles and a good many splits and holes of larger dimensions
throughout the matrix. The different types of filter vary in their
permeability according to the fineness of the pores and thickness
of the wall. The smallest passages are of the order of 0-2 to
0-5 in the case of the porcelain filters and 0-2 to 0-8 in those
made of infusorial earth. The size of the smaller pores is of the
same order of magnitude as that of the smallest bacteria, and the
power of a filter to hold back these microbes depends upon the
walls being of sufficient thickness to ensure that a bacterium will
become impacted in one of the smaller passages through which
the liquid in which it is suspended has to pass. If a filter through
which a liquid containing bacteria in suspension has been filtered
be allowed to remain for a few days immersed in a nutrient fluid,
the bacteria caught in the interstices divide and multiply and
generally manage to grow through the walls of the filter, for,
during growth, the cells can adapt themselves to the size and
shape of the crevices. On this account filters cannot be relied
upon to render drinking-water secure unless removed and steri-
lized by heat at least every second day. The similarity in magni-
tude of filter-pore and bacterium is not a coincidence, but due to
selection of material for the manufacture of the filters of such
size of grain as to afford a bacteria-free filtrate and at the same
time the maximal flow of liquid. In other words, bacterial filters
have been made to fit the known microbes.
The first discovery of an ultra-microscopic or filterable virus
was made by Loeffler in 1898 in the course of some experiments
upon foot and mouth disease in which a filter of infusorial earth
was being used to remove ordinary recognizable bacteria from
the diluted contents of the superficial vesicles which are charac-
teristic of this disease. The filtrate was free from any particles
visible by the microscope and no bacteria developed in it on
cultivation. Nevertheless, injection of this filtrate into animals
caused the disease. Material removed from the vesicles of the
animal so infected and filtered again reproduced the disease in a
fresh animal. Similar experiments were carried out through a
number of generations of experimental animals, so that there was
no doubt that a virus capable of propagation was contained in
the filtrates. In the next few years the filterability of the virus
was established in the case of infectious pleuro-pneumonia of
cattle, South African horse-sickness, fowl plague and mosaic
disease of the tobacco plant, in which patches of discoloration
occur in the leaves and, spreading rapidly, destroy them. With
the exception of the virus of pleuro-pneumonia, which is just
on the margin of visibility, all are invisible.
The first virus of a human disease which was found to be small
enough to pass a bacterial filter was that of yellow fever. The
observation was made by the American commission to study
yellow fever in Havana in 1901. The cause of yellow fever has
recently been shown to be an organism which, owing to its thin-
ness and motility, can pass through a bacterial filter.
Up to the year 1921 the virus of 38 diseases of man, animals
or plants had been found to pass through a bacterial filter by
some reliable observer. The more important of these are the
following: foot and mouth disease, contagious bovine pleuro-
pneumonia, mosaic or spotted disease of the tobacco plant,
African horse-sickness, fowl plague, yellow fever, cattle plague,
FINANCE
sheep-pox, epithelioma conlagiosum of birds, swine fever, rabies,
cow-pox (vaccinia), molluscum conlagiosum of man, equine in-
fectious pernicious anaemia, canine distemper, " blue tongue "
of sheep, dengue fever, papataci or sand-fly fever, smallpox,
trachoma, poliomyelitis, scarlatina, measles, typhus fever, and
trench fever. There are many observations indicating that the
primary cause of pandemic influenza may be a filterable virus.
Two filterable viruses fall into a class apart. They are dis-
tinguished from the others in that they do not seem to produce
disease directly by their poisonous activities but rather to stimu-
late certain cells of the body in the neighbourhood of their in-
oculation to excessive and anarchical development. The injection
of these viruses into certain varieties of fowls leads to sarcomatous
new-growths of great malignity. In the one case it is a pure sar-
coma, in the other a mixed tumour, an osteo-chondro sarcoma.
These malignant tumours spread not only by proliferation at the
point of origin but some of the cells of which they are composed,
boring their way into blood vessels and lymphatics, are carried
all over the body, giving rise to similar tumours in internal organs.
The metastases as well as the primary tumours contain the virus,
and if extracted with water and filtered through a bacterial
filter, whereby all the cells of which the tumour is composed
are held back, the filtrate may be dried and powdered and the
powder retains its original property of exciting the formation
of these malignant tumours in suitable animals into which it is
injected. The experiment may be repeated indefinitely through
generations of young chicks, showing that the virus propagates
itself and appears to live in some sort of symbiotic manner with
the particular cells it excites to inordinate development.
It frequently happens that one observer succeeds in passing a
particular virus through a filter, whilst another fails. When the
particles of a virus are of the same order of magnitude as the crevices
of the filter this may well happen, as in any case the majority will be
retained in the wall of the filter. Even when the size of the particles
of virus are much less than that of the smaller pores, they are liable
to be deposited upon the walls of the minute passages under the
influence of surface action and the filtrate becomes thereby greatly
reduced in concentration.
In addition to size, shape, and rigidity of particles, the conditions
under which filtration is carried out, pressure, temperature and
amount of liquid passed through the filter, exert an influence. With
high pressure some may be forced through which would otherwise
be obstructed. This is particularly the case when the particles are of
unequal dimensions in two planes. The nature and reaction of the
liquid in which the virus is suspended is also of importance. If
suspended in a colloidal solution such as blood serum or a slimy
emulsion of nerve tissue, high dilution is necessary for the colloidal
particles of the solution or emulsion are themselves deposited on the
walls of the pores and rapidly reduce the permeability of the filter.
Reaction plays a part by modifying the electric charge on the particles
and thereby facilitating or hindering their aggregation and deposition
on the surface of the filter pores which is also charged.
The fact that a virus, under certain circumstances, traverses a
bacterial filter, does not tell us any more as to its nature than that it
is very small, or at least very thin, and of the order of o-l to 0-2 /*
or less in its smallest diameter. It is not necessary to assume a
contagmm fliiidum in the case of those viruses which are outside the
range of visibility under the best optical arrangements at present
available. The particulate nature of the infective agent of rabies,
fowl plague, variola and vaccinia, is indicated by the fact that the
upper layer of a liquid containing them may be deprived of infec-
tivity by prolonged subjection to a powerful centrifugal force.
Little is known about most of these filterable viruses. They ap-
pear to be of various natures, and the only property common to them
is minuteness. The parasite responsible for yellow fever is a small
spirochaete, those occasioning bovine pleuro-pneumonia and human
poliomyelitis are just on the margin of visibility and have been
cultivated in artificial media. Some of them occur in the blood of
the patient during the acute stage of the illness and are transported
to a fresh host by the bite of blood-sucking insects. The infections
of yellow fever and dengue are conveyed by the mosquito (Stegomyia
fasciata). That of papataci fever is transmitted by the sandfly
(Phlebotomus papatasu), and that of typhus and trench fevers by
lice. In each case some days elapse before the insect is capable of
handing on the infection, indicating that an interval for the mul-
tiplication of the parasite is necessary. It is possible that a stage in
the life-history of the parasite can only occur in the body of the insect
host. Some filterable viruses, such as smallpox, cowpox, foot-and-
mouth disease, and molluscum contagiosum give rise to superficial
lesions, and are spread by contact; others occasion catarrh of the
respiratory passages and are distributed by coughing and intimate
contact, as in distemper, measles, scarlet fever and pleuro-pneumo-
nia. In many cases the precise method of infection had still been
undetermined in 1921. (C. J. M.*)
FINANCE (see 10.34). The continuous developments of na-
tional finance in the different countries of the world during 1910-
21 are dealt with in articles under separate headings, where the
relevant statistics in each case will be found (see ENGLISH
FINANCE, and the sections on "finance" in the articles under
country-headings, e.g. UNITED STATES, FRANCE, GERMANY, etc.).
Under other headings also the mechanism of finance and the
chief subjects of general financial-economic interest are further
discussed, historically and statistically, on their own account.
Thus the new developments of special moment arising in con-
nexion with the market for securities are discussed under STOCK
EXCHANGE, those affecting the money-market under MONEY-
MARKET, questions of foreign exchange under EXCHANGES,
FOREIGN, banking under BANKING (together with the article
on the new FEDERAL RESERVE BANKING SYSTEM in the United
States), and insurance in its various forms under INSURANCE.
Similarly, reference may be made to the articles NATIONAL
DEBT, GOLD, SILVER, WAR LOAN PUBLICITY CAMPAIGNS (Brit-
ish), LIBERTY LOAN PUBLICITY CAMPAIGNS (American), DOLLAR
SECURITIES MOBILIZATION (as part of British Government fi-
nance during the war), SAVINGS MOVEMENT, INFLATION, PROFI-
TEERING, INCOME-TAX, EXCESS PROFITS DUTY, COST OF LIVING,
WAGES, PRICES, FOOD SUPPLY, RATIONING, CAPITALISM, COM-
MUNISM, MARKETING, etc., for particular questions which have
either loomed larger, or emerged as practically new problems,
in the financial and commercial world. Incidentally, the finan-
cial effects of the World War form an integral part of the history
of every form of human activity during the period, and therefore
receive appropriate consideration under numerous other head-
ings where the subject-matter belongs to the sphere of business
and economics.
It only remains here to gather up the threads of the general
world-situation in finance, as it stood towards the close of 1921.
The end of the war had left the whole financial world in
1919 in a state of chaos. 1 Its conditions were comprehensively
reviewed in 1920 at the International Financial Conference
which, as arranged by the League of Nations in Feb., met at Brus-
sels from Sept. 24 to Oct. 8. There were 86 representatives of
TABLE I. National Wealth, and Budget Revenue and Expenditure '
(in dollars)
o
fi.
C .
a
rt
6
*-t in
C
^2-
.2 o
+j N
"
s
3
41
G
CU 1-.
, t c
etj <^
C- r^
-H CI
b
E *--5
O
> *"*
C nT
&
S T3
It re
U)
c*S
V s-^.
(A
|-J
en
Country
1
8
o-c
O *""
U
CX OJ
ll
s
a>
S rt
-si
A)
i t
u 0.
9 u
s
*T3
m QJ
u ai
E a
M
^ 3
G
4-J C
V "
a
G
" S
ll
O l -
u
u
l_l
i-i 4_>
<U o
g
*!
U "m
O OJ
a
(2
o"
V
(a)
(A)
(c)
(d)
w
(/)
(g)
(A)
(O
U.S.A.
Australia
United Kingdom .
France ....
Canada ....
Germany 3
364
258
243
185
1 80
149
7-5
17
19
22
17
8
2
8
12
9
S
730
342
416
239
335
72
70
28
100
34
33
n
JO
S
24
'4
10
15
70
63
IOO
84
75
25
JO
/5
24
25
3i
35
Italy . . . .
no
H
13
88
12
14
25
28
Japan ....
30
6-5
22
76
8
IT
10
/?
1 Nothing is said here of Russia, which, economically and finan-
cially, was in collapse, with its internal and external trade-relations
completely paralyzed (see RUSSIA). It may be mentioned that, in
192 1 , a somewhat farcical turn was given to the hopeless depreciation
of the ruble by an official exchange-rate of 133,000 rubles to the
being " fixed ' by the Soviet government. Any other huge figure
would have done as well! The progress of ruble inflation is shown
by the following figures for the total issues in circulation (in million
rubles) : Aug. 1914, 1,700; Jan. 1915, 3,215; Jan. 1916, 5,737; Jan.
1917, 9,225; Nov. 1917 (Kerensky), 18,917; Jan. 1919 (Bolshevist),
61,265; Jan. 1920, 225,216; Jan. 1921, 1,168,598; Jan. 1922 (est.),
2,000,000.
2 Pre-war figures in dollars at par of exchange: post-war at ex-
change of Sept. 30 1920. 3 Reparations liability excluded.
68
FINANCE
39 countries at the conference Argentina, Armenia, Australia,
Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, China, Czecho-
slovakia, Denmark, Esthonia, Finland, France, Germany,
Greece, Guatemala, Holland, Hungary, India, Italy, Japan,
Latvia, Lithuania, Luxemburg, New Zealand, Norway, Peru,
Poland, Portugal, Rumania, the Serb-Croat-Slovene State
(Yugoslavia), South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, United
Kingdom, United States, and Uruguay.
TABLE II. National Taxation per head in 1920, in dollars.
C*M+Jk
Taxation per
head in $ at par
of exchange.
Taxation per
head in $ at ex-
change rates on
Sept. 30 1920.
oullc
Indirect
Indirect
Direct
and Taxes
on Trans-
r Direct
and Taxes
on Trans-
actions.
actions.
Belgium
197
14-1
7-i
5-1
France ....
32-2
40-2
II*I
13-8
Italy ....
12-9
27-6
2-8
5-9
Portugal
4-4
8-4
0-7
1-2
United Kingdom
68-6
38-9
48-9
27-7
Australia
1ST
16-5
10-8
n-8
British India
0-19
0-63
O-OI
0-41
New Zealand
45-8
26-8
32-8
19-2
South Africa
6-3
5-8
4-5
4-2
Hol|and
16-2
10-5
12-6
8-2
Spain ....
6-6
5'2
5-o
4-0
Switzerland
4-6
4'2
3-8
3-5
Sweden.
13-9
9-7
10-3
7-2
Norway
36-8
"5
19-9
6-2
Denmark
27-8
19-6
14-9
io-5
Finland
19-4
27-4
3-1
4'4
Greece ....
3'i
7'4
1-6
4-0
U.S.A
37-0
16-8
37-o
16-8
Japan ....
2-9
2-5
3-o
2-6
In the Final Report of the Conference (as adopted on Oct. 8),
it was pointed out that the effects of the World War had varied
immensely according as the various nations had been involved
in it. Among the European belligerents, Belgium, Bulgaria,
France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Italy and Portugal,
had become burdened with an enormous volume of debt, in-
ternal and external. Their internal debt (converted into
American dollars at par) had reached about 155 milliards
(thousands of millions of dollars) as compared with about 17
milliards in 1913; and their new external debt was about 13
milliards. Their expenditures had increased by amounts vary-
ing between 500 and 1,500 per cent, reaching between 20 and
40 per cent of their national incomes, the highest percentage
being shown by France. In spite of attempts to restore their
financial equilibrium, in some instances by the imposition of
additional taxation, they still showed (with the exception of
Great Britain) a large gap between income and expenditure.
TABLE III. The Burden of Debt, 1913-20, in dollars.
i
E
;2*
' w t
_r
'^^
o
J5
*
- O
a
**~*
o
_c
<L>
a) d
bag
a
A
*0
'^
to _i
tfi ~
O fl)
s
S~.
u
tn
s
Country
jj)J3
tij::
"o
a v
ov
* J
V
?.
* u
60
nj i-i
8 x
r3 &,
o
M
(d
a
E
O
B
4)
e
1
d
o
u
1
$
CM
w
O
Ej
B
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
55
(/)
(g)
U.S.A. .
364
12
3
730
223
J/
Australia
United Kingdom
258
243
10
75
4
31
342
416
217
582
63
140
France .
Canada .
Germany
185
1 80
149
164
68
18
89
12
239
335
72
379
313
52 ''
158
93
72*
Italy
no
82
74
88
102
116
Japan
30
26
76
31
4i
'At par of exchange. 2 At exchange on Sept. 30 1920. 'Repara-
tions liability excluded.
They had lost a large proportion of their pre-war gold-holdings
and had enormously increased their paper currencies. A number
of new states had been created as the result of the war, while
some previously existing states had had their territories pro-
foundly modified. These included Armenia, Austria, Czecho-
slovakia, Esthonia, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Latvia,
Lithuania, Poland, Rumania, Serbia and Turkey. In most of
them the machinery of an orderly financial system was not yet
in operation in 1920.
TABLE IV. Gold Movements, IQIJ-IQIQ: In Dollars at par of Ex-
change (ooo,ooo's omitted).
Gold
in Banks
Gold
Country
and in
in Banks
Circulation
1919.
(i) EUROPEAN
Belgium
68
51-3
France
1,192
1,078
Italy
289
204
Portugal
16-5
10-6
United Kingdom ....
764
574
Holland
71-7
256
Spain
Switzerland
92-4'
44
471
IOO
Sweden
30-8
75-6
Norway
17-9
39'2
Denmark
19-6
60-8
Finland
10-6
8-2
Greece
8
10-7
Rumania
31-8
I '3
Germany
836-7
261-4
Austria-Hungary ....
295
46-7
Bulgaria
IO-8 1
7-1
Total '.
3,798-8
3,255-9
(2) OTHER COUNTRIES
Australia
206
211
Canada . . .
144'
185
New Zealand
33-5
South Africa
36'
33-6
U.S.A.
2,930
4,i83 2
Argentina
245
465
206
1,029*
Total
3,800-5
6,139-7
Grand Total of European and Other
Countries
7,599-3
9-395-6
'Gold in banks only. * Includes gold in circulation.
In the neutral European countries, including Denmark, Hol-
land, Luxemburg, Norway, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland,
financial difficulties were also serious. Heavy expenditure had
been incurred owing to the war, and they had had la/gely to
increase their internal debts. This increase in expenditure was
mainly due to rise of prices. In some cases it had been met by
increased taxation, but Holland, Switzerland and Spain showed
considerable budget deficits. During the war their trade bal-
ances had been made artificially favourable, owing to demand
by the belligerents for their products, and the stoppage of im-
ports; and the resulting accumulation of gold in their banks had
led to expansion of currency and a further rise in prices. After
the war they had to import goods to replenish stocks, and, owing
to the premium on their exchanges as compared with the de-
preciated currencies of the belligerents, it was difficult to main-
tain their export trade; thus what would otherwise have seemed
favourable factors had become an embarrassment.
It was the countries outside Europe that were most favour-
ably situated economically. Some of them had been able to pay
off a large part of their external debts and had even made loans
to former creditors. This was particularly the case with the
United States of America. But there, too, the accumulations of
gold had helped the rise in prices, and the appreciation of ex-
change rendered more difficult a maintenance of exports, for
which the restoration of purchasing power among their European
customers was necessary.
In every country of the world, the purchasing power of the
national currency had diminished; and the cost of living, as
FINANCE
69
expressed in terms of that currency, had increased. With few
exceptions, neutrals as well as belligerents (the United States
standing alone in this respect) had ceased to be on a gold basis,
and in any case the value of gold itself in terms of commodities
had diminished to about one-half. International trade had been
dislocated, and diverted from its normal channels. The inability
of Europe to export during the war had forced normal customers
to look elsewhere, and to develop production at home or in new
centres overseas; and Europe's need for imports had compelled
realization of her foreign capital holdings, which were thus no
longer available as a credit basis. Instability and depreciation
of exchange impeded both buyer and seller. With half the
world producing less than it consumed and having insufficient
exports to pay for its imports, credits alone could bridge the gulf
TABLE V. Notes in Circulation (000,000' s omitted), 1913 and
Country
Notes in Circulation.
1913
1919
Belligerent Countries of Europe.
Belgium (Franc)
1,067
4,786
Bulgaria (Leva)
189
2,299
France (Franc)
5,713
37,327
Germany (Mark) ....
2,562
62,036
Greece (Drachma) ....
311
1,412
Italy (Lira)
2,783
18,814
Portugal (Milreis) ....
91
382
United Kingdom () .
35
449
Austria-Hungary (Krone) .
2,494
54-481
Finland (F. Mark) ....
113
1,124
Rumania (Leu)
571
6,603'
Neutral Countries of Europe.
Denmark (Krone) ....
151
489
Holland (Gulden) ....
3'7
1,099
Luxemburg (Franc) ....
6-2
224
Norway (Krone)
1 08
454
Spain (Peseta)
1,924
3,856
Sweden (Krone)
234
748
Switzerland (Franc) ....
318
i, 06 1
Countries Outside Europe.
Argentina (Peso) ....
777
1,278
Australia () ....
9.9
56-8
Brazil (Milreis) ....
899
1,748
British India (Rupee)
645
1,829
Canada ($) . ....
211
44 2
Japan (Yen) ^ ....
426
1,336'
New Zealand () ....
1-7
7-8
South Africa () ....
2-4
9-o 2
United States of America ($)
1,069
4,212
Uruguay (Peso)
21-5
69-3
1 Includes notes of National Bank of Rumania and notes issued
during the German occupation; excludes kronen, ruble notes, etc.
2 March 1920. 'February 1920.
between seller and buyer, and credits were rendered difficult by
the very causes which made them necessary.
Such being described as the position in 1920, the Conference
came to its recommendations. And the Report premised that,
first and foremost, what the world still needed was peace.
"Finance" was, after all, only a reflection of commercial and
economic life; as the wealth of the world consists of the products
of man's work, the sum total of human prosperity could only be
increased by an increase of Production; and all that organized
international action could provide would be conditions favour-
able to Production, the most important of which lay outside
the financial sphere. Social content, and the "will to work,"
must first be restored. Yet, even if a maximum Production were
to be attained, it still required a financial system which would
facilitate exchange and distribution, and herein lay the problems
which the Conference had met to consider. The financial state-
ments presented by the various countries showed that, on the
average, about 20 per cent of national expenditures was still
being devoted to armaments, and the Conference affirmed that
" the world cannot afford this expenditure." There must be an
agreement to reduce it. In nearly three out of four of the
countries represented, and in nearly n out of 12 of European
countries, budgets in 1919-20 did not balance, and many of them
showed no prospect of doing so in the near future. Where na-
tional expenditure was higher than existing revenue, fresh tax-
ation must be imposed. Government subsidies; concealing the
real cost price of commodities, must be abandoned. Loans
required for urgent capital purposes must be raised out of the
real savings of the people; and since these savings had so largely
been pledged ahead for past war-credits, the first step must be
to fund undigested floating debts. Currency inflation (which had
substantially represented undertaxation or the existence of an
unscientific system of taxation) must be stopped, and it was
desirable to take any possible steps towards the restoration of
an effective gold standard; but deflation must be carried out
gradually and with great caution, and the Conference regarded
it as useless to attempt to fix the ratio of existing fiduciary
currencies to their normal gold value, nor would it recommend
any scheme of "stabilization" for the value of gold, believing
that neither an international currency nor an international
unit of account would serve any useful purpose. Attempts to
limit fluctuations in exchange by artificial control on exchange
operations were futile and mischievous; but in countries where
there was no central bank of issue one should be established,
and if the assistance of foreign capital were required for its pro-
motion some form of international control might be necessary.
TABLE VI. Comparison of Foreign Trade in 1913 and 1919 (value
in dollars).
Imports
Exports
Value
Value
Countries
1919
1919
1913
1919
as %
1913
1919
as%
$(ooo,ooo's)
of
$(ooo ooo's)
of
1913
1913
EUROPEAN
United Kingdom
3,206
6,401
200
2,554
3,454
135
Germany
2,567
1,487
58
2,407
392
16
France .
1,625
4,044
249
1,328
1,114
84
Belgium.
895
665
74
701
271
38
Italy
704
1,835
261
485
539
III
Switzerland
370
660
178
265
612
231
Spain
252
176
70
204
257
126
Sweden .
227
612
269
219
379
173
Denmark
206
528
256
171
163
95
Portugal
96
114
1 20
38
57
'SO
Finland .
96
164
171
78
44
56
Bulgaria
36
55
153
18
33
183
Greece .
34
293
862
23
136
590
EXTRA-EUROPEAN
U.S.A. .
1,757
3-733
212
2,448
7,751
317
India . .
733
935
127
809
1,237
'53
Canada .
659
906
"37
436
1,195
274
Argentina
China .
479
416
60 1
900
125
216
501
294
948
878
189
298
Australia
380
364
96
365
576
158
Japan .
362
1,120
310
313
1,072
343
Brazil .
326
357
109
318
584
183
South Africa
195
205
105
132
209
158
New Zealand
104
130
125
1 02
229
224
Peru
30
53
177
44
H7
267
The Conference recognized that time would be needed for
financial reconstruction, and some countries could not resume
economic activity without foreign assistance; but a warning was
given generally that external credits should not be accorded
directly by foreign Governments. It was suggested that an
international organization should be formed for arranging cred-
its for states which needed the means of paying for essential
imports, and such states would have to notify what assets they
were prepared to pledge as security; bonds issued against such
a state guarantee might be used as collateral for credits intended
to cover the cost of commodities (the Ter Meulen plan: see
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN). Meanwhile, international commerce
should, as soon as possible, be freed from artificial impediments.
Finally, the Conference drew the attention of the League of
Nations to the advisability of providing various miscellaneous
reforms, unification of laws relating to bills of exchange and
bills of lading, reciprocal treatment of branches of foreign banks
in different countries, publication of financial information in a
clear comparative form, an international clearing-house, and
other such matters; and an international understanding was also
advocated under which, while effective systems of taxation
FINANCE
should be adopted in each country so as to ensure full contribu-
tion from individuals according to their capacity to pay, there
should be avoided any such incidence of "double" taxation
which would form an obstacle, as it was still doing, to the in-
vestment of capital abroad.
Among the documents presented to the Conference (and pub-
lished with the Report) there was included a large amount of
material of permanent value to the financial historian, the
nature of which can only be indicated here statements of the
existing financial position in each country, together with analy-
ses of international trade movements, gold holdings and cur-
rency expansion, and papers by financial experts on the main
outstanding problems. Taken as a whole, these documents pro-
vided a full comparative account of the changes in the inter-
national financial position between 1913 and 1920.
In the separate articles on national finance in this Encyclo-
paedia, under the headings for each country, its history during
the extended period of 1910-21 is sufficiently narrated to make
jt unnecessary here, however, to refer to anything but general
and comparative international considerations; and for the pur-
pose of showing the salient changes between the pre-war and
post-war positions the most instructive figures presented to the
Brussels Conference (comparison being best shown in terms of
dollars) are probably those reproduced in the accompanying
tables (partly rearranged), representing national wealth (income)
as compared with budget revenue and expenditure (Table I.),
national taxation in 1920 (Table II.), the burden of debt (Table
III.: see also NATIONAL DEBT), gold-movements between 1913
and 1919 (Table IV.), notes in circulation (Table V.), and the
amount of foreign trade (Tables VI. and VII.). For the foreign-
exchange problem, see EXCHANGES, FOREIGN; but here the com-
parative figures are brought up to the latest available dates in
the two tables (VIII. and IX.) which show the London rates
on Dec. 22 1921, and the New York rates on Jan. 14 1922.
In spite of the recommendations of the Brussels Conference,
very slight progress was made during 1921 so far as the general
position of international finance was concerned. The depression
in trade, affecting more particularly the United Kingdom and
the United States the only countries intrinsically capable of
functioning up to their productive capacity consequent on the
lack of international purchasing-power, and really representing
a world-condition of underconsumption (mistakenly called
" overproduction " by those who looked only at its superficial
aspect), added to the difficulties of immediate recovery. The
protracted controversies in the political arena over reparation-
payments by Germany, due partly to aggressive French insist-
ence, partly to a general lack of comprehension of their economic
aspects, left European statesmen little opportunity to devote
themselves to ordinary business questions. The instability of the
exchanges made the situation peculiarly difficult for the business
men themselves. The fact that the United States, during 1920-1,
had disinterested itself in European troubles, and was not lend-
ing the financial assistance and cooperation which had been so
confidently expected when the war ended, was a vital factor in
the financial detente. British Labour was in serious conflict with
Capital and with the Government; and the troubles in Ireland,
together with the public demand for more drastic Government
economies in expenditure (" an ti- waste "), made it impracticable
for Great Britain to take the lead in securing any material ad-
vance towards a constructive world-policy in international
finance. A theoretically correct, but practically premature,
policy of "deflation," on the part of the official pundits in
London, together with the crippling effect of the very high scale
of taxation, kept British Government finance technically
"sound," but it checked British industrial and commercial
enterprise at a stage when wiser counsels, if they could have
been brought into operation, should, it may be thought, have
put into the forefront the provision of financial facilities for the
rebuilding of British trade. And in the United States the same
policy, adopted by the American bankers and Government from
the lead given by the Bank of England and in Whitehall, was
followed, as in Great Britain, by a great increase of unemploy-
ment, although, merely from a financial point of view, it might
have seemed that American resources should now have been
ample by contrast with British for a more "adventurous"
programme. In the financial history of 1910-21 no fact, indeed,
is likely to seem more remarkable eventually than that, during
this period, the United States, which had been unhurt by the
war and had made enormous profits during the course of it
which had been converted from a debtor into a creditor country,
TABLE VII. Foreign Trade: Value in National Currency (ooo,ooo's omitted).
Country
IQI3
IQIQ
Imports
Exports
Excess of
Imports over
Exports +
Excess of Exports
over Imports
Imports
Exports
Excess of
Imports over
Exports +
Excess of
Exports over
Imports
I
Belgium (Franc)
Bulgaria (Leva)
Jelligerent Co
4,636
189
8,421
10,770
178
3-646
89
659
495
Neutral Cou
771
3,9i8
1,306
847
1,920
Countries i
496
78
1,007
2,257 4
659
726
21-4
40
1,757
untries of EL
3-634
93
6,880
10,099
119
2,512
35
525
45
ntries of Eur
637
3,083
1,057
817
1.376
Dutside Euro
519
75
982
2,490*
436
629
21
27
2,448
rope.
+ 1,002
+ 96
+ 1,541 {
+ 671
+ 59
+ I.I34
+ 54
+ 134
+ 90
ope.
+ 134
+ 835
+ 249
+ 30
+ 544
pe.
- 23
+ 3
+ 25
- 233*
+ 223
+ 97
+ 0-4
+ , 13
- 6qi
5,246
964
29,778 '
29, 1 88
32,376
1,619
16,517
231
1,467
2,505
2,357
2,825
899
2,499
3,533
620
82
1,334
2,326*
941
2,125
30
46
3,733
2,296
552
8.7I3 1
7,429 *
10,057
753
5-189
no
798
843
734
1,411
1,316
1,589
3.298
959'
131
2,179
3,058<
1,241
2,051
52
47
7,75i
+ 2,950
+ 412
+ 21,065'
+ 21,759'
+ 22,319
+ 866
+ 11,328
+ 121
+ 669
+ 1,662
+ 1,623
+ I-4H
- 427
+ 910
+ 235
- 339
49
- 845
- 732 4
300
+ 74
22
I
- 4,01 8
Germany (Mark)
Italy (Lira)
Portugal (Milreis)
United Kingdom ()
Finland (Mark) . . .
Holland (Gulden)
Spain (Peseta)
Sweden (Krone)
Australia ()
Brazil (Milreis) .
British India (Rupee)
Canada (Dollar) .
Japan (Yen)
New Zealand () .
South Africa () .
United States of America (Dollar)
"Including Alsace-Lorraine. 'Excluding Alsace-Lorraine. 'Estimated on nine months of 1919. 4 Including treasure.
FINLAND
TABLE VIII. London Rates
New York (to )
Paris (to )
Brussels (to )
Berlin (to )
Vienna (to )
Amsterdam (to )
Switzerland (to )
Stockholm (to )
Christiania (to )
Copenhagen (to )
Italy (to )
Madrid (to )
$4.20^
. 53 fr.
55 fr. 200.
755 m.
11,500 kr.
II fl. 42 c.
21 fr. 51 c.
16.85 kr.
26.75 kr.
20.85 kr.
93 1- 5 c.
28 pes. 35 c.
of Exchange (Dec. 22 1921).
Greece (to )
Budapest (to )
Warsaw (to )
Helsingfors (to )
Mexico (d. to $)
Buenos Aires (d. to J>)
Rio (d. to milreis)
Valparaiso ($ to )
Calcutta (d. to rupee)
Shanghai (d. to tael)
Yokohama (d. to yen)
TABLE IX. New York Rates of Exchange (Jan. 14 1922).
London (to ) $4.23
Paris (to 100 fr.) 8.23
Belgium (to 100 fr.) 7.88
Switzerland (to 100 fr.) 19.45
Italy (to 100 1.) 4.44
Berlin (to 100 m.) 0.56
Austria (to 100 kr.) 0.04
Hungary (to 100 kr.) 0.17
Czechoslovakia (to iookr.)i.66
Yugoslavia (to 100 kr.) 0.35
Poland (to loo m.) 0.04!
Rumania (to 100 leu) 0.82
Finland (to 100 m.) 1.89
Spain (to 100 pes.) $15.
Holland (to 100 fl.) 36.87
Greece (to 100 dr.) 4.50
Denmark (to 100 kr.) 20.
Norway (to 100 kr.) 15.72
Sweden (to 100 kr.) 24.95
Shanghai (to 100 taels) 75.
Calcutta (to 100 rupees) 28.
Japan (to 100 yen) 47.75
Argentina (to 100
paper dollars) 33-625
Brazil (to 100 paper
milreis) 12.875
Chile (to 100 paper pesos) 9.55
and had been the recipient of such huge amounts of gold from
Europe should, in its banking operations, have only hoarded
this gold, without utilizing it as a further basis of interest-pro-
ducing credit, up to the point of accumulating a domestic bank-
ing reserve of about 75 per cent, at a time when the whole of the
rest of the world was in want of capital to set business going
again. The American people were slow to see that the appre-
ciation of the dollar was a source of weakness, not of strength.
On Jan. i 1922, according to the U.S. Treasury Department's
annual Report, the stock of gold (which had reached the highest
point yet known), the amount of Federal Reserve notes, and
the total stock of money, in the United States, showed the fol-
lowing figures (in dollars) as compared with the corresponding
figures on Jan. i in the preceding years back to 1915:
Jan. I
Gold
$
F.R. Notes
$
Total Money
5p
1922
1921
1920
1919
1918
1917
1916
1915
3,656,988,551
2,784,834,427
2,787,714,306
3,080,510,011
3,040,439,343
2,864,841,650
2,312,444,489
1,815,976,319
2,781,791,260
3,735,719,345
3,295,789,145
2,559,843,920
1,350,764,025
300,106,180
214,125,000
17,199,225
8,282,433,487
8,372,959,004
7,961,320,139
7,780,793,606
6,256,198,271
5,012,045,517
4,401,988,337
3,972,373,686
In spite of this apparent evidence of monetary wealth in the
United States, trade had languished there during 1920 and
1921, and complaints of overtaxation were as rife as in England.
American public opinion had not yet realized the interdepend-
ence of international finance in its bearing on national economic
prosperity, nor had any general appreciation of the full meaning
of the expositions of financial doctrine given at the Brussels
Conference penetrated to the hearts of the business community.
It still remained for the world's statesmen to put their heads
seriously together in a cooperative effort to restore world-con-
sumption, through a revival of world-purchasing-power, to the
level of world-productive-power, the first essentials being peace,
reductions in State expenditure, and a new progress in private
savings for capital investment.
It was not till the Washington Conference, at the end of
1921, that the United States once more came into practical
touch, officially, with the European situation; and even then its
scope did not include the great international financial problems
still awaiting attention. At the opening of 1922, however, the
prospect was held out of another general financial conference, as
proposed by the Italian Goveanment to be held at Genoa in
March; and it seemed likely in various other directions that,
during the year, an improvement might be seen in the function-
ing of world-finance. (H. CH.)
FINLAND (see 10.383). The remarkable development of
Finnish nationalism in the closing decades of the igth century
was primarily directed against the Swedish language and Finno-
Swedish cultural domination. Through the revival of their own
singularly rich and beautiful tongue, the Finns of Finland had
learnt to think of their country as " Suomi," as utterly distinct
from Sweden and Russia, as possessing thought and literature of
its own. Though open to European influences, specially in their
art, and taking their political ideas from Scandinavia and Ger-
many, the " Fennomans " (Finnish Finns) climbed " unto a
language island " and, developing along extremely democratic
lines, took no part at all in Russian affairs and showed little in-
terest in those of Scandinavia. There was no sympathy even
with the Russian proletariat in its early struggles, while the
revolutionaries were cold-shouldered.
Secotid Period of Russification 1008-14. The successive gover-
nors of Russia, however, regarded the " Suomilaiset " (or the
people of the fens) as a strange and totally different nationality
from themselves, although the Finno-Ugrian race blended with
the Slav is to be found all over northern Russia; they could not
forget that the " country of the thousand lakes " had been under
Swedish rule for 600 years, and cherished a civilization wholly
alien to their own. This so obviously democratic, almost self-
governing grand duchy of Finland was a thorn in the side of the
vast autocratic Russian State conception. Out of this train of
thought arose Russia's first attack upon the liberties of Fin-
land during the dark years 1899-1906.
This article does not deal with the first attempt at Russification
when the Finnish constitution was suspended and the country came
under the rule of the military dictator, Gen. Bobrikov. This earlier
period of repression was arrested by the Russian Revolution of
1905 which, in the wake of the disasters of the war against Japan,
forced a weakened Tsardom to concessions. The manifesto of the
Emperor-Grand Duke of Nov. 4 (Oct. 22) 1905 annulled all uncon-
stitutional interferences of the preceding seven years and enabled the
dominant Finnish Constitutional party to democratize the Diet on
the broadest basis full adult suffrage, regardless of property, class
or sex, coupled with proportional representation based on d'Hondt's
distributive principle which contains safeguards against the tyranny
of the majority. That was gain. But the Russia of post-revolution
days was still the landlocked colossus whom Panslav aspirations
directed against all that was alien in language, religion, character
and administration. What had led to conflict with the Tsar now
led to conflict with the imperial Duma the tendency to create one
vast homogeneous Russia stretching from the Norwegian coast to
the Pacific. In this scheme of power, the first step towards the ul-
timate possession of the warm-water ports of Scandinavia was, once
again, the Russification of Finland.
The initial cause of friction was, as on previous occasions, the
question of the payments to Russia in lieu of military service. The
Diets had voted an annual indemnity of 10 million Finnish marks in
respect of the years 1905-8, though reluctantly, not only on account
of the financial burden the people were called upon to shoulder, but
by reason of the unconstitutional argumentations upon which the
demands were based. More particularly, the first one-chamber Diet
which passed the grants in respect of the years 1907 and 1908
expressed the hope that this matter be either thereby considered
regulated or else settled forthwith in a constitutional manner. This
notwithstanding an imperial ukase, dated Oct. 7 1909, declared the
issue to lie solely within the competence of the Crown, and peremp-
torily fixed an annual contribution which, beginning at 10 million
Finnish marks, was to increase automatically by a million a year
until, in 1919, it was to attain its maximum total of 20 millions of Fin-
nish marks. The objections of the Diet, which was even now ready
to compromise, were answered by its dissolution and the annual
amounts due made over to the Russian exchequer. The same oc-
curred with the new Diet in March 1910 in respect of the contribu-
tions for the years 1910 and 1911. Finally the Duma, by the im-
perial law of Jan. 23 (loth) 1912, approved of the principle of the
Finnish annual indemnity in lieu of military service.
The interference of the Tsar with the constitutional rights of
Finland was provocative and for that reason opened the new era of
conflict. From the spring of 1907 to the spring of 1909 had super-
vened the two " crowded years of glorious life," of great internal
progress and political development. The old feuds of " Sveckoman "
(Swedo-Finn) and " Fennoman " (Finno-Finn) had been taken up
with renewed vigour. Aristocracy, middle class and proletariat were
all politically equal; capital and labour, though frequently in con-
flict, yet fought their battle more scientifically than anywhere else
in Europe. But by the end of 1909, the fresh wave of Russification
FINLAND
paralysed all recent progress. The large measures of domestic re
form passed by the Diet, and generally accepted by the Senate, were
laid before the Tsar and never heard of afterwards. Such was the
fate of the bill for the total prohibition of alcohol, as of measures
relating to the care of children, insurance, old-age pensions, education
public health and the betterment of the condition of the " torpare '
(landless worker upon the soil). Civil marriages, however, were
instituted, illegitimate children placed upon a better basis, and the
principle of " equal pay for equal work " was applied in teaching
in the printing trade and, in 1913, in the State service.
As early as June 2 (May 20) 1908 an imperial instruction had dealt
with the regulation of Finnish affairs which affected the interests ol
the Russian Empire as a whole. It provided that the measures
passed by the Diet and sanctioned by the Senate were no longer to be
conveyed to the Tsar through the Secretary for Finland, but in
order to obtain the imperial assent had to come before the Council
of Ministers. To stifle opposition, the imperial ukase of March 27
(i4th) 1910 laid down that the question as to whether Finnish affairs
affected the interests of the Russian Empire or not rested not with
the Finnish Diet, but with the imperial Duma. The new law came
into force on June 30 (i7th) 1910 after having been passed by the
Duma amid triumphant shouts of " Finis Finlandiae.
This, " The Imperial Legislation Act," taken as a whole, never
came into working since in the last resort it meant the complete
unification of the grand duchy of Finland with Russia in language,
education, finance, customs, laws, monetary system, press restric-
tion, rights of assembly, etc. But inconsequently applied though it
was, it roused great indignation not only in Finland, but throughout
Europe. The claim of this bill, which was that the assurances given
by the Tsars depended upon their autocratic rule and became null
when they delegated some of their governing power to the Duma,
called forth protests from members of the British, German, French,
Italian, Dutch and Belgian Parliaments.
Directly the " Imperial Legislation Act " had come into force,
two imperial laws were laid before the Diet which, however, refused
them both and was promptly dissolved. The bills thereupon came
before the imperial Duma, which passed them rapidly. One of these
was the law of Jan. 23 (loth) 1912, already referred to above, in
which the Duma affirmed the principle of an annual Finnish indem-
nity in lieu of military service, while the other, of Jan. 20 (7th) 1912,
accorded full citizen rights to temporary Russian residents in
Finland. This last-named measure, apart from its manifest injus-
tice, led to great confusion in the overlapping of two fundamentally
different codes of law, but the judges who resigned, rather than be a
party to it, were deprived of their pension rights. Every single
provisional governor was forced to leave the service or did so volun-
tarily; many high officials suffered imprisonment or exile. The
government of the country was carried on by a packed Senate, in
which after 1912 sat not only pliable Finns but Russian-born mem-
bers; the Diet was capriciously summoned and dismissed, the press
censored. Thus the conflict with the Duma in the years 1910-4
led to sufferings analogous to those in the struggle against the high-
handedness of the Tsar in 1899-1906.
In addition, it should be mentioned that Finnish propaganda
abroad met with less success on this occasion, for one thing because
it was a twice-told tale, for another because England had, by the
logic of European events, been drawn towards Russia politically.
Effects of the World War, 1014-8. In these circumstances
supervened the World War of 1914, and it was left to Lt.-Gen. F.
Seyn, the governor-general, to supervise the stringent censor-
ship and the harassing restrictions of personal liberty which an
unprecedented situation called for in all the countries of Europe.
Though Finland escaped the horrors of foreign war upon its own
soil, a descent of the German armies upon the coast was a military
eventuality which had to be taken into account. Accordingly
two lines of trench covering the chief railway lines were con-
structed across Finland, one system of fortified lines running
from Tornea to Helsingfors, the other from Kajana to Kotka.
Besides, the long sea border of the grand duchy was exposed to
enemy action from the sea; and some 40,000 tons of the Finnish
mercantile marine, which sailed under the Russian flag, exposed
to destruction in the open waters of the Baltic Sea, remained
locked in the harbours of the Bothnian gulf. This heavy loss to
seaborne commerce was balanced by the extraordinary advan-
tages which Finnish industries derived from the war partly by
reason of the low tariff prevailing, partly through the influx of
Russian labour. Industries connected directly with military
supply, as also the iron, leather, glass, drugs and polishes trades
and paper-manufacturing concerns, attained unexampled pros-
perity. The Russians, who were well aware that the Finnish
people at the end of a 15 years' constitutional struggle did not
love them, strongly garrisoned the country, but, the discipline
in the Tsarist armies being maintained at a high standard,
collisions between the military and the civil population were few.
The Russian authorities, impulsive as was their wont and in-
consequent in their application of the law, suffered from divided
councils, and were alternately bent on reconciliation and re-
pression. There being no means as in Sweden and Denmark to
take advantage of leaks in the Allied blockade, the price of living
gradually rose, railway fares and telephone costs being raised
by 25%. But the country was relieved of the burden of the
annual military indemnity, and the Russians, in their sporadic
anxiety to please, were strangely negligent of such essential pre-
cautions as the surveillance of telephonic communications. There
was, however, a special 5% tax on property and mortgage.
The course of the war, which during the first two years carried the
Austro-German invading hosts through Poland and Lithuania to the
confines of Great Russia proper by the marshes of the Pripet, was
followed by the Finns with the anxiety of a people whose hope lay
in a Russia which, weakened by a colossal military effort, would
again be willing to respect the legal rights of the grand duchy. The
Polish manifesto of the Grand Duke Nicholas was held to leave
the Russian Government with a programme aiming at the final
destruction of Finnish autonomy and nationality. Under the
circumstances sympathy for the sufferings of Belgium was obscured
by the consideration that France and England were the allies of
that Russia which, if she emerged victorious, would again turn
oppressor. In 1915 aFinnset fire to the Allied stores at Archangel in
service, as he considered, to his Finland, where, as is now known on
the authority of M. Sario who became Foreign Secretary of the White
Government in 1918, persons were not wanting who referred to Ger-
man victories as " our victories." Only some 2,000 Finns volun-
teered for the Russian army, where, however, they fought with tradi-
tional valour under their own officers. About the same number
enlisted in the German army, though ostensibly only for service on
the eastern front, and did not return until the coup d'etat.
Towards the close of 1916 the magnitude of the industrial effort
in neglect of agricultural development was fast bringing its own
punishment. Finland had changed as far as her size, climate and
scanty population allowed from an agricultural to an industrial
country in two and a half years. The ruin of her dairy trade drew
workers into the factories, and, an ever more considerable part of
Russian war material manufacture passing into Finnish hands,
labour streamed in from the country and from across the Russian
border. Wages rose with the increasing cost of food, and great
fortunes were made while there was yet considerable unemploy-
ment. This happened in a country which even normally produced
but five-sixths of her needful foodstuffs, at a time of world shortage
and under pressure of an ever more effective blockade; in one,
too, which, while the old order survived in Russia, was debarred
from any sort of political expression. True, elections were still held
in 1916, and resulted in the return of a Social Democratic majority,
but the Diet was not allowed to function.
The Russian Revolution, March-Nov. 1(117. Then came the
Russian Revolution. The Tsar Nicholas II. Alexandrovich abdicated
on March 15 1917 and the new Provisional Government of Russia
almost with its first breath restored representative government in
Finland. The Russianized Senate was dissolved and a temporary
body of twelve, half of whom were Social Democrats and the remain-
der members of the bourgeois parties, took up the executive power.
ppv.-Gen. Seyn was replaced by Stakovich, while Rodichev, a tried
Viend, became Secretary of State for Finland. Kerensky, visiting
Helsingfors at the end of the month, placed a wreath at the foot of
the statue of Runeberg, the national poet, and uncovered his head
when the Finnish national anthem was intoned. The former Socialist
speaker of the Diet, M. Tokoi, was nominated president of the
Senate; Kullervo Manner, a young Finnish Social Democrat, was
made speaker of the Diet ; Vaino Jokinen, his former collaborator
on the workman's journal " Tyomies," and Lauri Ingman, a
clergyman and a Swede of the Swedish party, became vice-speakers.
It was then quite clear that ever since 1907 the one constant factor
n Finnish political life had been the growth of the Social Demo-
cratic vote. But now that anarchy corroded the body politic of the
disintegrating Russian Empire, the possessing classes of Finland
quailed before the rising power of a party which was morally satur-
. ted with Marxist doctrines and politically orientated towards Russia.
The economic conditions justified the worst fears of the bourgeoisie,
or not only had the vehement industrial development of the last
hree years strengthened the " hooligan element, but the Imperial
^egislation Act of 1910 and the conditions of the war had brought a
arge number of Russians into the country as settlers and even as
efugees from famine and nascent revolutionary disorders. Beside
he Swedo^Finns (about one-tenth of the population) and the Fin-
nish-speaking Finns there was now this large fluctuating industrial
lement reinforced by some 40,000 Russian civilians. Apart from
hese, there were the Russian soldiers who, ever more irregularly
laid, bade fair to become a danger to the State.
The Swedish party represented the most conservative elements in
"inland, the nucleus of the largest property owners. There was, it
FINLAND
73
is true, a Swedish branch of the Social Democratic party and also a
number of purely Swedish capitalists, yet on the whole the Swedish
element was bourgeois and its desire for independence economic
since it foresaw the inevitable bankruptcy of Russia.
The Social Democrats, on the other hand, saw in Russia the pos-
sible social revolution and intended to go faster than any Miliukov
or even Kerensky. Under such conditions the Diet which assembled
on April 5 could do as little as the cumbrous governing body of six
Social Democrats and six bourgeois representatives.
As far as the Swedish party was concerned, conciliatory relations
were to be maintained with Russia until the Peace Conference, but
the party congress which was held in May made it clear that in-
dependence was the final aim. Even before that the Hufoudstadt-
bladet argued that nothing short of complete independence suited
the country's needs, and the Finnish Government in the Diet solemnly
proclaimed that such was its policy. But this Diet, containing 80 %
of Social Democrats, 12 % of Old and Young Finns, 6 % Swedes and
2 % Agrarian labourers, the bourgeois did not consider to be truly
representative of the nation, on the ground that, at the time of its
election in 1916, most people still boycotted the Diet by way of
protest against Russian manipulation of the elections; it was only the
Socialists who never gave up the class war.
The struggle between the Provisional Russian Government and the
Finnish Diet crystallized around the declaration which was embodied
in what became known as the " Law of July 18 1917." In this, the
Diet resolved that it alone decided, confirmed and put into practice
all laws of Finland, including those relating to home affairs, taxation
and customs. It made the final decision regarding all other Finnish
affairs which the Emperor-Grand Duke decided according to the
arrangements hitherto in force, though the provision of this law
expressly stated that it did not apply to matters of foreign policy, to
military legislation and military administration. The Diet was to
meet for regular sittings without special summons and to decide
when these were to be closed. Until Finland's new form of govern-
ment was determined, the Diet was to exercise the right of deciding
upon new elections and its dissolution. It asserted its control over
the executive power in Finland which was, for the present, to be
exercised by the economic department of the Finnish Senate whose
members were to be nominated and dismissed by the Diet. This
law reflected the standpoint of the Social Democratic majority of the
Diet which demanded complete internal and economic freedom for
the country, but was always ready to recognize Russia's supremacy
in military matters and in foreign policy. The radical group of the
Swedish Popular party, aiming further, proposed the following
amendment:" The Diet, which regards it as its right and duty to
demand full independence in the name of the Finnish people and
reserves in this respect its full freedom of action, resolves, etc." This
amendment, however, was rejected by 125 votes to 63, but the
motion of the main committee not to submit the new law to the
Provisional Russian Government for its sanction was passed by 104
votes to 86. An address was, however, forwarded to the Russian
Provisional Government, in which it was expounded that, Finland
having always been in relation with the Tsars of Russia but not with
any Russian Government, the overthrow of Tsardom had automat-
ically set the country free.
The Russian Provisional Government met this explanation by
passing a resolution at the end of July, declaring that under no cir-
cumstances would it consent to the separation ofFinland from Rus-
sia, wherefore it dissolved the Diet and ordered new elections for the
beginning of October. The Finnish Diet, however, in its turn, dis-
puted the Russian Provisional Government's right to exercise the
prerogative of dissolution, and a deadlock ensued!
Pourparlers in Aug. between the Gov.-Gen. Stakoyich and the
Finnish leaders proved of no avail, although the Russian Federalist
Congress in session at Petrograd on the I7th and i8th of that month
sought " to work out a basis upon which the Federalists could unite
and then prepare for the elections to a Constituent Assembly."
Thus the plan for a republic of all the Russias guaranteed autonomy
in everything but matters relating to a whole and united Russia.
But it was precisely that which the Finns did not want, anxious as
they all were, regardless of party, to avoid taking any part in Russian
affairs. Even the Socialists, willing as they were to concede the con-
trol of foreign policy and the conduct of military affairs to the
larger Power, yet met any kind of representation upon any sort of
Russian governing body with a categorical refusal.
In its domestic policy the Social Democratic majority of this Diet
was similarly averse to any comprehensive measures of collective
reorganization pending events in Russia. Thus the capitalist de-
velopment of the country was allowed to follow its course. The
reform bills passed in recent years and held up by the Tsar were
passed en bloc, among these the total prohibition of alcohol and the
eight-hour day. The municipal councils were democratized and
a war bonus was added to the wage of all workers, part being paid
by the State and part by the employer. The fixing of maximum
prices for food and the control of the supply of fuel, bread, milk,
sugar and butter were merely the extension of the work initiated by
the pre-revolutionary Senate.
Such action, however, did not strike at the root of the evil, for
it was easy to see that a famine threatened the country. Nothing
was done to avert it save that large quantities of grain were pur-
chased from America which, owing to difficulties of transit, could not
be delivered until starvation and civil war menaced Finland. From
about March 1917 to Feb. 1918 there was a veritable strike mania;
every trade, every municipal body, every committee even, flung
down its job and the Diet and the Senate alike were unable to cope
with the situation. The long printers' strike brought it about that
from the beginning of July to the middle of Aug. no Moderate papers
appeared, though the Social Democrat journals continued to be
published. The trouble lay in the dilatoriness of the Russian Provi-
sional Government in confirming the measures passed by the Diet
and the Senate which had been hung up by the Tsar since 1910. The
All-Russian Congress of Workers and Soldiers, which was already
under Bolshevist influence, had met early in July and urged the
Provisional Government to grant full autonomy to Finland and
all executive power to the Diet, which action gained it the sympathy
of the Finnish Socialists. A " general strike " was called for against
the wishes of Tokoi and Manner, and the Diet was to reassemble de-
spite the threats of the governor-general that its doors would be
guarded and sealed. After two or three days of disturbances, this
ill-considered move collapsed, but the Russian Provisional Govern-
ment proposing that the economy department of the Finnish Senate
should have the supreme power, Tokoi dissolved the governing body
composed of six Social Democrats and six Bourgeois representatives
because it was too evenly balanced for effective administrative
work. Thereupon the Socialist senators resigned while the Moder-
ates were induced to form a Senate. This was regrettable, as the
Russian Provisional Government now gave way, and on Aug. 24
ratified a number of the reform measures passed by the Diet and
Senate between 1911 and 1914. A day later the Moscow conference,
under Menshevik influence, expressed its desire to retain all power
over Finland which the restored constitution allowed.
Meanwhile the failure of the general strike and the appointment
of Nekrasov as governor-general in place of Stakovich influenced
the elections for the Diet which, completed by Oct. 2 1917, proved
a setback to the Social Democrats and caused the Old and Young
Finns, the Swedes and the Agrarians to form a Moderate bloc of
1 08 members. The absorbing controversy, whether the Senate
(through its economy department) was to hold the supreme power
or the Diet, was settled on Nov. 15 by Alkio, the leader of the Agra-
rians, in favour of the latter, and on Nov. 28 a Moderate Senate of
eleven members was elected. Still, however, nothing was done to
increase the food production. Though countered by the Moderate
coalition, the Social Democrats were still the strongest individual
party in the House, and would have had the bulk of the people
behind them if they had been able to seize and nationalize the
land. The economic conditions, beyond a doubt, rendered this
task very difficult, for in Finland, as in Russia, the cultivation of
the soil was carried on individually and the transfer to the State
would have been a delicate operation.
The Bolshevist advent to power in Russia between Nov. 4 and 15
1917 deepened the pro- Russian sympathies of the Finnish Social
Democrats who had been alienated by Kerensky's equivocal policy,
while the bourgeois parties, arguing that there was now no settled
government in Russia, desired complete independence. On Dec. 6
1917 the Diet and the now bourgeois Senate drew up a very old-
fashioned declaration of independence which, however, historically
marks the birth of Finnish freedom. As the Socialists still sought an
understanding with Russia, the bourgeois bloc, which governed the
situation since it had furnished the new administration at the begin-
ning of the month, acting with great haste sent the declaration to
Sweden and Germany at once. Both these Powers replied that
Finland must first obtain full recognition of her independence from
Russia. The Diet then decided to approach the Constituent Assembly
in Russia through a friendly manifesto which explained that the
assertion of independence was not a hostile act and that a joint
committee would settle outstanding questions so that Russia could
proceed with her war without fear of trouble from Finland. But
as the Constituent Assembly was not allowed to meet, the Finnish
Senate finally appealed to the Bolshevist Government and was
informed on Jan. 4 1918 that the steps taken conformed with the
policy and programme of the Bolshevists. Immediately afterwards
the Swedish Government recognized the independence of Finland
and was followed by the other Scandinavian countries. Recognition by
France preceded recognition by Germany.
The Finnish Civil War Feb. May igi8. At this time the social
and economic differences between the political parties were too deep
to admit of an easy settlement. The possessing classes, that is to
say primarily the Swedo-Finn and Finno-Finn bourgeoisie, but espe-
cially the first-named rather than see the wealth amassed during
three years of the World War taken from them by the rising Social
Democrats, were jeopardizing the newly won independence, now by
intrigues which aimed at the cession of the Aland Is. to Sweden, now
by manoeuvres which tended to set Finland under the heel of Ger-
many. The Moderate bloc to which the Swedo-Finns adhered was
anyhow determined to break away from Russia, and its leaders
openly discussed the chances of union with Sweden on the one hand
and the adoption of some German prince as grand duke on the other.
Apart from that, there were some Finnish contractors who had
allowed the Russian Government credit for the provision of war
material, food and clothing, and did not desire to incur the loss
74
FINLAND
which a complete rupture of relations was certain to entail. They
therefore stood for the maintenance of the connexion with Russia.
Principally, however, the Social Democrats believed that Socialist
governance had come to stay in Russia, and they were not minded
to protect Finnish capital from seizure if the birth of a cooperative
commonwealth in Finland could thereby be accelerated. When
the Bolshevist coup d'etat in Russia became known, they unwisely
fraternized with the Russian soldiers stationed in Finland, and with
their help rejected municipal bodies and replaced them by Social
Democrat committees. Such action was hardly designed to relieve
the ever-growing food difficulties and laid their party open to the
reproach of harbouring anarchical tendencies. The Socialists were
almost all Maximalists and anti-militarists, and, as such, averse even
to the formation of a democratic citizen army maintained for pur-
poses of order and defence. They pinned their faith on the Musco-
vite connexion to save their country from invasion oblivious
of the fact that the Russian soldier, freed of the restraints of a disci-
pline which had become his second nature, starving and unpaid,
was, to say the least, an uncertain factor. While free passes were
given, whole trainloads of revolutionary soldateska arrived from
Petrograd nominally to assist the Socialists in their active differ-
ences with the bourgeoisie, but in reality to create disturbances.
Having massacred their officers and any bourgeois elements which
remained among them, they entered the so-called Finnish " Red
Guards," and ransacked the country. The reactionaries, getting
together the doubtful elements of the disbanded gendarmerie and
their own adherents, organized the " White Guards." German arms
and explosives were imported by one side; Russian bayonets by
the other. At Christmas 1917 matters came to a head at Abo, where
the Social Democrats imprisoned the governor and the chief of the
police. For about a week the " Red Guards," which were com-
posed of casually armed Social Democrats, remained on duty not-
withstanding the fact that their pay had been suspended by the
local Moderate bourgeois authorities. Then they gave up their
job, and Russian troops and "hooligan elements " seized the oppor-
tunity to sack a part of Abo. After some days' disorders, hurriedly
summoned " Whites " from another district and some of the original
" Reds " restored order together. But the bourgeois bloc neglected
to introduce a democratic citizen army and opposed the reactionary
efforts of the Swedish party to form a conscript army round the
nucleus " White Guards."
The Bolsheviks were clearly bent on precipitating civil war in Fin-
land, and poured arms, munitions and troops into the country for
the ostensible purpose of helping the Social Democrats. For this
reason the Senate on Jan. 29 addressed a protest against the action
of the Russian Government to the various Powers which had recog-
nized Finnish independence. But it was too late, as now even the
sanest Social Democrats were swept into a flood of Bolshevism.
Helsingfors on that very day was seized by the Red Guards and by
Feb. 8 1918 the coup d'etat had occurred and " Whites "and " Reds
were in brutal conflict everywhere.
The German Intervention, March-May 1918. The Diet belatedly
adopted, on Jan. 17 1918, certain measures suggested by Senator
Kaarlo Castren for the strengthening of the White Guard forma-
tions. As these were insufficient to save the White army, which was
under the command of the former Russian general of cavalry, Baron
Carl Gustav Emit Mannerheim, the necessity arose of seeking
foreign intervention. As regards this it is known from the Swedish
statesman Branting that the Finnish Government, when it " made
its official proposal for a Swedish intervention had simul-
taneously asked in Berlin for a German armed intervention."
Thus Sweden, had she assented, would have been dragged into the
war, as " nobody can imagine that Germany would have refused an
offer so favourable to her hegemony in the Baltic."
This judgment is true, for while Sweden refused official help, the
Germans did not hesitate. After all, they had kindled the Bolshevist
fires in the East and sent war material into Finland for the express
purpose of fomenting troubles which they could exploit to their
own advantage. The situation was favourable to them, for as Mr. E.
Lofgren, Minister of Justice in the Swedish Coalition Government of
1918, publicly explained, " the Finns immediately after the declara-
tion of their independence had entered into negotiations for a treaty
with Germany, which in a commercial political sense made Finland
the ally and vassal of Germany. . . ." The allusion is to the Finno-
German treaty of March 7 1918.
But since the public knew little of the underground workings of
German policy, the landing of a German composite division in the
Aland island of Ekero on March 3 and in Finland by April 3 caused
the Prussian general officer commanding, Count Riidiger yon der
Goltz, to be hailed as the liberator of the country. He had initially
some 12,000 men under his orders, viz., three dismounted cavalry
regiments, three Jiiger battalions, Bavarian mountain artillery, two
heavy batteries, a squadron of cavalry, and sundry technical and
supply formations which were subsequently reinforced by the
detachment " Brandenstein," consisting of three infantry battalions,
one cyclist battalion, a squadron of cavalry and two batteries. He
had further the support of the German navy in the landing operations,
and the remnant of the 2,000 Finnish exiles who had joined the
German army in 1915-6 and made up the famous "27tn" Jagers,
who were as well drilled in Pan-Germanism as in military science.
Gen. von der Goltz, by landing in the rear of the Red forces and
holding part of these in a successful action near Karis on April 6,
enabled Gen. Mannerheim to win the battle of Tammerfors, while
he himself, by a rapid advance on Helsingfors, between April 1 1 and
13, freed this capital which he officially entered on April 14. Finally
his victory over the Reds in the three days' battle (April 3O-May 2)
of Lahti-Tavastehus contributed to Mannerheim's decisive defeat
of the Red eastern army near Viborg on April 28-29. The remnants
of the Red army being forced eastwards into Russia, the campaign
ended in a month with the complete victory of the Whites.
The terrible cruelty of the Reds, however, led to the White Terror
as the price the country had to pay for being dragged into " Mittel-
Europa." Some 15,000 men, women and children were slaughtered
in cold blood, and by June 27 1918 73,915 Red insurrectionaries,
including 4,600 women, were prisoners of war.
The Diet, which met in June 1918, was Moderate, since the So-
cialists or 46% of the electorate were excluded from the register.
It authorized Senator Pehr Evind Svinhufvud, who under the Russian
regime had been an exile from his country, to exercise the supreme
power in so far as it had not already been conferred on the Senate
which was bringing forward proposals for a monarchical form of
government by offering the crown to Prince Frederick Charles of
Hesse, brother-in-law of the German emperor.
But the Germans pursued the ulterior object of securing Finnish
military cooperation against the Murman railway, which, having
been built by English enterprise during the war, was now guarded
by a British expeditionary force. The claim of the liberators upon
the gratitude of the Finns was assuming the most peremptory forms
known to diplomacy, when, three days later, on July 18, events took
place on the western front which marked the turn of the war to Ger-
many's disadvantage. One collision between a Finnish force and a
detachment commanded by a British officer, Lt. Quinn-Harkin, oc-
curred in northern Karelia, but valuable time was gained until the
rapid transformation of the European war, culminating in the Armi-
stice of Nov. 1 1 1918, caught Finnish reaction between wind and water.
Svinhufvad, the pliant tool of Germany, relinquished the supreme
power, and was succeeded on Dec. 12 by Gen. Mannerheim as regent,
who formed a Coalition Government composed of six Republicans and
six Monarchists. The persons discredited by their extreme pro-
Germanism, among them Gen. Thesleff, the Minister of War, were
replaced in order to obtain the recognition of Finland by the Great
Powers and secure the food supply of which the country stood in
need. The definite orientation towards the Entente marked the
transition from the monarchist period of German influence towards
the democratic regime associated with England and America.
The German troops, in part mutinous, were conveyed back to
Germany in the middle of Dec., but with difficulty, as the German
navy refused to transport units which had remained faithful to the
Emperor. Gen. Mannerheim, who as regent wielded the power
of a quasi-dictator, was a monarchist, but not a pro-German.
Events in 1919 and 1920. The year 1919 witnessed the
growth of the Republic of Finland out of the ashes of a country
laid waste by civil war. Mannerheim organized the " Skydds-
korps " or Protective Guards, a body of over 100,000 men,
whose loyalty to the existing order of society could be relied upon.
The general election of March i 1919 showed the following
division of parties: Social Democrats 80, Agrarians 42, Coali-
tionists 28, Progressives 26, Swedish 22, Christian Labour two.
The Social Democrats had thus diminished by 12 since the 1917
elections. This was largely attributable to the disfranchisement
of over 40,000 voters for participation in the Red revolt. The
tendency towards a republican form of government was outlined
by the Agrarian party, composed of small landowners hostile to
the claims of the Swedish-speaking Monarchist section.
Mannerheim's popularity being immense with the parties of
the Right and the army, the temptation of exploiting the military
impotence of Soviet Russia was very great. In 1919 continued
the Entente intervention on the Murmansk and Archangel
fronts, and when the 237th Brigade (Gen. Price), which formed
part of the expeditionary force under the English Maj.-Gen.
Maynard, at the end of May reached Medvyejva Gora at the
head of Lake Onega, the Finnish Government offered coopera-
tion in return for the possession of Petrozavodsk. The offer
being declined, a Finnish volunteer force nevertheless assaulted
the town independently, but without success. Again, at the
close of the year, when the White-Russian Gen. Judenitch was
marching on Petrograd, Mannerheim went so far as to sound the
Allies as to their views on the proposed Finnish intervention.
But he received no encouragement from Paris or London, nor
from the Moderates at home.
Already on July 17 of that year the Finnish Diet had resolved to
establish a republic, with a president to be elected every six
FINLAY FISHER
75
years, and, on July 25, Prof. Kaarlo Juho Stahlberg was chosen
as the first president by 143 votes against 50 recorded for Man-
nerheim. It was then that the Vennola Government, which was
a coalition of the Progressive and Agrarian parties, came into
power. Though it commanded only 64 out of 200 seats in the
Diet, it marked a great administrative improvement from a
democratic point of view. It introduced the Amnesty bill, which
after a chequered career was passed by the Diet on Dec. 18 by 165
votes to 68. Its adoption synchronized with the abandonment
of the Communists by the extreme Left. The de jure recognition
of the republic was accorded by Great Britain soon after the
instalment of Stahlberg.
The outstanding event of the year 1920 was the signing of a
peace treaty with Soviet Russia, which after long negotiations
was signed at Dorpat on Oct. 14, the military defeat of the Bol-
sheviks by the Poles being a contributory factor. Pechenga was
ceded to Finland, which thus obtained the much-desired outlet
on the Arctic Ocean, while Russia retained eastern Karelia,
where, after the collapse of Gen. Skobelzine's White-Russian
front in Feb., fighting had occurred with Bolshevik troops with
results satisfactory to Finnish arms. The treaty was approved on
Dec. i by the Diet with only 27 dissentient voices and ratified on
Dec. it by the President. Finland soon after was admitted as a
member of the League of Nations.
Aland Islands Dispute. The question of the Aland Is. was,
in its simplest form, whether the group of islands adjacent to
Finland and inhabited by a few thousand people of Swedish
extraction should belong to Sweden or to Finland. In its wider
aspect, however, the whole network of islands which form the
archipelago of Abo and that of the Aland Is. constituted the key
of the defence of the coast of Finland and of the gulfs of Bothnia
and Finland against attack from the west. In 1920, as in previous
years, sovereignty was claimed over these islands by Finland on
the ground that it was for her a question of existence, though
autonomy was given to the Alanders and for the safety of Sweden
the absolute demilitarization of the islands was conceded. Under
such circumstances the question was referred on June 19 1920 to
the League of Nations, and in June 1921 (see ALAND ISLANDS)
its decision was given in favour of Finland.
BIBLIOGRAHY. Die Aalandfrage: das Kernproblem der Ostseepolitik
(1918); Juhani Aho, Hajamietteita Kapinaviikoilta (1919); Ernst
Brausewetter, Finnldndische Rundscliau (1901-2); Chesnais, La
Guerre Civile en Finlande (1919); Raphael Erich, Das Staatsrecht
des Grossfiirstentums Finnland (1912); Finnland und Russland: die
Internationale Londoner Konferenz vom 26. Februar bis I. Marz 1910
(191 1); Die Finldndische Frage im Jahre 1911 (191 1); Finland, Hand-
book No. 47, prepared under the direction of the historical section
of the Foreign Office (1920); Finland im Anfang des XX. Jahrhun-
derls (1919); Der Friedensvertrag zwischen Deutschland und Fin-
land; General Graf Riidiger von der Goltz, Meine Sendung in Finn-
land und in Baltikum (1920); Wilhelm Haberman, Schwedische
Stimmen uber die militdrpolitische Bedeutung der Finnischen In-
selgruppe (1916); Axel O. Heikel, Etnographische Forschungen auf
dem Gebiete der finnischen Volkerschaftsn; R. Hermanson, Beitrag
zur Beurleilung der staatsrechtlichen Stellung des Grossfiirstentums
Finnland (1900); Volter Hilpi, Nationell sjaloprovning (1917); Yrjo
Koskelainen, Mannerheim, suomenvapanttajajavaltionhoitaja (1919);
" New Europe " Review, vol. iii., No. 30, vol. viii., Nos 93. and 94
(being the contributions by Rosalind Travers Hyndman), vol. vi,
No. 67 (anon.), vol. vii., No.. 80 (by "V"), vol. xii., No. 155 (by
S. E. Morison); Johannes Ohquist; Das politische Leben Finnlands
(1916); and Finnland (1919); Olenev, Karelski Krai (1917); Peti-
tion des finnlandischen Landtages vom 26. Mai 1910 uber Aufrechter-
haltung der Grundgesetze Finnlands (1911); Herman Stenberg, Ost-
karelien im Verhdltnis zu Russland und Finnland (1917); Heming
Soderhjelm, Det roda upproret i Finland as 1918 (1918); Thure
Svedlin, Kamp och aventyr i roda Finland (1918); Der Weisse
Terror in Finnland, Beleuchtende Urkunden aus der Inter pettations-
debatte im Finnischen Landtag den 30. April 1919; Treaty of Peace
between Finland and the Russian Soviet Republic (1921); Georg
von Wendt, Die Proportionswahl zur finnischen Vplksvertretung (1906) ;
Konni Ziliacus, Revolution und Gegenrevolution in Russland und Fin-
land (1912). (W. L. B.)
FINLAY, ROBERT BANNATYNE FINLAY, IST VISCOUNT
(1842- ), British lawyer and politician, was born at Edin-
burgh July ii 1842. He was educated at Edinburgh Academy
and University, and graduated in medicine. In 1867 he was
called to the bar, in 1882 becoming a Q.C. and bencher of the
Middle Temple. He was elected as Conservative member for
Inverness Burghs in 1885, and held this seat until 1892. In 1895
he regained the seat, and was made Solicitor-General in Lord
Salisbury's Government, when he was knighted. In 1900 he
became Attorney-General, remaining in the Government until
the Conservative defeat of 1906. In 1910 he successfully con-
tested Edinburgh and St. Andrews Universities, and in 1916,
on the formation of Mr. Lloyd George's Government, became
Lord Chancellor and a life peer. He retired in 1918, and in 1919
was created a viscount. Lord Finlay received hon. degrees from
various universities, and from 1902 to 1903 was lord rector of
Edinburgh University.
FISCHER, EMIL (1852-1919), German chemist (see 10.426),
died in 1919.
FISCHER, THEOBALD (1846-1910), German geographer, was
born at Kirchsteitz, Thuringia, Oct. 31 1846. He was educated
at the universities of Heidelberg and Halle, and at first devoted
himself to history. A travelling tutorship directed his attention
to geography, and he visited many parts of Europe in the pursuit
of this study, but especially the Mediterranean lands, including
North Africa (Atlas lands). The " Mediterranean region,"
perhaps the primary example now in the study of regional
geography, is a conception the world owes to Fischer: his thesis
for the rank of Privatdozent in the university of Bonn (1876)
was entitled Beitrdge zur physischen Geographic der Miltelmeer-
lander, and his most important publications are a collection of
Mittelmeerbilder and his work on the Mediterranean peninsulas
of Europe in Kirchhoff's Allgemeine Landerkunde. He held
professorships of geography at Kiel (1879-1883) and at Marburg
from 1883 until his death, which took place on Sept. 17 1910.
FISHER, ANDREW (1862- ), Australian statesman, was
born at Crosshouse, Kilmarnock, Aug. 29 1862, and began life as
a coal-miner. He emigrated to Queensland at the age of 23 and
eight years later was elected to the Queensland Legislature.
He was Minister of Railways in the short-lived Dawson Ministry
of 1899, and in 1901 was elected a member of the Commonwealth
Parliament, retaining his seat for 15 years. He joined Mr. Wat-
son's Labour Cabinet of 1904 as Minister for Trade and Customs,
and when Mr. Watson in 1907 resigned his leadership of the
Labour party Mr. Fisher succeeded him. In 1908 he became
Prime Minister, but his administration lasted only six months.
At the general election of 1910, however, his party was returned
with a sweeping majority, and he was Prime Minister for three
years, during which period he tackled the question of imperial
defence, adopted Lord Kitchener's report of 1909, passed a
measure establishing universal military training, and invited
Adml. Henderson to visit Australia and report on its naval needs.
In 1913 his party was in a minority in the Lower House and he
therefore resigned in favour of Mr. (afterwards Sir) Joseph
Cook; but at the special election of Aug. 1914 he was again re-
turned to power and took vigorous action for Australia's parti-
cipation in the World War. At the end of 1915 he resigned and
took up the High Commissionership vacated by Sir George Reid.
This office he held until 1921. He represented Australia at the
coronation of King George V. (1911), and was that year sworn
of the Privy Council.
FISHER, HERBERT ALBERT LAURENS (1865- ), British
man of letters and politician, was born in London March 21 1865.
He was educated at Winchester and New College, Oxford, being
elected in 1888 to a fellowship at his own college. After further
study in Paris and Gottingen, he returned to Oxford as tutor at
New College, and soon earned recognition as a scholarly histo-
rian. He delivered the South African lectures in 1908, the Lowell
lectures in 1909, and in 1911 was Chichele lecturer in modern
history. He was also a member of the royal commission on the
public services of India (1912-5). In 1912 he became vice-
chancellor of Sheffield University. In 1915 he was appointed a
member of the Government committee on German outrages.
On the formation of Mr. Lloyd George's Government in 1916,
Mr. Fisher accepted the invitation to become Minister of Educa-
tion, and was elected to Parliament for the Hallam division of
Sheffield. In 1918 he became member for the English universities.
76
FISHER, I. FITZMAURICE-KELLY
An Education bill was introduced by him Aug. 10 1917, the
most noteworthy proposals of which were the removal of the
limit of the zd. rate which might be raised by local authorities for
education, the establishment of nursery schools for children under
five, the amending of the law of school attendance, the placing
of further restrictions upon the employment of children of school
age, the improvement of measures for physical training, and the
establishment of continuation schools for young people up to the
age of eighteen (see EDUCATION).
Mr. Fisher has published The Mediaeval Empire (1898); Studies
in Napoleonic Statesmanship (1903); A Political History of England
(1906); Bonapartism (1908); Life of F. W. Maitland (1910); The
Republican Tradition in Europe (1911); Political Unions (1911)
and Napoleon Bonaparte (1913); besides essays and review articles.
FISHER, IRVING (1867- ), American economist, was born
at Saugerties, N.Y., Feb. 27 1867. He studied at Yale (A.B.
1888), Berlin, and Paris. He at first taught mathematics at
Yale; but in 1895 was made assistant professor of political
economy, and in 1898 professor. He was editor of the Yale
Review, 1896-1910. He served as chairman of many commissions
dealing with public health, prohibition, and labour. An authority
on money inflation, he proposed that the purchasing power of the
dollar be stabilized (see DOLLAR STABILIZATION). His plan was
to replace coined gold dollars by " gold bullion dollar certificates "
which should command such weight of gold bullion as might
legally be declared to constitute a dollar at that particular time.
The weight of this ideal gold dollar would be adjusted at in-
tervals in accordance with its power to purchase commodities as
shown by the " index number " of prices.
His writings include: Mathematical Investigations in the Theory
of Value and Prices (1892); Elements of Geometry (with A. W.
Phillips, 1896); A Brief Introduction to the Infinitesimal Calculus
(1897); The Nature of Capital and Income (1906); The Rate of In-
terest (1907); National Vitality (1909); The Purchasing Power of
Money (1911); Elementary Principles of Economics (1913); Why is
the Dollar Shrinking? (1914) and Stabilizing the Dollar (1919).
FISHER, JOHN ARBUTHNOT, IST BARON (1841-1920),
British admiral (see 10.428), on relinquishing the office of First
Sea Lord in Jan. 1910 remained in retirement until 1912, when he
was appointed chairman of the royal commission on oil fuel.
He was a firm believer in oil as fuel for the navy, with its corollary
the internal combustion engine. He foresaw its effects on the de-
sign of war vessels, and the far-reaching tactical results to be
derived from the employment of capital ships that would show
no funnels or smoke, have immense sea-keeping powers, and
be fuelled at sea from tankers.
After the outbreak of the World War, the retirement of Prince
Louis of Battenberg, in Nov. 1914, from the post of First Sea
Lord, led to Lord Fisher's being again installed in that office at
the Admiralty. His presence was immediately felt in the dramatic
and brilliant piece of strategy which resulted, under Adml.
Sturdee, in the destruction of Adml. von Spec's squadron off the
Falklands. Fisher then, with the cooperation and hearty support
of Mr. Churchill, initiated a great building programme of crui-
sers, monitors, destroyers and small craft to the number of some
600 keels, pressing the American shipyards into the service,
necessarily at an enormous cost. Everything had to be sub-
ordinated to haste, and in fact most of the craft were actually
delivered within six months. Although primarily designed
for a great strategic move into the Baltic, which Lord Fisher
had himself drawn up in detail, this vast armada was gradually
diverted from its original purpose to various other uses among
them the naval attempt to force the passage of the Dardanelles;
and it was the War Council's decision to proceed with this that
ultimately (May 1915) led to Lord Fisher's resignation of his post
as First Sea Lord. In the following July he was appointed chair-
man of the Inventions Board, and in 1917 gave important evi-
dence before the Dardanelles Commission. In 1919 he published
two books Memories and Records. These collections of un-
conventional and more or less fragmentary utterances taken
down in shorthand inevitably suffer from a lack of sequence and
coherence, and they are of little value as a guide to their author's
actual achievements. After some months of illness Lord Fisher
died on July 10 1920, his last public act being a press campaign
in favour of economy. He was then in his eightieth year.
It was still difficult in 1921 to form a just estimate of the value
to his country of Lord Fisher's long and arduous service. In
some ways the results of his strenuous life were disappointing to
himself and to those whom his strong and rugged personality
impressed with a sense of almost superhuman genius and power;
as well as to those, such as the journalists whom he knew well
how to flatter, who took him exactly at his own valuation. It
needed an experience like that of the late King Edward to see
the weak and unprotected places in the strong man's armour,
and to understand where what was fine in him needed support
and protection. Like so many men in his service, Lord Fisher
suffered from the disadvantages of an incomplete education
a defect not likely to be felt in actual fighting service, but apt
to become more and more of a handicap as a man advances in
his profession and deals with wider and more complex problems
than those involved in merely technical developments. Lord
Fisher was temperamentally as well as by training unable to
make use of a staff, in the modern sense of that term; he thought
alone, formulated his large but vague conceptions of war and
strategy alone, and attempted practically alone to work them
out with inevitable results. It is remarkable that so powerful
and in some ways attractive a personality neither produced any
school nor influenced any notable group in the navy; and even of
the men whom he selected and furthered, practically none except
Lord Jellicoe came to great distinction or achieved any signal
success. Many of the schemes with which his name is most close-
ly associated Osborne, the training of the engineering branch,
the system of the " common entry " for example proved failures
and had to be abandoned or completely remodelled. Although
he was sponsor while First Sea Lord for the Dreadnought prin-
ciple of design, and for such infinitely important technical
developments as water-tube boilers, turbines, etc., his theory that
" speed is armour, " as applied to North Sea warfare, proved to
be dangerous, and the battle cruisers designed in accordance
with it were to some extent at a disadvantage as a result of
reliance on aphorism rather than on the logical and thought-out
harmonization of means, conditions and end. Some of the more
extreme examples of this class, still under construction on his
retirement from the Admiralty, had to be abandoned or altered
or adapted to other uses. On the other hand, in his large con-
ceptions of warfare, in his prevision of the war with Germany
and its date, in his concentration of the navy in the North Sea
as a training ground, in his strategical strokes, such as the de-
struction of the von Spec squadron, and his conception of a
Baltic campaign early in the war (never carried out), and in his
untiring advocacy of an offensive policy (also overruled), Lord
Fisher showed a true genius and grasp of the essentials of naval
warfare which alone would make him a memorable figure in
British history. His character was a combination of strength,
ingenuity and simplicity; by some mysterious throwback he had,
both physically and mentally, a strong oriental strain in his
composition; and the Bible was his favourite and most familiar
book. He read, however, not so much to educate and enlarge
his mind, as to seek and find confirmation of his own views and
conceptions of things. In that respect he was like a great artist,
who assimilates everything in life that will contribute to the en-
dorsement and magnification of his own genius, and rejects the
rest. He was sometimes ruthless and violent in his methods,
although rather less so than he would have the world believe;
there were indeed veins of beauty and modesty in his character,
and he came nearest to true greatness when he was most simple.
His were a life and character essentially of the kind to provoke
violent controversy and sharp divisions between his admirers and
accusers; but when these have died away his figure will stand out,
even among the strong men of his day, as that of an enemy to
shams and pretences, to sloth and incompetency, and as a passion-
ate lover and defender of his country. (F. Y.)
FITZMAURICE-KELLY, JAMES (1858- ), English man of
letters, was born at Glasgow June 20 1858. Educated at St.
Charles's College, London, he became Taylorian lecturer in
FLAMETHROWERS
77
Spanish at Oxford in 1902 and Gilmour professor of Spanish
language and literature from 1909 to 1916, when he was trans-
ferred to London as Cervantes professor of Spanish language and
literature to the university of London. This post he resigned
in 1920. He became a fellow of the British Academy and corre-
sponding member of the Royal Spanish Academy and other
Spanish societies, and a Knight Commander of the Order of
Alphonso XII. Amongst his publications are a Life of Cervantes
(1892); an Introduction to the editio princeps of Don Quixote
(1898-9); a History of Spanish Literature (1898); Cervantes in
England (1905); Cervantes and, Shakespeare (1916) and many
other books and papers.
FLAMETHROWERS (Germ. Flammenwerfer) . The World
War revived the old weapon of " liquid fire." No doubt, the
use of incendiary projectiles and devices had never altogether van-
ished from modern warfare, but these have usually been employed
for destruction of material rather than for effect on personnel,
and we have to go back to the sieges of mediaeval times to find
examples of the use of heat, as such, to repulse an enemy. The
townspeople of a mediaeval city, having only massacre to expect
if their walls were stormed, observed no limitations in their
choice of weapons, and not only used incendiaries proper to de-
stroy the besiegers' hoarding- work and catapults but also boiling
oil against the bodies of the men. From time to time in modern his-
tory proposals have been made for flame-throwing devices, and
one such was actually experimented with in Prussia about 1700.
But until modern methods of storing a gas propellant under
pressure came into being, anything in the nature of an effective
flamethrower was impossible.
In reality therefore the flamethrower dates from experiments
made in Germany a few years before the World War, when, no
doubt in consequence of the trench warfare of Port Arthur,
Richard Fiedler produced in 1906 a service model which was
under experiment when the war broke out. Like other weapons
of siegecraft this was brought into the field as soon as the nature
of the fighting changed from open-field warfare to trench war-
fare. Already in the winter of 1914-5 they appeared sporadically
on the western front, and they obtained their first striking success
in the Bois d'Avocourt (Verdun) on Feb. 26 1915. It should be
noted that the use of such weapons was not prohibited by the
Hague Convention, save in so far as it might be called a weapon
" calculated to cause unnecessary suffering " a phrase which
is susceptible of many interpretations. In this it differed from
the gas warfare initiated at Ypres in April 1915, although by the
accident of circumstances gas and flamethrowers have come to
be associated in the popular mind.
When the German Flammenwerfer appeared it was considered
essential both in France and in England to design weapons of
this class at once; in England the question of their employment
was reserved, but it was felt that the soldiers who were exposed
to flame attack should, for reasons of moral, be made aware that
similar devices were available on their own side. In France the
military authorities proceeded without hesitation to the creation
not only of the apparatus but of the units to work them. This
difference in the way in which flamethrowers were regarded in the
two chief Allied countries persisted to the end of the war. The
French used them as constantly as the Germans, whereas in the
British Army their employment on service was limited to a very
few occasions in the battle of the Somme, and to the Zeebrugge
attack of St. George's Day 1918. By the American Expedi-
tionary Force they were not used at all, though the question of
their employment was taken into consideration. In 1919 they
figured largely in the local street-fighting by which the German
Republic made good its authority.
The flamethrower essentially consists, in all designs, of (a) a
container filled with some mixture of heavy and light oils; (6) a
strong- walled vessel filled with air, nitrogen, CO 2 , etc., under high
pressure; and (c) a discharge tube with nozzle and in most cases an
ignition device. Between (a) and (6) is a reducing valve, and between
(6) and the nozzle a firing valve or trigger. When air or gas under
high pressure is admitted into (a) from (6) it expels through (c) a
powerful jet of oil, which when ignited (either at the nozzle or sub-
sequently) becomes " liquid fire."
Flamethrowers are essentially short-range weapons, whose char-
acteristic effect is to make an area untenable by living beings, by
actual burning and also by heating the surrounding air to an in-
tolerable temperature. This effect imposes, as a condition of their
use, maximum range, not only because range as such is a desirable
military quality but because the operators themselves must not be
put out of action by their own weapon. Range, however, is difficult
to obtain with a liquid jet. Even in vacua such a jet with an initial
velocity of 50 metres per second would not theoretically range to 300
yd., and, owing to the resistance of the air, the maximum range ever
known to have been attained in practice was 134 yd. actual throw
(with an experimental British type of heavy flamethrower). Be-
yond the actual range of the jet there is of course an area (which
varies according to the conditions of the shoot) made momentarily
untenable owing to the heating of the air, and this area extends
laterally as well as forward. But the fact of limited range remains
a constant drawback. It is especially pronounced with the light
portable types, few of which outrange the hand-grenade.
Amongst the design factors influencing initial velocity and there-
fore range, two are of principal importance, the pressure of the gas
propellant in the oil container and the loss of energy in the discharger
pipe and nozzle. The first would seem, at first sight, to be limited
only by the weight and strength of the containers those of the gas
" bottle" in the first instance and those of the oil container second-
arily. But in practice the size of the nozzle orifice sets an upper limit
to working pressure ; if it is too small in proportion to the pressure the
liquid, instead of being propelled in a consistent jet, is atomized
and loses its forward energy very soon. But the larger the orifice
the greater the quantity of liquid discharged per unit time. Hence,
to obtain a long throw of any useful duration the flamethrower must
be large, heavy and cumbrous. Conversely, when minimal weight
is important, either range or duration must be sacrificed. Up to the
limit thus fixed, of course, maximal pressure is aimed at in design,
and it is found that, with modern materials and workmanship,
gas bottles capable of standing the unreduced or storage pressure
and oil containers able to endure the reduced or working pressure
can be constructed within practicable weights.
The second important factor is loss of head, which varies with the
length and smoothness of the internal surface of the discharge
system, and is affected still more by the occurrence of abrupt bends
and contractions in the piping or nozzle. A discharge system as
straight, as short, and as large in bore as possible is therefore aimed
at. But here again practical limits exist. In all heavy and medium
and in most " knapsack " flamethrowers the position of the con-
tainer has no relation to the axis of the jet. It is not, like a gun,
pointed in the direction of the target, but is built in under cover or
stood up on the ground or carried on a man's back, and aim is taken
by pointing the nozzle only. Hence the most that can be done is to
smooth out the angles of bend as much as possible and to diminish
the length of piping to the strict minimum. Large bore is always
desirable but not always attainable, since increased volume of oil
per unit time means either increased dimensions for the oil container
or diminished duration of action without reloading.
The dimensions of the nozzle itself, in this connexion, are im-
portant as affecting the form of the jet. Progressively, in its passage
through the air, the solid vein of liquid breaks up into globules and
loses its forward energy ; the higher the initial velocity the longer this
break-up is delayed, and velocity is, as we have seen, a function of
working pressure and orifice dimensions. Moreover, the larger the
vein itself the less surface it presents to disintegration by the air
for a given volume; and the same reasoning excludes all cross-
sections of the nozzle other than circular.
The oils employed varied, in the World War, according to avail-
able supplies, but were always in principle mixtures of heavy oil
and light oil (petrol or benzol), the former for the sake of maintaining
forward energy in the air (giving " sectional density " in ballistic
language), the latter for ease of ignition. In winter the proportion of
light oil was increased up to one-third in the French service.
The propellant gases used were also varied. Compressed air,
being most readily available, was probably the most frequently
employed. The Germans even tried compressed oxygen, a most
dangerous expedient when nozzle-ignition is employed, as the
mixture in the interior of the container is liable to detonate if a back
flame from the jet reaches it. 1 This risk attaches also in a lesser
degree to compressed air, and inert gases are always preferable.
COa has the disadvantage that it forms a deposit in the piping and
so increases loss of head, and in the end nitrogen either the pure
product of chemical factories or a " deoxygenated air " produced
in the field by a mobile plant was generally accepted.
So far only the expulsion of the oil jet has been considered. Broad-
ly, there are two forms of ignition. In the one the ground occupied
by the enemy is sprayed with the unignited oil, and then fired by
throwing on to it incendiary bombs or grenades. This is mechan-
ically the simplest way, and it gives the most thorough effect, since
all parts of the ground, even the floors of trenches, are set on fire.
But the throwing of grenades on to the correct spot is a difficult
1 A very serious accident occurred on one occasion in England
from this cause, an oxygen bottle having been accidentally sub-
stituted for an air bottle.
FLAMETHROWERS
matter, especially with the long-range heavy flamethrowers, and
surprise effect which, in the opinion of some, is the principal if not
the only asset of the weapon is entirely lost. The other method
is to fix an igniter to the nozzle; this fires the jet at the outset, en-
sures surprise and moral effect, for the liquid-fire jet, with its roar,
its heat, and heavy smoke intermingled with darting masses of
flame, is a terrifying thing. On the other hand nozzle-ignition
presents very difficult problems which have never been satisfactorily
solved, and the actual burning effect is more local than is the case
with the simpler method. On the whole nozzle ignition is to be pre-
ferred whenever a reasonably certain ignition device is available.
The French made use of both methods, the Germans and British
exclusively, or almost exclusively, of nozzle ignition. It was at one
time supposed that the unignited jet ranged farther than the flaming
jet, but this is not proved. French experiments indicate that what
is lost in " sectional density " by igniting the jet is regained by the
fact that the surrounding air, heated to a high temperature, offers a
lessened resistance.
Ignition devices may be simple portfires (or even petrol-soaked
wads) attached by hand to the nozzle and ignited before aim is
taken, or more elaborate electrical and mechanical devices. In all
cases they are required to ignite, not the oil itself, which emerges
in too rigid a column to respond to the spark, but the film of petrol
vapour which forms round the column. The spark must be emitted
by the igniter as close as possible to the emerging jet without actually
touching it. Moreover it must be protected against the wind.
Further, the igniter must remain alight and in the correct position
during the duration of the throw; this condition is very difficult to
satisfy in the case of portable flamethrowers which operate by a
succession of short, sharp jets controlled by a trigger, save by the
clumsy expedient of a long-burning portfire. Amongst the many
forms of ignition three may be specially mentioned :
(a) A British pattern in which two sparking-plugs were mounted
in a cup containing petrol, and fired by a magneto generator.
(6) A French type, giving the very long burning required for the
successive shots of the portable flamethrowers by means of a tubular
magazine fixed to the nozzle. In this magazine was a long stick of
alumino-thermic composition, which was continually urged forward
by a spring as its head burned away. Primary ignition of the
portfire itself was by means of a cerium-steel "briquet."
Fastener*
eedle
and
Cardboard Disc
Striker Pellet
Spring
Competition
Piston
Hozzli
FIG. I.
(c) The German service igniter (fig. i), which was very ingeniously
devised and was based on inertia. It was a double-walled cylinder
attached to the nozzle-tube. The space between the inner and outer
walls was filled with an alumino-tnermic composition, open to the
air at the top. Inside the hollow of the cylinder and in prolongation
of the bore of the nozzle-tube were a piston, a spring, a striker-
needle mounted on a pellet, and a cap with powder-relay. Between
the cap and the striker-needle was a fixed disc of cardboard. On
release the sudden impact of the iet on the piston compressed the
spring and the striker against the cardboard disc, then after a
moment the needle penetrated this disc, and the spring, decompress-
ing itself, forced it on to the cap and so fired the powder relay that
ignited the composition. The attachments which secured the striker,
etc., in the bore of the cylinder were instantly burned through, and
the jet, blowing out these obstructions, issued and was ignited by
the burning composition as it emerged.
The types of flamethrower designed by the three belligerents were
classified broadly as heavy, medium or semi-portable, and portable.
Those of the heavy class, built for range, all required fixed installa-
tions; medium types were simply smaller editions of the heavy types,
kept down in weight so as to be able to follow up an advance without
undue difficulty; while the portable weapons were without exception
designed for use in the course of the attack itself, and especially for
the " mopping-up " of captured trenches and for securing the flanks
of a line of trenches during " consolidation." In reality, therefore,
there are only two types, the heavy and the light, and these are
technically very different.
Heavy Flamethrowers. Of the various types of heavy flame-
thrower which were evolved in the war, the British show both
the best ranging power and also perhaps the greatest variety,
this latter being due to the fact that, officially, they never passed
beyond the experimental stage into that of a " service store."
The first model to be tried was that designed by an American,
Joseph Menchen, which was put before the War Office in March
1915. This was a very large apparatus, several containers being
coupled up in series to a single pipe and nozzle, the latter being
aimed from under cover by means of power derived from a by-
pass on the air bottle (a complication subsequently abandoned).
The intention of the branch of the War Office concerned (which
subsequently became the Trench Warfare Department of the
Ministry of Munitions) was to employ the apparatus not in
trenches, for which it was evidently too cumbrous, but to mount
it in a large armoured vehicle of the caterpillar class. Such a
vehicle was built, concurrently with the first tanks but on a
larger scale so as to be able to carry a big supply of oil for the
flamethrower, which in the Menchen design had a range of 100
yards. This idea of the flamethrower-tank was, however, al-
lowed to drop owing to a variety of causes, of which the principal
were the dislike of the British G.H.Q. in France for flame-
throwers generally, and the concentration of caterpillar-building
resources at home on the gun-carrying tank. Experiment pro-
ceeded therefore on heavy types intended for trench warfare,
and greater lightness and simplicity than was possible with the
Menchen design was aimed at. Later in 1915 the Department
produced a heavy flamethrower " battery " which embodied
many of the features of the Menchen, and some of those of the
Hersent apparatus which had been evolved in France. This
" battery " is typical of the normal heavy flame-thrower.
The " battery " (fig. 2) consisted of four vertical cylinders 16 in.
in diameter and 48 in. high; on the top of each cylinder was a valve
(controlled at first by a wheel and later by special mechanism) which
was attached to a siphon tube in the interior of the container. The
four valves were connected up in series by short lengths of flexible
metallic tubing. The container communicated by a length of flex-
ible tube with a rigid tube terminating in a nozzle; this discharge
tube was mounted in the trench parapet behind a shield in such a way
that the jet could be delivered in any direction and with any eleva-
tion. In the final container valve i.e. that leading to the de-
livery piping was mounted a trigger valve. On each container
was strapped a gas bottle (compressed air, later nitrogen) containing
60 cub. ft. of gas compressed to 1, 800 Ib. per sq. inch. Between
FLAMETHROWERS
79
this and the oil container were interposed a reducing valve (to reduce
the storage pressure to a working pressure of 250 Ib. per sq. in.) and
a pressure gauge. Each oil container, when filled about three-
quarters full (as was the usual practice), held 25 gal. and weighed
180 Ib. filled. Ignition was at the nozzle by means of the electric
device above mentioned. The range of this model was about 90 yd.
actual throw. This apparatus, modified in details, was operated
on one or two occasions in very unsuitable conditions during the
battle of the Somme 1916, and was then rejected by G.H.Q. 1 But
before experiment was abandoned two important alterations were
made, (a) The valves between the separate containers were done
away with, and the freer flow of oil thereby obtained enabled a
" record " range of 134 yd. to be reached. (6) The " director tube "
built into the parapet was replaced by a so-called " monitor," a
lazy-tongs device carrying a short, universal-jointed, nozzle-tube,
which was raised above the parapet only during firing, the whole
Installation at other times being below ground in a dugout. Other
improvements were made to facilitate assembly and taking down in
trench conditions. On one occasion a complete " battery " of four
containers and monitor was taken down, removed, reassembled,
filled and fired in slightly less than 15 minutes by ten men. The
container unit was also lightened.
French heavy flamethrowers were substantially of the same
character as the British model just described, but simpler. They did
not range quite so well. Storage pressure was somewhat higher,
working pressure slightly lower than in the British engines. The
unit container was shorter and wider, and of lower capacity; the
" battery " usually consisted of three containers placed one behind
the other and connected by coupling-pipes at an acute angle to
a single collector-tube which carried the nozzle. As above mentioned
nozzle ignition and ground ignition were both used.
The German Grof (grosser Flammenwerfer) was similar in capacity
to the British " battery " type, but otherwise resembled the French.
A heavy flamethrower of an entirely different type was the
Livens, designed by Capt. Livens, R.E. In this the containers were,
so to speak, elongated until they took the form of a single long 9-inch
pipe stowed horizontally in a deep dugout or gallery. In the pipe
worked a floating piston which separated the gas and the oil posi-
tively. Along this pipe, at intervals, were placed refilling tanks, so
arranged that at the conclusion of each shoot the pipe-container
could be refilled with oil very quickly by power supplied from the
main reservoir of propellant gas. In the model here described three
shoots could be made, each of 80 gal., in four minutes. The propellant
gas, stored in the usual bottles, was admitted to a welded reservoir
which was tested to 1, 800 Ib. per sq. inch. This equalizing reservoir
gave a powerful and steady drive at the relatively high working
pressure of 325 Ib. per sq. inch. At the end of the container pipe
was a " monitor " or rising discharger, arranged on the principle of
a hydraulic ram, worked by the oil itself. This rose through a hole
in the roof of the dug-out, delivered its shot, and sank automatically
when the oil which supported it was drained off below.
Portable Flamethrowers. These were used to a far greater
extent in the World War than were the heavier types. In most
cases the container with the gas bottle strapped to it was carried
on the man's back, and the discharger tube with nozzle carried in
his hand, the two being connected by the usual flexible pipe. The
necessary lightness was obtained of course by the sacrifice of
ranging power, both quantity of oil and working pressure being
lower (3 gal., and 140-170 Ib. per sq. in. respectively in the
French " Schilt " types).
The general principles were similar to those of the heavy flame-
throwers, except in- the method of release. Whereas in the heavy
types a single long-ranging shot of great power is fired in one blast,
in the light type or at least in those light types designed after the
requirement had been realized a succession of very short spurts is
arranged for by a quick-acting trigger-valve of some sort. This
enables the user to move hither and thither, driving back now one
party of the enemy, now another, or clearing several dugouts in
succession without reloading. In earlier French patterns ignition
was by incendiary grenades after a shot of unignited oil, but the
tactical usefulness of this weapon, even more than that of the heavy
type, suffers by this limitation, and in all later French models nozzle-
ignition is fitted. Of these the Schilt " No. 3 bis " may be taken as
representative (fig. 3). Its outstanding characteristic is the power of
delivering very many short shots without reloading. The " record "
is no less than 103, but such a figure can only be obtained at the
expense of range, and the usual practice was to use up one filling in
about 8 or ip shots with a range of rather less than 30 metres. The
ignition device js the " tubular magazine " mentioned earlier and
burns for 8-9 minutes. The dimensions are: container 2 cm. thick,
55 cm. high and 20 cm. in diameter, tested to 427 Ib. per sq. in. with
a capacity 3 gallons. The gas is at a storage pressure of 2,133 Ib.
1 The available sets were handed over to Russia, a company of
escaped Russian prisoners of war being formed and trained in Eng-
land to handle them. No use was apparently made either of the
apparatus or the trained men, owing to the Revolution.
per sq. in., which a reducing valve converts to a working pressure
171 Ib. per sq. inch. The trigger valve has to be held down in
operation and instantly springs up and closes the passage of oil
if the operator is shot an important point, as experience had shown
in the case of the earlier small flamethrowers, which emptied them'
FIG. 3.
selves in a single shot. A tap is also fitted, at the origin of the flexible
tube, which is turned on in going into action. The flexible tube is
about 2 ft. long, and f in. in bore, the nozzle pipe also 2 ft. long with
an orifice of & inch. The total weight, full, is about 65 Ib. Fig. 3
shows the apparatus in action. Like all French flamethrowers it
was designed by Capt. Schilt of the Paris sapeurs-pompiers, who also
organized the special flamethrower companies named after him.
The original German light Flammenwerfer, known as Kleif, was a
3-gallon engine which presents no particular point of interest. It
was replaced by a smaller weapon known as Wex, which had a
capacity of 2 J gal. and was fitted for successive shots. Both " Kleif "
and " Wex " were operated by two men, one carrying the container
knapsack-fashion while the other carried the discharge pipe and
moved about as required.
The early British types known as the Norris, or Norris-Menchen,
were of much the same general design as the Schilts; the first
emptied themselves at one shot, the later ones had trigger valves.
Another type, invented by Lt. Lawrence, R.E., and originally
designed to throw either poison-gas or flame or both, was, after
modification to convert it into a flamethrower pure and simple,
found to possess a much longer range, as well as a better balance of
the elements of the design than any existing model. Its range was
no less than 45 yd., and it was capable of maintaining that range for
some 15 to 1 8 shots from a single filling of 3 gallons. Safety was
ensured by the use of inert gas and by the fact that if the operator
lost control all valves automatically closed. This type was under
manufacture in Russia in 1917 at the time of the Revolution.
Experiments were also made in England with smaller models, some
of which were used in the Zeebrugge landing in 1918. Finally, a
flame projector was designed but never actually used, which acted
in the same way as a land mine, i.e. it was buried and left to itself,
inert, till the enemy in his advance stumbled upon a tripwire which
set the machine in operation.
Tactical Uses. Flamethrowers used in the World War were
in all the three countries which employed them engineer weapons.
In Great Britain those used on service were manned by a unit of
the Special Brigade R.E. In France Capt. Schilt, the designer
of the Schilt throwers in use, organized some seven companies of
engineers known as compagnies Schilt for flamethrower work. In
Germany it was the special province of a unit of pioneers which
from small beginnings finally became the Guard Reserve Pio-
neer regiment, and lent its weapons and its men to the " assault
battalions " as required. These battalions generally included
in their attack formations a number of portable " Kleifs " or
" Wexs." The G.R.P.R. also found heavy machines (two-cou-
pled) and personnel for shell-hole warfare and anti-tank defence.
In reviewing, even generally, their tactical work in the war,
and estimating their future potentialities, it is obvious that a
clear distinction must be drawn between the heavy and the light
types. The intermediates were, and so far as can be seen will
always be, an unnecessary type possessing the defects without
the virtues of the others.
Too little use was made in the war of true heavy types, such
as the British " battery " and " Livens," for any final judgment
8o
FLECKER FLORIDA.
to be passed on their usefulness. But it is evident that that use-
fulness will be confined to siege warfare, so far as ground in-
stallations are concerned. Quite apart from the necessity of bury-
ing the whole apparatus in shell-proof dugouts, the difficulty
of supplying it with oil for constant use is considerable: eighty
gallons of mixture with a specific gravity of -8 the contents of
a Livens tube weigh 640 Ib. without the transport receptacle,
and three shots can be fired in four minutes. Stated in this way
the problem is the same as that of supplying an n-in. howitzer
emplaced in the foremost trench. The load can be brought up
in smaller units, it is true, whereas a shell cannot be subdivided
for transport. But it is nine times as bulky, and continuous sup-
ply would be as difficult in the one case as in the other. Another
consideration is the material itself in some conditions of war-
fare petrol and oil may be more precious than iron and steel.
Thirty " Livens " machines on one mile of front would consume
about 1,000 gal. of petrol (neglecting the oil) per minute of actual
continued activity. Fifty-five minutes of this activity on one
mile of front would consume as much essence as the whole fleet of
lorries belonging to the French Army consumed in a day during
the winter of 1917-8. Evidently then the heavy flame projector
if used at all will only be used in situations and tasks for which
no more economical and handy weapon is available. The ques-
tion is do such situations exist? And the answer is evidently
that, even if they do exist, they are not found on any considerable
frontage at the same time. And so we find that the utility of the
immobile heavy flamethrower is restricted to certain points and
certain circumstances, such as may here and there be found
(but not necessarily foreseen) in siege warfare. Any future that
the heavy flame projector may possess in field warfare, or even
in large-scale trench warfare, then, will depend on its being made
mobile, i.e. on its being mounted in a tank.
The portable flamethrower, on the contrary, found many
occasions of useful employment in varied conditions during the
World War. Amongst its roles were: surprise attack following
a stealthy approach, to enable an infantry attack to debouch
from trenches; " mopping-up," i.e. clearing a captured trench
system of isolated but still dangerous parties of the enemy while
the main attack presses on; blocking the flanks of a captured
length of trench; forcing the surrender of enemy parties which
have taken refuge in dugouts (perhaps the most frequent, if not
the principal r61e in trench-warfare offensives) ; holding off close
attack upon a party withdrawing, e.g. after a raid; engaging a
strong point frontally while infantry work round the flanks. This
catalogue shows the variety of functions which may be and have
been carried out by small flamethrowers. It will be noticed that
many of these r61es are by no means peculiar to trench warfare,
and also that nearly all presuppose close cooperation with small
bodies of infantry, the tactical units of the future. It is too much
to say that the flamethrower is indispensable in the performance
of the average battle task of modern infantry, but it is, on occasion,
undeniably more useful than other close-range auxiliaries of the
infantryman. Its main handicap is the difficulty of maintaining
oil supply in an advance of great depth. This is serious, and
may restrict it to employment in the methodical attack and
defence of fortified regions. (C. F. A.)
FLECKER, JAMES ELROY (1884-1915), British poet, was born
at Lewisham Nov. 5 1884, the son of the Rev. W. H. Flecker,
D.D., afterwards headmaster of Dean Close school at Cheltenham.
He was educated at Uppingham and Trinity College, Oxford,
proceeding later to Caius College, Cambridge, where he studied
oriental languages for two years before entering the consular
service. He was sent to Constantinople in 1910 and to Beyrout
in 1911. There he married a Greek lady. But his health failed
early and he died at Davos Platz, Switz., Jan. 3 1915. His poetic
output, though small, was choice, showing much affinity with
the French Parnassien school, as well as with Swinburne and
Francis Thompson. During his lifetime he published four small
volumes of poetry; one more and two privately printed volumes
appeared after his death, and his Collected Poems, with an intro-
duction by J. C. Squire, were published in 1916. He also left two
unpublished dramas, Hassan and Don Juan. A short satire,
1920
91.558
51,608
31-035
29,571
19,945
14-237
1910
57,699
37,782
22,982
5,471
18,749
4.127
Increase
5 ^
36-6
35-o
440-5
6-0
245-0
The Last Generation (1908), and a novel, The King of Alsander
(1914), were his only important prose works.
FLEMING, SIR SANDFORD (1827-1915), Canadian engineer
and publicist (see 10.494), died at Halifax, N.S., July 22 1915.
FLINT, ROBERT (1838-1910), Scottish divine and philosopher
(see 10.521), died at Edinburgh Nov. 25 1910.
FLORIDA (see 10.540). The pop. of the state in 1920 was
968,470 as compared with 752,619 in 1910, a gain of 215,851
or 28-7% for the decade. There were 17 cities with a pop. of
over 5,000; those exceeding 10,000 with their proportional gain
for the decade were:
Jacksonville
Tampa .
Pensacola
Miami
Key West .
St. Petersburg
Despite a comparatively rapid growth of its cities and towns
the pop. of the state was still predominantly rural. The urban
pop. (those living in cities and towns of over 2,500 inhabitants)
numbered 3 5 5,8 2 5 in 1920, 36- 7% of the whole, as contrasted with
219,080 or 29-1% in 1910. This gave Florida the largest propor-
tion of urban population of any southern state. During the win-
ter months the population was each year largely augmented by
thousands of tourists and winter residents. The E. -coast and
Gulf-coast resorts were the chief objectives, but many of the
inland towns and cities were beginning to attract visitors. In
1916 the Baptists were numerically the strongest denomination,
with a membership of 131,107; the Methodists second, with
114,821; followed by the Roman Catholics, 24,650; Episcopalians,
10,399; Presbyterians, 10,170; and Congregationalists, 2,878.
Industries and Commerce. Florida's most extensive industry is
agriculture. According to figures of the Florida Experiment Station
there were approximately 6,000,000 ac. of land in farms in 1920, not
including open or fenced range lands. Of this, 1,700,000 ac. were
in crops and 200,000 ac. of crop lands were idle; 180,000 ac. were in
fruit; 1,120,000 ac. were in pasture; and 2,800,000 ac. in woodland.
On approximately one-third of the cultivated acreage crops were
produced by intertillage (the growing of two or more crops on ihe
same land at one time) and by succession planting (where two or
more crops follow each other on the same land during the year).
The number of farms in Florida in 1910 was 50,016; in 1920, accord-
ing to preliminary figures of the U.S. census, 54,006. Fruit was the
most important crop. By the practical eradication of citrus canker,
and the control of the white fly, through the vigorous campaign
that has been waged against these enemies of citrus growth under
the direction of the State Plant Board, the citrus industry has been
greatly benefited and has prospered despite the fact that some of
the groves in the more northern parts of the state have suffered by
several severe winters. In 1920 the production of oranges was
8,500,000 boxes valued at $18,700,000, and of grape fruit 5,000,000
boxes valued at $10,000,000. In the sub-tropical part of the state
pineapples, lemons, guavas, and avocadoes were grown profitably
on a commercial scale. Other fruits were peaches, pears, bananas,
grapes, figs, and limes. Other crops produced in Florida, with their
1920 yields and values were :
Cr
Indian corr
Oats (bus.)
Hay (tons)
Wild hay (tons)
Peanuts (bus.)
Rice (bus.)
Irish potati
Sweet pota
Sorghum s;
Sugar-cane
Cowpeas (bus.)
Velvet beans (I
Cotton (bales)
Tobacco (Ib.)
Pecans (Ib.)
The encroachments of the boll weevil and the scarcity of farm
labour, together with the unsettled condition of the cotton market,
caused a falling off in the production of cotton during the decade
1910-20, and in many sections where cotton used to be raised it is
no longer planted. The tobacco-growing section of western Florida
produces profitably a shaded leaf, grown from Cuban and Sumatran
seed, which is in great demand in cigar manufacturing. The pecan
industry is comparatively new, most of the commercial groves having
been planted since 1905. It is believed that in the northern part of
'P
Quantity
Value
(bus.) .
10,530,000
$10,530,000
1,020,000
612,000
, .
132,000
2,508,000
>ns)
20,000
500,000
s.) . .
3,220,000
4,798,000
72,000
126,000
es (bus.)
2,625,000
5,250,000
oes (bus.)
4,275,000
5,130,000
rup (gal.)
84,000
840,000
syrup (gal.)
6,110,000
6,000,000
us.)
184,000
506,000
s(bus.) .
1,300,000
2,500,000
2s) . .
18,000
1,530,000
4,620,000
2,218,000
3,000,000
1,250,000
FLYING CORPS
81
the state, the pecan crop soon may compete closely with the citrus
crop of the southern part of the state. The open winters and light
soil of Florida make many of its counties well adapted to the pro-
duction of early vegetables for the northern markets. The industry
is developing rapidly and the Florida producer can put vegetables
on the northern markets earlier than any of his competitors. The
chief obstacle in the way of further development of this industry is
costly rates and inadequate railway freight service. The latest
available figures on truck production, for the season of 1917-8, the
trucking season being the winter, spring and early summer months,
are given by the Florida Commissioner of Agriculture as follows:
Crops Ac. Crates Value
Onions . . . . 1,155 94,4*9 $ 175.539
Lettuce .... 2,683 747.346 518,874
Celery .... 1,661 854,298 798,161
Peppers .... 8,039 845,213 1,363,264
Irish potatoes . . . 38,596 4,552,465 4,403,361
Cabbage .... 10,253 1,032,379 1,358,633
Tomatoes .... 21,186 2,852,426 6,287,557
Squashes .... 596 82,543 124,716
Egg-plant . . . 1,616 358,737 596,336
Cucumbers . . . 2,497 35,5l6 497,615
Watermelons (cars). . 7,558 2,773 494> 6 36
Beets .... 380 73,571 105,391
String Beans . . . 8,006 1,360,136 1,933,578
In Florida much attention is paid to stock-raising. During the
decade 191020 there has been a consistent grading up of both beef
and dairy herds. Especially is this true of dairy herds, the average
.value of milch cows being more than five times as much in 1921 as
in 1910. The live stock in Jan. 1920 was: horses, 60,000 valued at
$8,400,000; mules, 40,000 valued at $7,840,000; milch cows, 156,000
valued at $11,232,000; cattle other than milch cows, 945,000 valued
at $25,798,000; sheep 95,000 valued at $494,000; swine, 1,588,000
valued at $20,644,000; a total for all stock of 2,884,000 head with a
total valuation of $74,408,000.
In 1916 the total value of minerals produced in the state was
$5,859,821, the more important of which were phosphates, lime,
limestone, brick, tile, and fuller's earth, of which latter Florida
produced in that year more than three-fourths of the entire output
of the United States. Phosphate production according to the last
available figures in the Ninth Annual Report of the Florida Geologi-
cal Survey was, in long tons:
Pebble 1913 1916
Exported 887,398 172,427
ForuseinU.S 1,168,084 1,296,331
Total 2,055,482 1,468,758
Hard Rock
Exported 476,898 28,045
For use in U.S 12,896 19,042
Total 489,794 47,087
Grand Total .... 2,545,276 1,515,845
The total mineral production for 1919 was put by the State Geologi-
cal Survey at a valuation of $10,603,620.
In 1916 the output of lumber was 1,425,000,000 ft., in 1918
950,000,000 ft. In 1918 Florida stood second in the production of
cypress with a total of 85,376,000 ft., and sixth in production of yellow
pine with a total of 765,912,000 ft. The high prices of lumber dur-
ing most of the decade 1910-20 made this industry highly profit-
able. Naval stores are produced from the pine forests, where the
sap of the trees is collected and distilled, yielding turpentine and
rosin. In 1905 Florida's naval stores were valued at $9,901,905.
In 1917 there was a production of 8,824,295 gal. of turpentine valued
at $13,018,447, and of 414,226 bar. of rosin valued at $3^260,107, or
a total valuation for naval stores of $16,278,554. The manufacture
of cigars and, to a much smaller extent, cigarettes is carried on chiefly
in Tampa and Key West. In 1905 the gross value of production
was $16,764,276. In 1917 Florida produced 469,301,042 cigars
valued at $30,127,941 and 7,800,000 cigarettes valued at $154,000.
A rapidly growing Florida manufacture is the production of com-
mercial fertilizers, large amounts of phosphate mined within the
state being used for this purpose.
History. The outbreak of the World War in 1914 interrupted
two of Florida's more important exports .to Europe, naval stores
and phosphates, thus creating a temporary business depression.
In the naval stores industry the recovery was comparatively
rapid, owing to the high prices of and increased domestic demand
for the products during the period of the war, with the exception
of its early months. The phosphate industry was more seriously
affected, as Germany had been a large purchaser of Florida
phosphates. Many of the Florida phosphate mines closed down,
to resume operation only after the signing of the Armistice.
The political history of the state during the decade 1910-20
was uneventful. The question of prohibition played a large part
in state politics until the ratification of the Eighteenth (Pro-
hibition) Amendment to the Federal Constitution by the Florida
Legislature Dec. 14 1918. Since 1876 Florida has been uniformly
democratic and, except in 1916, when a contested primary elec-
tion in the democratic party resulted in the nomination of Sidney
J. Catts as a prohibitionist and in his election as governor, all of
the state's executives have been democrats. The governors after
1910 were: Albert W. Gilchrist, 1909-13; Park Trammell, 1913-7;
Sidney J. Catts, 1917-21; and Gary A. Hardee from 1921.
A proposed constitutional amendment to effect reapportionment
was passed by the Legislature in 1921, to become operative if voted
on favourably in Nov. 1922. This measure would give more adequate
representation to parts of Florida that have increased greatly in
population. Several new counties have been created since 1910.
From territory taken from De Soto co. the four new counties of
Glades, Hardee, Highlands, and Charlotte have been formed;
Lafayette co. has been divided, the southern part to be known
as Dixie; Hillsborough's western part has become Pinellas co.;
Flagler co. has been formed from the northern territory of Vol-
usia and the southern part of St. John's; parts of Palm Beach and
Dade have been joined to create Broward; the western part of Wal-
ton and eastern part of Santa Rosa have been combined under the
name of Okaloosa; part of Bradford has been made into Union; part
of Manatee into Sarasota; parts of Washington and Walton have
become Bay ; parts of Osceola, St. Lucie and Palm Beach are now
known as Okeechobee ; and from the northern part of Orange Sem-
inole has been created.
Florida furnished 42,301 soldiers, sailors and marines for the World
War and the casualties among them were 1,171, including 467 dead.
The state's subscriptions to the Liberty and Victory loans were:
First Liberty Loan, $5,271,000; Second $8,611,000; Third $18,-
053,900; Fourth $27,538,100; Victory Loan, $17,918,100 the total
for the five being $77,392,100. (J. M. L.)
FLYING CORPS. Aviation, as a military service, took new
organized forms during the World War, and its development
in this respect is dealt with in the following pages; the art of
flying itself is treated under AERONAUTICS. At the present time,
the general name of " Air Force " has come into official use to
cover the different forms of organized military and naval avia-
tion, but earlier in the World War the usual term was " Flying
Corps." The development of the British air forces will be
treated here first.
I. MILITARY AVIATION. The first official appearance of any .
form of aircraft as part of the British army (for the navy, see
later) was in 1878, when a Royal Engineers balloon equip-
ment store was established at Woolwich Arsenal. In the fol-
lowing years, besides practice in manoeuvres (both field and
siege), experimental work was carried on at Woolwich, and later
at Chatham, in the direction of getting a better gas, a more
suitable fabric for the envelope, and more adequate means of
filling the balloons than existed at the time. The question of
transport for balloons was also carefully gone into. As a result
of this decision a small factory, depot and school of instruc-
tion were started at Chatham in 1883. In 1884 it was decided
to include a balloon detachment among the R.E. units mob-
ilized for service in Bechuanaland and in the following year
a similar detachment was sent on service in the Soudan. In
1890 the balloon section was recognized as an individual unit
of the R.E.; the factory and the school were moved to Alder-
shot, the depot remaining at Chatham. At this time its strength
was 33 all ranks.
Up to the beginning of the S. African War of 1899-1902 tht
organization of the balloon section remained the same. On the
outbreak of that war it was decided to send balloons to S.
Africa, and three sections in all went out.
In 1902 the first British airship, " Nulli Secundus," was
commenced at the balloon factory, which also continued
research into man-lifting kites, photography, signalling between
ground and balloons, petrol motors, elongated balloons and
mechanical hauling apparatus. In 1905 the balloon factory was
moved to S. Farnborough, and experiments were carried out at
Gibraltar with a view to seeing to what extent balloons could be
utilized in spotting submarines and mines.
The growing importance of aeronautics was signalized in Oct.
1908 by the appointment of an appropriate standing sub-com-
mittee of the Committee of Imperial Defence. This committee
reported in Jan. 1909 in favour of a small expenditure being
authorized for building a rigid airship for the navy, and ex-
82
FLYING CORPS
perimenting on non-dirigibles for the army, but recommended
discontinuance by the balloon establishment of its experiments
with aeroplanes for progress in which it would be better to rely
on private enterprise. In April 1909 the " Advisory Commit-
tee for Aeronautics " was appointed under the presidency of
Lord Rayleigh to advise on questions relating to the science
of aeronautics, to arrange when necessary for experimental
work at the National Physical Laboratory and generally to
advance the practical application of the science.
In Oct. 1909 the balloon factory and balloon school at S.
Farnborough, which had hitherto been under one control, were
separated, a commandant of the school and superintendent of
the factory being appointed. The next step of any importance was
the formation in 1911 of the Air Battalion R.E. This Air Battal-
ion absorbed the existing elements of the balloon section, and con-
sisted of a headquarters and two companies, No. i (airship and
kite) and No. 2 (aeroplane), the latter being the first heavier-
than-air unit to form part of the B*ritish army. The expansion of
the Air Battalion on mobilization was provided for by the selec-
tion of officers of the regular army to form the Air Battalion
Reserve.
At this time there were less than 12 efficient aeroplanes and
two small airships for both naval and military requirements,
while France had 250 aeroplanes and several airships, and
Germany had 20 to 30 military aeroplanes and about 20 air-
ships. Towards the end of 1911, therefore, it was realized that
the rapid development of aeronautics abroad rendered necessary
further study of the possibilities of aviation in its relation to
Imperial Defence, and on Nov. 18 1911 the Prime Minister
requested an air sub-committee of the Committee of the Imperial
Defence to consider the question. This sub-committee delegated
to a technical sub-committee the task of drawing up a scheme.
Its main recommendations, accepted by the air sub-committee
and finally by the Committee of Imperial Defence and the
Government, were as follows:
(a) That the British air service should be regarded as one, and
called the " Flying Corps." This corps to provide the personnel
necessary for naval and military wings, for the Central Flying School
and for a Flying Corps Reserve, (b) That the Central Flying School
should be established on Salisbury Plain at the joint expense of the
Admiralty and the War Office, but administered by the latter.
(c) That after graduating as pilots at the Central Flying School
officers should go for further instruction to the Naval Flying School
at Eastchurch, or to a military squadron as the case might be, or
else pass into the reserve of the Flying Corps.
The technical sub-committee also recommended that the technical
requirements for both wings of the Flying Corps should be provided
by the army aircraft factory, which should henceforth be known as
the " Aircraft Factory." This aircraft factory, which was the direct
descendant of the balloon factory, and out of which was eventually
evolved the Royal Aircraft Establishment, should be charged with
the higher training; of mechanics for the Flying Corps, the repair of
engines and machines, research and experiment.
Further, it was recommended that in order to secure close collab-
oration between the naval and military wings, the Central Flying
School, the aircraft factory and the Advisory Committee on Aero-
nautics, a permanent air sub-committee of the Committee of Im-
perial Defence should be constituted under the chairmanship of the
Under-Secretary of State for War, and having as its members the
senior officers of the corps and the factory, with War Office and
Admiralty representatives.
With regard to the supply of personnel for the Flying Corps, the
technical sub-committee recommended that its officers should be
exclusively graduates of the Central Flying School, the supply being
from either the navy or the army or by direct entry from civil life.
After graduating, officers should serve continuously for four years
in the Flying Corps with the naval wing, military wing, on the
permanent staff of the Central Flying School or the Flying Corps
Reserve. The Flying Corps Reserve to consist of personnel only,
and to be divided into two classes : (a) those who were required
to keep themselves in flying practice; (b) others not under this
obligation. The first were to receive a retaining fee.
It was estimated that the navy would require 40 officers trained
as pilots per annum. As regards the military wing, the seven
aeroplane squadrons considered necessary for the Expeditionary
Force would require a total of 182 officer pilots and 182 N.C.O.
pilots. Assuming four years of active flying work as the limit for
the average individual and adding 25% for casualties, failures, etc.,
the number eventually to be passed through the Central Flying
School per annum would be about 164. In addition it was recom-
mended that 15 civilians should be trained annually as pilots and
passed into the Reserve.
With regard to the naval wing of the R.F.C., the technical sub-
committee recommended that after being at the Central Flying
School officers should then pass on to Eastchurch for further training
in the special forms of naval aeronautics. It was, incidentally, further
recommended that in view of the great cost involved it was not con-
sidered advisable to build rigid airships.
As regards the military wing of the Flying Corps, it was recom-
niended that it should comprise all branches of military aeronautics,
including aeroplanes, airships and kites, and should accordingly
absorb the existing Air Battalion of the R.E. For an expedition-
ary force of six divisions and one cavalry division it was estimated
that one headquarters, seven aeroplane squadrons of 12 machines
each, one airship and kite squadron and one line-of-communication
workshop would be required. The organization of a squadron was
to be headquarters (seven officers, 17 other ranks), and three flights
of four machines each (each flight consisting of four officers and 46
other ranks).
On May 13 1912 the R.F.C. was inaugurated. The pro-
gramme adopted for its development, apart from a few alter-
ations in detail, was on the lines recommended by the technical
sub-committee. The first two squadrons to be formed of the
military wing were Nos. i and 3. The former was No. i (Air-
ship) Co. of the Air Battalion. It had on charge two air-
ships, " Beta " and " Gamma," the " Delta," " Zeta " and
" Eta " being added subsequently, as well as man-lifting kites
and free balloons for training. No. 3 Squadron was formed
from No. 2 (Aeroplane) Co. of the Air Battalion. Later in
1912 Nos. 2 and 4 companies were formed, 1 and in June the
Central Flying School opened at Upavon. Wing headquarters
and the line-of-communication R.F.C. workshop (later known
as the Flying Depot and then as the Aircraft Park) were located
at S. Farnborough. The naval airship service, which had been
constituted in 'connexion with naval airships experiments in
1909 and disbanded in 1912, was re-raised and attached to
No. i Airship Squadron.
Considerable progress was made in 1913 both in organization
and otherwise, and at the end of the year 92 officers were serv-
ing with the military wing, 25 officers in the reserve and 22 in
the special reserve. Other ranks totalled 999. The approximate
strength of the naval wing was 125 officers, including warrant
officers, and 500 men. The annual report of the Central Flying
School showed that 28 naval and 69 military officers had passed
out, and 14 N.C.O.'s. had obtained 2nd-class pilot certificates.
Experiments with machine-guns mounted on aeroplanes were
made during 1913 by the military wing, and the aeroplane
inspection department was formed at S. Farnborough.
A sub-committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence,
appointed in 1913 to consider the control of aircraft in peace
and war, recommended that the Aerial Navigation Act of 1911
should be amended so as to give power to requisition aircraft
in time of war, and that the commandant of the Central Flying
School should keep a register of privately owned aircraft. The
Aerial Navigation Act of Feb. 1913 amended the previous Act
in accordance with these recommendations. It was also laid
down that one of the conditions in qualifying for the Royal
Aero Club certificate should be an obligation to serve in any
branch of the R.F.C. in time of war.
In Sept. 1913 a directorate of military aeronautics was formed
at the War Office. It was to be an entirely self-contained
department, and its head had direct access to the Secretary of
State. It was charged with the general administration of the
Army Air Service, and was made responsible for all work in
connexion with the personnel and equipment of the Central
Flying School, the military wing and the Royal Aircraft Factory.
In Jan. 1914 it was decided that in war each squadron should
have 1 2 active and three reserve aeroplanes, and the flying depot
21 reserve machines. In peace, squadrons were to have 21
aeroplanes and the flying depot 28. The airship material of
No. i Squadron was handed over to the Admiralty, who became
responsible for all lighter-than-air craft, and the squadron was
re-formed as an aeroplane squadron.
1 No. 5 was formed in 1913 and Nos. 6 and 7 in the first half of
1914-
FLYING CORPS
Development during the World War. The directorate of mil-
itary aeronautics had, prior to the outbreak of war in Aug. 1914,
drawn up a mobilization scheme providing for the dispatch
overseas of 4 squadrons and the retention in England of 2 squad-
rons. The register of civilian pilots and privately owned
machines had also been drawn up. All the existing squadrons
were short of pilots, though nearly up to establishment in
N.C.O.'s and men. The Central Flying School had been formed
on a scale calculated gradually to build up the establishment of
the naval and military wings that had been laid down, and was
not capable of meeting at short notice the requirements that
arose out of the emergency. Even the mobilization of four
squadrons, therefore, was rather more than the existing resources
of machines and pilots justified, and it became necessary to draw
upon the Reserve and the Central Flying School.
On Aug. 3, when mobilization commenced, Maj.-Gen. David
Handerson, director of military aeronautics at the War Office,
was appointed general officer commanding the R.F.C., with
the Expeditionary Forfe, and Maj. W. S. Brancker took over
the War Office work as assistant director.
On Aug. 13 and 15, Nos. 2, 3, 4, and 5 Squadrons (less one
flight of No. 4 left behind for Home Defence), flew from Dover
to Amiens, followed by R.F.C. headquarters, .the mechanics and
transport of the squadrons, and the Aircraft Park, proceeding
by boat and train. The Park was established at Amiens. 1
The three main problems confronting the military aeronautics
directorate at the War Office, after the departure of the Expedition-
ary Force, were (a) the training of pilots, (6) provision of skilled
other ranks, (c) manufacture of aeroplanes and engines.
With regard to (c), coordination between the military aeronautics
directorate and the Air Department of the Admiralty had hitherto
been regulated by the air committee of the Committee of Imperial
Defence ; but on the outbreak of war the other preoccupations of its
members led to a complete cessation of its functions and no con-
trolling influence remained to balance the claims of the two wings.
With regard to (a) and (6), the existing organization provided for
no expansions on the scale to be expected in the near future, and,
with the exception of the Central Flying School, which had already
been seriously depleted in both personnel and equipment, Farn-
borough was the only station in commission. No. I (Reserve)
Aeroplane Squadron was formed at Farnborough and undertook the
training of pilots. The number of mechanics was short, and skilled
civilians were enlisted direct into the R.F.C. At the end of Sept.
1914 some pilots were sent home from France in order to reenforce
the instructional resources at home, the demand for the replacement
of wastage and for forming new squadrons promising to become heavy
in the near future. The policy of expansion adopted was for the form-
ation of as many reserve squadrons as the personnel permitted, and
for each reserve squadron, in addition to training pilots ab initio,
to be responsible for producing the nucleus of a service squadron.
By Oct. 1914 the scheme for the organization of the new armies
had been drawn up by the War Office, and since experience in the
field had made one artillery observation squadron per division a
basis for estimating requirements, with, in addition, two or three
fighting and reconnaissance squadrons per corps, it thus early be-
came apparent that eventually at least 60 service squadrons would
be required by the B.E.F. The question of long-distance bombing
raids ^ into Germany was not overlooked, but the urgency of the
army's needs for cooperating units was such that their provision was
for the time of primary importance and detailed consideration of an
aerial offensive was postponed.
With the gradual increase in the number of units both at home and
in the field, the need for decentralization became apparent, and led
to the adoption of the " Wing " as an intermediate organization
between the squadron and headquarters. Further, it was found in
France that the tactical employment of aircraft suffered through
their being controlled directly by G.H.Q. instead of being allotted
permanently to subordinate commands. Accordingly, in Nov. 1914
wings were formed, and this reorganization of the R.F.C. (head-
quarters and squadrons) in the field synchronized with that of the
higher army commands, the 1st Wing being allotted to the I. Army,
and the 2nd Wing to the II. Army. It was laid down at the time
that wings would be allotted to certain areas and would cooperate
with units in that area. Special missions and strategical recon-
naissances would be ordered by R.F.C. headquarters.
At home in the meantime the formation of No. I and No. 7
Squadrons (temporarily held up in order that all efforts might be
concentrated cm preparing No. 6 Squadron for overseas) was being
1 On Oct. 7 eight machines of No. 6 Squadron flew to Bruges to
take part in the operations of the 7th Division. By the l6th of the
month, however, this squadron had withdrawn S. and had come under
the orders of R.F.C. headquarters.
proceeded with, the two squadrons being moved a little later to
Netheravon, where a school had been started as an annex to the
Central Flying School. The formation of other squadrons and re-
serve squadrons soon followed.
In France, during the opening months of 1915, the scope of R.F.C.
activities rapidly extended, and the demands made on it for bombing,
photography, message-dropping and artillery observation increased.
Accordingly, a 3rd Wing was formed (March i) and the number of
squadrons in each wing was increased to three, a decision that led to
the formation, in France, of No. 16 Squadron and the dispatch
from England of Nos. I, 7 and 8 Squadrons (March-April 1915).
These increases necessitated a corresponding extension to the Air-
craft Park. In Jan. 1915, an establishment of 50 squadrons was
sanctioned. At the end of July a programme of development was
drafted providing for the raising of 30 service squadrons and 10
reserve squadrons by Jan. I 1916, and another 30 service squadrons
with five reserve squadrons Dec. I 1916. This development pro-
gramme was based essentially upon what were considered the
army's requirements in aircraft, the scale adopted being one squad-
ron per corps for artillery observation and photography, one squad-
ron for each army and one squadron for G.H.Q.
By this time aerial fighting had become general, and aircraft
were armed so as to enable reconnaissance and artillery observation
machines to protect themselves. After some experience it became
evident that pure fighting machines would be required and that upon
their ascendency over the enemy would depend command of the air
and consequently the freedom from hostile interference so necessary
for artillery machines to function efficiently. The machine that
proved itself to have the last word in aerial combat was the fast,
easily manoeuvred fighting scout, which though designed for scout-
ing ultimately developed into the modern fighting machine.
It was not, however, until early in 1916 that the policy of having
scout squadrons was generally adopted, 2 the practice up to then
having been to allot a few scouts to each squadron. Thus it was that
at the time of the drafting of the 1915 programme the two-seater
machine largely predominated.
In Aug. 1915, it was decided that the increase in the number of
wings (the 6th Wing being now formed, and the 7th and 8th fol-
lowing in Nov.) demanded the institution of a higher intermediate
formation, and in Sept. the brigade organization was adopted under
this. Each brigade, commanded by a brigadier-general, was to con-
sist of three wings and one Aircraft Park the R.F.C. then in the
field forming the 1st Brigade. The 2nd Brigade comprised the 4th,
5th and 6th Wings and the independent stations of Montrose and
Brooklands. Under the Administrative Wing were placed the units
at Farnborough and Northolt. A school of aerial gunnery was
also opened at Dover (subsequently moved to Hythe) and the
Aircraft Park organization was recast.
A school and officers' depot (subsequently known as the School of
Military Aeronautics) was started in Nov. at Reading where officers
joining the R.F.C. could be put through a course in engines, rigging,
artillery cooperation, map reading, signalling, etc., before joining a
reserve squadron for instruction in flying. A wireless telegraphy
school was also formed at Brooklands.
Towards the end of 1915 it was decided to increase the strength of
the R.F.C. in France so as to have one brigade or two wings with
each army, and in addition to have one or two wings with G.H.Q.
One of the wings in each brigade to be entrusted with close recon-
naissance, photography and artillery work with corps and divisions,
the strength of the wing being calculated at one squadron per corps,
whilst the other wing would be available as required by the army
commander for bombing, reconnaissance and patrol operation.
This involved an establishment for the R.F.C. of 70 service squad-
rons and 20 reserve squadrons, which besides training pilots func-
tioned as draft-producing units.
At the end of Jan. 1916, the brigade organization took definite
shape in France, with the 1st, 2nd and 3rd units as "corps wings"
and the loth, nth and I2th Wings as " army wings."
The question of home defence against aerial attack now became
of primary importance. Up to Jan. 1916, a certain number of
aeroplanes and pilots had been allotted to Home Defence, but on
the War Office taking over the responsibility for anti-aircraft
defence from the Admiralty in Feb. 1916, a definite Home Defence
organization was adopted. At first some 25 B.E.C.2. aeroplanes
were allotted to the defence of London, but were scattered about in
small detachments and placed under officers commanding various
reserve squadrons. As this was found unsatisfactory, all the de-
tachments were placed under a single officer, whose headquarters
were at Hounslow. As further development became necessary cer-
tain squadrons were converted into Home Defence Squadrons. In
April a new Home Defence Squadron was constituted out of various
detachments employed on Home Defence duties, and in June the
Home Defence wing was formed to include all Home Defence units.
This wing was attached to G.H.Q. Great Britain for operations.
The two brigades at home were merged into one, this brigade being
known as the 6th Brigade and later as the Training Brigade. It was
1 No. 24 Squadron with De Haviland Scouts was the first of this
type to go overseas on Feb. 6 1916.
8 4
FLYING CORPS
also decided to raise the number of aeroplanes in each squadron from
12 to 18. This increase was to a large extent due to improvements in
wireless telegraphy which enabled a larger number of machines
to work on a given front. Subsequently, Fighter Reconnaissance
(Army) Squadrons were raised to 24 machines per squadron.
It may be interesting here to examine the factors that tended to
influence the policy that governed development as the war went on.
It was out of events in France that these governing factors arose,
and the requirements formulated by R.F.C. headquarters set the
standard which those at home strove to reach. The scale that was
adopted in the summer of 1915 provided for one squadron per corps
for artillery observation, close reconnaissance, and photography;
one squadron for each army headquarters and one squadron (to be
later increased to two) for G.H.Q. for extended reconnaissance
and special missions. The War Office accordingly committed itself
at the time to providing 27 squadrons by the end of March 1916,
but events in the field led to a request that this number should be
increased by two artillery observation, one long-distance reconnais-
sance squadron and two fighting squadrons (one of single-seater
machines and one of two-seaters). Injune 1916, a revised schedule of
anticipated requirements for the spring of 1917 was prepared, based
upon the increase of the B.E.F. to five armies of four corps each
and the growing importance of aerial fighting. This scheme, which
provided for 66 squadrons (including 23 artillery and 20 fighter
squadrons, with five night-flying squadrons and later 10 long-
distance" bombers, as well as two medium-distance bombers and
four fighter squadrons under G.H.Q.) , marked the growing impor-
tance of the fighter, a conception of an offensive into the enemy's
country by means of long-distance bombers, and a break-away from
the idea that close cooperation with other fighting forces was the
beginning and the end of aerial operations.
By the middle of Nov., however, aerial fighting had increased
still more, and the vital importance of the constant struggle for air
supremacy had been so often emphasized that 20 fighting squadrons
supplementary to the above programme were asked for. This
meant a proportion of two fighting to one artillery squadron, in
place of the parity in numbers of the two types previously accepted
as a basis. So vital a question did the supply of fighters appear at
the time that it was urged that, failing the 20, at least 10 extra
squadrons should be provided, even at the expense of delaying the
bombing and night squadrons. The situation in France in June
1917 showed that there was a total of 52 squadrons of different types.
In addition to raising new squadrons, existing squadrons had to be
equipped with more modern machines. It was, therefore, impossible
for the War Office to promise that more than 73 squadrons would
be in France by the end of 1917, including the five R.N.A.S. units.
In June 1917, the Air Board drew up a scheme providing for the
expansion of the R.F.C. to 200 service squadrons and 200 training
squadrons. Further evidence of the growing realization of the value
of the aerial offensive is afforded by the fact that this proposal em-
bodied (in addition to fighter squadrons) the raising of, at first, 40
bombing squadrons (DHg and larger machines) to be organized
into wings of five squadrons each, the wings to be grouped into
four brigades. G.H.Q. France were accordingly asked to be ready
for 40 squadrons in addition to 86 already expected to be ready by
Aug. 1918. In Nov. 1917, the 1918 programme was drafted as
follows :
40 squad, single-seater fighter.
15 squad, single-seater fighter for ground fighting.
15 squad, two-seater fighter reconnaissance.
l squad. long-distance 2-seater for reconnaissance and photography.
IO squad, short -distance day-bombers.
10 squad, short-distance night-bombers.
21 squad, for corps work.
I squad, long-distance machine carrying Q.F. gun.
In addition, for the Bombing Brigades:
25 squad, day-bombers.
20 squad, night-bombers.
20 squad, two- or three-seater long-distance fighters.
I squad, long-distance machine with Q.F. gun.
This programme for 179 squadrons involved the supply of 2,400
machines for armies and 1,028 for the bombing brigades.
Finally, in Feb. 1918, 240 squadrons (in addition to training units)
was accepted as the goal to be reached, 179 being for France and
Italy, 40 for other theatres, and 21 in reserve.
Meanwhile, at the end of 1916 the home organization included:
(i) The Administrative Wing, Farnborough ; (2) the Training
Brigade of 9 wings, totalling 21 service squadrons and 43 reserve
squadrons; (3) the Home Defence Wing, comprising II service
squadrons and one depot squadron for the training of night pilots;
(4) the Kite Balloon Training Wing, including a training depot, an
inspection branch and two schools of instruction. The following
training centres and schools had been formed, in addition to numer-
ous reserve squadrons: (l) Recruit Training Centre, Halton
Camp ; (2) School for Wireless Operators, S. Farnborough ; (3) Balloon
Training Wing, Roehampton; (4) No. I Balloon School, Larkhill;
(5) No. I School of Military Aeronautics, Reading (including
Equipment Officers' School and the School of Technical Training for
other ranks); (6) No. 2 School of Military Aeronautics, Oxford; (7)
Cadet Wing, Denham; (8) School of Aerial Gunnery, Hythe; (9)
Central Flying School, Upavon; (10) Wireless and Observers'
School, Brooklands; (ll) Scottish School of Fitters, Edinburgh.
In Nov. 1916, with a view to meeting the deficiency in the supply
of skilled men, arrangements were made to place about 400 men
continuously under instruction at various polytechnic institutes
throughout the country. During 1917 further expansion of the Home
Defence service took place. A Northern Home Defence Wing
was formed with headquarters at York and the Home Defence Wing
became the Home Defence Group, which, as other wings were
formed, subsequently became the 6th Brigade, and by 1918 had
become responsible for the aerial defence of England and the South
of Scotland, cooperation of coastal batteries, and the training of
night-fighting pilots and night-bombing pilots for France. Other
developments at home during 1917 included the formation of air-
craft depots which were transferred from the Army Ordnance De-
partment to the R.F.C., principally for the supply of spares. Ac-
ceptance parks were also formed the duties of which were to receive
aircraft from the manufacturers, to erect, test and finally issue them
to units or dispatch them overseas. The creation of a Department
of Production under the Ministry of Munitions placed on a more
satisfactory basis the supply of equipment for the R.F.C. The
number of training units had increased to such an extent that it was
found necessary to form them into groups (southern, northern, eastern,
western). These groups became, shortly, brigades (the old training
brigade then becoming the division), and the standard training
unit, the reserve squadron, was renamed " training squadron."
For theatres of war other than France, separate arrangements
were made from time to time for providing for the requirements in
Egypt, E. Africa, Mesopotamia, Salonika, and Palestine.
II. NAVAL AVIATION. The British Admiralty's first practical
steps in aeronautics were taken in June 1908, when as a result of
the Committee of Imperial Defence recommendations, it was
decided to build a rigid airship. This ship, known as No. i
naval airship (the "Mayfly"), was completed in May 1911,
but was wrecked in the following September. This experience
discouraged further attempts until Feb. 1911, when two civilian
pilots offered their services free, with two machines, for the
instruction of four naval officers as aeroplane pilots. Four
naval officers were accordingly selected out of some 200 volun-
teers to undergo a six-months' course of instruction on the
Royal Aero Club ground at Eastchurch. At the end of the year,
land adjacent to the Royal Aero Club ground at Eastchurch
was purchased by the Admiralty, and a naval flying school was
formed there, four officers having in the meantime qualified as
pilots. Thereafter, pupils were trained continuously at the
school both before and during the World War. Apart from
being used for training purposes, Eastchurch was the scene dur-
ing 1911 and 1912 of many interesting experiments in the ap-
plication of aircraft to naval uses. On the formation of the
R.F.C., it was decided to form an Air Department at the Ad-
miralty, this Department actually coming into being in Sept.
1912. By June 1913, the total number of aeroplanes and sea-
planes in possession of the Naval Air Service were 37, and by
October, 61 were in commission with three airships.
In Aug. 1913, the Admiralty decided to establish air stations
at various points along the coast. An " Inspecting Captain of
Aircraft " was placed in general charge, under instructions from
the Director of the Air Department of the Admiralty. He was
also responsible to the commander-in-chief home fleets regard-
ing all matters concerning aircraft with ships afloat.
In June 1914, the increasing importance of the naval wing
R.F.C. led to a reorganization of the service, and the R.N.A.S.
came into being. It comprised the Air Department, Admiralty;
the Central Air Office, Sheerness; the Royal Naval Flying School,
Eastchurch; the Royal Naval Air Stations and all seaplanes,
aeroplanes, airships, seaplane ships, balloons, kites and other
types of aircraft that might from time to time be employed for
naval purposes. Regulations were drawn up for the entry of
officers as probationary flight sub-lieutenants direct from civil
life and special designations were instituted for the various com-
missioned ranks in the flying branch.
With regard to airships, which by this time had passed entirely
under Admiralty control, in the early part of 1913 German
activity with rigid airships of the Zeppelin type led to a reconsid-
eration of the question as to whether similar aircraft should be
constructed for the British navy, and it was decided to arrange
FLYING CORPS
for the construction of two rigid and six non-rigid airships. In
June 1913 orders were accordingly placed for one Parseval in
Germany, two Parsevals with Vickers, one Forlanini in Italy
and two others of this type with Messrs. Armstrong. A contract
for one rigid airship was signed with Messrs. Vickers in March
1914. But on the outbreak of the World War delivery of the
airships building in Germany and in Italy became impossible,
and the British firms could not complete the airships they had
begun. Work ceased on the rigid airship in the early stages of
construction, but was resumed during the war, and on comple-
tion this airship became known as Naval Airship Rg.
It had been decided at the end of 1913 that the Admiralty
should take over all airships and airship equipment from the
army. Accordingly, on Jan. i 1914 the naval and military
airship sections were amalgamated at Farnborough, and the
navy took over control of all airship administration.
The War Period. At the outbreak of the World War the
stations on the organized east coast system of aerial patrol were
as follows: Eastchurch, Isle of Grain with advanced bases at
Westgate and Clacton, Felixstowe, Yarmouth, Immingham,
Calshot, Dundee, Cromarty and Fort Grange. There was also
the airship station at Kingsnorth. Patrols were organized
between the Humber and the Thames estuary, and a cross-Chan-
nel seaplane and airship patrol was started between the Isle of
Grain and Ostend, a temporary base for seaplanes being estab-
lished there. The Channel seaplane patrol was discontinued
when the enemy advanced to Ostend. An additional base was
established at Skegness, and for a short time, until Aug. 12,
the naval machines at Eastchurch were reenforced by machines
from No. 4 Squadron R.F.C. The Admiralty acquired as sea-
plane-carriers the " Engadine," the " Riveria " and the " Em-
press," structural alterations being necessary before the ships
could be used for the purpose. The necessity for aircraft to
cooperate with the Grand Fleet led to the establishment of a
base for seaplanes and aeroplanes at Scapa Flow, a seaplane-
carrier, the " Campania," being later commissioned to convey
machines with the fleet when it proceeded to sea.
The first Naval Air Service aeroplane unit to proceed overseas
was formed at Eastchurch, and went to Ostend on Aug. 27 1914
to cooperate with the naval division at Antwerp. In order to
protect the United Kingdom against German airship raids, an
aircraft and seaplane base was established at Dunkirk.
In the meantime the organization of the R.N.A.S. at home under-
went rapid development, both in the matter of the training of
pilots and the construction and design of machines. On Sept. 3
1914, the R.N.A.S. assumed responsibility for the defence of the
United Kingdom against hostile aircraft attacks, and a special
anti-aircraft section was formed in the Air Department. The
coast patrols were continued both by seaplanes and by airships, an
additional station for these patrols being opened at Dover.
In 1915 squadrons and wings were formed and sent overseas to
Dunkirk and the Dardanelles. A detachment of three seaplanes pro-
ceeded to E. Africa and subsequently to Mesopotamia. Towards the
end of Feb. 1915 the naval squadron at Dunkirk was relieved by
No. i Naval Squadron, which had been forming at Gosport, and
proceeded to the Dardanelles as No. 3 Wing. Later the 2nd Wing
from Eastchurch also proceeded to the Dardanelles where, moreover,
were sent the seaplane-carriers " Ark Royal " and ".Ben-my-chree."
In the early part of Sept. 1915 the R.N.A.S. units at Dunkirk and
Dover were amalgamated into the 1st Wing under the command of
the senior Air Service officer at Dover. During the year a small unit
of seaplanes cooperated with the fleet in the operations against the
" Konigsberg " on the E. coast of Africa.
Increased activity of enemy submarines led in Feb. 1915 to the
building of a small airship known as the S.S. type (Submarine
Searcher). Whilst this small airship proved successful within its
restricted radius of action, an airship with a longer effective range
was found to be necessary and the "Coastal" type was designed.
Some 30 of these ships were eventually ordered. This development
necessitated the establishment of various airship bases around the
coast. In Nov. 1915, a scheme for the establishment of a large cen-
tral school exclusively for the R.N.A.S., but similar to the Central
Flying School, was proposed, and resulted in the establishment of
training stations at Cranwell and Frieston early in 1916. In that
year also a school for training both R.N.A.S. and R.F.C. personnel
was opened in France. The policy of offensive patrols started by
the R.N.A.S. units at Dunkirk during the latter part of 1915 was
developed throughout 1916 and they worked in close cooperation
with the R.F.C. on the western front.
At the end of Feb. 1916 a squadron of Sopwith ij-strutter ma-
chines was formed with the intention of bombing factories in the
Essen and Diisseldorf districts, the raids being carried out from Eng-
land. Instead of this, however, the squadron was eventually used
for long-distance bombing from French territory and was designated
the 3rd Wing R.N.A.S. 1 A considerable number of raids were carried
out by this wing, which was based near Belfort. During 1916, too,
the activities of the R.N.A.S. in the Mediterranean and in E.
Africa were increasingly prominent ; and at home additional stations
were formed round the coast, mainly for anti-submarine and anti-
Zeppelin patrol. In the course of the year valuable cooperation was
given to the army by squadrons of the R.N.A.S. operating on the
French front, in Palestine, at Salonika, and elsewhere. The year
1917 marked the definite realization of the bombing policy already
adopted by the R.N.A.S. Handley Pages and Dtfy machines be-
gan to be delivered in the spring of 1917, and special bombing squad-
rons were organized at Dunkirk. Considerable development took
place, too, in the employment by the R.N.A.S. of " lighter-than-
air " craft in anti-submarines operations and in escorting convoys.
When the war started, the airships available for the R.N.A.S.
were the former army airships, " Beta," " Gamma," " Delta "
and " Eta," and the Naval Airships 2, 3 and 4, the total personnel
employed in airship work being 23 officers and warrant officers and
171 ratings. During 1915, as already noted, new types of airship,
known as "Submarine Searchers" and "Coastals were added;
and at the end of 1916 the strength of the naval airship service had
risen to 192 officers and 1,540 ratings.
During 1917 standard designs for the different classes of airships
were adopted. The " Submarine Searcher " had evolved into a
type called the S.S. Zero, and an improved " Coastal " (designated C-
Star) was adopted. New ships of the rigid type were also being
built, two of which (R27 and R2g) were completed in the spring of
1918. The next ships to be completed were the RSI, constructed
mainly of wood after the Schiitte-Lanz design, and a sister ship, the
R32, followed by R33 and Rty At the time of the Armistice there
were five rigid and 98 non-rigid airships of different classes in
commission. The personnel totalled 580 officers and 6,580 ratings.
III. ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM. As already indicated, the
British army and navy, at the opening of the World War, had
separate administrative organizations for their air services. It was
not till the creation of the Air Ministry in 1917-8 that the two
were amalgamated. At the War Office, before that, the director-
ate of military aeronautics was divided into its own technical
branches; and its organization developed under further technical
subdivisions, as the duties to be dealt with increased in com-
plexity and volume. Similarly, the organization of the Admiralty
Air Department was subdivided in administrative sections.
It was inevitable that, even with the best will in the world, the
two departments would enter into competition with one another
for personnel and material ; and as the war progressed this question
became acute. Early in Feb. 1916, the Prime Minister appointed a
" Joint War Air Committee," to coordinate, design and supply
material for the naval and military Air Services. In addition to the
chairman, Lord Derby, the committee included representatives of
the War Office and the Admiralty, with Lord Montagu of Beaulieu as
independent advisory member. This committee was authorized
to refer any question disputed between the Admiralty and the
War Office to the Government. After two months, however, this
committee collapsed, followjng on Lord Montagu's resignation.
Since the chairman was not himself a member of the Government he
lacked the necessary authority to arbitrate between two great de-
partments of State, each of which had its own organization, esprit
de corps and aspirations; moreover, no clearly defined division of
functions was adopted between the War Office and the Admiralty.
The next attempt at reorganization was the formation of the
first Air Board in May 1916, with Lord Curzon as president, the
other members being Lord Sydenham, Rear-Adml. Tudor, Rear-
Adml. Vaughan Lee, Lt.-Gen. Sir David Henderson, Brig. -Gen.
Brancker, and Maj. J. L. Baird, M.P. It was to be free to discuss
policy and make recommendations to the War Office and Admiralty,
but had no authority with regard to policy. It could, however,
recommend types of machines for the army and navy Air Services.
If either the War Office or the Admiralty declined to follow the
Board's advice, the Board were empowered to refer the matter to
the War Committee of the Cabinet. It was further charged with
the organization and coordination of supply and material, and with
the prevention of competition between the two fighting departments.
It was provided that the Board should discuss air problems with
representatives of the army and navy and such bodies as the Naval
Board of Inventions and Research, the Inventions Branch of the
Ministry of Munitions, the Advisory Committee for Aeronautics,
National Physical Laboratory, etc. It was laid down also that the
Board should be provided with a secretariat.
1 The original 3rd Wing had been disbanded on the withdrawal
of the Dardanelles expedition.
86
FLYING CORPS
On the formation of Mr. Lloyd George's War Cabinet in Dec. 1916,
Lord Curzon resigned the position of president and Lord Cowdray
took his place in Jan. 1917. This second Air Board came into being
under the New Ministries and Secretaries Act of 1916; and under
this Act the president of the Air Board was specifically " deemed to be
a Minister," and the Air Board a " Ministry." An Order in Council
of Feb. 17 1917 laid down that the Board, in addition to the presi-
dent, should consist of (a) the Parliamentary Secretary, (o) the
appropriate member of the Board of Admiralty ; (c) the appropriate
member of the Army Council ; (d) the two controllers of aeronautical
supplies and of petrol engines in the Ministry of Munitions; and
such additional members as might be appointed by the president.
For carrying out its duties the Air Board comprised a secretariat,
a technical department, and a directorate of requisitions and
statistics. Towards the end of 1917 the staff of the technical de-
partment was composed largely of officers drawn from the naval
and military Air Services. Its duty was to consider and advise the
Board as to the design of aeroplanes, seaplanes, engines and ac-
cessories, and, with this object, to carry out the necessary experi-
ments and trials, and to keep in close touch with the scientific bodies
and committees which were concerned with aeronautical research.
When the Admiralty and the War Office communicated to the
Air Board the numbers of aeroplanes, seaplanes, and accessories re-
quired by the two Services for a given period, and when the Air
Board had determined to what extent these requirements could be
complied with and had come to a decision regarding design, requisi-
tions were passed to the Controller of Aeronautical Supplies, whose
department (a section of the Ministry of Munitions) was also housed
in the Air Board Office. The Air Board also dealt with similar
requisitions by Allied Governments (other than those in connexion
with lighter-than-air craft and wireless tejegraphy).
The director of requisitions and statistics kept analytical records
of requirements, etc., and of the progress made in construction. A
Central Air Intelligence Division was also established.
Aeronautical inventions were referred for consideration to an
Inventions Committee, which was in touch with the Advisory
Committee for Aeronautics, and the National Physical Labora-
tory. The department of the Controller of Aeronautical Supplies
(Ministry of Munitions) placed contracts in accordance with the
designs approved by the Air Board and carried out inspection during
manufacture. The Controller of Aeronautical Supplies also had the
Royal Aircraft Factory under his administration.
In addition to the departments of the Air Board and of the
Controller of Aeronautical Supplies, there were also housed in the
Air Board Office the H.Q. administration of the R.N.A.S. under the
Fifth Sea Lord and Director of Air Services, and that of the R.F.C.
under the Director-General of Military Aeronautics.
With sundry expansions in internal organization this Air Board
continued to function until the new Air Ministry was created at the
end of 1917, absorbing the existing Air Board organization as well
as the military aeronautics directorate and the Admiralty Air De-
partment (although a " division " with a similar designation was
still retained at the Admiralty).
The Air Ministry came into being under the Air Force Constitu-
tion Act (1917), which provided definitely for the amalgamation
of the two flying services under the title of the Royal Air Force.
In accordance with this Act the Air Ministry was constituted as a
department of State, the final authority being vested in an Air
Council which was formed in Jan. 1918 as follows:
The Secretary of State (president), chief of the air staff, deputy
chief of the air staff, master-general of personnel, controller-general
of equipment, director-general of aircraft production, administrator
of works and buildings, parliamentary under-secretary.
IV. THE ROYAL AIR FORCE. The Royal Air Force itself did
not come into being until April i 1918. At that time the R.F.C.
at home consisted mainly of (a) the Training Division, (6) the
6th Brigade (Home Defence), (c) the Balloon Wing, and (d)
miscellaneous establishments. The R.N.A.S. units were organ-
ized into a number of groups directly under the Admiralty.
On the formation of the R.A.F. the United Kingdom was
divided into five areas, comprising all units of the new service
(with the exception of a few directly under the Air Ministry).
Each area was further subdivided into groups. The Training
Division and its brigades were done away with, the former's
functions being assumed by the training directorate of the Air
Ministry. The technical administration of airship stations
remained under the control of the superintendent of airships
at the Admiralty, naval operation groups were under the naval
commander-in-chief concerned for operations, but their main-
tenance and administration was the concern of the appropriate
area headquarters. Units of the R.A.F. serving with the Grand
Fleet were entirely controlled by the commander-in-chief.
At the same time it was decided to form an Independent Air
Force. In Oct. 1917 it had already been decided to return to the
policy that had been visualized when, in 1916, the dispatch of
the 3rd Wing R.N.A.S. to Belfort was being contemplated.
Squadrons No. 55, 216 and too, were then sent to the Nancy
area, and they carried out bombing operations against German
towns during the closing months of the year and the spring of
1918. By April 1918 the 8th Brigade, as the force was designated,
had been reenforced by No. 99 Squadron; and when now it was
reestablished as the Independent Air Force six more squadrons
(104, 97, 215, 115, no and 45) were added.
In planning the post-war organization of the R.A.F., it was
assumed that in the immediate future nothing in the nature of
a general mobilization need be contemplated, that efforts should
be concentrated on providing for existing needs, and on founding
a highly trained and efficient force, inherently capable of expan-
sion should the necessity arise. The purpose was, accordingly,
to limit the number of service squadrons to what was considered
essential to meet existing responsibilities, to devote the remain-
ing resources to perfecting the training of officers and men, and
to construct a sound framework on which to build the R.A.F.
of the future. In forming the framework it was felt that the
main portion of the R.A.F. would consist of an independent
force, together with the personnel required to carry out aero-
nautical research. In addition, there would be a small part of
it specially trained for work with the navy, and a small part
specially trained for work with the army. It seemed possible
that the main portion, the Independent Air Force, would grow
larger and larger, and become the predominating factor.
The training for officers and men is briefly as follows: The
channels of entry for permanently commissioned officers are through
the Cadet College at Cranwell, from the universities, and from the
ranks. The Cadet College is the main channel. The course lasts
two years, during which the cadets are thoroughly grounded in
theory and practice and learn to fly the approved training machine.
On leaving the College, the cadets are commissioned and posted to a
squadron. Apart from courses that every officer will normally pass
through, such as gunnery and air pilotage, officers will be required,
after five years' service, to select the particular technical subject
they will make their special study during their subsequent career,
e.g. navigation, wireless, engines.
The career of an officer commissioned from the universities or
from the ranks will be identical with that of those from the Cadet
College, except that they will be taught to fly at training wings before
joining the squadron. Short-service and seconded officers will be
taught to fly at training wings, and will attend a course of aerial
gunnery and probably one of air pilotage.
With regard to the other ranks the most difficult problem it was
decided to enlist the bulk of those belonging to long apprenticeship
trades as boys, who will undergo a course of three years' training
before being passed into the ranks. The boys, on successfully passing
their final examination, will be graded as leading aircraftsmen, and
a certain number will be specially selected for a further course of
training, at the end of which they will either be granted commissions
or promoted to N.C.O.'s. Those granted commissions will join the
Cadet College. The mechanics, of whom more than half will be-
long to short apprenticeship trades, are enlisted as men and re-
ceive 12 months training before being posted to units. Non-
technical men are given a short course of recruit training at the
R.A.F. depot at Uxbridge.
The R.A.F. estimates for 1920-1 provided for an establishment
of 29,730 officers, warrant officers, non-commissioned officers, air-
craftsmen and boys (exclusive of those serving in India).
V. THE FUTURE OF AIR-FIGHTING. It is now universally
recognized that in future wars the operations of naval and
land forces will be largely influenced by the degree of assistance
that can be rendered by aircraft. It is equally clearly under-
stood that such assistance can only be rendered to the full extent
of the resources available if air supremacy has been definitely
established and can be successfully maintained. It is realized
that, as is the case with sea command, air supremacy is an issue
that can only be settled by combat (assuming a certain degree
of equality and of readiness to fight in the opposing air forces).
It is therefore by the air fighting and consequently by the air
fighter that subsequent operations, whether on sea or on land
or in the air, will be influenced.
Whether the last word in air fighting would always rest with
the small, swift, easily manoeuvred machine was in 1921 still
an open question. It is possible that we shall see, in the future,
armament replacing speed as the determining factor in aerial
FLYING CORPS
tactics, and that aerial battleships will be evolved capable
not only of fighting but of carrying the war into the enemy's
country and crippling his power of resistance in the early stages
of the struggle. It is in recognition of this principle that the
French Military Air Service has been divided into formations
the functions of which are purely ancillary to the army, and
into formations whose functions it is first to establish air suprem-
acy and secondly, when its attainment makes it possible, to
develop the essentially offensive form of aerial war, the long-
distance bombing raid. Accordingly, in addition to cooperat-
ing formations, the French maintain what is analogous to the
British Independent Air Force, a force composed entirely of
fighters and bombers.
There is no doubt that ultimate air power must depend largely
upon the place of aviation in the economic life of the community,
but this does not mean that air power is focussed entirely in a
flourishing civil industry. The suddenness and effectiveness
that lies in aerial action must not lead to a striking force being
held in constant readiness to act whenever war appears immi-
nent. The manner of employment of this force, and the efficiency
it displays, may have a vital bearing upon the subsequent course
of the war, and no country would risk doing altogether without
some form of standing military air force.
There is also every indication that civil and military air-
craft will tend to develop along divergent lines, and that the
civil machine will never be a factor in air supremacy excepting
as an auxiliary. The most important factor in the civil machine
is productive economy, whereas the designer of service craft
strives for destructive performance; and individual aircraft can
hardly be equally efficient for both purposes. (A. W. H. E. W.)
VI. GERMAN AIR FORCES. Before the World War, the German
military air service, in splitting off from its parent body, the Pio-
neers, had been made administratively part of the Communication
Troops. From Oct. 1912 the Flying Troops had formed a separate
entity within the Communication service. Nevertheless, when
it took the field in Aug. 1914, and for some months thereafter, they
were still nominally under the inspector-general of Communication
Troops, an arrangement which worked badly in practice besides
tending to prevent the growth of esprit de corps in the flying service.
It was not till Aug. 25 1915 that it was freed from this control.
But already on March II 1915 all German formations serving
at the front had been placed under a " Chef des Feldflugwesens,"
and a month later this officer (Col. Thomsen) was made the official
superior of all other army services as well, his functions including
control of all motor transport included in the air establishment.
About the same time a staff officer for aviation was appointed to
the H.Q. of each army, but it was not until Nov. 1916 that this
officer was renamed " Kommandeur " and placed in executive com-
mand of the air forces within his province.
Somewhat earlier than this, on Oct. 8 1916, Gen. von Hoeppnerhad
been appointed " Kommandierender General " of the military air
forces, with Thomsen as his chief of the staff. As in the German
army system a " Kommandierender " (i.e. Commander of an Army
Corps and its Region) enjoyed wide powers, both under the laws and
under the regulations, and as the office of chief-of-staff likewise
carried with it known and definite powers, the status of the air force
was for the first time thereby assured. Moreover, the commanding
general, not being under any army or group of armies H.Q., had
direct access to G.H.Q. From this point, the organic development of
the air force went on straightforwardly. But it is interesting to note
that even in the German system, with all its sense of order and
organization, conservatism sufficed to delay the consummation till
nearly two and a half years after the outbreak of war. 1
In spite of army proposals however, no single command was ever
created in German military and naval air forces, which remained
wholly separate to the end. One retarding influence was the par-
ticularism of the various German states. The Wurttemberg
Government, for instance, gave formal orders to its own aviation
depot unit not to supply flying officers to any but Wurttemberg units.
The working organization in the field as finally developed was as
follows: The commanding general had his own H.Q., and reported
direct to the chief of the general staff of the army. His immediate
air service subordinates were the " Kofls (Kommandeur der Lufts-
triebkraften)," one to each army, with as above mentioned, occa-
sional groupings of the forces of several armies under one " Kofi."
Under his orders, flights of aircraft were commanded by group
1 Shortly after the creation of the " Commanding General,"
some grouping of air forces within the group of armies was effected
by making the " Air Force Commanders " of one of its armies re-
sponsible for coordination of effort, and to a certain extent for dis-
tributing forces as well.
commanders (instituted 1917) who gave instructions to the flight
commanders and through whom their liaisons with the military
command, and especially the artillery, passed.
At each corps H.Q. a staff officer looked after both operations
and liaison.
In the earlier years of aviation, the confidence of the German
authorities and public in the lighter-than-air ship retarded the
growth of aviation. But in 1912 the dangers of further neglecting the
aeroplane were realized, and an active propaganda resulted in a
national subscription for the manufacture of aeroplanes and the
training of pilots. In the autumn of the same year an army flying
school was provisionally established and this became permanent in
the spring of 1913. At the moment of mobilization 254 pilots and
271 observers were available.
The following summary of the development of German aviation
units during the war, while necessarily brief, will serve to' show how
the needs revealed by war experience were successively met by
changes of organization.
In the beginning, German aviation units like others were for
general service, the same machines (two-seater fighters) serving all
purposes, reconnaissance, spotting, bombing and fighting.
In the middle of 1915 came the first specialization of functions
the separating out of air-fighting elements. These units (two-seater
fighters) were originally known as " battle squadrons " and had the
r&le of barring the German froat line against Allied aircraft as well as
such bombing as was then done. But the necessities of aerial combat
very soon produced a further subdivision on this side, " Fokker "
flights (of single-seaters, equivalent to British " scouts ") undertak-
ing the offensive air battle and the residue the protection barrage and
the bombing. Presently they too subdivided into protective flights
and bombing flights (the latter being grouped later in squadrons).
When the fighting elements separated off from the reconnaissance
elements, the latter (organized in flights only and allotted as re-
quired to groups) were limited to their proper functions, and a
further specialization presently came about by which artillery flights
were separated from reconnaissance flights. In these artillery
flights the personnel was largely, if not entirely, drawn from the
artillery, but their special character did not prevent them from being
used occasionally for photographic work. Many, though not all,
artillery flights were equipped with wireless telegraphy apparatus.
The high-fighting " Fokker abteilung," always increasing in num-
bers as it became more and more evident that the British policy of
offensive protection was the true one, developed into the " pursuit
flight " (Jagdstaffel). Occasionally, a number of these pursuit flights
were grouped into a semi-permanent squadron under a leader of
note, e.g. Richthofen ; a squadron of this kind was colloquially and
very aptly called a " circus," both on account of the acrobatic powers
of its members and the fact that it moved up and down the front as
its services were required to obtain local control of the air. 2 The old
" Kampfgeschwader," charged with protective barrage and with
bombing, was also subdivided into two parts the so-called pro-
tective flight, whose duty was local escort for friendly, and local
barrage against enemy reconnaissance machines, and the pure
bomber, for whom more and more powerful machines were evolved
and whose radius of action was constantly increased. 1
Lastly, the protective flight, whose defensive function was dis-
credited, became a battle flight (SMachtstaffel). The practice of
low-flying for direct intervention in a ground battle had been growing
steadily since the battle of the Somme, and in the German and Allied
offensives of 1918 it attained a maximum. In contrast to the British
custom of training and trusting flights of the reconnaissance type
(called contact patrols) to carry out this dangerous duty, the
Germans treated it as an essentially combatant function, and
used for it a branch of the aviation service which had always be-
longed to the fighting as distinct from the reconnaissance side. In
the last phase some of the battle flights had armoured machines.
On the combatant side therefore, German aviation was finally
classified into three branches: pursuit flights (high-fighting for
command of the air, with 18 machines per flight); bombing squad-
rons (long-distance bombing, with about 24 machines per squadron) ;
battle flights (low-fighting in connexion with ground operations, i.e.
bombing and machine-gunning of troops and transport, with six
to twelve machines per flight, average about eight). One other type
of fighting unit was created for air defence at home. It was known
as the " Kampfeinsitzerstafel " (single-seater battle flight), and re-
stricted to local defence of munition areas, etc.
From statistics given in Neumann's Die deutschen Luftstreitkrafte,
it appears that, apart from reserve machines, the Germans em-
ployed for various purposes during the war 220 machines in 1914,
480 in 1915, about 1,100 in 1916, about 1,300 in 1917, and about 3,500
* After Richthofen's death his squadron was officially designated
by his name and the number I as a permanent organization. Two
other squadrons were formed in the summer of 1918.
* The original bombing squadron was a group set aside in 1915 for
the ultimate purpose of bombing England from Calais, when that port
should have been occupied by the Germans. The rapidity of air
evolution in the war is well shown by the fact that within a year of
that date, London was bombed by an aeroplane based on Ghent.
88
FLYING CORPS
in 1918. Interesting and significant figures are given by the same
author as to numbers and losses in personnel, and expenditure of
materiel. In actual flying personnel at the front, the hjghest total
present at one time (in 1918) was about 5,500, with a like number
under training at home. The total deaths of flying personnel or
candidates in the war numbered 6,840, of whom about two-thirds
died at the front. The number of wounded and injured (7,350) is
little more than that of the dead. Approximately 2,128 planes were
lost under known circumstances (about 1,900 of these on the western
front). In addition about 1,000 missing were presumed as lost. In
all, 47,637 machines and 40,449 motors were taken on charge from
contract. The monthly expenditure of fuel at the end of the war was
7,000,000 kgm., and the total for the whole war about 232,000,000
kgm. Rather over a million bombs were dropped, of which 860,000
were of the 12-kgm. type and 710 of the monster i,ooo-kgm. type.
The organization of German naval aviation before the war was
considerably in arrears as compared with that of army flying. The
predominance of the airship was the main cause of this, but other
causes contributed, especially, it is said, the lack of interest in sea-
plane design on the part of manufacturers, whose establishments
(except that of Friedrichshafen) were far from water. The first
seaplane competition, organized by a few enthusiasts, was to have
been held on Aug. I 1914. Only some 20 naval officers had been
trained as pilots in the single existing seaplane station.
These conditions continued to hamper progress for some time after
the outbreak of war, as the army impounded all the motor manufac-
turing resources for its own needs. Nevertheless, seaplanes were
established on the Flanders coast by Dec. 1914, and thereafter the
organization of the seaplane service expanded till there were finally
32 stations in the different theatres of war and on the German coast.
For naval work, the organic unit was the station ; the equipment, of
course, varying according to the work expected of each station.
At the same time, a number of aeroplane flights organized as
such, were created by the navy for land service, of which nine or ten
served in the eastern and south-eastern theatres. The other fifteen,
in Flanders, belonged to the Marine Corps, a mixed organization
responsible for the land defence of the Yser front, the coast defence
of the Belgian coast and the submarine operations based on that
coast. The commander of Flying Troops of that corps had under him
a correspondingly mixed air force.
Naval aviation generally was under the control of a naval avia-
tion chief, who was independent of the army air authorities.
Airship Organization. In spite of the popular enthusiasm evoked
by the work of Count Zeppelin and other airship constructors before
the war, the naval and military authorities were not, before the war,
very ready to commit themselves to a strong and permanent air
organization. The army airship organization dated only from 1906-7
and the naval from 1910-1. The army acquired Zi in 1906 and Z2
in 1909, and after the wreck of the latter, a pause occurred in which
commitments were avoided pending further competitive experiments
between the Zeppelin, Parseval and Gross types. In 1912, however,
the decision went in favour of the Zeppelin and the Schiitte-
Lanz, and airship battalions were formed to fly and to maintain
airships.
At the outbreak of war the army possessed seven ships (six
Zeppelin and one S-L) of the rigid type, and two others, and took
over three more from private ownership. Organization, nominally
by battalions, was in reality dependent on the number and station
of ships. This rapidjy increased. But from the first there was a
strong current of opinion adverse to the airship in land warfare,
and the authorities concerned with personnel looked with disfavour
on the huge landing parties which the ships required at each station.
In spite, therefore, of the occasional achievements of individual
ships, 1 it was decided early in 1917 to discontinue the army airship
service. The still useful snips were handed over with part of the air
personnel to the navy, and the remainder of the personnel was
allocated to the army kite balloon service.
Excluding Parseval and small airships the manufacture of
which was discontinued at the outbreak of war 37 Zeppelin and
10 S-L ships were commissioned by the army from first to last, of
which 17 were lost in action, 9 lost from other causes, 17 scrapped,
and 4 handed over to the navy on discontinuance.
The navy, on the other hand, beginning later than the army, went
on developing the airship service to the end of the war. In Aug.
1914 it possessed only one ship, obtained from the Zeppelin company
to replace Government ships lost in 1913.
Inclusive of the effective ships taken over from the army in 1917
74 ships were commissioned for naval service, of which 23 were lost
in action, 30 from other causes (4 by lightning), and 1 1 were scrapped.
Kite Balloons. The development of dirigible airships and of
aeroplanes, in Germany as elsewhere, thrust the captive balloon
1 In many respects the most remarkable achievement of airships
in the war was the voyage of L59 in the autumn of 1917. This was a
naval ship, but the service in question was overland. Starting from
Yamboli in Bulgaria the attempt was made to reach von Lettow-
Vorbeck in E. Africa with medical and other small and valuable
stores. This ship was recalled by wireless after passing Khartum,
but returned safely, after a 7,ooo-km. voyage lasting 96 hours. The
record for endurance, however, was held by LZi2O (loij hours).
into the background, and although 8 field and 15 fortress balloona
were mobilized in 1914, the question of their abolition was actually
being considered when the unexpected coming of trench warfare
opened up a new field for them. Early in 1915 the introduction of
power winches (at first improvised in the field) and of the parachute
added greatly to their efficiency, and by the end of that year more
than 40 sections, each of 2 balloons, were in the field. But the war
experience of 1916, and notably the sight of Allied sausage balloons,
hanging in the air " as thick as grapes," compelled the army au-
thorities to develop their kite balloon service at a faster rate. The
organization, hitherto in single unconnected sections, was expanded
to provide over 50 staffs, each of which controlled 2 to 3 sections of
balloons. In the end, 184 such sections existed in the field, as well as
a certain number lent to Turkey or employed in instructional duties.
In the latter part of the war the admittedly inferior balloon of
German design was replaced by one of the Caquot type, a captured
specimen being copied almost exactly.
In all, 1,870 kite balloons of all types were delivered from contract
and about 350 power winches. In course of the war about 600 bal-
loons were lost in action (75 % to 80% by aeroplane attack), 100 by
weather and other causes, and 500 condemned as unserviceable.
The Meteorological Service in the German army formed part of
the air forces, although its observations and reports served the ar-
tillery, chemical warfare and other branches as well. At the begin-
ning of the war an embryonic organization already existed, with a
central section at Berlin, 14 sections at airship stations and aero-
dromes and 2 sections organized on a mobile basis. These last at
once expanded to 8 (one per army) and by the close of the war these
23 units had grown to a total of 316.
The general lines of the organization were as follows: (l) The
Berlin H.Q. ; (2) Western Front H.Q. at Brussels; (3) Eastern Front
H.Q. at Warsaw; (4) South-eastern Front H.Q. at Temesvar (later
Sofia), and (5) Turkish H.Q. at Constantinople. Under each of these
(except the last) there were in strength varying according to condi-
tions, Haup/welter Warten, which were concerned with focussing
information from Berlin, from the naval weather service, and from
the front, and also with local meteorological services for troops
behind the line in occupied areas (e.g. flying schools); and Armee
Wetter Warten which had the chief tactical and technical respon-
sibility at the front, and controlled a network of minor units, some
attached to particular services but most distributed on an area basis.
Air Defence. In Germany and at the front the commanding
general of air forces was responsible for air defence. A few mobile
guns only were available for anti-aircraft work in 1914, but the
75-mm. guns captured in the advance to the Marne and -especially
the high velocity Russian field guns taken on the eastern front,
provided a considerable A. A. armament, pending the design and
supply of special ordnance. By the end of the war the original 20
guns had grown to a total of over 2,000. The evolution of technical
adjuncts of air defence, searchlights and direction-finding detectors
(see AIR DEFENCE), proceeded as on the Allied side.
As regards organization, after various alternative methods had
been tried, the Germans separated off all " Flak " (Flugabwehr Ka-
none) troops from the rest of the artillery and centralized the control
in each army area in the hands of a special officer, to whom all sub-
ordinate Flak commanders were alone responsible though they were
authorized to advise corps commanders on the technical aspects of
air defence in the corps area. In 1916 the Flak service passed with
the rest under the control of the new commanding general of air
forces; thenceforward all the means of air defence were coordinated
under the same authority in each area, both in the field where
" Commanders of air forces " (see p. 87) exercised local control, and
in Germany, where a deputy of the commanding general was re-
sponsible for defence of munition areas. This organization ensured
an intimate connexion between guns, aeroplanes, observation posts
and lights, based on a common doctrine taught in the Flak depot at
Freiburg and in Flak schools at the front.
VII. UNITED STATES. In the United States, as elsewhere, the
organization of air forces before the World War was in its infancy,
and although between 1914 and the entry of the United States into
the war a certain amount of air research and training had been
carried on, and some practical war experience gained in Mexico,
yet their position as neutrals prevented the American authorities
from obtaining technical data concerning the progress in aviation
that was evidently being made by the belligerents.
In April 1917, therefore, when the Allies invited America to train
and equip a force of 5,000 aviators for service in Europe, there was
little likelihood of the demand being met. At that date the American
forces possessed 55 machines of which a scientific commission had
just declared 51 to be obsolete, and about 75 trained officer pilots.
The first necessities, therefore, were instructors and training
machines. Of the latter, or rather of a type of the latter considered
good enough for primary instruction, delivery in quantity began
before the winter of 1917, and by the Armistice there were about
9,500 planes and 17,500 engines suitable for training.
The need of instructors was met partly by borrowing _British and
French officers, and partly by retaining the best pupils in the early
classes to become instructors to those formed later. In the sequel,
8,600 pilots were graduated from the elementary courses and 4,000
from the advanced courses before operations ceased, and some
FOCH, FERDINAND
89
6,500 more were at that date in training. After graduating from the
advanced course, pilots and observers joined the expeditionary
forces where they underwent a final training before going into action.
The total of qualified flying officers in March 1918 was 2,248 in the
United States and 650 overseas; these numbers had grown in July
1918 to 4,974 in the United States and 2,692 overseas, and in Nov.
1918 to 7,118 in the United States and 4,307 overseas (of whom,
however, only 1,238 were as yet at the front). Inclusive of ground
personnel and students, the total personnel of the U.S. air forces
was nearly 200,000 at the date of the Armistice.
In the production of service machines for these men to fly, grave
difficulties arose, none the less grave because in the excitement of
the time unreasonable expectations had been formed and encouraged.
After study of the problem, not only from the standpoint of quali-
tative efficiency in the machine but also from that of man produc-
tion, the British DH4 (observation and day-bombing) and the
Handley Page and Caproni night-bombers were selected as standard
types for American production, being redesigned to take American
motors. 1 For pursuit flights, only non-American machines were
employed. At the end of the war, out of the 7,889 service planes
on charge, about half were American-built, and of the total of
22,000 engines nearly three-quarters.
With kite balloons, these supply troubles seem hardly to have
existed. From zero (or rather from an establishment of 20 borrowed
balloons) in Jan. a total of 662 had been reached by Nov., of which
43 had been destroyed, 35 handed over to the British and French,
leaving 574 in service.
The organization of the American air forces in the field was by
squadrons, classified as pursuit, observation, day-bombing and night-
bombing. The premier American squadron was one of American
volunteers, the " Escadrille Lafayette," which had been serving in the
French army and was transferred to the U.S. army in the winter of
1917-8. In the spring of 1918 squadrons formed and came into the
field in twos and threes, but in the late summer DH4 machines
became available in large numbers, and observation and day-bomb-
ing squadrons began to increase more rapidly. From a July total
of 15 squadrons, the figure of 30 was reached in Sept. and 45 in the
first week of Nov. (exclusive of balloon companies in each case).
The machines, however, were still preponderantly of foreign make.
Twenty-six squadrons and 14 balloon companies took part in the
St. Mihiel battle, and 45 squadrons with 740 machines, and 23
balloon companies in the final Meuse-Argonne battles.
(C. r . A.)
FOCH, FERDINAND (1851- ), French marshal, was born
at Tarbes Oct. 2 1851, his father being a civil official and his
mother's father an officer of Napoleon's army. Educated at
Tarbes, Rodez, and finally at the Jesuit colleges of St. Michel
(Loire) and St. Clement (Metz), he was preparing for the
entrance examination for the Ecole Polytechnique when the war
of 1870 broke out. He enlisted in the army, but saw no active
service, and returned to Metz, then in German occupation, to
complete his studies, entering the Ecole Polytechnique in Nov.
1871. On being commissioned in 1873 he was posted to the
artillery, in which arm the whole of his regimental service was
spent. As a captain, he became a student of the Staff College
(ficole de Guerre) in 1885 and left, with fourth place, in 1887.
From this time till 1901, save for a period in which as major he
commanded a group of horse artillery batteries, his work lay in
the general staff of the army, the staff of formations and the
Ecole de Guerre. It was in the Ecole de Guerre that he devel-
oped his doctrines and his influence on the education of the army.
From 1895 he was assistant-professor, and from 1898, as
lieutenant-colonel, professor of military history and strategy in
that institution, first under Gen. Langlois, and then under Gen.
Bonnal, the two leaders of military thought whose work, with
his own to complete it, established the new French doctrines of
war, based on re -study and application to modern conditions of
Napoleon's practice. This is the key idea of Foch's classical
treatises, Principes de Guerre and La Direction de la Guerre.
Foch's career as a professor at the Ecole de Guerre lasted
hardly more than five years. The army was at that time in the
midst of acute political troubles. The Minister of War, Gen.
Andre, was engaged in a drastic, and not overscrupulous attempt
to make the army safe for democracy; the Dreyfus affair was
running the last stages of its fierce course, and, in his responsible
1 The British " Bristol Fighter," originally selected as one of the
types, proved unsuitable foradaptation to American engines and was
not adopted. It should be added that American machines were
designed to suit these motors, but none had passed into quantity
production at the Armistice.
post at the Ecole de Guerre, Foch was an obvious target of
attack, as an openly devout and practising Catholic, educated
under Jesuit influence. He was returned to regimental duty,
and his promotion to colonel only took place in 1903.
In 1905 Clemenceau, then Prime Minister, determined to
make use of his military ability to the full, irrespective of political
considerations, and, after a short time spent as deputy chief of
the general staff, he was appointed commandant of the Ecole de
Guerre. Already in 1907 he had been made general of brigade.
In 1911 he was promoted general of division and in 1912 corps
commander. In 1913 he was appointed to command the most
exposed of all the frontier corps, the XX. at Nancy, and he had
held this appointment exactly a year when he led the XX. Corps
into battle. Foch was then the only intellectual master of the
Napoleonic school still serving. And the doctrines of the brilliant
series of war school commandants, Maillard, Langlois, Bonnal,
Foch, had been challenged, not only by the German school (see
25.994), but also since about 1911 by a new school of thought
within the French army itself, which, under the inspiration of
Gen. Loiseau de Grandmaison (d. 1915), criticised them as
lacking in vigour and offensive spirit, and conducing to needless
dispersion of force. The younger men carried the day, and the
French army took the field in 1914 governed by a new code of
practice. But history decided at once and emphatically against
the new idea in the first battles of August, and it remained to be
seen whether the Napoleonic doctrine would hold its own, give
way to doctrines evolved in the war itself, or, incorporating the
new moral and technical elements and adapting itself to the war
of national masses, reappear in a new outward form within
which the spirit of Napoleon remained unaltered. To these
questions, it must be admitted, the war has given an ambiguous
answer which will long provide material for expert controversy.
It was, in reality, as a leader in the field, far more than as
thinker, that Foch personally influenced the course of the war on
the western front. His conduct of operations in the first battles
before Nancy, as a corps commander, presents no special char-
acteristics, but in a few weeks he was placed at the head of the
newly formed IX. Army, to fill the gap in the line caused by the
divergent directions of retreat of the IV. and V. This army he
commanded in the battle of the Marne, being opposed to the
German III. Army and part of the II. in the region of Fere
Champenoise and the Marais de St. Goud. After several crises
he finally repulsed the attack, and initiated a counterstroke
round which a legend promptly grew up and on which was
founded a popular reputation that, no doubt, gave Foch the one
element lacking in his equipment for the highest commands
prestige. Almost immediately after the battle, when the
mutual attempts of Allies and Germans to outflank one another's
northern wing produced the so-called " race to the sea," Foch
was designated assistanf to the commander-in-chief and sent
north to coordinate the movements of the various French
armies and eventually those of the British and Belgian armies
concentrating towards Flanders. Over the French army com-
manders he possessed the powers of a commander-in-chief, but
over the British and Belgian forces, like Joffre, he had no author-
ity. This delicate relation, in the midst of one of the greatest
crises of the war one which for Britain and Belgium was of
graver import than even that of the Marne, inevitably led at
times to friction between the coequal commands, and after the
war a rather unworthy controversy was waged in the press as to
some incidents of this period. But in sum, the reputation which
Foch already enjoyed amongst European soldiers before the
war, and the fact that he had long been in intimate relations
with Gen. Sir Henry Wilson, deputy-chief of Sir John French's
staff, enabled him to carry out successfully a mission with which
no other general could have been entrusted.
After the battle of Ypres and the stabilization of the fronts,
Gen. Foch commanded the French " Group of Armies of the
North " during 1915 and 1916. In this period, under Joffre, he
was responsible for the offensives in Artois during the spring
and autumn of 1915, in which again he stood in close relation to
the British on his left, though now the sectors of each were
FOGAZZARO FOOD SUPPLY
exactly defined and there was neither a crisis nor an inter-
mingling of forces such as those of the Ypres period. Moreover,
the general headquarters of the two commanders-in-chief , Joffre
and French, were now fixed, and the two armies made their
liaison between St. Omer and Chantilly rather than through
the local headquarters of Foch, who was no longer assistant
commander-in-chief, but a subordinate.
In 1916 Foch's group of armies supplied the French element
in the battle of the Somme. Towards the close of that battle,
his reputation underwent a temporary eclipse, motived no doubt
largely by the disappointment felt both in England and in
France as to the results; but also and perhaps more by somewhat
obscure domestic intrigues within the French staff. At that
time the movement for Joffre's supersession had come to a head,
and, it is said, his adherents within the headquarters sought to
maintain him in power by suggesting that Foch, the most likely
candidate for the place, was broken down in health. Though
this did not prevent the removal of Joffre, it excluded Foch from
the succession. Gen. Nivelle was appointed commander-in-
chief, and a certain control by him over the British forces was
agreed to by Mr. Lloyd George's Government, then newly in
office. Foch was relieved of his command and sent first to the
Swiss frontier to report on the possibilities of attack and defence
in that quarter and then to Italy to negotiate with the Comando
Supremo as to aid from France in case of a disaster to Cadorna's
forces. But on May 15 1917, after the tragic failure of Nivelle's
offensive and the supersession of that general by Petain, M.
Painleve called Foch to Paris as chief of the general staff of the
French army. But in this capacity his influence only became
really effective after the accession to power of the Clemenceau
Ministry in November. From that point to the events of
March 1918, the evolution of Foch's authority was rapid. He
was first, as adviser to Clemenceau and as a soldier whose
counsels carried more weight than those of any other, a powerful
indirect influence in the inter-Allied discussions as to the plan
of campaign for 1918. Then as French member of the " Execu-
tive Committee," a sort of board of inter-Allied command
founded in Jan. 1918, he took his place almost as dejure president
of that body. Lastly, the storm of the German offensive broke
on the British V. Army on March 21, and although Haig and
Petain managed by cordial cooperation to reconstruct the broken
line and check the German advance, the situation remained so
critical that the last step was taken. On March 27 Foch by
general consent was nominated to coordinate the operations of
the British and French in France. On April 14 the title and
authority of commander-in-chief was granted to him by the two
Governments concerned, and on April 15, April 17 and May i
respectively by the Belgian, American and Italian Governments.
On Aug. 6 1918 Foch was made a marshal of France. In the
interval the Germans had renewed their offensives four times,
and more than once there had been a crisis as grave as that of
March which Haig and Petain had had to face, notably on May
27. But these crises had been surmounted, and towards the end
of June, with his resources greatly augmented through the
emergency measures taken by the American Government, the
British sea transport authorities and Gen. Pershing in France,
he could begin preparations for his counter-offensive. The story
of the battles in Champagne in which the last German offensive
and the first Entente counter-offensive coincided (July 15-18),
of the battles on the Somme area about Amiens (Aug. 8) and
Bapaume-Peronne (Aug. 21), and of the simultaneous offensives
of the Americans on the Meuse-Argonne front, the British on the
Cambrai-St. Quentin front, and the Belgian, British and French
under King Albert in Flanders (Sept. 26-28) is told elsewhere
(see also the article TACTICS). From Sept. 26 to the Armistice
the whole front from the sea to Verdun was one continuous
battlefield, controlled by one commander-in-chief. An extension
of this battlefield into Lorraine, where the final blow was to
be delivered on Nov. 14, was only prevented by the capitula-
tion of the enemy.
After the war Marshal Foch received the highest honours
from his own country and from the Allies. In one of his frequent
visits to London he was created a field-marshal in the British
Army, and he was also awarded the O.M. He became a member
of the Academic Fran$aise in 1919. He had a great reception in
the United States on his visit in 1921.
Various biographical sketches of Marshal Foch have appeared,
for the names of which the reader is referred to any good subject
index. The history of the single-command idea will be found in detail
in M. Mermeix's Les Crises de Commandement and Le Commandement
unique (part I.) and that of the internal politics of the French head-
quarters in the same, and in J. de Pierrefen's G. Q. G., Secteur I.
(2 vols.), Paris 1920. The story of his final campaign, from the point
of view of Foch's headquarters, is given in Louis Madelin's La
Bataille de France and R. Recouly's La Bataille de Foch.
(C. F. A.)
FOGAZZARO, ANTONIO (1842-1911), Italian novelist and poet
(see 10.590), published in 1910 his last novel, Leila, a sequel to
// Santo. He died at Vicenza March 7 1911. Ultime, a volume
of his latest writings, appeared in 1913.
A collection of records and memorials of the poet was published
in two volumes in 1913-4. See also Eugenio Donadoni, Fogazzaro
as Man and Writer (1913); L. Gennari, Fogazzaro (1918); and A. F.
Crispoliti, Antonio Fogazzaro; Discorso commemorative (1911).
FOOD SUPPLY. During the World War of 1914-8 practically
all the belligerent and neutral countries of Europe experienced
a shortage in the supply of food and other necessaries. The
shortage was traceable to three distinct causes: first, the diver-
sion of productive power to destruction or to making the means
of destruction; second, the increased rate of consumption of
those who were fighting or were undertaking harder physical
labour than usual in the production of munitions; third, the
deliberate blockades which with varying success the belligerents
directed against one another and against neutrals. The blockades
had as one feature a destruction of shipping which is perhaps
sufficiently important to be reckoned as a fourth cause of short-
age, additional to the other three. These causes of reduced supply
or increased demand applied more or less to all useful artscles;
they naturally produced their most sensible effects in the case
of necessary articles and above all in that of food. There, the
failure of the ordinary channels of supply to meet the demand
sooner or later became in every European country so serious as to
call for direct intervention by the Government and to make
" food control " one of the features of the war. Every country
had its succession of food controllers.
The degree of the food shortage and the methods available
or adopted for dealing with it naturally varied from one country
to another. In all of them it may be said that the food controller
had three main problems to consider, namely, the maintenance
of supplies, the regulation of prices, and the control of consump-
tion by distribution and rationing. The three problems are
naturally connected. A solution of the first of them so complete
as to keep supplies up to or above the pre-war standard would
prevent the other two from arising at all or at least in any serious
form; this happened with bread-stuffs in the United Kingdom.
On the other hand an attempt to fix prices without controlling
supplies would lead either to a disappearance of supplies or to
their distribution in an unjust and wasteful manner. While
the problems are thus connected, the third of them distribu-
tion and rationing can to some extent be described separately
and is so described under the heading of RATIONING. The present
article will deal mainly with the action taken in respect to sup-
plies and prices and will touch on distribution and rationing only
to indicate points of contact. No attempt can be made here to
describe, even in outline, food control in all countries. All that
can be attempted is to give some account of what was necessary
and what was accomplished in the United Kingdom, and to
mention the salient points of similarity or difference in the
experience of other countries.
For the first two years of the war questions of food control
attained little prominence in the United Kingdom. The cutting
off of the Central European sources of sugar supply led to the
anticipation of a considerable shortage of that particular food,
and a Royal Commission was established in Aug. 1914, which
undertook on Government account the purchase and importation
of all supplies from that time onwards. A special organization
FOOD SUPPLY
for securing army meat from abroad was also found necessary
from the beginning; this involved control of refrigerated tonnage
under the Board of Trade. A system for obtaining weekly re-
ports on retail prices (mainly through the staff of the Labour
Exchanges) was put into action at the outbreak of the war; these
reports yielded material for subsequent estimates of the in-
crease of the cost of living. The use of cereals and sugar for
brewing was limited by an Output of Beer Restriction Act,
coming into force on April i 1916. Apart from this, food supplies
were allowed for two years and more to take their course.
By the autumn of 1916, prices, which had risen more or less
steadily from the beginning of the war, reached a level which
began to evoke acute discontent, and the prospects of an in-
tensified submarine campaign caused anxieties for the future.
Two important steps were taken. The first was the establish-
ment in Oct. 1916 of a Royal Commission on wheat supplies,
parallel to that on the sugar supplies. This Commission almost
immediately took on an international character through the
signing in Nov. 1916 of the " Wheat Executive Agreement "
between Great Britain, France and Italy, under which the pur-
chase, importation, distribution and shipping not only of wheat
but of all cereals was arranged on a common basis for the three
Allies, the administrative work being undertaken in London.
The Wheat Executive gradually extended its activities to other
allies and even to neutrals. The Wheat Commission and the
Sugar Commission retained their existence as separate bodies
even after the appointment of the food controller, but the latter
in practice decided questions of policy and became responsible
for supplies of cereals and sugar as of all other foods.
The second step was the making of an Order in Council under
the Defence of the Realm Act (Nov. 16) which practically em-
powered the Board of Trade to introduce a complete system of
food control, by regulating the importation, production, dis-
tribution, prices and quality of all kinds of food or articles neces-
sary for the production of food. Food control actually began
under this Order in Council, immediate steps being taken to
lengthen compulsorily the extraction of flour (i.e. increase the
proportion of the wheat berry which was made into flour, and
so into human consumption, as against that which was left as
" offals " to be used as feeding-stuffs for animals), to fix milk
prices and to restrain extravagance in public meals. The Govern-
ment of the day at the same time announced their intention to
appoint some person with adequate authority to exercise these
extended powers, in other words a " Food Controller." Before
a suitable candidate for the post could be prevailed upon to
accept it, the Government itself fell. The new Coalition Govern-
ment of Dec. 1916 included among its novelties a food controller
to whom full powers were given under a " New Ministries Act."
The first holder of the new post, Lord Devonport, gave valuable
support to the Wheat Commission in securing adequate tonnage
and foreign credits, and carried a stage further the policy of con-
servation of cereals already embodied in the Output of Beer
Restriction Act and the order lengthening the extraction of flour.
To facilitate this the whole of the flour-mills were taken over
and run on Government account as from April 1917. An appeal
to the public to ration themselves voluntarily on the basis of 4 Ib.
of bread per head per week, 25 Ib. of meat and f Ib. of sugar was
issued in Feb. 1917, and, backed by an extensive advertising
campaign, produced a definite though limited effect on the bread
consumption, particularly of wealthy and middle-class house-
holds who were better able to obtain alternative foods; for the
working-classes alike in industry and in agriculture the suggested
ration of 4 Ib. a head was impracticably low and among them the
appeal met with little response. The failure of the potato crop
gave trouble and a first illustration of the dangers of price fixing.
Considerable thought was expended by successive committees in
devising better methods for the distribution of sugar, but before
any could be adopted Lord Devonport resigned (June 1917).
During the spring of 1917, the submarine menace was growing.
The very possibility of feeding the people seemed to be threat-
ened. Meanwhile, the people themselves were mainly disturbed
by the rise of prices and the bad distribution of sugar. The re-
ports of the Commissioners on Industrial Unrest, received in
June 1917, emphasized these two points above all as the causes
of unrest. With the coming of the second food controller,
Lord Rhondda, the food problem had reached a more serious
stage and was met by far more serious measures.
Lord Rhondda prepared himself and the Ministry of Food to
deal thoroughly with all three aspects of supplies, prices and
distribution. First he attacked prices. In Sept. 1917 the price of
bread was lowered from is. or is. id. to gd. for the quartern loaf ,
the difference being paid by the Government as a subsidy. At
about the same time there was fixed a scale of prices for meat and
for live stock, descending month by month from 745. per cwt. in
Sept. 1917 to 6os. in the following January. The fixing of meat
and live-stock prices needed to be and was intended to be ac-
companied by measures for regulating slaughter and marketing,
but for various reasons the latter measures did not become effec-
tive till the end of 1917. The scale of prices standing by itself
gave the farmers a strong inducement to hurry on their beasts
to market, so as to profit by the early high prices and avoid the
later low ones; too many beasts were thrown on the market before
Christmas and too few were kept for the new year; how the en-
suing shortage, aggravated by large purchases of home-grown
meat for the army and by other circumstances, wasdealt with by
rationing in the early part of 1918 is described elsewhere.
On the general principle of controlling supplies of all essential
foods as a condition of fixing prices Lord Rhondda never hesitated.
This policy was carried out most completely in the case of im-
ports. Cereals and sugar were already being imported by the
two commissions. Under Lord Rhondda all bacon, ham, lard,
cheese, butter and similar provisions, all oils and fats (edible and.
otherwise), condensed milk, canned meat and fish, eggs, tea and
even such extras as apples, oranges, jam and dried fruits, brought
into this country, came to be directly imported by the Ministry
of Food or requisitioned on arrival. All home-produced meat
and cheese and most of the butter passed through the hands of
the Ministry as also, through the control of flour-mills, did all the
wheat and most of the barley. Even the whole potato crop of
1918 was taken over under a scheme framed in the time of Lord
Rhondda, though not put into force till after his death. Ulti-
mately 85 % of all the food consumed by civilians in Great Britain
was actually bought and sold by the Ministry of Food. The
only important exceptions were milk, fresh fish and fresh vege-
tables. The total turnover of the Ministry's trading (including
the two Royal Commissions) was nearly 900,000,000 a year.
Lord Rhondda made a budget of the food required for the
country as a whole, and then took steps to see that that amount
of food was available. This was partly a matter of securing
imports; for this was needed, on the one hand tonnage, and on
the other finance, that is to say, foreign credits; the Ministry
of Food acting through or with the Governments concerned
made bargains with the producers for the whole exportable sur-
plus of Canadian cheese or Australian wheat or American bacon.
It was partly a matter of encouraging food production at home.
A vigorous food production campaign was started under the
Ministry of Agriculture, and the Ministry of Food cooperated
with the agricultural departments, in fixing only such prices as
appeared likely to secure adequate supplies. In effect, in fixing
prices for home produce, it made bargains with the farmers as
to the prices at which, with whatever show of reluctance or
grumbling, they would be able and willing to produce and to
deliver their produce to the Ministry or its agents. The legal
power of the Ministry to fix any prices it thought good was
absolute; the prices for home produce were actually fixed only
after apparently interminable consultations, and were prices which
could be expected to produce the required supplies, and did.
The largest single source of imported supplies was the United
States. Here a special department of the Ministry was estab-
lished (Oct. 1917), to purchase on its behalf all food-stuffs other
than cereals, for which an organization already existed in the
Wheat Export Co. ; a branch in Toronto dealt with Canadian
supplies. The department speedily grew into an international
organization of vast scope; the " Allied Export Provisions Com-
FOOD SUPPLY
mission " purchased between Oct. 1917 and Feb. 1919 nearly
2j million tons of food valued at 267,000,000, at a cost for
administration amounting to about 1*5 of i % on this turnover. All
these figures exclude cereals and sugar.
The success of this policy of ensuring supplies by direct pur-
chase abroad and consultation at home was unquestionable.
The United Kingdom came nearer than any other European
country to maintaining during the war a pre-war standard of
supplies, and at the same time achieved a far more equitable
distribution. This was due to the fact that there was a single
national authority making itself responsible for looking after
food supplies as a whole, and for using such influence with other
departments as would secure that they were forthcoming.
Upon control of supplies was founded an even more extensive
control of prices. Once goods were in the hands of the Ministry,
it only remained to fix the margins of profit to be allowed to the
various classes of distributors and the resulting prices to the
public. This was done on the basis of " costings " that is to say,
investigation of the actual costs incurred and margins of profit
required by typical distributors; effect was given to the recom-
mendations of the Costing Department of the Ministry by
statutory orders fixing the prices or the profits to be allowed at
each stage. Ultimately out of everything consumed in the United
Kingdom by way of food and drink, 94% was subject to fixed
maximum prices. Almost the only articles untouched were fresh
vegetables, canned fruits, honey, salt, vinegar, spices, aerated
waters and meals in restaurants. Many of these but barely
escaped, and only the Armistice prevented the Ministry of Food
from fixing prices for soap and candles. It did regulate the prices
of tallow, beehive sections, horsemeat and desiccated coco-nut
as well as those of oil cakes and other feeding-stuffs. At the
time of Lord Rhondda's appointment, many authorities were
inclined to say that any fixing of maximum prices must check
supply and lead to the disappearance of the article in question.
Lord Rhondda secured himself against this by controlling the
supply to start with and only fixing the price when the supply
was assured. In one or two cases alone, of which beer and the
" disappearing rabbit " are the most familiar, did he depart
from this policy; he then did so more or less deliberately because
it seemed more important to give the public the comfort of
protection against profiteering than to ensure them the food.
Lord Rhondda died in July 1918, after a year of office as food
controller and nine months of active work. His successor (from
July to Dec. 1918) was Mr. J. R. Clynes, who had previously
held the post of Parliamentary Secretary at the Ministry and,
amongst other matters, had taken an active part in the formation
and work of the " Consumers' Council"; this was an advisory
body, consisting mainly of representatives of trade unions and
cooperative societies, which did a great deal to keep the Ministry
in touch with the feelings and grievances of working-class con-
sumers. Mr. Clynes naturally made no great changes from the
policy of Lord Rhondda. The most marked feature of his tenure
of office was the development of international action, following
upon a visit to Europe of the American food controller, Mr.
Hoover. An Allied Food Council, consisting of the four food
controllers of Britain, France, Italy and the United States, with
a standing " Committee of Representatives," was established in
Aug. 1918. There was thus extended to food generally the plan
already in force in respect of cereals (and to a less extent sugar
and one or two other articles), of making international instead
of merely national programmes of food requirements, and pre-
senting these international programmes to the financial author-
ities and the shipping authorities for supply if possible of the
necessary foreign credit and tonnage.
By the latter part of 1918, the submarine menace had been
practically mastered by the convoy system, and the limits of
the food problem had been defined by the success of rationing.
The greatest pinch of all, however, was apparently still to come.
Considerations of shipping dictated a concentration of traffic on
the shortest route the N. Atlantic and the abandonment so
far as possible of any attempt to get supplies from the Far South
and the Far East. Financial considerations by a natural reaction
dictated the exact opposite; the British Treasury had relatively
ample sterling credit for purchases in Australia, very few pesos
in S. America and hardly a cent to spare in the United States or
Canada. The Ministry of Food, and other supply departments,
constantly found themselves being offered ships only where they
could not get credit, and credit only where they could not get
ships. On top of this standing or rather gradually growing dif-
ficulty came in Sept. 1918 the necessity, as it then appeared, of
hastening the transport of the American army so as to deliver a
decisive blow in the coming spring. The framing of shipping
programmes had by that time reduced itself to a division of two
lions' shares between the Ministry of Munitions and the Ministry
of Food (or their international extensions), with a few scraps for
import of raw cotton or fertilizers and the like; each of these
departments was compelled to accept for the winter of 1918-9 a
provisional import programme totally inadequate for its needs
and to hope that the war would end before its stocks ran out.
This hope was realized. The Armistice of Nov. 1 1 put an end
to hostilities though not to food control, or food shortage in the
United Kingdom or other countries. The Ministry of Food,
under two more food controllers Mr. G. H. Roberts (from
Jan. to Feb. 1920) and Mr. C. A. McCurdy (from March 1920
to March 1921), lived longer after the end of hostilities than it
had done during them, and after its formal demise on March 31
1921, left a substantial legacy of work and staff to be transferred
as a " Food Department " to the Board of Trade. The winding up
of a business so vastly beyond the scope of any private concern
and the adjustment of accounts with the accuracy required of
public departments inevitably took much time. The problem
of judicious de-control, that is to say of handing back to private
traders the responsibility for maintaining food supplies, without
risking any failure of supplies or any excessive rise of price,
proved exceedingly difficult; it was complicated by more than
one change of view as to the speed with which and the extent to
which de-control should be accomplished. A reason for not
hastening the end of food control appeared in the disturbed con-
dition of industry and the perpetual threat of paralysis in the
essential services of coal or transport. The success with which,
during the railway strike of Oct. 1918, the supplies and dis-
tribution even of perishable foods were maintained by the Min-
istry of Food shed lustre on its declining years.
At the end of 1918 the Ministry of Food issued a short mem-
orandum with tables and diagrams illustrating its work under
the four main heads of supplies, stocks, prices and rationing.
In respect of supplies a comparison is made in the accompany-
ing table of the amounts of the principal food-stuffs available
per head for consumption in 1918 and before the war, in the
United'Kingdom, Germany and Holland:
Weekly Domestic Consumption of Bread, Meat, Fats and Sugar per
Head per Week in the United Kingdom, Germany
and Holland. Pre-war and iQl8.
United Kingdom
Germany
Holland
Pre-war
1918
Pre-war
1918
Pre-war
1918
Bread and flour
Meats
Sugar
Fats .
!b.
6-12
2-50
o\5 1
Ib.
6-57
1-54
50
o-45
Ib.
6-44
2-25
56
Ib.
4-06
0-49
o-33
0-15
Ib.
7-25
1-50
0-70
Ib.
3-06
0-44
0-52
"37
The consumption during 1918 is based on the rations, except
in the case of bread in the United Kingdom, where the actual
consumption is taken; In the, case of sugar no figure of pre-war
domestic consumption is given by the Ministry of Food; it is
commonly estimated at about i Ib. per head per week.
It appears from the table that in 1918 the United Kingdom
" had half as much bread again as Germany, three times as much
meat and fat, and substantially more sugar. As compared with
Holland, the United Kingdom had twice as much bread, three
times as much meat, more fats, and practically the same amount
of sugar." In comparison with pre-war consumption, the
bread consumption per head in the United Kingdom had actually
increased slightly in 1918; fats had fallen very little; meat had
fallen by a little over a third; sugar had fallen somewhat, but
FOOD SUPPLY
93
an exact comparison was impossible. In all cases the deficiency
in 1918 on pre-was figures was far greater, both for Germany and
for Holland. In respect of stocks, the figures show how at Sept.
i 1916 wheat, fats, meat and sugar were near the pre-war level,
" a dangerous point in war, having regard to the uncertainties
of transport," and by Sept. 1918 had been built up to a level
ensuring safety for the coming winter.
The course of prices is shown in two stages; one from July 1914
to July 1917, when the main development of food control in the
United Kingdom began, and the other from July 1917 to Oct.
1918. For each of these periods the course of British food prices is
contrasted (a) with that of the prices of certain other staple
articles (textiles, coal and soap) in the United Kingdom; (b)
with that of food prices in France, Germany and Sweden, re-
spectively:
Rise in Price of Food and Other Necessary Articles in United Kingdom.
(Price in July 1914 = 100.)
Average
monthly
Tulv
Oct.
Tulv
Oct.
increase
between
J U1 /
1917
1917
j ui y
1918
1918
July 1914
and
Julyi9i7
and
July 1917
Oct. 1918
Principal controlled
foods .
205
194
202
216
2-92
o-73
Principal controlled
foods assuming
no s u b s i d y on
bread .
205
205
208
232
2-92
1-86
Principal uncon-
trolled foods
All principal foods
186
203
229
198
3"
213
347
229
2-39
2-87
10-73
i'73
Textiles, leather,
etc.
234
245
294
313
3-72
5-27
Coal
135
135
163
177
0-97
2-80
Soap
133
150
233
233
0-92
6-67
Candles .
184
184
329
348
2-33
10-93
Household oils
215
286
319
319
3-20
6-93
Comparison between Prices of Bread,
United Kingdom and in Other Countries
Butter and Milk, in the
(Price in July
July
1917
Oct.
1917
July
1918
Oct.
1918
Average monthly
increase between
July 1914
and
July 1917
July 1917
and
Oct. 1918
United Kingdom
France
Italy
United States .
Sweden
Switzerland
Germany
Austria
i5
170
149
140
1 60
1 80
181
3i8
179
1 60
154
148
178
187
2OI
367
i79
203
255
i53
268
213
249
502
195
220
264
161
305
215
228
622
2-36
1-94
1-36
I'll
1-66
2-22
2-25
6-O5
0-67
3-33
7-67
1-40
9-67
2-33
3-13
20-27
The following comments from the memorandum of the Min-
istry of Food are interesting:
" The effect of the introduction of price control from July 1917
onwards is very marked. The rate of increase for controlled food
since that date is one-quarter of the rate before then and is also very
much less than the rate for other articles and for other countries.
If the prices of such food had continued after July 1917 to rise at the
same rate as before, they would in Oct. 1918 have stood not 115%
but 150% above the pre-war level. If they had continued after
July 1917 at the same rate as textiles, they would have reached 185 %.
The controlled foods cover 94% of the total food expenditure.
" The keeping down of food prices is of course to some extent due
to the introduction of the bread subsidy. Though with this allow-
ance the effect of control in slowing down the rise of prices is naturally
less, it is still clearly marked. The rate of increase in food prices
after July 1917 remains little more than half the rate before then, and
less than the rate of increase for any of the other articles shown.
To this result two distinct factors have contributed one, the fixing
of prices and margins by the Ministry of Food on a costing basis in
this country ; the other, the action of the Government of the United
States and other exporting countries in controlling the prices paid
to the producers there.
" It is probably no exaggeration to say that a large part of the
population have been better fed during the war than at any previous
period, because for the first time they have been assured of regular
work and wages. A number of luxuries and subsidiary foods fruit,
canned fish, sweets, etc. have been cut off. The supply of essential
foods, though reduced as a whole, has been sufficient for all because
it has been fairly distributed among rich and poor."
The Ministry of Food in the United Kingdom accomplished,,
with a reasonable minimum of mistakes, the work for which it
was established. The rationing system adopted is dealt with
separately under RATIONING. Two cautions or criticisms are not
out of place. First, the administrative machinery required was-
very extensive. The staff directly employed by the Ministry,
either at headquarters or in the offices of the Divisional Food
Commissioners and Livestock Commissioners, numbered at its
maximum over 8,000. In addition the local food control com-
mittees employed varying numbers, rising at times of exceptional
pressure to as many as 25,000 persons. The printing and station-
ery bill for a single year exceeded 1,500,000. The expenditure
was no doubt fully justified by results, and under the arrange-
ments made it did not fall on the taxes but was covered by a
trifling percentage on the price of the articles in which the Minis-
try dealt. Second, while the profits and margins secured by
distributors were undoubtedly lower than they would have been
in a time of scarcity without control, they were probably not
as low as in a time of plenty without control but with competition.
The policy was adopted, indeed no other policy was possible, of
preserving the normal channels of trade. This meant that the
margin at each stage of distribution, i.e. the difference between
the price at which the distributor received his supplies and that
at which he was compelled to pass them on, had to be fixed at a
point which would afford a living to the distributor of average-
or less than average efficiency. The more efficient distributor
could still make very large profits and did so; he had no motive
for cutting prices in order to increase business, since his share
of the total business was stereotyped.
If the position of the United Kingdom be briefly compared
with that of other countries, it is seen that the central fact
facilitating food control in the former was that it had to look to
imports rather than to home production for the bulk of its sup-
plies. This simplified the problem of the British food controller
(till he was driven to rationing) by making it largely a question
of how much shipping he could extort from the shipping con-
troller and how much foreign credit from the Treasury. Both
Italy and France produced a larger proportion of their cereals at
home, and required less meat. In Italy even sugar was mainly
home grown. For the food controllers of Central Powers, ques-
tions of importation hardly arose. Their main problem and
one which they solved only to a limited degree was that of
inducing the farmer to give up a fair proportion of his produce
at the official price to the public authorities. They seem, indeed,
to have been considerably less successful than the British food
controllers in getting agreement with the agricultural population
on production and prices; sometimes, at least, prices were fixed
which the farmers regarded as arbitrary and which they evaded
systematically by contraband sales. Two minor features may be
mentioned as having simplified the British task. One is the con-
centration of the great bulk of flour-milling in the United King-
dom in a small number of important mills (less than 700), which
could be readily controlled and which furnished the only easy
market to the farmer and the corn merchant; in most other
countries mills are more numerous and smaller, and it is common
for the farmer to grind his own corn. The other is the limited
power of the British municipal authorities. In Germany it was.
the natural thing for the separate municipal councils to act as
independent organs of food control, making their own contracts
with neighbouring rural districts for the supply of food to their
citizens, fixing prices in their markets, and rationing when need
arose. This made possible competition, confusion and difference
of standard between the authorities, and made difficult a survey
of the nation's needs and resources as a whole. In the United
Kingdom, Lord Rhondda, as housekeeper for a family of forty
millions, made a single bargain with each group of producers,
put all the supplies from different sources into one pool, and
distributed them fairly at standardized prices.
In the United States (see p. 98) the problem was different.
That country in itself experienced no shortage of any essential 1
food, but became the great source of supply to all the Allies in
Europe, and gained in importance as shipping was concentrated
94
FOOD SUPPLY
on the shortest and most defensible N. Atlantic route. To
perform this function it applied (i) a great food production
campaign, (2) a campaign for voluntary food saving in order
to leave a surplus for the Allies. It had then to face the admin-
istrative problems of getting these supplies along the railways
and through the ports in competition with munitions, and with
its own army. (W. H. B.)
FEEDING OF THE BRITISH ARMY DURING THE WAR
The feeding of any army is a feature of the Supply Depart-
ment, the term " supplies," from a military point of view, being
applied to all stores and articles required for the maintenance of
an army in the way of food or fuel for men, forage for beasts,
or fuel, petrol and oil for aircraft or mechanical transport,
hospital requirements in the way of food, medical comforts, etc.,
with the exception of medicines, drugs or surgical appliances
(see generally SUPPLY AND TRANSPORT).
For a proper understanding of the problem of feeding a modern
army, and of what was done in this connexion by Great Britain
during the World War, it is necessary to recall how armies were
fed in the past. In primitive times, when one nation or tribe
invaded another, the subsistence of an invading army depended
upon indiscriminate individual plunder. The process was so
wasteful that this individual plunder was soon supplanted by a
more economical system of gathering the spoil into heaps or
magazines; but accumulation is but a means to the end of
distribution, and in return for such distribution of victuals a
deduction or stoppage was soon made from the pay of the soldier.
This was the beginning of the financial control of the department
of supply. The third stage was to organize plunder more thor-
oughly by compelling inhabitants to form magazines, or in other
words, by recourse to requisition. The fourth stage was speedily
reached by its being discovered that such magazines were more
readily and effectively created if the inhabitants were paid
instead of compelled to fill them; thus for robbery was sub-
stituted purchase, and instead of the military hand was substi-
tuted the financial hand, and the hold of the Treasury over
thfe province of supply was strengthened. As the means ot
communication improved, the mobility of armies called for a
better organization of supply. It became imperative to import
foodstuffs from a distance, as, owing to the growth of armies,
the theatre of war was no longer able to maintain them from its
local resources. To bring food from a distance requires trans-
port, and consequently the Treasury or civil side were gradually
obliged to organize a transport as well as a supply system. In
military operations, the maintenance of order on roads, and
means of communication, are of first importance, and order cannot
be maintained without discipline. Transport therefore very
early passed under the military or semi-military control, whereas
supplies remained much longer under civilian or Treasury con-
trol, with the result that there was constant friction.
For two long centuries in Great Britain the Treasury struggled
against the concession of any financial powers to any military
department, and as a consequence, untold millions of money
were wasted; only in 1888 the two Departments of Transport
and Supplies were blended into one and placed upon a military
footing by the creation of the Army Service Corps, thus bringing
these two important services completely and entirely under the
commander-in-chief , or as it is to-day under the Army Council.
What might be described as the first systematized endeavour
to feed British troops in the field was introduced during the
wars in the Low Countries. The Treasury appointed a com-
missary, who. was invested with supreme financial control, and
was responsible for the maintenance of the army. His system
of going to work was to make a contract with some individual
to supply the army with bread and bread waggons, and with the
supply of this article his responsibility for the feeding of the
army came to an end; all other provisions were a regimental
matter and were furnished by private speculators, namely,
vintners, sutlers and butchers. This system of contracting
practically continued, with slight if any modification, right down
to the outbreak of the World War, with considerable modifica-
tions, of course, as the centuries and years passed, so far as the
soldier's ration was concerned; meat was added first, and
bread and meat formed the sole ration issued free to the troops
in England up till towards the end of the ipth century, when
during peace-times a soldier got a money allowance in addition,
for the purpose of buying the remaining portion of his rations.
During the ordinary peace-times, and before the outbreak of
the World War in 1914, the system in force in Great Britain as
regards the feeding of the army was by means of contracts. The
General Officers holding the chief commands made arrangements
by periodical contracts, varying in duration from anything to
3, 6 or 12 months, for the supply of commodities required.
The soldier was supplied with his bread ration i lb., his meat
ration | of a lb. He was credited personally with 3d. per diem.
This sum was supplemented in a well-run unit by an additional
grant of |d. or so from the canteen funds; the money was ex-
pended in the Regimental Institute on the remaining portion
of the soldier's food, i.e. groceries, vegetables, extra dishes, etc.
In war-time the entire maintenance of the soldier became the
duty of the State, so that from providing only two articles,
bread and meat, the State was faced with the problem of pro-
viding a complete and full diet, consisting of a very large number
of articles and other requirements.
In order to fulfil these duties, the system in the past had been
for the War Office to enter into a number of contracts with
numerous army contractors for the supply of the various goods
required. The contractors would undertake to supply so much
biscuit, cheese, jam or any other of the many and various articles,
either delivered at the base of operations abroad, or more fre-
quently on board ship at a port of departure in this country.
In order to insure that the requisite quality of the goods was
kept up, a number of (generally speaking, retired) officers were
appointed to carry out periodic inspections at the factories or
other places of production. It will be readily seen that such a
system was bound to lead to grave abuses, and at the termina-
tion of every war up to that of 1914-8, there had always been
either grave complaints or scandals, necessitating an enquiry as
to why the troops were supplied with bad food, and frequently
as to why the State was swindled.
In the event of a general mobilization, the laid-down scheme
or plan was that so far as the Expeditionary Force was concerned,
the War Office would enter into contracts for the supply of the
necessary articles required; the supply of meat being insured by
employing contractors to drive live cattle behind our army in
the field, and all other supplies to be obtained as explained above
For the feeding of the troops mobilizing or being trained at home,
general officers and commanders-in-chief were to make their own
arrangements in the way of entering into contracts to meet the
requirements of their troops, and this system was practically the
same as had been approved and agreed on ever since any pro-
posal for general national defence had ever been considered.
Early in 1909, the British War Office, having received infor-
mation as to the rapid mobilization plans for the German army,
decided that it would be necessary to increase the rapidity of
British mobilization, and with this end in view, instructions were
issued for considerable acceleration. Up to that time it had
always been considered that it would be quite impossible for any
Expeditionary Force to leave Great Britain in under three weeks,
whereas under the new proposed scheme it was suggested that
the larger portion could be in a position to depart almost in as
many days. In order to carry out these proposals, it was of
course necessary to accelerate considerably the supply mobili-
zation machinery. There was at Woolwich Dockyard an accu-
mulation of preserved meat, biscuit, tea, coffee, sugar, jam, salt,
medical comforts, etc., sufficient for the requirements of the
Expeditionary Force for a few days. The proposal then was
that, by means of urgent priority telegrams, army contractors
would be got into touch with, and arrangements made for all
supply requirements at the earliest possible moment.
In July 1909, Col. (later Maj.-Gen.) S. S. Long (b. 1863), on
vacating the position of Commdt. of the A.S.C. Training Estab-
lishment at Aldershot, was posted as Assistant-Director of
FOOD SUPPLY
95
Supplies; at Woolwich Dockyard, and on assuming charge there
he found that the total written instructions as regards supply
mobilization in the event of war were embodied in some three
or four typewritten sheets of foolscap, the bulk of the instructions
being little more than pious hopes. Up to that period, Col. Long
(who, having been through the S. African War, had in that
war become D.A.A.G. and then A.A.G. for transport) had been
looked upon at the War Office as a leading transport authority,
he having compiled the official taxt-book upon this important
subject. He proceeded to make a close study of the whole
supply problem, with the result that he gradually evolved a new
system for the feeding of the British Expeditionary Force. This
system was put into operation from the outbreak of the World
War to its termination, without being in any way materially
altered. Instead of the costly and wasteful way of obtaining
and driving live cattle for the purpose of meat supply, behind
the armies, he proposed that frozen-meat ships, loaded up with
tens of thousands of carcasses of sheep or quarters of beef, be
placed at convenient ports, and from these ships the fresh meat
supply would be absolutely guaranteed, and at a cost very
slightly above the usual price pertaining during peace-times, and
much less than half what it had cost in any previous war. The
frozen meat ships not only fulfilled the purpose of insuring the
meat supply, providing an adequate reserve of from 50 to 60
days at a time, but they also served a further purpose of acting
as cold storage for quantities of hospital supplies, such as fish,
poultry and many other commodities required for the invalid
feeding of the many sick and wounded.
The original supply mobilization proposals presupposed army
bakery companies, moving immediately behind the troops and
baking bread to meet the requirements. In the S. African War
of 1899-1902, similar arrangements had been made, but actual
practice had proved that it was impossible of fulfilment, and
the bulk of the British troops were then almost entirely fed upon
the much-disliked army biscuit. Col. Long now suggested that
the more feasible and sound plan was to locate the army
bakeries a long distance in the rear of the fighting troops; that
the loaves of bread as baked should be put 50 at a time into the
cheap, loosely woven sacks which are readily and plentifully to
be obtained in the trade at comparatively small cost, known as
offal sacks, and by this means they would be readily handled
and railed forward daily to the troops right into the fighting line.
His recommendations and their adoption were proved quite
correct, with the result that for the first time in its history, the
British troops were during the World War fed largely on bread
instead of biscuit, in spite of the vast numbers under arms.
Instead of the old system of contractors putting the goods they
had contracted to supply on board ship, or delivering overseas,
Col. Long suggested that a definite home port should be selected
as the spot from which all supply requirements for the army
would be despatched, to be known as " The Home Base Supply
Port," and after consultation with the Admiralty it was finally
agreed that Newhaven should be earmarked for this purpose.
It was then arranged that directly on the outbreak of war, an
already earmarked staff in the way of Naval Embarkation
Officer and officer in charge of the Supply Depot, with all the
necessary staffs, etc., would instantly proceed to this port, taking
over all the available stores, and generally carrying out the
duties of such a port, whilst all contractors would consign their
goods to that port, where they would be thoroughly examined
and passed as sound and fit to be embarked on the various supply
ships. In order further to protect the public and the soldier's
interests, arrangements were made with the Public Analytical
Department of Somerset House, for that department to send a
staff of chemists down to Newhaven to analyze the goods on the
spot, so as to save time; and it is only right to emphasize the
debt of gratitude due to the Analytical Department for insur-
ing not only that the goods were of the proper quality, but
also that the fighting soldiers were adequately fed.
During the years that followed from the end of 1909 onward
to 1912, the schemes and plans to be adopted in the event of a
general mobilization and the despatch of the B.E.F. were
gradually elaborated and extended, until at the end of 1912 aU
supply requirements had been most fully thought out and pro-
vided for, together with complete instructions for the Home Base
Depot, the overseas depots, etc. Nothing remained to be done
in the event of mobilization beyond putting the scheme in force.
Meantime, Col. Long had been evolving schemes for the
modernizing of the feeding of a nation in arms, which he foresaw
must result in the event of a great European war, involving
general mobilization. However, at this period although direct-
ly under the War Office, not being a member of the War Office
staff he found little opportunity of ventilating his opinions or
successfully bringing his suggestions to notice. In Jan. 1913,
Gen. Long moved from Woolwich Dockyard into the War
Office becoming Director of Supplies. He then set to work to
inaugurate an entirely new system, the essence of which was the
complete elimination of contractors with the British forces
either in the field or at home. Except in a very minor degree
as regards home forces, everything required for the forces would
thus be obtained direct from the factories, so that the middle-
man's opportunity had disappeared.
Up to this time it had been left to individual generals, com-
manders-in-chief, commanders of district or coast defence, to
make their own arrangements and contracts, so far as feeding
and forage were concerned, with the result that in the event of
war occurring, there would have been a very large number of
authorities going on the general markets of the country, and
purchasing not only against the public, but against each other.
This old system, in circumstances such as those at the outbreak
of the World War of 1914, would have undoubtedly created a
veritable Eldorado for the unscrupulous contractor, who would
thus have been enabled to make vast fortunes; and there is very
little doubt that, had the old system continued, a very much
worse question would have arisen owing to the uncontrolled
purchasing by a large number of authorities, since in addition
to those named above, the War Office itself and the Admiralty
would also have been heavy buyers, and a panic would undoubt-
edly have occurred on the market. Furthermore, under such a
system, it would be absolutely impossible to move troops in large
bodies from one part of the country to another.
Gen. Long pointed out that only one system was possible or
would insure safety, and that was for one Government depart-
ment under one individual alone to be responsible for all army
maintenance. According to his proposals, it was suggested that
three great base depots be formed, one in London, one at
Bristol and one at Liverpool, and that in addition, a number of
main depots be created, one at Glasgow for the supply of Scot-
land, one in Dublin to meet the requirements of troops in
Ireland, and three down through the centre of England, at Leeds,
Northampton and Reading; the idea being that at each of these
great depots at which cold storage was available would be
accumulated sufficient reserves of rations of all kinds to meet the
requirements of so many hundred thousand men for a given
number of days, so that when it became necessary to move
large bodies of troops in any direction desired, all that it was
necessary to do was to increase automatically the reserves of the
depot affected by the number of troops based thereon; the War
Office being entirely responsible for the provision of these
depots. The general proposal was that each of these proposed
depots should be very carefully surveyed, all plans and arrange-
ments drawn out, together with the necessary establishment of
officers and other personnel. Standing orders and full instructions
would be prepared for each depot, so that, in the event of being
required, everyone connected therewith could step into their
place with the minimum of confusion. Then, should occasion
arise, for the first 10 days after mobilization was ordered the
depot would not be called upon to perform any duties other than
organizing itself and receiving the supplies which would be
poured into it, under arrangements to be made centrally by the
War Office. Meanwhile at the War Office itself would be kept
not only full details of each depot, but a consolidated return
showing the total requirements, so that directly mobilization
was ordered the Contract Branch of the War Office, working
9 6
FOOD SUPPLY
under the instructions of the Director of Supplies, would at once
proceed to make the necessary contracts to purchase the supplies
required to meet the needs of each particular depot. Under the
old system it was, of course, obvious that, in the event of a
general mobilization, the ordinary contract system of feeding
the troops in the United Kingdom would necessarily break down,
owing to the fact that at many of the stations the contractor
would possibly be only a small butcher or baker, supplying
depots of possibly one or two hundred men in number, whereas
on mobilization that same depot at once expanded into several
thousand, entirely beyond the ordinary small contractor.
Gen. Long's proposal for dealing with this matter was that on
mobilization, as all contracts failed, and owing to popular excite-
ment, possible inflation of prices, etc., it would not be possible
to make other satisfactory contracts, every commanding officer
would be authorized to take credit in his regimental messing
accounts for zs. for every man present with or joining the unit
under his command, and similarly the sum of is. gd. per diem
per horse, and that he was then to make the best local arrange-
ments he could with the money in question for the feeding of
his men and animals. This system would go on for 10 days. At
the end of that period the great depots throughout the country
would be stocked and in working order and ready to take up the
whole army supply throughout the United Kingdom.
These ideas were so novel and completely at variance with the
general accepted ideas of the past, that when Gen. Long first
made these proposals, they met with determined opposition
from the finance side of the War Office. It was not indeed till
July 1914 that he succeeded in getting his way and forcing the
civil side of the War Office to accept his proposals, and it was not
until towards the end of that month that the final instructions to
all commands went out, directing exactly what was to be done in
the way of feeding men and animals on mobilization. Similarly
he met with strong opposition to his proposals for the formation
of the great depots, not only from the civil side of the War
Office, but also from the military as well.
Incidentally this complete change of system of army supply,
and entire departure from all the laid-down rules of army feeding
of the past, successful as it was from an army point of view, was
if possible of even greater importance to the nation at large.
Had the old system continued and been in operation when the
war broke out, every army contractor, and every trader who
aspired to be such, would instantly have proceeded to buy up
the maiket and corner the various commodities, in the hopes of
selling them at a great profit under contract to the various
generals seeking to make contracts for the feeding of the troops
under their command. As a matter of fact, in a measure this did
happen on the outbreak of the war, so far that holders of goods
and commodities withheld their stocks and ceased to put them
on the market. Immediately after the outbreak of the war, it
suddenly became impossible to buy a number of household
requirements in the way of sugar, bacon, etc., owing to there
being none on the market; well-to-do people, in a panic, began
to lay in stocks at exorbitant prices, and from many large towns
came the sounds of ominous murmurings from the poorer popu-
lation who were unable to obtain their daily food. This con-
tinued for some three or four days; and it was not generally
realized that it was the adoption of Gen. Long's system that
suddenly restored an absolutely free market, with commodities
little if anything above the prices prevailing at the end of July
1914. The reason for this was that the War Office being the sole
buyers, and finding that importers, manufacturers and holders
of goods were refusing to sell, Gen. Long, without waiting for
authority, and taking the law into his own hands, proceeded to
requisition certain requirements urgently wanted by the Expe-
ditionary Force. He thereby forced the Government to pass
immediately a requisitioning Act, and within 24 hours the
holders of commodities were throwing their goods on the market,
fearing to hold lest they should be requisitioned. Also, the War
Office being the only buyers of meat other than the ordinary
public, they were in the position of forcing the meat market to
continue reasonable prices under the threat of requisition if they
failed to do so. This close control over the meat market was
practically maintained right up to the middle of 1916, when the
price of good average quality frozen meat to the Government
landed in England was only a decimal point or two over 6d. per
pound, and to the public at large only some couple of pence more.
During peace-time, in order to insure that the quality of
supplies composing the soldier's ration should be kept up to a
good sound standard, all A.S.C. officers were carefully trained
so as to be good judges in this respect, and in addition, some
exceptionally well-qualified officers were appointed special
inspectors. On the outbreak of war, of course, all such officers
were necessarily required for the fighting formations or for other
almost equally important duties in connexion with the mobilized
armies, and consequently the general inspection of supplies as
to quality had to be relegated to a number of retired officers.
The result of this in the past had been that, although such
officers did their best, many of them had been retired for a
great number of years, and were entirely out of touch with
modern requirements, or, owing to age or infirmity, the work
required was beyond their capabilities. The day following the
outbreak of the World War, Dr. MacFadden, the medical head
of the Public Health Department of the Local Government
Board, went to Gen. Long at the War Office, to know if he could
be of any assistance to him. Gen. Long at once replied that
there was no one who could do more for the country and the
soldier than the Local Government Board if they would under-
take the duties; he was well aware that, under the procedure
adopted by great Government departments, opposition would
be raised by the Military Medical Authorities and the War
Office, to the idea that the Local Government Board should in
any way be allowed to interfere with the food of the soldier or the
methods of its supply, etc. ; but he for his part could not devise
any system for a proper inspection, whereas the Local Govern-
ment Board had all machinery ready to its hand, which could be
turned over for the protection of public interests, and also the
soldier's, without it costing one single penny. Gen. Long
therefore proposed to Dr. MacFadden that he (Dr. MacFadden)
should undertake the entire responsibility of seeing that all food-
stuff supplied for use of the soldier should be of unexceptional
quality, thoroughly sound and good, and fully complying with
all the conditions of purchase; that he himself (Gen. Long)
would supply Dr. MacFadden with copies giving specifications of
everything in the way of food-stuffs; he would also supply Dr.
MacFadden with a list of every factory, warehouse or other
persons supplying the War Office with food-stuffs throughout the
United Kingdom, and keep him so supplied; and then, if Dr.
MacFadden would supply to each Health Officer a copy of the
specifications and a list of the premises where food was being
stored or manufactured for the War Office within that Health
Officer's area, and request him to keep the closest watch upon
the same, and immediately to take action under the Public
Health Acts, if any wrong were committed or attempted then
a perfect system of inspection would be attained.
All these duties Dr. MacFadden readily undertook, and the
result exceeded the most sanguine expectations. The prosecu-
tions were singularly few, but this undoubtedly was largely due
to the closeness of the inspection. Medical Officers of Health
threw themselves whole-heartedly into the scheme, and not only
visited factories daily, but posted their inspectors of nuisance
almost continuously on the premises. As a result of the first
prosecution, a letter was sent to the Medical Officer of Health
for the district in question, by Gen. Long on behalf of the Army
Council, thanking him for his public services in safeguarding
the interests of the country and more particularly the interests
of our fighting men. The result of this was that every Medical
Officer of Health throughout the United Kingdom redoubled his
efforts to insure the best of quality, in the hopes that, could he
catch a supplier slipping, he would then have the good fortune
to obtain a similar letter. It is a well-known fact in official life
that one Govt. Dept. objects to giving credit to another depart-
ment for any work which it may do, and consequently it is not
to be wondered at that little or no acknowledgment was made
by tl
FOOD SUPPLY
97
by the War Office for the services which were performed for
them by the Local Government Board in general, and Dr.
MacFadden and all his officers in particular. The Local Govern-
ment Board also undertook to send specially qualified Health
Officers abroad to see that the quality of preserved meat being
manufactured in both the United States and S. America was
kept up to the highest possible standard.
It is unnecessary to go in detail into the very slow but gradual
improvement of the soldier's ration in war. The appalling mis-
takes and lack of suitable feeding for the British armies during the
various modern campaigns from the Napoleonic wars down to
the outbreak of the World War can in a large measure be read
the various histories of those wars. The starvation and
eglect of the armies in the Crimea are well dealt with by
Kinglake; but although Great Britain had been involved in a
great number of minor wars, the authorities still seemed to
lack the power of organizing our supply service upon a proper
basis. To take only two campaigns to exemplify the fact:
the Egyptian War caused many complaints and grumblings as to
the unsuitability or lack of proper food, and the heavy cost of
the same, although at that period the improvement of the sol-
dier's diet was greatly in advance of previous campaigns; S.
Africa showed still more improvement, but owing to the lack of
iystem it was a frequent complaint that the supplies on arrival
at the front were in a rotten and putrid condition there were
many instances of their arriving in that condition at the base of
operations at Cape Town or other ports. The cost was out of
all proportion to what it should have been. Great fortunes were
made by unprincipled contractors, and at the end of that war
lengthy enquiry was held into many grave irregularities.
Shortly before the outbreak of the World War, some experi-
icnts in food values had been carried out in America, and under
War Office orders similar experiments were carried out in
ngland. A special committee was appointed by the War
ffice to go into the whole question, and to recommend a suitable
' active service " diet for the soldier. The result of this com-
ittee's labours was that a very carefully balanced diet was got
>ut, which would be not only palatable, but also would contain
all the necessary calories or energy units sufficient to maintain
.e normal man exposed to the rigours of a bad climate on active
:rvice. The recommended daily ration for the soldier on
active service was as follows:
Bread ij Ib. or biscuit I Ib. or flour I Ib.
Meat
fresh, if obtainable ....
Preserved
Bacon
Meat extract (part of iron ration)
Cheese
Fresh Vegetables, when available
Or peas, or beans, or potatoes, dried .
Tea
Jam
Sugar
Salt
Mustard
Pepper ........
Limejuice
Rum
Tobacco
lilb.
I "
4 oz.
i
3
8
2
6 /8
4
3
Vnogal.
(At d scretion of G.O.C.
on recommendation
of medical officer.)
2 oz. a week.
This ration undoubtedly gave universal satisfaction. The
only improvement that it contained over that supplied to troops
in S. Africa was the addition of the 4 oz. of bacon and 3 oz.
cheese; but the really great improvement was that the quality
was invariably well maintained, and the soldier received the
same with the utmost regularity.
During the last week in July 1914, the officers who were ear-
marked for the command of the eight great supply depots in the
United Kingdom attended at the War Office under instructions
which had been issued some few weeks earlier, and before the
imminence of the outbreak of the war had ever occurred to any-
one, in order that as a precautionary measure they might re-
ceive some general instructions as to the new method of feeding
the army on mobilization, and in order that they might then
visit the actual spot where they would be employed in the event
of the necessity arising, so as to be thoroughly au fait with the
whole position so far as they were concerned. This visit to the
War Office was certainly well-timed, so that after the whole of
their duties had been fully explained to them by G v en. Long, they
at once proceeded to their war stations, and as a consequence,
on Aug. 4 1914, they had already had some few days to work
out their preparations locally.
On Aug. 5, so perfect were the supply arrangements, that
many trains had already been loaded and were on their way to
Newhaven; the necessary Supply Officers and personnel crossed
on that day to France; and on Aug. 6, two days after the decla-
ration of war, British supply ships were already steaming across
the Channel, actually preceding the troops by some hours.
The Director of Supplies, Expeditionary Force, attended at
the War Office the day following the declaration of war, when he
received not only printed instructions, which had been most care-
fully prepared as regards his own duties, but copies of instruc-
tions for Supply Officers of base depots, rail depots, advance
depots and for all Supply Officers doing duty with formations.
From the moment the Expeditionary Force left, the Director
of Supplies Overseas was in close daily correspondence with the
Director of Supplies at the War Office, so that, as a matter of
fact, the latter officer kept his hand upon the feeding of the
army down to the very smallest particular.
Under a good system it is comparatively easy to maintain an
army when it is victoriously advancing, but the great test of
war is the maintenance of an army in retreat. If proof were
ever needed as to the perfection of the supply arrangements, it
is in the fact that during the British retreat to the Marne, so far
as the official records go, there was only one occasion when a
division went a day without its food, and was compelled to fall
back on the emergency ration, consisting of i-lb. tin of preserved
meat, i Ib. biscuit done up in a small linen bag and a grocery
ration, and even on the one occasion when the division missed
its daily supply of full rations, it was not the fault of the Supply
Units of the Formation, but owing to bad staff work, as it was
subsequently found that there were supply columns looking for
this division on its right, on its left and even between it and the
advancing Germans. When the forces in France were joined
by divisions of native troops from India, there was a break-
down of the Indian Military Supply system; the War Office took
up the duties, and never in its history had native troops been
so well fed and looked after.
When it became necessary to send an expedition to the Dar-
danelles, and later on to Salonika, then to E. Africa, the supply
system was expanded to meet requirements with apparent ease.
The system, as laid down and provided for, continued in existence
throughout the whole war in all theatres of operations, with
the exception of Mesopotamia, which was under the Indian
Government, and which, as is well known, hopelessly broke down;
whereas Gen. Long's system remained in force from start to finish
with but the very slightest modifications.
The business of supply being officially part of the quarter-
master-general's department, at the head of which, during the
World War, was the late Gen. Sir John Cowans, it must be
recollected that, so far as the Expeditionary Force was concerned,
Gen. Long's proposals had been agreed to during the earlier
period when Gen. Sir Herbert Miles was quartermaster-general.
As regards the general regulations for supply mobilization intro-
duced by Gen. Long in 1913, Sir John Cowans was then quarter-
master-general, but it is only right to say that there was not a
single detail of the work which originated from him, and the
greater bulk of it was carried through without even his knowing
exactly what was being done. There are War Office minutes in
existence, in which Gen. Cowans himself acknowledged that, so
far as the supply system was concerned, during the first 20
months of the war at the end of which Gen. Long, knowing
that it was running smoothly, left the War Office he had never
in any way interfered therewith.
9 8
FOOD SUPPLY
The crowning success of the whole BritisK Supply system dur-
ing the World War is undoubtedly the fact that not only were the
troops, in spite of their great number, the best fed that the world
has ever seen, but from a cost point of view possibly the cheap-
est fed, considering the enormously inflated world prices; and
throughout the whole course of the war, for the first time in
British military history, there was a complete absence even of
rumours of corruption in connexion with the feeding of the army.
(S. S. L.)
UNITED STATES
Upon its entry into the World War, the U.S. Government
was confronted with the fact that the previous heavy demands
upon the country's markets had drained the grain reserves and
diminished other important basic stocks, such as the number of
breeding hogs. This situation was aggravated by the fact that
the 1917 wheat harvest was far below normal and the corn crop
failed to mature properly. The Government therefore found
food control one of the first of its war problems. This control
required measures which, without unduly disturbing the normal
economic conditions within the country, would (i) increase
American exports, particularly of breadstuffs, meats, fats and
sugar; (2) maintain such stability in prices as would encourage
the domestic producer and thus increase production, while
protecting domestic consumers against speculation and profiteer-
ing; (3) regulate the distribution of food exports and imports so
that only the necessary minimum should go to neutrals, that the
maximum should be properly divided among the Allies, and that
leakage to the enemy should be prevented; (4) enable the
Government to regulate buying in the home markets so as to
further all these policies.
The Government Agency for Food Control. To give the
executive branch of the Government the necessary powers,
Congress passed as war measures the Embargo Acts (June 15
1917 and Oct. 6 1917), the Food Control or Lever Act (Aug. 10
1917) and the Food Survey Act (Aug. 10 1917). The Embargo
Acts gave control over imports and exports, with power to
license and fully regulate export and import operations. The
Food Survey Act gave additional powers to the Department of
Agriculture to enable it more effectively to assist the farmers.
The Lever or Food Control Act conferred upon the President the
following powers: (i) To license those engaged in the importation,
manufacture, storage or distribution of foods or feeds, and to issue
rules and regulations governing such licensees (retailers doing less
than $100,000 business annually being especially exempted from
this provision) ; (2) to buy and sell wheat, flour, meal, beans and
potatoes; (3) to requisition foods and feeds for the army and navy
and for public uses connected with the common defence; and (4) to
create agencies for carrying out the purposes of the Act. The Act
also prohibited under severe penalties the hoarding of foods and
feeds, or their destruction for the purpose of enhancing their price,
or conspiracy for that purpose. Other practices such as making
excessive charges for foods or services in connexion with foods were
made unlawful, but no penalty was provided. The Act gave no
powers for price-fixing, but Congress itself fixed a minimum price of
$2.00 per bus. for the 1918 crop of wheat, and gave the President
power to fix minimum prices for subsequent wheat crops.
By executive order of Aug. 10 1917, the President created a
governmental agency designated the U.S. Food Administration.
This order appointed Herbert Hoover, food administrator, and
delegated to him the powers granted to the President by the
Food Control Act. Mr. Hoover, since the outbreak of the war
in Europe, had been chairman of the Commission for Relief in
Belgium, where he had demonstrated his ability as an economist
and organizer and gained unrivalled experience in war-time food
problems. The Government had called him home soon after the
United States entered the war in order that he might give his
advice as to the measures to be taken.
The Food Administration had thus become, by Act of Con-
gress and executive order, the special war agency of the Govern-
ment for food control. Although it worked in cooperation with
the Department of Agriculture, it was a distinct agency, and
the food administrator was responsible directly to the President.
Because it was a war emergency agency, the food administrator
could arrange that those who were associated with him in the
direction of the work should, like himself, serve without com-
pensation. As volunteers they could without reservation seek
the voluntary cooperation of households, farmers and the food
trades, and upon such cooperation the achievements of the
food administration were principally based.
With the approval of the governor a federal food administrator
was appointed in each state and territory, and he, in turn, selected a
local administrator in every county and large city. In all, some 8,000
volunteers gave their whole time to the work of the Administration,
and part-time service was given by some 750,000 members of the
various committees, chiefly women. About 3,000 persons, chiefly
clerks, received salaries. Two great governmental corporations were
also created to assist the Food Administration. The first of these was
the Food Administration Grain Corp. (which after July I 1919
became the U.S. Grain Corp.), which eventually was given a capital
of $150,000,000. This corporation acted as the buying and selling
agency for the Government chiefly in the matter of wheat control,
though it dealt to some extent in practically all the commodities in
which the Government was authorized to deal by the Lever Act.
The other corporation was the Sugar Equalization Board, capitalized
at $5,000,000, and authorized to cooperate with the Allies in the
purchase of sugar. It was through the Sugar Equalization Hoard
that the distribution of the 1918 and 191 9 sugar crops was controlled.
Food Conservation. The problem of increasing American
exports involved the reduction of both the waste and the
consumption of all commodities, and the substitution at home
of certain surplus commodities for those particularly required
abroad. This was the basis of the appeals for food conservation,
which became the most familiar incident of food control. The
European Governments had adopted rationing (see RATIONING)
as the basis of food conservation. Mr. Hoover and his associates,
however, relied chiefly upon the spirit of self-sacrifice of the
American people for this war service, and in America con-
servation was achieved mainly by the voluntary action of indi-
vidual citizens, stimulated and directed principally by influential
women who volunteered their services. With the cooperation
of the entire press, an intense educational and patriotic appeal
for conservation was made throughout the country. Days
which became popularly known as " less " days were established.
One day of the week was designated by the Food Administration
as that on which a certain important food should not be served
of eaten; for example, there was in each week a meatless day,
a porkless day, and more than one wheatless day, and these were
almost religiously observed by practically the whole population
as a patriotic duty. So effectively was conservation impressed
upon the public mind that a new verb, " to hooverize," came
into common use to describe food saving, and was soon used to
designate saving in other commodities as well.
The most effective measure for securing national observance with
uniform and definite rules for saving was the pledging of housewives,
hotel and restaurant keepers, and retail dealers to the voluntary
observance of " less " days and other standardized methods of saving.
As a result of campaigns for signed pledges, some 14,000,000 families,
7,000 hotels and public eating-places, and 425,000 retail dealers
were enrolled in the United States as definitely pledged to the ob-
servance of the food conservation programme. Retail dealers in
food were eventually required to limit their sale of wheat flour and to
require the purchase of a certain specified proportion of substi-
tutes as an accompaniment of every purchase of wheat flour.
Wasteful commercial and industrial practices such as faulty loading
of railroad cars with perishable foods and the acceptance by bakers
of bread returned when stale were prohibited.
In the Lever Act, Congress provided that after Sept. 10 1917,
foods, fruits, food materials or feeds should not be used in the produc-
tion of distilled liquors, and further gave the President power to
prohibit the use of these materials in the production of malt or vinous
liquors when he should determine a necessity therefor existed. On
Dec. 10 1917, the President issued a proclamation limiting the con-
sumption of foodstuffs by brewers in the production of malt liquors
to 70% of their consumption in the year 1917. Maltsters and near-
beer manufacturers were also licensed and subjected to rules limiting
their use of grain. In Sept. 1918, the grain supply outlook called for
further restriction on consumption and on Sept. 16 1918, the Presi-
dent issued a proclamation prohibiting the use after Oct. I 1918, of
any food or feed, except malt already manufactured, in the produc-
tion of malt liquor, including near-beer. This proclamation brought
into operation full restrictions against the use of food-stuffs in the
production of any distilled or malt liquor. Since these were measures
taken for the conservation of food-stuffs only, they did not, however,
prohibit the sale of intoxicating beverages, although a " War Time
Prohibition Act," passed by Congress Nov. 21 1918, did provide for
FOOD SUPPLY
99
war-time prohibition pending demobilization of the army, and be-
ginning on July I 1919. This, however, was a measure of prohibi-
tion for protection of the soldiers and not a food control measure.
The use of food in other manufacturing trades was also controlled and
restricted by the regulations of the Food Administration, particularly
the use of sugar in the manufacture of candy and other non-essential
sweets. The conservation programme was in full force from Sept.
1917 until Nov. 1918, when it was withdrawn shortly after the Armis-
tice. The results show that after the United States came into the
var, and notwithstanding the exhaustion of its reserves and the de-
jrease of its basic supplies, the volume of food exports to the Allies
in these critical months was such that it saved the Allied situation.
Without very much more than the usual shipments from the United
States the food supply of the Allies would have been reduced below
the danger point. In the three years before the war the average food
:xports were 6,959,055 tons. In the fiscal year 1917-8 the exports
vere 12,326,914 tons, and, in 1918-9, 18,667,378 tons.
Stimulation of Production. The Department of Agriculture
jxercised its great influence and used its machinery to reach the
farms of the United States with patriotic appeals and advice for the
stimulation of production. Response to these appeals, which were
disseminated also by the Food Administration, resulted in a con-
siderably increased crop production of 1918. The most important
instrument of the Government for stimulating production, however,
was the power of the Food Administration to influence prices. This
power enabled the Government to guarantee a minimum price to the
farmers for wheat, and to assure, though not to guarantee, stabilized
prices for hogs, cottonseed products, other vegetable oils, sugar and
dairy products. These prices were controlled by the Food Adminis-
' ration through its control of Allied, neutral and Government pur-
_ bases in the domestic market, supplemented by agreements with
the producers of the commodities controlled. In Aug. 1917, a com-
mission composed of representatives of various interests of the pop-
ulation, consumers and producers (though the farmers were given a
majority representation), was appointed by President Wilson to
determine a fair price for the 1917 crop of wheat. The price agreed
upon was $2.20 per bus., which was a 10 % increase over the minimum
price fixed by Congress in the Lever Act for the 1918 and 1919 crops.
This price was then maintained through the Food Administration
jrain Corp., which bought at terminal markets any surplus offered
at the agreed fair price. The price guaranteed for the 1919 crop was
$2. 26 per bushel. The effect of these measures was shown in a greatly
increased acreage planted in wheat. In 1918 there were 59,181,000
ac. yielding 921,438,000 bus., and in 1919, 73,243,000 ac. yielding
940,987,000 bus., as compared with 52,316,000 and 45,089,000 ac.
producing 636,318,000 and 636,655,000 bus., in 1916 and 1917
respectively, when there had been no guarantee. In Nov. 1917 the
Food Administration gave an assurance to the farmers of a minimum
price for hogs, calculating this price on the basis of the price of corn,
the principal hog-feed. Despite the fact that there had been already
a decrease of 5,000,000 stock hogs at the beginning of this attempt at
stimulation, the number of hogs slaughtered in public markets in
the fiscal year 1916-7 was 40,201,018, in 1917-8, 35,543,037, and in
1918-9, 44,398,389. The assurance given in the fall of 1917 did not
affect production until the spring of 1918, and showed its effect most
clearly in the heavy marketing season in the fall of 1918. Producers
of vegetable oils (from cottonseed and peanuts) were assured in
Sept. 1918, of 175 cents per Ib. for their crude oil, and this price was
maintained for them until July I 1919. The supply of all vegetable
oils in the United States was in 1916, 1,745,574,000 Ib., in 1917,
1,742,931,000 Ib., and in 1918, 1,911,917,000 Ib. It was not pos-
sible to secure any great increase in domestic sugar production be-
cause of the labour shortage, and special attention was therefore
devoted to the stimulation of West Indian production. In Aug.
U.S. and Cuban producers were assured of $7.35 per loo Ib. refined,
Atlantic seaboard basis; this was' increased in Sept. 1918 to $8.49
for Cuban and $8.82 for U.S. sugar, and this price was held until
Sept. 1919 by the Sugar. Equalization Board. In 1917 the total sugar
produced in American and Cuban territory was 5,159,000 tons, in
1918, 5,500,000 tons and in 1919, 6,052,000 tons. These statistics of
increased production of wheat, hogs, vegetable oils and sugar show
that the producers of the United States responded quite as effectively
as did the consumers to the appeals of the Government for war serv-
ice in the matter of food.
Price Stabilization. Under the highly artificial and unusual condi-
tions of world supply and of concentration of demand upon the
U.S. markets there was constant danger of wide and rapid fluctua-
tions in the prices of affected commodities. One of the principal
problems of the Government was the prevention, or at least miti-
gation, of fluctuations of prices for food products in order, first, to
safeguard farmers against sudden and disastrous reductions of price
such as would discourage production; second, to protect consumers
against undue rises which would bring hardship to wage-earners and
the industrial population generally, cause strikes and impair war-
time efficiency. Again the United States profited by the experience
of European Governments and avoided the difficulties which had
been found to follow attempts to secure price stabilization by fixing
maximum prices. With the Government's control over the large
purchases, and the consequent power to influence the demand and
the price at which the dominant buyers bought, it was found possible
to secure the desired stability by the commercial operations of pur-
chase and sale and the regulation of distributors without unduly
disturbing the normal business methods of the country. The direct
control for stabilization purposes was largely confined to bread-
stuffs (wheat and rye), pork products, beef products, sugar, preserved
fruits, and certain dairy products ; as it was evident that if the
prices of these basic commodities for which there was the greatest
demand could be held at a stabilized level, the prices of other com-
modities connected with them could not fluctuate. For example, if
the price of pork products was held stable, the price of corn, which is
chiefly consumed by hogs, could not vary from its proper relation to
hog prices. Indirect control over the prices of certain products such
as wheat, rye, barley, pork products, canned fish and condensed
milk, was in the hands of the Government through its control over
the foreign buying, because these commodities were exported in
such quantities that the power to determine the export price prac-
tically determined the price in domestic markets. In the case of
sugar, agreements were executed with the Allied Governments which
gave a joint commission control of the buying in Cuban and Porto
Rican markets, and this arrangement combined with the Govern-
ment's powers in regard to producers, gave effective control over this
commodity. With reference to rice, canned sardines, cottonseed
products, dried fruits and city milk, agreements were reached with
producers and manufacturers that provided for the maintenance of
such stabilized prices as would protect producers and the public.
With basic prices thus controlled, the inflation of prices in the hands
of the distributors between the producer and consumer was prevented
chiefly by fixing for each link in the chain of distribution a maximum
margin of profit. This was possible with wholesale distributors be-
cause they were licenced by the Food Administration and required
to observe its rules and regulations. Retailers of less than $100,000
gross business annually, being exempt from licence, were not sub-
ject to regulations, except indirectly through the wholesalers. The
most effective method of control devised for the retailers was the
publication of a " fair price list " in the local papers of each city and
town, stating what was considered a fair maximum price for each of
the principal commodities. These prices were determined by Fair
Price Boards made up of local business men and women selected by
the Food Administration's representatives. Care was taken to keep
each local Fair Price Board correctly informed as to basic prices so
that the maximum prices fixed for its locality would differ from those
elsewhere only in so far as costs were increased or decreased by local
conditions. The principal feature of this control and stabilization of
prices for food products in the United States as distinguished from
that in Europe is that control in the United States was exercised
through the ordinary machinery familiar to the trade, that is, through
the pressure of sales and other business methods, supplemented to
only a slight extent by legal regulations as such. The particular
advantage of this policy was that it allowed prices to respond to the
real changes in value brought about by the inevitable war-time
expansion of currency and credit and the increase of production in
other lines, while it prevented rapid fluctuations from local and
fleeting causes. The success of this control is apparent from the
small rise in food prices during the war period, particularly in com-
parison with the rise both preceding and succeeding the control
period. The chief aim of the control, namely, the protection of both
the consuming public and the farmer, was shown to have been success-
ful by the industrial peace and prosperity during the war and the in-
creased production of the farmer.
Control of Speculation and Profiteering. In addition to the
measures above described as " price stabilization," the Food Ad-
ministration had special rules and regulations governing food dis-
tributors which were particularly aimed at the prevention of pro-
fiteering and speculation under war conditions. Food distribution
inevitably is a speculative business. The great supply comes on the
market during a comparatively short period of the year, and the
function of the distributor is to hold and distribute this supply
throughout the year. A part of the distributor's profit must be re-
garded as an allowance for the speculative risk he necessarily takes
in respect to his future market. This, like the other factors of his
profit, is ordinarily regulated by competition under the law of supply
and demand, but in time of war, when the demand was practically
unlimited, the Food Administration had to interpose further checks.
The principal measures were the following: (i) As stated above,
maximum margins were established for licenced dealers; that is, a
fixed percentage of profit was prescribed which the licensee was for-
bidden to exceed. The determination of these margins was one of
the most difficult problems of the food administrator, particularly
because a margin sufficient for the large-scale operator, whose turn-
over was large and efficiency high, would not provide any profit for
the small operator with higher costs. To have driven the small
operator out of business would have deranged the competitive sys-
tem after the war and left the public exposed to the danger of control
of food supplies by a few large concerns. (2) The trading in futures
on produce exchanges was restricted, and for some commodities,
(sugar, cottonseed oil, butter, etc.) entirely eliminated. In the case
of other commodities like corn, where the trading in future supplies
is an indispensable part of the system of distribution, the quantity
that could be sold under any one contract to any one firm was
limited through the cooperation of the exchanges. The fact that the
100
FOOTBALL FORD
Government bought and sold wheat made dealing in futures in that
commodity non-essential and it was prohibited absolutely. (3) The
period and volume of holdings of food in storage were regulated and
without special permit from the Food Administration could not
be changed. The prosecution of hoarders under the hoarding provi-
sions of the Lever Act also prevented dealers from holding excessive
quantities of food for speculation. (4) Detailed regulations were
made in the different trades requiring that all food should pass in
straight lines through the chain of distribution. A miller, for exam-
ple, was allowed only to sell to a wholesaler, a retailer or consumer.
A wholesaler could buy only from a miller and sell only to a retailer
or consumer. This prevented the addition of unnecessary layers
of profit to the price of food passing through too many hands on the
road from producer to consumer. (5) The embargo on exports with-
out permit was a very effective discouragement to the speculator.
With a controlled market in the United States the speculator's
chief hope lay in foreign sales and these were also subject to the
inspection of Government agents who would not approve permits
for the exporting of obviously speculative shipments. (6) The
stabilization of prices, above discussed, was one of the important
implements in preventing speculation. The Food Administration
was able, for example, to advise the public that during considerable
periods flour should be about $12.50 per barrel retail, and sugar
about 10 cents per pound. These announcements served, just as did
the published decisions of the Fair Price Committees, to restrain
through the power of public opinion those who wished to profiteer.
(7) Profiteering by licensees of the Food Administration could be
punished by withdrawal of the licence to operate the business. The
Food Administration maintained an enforcement division which
exacted penalties from detected profiteers, but only in a compara-
tively few cases were licences revoked. For the most part the
profiteer was allowed to continue his business after publicly express-
ing his contrition and paying to some organization such as the Red
Cross a fine in excess of his undue profits. Flour-millers were also
under agreement to turn over to the Government, by a nominal sale
to the Grain Corp., their profits in excess of an agreed amount.
Receipts from this source exceeded $6,000,000. Hoarders of food
were also subject to criminal prosecution and penalty under a special
provision of the Lever Act.
Control of Exports. The first object of this control was to confine
American food exports so far as possible to the Allies, forcing neutrals
to go to more distant markets for any commodities which they could
thus obtain. The second object was to tighten the food blockade
against the enemy by preventing direct or indirect leakages. An
example of indirect leakage was the large exportation from the United
States of feed by neutrals, who thus greatly increased their live stock
herds, and then shipped a large part of the resultant animal products
into Germany. Since the American and Allied populations were
denying themselves severely because of the lack of snipping, it was
deemed a just war measure to require the neutrals to do without
goods that would benefit the enemy only, if the supplying of those
goods required shipping from the United States. The Government
maintained representatives in each neutral country in Europe and
South America for determination of their production and of the
actual necessities of their imports to prevent suffering among their
population. It was further necessary to require measures of rationing
among neutrals to limit their consumption. While neutrals did not
suffer undue privations, subsequent reports from Germany showed
that under this pressure the German supply of food from adjoining
neutral sources fell from 77,000 million calories per month in 1917
to less than half that amount per month in 1918. Furthermore, the
neutrals were required to furnish shipping to the United States as a
consideration for their supplies of food and other commodities, and
upwards of 1,000,000 tons of neutral shipping was thus transferred to
Allied service. The control of exports was removed by the War
Trade Board, the governmental agency exercising it, early in 1919,
although its removal proved premature as it facilitated speculation
which resulted from over-exporting food for commercial purposes.
Control of Imports. The important food commodities imported
by the United States before the war were sugar, coffee, vegetable
oils, rice and cocoa. The price of these commodities was influenced
to a considerable degree, after the United States entered the war, by
the elimination of competition between the United States and any of
the Allies when purchasing in the same foreign markets. Prices were
thus kept at reasonable figures for domestic consumers and the ex-
penditure of excessive sums in foreign markets was prevented. One
special concern of the Food Administration, acting as the agency in
control of imports, was the retention^of ships sufficient in number and
size to carry essential imports. Small vessels and sailing ships not
capable of transatlantic transport were assigned to the shipping
division of the Food Administration, and arrangements were made
with committees of the various trades to assign space to their mem-
bers and to issue import permits, after agreement as to conditions of
sale within the United States. The control over imports was thus
coordinated with the control over exports so as to harmonize with
the general price stabilization programme of the United States.
Cost and Accomplishments of Food Control. The total of
Congressional and Presidential appropriations expended by the
Food Administration from beginning to end was $7,862,669.
Since the Food Administration was the governmental food
control agency, this sum may be taken as the governmental
expenditure for food control. The $155,000,000 of capital of the
Grain Corp. and the Sugar Equalization Board was handed back
to the Government intact, and large profits were earned by each
corporation. The neutral countries advanced the charges for
their shipping enormously and to protect the United States
against this excessive cost, a profit was made on the sales of food
to them. The profits of the Grain Corp. and Sugar Board
during the period of the Food Administration, in operation at
home and abroad, exceeded $60,000,000. The food control
may therefore be credited by the Government with a net profit
of $50,000,000. But the savings of the people of the United
States through the control of prices, through the prevention of
discontent and strikes, and through the contribution of food to
the Allies, cannot be measured in dollars. The possibility of
great achievement under severely trying conditions was again
demonstrated because of the spirit of willing sacrifice and cooper-
ation exhibited by the American people. America came through
the war with its markets intact and its distributing and produc-
ing agencies improved rather than the reverse, so that it was able
to supply sufficient food in the months following the Armistice
to save practically the whole of Europe. This latter achieve-
ment is not a part of the story of food control but it is a very
interesting sequel to it. The value of the food commodities
furnished to the Allies and the liberated countries from July 1917
to July 1919 amounted to about $3,670,000,000. (W. C. M.)
FOOTBALL: see SPORTS AND GAMES.
FORAIN, JEAN LOUIS (1852- ), French painter and illus-
trator (see 10.628). His cartoons and caricatures during the
World War were among the most striking and vigorous in the
French press. Afterwards he devoted himself rather to easel
painting of a symbolical character.
FORAKER, JOSEPH BENSON (1846-1917), American politi-
cian (see 10.628), died in Cincinnati, May 10 1917. His retire-
ment from the Senate in 1909 followed the publication of certain
letters supporting the charge that he had received money from
the Standard Oil Company. In 1914 he was again a candidate
for the Senate in the Republican primaries, but was defeated by
Warren Gamaliel Harding. In 1916 he published Notes on a
Busy Life.
FORBES-ROBERTSON, SIR JOHNSTON (1853- ), English
actor (see 10.639), was knighted in 1913, and retired from regu-
lar work on the stage in the following year.
FORD, HENRY (1863- ), American manufacturer, was
born on a farm at Greenfield, near Detroit, Mich., July 30 1863.
He received only a common-school education in the local school
and when about 15 years old went to Detroit, where he learned
the machinist's trade. There a little later he began to work for
the Edison Illuminating Co., and became interested in the
problems of self-propelled vehicles. He worked on the construc-
tion of a gasoline engine, making all the parts himself, and in
1892 produced his first motor-car, a very clumsy vehicle, some-
what resembling a tricycle propelled by a one-cylinder engine.
He continued his experiments and in 1898 was able to interest a
few capitalists in his scheme. He had from the beginning a
sincere desire to benefit the people, and was determined to
produce a car which could be sold at a price within reach of
persons of small means, the profits to come from quantity sales.
His plan, however, did not coincide with that of the other
members of the early company, and he withdrew. In 1903 he
organized and became president of the Ford Motor Co. of Detroit,
which ultimately became the largest producer of cars in the
world, turning out at a very low price no fewer than 1,000,000
in the single year, 1920, and employing 75,000 men. Parts were
standardized and methods devised for quickly assembling the
various units that went to make up each car. At the beginning,
however, serious difficulties were encountered. As early as 1895
a patent had been secured by George B. Selden, of Rochester,
N. Y., which seemed to cover every type of gasoline engine used
on a self-propelled vehicle. This supposed " blanket " patent
FOREL FORESTRY
101
had led other manufacturers of automobiles to form the Associa-
tion of Licensed Automobile Manufacturers. They paid for the
privilege of using the engine and announced that they would
sue any unauthorized producer. Suit was brought against the
Ford Motor Co. the very year of its organization, and prospec-
tive buyers of the Ford cars were warned that they would be
subject to prosecution. The Ford Co. advertised their car
widely, declaring that they would give full protection to their
customers. At first the suit brought against the Ford Co. was
successful but on appeal it was declared in 1910 that the Selden
patent applied to a particular type of engine only, and that the
engine manufactured by the Ford Co. did not infringe the patent.
In 1909 the Ford Co. erected a factory just outside Detroit,
covering 47 acres. As the demand for cars increased, other
plants were erected in Canada and England. In 1914 a profit-
sharing plan was announced whereby a large percentage of the
company's profits would be returned to the workers, and at the
same time a minimum wage of five dollars a day was fixed. In
1919 the minimum wage was set at six dollars for approxi-
mately 28,000 of the workmen. The company undertook to do
much for the welfare of its men, providing a large body of social
workers among them, and furnishing legal and medical aid free.
A school was founded for giving instruction to foreigners in the
English language. This was all undertaken with the idea of
securing greater efficiency in the shops. In 1914 Mr. Ford
contributed $2,000,000 to a hospital that was building in
Detroit, and later added $3,000,000. On the outbreak of the
World War he came forward as a pronounced pacifist, and in
Sept. 1915 announced that he had set aside $1,000,000 to fight
preparedness in the United States and other countries then at
peace. In Dec. 1915 he chartered a ship, and with a band of
invited pacifists sailed for Europe, hoping to bring about a con-
ference of the belligerents that would result in peace before
Christmas. But nowhere was official recognition given the party
and dissension arose among themselves. Mr. Ford, after
reaching Christiania, returned to America, where he continued
to work against preparedness. He assailed the Navy League and
the National Security League, alleging that they were supported
by munition manufacturers. In Sept. 1916 be brought suit
for $1,000,000 against the Chicago Tribune for libel, having been
called an anarchist in one of its editorials. After three years'
litigation he was awarded six cents and the costs of the trial.
When America entered the World War he gave full support to
the Government and became a member of the Shipping Board,
devoting his attention to standardizing production. He placed his
efficient plants at the disposal of the Government and some were
converted into producers of submarine chasers and small tanks.
In 1918 he accepted the Democratic nomination for U.S. sen-
ator from Michigan, but his Republican opponent, Truman H.
Newberry, was awarded the election. Charges of excessive
expenditure and fraud were lodged against Mr. Newberry, who
was tried and convicted. On appeal the U.S. Supreme Court
reversed the decision. On Jan. 12 1922 the Senate decided, by
a vote of 46 to 41, that Newberry was entitled to retain his
seat. On Jan. i 1920 Mr. Ford resigned as president of the
Ford Motor Co., being succeeded by his son, to devote him-
self to developing the farm tractor business. Shortly before, he
had purchased the Dearborn (Mich.) Independent.
FOREL, FRANCOIS ALPHONSE (1841-1912), Swiss geographer,
was born at Merges on Lake Geneva Feb. 2 1841. He was trained
for and practised in the medical profession, but his life-interest
was found in the lake on whose shore he lived, and, from that, in
limnology, the science of lakes. The study of Lake Geneva in all
its associations led him to that of geology, physics, biology,
and anthropology, and he set forth the results of his researches in
the three stately volumes of Le LSman (1892-1902). On the
science of limnology more generally his standard work is Hand-
buck der Seenkunde (1901); in this connexion his investigations
of the previously mysterious movements of lake-waters known
as seiches call for special notice. Among other researches of Fo-
rel's, those in seismology and upon Swiss Alpine glaciers are note-
worthy. He died at Merges Aug. 7 1912.
FORESTRY (see 10.645). The period 1910-21 was dominated
by the abnormal conditions produced by the World War of
1914-9, which demonstrated, as only such a gigantic upheaval
could have demonstrated, the vital importance of timber in time
of war and the necessity for maintaining adequate and readily
accessible supplies of this commodity.
(i) BRITISH EMPIRE. The war found Great Britain, accus-
tomed to rely mainly on imports from abroad, without any
efficient organization for the supply of home-grown timber. The
development of the submarine campaign, the growing scarcity of
shipping, and the necessity for employing the available shipping
as little as possible for the conveyance of such a bulky article as
timber, served to focus attention on the question of ensuring
supplies of home-grown timber in the event of another great war.
The whole question was examined in detail by a forestry sub-
committee of the Reconstruction Committee, appointed in 1916,
the terms of reference being: " To consider and report upon
the best means of conserving and developing the woodland and
forestry resources of the United Kingdom, having regard to the
experience gained during the war." The final report of this
sub-committee (Cd. 8881, 1918) drew attention to the risk in-
volved if future home-grown supplies are not safeguarded, and
proposed a scheme calculated to render the United Kingdom
independent of imported timber for three years in an emergency.
This scheme, while making due allowance for an improved yield
from existing woods, recommended the afforestation in 80 years
of 1,770,000 ac. of unplanted land, of which two-thirds should be
planted in the first 40 years. The cost of the scheme was estimated
at 3,425,000 during the first 10 years, with a possible total
expenditure of 15,000,000 during the first 40 years, after which
it was reckoned that the scheme should be self-supporting. Apart
from the question of financial returns, however, the sub-com-
mittee justified its proposals on the ground that forests are a
national necessity and that the interests of national safety de-
mand that more timber should be grown in the British Isles.
With the view of carrying this scheme into effect it was proposed
to constitute " a forest authority equipped with funds and powers
to survey, purchase, lease and plant land and generally to ad-
minister the areas acquired, with compulsory powers to be exer-
cised, after due enquiry and the award of fair compensation."
The recommendations of the sub-committee resulted in the
passing on Aug. 13 1919 of the Forestry Act (9 and 10 Geo. 5, ch.
58) and the constitution of a forestry commission consisting of
three paid and five unpaid members equipped with wide powers
for the promotion of afforestation, the production and supply of
timber, the purchase or lease of land suitable for afforestation,
the purchase or sale of standing timber, the establishment of
woodland industries, the promotion of forestry education, ex-
periment and research, and the destruction of pests and vermin.
This marks the most important step yet taken in regard to
British State forestry; as a result a definite programme of land
acquisition and planting has been framed and is being carried
out, a forest service has sprung into being, and the outlook of
State forestry in the United Kingdom is clearer than it has ever
been in the past. Not the least of the benefits conferred by an
extensive scheme of afforestation will be the encouragement of
small holdings by providing employment in the form of forest
work at a time of the year when agricultural work is suspended.
The Imperial Outlook. The year 1920 marked an important
step in the progress of forestry in the British Empire, in that for
the first time a forestry conference representative of the various
parts of the Empire assembled in London at the invitation of the
B ritish Forestry Commission. The deliberations of this conference
tended to confirm the view that, generally speaking, the Empire
is dissipating its vast natural forest resources, and that if the
conservation and regeneration of the forests are to be carried out
effectively, each Government of the Empire should lay down a
definite forest policy to be administered by a properly constituted
and adequate forest service. The conference emphasized the
necessity for a systematic survey of the forest resources of the
different parts of the Empire, with a view to the collection and
dissemination of facts as to the state of the forests and the de-
102
FORESTRY
mands on them; and in order to effect this object it recommended
the establishment of an Imperial Forestry Bureau, incorporated
by Royal Charter, somewhat on the lines of the Imperial Mineral
Resources Bureau. This bureau, to be supported mainly by funds
provided by the Governments of the Empire, would have for its
chief objects the collection and dissemination of information on
matters connected with forestry and forest resources, and the
coordination of work done by existing agencies.
The recommendations of the conference have not yet had time to
take full effect, but its first fruits were in evidence in the early part of
1921, when in the first place the preliminary steps towards the es-
tablishment of an Empire Forestry Association were completed, and
in the second place the important question of the future training
of forest officers formed the subject of recommendations by a com-
mittee specially appointed to enquire into the matter. The newly
constituted Empire Forestry Association is an unofficial organization,
not directly connected with the proposed Forestry Bureau; its chief
objects are to serve as a link between the associations already existing
in the United Kingdom and other parts of the Empire, and between
individuals engaged in forestry work, to foster public interest in
forestry throughout the Empire, to ensure general recognition of the
importance of forest management, to collect and circulate informa-
tion as to existing forest conditions and the future timber require-
ments of the Empire, to provide a clearing-house of information and
a centre for cooperation, and to organize meetings for the discussion
of the problems connected with the growth and utilization of timber.
Among other functions of the Forestry Association will be the pub-
lication of a quarterly journal.
The question of the future higher training of forest officers for
those parts of the Empire having no place of higher training of their
own was discussed at some length by the British Empire Forestry
Conference, which recommended that the training should be carried
out at one central institution, and that a complete university educa-
tion should be regarded as a necessary preliminary to this training.
An interdepartmental committee on imperial forestry education,
appointed to prepare a scheme for giving effect to the resolutions of
the conference, recommended that the work already being done by
universities in maintaining courses of training in forestry should not
be interfered with, but that efforts should be made to coordinate all
these courses, to bring them up to a common level, and to utilize them
as a preliminary to a higher course of training at one central institu-
tion. It was proposed that this institution should be located at Ox-
ford, incorporated with the university, and governed by a board
appointed one-half by the university and the other half by the
departments or Governments concerned, who should jointly guaran-
tee to the board an annual sum sufficient to pay the costs of the insti-
tution. It was further proposed that the institution should be re-
sponsible not only for the higher training of new recruits for the va-
rious forest services, but also for the provision of special or revision
courses for officers already serving, and that it should become a
centre for research in silviculture, forest entomology, pathology, soil
science, and matters affecting forest production generally. These
proposals, if carried out intelligently, should be of far-reaching im-
portance in so far as the future personnel of the forest services of
the Empire is concerned, for it has been recognized for some time
and the matter was emphasized during the discussions of the British
Empire Forestry Conference, that the methods of recruitment and
training in force hitherto have left much to be desired, and that a
great improvement in the standard of forestry education is required.
Great as has been the progress in the past in some parts of the
Empire, in other important parts scientific forestry may be said
to be as yet in its infancy, and the importance of forest conser-
vation and systematic management is as yet imperfectly realized.
Nevertheless, if legislation can be accepted as an indication of the
desire to remedy matters, there are signs of a better appreciation
of the duties of the State towards forestry during recent years,
for since 1906 and during the war numerous forest enactments
have been passed in different parts of the Empire.
India had introduced forest legislation long before this period, in
the shape of the Indian Forest Act (VII. of 1878) which with certain
amendments is the basis of forest policy of the present day. Under
this Act State forest for waste land may be set aside as reserved or
protected forest; the Act also provides for the constitution of village
forests, the protection of forests and trees, the control of forest
produce in transit, and other matters. Other special enactments in
the Indian Empire are the Burma Forest Act (IV. of 1902), the
Madras Forest Act (V. of 1882), and certain forest regulations apply-
ing to other provinces.
Forest legislation in the Malay States in the form of the Straits
Settlement Ordinance (No. XXII. of 1908) is founded on Indian
practice, and follows the Burma Forest Act. In the Federated
Malay States a Federal enactment, following the Indian model, was
passed in 1914 and revised in 1918 as Enactment No. XXXIV. of
1918; the Unfederated States have separate enactments.
In Canada the Forest Reserves and Parks Act passed by the
Dominion Parliament in 1906, with subsequent amendments,
authorizes the setting apart of forest reserves and Dominion parks.
The British Columbia Forest Act of 1912, with subsequent amend-
ments, places the forests under the charge of the Forest Branch.
The Forest Fires Prevention Act of Ontario, passed in 1917, provides
for the protection of forests from fire and for the appointment of a
provincial forester. The Nova Scotia Forest Protection Act of 1913
and the New Brunswick Forest Act of 1918 provide for fire protec-
tion, and the latter establishes a forest service. Quebec has forest
legislation dealing with fire protection and other matters.
In Australia forest legislation appears in various forms. The
Forest Act of South Australia, which dates from 1882, places the
control of forests in the hands of a commissioner with considerable
powers. The Queensland State Forests and National Parks Act,
1906, provides for the setting aside of State forests and national
parks, and the Land Act of 1910 deals with timber rights and sales.
In Victoria forest legislation is represented by the Forest Act of
1907, as consolidated and amended in 1915, and the Forest Act of
1918, which places the forests under a commission of three with wide
powers. The New South Wales Forestry Act of 1916, which con-
solidated forest legislation, provides for the constitution of State
forests and their control by a commission of three. In New Zealand
a State Forest Act was passed in 1908, but as it proved defective in
certain respects it was amended by Section 34 of the War Legisla-
tion and Statute Law Amendment Act of 1918.
In South Africa the Union Forest Act of 1913, amended in 1917,
consolidates the laws of the four provinces of the Union and deals
with the tenure, demarcation, regulation and protection of forests.
In Southern Rhodesia the Cape Colony Forest and Herbage Act of
1859 and the ordinances of the Rhodesian Legislative Council pro-
vide for forest protection. In British East Africa (Kenya Colony) the
Forest ordinances of 1911, 1915 and 1916 give wide powers for con-
stituting reserved forests, and provide for a forest service and other
matters. In Nyasaland the Forest ordinance of 1911 and the Crown
Lands ordinance of 1912 prohibit the cutting of certain kinds of
timber. In Nigeria the Forest ordinance of 1916 gives the governor
wide powers in forest matters.
This brief sketch of legislative action taken, particularly in
recent years, indicates the awakening interest in the natural
forest resources of many parts of the Empire. There was still
in 1921, however, much to be done before future progress could
be assured. One of the most pressing needs is the building up of
adequate and efficient services of trained forest officers where
these do not exist; in this way the forests will be brought by
degrees under scientific management, and the wasteful methods
of felling and conversion which have so often been a feature
of forest exploitation in the past, and the destruction of extensive
areas of valuable coniferous forests, will be kept in check. Apart
from direct State action, however, much good should result from
measures which will influence public opinion towards an ap-
preciation of the value, utility, and national importance of
forests, and the necessity for safeguarding their future by con-
servation, protection, and efficient management.
War Supplies. During the war the timber resources of Great
Britain itself were taxed to their utmost. For some years prior to
1914 the annual imports of manufactured timber averaged about
10,000,000 loads. The imports diminished in 1914 to 8,433,000
loads, in 1915 to 7,666,000 loads, in 1916 to 6,319,000 loads, and
in 1917 to 2,875,000 loads. At the outbreak of war there were
considerable stocks of imported timber which, together with
imports, mainly from northern Europe, sufficed to meet all urgent
military demands during the first year of the war. In the latter
part of 1915, however, owing largely to the advent of the sub-
marine campaign, it was found necessary to take steps towards
an increase in the supply of converted timber, although even
prior to this, anxiety had been felt as to the maintenance of the
supply of pit props for the mines. It was at this time, therefore,
with the appointment of a Home-Grown Timber Committee under
the Board of Agriculture, that the first serious steps were taken
towards utilizing home-grown timbers to the utmost, while at
the same time ensuring the greatest possible economy in the use
of timber. Early in 1917 the tonnage stringency and the necessity
for curtailing imports called for stricter control; this control was
assumed by the War Office, who took over the staff of the Home-
Grown Timber Committee and formed a Timber Supplies Depart-
ment under a Director of Timber Supplies. This department was
handed over soon afterwards to the Board of Trade. The ex-
ploitation of the home timber resources was carried out not only
FORESTRY
103
by British labour, but also to a large extent by the Canadian
Forestry Corps and other units. Canadian sawmilling plants were
erected in many parts of the country, and the production of sawn
timber went on to the extent of depleting many well-wooded
districts, the reforestation of which will present an urgent prob-
lem for some time to come.
During the war the British army played an important part in
the exploitation of the French forests, and here again the Cana-
dian Forestry Corps, which at the close of hostilities numbered
some 17,000 men, did signal service in providing the requisite
supplies of timber for military purposes.
The eastern theatres of the war were supplied largely from
India. Figures available refer only to the period from April 1917
to Oct. 1918, during which timber supplies were in the hands of
the Indian Munitions Board. The total quantity of timber
shipped during this period to overseas destinations, namely,
to Mesopotamia, Egypt, Salonika, Aden, East Africa, the Persian
Gulf and elsewhere, amounted to 198,000 tons, while in addition
30,000 tons were utilized for war purposes in India, making a
total of 228,000 tons, or an average of 12,600 tons a month. In
addition railway sleepers were supplied for over 1,800 m. of
track. The bulk of the work connected with the exploitation of
the forests for the supply of this timber was done by the Indian
Forest Department.
all events, must be regarded as largely abnormal. The balance is
-)- or according as the total exports are greater or less than the
total imports.
It will be seen that the chief importing country of the British
Empire is the United Kingdom and the chief exporting country is
Canada. During the period 1909-13, however, the United Kingdom
drew 88 % by volume and 83 % by value of her imports from without
the Empire, the chief sources being Russia, Scandinavia, S.W.
Europe (for pit wood) and the United States. Of the Indian exports
teak represents about 85%, while imports consist mainly of jarrah
timber and railway sleepers from Australia and deal and pine timber.
Of a total of 7,133,800 loads exported by Canada, 1,058,000 loads
valued at 3,525,000 were imported by the United Kingdom. S.
Africa imported 10,452,000 cub. ft. of unmanufactured timber from
Scandinavia, 2,632,200 cub. ft. from the United States, 440,500 cub.
ft. from Australia, and 92,900 cub. ft. (teak) from India; imports of
manufactured timber were chiefly from Scandinavia. As regards the
Australian states, about half of the W. Australia imports were from
the United States and rather more than one-sixth were from Scan-
dinavia, while of the exports, about one-third went to the Eastern
states and the remainder to India, the United Kingdom, New Zea-
land and S. Africa in the order named; imports into Victoria consisted
mainly of soft-woods from Scandinavia, the United States, Canada
and New Zealand: Queensland imports were principally from over-
seas and exports were to other States of the Commonwealth: New
South Wales exports were chiefly to New Zealand, the Pacific
Is. and the East. (R. S. T.*)
(2) UNITED STATES. At the beginning of 1921 the United
States was facing the certainty of a future shortage of timber.
TABLE I. Area of British Empire Forests.
Square miles (rounded off to nearest ten).
Acncul-
Forest
T . |
Country
tural
Land
Merchant-
able
Unprofit-
able or In-
accessible
Total
Other
Land
lotal
Land
Area
jnited Kingdom
97,080
3,860
1,320
5,180
17,210
119,470
British India (State forest only) ....
43L900
126,310
125,160
251,470
407,430
i ,090,800
Canada (as a whole)
689,060
390,630
541,790
932,420
2,108,190
3,729,670
British Columbia
15,700
149,300*
188,000
353,ooo
40,000
201 /loo
712 I 3O
c I e 62O*
T 1C. 2/1O
690,860
Australia
* u oi4y w
O I -*, 1 O U
O 0,^*"
i oO -; 4 u
15,000
IO OOO
SO OOO
60 ooo
CQC COO
67O C.OO
New South Wales ...
17^190
17^190
oVOO""
292,270
\j f v/, jw
309,460
Victoria
43,750
4,690
7,810
12,500
31-630
87,880
S. Australia
250
6,000
380,070
W. Australia ....
71,830
4,770
21,000
25,770
878,320
975,920
Tasmania
94
17,200
26,210
New Zealand (State forest only) .
27,520
2,140
14,23
16,370
59,690
103,580
S. Africa, Union of ....
20,930
2,360
449,810
473,100
Newfoundland ....
10,000
42,000
Kenya Colony
47,170
3,600
1,500
5,100
192,790
245,060
S. Rhodesia
2,210
18,300
73,200
91,500
58,790
152,500
Myasaland
3,000
43,6io
Swaziland
Practically nil
6,500
Uganda
.
1,200
-
92,740
Sold Coast
10,890
14,000
24,110
38,110
31,000
80,000
Migeria
100,800
50,400
168,000
218,400
16,800
336,000
Sierra Leone .....
I, OOO
31,000
Malay States .....
8,300
21,170
14,100
35,270
8,930
52,500
Trinidad
760
800
380
1,180
50
1,990
Bahamas
430
4,400
Jamaica
50
I, OOO
1,050
4,200
Cyprus
1,890
630
50
680
I,OIO
3,580
British Honduras ....
40
2,400
3,600
6,000
1,960
8,000
British Guiana ....
900
13,000
64,780
77,78o
IO,8OO
89,480
Ceylon
4,870
4,820
15,540
20,360
250
25,480
Total
1,857,520
9,185,700
* Omitted in total.
Imperial Statistics. A complete survey of the forest resources of
the British Empire was in 1921 still far from being an accomplished
fact, and in many cases area statements must for the present be
accepted as only roughly approximate. Subject to this limitation
the accompanying tables, compiled from information furnished by
the different Governments concerned to the British Empire Forestry
Conference in 1920, give the latest statistics available. Of the two
area statements, Table I. gives the estimated area of forest, agri-
cultural land and other land in each country, and Table II. gives a
classification of the forest area according to ownership. Certain
parts of the Empire, for which statistics are not available, have
been omitted.
Table III. shows the quantities and values of exports and imports.
As the figures refer partly to pre-war periods and partly to the period
of the war they are not fairly comparable, and in the latter case, at
Yet a continuous supply is absolutely indispensable for the pros-
perity of the nation. The dangerous condition of forest de-
pletion has already been reached. The U.S. Forest Service, in a
report on Timber Depletion, Lumber Prices, Lumber Exports,
and Concentration of Timber Ownership, submitted to the Senate
June i 1920, sets forth that of the original 822,000,000 ac. of
virgin forest only 463,000,000 ac., little more than half, are left.
Of this but 137,000,000 ac. are virgin timber. There is some
second growth of saw-timber size on 112,000,000 ac.; 133,000,000
ac. have second growth under saw-timber size; and 81,000,000 ac.
(as much as the combined forest areas of Germany, Denmark,
Holland, Belgium, France, Switzerland, Spain and Portugal)
IO4
TABLE II.-
FORESTRY
-Classification of British Empire Forest Area by Ownership.
Square miles (rounded off to nearest ten).
Country
State
Corporate
Bodies
Private
Individ-
uals
Total
Devoted
to Timber
Production
Other
Forest
Total
United Kingdom
British India
Canada (as a whole)
British Columbia
Quebec
no
126,310
234,340
14,700
192,080
6,250
7,880
6,500
250
10
940
2,200
3-HO
3,200
330
630
4,220
30
125,160
635,580
115,000
312,140
46,880
4,620
5,500
4,600
2,800
36,600
28,570
830
50
77,78o
11,300
140
25L470
869,920
129,700
504,220
53,130
12,500
12,000
250
4,610
940
16,370
880
5,000
36,600
1,200
3,140
31,770
1,160
430
1,050
680
6,000
77,78o
I5,5io
50
8,000
4,990
77,000
5,180
336,470
932,420
149,000
515,620
62,500
17,190
12,500
6,000
4,92of
17,200
16,370
2,360
10,000
5,100
91-500
1,200
/ 38-110
\ 2l8,4OO
35,270
1,180
430
1,050
680
6,000
77,780
20,360
62,
3,9oo
2,030
500
15,400
9,370
Australia
Queensland
New South Wales
9,3
190
40
18,300
38,iio\
215,260]
2,500
4,680
?o*
4,690
310
310
1,440
IOO
36,600
Native
Communities
1,000
20
1 60
S. Australia
W. Australia
New Zealand
Kenya Colony
S. Rhodesia
Gold Coast
Nigeria
Malay States
Trinidad
Cyprus
British Honduras
British Guiana
Ceylon
*In process of clearing for settlement purposes, which may explain differences for total area of forest in Tables I. and II.
fMerchantable forest only.
TABLE III. Average British Empire Annual Exports and Imports.
(Quantities and values in thousands.)
Country
(i)
Exports
Imports
Balance, plus or minus
Quantity
(2)
Value
f. o. b.
(3)
Quantity
(4)
Value
c. i. f.
(5)
Quantity
Col.(2)-Col.( 4 )
Value
Col. (3)-
Col. (5)
United Kingdom* (1909-13)
Wood and timber
120-8 loads
1-015-5
10,204-3 loads
27,561-4
-10,083-5 loads
-26,545-9
Wood manufactures .
2,211-9
'
2,695-2
-483-3
Pulp of wood ....
15-3 tons
122-8
859-5 tons
4,058-5
844-2 tons
-3-935-7
British India (1914-8)
Timber
1,647-9 cub. ft.
395-9
4,373-2 cub. ft.
531.9
2,725-3 cub ft.
-136-0
Canada (1914-8) (as a whole)
Sawn lumber ....
356,689-4 cub. ft.
$30,765-5
99,070-9 cub. ft.
$10,603-6
+257,618-5 cub. ft.
+$20,161-9
Pulp wood
102,933-3 cub. ft.
$6,412-5
Nil
+ 102,933-3 cub. ft.
+ $6,412-5
British Columbia (1919)
Overseas
9,072-7 cub. ft.
Not avail.
Negligible.
Negligible
+9,072-7 cub. ft.
Not avail.
Quebec (1918) ....
132,192-3 cub. ft.
$14,877-4
$746-5
+ 132,192-3 cub. ft.
+$14,130-9
Australia
Queensland Timber .
2,000-0 cub. ft.
500-0
6-0 cub. ft.
i-5
+ 1,994-0 cub. ft.
+498-5
New South Wales (1910-8)
Timber
1,633-7 cub. ft.
201-1
12,241-5 cub. ft.
1,046-4
10,607-8 cub. ft.
-845-3
Victoria (1913-7) Timber
74-9 cub. ft.
10,365-5 cub. ft.
10,290-6 cub. ft.
W. Australia (1909-19) Timber
181-3 loads
689-1
18-2 loads
97-8
+ 163-1 loads
+59i-3
S. Africa, Union of (1913)
Unmanufactured ....
3-3
15,618-0 cub. ft.
980-8
-997-5
Manufactured ....
5-7
3,882-0 cub. ft.
577-7
572-o
Newfoundland (1909-12) Timber
3,677-3 bd. ft.
$71-1
i, 632-4 bd. ft.
$53-9
+2,044-9 bd. ft.
+$17-2
British E. Africa
(Kenya Colony) (1913-8) .
S. Rhodesia (1913-9) Timber
327-4 cub. ft..
34- 1 cub. ft.
n-9
io-5
1 59 -6 cub. ft.
258- 1 cub. ft.
.16-7
+ 167-8 cub. ft.
224-0 cub. ft.
-4-8
-32-0
Nyasaland (1917-9)
Nil
f-8
-o-8
Uganda (1913) ....
2
-3-2
Gold Coast (1909-18) Timber .
1,383-5 cub. ft.
i59-7
346-2 cub. ft.
45-0
+ 1,037-3 cub. ft.
+"4'7
Nigeria (1912-3) Timber .
1,388-7 cub. ft.
92-3
522-8 cub. ft.
6 4 -2
+865-9 cub. ft.
+28-1
Malay States (1913-8)
Firewood
$i-7
$590-5
-$588-8
Planks
$i,53i-3
+$1,148-1
Timber
$164-0
$1,183-6
$1,019-6
Trinidad (1906-18) Timber
Bahamas (1907-13) Lumber
152-0 cub. ft.
293-8 cub. ft.
i7-8
11-2
889-5 cub. ft.
71-4 cub. ft.
65-3
5-2
-737-5 cub. ft.
+222-4 cub. ft.
-47-5
+6-o
Bermuda (1919)
Lumber
46-4 cub. ft.
5-5
46-4 cub. ft.
-5-5
Manufactured wood
18-8
-i8-f
Jamaica (1914-8) Lumber .
8,905-9 bd. ft.
50-5
-8,905-9 bd. ft.
British Honduras (1914-9)
Timber
8,305-9 bd. ft.
$739-0
1,447-9 bd. ft.
$41-6
+6,858-0 bd. ft.
+$697-4
British Guiana (1915-9) Timber
Cyprus (1910-4) Timber .
122-7 cub. ft.
15-0
337-7 cub. ft.
21-7
215-0 cub. ft.
-26-9
-21-7
The United Kingdom exports include 87,500 loads which are re-exports, valued at 795,200.
FORESTRY
105
have been cut, burnt and neglected until they produce practically
nothing. The United States is cutting what timber remains more
than four times faster than it is being reproduced. In addition
to the actual timber shortage, the forests remaining are so far
from the wood-using industries that the distance to markets
often makes the shipping of needed supplies either unduly costly
and uncertairu>r altogether impracticable.
Of the 48 states, 30 produce less wood than they use. These
include by far the larger part of the agriculture, industries, wealth
and population of the nation. They are Vermont, New Hampshire,
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey,
to the conclusion that little relief from timber shortage can be found
in the importation of forest products from other lands. Because
the United States must have wood, and because it cannot be secured
abroad, it must be grown at home.
Government Action, -The largest and most effective organiza-
tion engaged in providing future supph'es of timber is the U.S.
Forest Service. Most of its personnel is employed in caring for
the national forests, which in 1920 included 156,632,053 ac., as
against 153,933,700 ac. a year before. Roughly, they contain
one-fifth of the actual timber land in the United States. There
are 152 national forests, of an average area of 1,000,000 ac., each
FOREST REG/OMS BY STATE GROUPS J/VO
PR INC/PAL S/HV-T/MSEff SECT/O/VS
MAINLY
NON-FORESTEC
PLAINS OR
TV -CENTRAL
(NOT INCLUDED
IN TABLES)
SfCT/ONS
/HOIC*T0 Bf SH/IOCO AREAS
AREA AND STAND BY REGIONS
REGIONS
TOTAL FUROTAMA
(MILLION ACRES)
STAND Of
SAW TIMBER
BILLION BO.rr)
I -NEW ENGLAND
* 7
-V9
H -MIDDLE ATLANTIC
ze 7
44-9
m - LAKE
57 t
1 10 1
IV -CENTRAL
50 7
14-4 1
V -SOUTH ATLANTIC AND EAST GULF
99
1.7
VI -LOWER MISSISSIPPI
78 9
2802
JZir-ROCKT MOUNTAIN
CO fl
23 I
vm-f*ciFic COAST
57 6
114-1
TOTAL
V43 5
2ZI-4-.9
/ NOffTHEAST
2 LAKE STATES
3 SOUTHERN APPALACHf/IM fM/TOM/OOOS
4 SOUTHERN f/NE
5 LOWE/f M/SS/SSfff/ H/lffOIVOOaS *f/0 CPPffESS
6 ffOCffy MOt/MT/l/M
7 f NLA NO EMf//?E
a /ACfF/c COAST r//?
S CAL/FOffN/A P//VE
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Georgia, Ohio, Indiana,
Illinois, Kentucky, Missouri, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota,
Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma, Colorado, Iowa, North Dakota,
South Dakota, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah and Wyoming.
The merchantable timber remaining in the United States is
estimated at 2,215,000,000,000 board-feet. About one-half of it is
in Washington, Oregon and California, and over 60 % W. of the great
plains. Concentration of ownership has kept pace with forest
destruction, and half the privately owned timber in the United States
is held by 250 owners. The depletion of resources is not limited to
saw-timber. Since 1909 the country has ceased to be self-supporting
in newsprint and other paper, and in 1919 the production of naval
stores had fallen off 50% from that of 1899, the first year of satis-
factory statistics. Shortages in other forest products are developing
also. Since wood is the most generally useful of all materials, and
since the shortage and high price of wood affect all industries and all
people, its supply has become one of the country's chief economic
problems. The 137,000,000 ac. of remaining virgin forest is being
cut at the rate of 5,500,000 ac. a year, and at that rate will be ex-
hausted in 25 years. The 81,000,000 ac. of devastated, unproductive
forest land is being added to at the rate of 3,000,000 ac. annually.
Since three-fourths of the standing timber is virgin timber and since
four-fifths of the forest supplies are in private hands, the first and
most necessary step is to stop the devastation of privately held timber
lands. The next most necessary step and both are indispensable
is the stopping of forest fires. A careful study of the kinds and
quantities of forest products available throughout the world leads
in charge of a forest supervisor. The annual gross receipts in
money to the Government from them are almost $5,000,000.
During the year ending June 30 1920, 597,563 ac. of forest land
were cruised, 6,719 ac. planted, 13,222 timber sales involving 1,294,-
233,000 board-feet of timber made, and 31,301 grazing permits
issued for 2,035,432 head of cattle and 7,280,584 sheep, in addition
to other live stock. The receipts and expenditures for the national
forests during 1910-20 were:
Receipts
Expenditures
1910
$2,041,181.22
$2,791,275.62
1911
1,968,993.42
3-395,730.77
1912
2,109,256.91
3,433,285.36
1913
2,391,920.85
3,396,762.44
1914
2,437,710-21
3,337,048.83
1915
2,481,469.35
3,261,455.16
1916
2,823,540.71
3,427,140.41
1917
3,457,028.41
3,868,562.60
1918
3,574,930.07
4,265,367.00
1919
4,358,414.86
4,286,747.00
1920
4,793,482.28
4,554,861.00
It is interesting to note that in 1919 and 1920 the national forests
were self-supporting. They are well handled and efficiently protected,
and their management has gradually won for them the enthu-
io6
FORMAN FORMOSA
siastic support of western people, many of whom had been hostile
to the service and its policies. Permanent improvements in the
national forests are estimated to have a value of almost $13,000,000.
They include 5,043 m. of roads, 29,419 m. of trails, and 25,031 m.
of telephone lines. A substantially complete land classification of
the national forests has been made. By the Weeks law, enacted
March r 1911, 1,796,788 ac. of forest in the southern Appalachian
and White mountains of the eastern United States have been added
by purchase to the national forests. The investment is a good one,
since the present value of the land and timber sold is notably more
than the original price plus the cost of care and protection. The
average price paid per acre was $5.24. The purchased land is
distributed in the following States:
States
Acres
Alabama
62,966
Arkansas
36,529
Georgia
153.665
Maine
32,153
New Hampshire
401,026
North Carolina
326,786
South Carolina
18,612
Tennessee
246,675
Virginia
387,888
West Virginia
130,488
Total (as of June 30 1920)
1,796,788
It is expected that in the end not less than 7,000,000 ac. will have been
acquired under the Weeks law. In addition to the purchase of
forest land by the Government, the Weeks law authorized the co-
operation of one state with another or with the United States in the
protection of forests from fire. An amount ranging from $100,000
to $200,000 has been appropriated by Congress yearly for coopera-
tion under this system, which contemplates that the state shall
expend an amount at least equal to that expended by the Federal
Government. Twenty-four states have taken advantage of it and
the results are excellent.
Forest Products. The Forests Products Laboratory at Madison,
Wis., maintained by the U.S. Forest Service in cooperation with the
university of Wisconsin, was established in 1911. It studies forest
products and the best methods for their utilization. The total of
its expenditures to Jan. 1921 is about $2,000,000, and a conservative
estimate of the value of its work to American industries is not less
than $30,000,000. During the World War about two-thirds of
the force of the laboratory was occupied with problems related to
war work. Among them were the mechanical and physical properties
of different species of woods, methods of seasoning, substitutes for
spruce in the construction of aeroplanes.'and the strength of laminated
structures for plywood. More recently, box testing has resulted in
important savings in the manufacture of boxes and has greatly re-
duced the damage to boxed commodities. The laboratory has made
a total of 500,000 tests on the mechanical properties of wood.
A study of the influence of decayed wood on the quantity and quality
of wood-pulp showed that the loss in storee pulp was probably not
less than $5,000,000 a year, much of which could be prevented.
This service now has four experiment stations, mainly in the West.
During 1910-20, state departments of forestry increased in number
and extended the scope of their work. Thirty-four states now
recognize forestry in this way, but the work of their departments is
still weak and far below the standard of the Federal service. The
area of forest land and the number of forests owned by the states
are shown in the following table:
State
Number of
State Forests
Area
(Acres)
Connecticut
5
3,702
Indiana . . .
i
2,000
Maryland . . . .
5
3-5oo
Massachusetts .
5
13,000
Michigan . .
82
289,515
Minnesota
4
333-000
New Hampshire
43
11,002
New Jersey
7
16,590
New York . . . .
2
1,838,322
North Carolina
I
340
Ohio ... . .
2
1,720
Pennsylvania .
26
1,108,476
South Dakota .
2
80,000
Vermont . . .
13
20,135
Wisconsin . . .
I
380,443
Total ac. .
4,101,745
Much encouragement has been given by state departments to
private planters of forest trees. Pennsylvania distributes annually
about 3,000,000 forest-tree seedlings and " transplants " to private
owners who pay only the cost of packing and shipping. The state
contemplates an increase of this number to 20,000,000 and the raising
of the trees at state-maintained charitable and correctional insti-
tutions. New York in 1919 distributed 2,225,000 seedlings at the
cost of production. Most of the states supply technical advice
to owners of woodland. In many of the states private forest fire
protective organizations are common and usually efficient. In the
West their work is confined mainly to the protection of valuable
standing timber. Elsewhere it covers large areas of second growth
or devastated land.
Wood is an essential munition of war and is required in enormous
quantities by armies in the field. The U.S. army alone used 450,-
000,000 board-feet of timber and 560,000 cords of firewood during
the war. The 2oth Engineers, with a personnel of 18,000 men,
operated 81 saw-mills in France and cut approximately 2,000,000
board-feet of timber, ties, piles and poles, in addition to enormous
quantities of firewood, every working day. This regiment, composed
mainly of lumbermen, was officered largely by trained foresters.
Within one year after its formation 90% of the recruited men had
landed in France, had built their own railway connexions, and had
cut 300,000,000 board-feet of timber and railroad ties, 38,000 piles,
and 2,878,000 poles and entanglement stakes. At least 75 % of the
wood used by the A.E.F. came from the forests of France.
During the decade 1910-20 technical instruction in forestry was
crystallized and advanced, and popular instruction and practical
demonstration in forestry has taken on a notable extension. Fores-
try is now widely taught in the agricultural colleges, vocational
schools, and in the biological courses of colleges, normal schools,
and public schools. Most of the forest schools which give technical
instruction were established between 1900 and 1910. There are now
20 technical forest schools in America, a number entirely adequate
to meet present demands. The Yale school of forestry and the
department of forestry at Harvard grant the degree of Master of
Forestry. Most of the other forestry schools give undergraduate
courses leading to the degree of Bachelor of Science in forestry or
Bachelor of Forestry. Some of the best known are those at the uni-
versity of Maine, Cornell and Syracuse universities in New York,
the Pennsylvania State Forest Academy, and the universities of
Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Idaho, Washington and California.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. In addition to the authorities cited in 10.660 are:
Fernow, The Care of Trees (1910); Van Hise, The Conservation of
Natural Resources (1910); Bowman, Forest Physiography (1911);
Graves, Principles of Handling Woodlands (1911); Schenck, Forest
Utilization (1911); Elliott, The Important Timber Trees of the
United States (1912); Fernow, History of Forestry (1912); Record,
Economic Woods of the United States (1912); Recknagel, Theory
and Practice of Working Plan (1912); Barnes, Western Grazing
Grounds and Forest Rangers (1913) ; Bryant, Logging (1913) ; Kellogg,
Lumber and its Uses (1914); Moon and Brown, Elements of Forestry
(1914); Record, Mechanical Properties of Woods (1914); Roth,
Forest Regulations (1914); Hawley and Hawes, Forestry in New
England (1915); Chapman, Forest Finance (1916); Ferguson,
Farm Forestry (1916); Roth, Forest Valuation (1916); Tourney,
Seeding and Planting (1916); Weiss, Preservation of Structural
Timber (1916); Jeffry, Anatomy of Woody Plants (1917); Kinney,
The Essentials of American Timber Law (1917); Pinchot, The Train-
ing of a Forester (1917); Snow, Wood and Other Organic Structural
Material (1917); Taylor, Hand Book for Rangers and Woodsmen
(1917); Woolsey, French Forests and Forestry (1917): Boerker, Our
National Forests (1918); Belts, Timber, Its Strength, Seasoning and
Grading (1919); Recknagel-Bentley, Forest Management (1919):
Brown, Forest Products (1919); Ise, The United States Forest Policy
(1920); Woolsey, Studies in French Forestry (1920). (G. P.)
FORMAN, HARRY BUXTON (1842-1917), British man of let-
ters and civil servant, was born in London July n 1842. He was
educated at Teignmouth, and at the age of eighteen entered the
postal service, where he remained until his retirement in 1907,
being successively controller of the packet service and second
secretary. He was for many years associated with the foreign
branch of the service. It is, however, as a man of letters, and
particularly as an authority on Shelley and Keats, that he is
best known (see 24.832). His first book, Our Living Poets, was
published in 1871, and was followed in 1876 by the first volume
of his edition of the Prose and Poetical Works of Shelley, and in
1886 by the Shelley Library. He also published editions of Keats
from 1883 onwards, and in 1896 Elizabeth Barrett Browning
and her Scarcer Books. His last publication, Books of William
Morris, appeared in 1897, in which year he was made C.B. He
died at St. John's Wood, London, June 15 1917.
FORMOSA (TAIWAN). The island of Taiwan (Formosa), which
was ceded to Japan by China in 1895 (see 10.669), has an area of
13,839 sq. m., and in 1920 the pop. was 3,654,398, representing
a density per sq. m. of 264 inhabitants. The chief towns are
Taihoku, Tainan, Kagi and Taichu.
Administration and Finance. Taiwan was placed under a civil
administration in April 1896, and legislative steps were taken in the
FORREST FOWLER
107
following year to put the finances of the island on an independent
footing. Meanwhile a grant was made from the National Treasury,
varying from 710,847 in 1897 to 71,699 in 1906, when the subven-
tion was withdrawn owing to the satisfactory financial condition of
the island. The 1920-1 budget balanced with an estimated revenue
and expenditure of 94,451,263 yen.
Government Monopolies. The Government monopoly under-
takings of the island arejopium, salt, camphor and tobacco, the im-
portation of opium and the manufacture and smoking of the drug
being strictly prohibited since 1896, except by licence in the case of
confirmed smokers. The efforts made by the Goyernment to
educate the people with regard to the evil effects of opium-smoking
were so successful that the number of licensed smokers had decreased
from 117,000 in 1900 to 52,000 in 1919.
In May 1899 the Government took steps to improve the quality
and increase the quantity of salt produced, which had hitherto suf-
fered from the fluctuations due to irregular and sporadic private
enterprise. There are now some 4,000 ac. of salt fields and sufficient
salt is produced to satisfy local requirements and also for export to
Japan, Chosen, Karafuto, etc. In 1899 the production of camphor
was also controlled and in 1905 the monopoly system was extended
to Taiwan-cut tobacco, in both cases with beneficial results.
Trade. The chief commodities exported from Taiwan are tea,
rice, sugar, camphor, turmeric, flax, hemp, jute and coal. In 1897
the volume of trade with Japan and overseas trade was 31,230,000
yen; in 1907 it was 58,340,000 yen; in 1910 108,880,000 yen (largely
owing to the development of the sugar industry) and in 1912 125,-
520,000 yen. The World War seriously affected the results in the
next few years, but in 1919 the figure of 332,520,000 yen was achieved.
Exports to Japan and Korea were 142,200,000 yen and to other
countries 35,620,000 yen, the total imports being valued at 154,700,-
ooo yen. The balance of trade in favour of exports was thus 23,120,-
ooo yen, chiefly due to the increased output and higher value of coal
and to the good condition of the sugar market.
Agriculture and Industry. Almost the whole of Taiwan is a rice-
growing country, yielding two crops a year. In 1919 the rice crops
amounted to 24,419,275 bus., an increase of 18 % on the crop of 1909.
The oolong and souchong teas, produced in the north of the island,
are important exports to foreign countries; the value of the oolong
exported abroad in 1919 was 5,346,327 yen, a falling-off against
1918, probably owing to heavy stocks in the American market.
The sugar industry enjoyed great prosperity in 1916 and 1917, the
value of the exports being 11,317,643 yen and 15,775,205 yen re-
spectively. There are some 37 modern sugar refineries in the island
with a capacity of 29,200 tons, about 25 less well equipped with
2,550 tons' capacity, as well as about 250 out-of-date establishments.
With regard to mineral products, the northern part of the island is
again the more productive, as gold, alluvial gold, silver, copper, coal,
petroleum and sulphur are all found there. The total value of
mineral products in 1919 was 1 1 ,167,426 yen ; the gold produced being
20,740 oz. (or 22,374 oz - including alluvial gold), valued altogether
at 910,311 yen. The coal production was 1,086,907 metric tons
(value 8,825,002 yen), the copper 877 metric tons (value 713,221
yen), silver, 20,185 oz - (value 41,459 yen), and sulphur 1,441 metric
tons (value 85,791 yen). The value of petroleum was small; and
though the oil fields are widely distributed over the island, most
of them remain practically unexploited.
The fishing industry of Taiwan owes much of its present prosperity
to Government encouragement, although owing to the favourable
ocean currents, fishing can be carried out all round the island. Arti-
ficial rearing of oysters, prawns, carp, etc., is carried out both in
salt and brackish waters, and it is a characteristic of the Formosan
fisheries that whilst the natural produce is valued at about 4,000,000
yen, the value of the products of fish culture is 2,000,000 yen.
Communications. The first postal service was opened in April
1895, when, prior to the restoration of peace between Japan and
China, the Japanese army occupied Hokoto and established a field
post-office. In 1896 postal service for the general public was com-
menced under the control of the Minister of Communications. In
Oct. 1900 the Postal and Telegraph Laws, which had been put into
force in Japan proper, were brought into operation in Taiwan by
Imperial Ordinances and in the same year the telephone service was
first opened between Taihoku and Tainan.
A great increase in the business of the post-office savings bank took
place during 1910-20, the number of depositors having risen from
90,893 in 1909-10 to 358,204 in 1918-9, the deposits increasing from
1,900,700 yen to 5,518,178 yen in the same period.
In 1899 the Government commenced planning out a trunk line
from north to south of the island, connecting the ports of Keelung
and Taku and passing through Taihoku, Taichu and Tainan. Branch
lines, further opening up the rice, sugar, tea and mining districts,
were gradually completed, so that at the end of the financial year
1918-9 there were 346 m. of railway open to traffic.
In the same year over 9,000,000 passengers and more than 2,000,-
ooo tons of goods were carried, the receipts being 8,013,559 yen.
In addition to the state railways, there were at the end of 1918
over 1,000 m. of railway belonging principally to sugar factories and
about 600 m. of track for hand-propelled cars, an important means
of local transport peculiar to the island. (H. SA.)
FORREST, JOHN FORREST, IST BARON (1847-1918), Aus-
tralian statesman (see 10.672), was acting Premier of Australia in
1907 during the absence of Mr. Deakin in London, took office
again as Treasurer in Mr. Hughes's " National " Cabinet of 1917
but resigned owing to ill-health early in 1918, when he was raised
to the peerage, the first Australian to be so honoured. He died,
however, at sea on his way to England to take his seat in the
House of Lords, Aug. 3 1918.
FORSYTH, PETER TAYLOR (1848-1921), British Noncon-
formist divine (see 10.677), died in London Nov. n 1921. Among
his recent works were The Person and Place of Christ (Con-
gregational lecture, 1909); The Principle of Authority (1913)
and This Life and the Next (1918).
FORTIFICATION: see SIEGE WARFARE.
FORTIS, ALESSANDRO (1841-1909), Italian statesman, was
born in 1841. He joined Garibaldi in 1866 as a volunteer and
fought under him in the Trentino, in 1867 at Mentana and in
1870 in France. Under the influence of Aurelio Saffi he became a
Republican, and was arrested as a Mazzinian conspirator in 1874.
In 1876 he abandoned the Republican party, although still ad-
hering to Democratic ideals. Elected deputy for his native town
of Forli in 1880, he helped the royal visit to Romagna, hitherto
regarded as a hot-bed of anti-monarchical views. He made a
reputation as a parliamentary debater, but lost favour with his
constituents who were largely Republican, and only held his seat
with the help of Livio Quartaroli, mayor of Forli, and Saffi;
when they died his position became untenable and he was not
reelected. He then won a seat at Poggio Mirteto, which he con-
tinued to represent until his death. He became Minister of
Agriculture in the Pelloux Cabinet (1898-9), and in 1905, on
the fall of the Giolitti Cabinet, became premier. But his ad-
ministration fell after seven months over the commercial treaty
with Spain, which aroused the violent opposition of the Italian
vine-growers. He reconstructed the Ministry, but was beaten
at once and had to resign, Jan. 30 1906. He died Dec. 4 1909.
FOSTER, SIR GEORGE EULAS (1847- ), Canadian states-
man, was born in Carleton co., New Brunswick, Sept. 3 1847.
After a brilliant career in the university of New Brunswick, and
also at Edinburgh and Heidelberg, he returned to Canada and
taught in various local schools, eventually becoming professor
of classics and ancient literature in a local university. In 1882
he became Conservative member for King's co., New Brunswick,
in the Canadian Parliament; in 1885 entered the Cabinet of Sir
John Macdonald as Minister of Marine and Fisheries; and in
1888 became Minister of Finance, which position he held until
the defeat of his party in 1896. He represented York, New
Brunswick, 1896-1900, and from 1904 sat in the Dominion
House of Commons as representative for North Toronto. He
was appointed Minister of Trade and Commerce in the Borden
administration, 1911, and upon the formation of the Union
Government in 1917 retained the portfolio. A brilliant debater,
a thorough believer in tariff protection for Canadian industries
and preferential trade within the -British Empire, he made a
series of speeches in Great Britain in 1903, on the invitation of
Mr. Chamberlain, in support of Imperial trade preference. He
was one of the Canadian representatives to the coronation of
King George and Queen Mary, June 1911, and was Canadian
representative on the Dominions Royal Commission appointed
by King George, 1912. He was sworn of the Imperial Privy
Council in 1916, and the same year was appointed one of the four
representatives of Great Britain to the Economic Conference of
the Allies at Paris. In 1918 he was created K.C.M.G., and in
1920 was head of the Canadian delegation to the first assembly
of the League of Nations at Geneva, being subsequently elected
vice-president of the assembly.
FOUILLEE, ALFRED JULES EMILE (1838-1912), French
philosopher (see 10.737 and 18.250), died at Lyons July 16 1912.
FOWLER, WILLIAM WARDE (^-^i), British classical
scholar and ornithologist, was born at Langford Budville, Som.,
May 1 6 1847, the second son of John Coke Fowler, stipendiary
magistrate of Swansea. He was educated at Marlborough and at
Lincoln College, Oxford, graduating first class in literae humani-
io8
FOX FRANCE, ANATOLE
ores 1870, and being elected to a fellowship at his college two
years later. From 1882 to 1904 he was sub-rector under W. W.
Merry. In 1909-10 he was Gifford lecturer at Edinburgh. He
combined exact scholarship with a living interest in the ancient
world which made his classical studies, especially of Roman his-
tory, both readable and popular. They included a Life of Julius
Caesar (1892); The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Re-
public (1899); Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero (1909);
The Religious Experience of the Roman People (1911) and Roman
Ideas of Deity (1914). Equally delightful were his writings on
birds, A Year -with the Birds (1886); Tales of the Birds (1888);
Summer Studies of Birds and Books (1895); More Tales of the
Birds (1902) and many occasional papers. His latest work in-
cluded Essays in Brief for War Time (1916) and studies of
Virgil's Aeneid. He died at Kingham, Oxon., June 14 1921.
FOX, JOHN (1863-1919), American writer, was born at Stony
Point, Ky., Dec. 16 1863. He graduated from Harvard in 1883.
His books, which depict the life of the Kentucky mountaineers,
include A Mountain Europa (1894); A Cumberland Vendetta
(1895); Hell-for-Sartain (1896); The Kentuckians (1897); Crit-
tenden (1900); Bluegrass and Rhododendron (1901); The Little
Shepherd of Kingdom Come (1903) ; Christmas Eve on Lonesome
(1904); Following the Sun Flag (1905); A Knight of the Cumber-
land (1906); The Trail of the Lonesome Pine (1908) and The
Heart of the Hills (1913). He died at Big Stone Gap, Va.,
July 8 1919.
FRACTURES, in surgery (see 4.201). Further improvements
in the treatment of fractured bone have been made, especially
as the result of experience during the World War.
Before treatment of any fracture is undertaken, it is essential
that an accurate knowledge of its detail be obtained. A diagnosis
is made by X-ray photographs taken in two places at right angles
to each other. The result, too, of treatment is noted by this
means, and the progress of union ascertained by testing at in-
tervals the degree of mobility between the fragments under the
X-ray screen.
A fracture in which there is displacement of the fragments is
always a serious injury, and the treatment is often difficult.
The first aim of treatment is to restore the bone to its original
anatomical alignment (reduction). The second is to keep this
alignment, and at the same time to maintain the function of the
muscles and joints of the limb. The two are interdependent,
as the return of function depends to a very great extent on the
accuracy of the reduction.
Two main methods of treatment are available in order to
restore the alignment of the bone: non-operative and operative.
Non-Operative Treatment. One of two methods may be chosen,
depending on the site and nature of the fracture: (a) Immediate
reduction by forcible traction and manipulation, and maintaining
the restored position by appropriate splinting. (6) Gradual reduc-
tion. In this method continuous extension (traction by means of
weights) is applied to the limb in order to cause relaxation of the
muscles. The fragments will then tend to resume their normal
position, or can be more easily manipulated into such position.
Operative Treatment. The object of operative treatment is to
expose the fractured ends of bone, to replace them accurately in their
original alignment, and in most cases to secure them in this position.
The best means by which to fix the fragments is still sub judice,
but many materials have been used, notably bone grafts, m^tal
plates and screws, bone pegs, metal wire, etc.
The bone graft has been widely used during the past few years.
Its widest application is probably in cases where there is actual loss
of bone substance, and the graft js used as a medium round which
new bone may grow (old compound fractures). In the simple frac-
ture its function is that of an internal splint to secure the fragments
after reduction, and its value here is limited at present to the less
severe cases. In the severe fractures the best method so far of
securing a firm fixation is by means of a metal plate and screws
(Arbuthnot Lane). Metal wire and bone pegs are valuable only
in cases of injury to the smaller bones. When the fracture is in the
neighbourhood of or involving a joint, as a rule the fragments are
replaced in position only.
After-Treatment. By whatever method the alignment of the bone
is restored, the limb is splinted so that it is possible to commence at
an early date general massage of the limb, and active movements
of the joints in the neighbourhood of the fracture.
The splinted limb is suspended from an overhead frame-work.
By a system of weights and pulleys a very wide range of movement
is permitted to the patient, while the injured limb is maintained
immobilized. This arrangement facilitates also the nursing of these
often difficult cases. For fractures of the lower limb various forms
of ambulatory splints have been devised to permit of walking at an
early stage in the treatment.
Compound Fractures. In the case of compound fractures,
some by reason of their situation are necessarily either directly
or indirectly compound, e.g. a fracture of the mandible (lower
jaw), or certain fractures of the base of the skull. The majority
of compound fractures, however, occur in the limb bones. These
may be caused by some violent force striking the limb, lacerating
the skin and soft structures surrounding the bone, and at the same
time fracturing the bone. Dirt, clothing, etc., are thus carried
into the wound. Many thousand such cases occurred in the war
from the effects of gunshot. On the other hand, a bone may be
broken, and afterwards, from the continuation of the violence
or from the crumpling of the limb, the sharp end of one of the
fragments may be forced through the muscles and skin.
In either case the important point is that the injured tissues
have been exposed to infection by micro-organisms and provide
in their damaged condition very favourable soil for their growth.
If infection (sepsis) gains a foothold, the condition is a serious one
always, and at the worst may involve loss of the limb or even
life, at the best a long and tedious treatment.
The first object in the treatment of a compound fracture is to
convert it into a simple one. This is accomplished by an excision
of all lacerated tissue, and closure of the wound (primary suture).
The treatment is then continued as for a simple fracture. In a
large number of cases during the World War, the wound had
become infected before continuous treatment was possible.
The primary consideration, therefore, was to deal with the
sepsis, and the results of septic absorption.
As the result of experience certain principles were evolved, which
advanced the treatment of these serious cases to a marked degree.
The main principles may be briefly summarized as follows:
(1) To obtain an accurate reduction of the bone fragments and
coincidently of the soft structures, thus enabling them to combat at
a greater advantage the effects of sepsis.
(2) By efficient splinting to ensure a complete immobilization
of the whole limb; the chance is then given for a natural barrier
against the spread of infection to be formed in the limb.
(3) To use a simple, cleansing, and as far as possible painless
treatment for the wound itself. Of the many treatments tried, it is
probable that the Carrel-Dakin method of intermittent irrigation
is in these respects the best.
(4) To close the wound when it has become bacteriologically
clean (secondary suture). (F. D. S.)
FRAMPTON, SIR GEORGE JAMES (1860- ), English
sculptor, was born in 1860. He received his art training at the
Royal Academy schools, where in 1887 he obtained a gold medal
and the travelling studentship, and later under Mercie in. Paris.
In 1884 he exhibited " Socrates Teaching," but after some years
tried experiments in other mediums than marble, with successful
results. Frampton was elected A.R.A. in 1894, and received
many important commissions, including a memorial statue of
Queen Victoria for Calcutta; the sculpture on the exterior of
Lloyds, London; the sculpture on the Glasgow art galleries; and
the figures on the spire of St. Mary's, Oxford. He was elected
R.A. in 1902, and in 1908 was knighted. His later works include
busts of King George and Queen Mary for the Guildhall; " Ma-
ternity " (1905); a full-length seated statue of the Marquess
of Salisbury (1907); the "Peter Pan" statue in Kensington
Gardens (1912) and the Edith Cavell monument (1920). He
also produced various fine designs for medals, including those
commemorating the C.I.V. force and the coronation.
FRANCE, ANATOLE (1844- ), French critic and novelist
(see 10.775), produced three new novels after 1910: Histoire
Comique (1911); Les Dieux ont soif (1912) and La Revolte des
Anges (1914). He also wrote a play, La Comedie de celui qui
epousa unefemme muette (1912). Le Petit Pierre, a sequel to his
early book Le Lime de man Ami, appeared in 1918. These books,
with two war utterances, Sur la. voie glorieuse- (1914) and Ce
que disent nos marts (1916), make up his later literary output. On
Oct. ii 1920 he was married in Paris to Mile. Emma Leprevotte.
He was awarded the Nobel Prize in literature in 1921.
FRANCE
109
FRANCE (see 10.775*). The convulsions of the World War
deeply disturbed the work of the statistical machinery of France,
both central and local. Ten departments of the country were
for several years in enemy occupation, and the result was that
in 1921 no proper statistical information as to the population
and its activities during that period was obtainable. In many
places local records had been destroyed, and the central statistical
bureau was deprived of many of its workers.
Population. The quinquennial census, which was first taken
in 1831, was interrupted in 1916 by the war. It was again taken
in March 1921. The last previous complete census returns,
those of 1911, showed the total pop. to be 39,604,992, including
1,152,096 foreigners, a slight decrease as compared with the
1906 figures. The organized efforts made to stem the fall in the
birth-rate and to reduce infant mortality by the granting of
preferential treatment to large families and by hygiene had not
met with the success they deserved, and the losses in war-time
came to aggravate the problem.
The census taken in March 1921 (provisional figures) gave
France a total pop. of 37,499,394, of whom 1,415,128 were
foreigners. These figures do not include the French troops
abroad in the occupied territories of Germany, nor the French
forces in the plebiscite zone of Upper Silesia and the mandate
territory of Syria, nor do they include the pop. of the recovered
provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. As the distribution of parlia-
mentary representation is based upon pop., it should be noted
that the two constituencies of Aveyron contain 181,821 and
145,942 French inhabitants; the two divisions of the Bouches-
du-Rhone have 507,224 and 187,715; the two of Calvados,
229,478 and 148,061; the two of the Loire-Inferieure, 331,630
and 314,316; the Maine-et-Loire 253,395 and 219,209; the Pas-
de-Calais, 545,023 and 406,572; the Basses-Pyrenees 219,193
and 161,686; and the four divisions of the Seine have as French
pop. 955*539, 785,232, 996,174 and 1,440,652. Table 3 gives
the details of the departmental population. Including Alsace-
Lorraine, the census showed a total pop. of 39,402,739, of whom
1,550,449 were foreigners.
Male pop. in 1911 numbered 19,254,444; the female pop. was
19,937,689, an excess of females over males of 683,245. This pre-
ponderance of females in France has been steadily more marked
since 1886. For every 1,000 males there were 1,014 females in 1891,
1,033 in 1901 and 1,035 in 1911, when the proportion was 50-87
females, as compared with 50-80 in 1901. The growth in female
population is due both to increased female births and to increased
female longevity. Congestion in urban areas at the expense of
agricultural districts was a marked feature of 1911 returns, and it
was anticipated that this movement would be shown even more
clearly in 1921 returns.
TABLE I. Towns of over 100,000 Inhabitants.
1906
1911
Paris
2,7",93i
2,847,229
Lyons
430,186
523,796
Marseilles
421,116
550,619
Bordeaux ......
237,767
261,678
Lille
196,624
217,807
St. Etienne
130,940
148,656
Le Havre
129,403
136,159
Toulouse
125,856
149,576
Roubaix
H9,955
122,723
Nantes
118,244
170,535
Rouen
in ,402
124,987
Reims
102,800
U5.I78
Nice
99,556
142,940
Nancy
98,302
119,949
Toulon . ...
87,997
104,582
TABLE 2. Towns of 50,000-100,000 Inhabitants (ion).
Amiens
93,207
Orleans
72,096
Limoges
92,181
Le Mans
69,361
Angers
83,786
Troyes
55,486
Brest ....
90,540
St. Denis
71,759
Nimes
80,437
Levallois-Perret
68,703
Montpellier
80,230
Clermont-Ferrand
65,386
Dijon
76,847
Versailles
60,458
Tourcoing .
82,644
Besancon
57,978
Rennes
79,372
Boulogne-sur- Seine
57,027
Tours . .
73,398
St. Quentin
55,571
Calais.
72,322
Boulogne-sur-Mer
53,128
Grenoble .
77,438
Beziers
51,042
TABLE 3. Departmental Population (1921)
Department
Total Pop.
1-rrnrh
Foreign
Ain
315,757
307,398
8,359
Aisne ....
421-515
402,285
19,230
Allier
370,950
369,377
i,573
Alpes (Basses-)
91,882
87,070
4,812
Alpes (Hautes-)
89,275
86,852
2,423
Alpes-Maritimes .
357,759
257,042
100,717
Ardeche
294,308
293,258
1,050
Ardennes ....
277,791
253,989
23,802
Ariege
172,851
168,309
4,542
Aube
227,745
224,575
3,170
Aude
286,532
260,061
26,471
Aveyron
332,94
327,763
5,177
Bouches-du-Rh&ne
841,996
694,939
H7.057
Calvados ....
384,501
377,539
6,962
Cantal
199,401
198,924
477
Charente ....
316,249
3H,877
1,372
CharenteTnfeVieure
418,310
416,148
2,162
Cher .....
304,800
303,793
1,007
Correze
273,808
273,484
324
Corse
281,959
275,58i
6,378
C6te-d'Or ....
321,088
316,970
4,118
C6tes-du-Nord
557,824
557,091
733
Creuse
228,344
227,900
444
Dordogne ....
396,702
394,955
1,747
Doubs
284,975
270,978
13,997
Dr6me
263,509
261,026
2,483
Eure
303,092
294,703
8,389
Eure-et-Loir ....
251,259
249,426
1,833
Finistere
762,514
762,048
466
Card
396,169
382,020
H,I49
Garonne (Haute-) .
424,482
413,505
io,977
Gers
194,406
189,664
4,742
Gironde
819,404
794,057
25,347
Herault . -
488,215
436,004
52,211
Ille-et-Vilaine.
558,574
556,800
1-774
Indre
260,535
259,802
733
Indre-et-Loire.
327,743
325,203
2,540
Isere
525.522
503,169
22,353
Jura
229,062
223,278
5,784
Landes
263,937
261,414
2,523
Loir-et-Cher ....
251,528
249,889
1,639
Loire
637,130
618,169
18,961
Loire (Haute-)
268,893
268,365
528
Loire-Inferieure
649,723
645,978
3,745
Loiret
337,224
334,738
2,486
Lot
176,889
1/6,139
750
Lot-et-Garonne
239,972
234.734
5,238
Lozere
108,822
108,820
2
Maine-et-Loire
474,786
472,604
2,182
Manche
425-512
. 423.457
2,055
Marne
366,734
355,661
11,073
Marne (Haute-)
198,865
195,185
3,680
Mayenne ....
262,447
261,903
544
Meurthe-et-Moselle
503,810
459,889
43,921
Meuse
207,309
196,687
10,622
Morbihan ....
546,047
545,623
424
Nievre
270,148
267,395
2,753
Nord
T 788,518
1,616,772
171,746
Oise
387,760
370,105
f *f / 1"
17,655
Orne
274,814
272,772
2,042
Pas-de-Calais ....
989,967
951,595
38,372
Puy-de-D&me.
490,560
487,534
3,026
Pyrenees (Basses-)
402,981
380,879
22,102
Pyrenees (Hautes-)
185,760
180,246
5,514
Pyrenees-Orientales
217,503
183,068
34,435
Rhin (Haut-) (Belfort) .
94,338
89,590
4,748
Rhdne . . . .
956,566
917,957
38,609
Sa&ne (Haute-)
228,348
225,028
3.320
Sa6ne-et-Loire
554,816
550,227
4,589
Sarthe . . . .
389,235
387,523
1,712
Savoie . . . .
225,034
211,988
13,046
Savoie (Haute-)
235,668
223,522
12,146
Seine . . . .
4,411,446
4,177,597
233,849
Seine-Inferieure
880,671
862,793
17,878
Seine-et-Marne
349,257
339,276
9,981
Seine-et-Oise .
921,673
887,523
34, 1 50
Sevres (Deux-)
3IO,O6O
309,421
639
Somme . . . .
452,624
440,202
12,422
Tarn. . . .
295,588
290,852
4,736
Tarn-et-Garonne
159,559
158,124
1-435
Var . . .
322,945
270,450
52,495
Vaucluse . . . .
219,602
210,845
8,757
Vendee . . . .
397,292
396,596
696
Vienne . . . .
306,248
305,431
817
Vienne (Haute-)
350,235
349,522
713
Vosges . . .
383,684
377,847
5,837
Yonne . . .
273,"8
270,468
2,650
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
I 10
FRANCE
The distribution of the active population in 1911 according to
occupation showed that, in spite of the townward movement,
agriculture was the chief concern of the country. During and since
the war it is suspected that industry has made heavier demands upon
labour. Table 4 gives 1911 figures (in thousands)-
TABLE 4. Occupation Statistics.
Occupation
Males
Females
Total
Agriculture ....
Manufactures
Trade
Liberal Professions and Pub-
lic Services ....
Domestic Service .
Soldiers, Sailors and Fisher-
men
No Occupation .
5.279
4-951
1,218
888
158
718
3,238
2,535
835
337
771
3
8,517
7,486
2,053
1,225
929
721
13,212
6,042
7,719
12,219
20,931
18,261
The number of foreigners in France, which had decreased from
1,130,211 in 1891 to 1,038,871 in 1901 (the proportion per 10,000
inhabitants falling from 297 to 269), increased in the period 1901-11
to 1,159,835, or 296 per 10,000. The principal nationalities repre-
sented were, in 1911: Italians, 419,234; Belgians, 287,126; Span-
iards, 105,760; Germans, 102,271; Swiss, 73,422; British, 40,378;
Russians, 35,106. The large number of Italians and Belgians in
France was due to the labour requirements of the textile industries
in the north and of the mineral fields in the east.
The only official vital statistics, of more recent date, available in
1921 are partial and approximate in character. They relate to 77
out of 87 departments (the other 10 having been invaded), and are
based upon the bulletins d'etat civil, or ordinary registration statistics,
and not upon the more satisfactory data of the general census re-
turns. Subject to these reservations, the figures of the years 1911-9
are summarized in Table 5.
TABLE 5. Vital Statistics.
Population
(in thousands)
Mar-
riages
Births
Deaths
1911
33,o85
255,036
602,978
647,284
1912
33,065
253,534
608,690
579,175
1913 .
33-095
247,880
604,811
587,445
1914 .
33,085
169,011
594,222
647,549
1915* .
34,290
75,327
387,806
655.146
1916
33,650
108,562
315,087
607,742
1917
32,980
158,508
343.310
613,148
1918
32,780
177,822
399,041
788,616
1919 .
32,315
447,207
403,502
620,688
1920
(first 6 months).
77 Departments .
33,079,103
269,454
336,642
300,406
90 Departments t
41,476,272
333,241
424,668
356,722
* Increase due to the influx of refugees from the invaded depart-
ments and from foreign countries.
t Including Moselle, Upper and Lower Rhine (Alsace-Lorraine).
Table 5 shows the great decline of the birth-rate due to the war,
and its rapid recovery in 1918 and 1919. The high mortality in
1918 is to be attributed to the epidemic of influenza.
Divorces in the 77 departments numbered 12,344 ' n I 9 I 3, de-
creased until 1915, but increased to 8,121 in 1918 and to 11,657 in
1919. During the first six months of 1920 the total was 9,614, more
than double the figure for the corresponding period of 1919.
The number of recruits of the 1921 class who were passed as fit
for army service was 272,000 (including Alsace and Lorraine), and
their proportion to the total of young men liable for service with
this class was 78 %, a higher figure than that of the 1913 class. The
strictness of the medical examination is shown by the number of
ajournes (recruits expected to come up to the physical standard at
some future time), which was 61,943. The proportion between the
corresponding number of births and the number of young men
attaining the age for military service reached 75%, for the first
time, in 1921. It had been rising slowly for the past 20 years but
had not previously gone beyond 73 per cent. Reckoning the actual
number of men passed by the doctors, and the average number of
ajournes to be subsequently added, the IQ2I class constitutes a
distinct improvement on its predecessors. The privations endured
during the war do not appear to have had such bad results as
were feared in regard to the physical development of the youth of
the country. This is attributed by the military authorities to three
causes: the decrease in the consumption of spirits, the influence of
athletic sports, and, to a certain extent, a better knowledge of
sanitary and dietary conditions among the peasantry.
An official report on crime statistics in France from 1914-9 shows
that while the total number of crimes and offences was below the
average, there was a distinct increase of criminality among women
and minors under 18 years of age. Before the war, out of every 100
persons convicted 12 were women and 5 minors, but during the war
period these proportions rose to 30 and 14 respectively. Abortion and
infanticide more than doubled.
In regard to minor offences, only thefts show an increase (62,869
jn 1919 against 36,401 in 1913). There was a considerable decrease
in the prosecutions for begging and being without visible means of
subsistence. Common assaults decreased by more than 50%, and
there was a similar diminution in all offences generally due to drink.
The report attributes this result to legislation against drunkenness
and the prohibition of absinthe. The figures, however, are not an
exact reflection of the situation, the operations of justice having
been greatly hampered by circumstances.
Constitution. The only constitutional change made in France
between 1910 and 1921 was the adoption of a new system of
voting at parliamentary general elections. Previously, the
seats went to the candidates receiving the highest number of
votes, as in England, with this difference, that if no candidate
received an absolute majority that is to say, at least one more
than half the total votes polled a secondary election, known as
the scrutin de ballotage, became necessary, on which occasion
an actual and not an absolute majority was sufficient.
There are two varieties of the majority system. One consists
of dividing the constituency into sections, each of which elects
one member. The other may consist of the election of a list of
as many candidates as there are seats in the constituency (in
France, the department). The first of these systems is known as
the scrutin d'arrondissement and the second as the scrutin de
liste. For many years there was an agitation in France against
the prevailing system (scrutin d'arrondisscmenl) because it was
regarded as unfavourable to the general principles by which
politics should be guided. A deputy elected by a comparatively
small body of voters often became the mere mouthpiece of local
interests and was inclined to put those of the nation in the
background. It eventually became evident that the scrutin
d'arrondissement was definitely condemned. Parliament, how-
ever, did not replace it by the scrulin de lisle pure and simple,
because it was felt that this system was too absolute and too
hard on minorities. In a department, for instance, returning
10 members and having 50,000 electors, a list which obtained
one vote less than the other ran the risk of not being represented
at all and losing all 10 seats to the opposition. The result would
be something very much like oppression of the minority, and
there might be a temptation for the minority to put forward its
claims in illegal ways instead of through the constitutional
parliamentary channel. Parliament, therefore, in 1919, abol-
ished the majority system of voting and adopted a compromise
between the proportional voting system and the other. The
present system is a majority one, tempered by concessions to
minorities, or it might be described as a proportional system
giving a kind of bonus to majorities.
Two terms require definition before any explanation of the French
electoral system can be given the " electoral quotient " and the
" average. ' The former is the figure obtained by dividing the num-
ber of votes cast by the number of seats to fill. The average of a list
is, as the word implies, the number of votes cast for the list divided by
the number of candidates. A list obtains as many seats as the
number of times the electoral quotient is contained in the average of
the list. As an example take the hypothetical case of a depart-
ment returning five members. There are three lists of candidates
Conservative, Radical and Socialist and the voting is as follows:
Conservatives
(5 candidates)
Radicals
(4 candidates)
Socialists
(3 candidates)
A 15,000
B 14,50
C 14,000
D 13,500
E 13,000
F 12,000
G 11,500
H 11,000
J 10,500
L 9,500
M 9,000
N 8,500
Total 70,000
Average 14,000
Total 45,000
Average 11,250
Total 27,000
Average 9,000
The total votes cast being 34,250, the division of this number by 5
(the number of seats to fill) gives the electoral quotient, 6,850. The
average of the Conservative list contains this quotient twice (13,700)
with 300 over. The average of the Radical list contains the quotient
once, with 4,500 over, and the Socialist list contains the quotient
once, with 2,250 votes over. The first list thus gets two seats, the
second one and the third one, and these seats go to the candidate
having obtained the greatest number of votes. Consequently the
candidates returned are A, B, F and L. The allotment of the fifth
FRANCE
in
seat, which is made in virtue of the highest average and not the
quotient, will be explained further on. It will be observed that L,
who receives only 9,500 votes, is declared elected, while D, with 13,-
500, is unsuccessful. This apparent anomaly is explained by the
theory that party principles are of more importance than persons.
D's votes count towards the success of his list, which obtains two
seats while L's has only one, and there is no obligation to consider
the personal feelings of D.
As above mentioned, the proportional system is tempered in
France by bonuses offered to majorities. Any candidate polling
more than half the total votes cast is elected, and in his case there
is no question of quotients or averages. Consequently, if all the
candidates on one list obtain more than half the total votes cast,
the list is elected en bloc. This happened in some 20 constituencies
when the first general election took place under the new law in
1919. If any seats are left over after the quotient operation has
been worked out, they go to the lists having the highest average. In
the example given above, the Conservative list has the highest
average, 14,000. It, therefore, obtains the fifth seat, and C is de-
clared duly elected. This provision sometimes produces surprising
results. In a department returning six members, each of the three
lists may have the quotient once with a large number left over ; and
if the average of list No. I be only a single vote more than that of
list No. 2, No. I list gets all the three seats left over. This was illus-
trated in the department of the Gard, where the Conservative list ob-
tained 4 seats and the Radicals only I, although the latter polled
nearly as many votes as their adversaries.
When a candidate on a list obtains an absolute majority, this is so
much net profit for his list, as his votes continue to count for the
average. When there is only a single candidate, he may be elected
either on an absolute majority or if he has more votes than are cast
for the candidates elected on the strength of the quotient. It may
also happen that two lists may each get three times the quotient
although there are only five seats to fill. In such a case the seats go
to the highest average. In the Haute- Vienne, a list which obtained
the quotient three times did not get a single seat. Three candidates
on the other list were elected by absolute majorities, and the two
remaining seats went to this list in virtue of the higher average.
In addition to the bonus to majorities, and the maintenance of
the absolute majority (thus facilitating coalitions which the law
was designed to prevent), the French system contains another anom-
aly the maintenance of the old system for by-elections. These
are decided exactly as they were before the law of 1919, with a
scrutin de ballotage if the first ballot does not give an absolute majority.
France had not yet in 1921 accorded the vote to women,
although the Chamber of Deputies, in May 1919, voted a bill
recognizing the full political rights of Frenchwomen. At the
annual Women's Suffrage Congress, held in Paris in May 1921,
the reports from all the provincial organizations showed that
public opinion was moving steadily in favour of the change.
Church and State. After an interval of 17 years, diplomatic
relations between France and the Holy See were resumed in
May 1921, when M. Jonnart, the French ambassador extraor-
dinary, presented his credentials to the Pope. It may be
useful here briefly to relate the circumstances which attended the
estrangement between the Church and its "eldest daughter."
M. Loubet, President of the French Republic, paid an official
visit to the King of Italy at Rome from April 24-28 1904, with-
out taking any official notice of the Holy See. On April 28,
Cardinal Merry del Val, Papal Secretary of State, protested
against the visit of the head of a Catholic State to the Quirinal.
The first news of this protest was given by M. Jaures in his paper,
the Humanite, on May 16, and on the aist the anti-clerical
premier, M. Combes, who probably had a good deal to do with
the disclosure, recalled M. Nisard, French ambassador to the
Vatican. On July 30 the Government also recalled its charge,
d'affaires, Baron de Courcel, in consequence of utterances by
Mgr. Geay, Bishop of Laval, and Mgr. Le Nordez, Bishop of
Dijon, which showed that certain provisions of the Concordat
were interpreted differently by Church and State. The relations
between France and the Holy See were thus broken off by the
French Government acting in the exercise of its prerogatives.
The position was unchanged at the time of the outbreak of the
World War, but there had long been a growing conviction in
France that the estrangement was not only unnecessary but harm-
ful to French interests, and that, if only in virtue of the principle
expressed in the saying " Les absents ont toujours tort," it was
a mistake for France, who still considered herself the protector
of Catholic missions in the East, to be without admission to so
unequalled a political observatory as the Vatican. This feeling
was strengthened in the course of the war by the attitude of the
French clergy, who espoused the national cause in the most
whole-hearted manner. Thousands of priests of military age
served in the ranks and set a magnificent example to their fellow
soldiers. The diocese of Lyons alone lost 147 priests and divinity
students. The French bishops, especially in the invaded area,
showed great courage and fortitude under the most trying
circumstances. Amid the perils and hardships of war, innumer-
able French citizens, combatants and non-combatants alike,
discovered that the consolations of religion were not an empty
phrase. When the war came to an end, anti-clericalism as a
political force had ceased to exist in France, and, after the elec-
tions in 1919, there was no longer any valid reason for adhering
to the policy of M. Combes. In March 1920 M. Millerand's
Cabinet brought in a bill for the reestablishment of the French
embassy to the Vatican. The bill was voted by the Chamber
of Deputies on Nov. 30 by 391 to 179. Up to the beginning of
June 1921 the bill had not passed the Senate, but the Govern-
ment, headed by M. Briand, felt justified in acting upon it
without further delay and resuming the relations broken off by
his predecessor in 1904. By a curious coincidence, M. Combes
died on the very day on which this was done.
Apart from considerations of foreign policy and expediency,
there were two strong arguments in support of M. Briand's
action. The motive for the recall of the French ambassador in
1904 was the protest raised by Pope Pius X. because the Presi-
dent of the French Republic ignored him during his official visit
to the Quirinal. The Pope's successor (Benedict XV.) stated on
May 23 1920 in his encyclical " Pacem Dei munus pulcherri-
mum " that henceforth no protest would be raised against
visits by heads of Catholic States to the Quirinal. The primary
cause of the conflict was thus removed. The second cause resided
in differences of interpretation of the Concordat, but as this
instrument was abolished by the separation of Church and State
in France, there could be no such differences in future.
Education. During the period 1910-21 the State educational
system remained uniform throughout France, varied only by the
changes in the programme which take place about every 10 or 12
years in accordance with what are considered to be the requirements
of succeeding generations of scholars. Many French experts re-
proach the university authorities with an excessive tendency to
lower the level of secondary education in response to the desires of
parents, who, in general, seem to favour a shortening of the period
of study and the hastening of the time when their sons will be able
to begin their careers. There is some reason to fear that the intel-
lectual level of the country may to some extent be sacrificed to
utilitarianism. In the years immediately following the war, the
leaning towards the modern science side of instruction was very
marked. At the beginning of the 1920 winter term the only va-
cancies in the Paris lycees for boys were on the classical side.
In addition to the ordinary degrees, French universities are
allowed to grant diplomas in special subjects, such as applications
of science and commercial science. Certificates for knowledge of
French are also issued to foreigners who have gone through a course
of study of the language. The special certificates granted by French
universities in 1920 were: Paris, 172; Aix and Marseilles, 12; Algiers,
4; Besancon, II ; Bordeaux, 37; Caen, 31; Clermont, 6; Dijon, 6;
Grenoble, 517; Lille, 12; Lyons, 143; Montpellier, 50; Nancy, 160;
Poitiers, 9- Rennes, 10; Strassburg, 19; Toulouse, 127.
(G. A. ; G. A. R.)
AGRICULTURE AND INDUSTRY
Agriculture. Agriculture still remains the main occupation of the
French. At the outbreak of war over 60 % of its labour was mobilized
and invasion robbed the country of the resources of the richest
agricultural provinces. These causes, together with shortage of
phosphate manures, brought about a very serious falling-off in
production. Table 6 gives the statistics of the chief crops :
TABLE 6. Principal Crops (in thousand quintals).
1913
1916
1917
1918
1919
Wheat . .
86,919
55,767
39,488
6i,435
48,438
Maslin (mixed rye and
wheat)
1,490
1,079
879
959
927
Rye ....
12,714
8,471
6,993
7,349
7,070
Barley ....
io,437
8,33i
8,980
5,982
5>H3
Oats ....
51,826
40,223
34,462
25,619
24,429
Maize ....
5,430
4,225
4,118
2,479
2,990
Millet . .
1 86
153
319
89
125
Sarrasin (buckwheat)
5,664
2,739
2,272
2,242
2,675
I 12
FRANCE
The law passed on Oct. 25 1919 formed a Chamber of Agriculture
in each department. There are regional offices at Paris, Rennes,
Nancy, Bourges, Lyons, Clermont-Ferrand, Bordeaux and Marseilles.
Before the war France was independent with regard to wheat.
This is no longer the case, and during the year 1919 she required
about 35 million quintals from abroad. The figures for 1919 show
a drop of 40% in production since the war. France before the war
was third on the list of wheat-producing countries, coming after the
United States and Russia. In 1919 she dropped to fourth place be-
hind the United States, India and Canada. During the war the
wheat problem was met partly by the purchase of foreign wheat,
and also by releasing from the army peasants belonging to the
1888, 1889, 1890, and 1891 classes about 250,000 men in all;. by
the use of African labour, prisoners-of-war and tractors. The chief
step taken to encourage wheat-growing was the raising of the
price of wheat and, from 1915, the direct purchase of the crop by
the State. The quintal of wheat had been worth 29-49 francs in
1914. The requisition price was 30 francs until March 1916, and
then rose to 33 francs on Aug. I 1916; 36 francs, April 1917; 50
francs, July 1917; 75 francs, Aug. 1918; 73 francs, 1919. The
State sold the wheat to millers in the provinces at 43 francs, in
Paris at 3 1 -90 francs. The budgetary cost of this method was 2,500
million francs in 1919.
The area of land under cultivation in 1913, the last complete year
before the war, and in 1918, is shown in Table 7.
TABLE 7. Land under Cultivation (in hectares).
1913
1918
Arable land
Meadow land . . .
Grass land
Pasturage (including pacages)
Vines.
33,651,100
4,908,668
1 ,490,870
3,648,150
1,616,621
20,881,480
4,601,480
1,476,190
4,i57,4io
1,566,884
Kitchen gardens ....
Nursery gardens ....
Woods and forests ....
Uncultivated land ....
Unclassified land ....
266,845
960,410
9,886,701
3,793-450
2,729,764
253,380
801,490
9,746,719
4,549,290
4,917,896
Total area
52,952,579
52,952,219
Statistics for other crops are given in Table 8. With regard to
potatoes, France, as a result of the war, has turned from an export-
ing to an importing country. In 1912 the balance in her favour
was about 17 million francs; whereas in 1919 her imports amounted
to 128,519,000 francs, and her exports only to 13,727,000 francs.
TABLE 8. Other Crops (in thousand quintals).
I'M.?
1916
1917
1918
1919
Mangold-wurzel
252,201
I54,9io
i(,o,,s<x>
108,173
104,933
Swedes and turnips .
34,540
25,173
25,318
20,451
17,780
Cabbage
82,749
55,io6
57,042
52,506
40,449
Trefoil, Lucerne san-
foil ....
316,432
108,864
90,344
86,581
75,i5i
Green fodder
186,227
111,117
91,860
83,340
59,586
Meadows
156,914
157,218
131,291
117,908
128,156
Potatoes
135,859
87,811
109,226
65,197
77,635
Root artichokes .
17,793
14,920
I5,78o
10,528
11,562
Sugar-beet .
59,393
19,886
21,085
11,424
10,830
Beet for distilling
20,505
7,915
7,024
3,417
3,47i
Hemp ....
219
42
40
68
98
Flax ....
69
41
20
88
69
Hops ....
36
19
17
4
8
Tobacco
260
146
77
88
141
Live Stock. The war had a disastrous effect upon French herds,
as is shown by a comparison (Table 9) of the figures at the be-
ginning of 1918 with those of the beginning of 1914.
TABLE 9. Live Stock (in thousands).
1913
1918
Horses . ...
Mules . ...
Asses . ...
Cattle . ...
Sheep . ...
Swine . ...
Goats .
3,231
193
360
14,807
16,213
7,048
1,453
2,233
139
3"
12,251
9,061
4,377
1,197
Wine. War had practically no effect upon the wine-grower, as
is shown by the following figures of production, which are given in
thousands of hectolitres: 1913, 44,171; 1914, 59,981; 1915, 20,442;
1916, 36,068; 1917, 38,227; 1918, 45,160; 1919, 51,461. The price of
ordinary wine was 16 francs the hectolitre in 1914, and it rose in
great jumps to 135 francs the hectolitre in 1918. No figures were
yet obtainable in 1921 showing the effect upon the wine-growing
industry of the disappearance of its best foreign customer, Germany,
and of the prohibition legislation in the United States, which had
been third on the list of foreign purchasers of champagne.
Statistics with regard to agriculture were in 1921 greatly in arrears.
For instance, the latest available figures for the butter industry
were pre-war, and many of the figures with regard to the chief crops
and wines for 1917, 1918 and 1919 were provisional.
Industries. Coal. The production of coal and other solid mineral
fuels was greatly affected by the World War. The whole of the
Valenciennes and part of the Pas-de-Calais mining districts were
invaded at the beginning of hostilities, thus depriving France of
mines which, in 1913, had produced over 18,000,000 tons of coal.
In those parts of France which escaped invasion all the younger
miners were mobilized, leaving only the men belonging to the ter-
ritorial forces. This state of affairs continued for some time, but in
1915 the need of an increased output of coal was recognized, and a
certain number of miners were recalled from their corps and sent to
the mines in the centre and south.
Table ip gives the total production and the number of persons
employed in the mines of France.
TABLE 10. Coal Production and Workers.
Tons
Persons
1914 (second half) ....
1915
1916
7,400,000
19,500,000
21,300,000
62,000
72,000
78,000
1917
28,900,000
115,000
1918 . . . . .
26,200,000
114,000
The decrease in production in 1918 was due to military operations
in the Pas-de-Calais coal-fields, where some mines ceased working.
Production during the war period amounted to about 70 % of the
pre-war output. To make up for the deficiency, large quantities of
coal were imported, as shown in Table II.
TABLE n. Imports of Coal.
Total
in tons
From
Great Britain
From the
United States
1914 (second half)
1915 ....
1916 ....
1917 ....
1918 ....
5,346,000
19,700,000
20,420,000
17,453,000
16,830,000
4,700,000
18,900,000
18,700,000
15,800,000
15,300,000
145,000
53,ooo
57,000
17,000
The result of the efforts made since the end of the war to bring
the damaged French coal-mines back to their former productiveness
is shown by the statistics as to the amounts of coal won in 1919 and
1920. In France the totals were 25,274,304 tons in 1920 and 24,-
476,766 in 1919. In the Saar coal-fields the totals were 9,410,433
tons in 1920 and 8,970,848 in 1919. The number of workers in the
pits was 143,405 in 1920 (Dec. 31) and 113,240 in 1919; at the
surface, 81,063 ' n 1920 and 62,832 in 1919. The coal consumed
at the mines in 1920 was 3,838,486 tons, or 15 % of the output.
The mines in the department of the Nord in Jan. 1921 had re-
gained 43-5 % of their pre-war output. At the beginning of 1919 they
produced only 1,535 tons; a year later it was 122,055 tons, and in
Jan. 1921 it was 353,297 tons. Even the Pas-de-Calais mines, com-
prising the Lens and LieVen pits, which were actually on the battle-
front for years and suffered worse than any others, had been nearly
cleared of water in the spring of 1921.
Table 12 gives the output of the French coal-fields for Jan. 1921,
and affords some idea of their comparative importance.
TABLE 12. Details of Coal Output, Jan. IQZI.
District and Coal-field
Coal '
tons
Lignite
tons
Arras (Pas-de-Calais)
579,606
Douai (Nord and damaged mines in Pas-
de-Calais)
250,243
Saint-Etienne (Loire)
219,329
Lyons (Blanzy, La Mure) ....
153,335
617
Clermont-Ferrand (Saint-Eloy, Brassac) .
83,324
74
Alais (Alais, Graissesac) .
93,167
2,932
Toulouse (Carmaux, Aubin)
105,667
708
Marseilles (Fuveau)
3,"8
61,226
Nantes (Vouvant, Maine) . ' .
5,131
Bordeaux (Ahun)
2,497
1,925
Nancy (Ronchamp)
5,136
374
Strassburg (Moselle)
255,471
Totals
1,756,024
67,856
Industrial Fuel. Before the war Germany supplied France with
78% of her imports of the coke she required for her iron-works and
other metal industries. Germany was thus able to alter the price of
her coke according to circumstances, thereby benefiting her own
iron and steel manufactures and making it increasingly difficult
for France to compete with her in metal exports. On the average,
the French ironmaster paid for coke 13 fr. a ton more than his Ger-
man and 12 fr. more than his English rival.
Reckoning 12 tons of coke per ton of pig-iron, the relative ex-
penditure for fuel in the production of a ton of pig-iron was in 1912:
France 36 fr. ; Belgium 29 fr. ; Germany 22 fr. ; England 20 fr.
FRANCE
As regards the prices of coal and coke a question of primary im-
portance to the national industry the position of France at the time
of the war was that home coal at the pit-head cost about 40 % more
than in England and 20 % more than in Germany. As about one-
third of the quantity consumed in France had to be imported, the
average price of coal, 19 fr. a ton, reckoning that of imports, was 2
fr. a ton (12 %) higher in France than in Belgium, 5 fr. (36 %) higher
than in Germany and 7 fr. (60 %) higher than in England.
In the period following the Armistice the fuel problem was tem-
porarily solved by the quantities of coal which Germany was
compelled to deliver, and also by imports of coal from the United
States, which became larger and larger as the supplies from Great
Britain dwindled in consequence of miners' strikes and the necessity
of stopping or limiting exports. In 1921 the position could only be
regarded as uncertain, the supply of coal at reasonable prices to
French industries being largely dependent upon the political rela-
tions between France and Germany.
Iron. As the result of the war and more immediately of the
invasion of the Briey district, the output of iron ore was at first
much reduced. The figures are given in Table 13.
TABLE 13. Iron (in tons).
Output
Imports
Exports
1914 (second half)
1915 .
1916
1917 .
1918 .
370,000
620,000
1,680,000
2,034,000
1,572,000
701,486
271,159
627,604
507,908
118,610
4,828,591 (whole year)
94,863
74,56l
126,532
68,346
Imports of iron were chiefly from Spain and Portugal, and practically
the whole of the exports to England.
In 1920 France produced 13,871,137 tons of iron ore, 23,145
workers being employed in the process. The figures for 1919 were
respectively 9,430,000 tons and 19,558 workers. In each case the
Lorraine output is included. Pre-war French territory produced
5,800,000 tons. The Lorraine contribution rose from 7,127,000 tons
in 1919 to 8,074,989 tons in 1920, this quantity being still consider-
ably below the pre-war level. In round figures, France and Lorraine
combined were producing at the end of the year 1920 about 30,000,-
ooo tons less than their pre-war output.
Steel. In 1913 France took fourth place on the list of steel-produc-
ing countries, her output being 5,093,000 tons, or 6-8 % of the total.
She imported 106,900 tons, exported 477, 300 and consumed 4, 722, 600.
Out of the 5,093,000 tons 3,592,000 represented finished products.
The occupation of large tracts of the country by the enemy im-
mediately reduced the steel output by about 60%, but a great effort
was put forward to make good the loss. Many new steel-works were
constructed, chiefly in the centre, and existing works modernized
their plant so as to contribute as much as possible to the production
of the steel so urgently needed for the manufacture of artillery and
for other military purposes. The number of new steel-works thus
brought into being by the necessities of national defence exceeded
250, with a total capacity of 1,900,000 tons. As many of these new
establishments took the place of others which were either worn out
or unsuitable to new conditions, the increase in the national output
of steel was estimated at not more than 950,000 tons a year.
Other Minerals. Table 14 shows the output of ores other than
iron during the second half of 1914 and the four following years.
TABLE 14. Output of Other Ores (in tons).
1914
(2nd half)
1915
1916
1917
1918
Gold
Zinc, Lead, Silver
Copper and Tin .
Antimony
Manganese . .
Tungsten
Iron Pyrites .
12,469
12,839
40
380
1,870
6,061
51,421
13,077
23,778
95
6,353
10,324
6,062
196,606
23,5i8
34,295
1,057
19,037
10,807
7,289
219,371
24,343
38,125
i,377
19,453
11,589
8,548
280,797
6,155
25,087
Bxi
10,020
9,871
7,414
260,310
France produces more bauxite ores, from which aluminium is ob-
tained, than any other country. Her output in 1913 was 309,294
tons, of which she exported 65 per cent. The United States produced
213,605 tons, Great Britain 6,153 tons an d Italy 6,952 tons. Ger-
many was dependent on France for 95 % of her imports of these
ores. In addition, a large part of the French ores exported to
Switzerland found its way to Germany in the shape of aluminium.
During the war the French output of bauxite dropped to 56,522
tons in 1915, advancing to 106,200 tons in ,1916 and 120,916 tons
in 1917. In this period the United States made great strides and
reached an output of 568,690 tons in 1917 nearly twice the quan-
tity produced in 1915.
In regard to aluminium, France produced 13,500 tons, or 26%
of the world's output (63,700 tons), in 1913. She exported about half
this quantity. The production of aluminium was so greatly stim-
ulated during the war that it rose from 63,700 tons in 1913 to 176,000
tons in 1917. This increase was of course chiefly due to metal-
lurgical researches, which showed that aluminium could be adapted
to many new uses. The curious alloy known as duralumin, which
automatically tempers itself in course of time, was one of the most
remarkable results of these researches.
France has very little copper ore, and the output of her colonies
has been insignificant. The principal mines, 'Ain Barbor and Ak-
haides, both in Algeria, produce about 5,000 and 2,000 tons a year
respectively. French metallurgists, however, have been very suc-
cessful in transforming the crude metal into the finished and half-
finished forms of copper and brass required by various industries.
The war deprived France of 95 % of her copper, through the en-
forced stoppage of the foundries at Givet (Compagnie Francaise
des Me'taux) and Briache-St.-Vaast (Pas-de-Calais). Measures
were immediately taken to meet the deficiency. Large foundries
were built, among them being one, under the control of the Ministry
of Munitions, having an annual capacity of 15,000 tons of bars and
20,000 tons of sheet brass and copper. Considerable extension was
given to the electrolytic process of copper-refining, which, before the
war, was represented only by two or three small establishments
with a total annual output of 2,400 tons. France now (1921) has
three large electrolytic copper-works, at Pauillac (Gironde), St. Tour
and Le Palais, with a total production of 25,000 tons.
The net result of the war was a smaller increase in the output of
metallic copper, due to improved processes, and a very large in-
crease in sheets, bars, wires and tubes. The capacity of the French
foundries in 1919 was estimated at 170,800 tons a year of sheet
copper and brass, as compared with 31,600 tons in 1913, and 151,000
tons of bars as compared with 21,300 tons in 1913. This production
being considerably in excess of home requirements and export
possibilities, the return of peace entailed a reduction in the French
foundries, especially those producing sheets and bars. Their future
appeared to be in trie production of aluminium, especially as France
possesses large quantities of the ores from which this metal is ob-
tained, whereas the copper smelters are dependent on Japan for
most of their raw material.
France produces very little lead ore. Before the war she was im-
porting about 40,000 tons a year, of which 60 % came from Algeria
and Tunis. During the war the Tunisian mines were greatly de-
veloped as the result of military requirements, and it was estimated
that, with peace conditions fully restored, French foundries would
be able to reckon on an annual supply of 135,000 tons of ore,
representing 80,000 tons of the metal.
The zinc ore produced in France in 1913 amounted to 51,000 tons,
and more than three times this quantity was imported; but about
half the imports came either from French colonies or from mines
controlled by French companies. As in the case of copper, the
French zinc smelters do a great deal of transformation work.
France, for instance, used to send Belgium twice the weight of sheet
zinc she received from Belgium in the form of raw material. The
new works erected since the war are expected to give an annual
output of 30,000 tons.
Timber. As 18-7% of French territory consisted of forest land,
the supply of timber before the war was considerable, the last
annual estimate being 7,912,000 cub. metres, exclusive of firewood.
It was nevertheless inadequate, to home requirements, and in the
same year 1,560,000 tons were imported. The coal-mines in northern
France, for instance, derived only one-third of their pit props from
their own country, the other two-thirds being imported from Russia
and Scandinavia. The war made serious inroads on the national
reserves. The enemy held 600,000 ac. of forest land, which became
exhausted if not entirely destroyed. The whole war zone comprised
800,000 ac. of forest land, which will have to be replanted to a large
extent. It was estimated that France would have to import 5,000,000
or 6,000,000 cub. metres of timber a year for five or six years after
the war, quite apart from the requirements of the devastated re-
gions, which were put at 10,000,000 cub. metres.
Motive Power. The motive power produced in France, March
1906, the latest date for which general statistics were available in
1921, was estimated at 3,550,000 H.P., of which 2,604,000 was
produced by steam-engines, 773,000 by hydraulic power, and 173,000
by other mechanical means. These figures comprise all agricultural,
commercial and industrial establishments, public services and sta-
tionary engines used by railways, tramways, etc., but not railway
locomotives, steamboats or motor-cars. Between 1901 and 1906 the
total energy produced by steam-engines increased from 1,761,000
to 2,604,000 H.P., an increase of nearly 48 per cent. Water-power
increased from 575,000 to 773,000 H.P., or 34 per cent.
At the same date there were 13,432 locomotives and 198 motor-
driven tractors, representing a total development of about 7,000,000
H.P. on railways and tramways. Exclusive of the navy, there were
1,784 steam-propelled vessels engaged in maritime or pleasure
traffic, and 1,169 steam-propelled vessels used for internal naviga-
tion. Their total development was estimated at 1,202,000 horse-
power. There were, according to the taxation returns, 31,286
motor-cars, developing 337,106 H.P., and 31,863 motor-cycles, de-
veloping 60,000 H.P.
The total production of motive power in France in 1906 thus
approximated 12,150,000 horse-power.
About 55,000 waterfalls were utilized for the production of
power, 53,300 of these being on non-navigable watercourses and
1,700 on navigable rivers and canals. Omitting temporarily un-
utilized or abandoned waterfalls, the number actually utilized may
FRANCE
be put at 43,500, of which about 42,000 were on non-navigable and
1,500 on navigable rivers and canals. The average output per water-
fall was 18 horse-power. Of the total, 3,770 falls were used wholly or
partly for the production of electricity. In regard to electrical
energy, more recent official statistics show that the total amount of
electric power produced by public-service enterprises in 1918 was
1,000,631 kilowatts, and the length of high-tension mains in use
was 35,420 kilometres. There were 1,568 private installations pro-
ducing 261,802 kilowatts.
The departments producing the largest quantities of electrical
energy (in kilowatts) were: Seine 286,340, Isere 55,197, Nord 42,141,
Seine-Inferieure 39,853, Rh&ne 27,668, Loire-Inferieure 25,223,
Ariege 25,114, Bouches-du-Rhdne 24,487, Alpes-Maritimes 22,284,
Dordogne 20,951, Meurthe-et-Moselle 20,684.
According to a report presented to the Ministry of Public Works
in July 1920 by a special commission appointed in 1919, the total
water-power produced in France at the end of 1919 was 1,165,000
horse-power. Machinery in course of erection was expected to give
an additional 550,000 horse-power. Plans for the construction of
other plant estimated to give an additional 3,000,000 H.P. were
already under examination.
M. Hegelbacher, a leading French authority, estimates the total
water-power of France, constantly available and available six months
of the year, at 4,500,000 and 9,000,000 H.P. respectively, distributed
as follows:
TABLE 15. Machinery (in francs).
Imports
Exports
French
Output
Motors of all kinds .
Machine Tools and Small
Machines.
Agricultural Machinery .
Motor-cars ....
Railway Material
Textile Machinery
Printing and Sewing Ma-
chines, Typewriters, etc.
30,000,000
52,000,000
45,275,000
19,250,000
23,335,000
22,882,000
44,765,000
11,500,000
16,000,000
14,775,000
229,000,000
6,715,000
2,539,ooo
5,363,000
100,000,000
65,000,000
120,000,000
45,000
chassis
*
20,000,000
23,000,000
Constant
Partial
Centre, Vosges, Jura
Northern Alps
Southern Alps
Pyrenees and rest of France
900,000
1,000,000
1,300,000
1 ,400,000
1,800,000
2,000,000
2,600,000
2,800,000
Before the war only 13% of the 4,500,000 H.P. was utilized.
France takes the third place among European countries in respect of
available water-power, the figures (in H.P. per sq. km.) being:
Norway, 36-6; Sweden, 20-0; France, 15-9.
One of the most comprehensive attempts ever made in France to
utilize water-power was in 1921 being carried out on the Upper
Rhdne. For many years it was supposed that this river, owing to the
speed of its current, could not be used for navigation unless elaborate
engineering improvements, the cost of which was prohibitive, were
carried out. The development of engineering and hydro-electric
science, however, raised the question whether the cost of these works
could not be recouped in great measure by the generation of electric
power which they would make practicable, and whether the river
could not be simultaneously made navigable and become an im-
portant source of industrial energy. The answer to these questions
will be ascertained when the works on the Upper Rhdne are com-
pleted. About 100 m. of the river, from Genissiat down to Lyons, is
divided into 17 reaches, in most of which it was intended (in 1921)
to install plants for generating electricity from the force of the
current. The total amount obtainable in this way is estimated at
200,000 horse-power. The heights of the falls vary between 14 ft.
7 in. and 43 ft. IO in.
An attempt to utilize the tides as a source of power was being
planned under Government supervision and with state assistance,
in Aber Benoit Bay, on the Brittany coast. This bay possesses
natural rocky basins which are regularly filled by the flow and empty
themselves with the ebb, and the theory is that the outfall of these
basins can be directed to turbines placed permanently under the
outfalls, intermediary reservoirs being made so as to regulate as
far as possible the outfall from the basins.
Engineering Industries. The French engineering industry has
long been inadequate to supply the national requirements in ma-
chinery. In 1890 imports and exports nearly balanced, but since
then the former have grown much more rapidly than the latter.
In 1913 the imports came to 204,800 tons, valued at 297,000,000 jr.,
and the exports to 82,261 tons, valued at 106,000,000 francs. Marine
engines were built by about a dozen firms, and there were between
50 and 60 makers of fixed internal-combustion engines. The fabrica-
tion of motors of the Diesel type is on the increase.
France is largely dependent on foreign countries for machine
tools. These articles were made in 1913 by about 20 French firms,
employing between 3,000 and 3,500 workers. Their output was
about 10,000,000 fr., one-fifth of the value of machine tools imported.
The extent to which France was dependent, at the time of the
war, on foreign industry for machinery is shown in Table 15, in
francs, compiled from the customs returns for 1913.
In a report presented to the Comite consultatif des Arts et Manu-
factures, three causes for the comparative inactivity of the French
engineering industry were set out: (i) inadequate tariff protection,
or rather the irregularity of the tariff, as regards raw materials and
finished articles; (2) the cost of raw materials; (3) lack of enterprise.
The last of these three causes was, according to the report, the most
potent of all. Many of the leading firms in the industry appeared to
be afraid to branch out into any new direction or even to make any
real attempt to modernize their equipment and methods.
The construction of cranes, derricks, movable bridges and other
jarge pieces of machinery required, more especially at seaports and
in important factories, for lifting and moving heavy weights has
'650 to 700 engines, 2,000 carriages and 18,000 trucks.
long been one of the weak points in the French engineering industry.
Before the war nearly everything of this kind was imported, and 40 %
of the imports came from Germany. Even in the case of equipment
for French Government undertakings most of the machinery of this
kind was made in Germany, though it was sold by French firms
acting for the German manufacturers, who were enabled, by the
export bonuses paid by their Government, and also by their own
enterprise, to defy competition. In reality they sold at cost price,
making their profit out of the bonuses. Many large contracts for
private firms, railways, chambers of commerce, etc., were carried
out by German engineering firms under the cover of French names.
The plans were generally drawn up by the Germans and recopied by
French draughtsmen, and the tenders were made by French firms,
including some of high standing. These firms would, no doubt, have
preferred to do the whole of the work themselves, but they were
handicapped by lack of credits. Tenders for work of this kind do not,
as a rule, leave a large margin of profit, and as the risk was borne
by the German manufacturer, and the French intermediary was sure
of remuneration for his services, the latter preferred to play the
secondary part. The result was that French firms confined them-
selves to weighing-machines and small articles. During the war two
or three works were started in the Paris district, but their output
was small, and it would appear that in this branch of industry, and,
in fact, in large metal work generally, France must be dependent on
imports for some years to come.
Textile Industries. Before the World War the French textile
industry gave employment to more than one-third of the national
supply of labour, if we include not only the actual manufacture of
materials but the ready-made clothing and lingerie trades. About
40% of all the raw materials imported were utilized by the textile
industry, which, unfortunately for France, was very largely con-
centrated (on account of proximity to the coal-mining centres) in a
part of the country open to invasion. The invaded districts con-
tained 81 % of the total number of wool spindles, 93 % of the flax
spindles and 29% of the cotton spindles.
France imports about eight times as much raw wool as she pro-
duces, her position in this respect being similar to that of most of
the leading European countries, which purchase vast quantities of
wool from Australia, Argentina, etc., card it, comb it, make it into
yarn and finally into materials with which to clothe their millions of
inhabitants. Before the war France came fourth in the list of coun-
tries producing combed and carded wool and yarns. In 1910 she had
2,700,000 spindles engaged in transforming the wool into yarn, and
this branch of her industry was distinctly flourishing. The exports
of woollen yarn rose steadily after 1905. In 1913 they amounted to
14 times the value of imports and exceeded 4,000,000. Half of the
total export went to Great Britain.
The woollen industry in the Roubaix district, which employed
43,000 hands in 1914, suffered severely during the occupation. The
Germans not only removed such machinery as they thought of use
to them but also appropriated all the stocks of raw wool, amounting
to 989 tons. The total loss to the Roubaix wool industry was es-
timated at 652,000,000 fr. (1914 value). As the mill structures and
workmen's dwellings were spared, it was found possible to resume
work sooner than was expected after the war. Some wool-combing
works were able to start again in March 1919. At the end of 1920
83% of the productive capacity had been restored in this branch.
A parallel recovery occurred in the weaving section, but was sub-
sequently checked by the economic crisis in the autumn of 1920
and the restriction of bank credits and Government advances.
The French cotton industry, the principal centre of which is at
Lille, was in a flourishing condition when the war broke out. Its
spinning-mills had an annual capacity of 241,000 tons of yarn and
its weaving-mills of 162,000 tons of cloth (of which 13,500 tons was
available for export). Like the Roubaix woollen mills, the cotton
mills in the Lille, Roubaix and Tourcoing districts suffered severely
from German depredations and exactions. The losses in Lille were
estimated at 126,000,000 fr. and in Roubaix and Tourcoing at 538,-
000,000 francs. In each centre a strenuous effort was made towards
recovery when peace was restored. Lille had half a million spindles
working again at the beginning of 1920, and 570,000 at the end of
June, this being about 40% of the number in operation before the
war. Roubaix and Tourcoing made a similar recovery, though the
mill-owners had to contend against difficulties which were not
FRANCE
entirely due to the war. In 1914 the textile factories worked 10
hours a day, but in April 1919 the daily hours of labour in all fac-
tories were reduced to eight. This automatically cut down the output
of the textile industry by 20 %, there being no possibility of a larger
production per hour for the machinery. Another difficulty was a
shortage in the supply of labour. Many women left the factories as
soon as their husbands returned from the war, and their places
were taken by children between 13 and 16 years of age.
As regards the consequences of the war to the French flax-spinning'
industry, it may be sufficient to say that 95% of the mills were in
the Lille district. When hostilities ceased, only one mill was in a
sufficiently undamaged condition to be able to resume operations in a
few weeks. Subsequently the work of restoration made remark-
able progress, and at the end of 1920 about 250,000 out of 600,000
spindles were working again. Simultaneously an effort was made
to increase the national output of flax, and at the end of 1920 the
area under cultivation was 125,000 ac., or more than twice as much
as before the war. Of this area 75,000 ac. are in the Nord, 20,000
in Brittany, 15,000 in Normandy, and 12,000 in the Lower Loire.
Armentieres with its cotton-cloth and flax mills, Valenciennes
and Cambrai with their muslins and handkerchiefs, Reims with its
wool-combing and carding, Caudry with its tulle and embroidery,
and many other ruined towns had by 1921 made equally gallant
efforts to rise from ruin. Wool seemed to have made the best re-
covery, inasmuch as in Oct. 1920 Roubaix and Tourcoing had re-
gained 85 % of the normal output and were employing 93 % of the
pre-war number of workers. Cotton was not far behind, but flax
was estimated to be three years from a return to normal conditions.
Old centres of the woollen industry, such as Mazamet, Elbeuf and
Vienne, developed considerably during the war, and new ones were
established in Lyons and other textile centres, but it seemed prob-
able they would be gradually transferred back to Roubaix, which
has the advantage of proximity to the coal-fields and the port of
Dunkirk, and of a nucleus of labour accustomed to textile work.
Among the minor textile industries the manufacture of ribbons,
which has its chief centre at St. Etienne, deserves mention. It is
carried on by about 170 firms, employing 80,000 workers, and its
normal annual production represents a value of about 100,000,000
francs. About half of this is exported, principally to Great Britain
(56% in 1913). Another important branch of textiles is the manu-
facture of tulle, lace and embroidery. The principal centres of
production are Caudry and Calais (tulle and guipure), Le Puy
(ordinary hand-made lace), Normandy, the Vosges, Brittany and
Haute- Savoie (lace de luxe), and Tarare (tulle curtains). The total
output has never been even vaguely estimated, but it is believed to
exceed 200,000,000 francs' worth of lace and guipure and 150,000,-
ooo francs' worth of embroidery. Before the war France exported
over 60,000,000 francs' worth of machine-made lace a year. Out of
776 tons, 490 went to the United States and 62 to Germany.
Silk. The production of raw silk in its various forms being an
industry specially adapted to poor countries with large supplies of
cheap labour, France imports nearly the whole of the raw silk she
requires for her manufactures. Before the war she took 16% of the
world's output and was the second-largest consumer of raw silk in
the world, the first place being held by the United States with 37 per
cent. Good silk is produced in the Cevennes, but the quantity rep-
resents only 10% of the requirements of the French weavers, who
are dependent on Italy, China and Japan.
The three centres of the silk-weaving industry in France are
Lyons, St. Etienne and Picardy, but the first alone can really be
said to count, inasmuch as Lyons produces 99 % of the entire annual
output. Three-fourths of this consists of pure silk materials and one-
fourth of silk mixed with cotton or wool. Its value in an average
year is estimated at about 24,000,000 (reckoning the franc at the
par exchange value), the exports at 16,000,000, and home consump-
tion at 10,000,000, the balance being made up of 2,000,000 in im-
ports. During the war many silk-weaving looms were used for mak-
ing woollen materials. Exports of silk were unaffected at first, and
actually increased in 1915 and 1916, but declined materially in 1917.
Lyons silks, which are well known all over the world, had an
excellent opportunity, during and after the war, of establishing them-
selves in the United States and S. American markets, in which they
had to face German competition before 1914. That this opportunity
had not been grasped by 192 1 was due, according to French observers,
to the extremely individualistic temperament of the Lyons manu-
facturers, who would not combine for the purpose of acquiring new
markets. M. Ennemond Morel, in his report to the Comite con-
sultatif des Arts et Manufactures, says that another condition
necessary to progress the continual introduction of new and im-
proved machinery is also unobtainable owing to the strong in-
herited peculiarities of the Lyonnais character, " which is incompre-
hensible to those who have never come in contact with it."
The manufacture of artificial silk, which began with the Char-
donnet process about the year 1890, has developed into an important
industry employing 1 1,000 workers and producing 1,400 tons a year,
or about 12 % of the world's output. The principal centre is at
Besancon, where the Chardonnet process is used (800 tons). Next
come the Givet and Izieux works, which use the Desperssis process
(500 tons), and finally Arques, which makes artificial silk out of
wood pulp (100 tons).
Paper. The French paper industry has always been largely
dependent on imports of raw material. Out of 645,000 tons of pulp
consumed in 1913, 465,000 tons were imported, and of other raw
materials, such as waste paper and rags, there were also large pur-
chases abroad, French paper manufacturers apparently finding
it more profitable to import this raw material than to buy in the
home market. It must be admitted that France, in spite of her large
extent of forest land, is poorly supplied with wood suitable for
conversion into pulp. The epicea, which is the type of the paper-
producing tree, is rare in France. Efforts are being made to sub-
stitute alfa, of which there are enormous supplies in Algeria and
Tunisia, for wood pulp. The use of wild hemp, papyrus, millet stalks,
bamboo, rice stalks and baobab, all of which are produced in abund-
ance by France's West African colonies, is still in a very early stage.
Ceramic Industry. The ceramic industry is among those that
made the greatest efforts towards development during the World
War. It was considerably affected by the invasion, which reduced
its output to an extent varying from 25 to 50 per cent. The lack of
coal and labour also kept most factories down to about a third of
their ordinary capacity; but the war led French manufacturers to
use home materials, which they had previously neglected, especially
for making tiles and stoneware. Some branches of the industry were
greatly stimulated by war needs. For instance, in 1917 611,935 tons
of heat-resisting materials were produced (exclusive of crucibles)
instead of 350,000 in 1913. Makers also showed a distinct tendency
to combination, especially in regard to the use of fuel and the
management of ovens. A national ceramic institute was formed,
chiefly for developing technical education. The output of crucibles,
only 75 tons in 1913, was increased nearly 20 times and consider-
able impulse was given to graphite mining in Madagascar.
Dye Industry. In France, as in other countries, the dye in-
dustry was completely overshadowed by that of Germany. Under
pressure of war necessity, three new companies for the manufacture
of dyes were founded and the total capital invested in the industry
in 1919 was about 80,000,000 fr., but, apart from synthetic indigo
and the colours obtainable from sulphur, only a small variety of
dyes was produced, and there was a great lack of those required for
cotton printing. The needs of the country were so pronounced that
the experts who advised the French Government requested the in-
sertion in the Peace Treaty of clauses requiring Germany to supply
not more than 5,000 tons of coal by-products and 5,000 tons of dyes
every year for 20 years.
Artificial Perfumes. France is fairly well supplied with the arti-
ficial perfumes obtained from coal-tar. She has eight factories, some
of which are important, producing musk, ipnone (essence of violets),
terpineol (essence of lilac), vaniline, heliotropine and coumarine,
but she was nevertheless a good customer for Germany's synthetic
perfumes, as well as for her pharmaceutical products. The dis-
covery and sale of drugs for the cure of human ills has never at-
tracted much attention in France, possibly on account of the innate
conservatism of the people and also through the disinclination of
French medical men to prescribe new specialties instead of their own
combinations of known remedies.
Glass. The principal effect of the war on the glass industry was
to encourage the manufacture of retorts, tubes and other laboratory
implements, which were previously obtained from Germany, and
of optical glass. The output of window-glass has also risen con-
siderably above the pre-war figure. At one time the dumping policy
of the Germans and Bohemians enabled them to sell a lamp chimney
in Paris for 5 centimes, while the price for the same article in their
own countries was 14 centimes. The Germans even succeeded in
selling large quantities of bottles, in spite of the fact that France, a
great wine-producing country, had thirty or forty modern bottle
factories. The liberation of French industry from German com-
petition is especially marked in regard to glass.
Motor-cars. The output of chassis in 1913 was estimated at
45,000, of which only 2,000 were for commercial cars. These chassis
were built by 48 firms, employing 33,000 workers, of whom 70 % were
in the Paris and II % in the Lyons district. Including the manufac-
ture of radiators, coach work, magnetos, accumulators, tires, etc.,
the motor-car industry must have employed at least 100,000 workers.
After the war the French motor-car industry chiefly concerned
itself with the production of high-class and expensive cars. In
spite of an import duty of 45 % ad valorem and the additional pro-
tection, at one time amounting to about 300% in all, given by the
depreciation of the franc, very few French makers endeavoured to
meet the demand for a moderate-priced car, either in home or
foreign markets. As regards the latter, they no doubt felt themselves
unable to compete with American makers, and they did not con-
sider the home market sufficiently promising. It was generally
estimated that no one living in Pans or any other large French city
could keep a private car on less than 100,000 fr. a year, and incomes
of this size were very rare in France. The number of cars registered
(66,150) in 1919 showed an actual decline on the previous year.
Chemicals. In the 20 years, from 1893 to 1913, the imports of
chemicals quadrupled while the exports only tripled, and at the end
of the period the difference between exports and imports was about
the same as it was at the beginning. The war brought about extraor-
dinary changes in the French chemical industry. France became
able to export certain articles, such as cyanide of calcium, chlorides,
n6
FRANCE
chlorates and bromides, of which she previously produced only
insignificant quantities. The import of sulphuric acid and ammonia
salts ceased and the capacity to export salts of sodium greatly
increased. Table 16 shows the estimated production and consump-
tion of chemicals in 1920.
TABLE 16. Chemical Industry 1920, in tons.
Productive
capacity
Consump-
tion
Carbide of Calcium
Cyanide of Calcium
Ammonia Salts
200,000
300,000
200,000
1,360,000
150,000
1,160,000
Salts of Sodium . . . . . .
Chlorine (liquid)
Bromine . . . . . . .
Commercial Sulphuric Acid ....
800,000
90,000
500
2,250,000
650,000
15,000
200
1,500,000
France is poorly supplied with the raw materials of the chemical
industry except as regards salt. In 1914 only one mine of pyrites
(on which the production of sulphuric acid largely depends) was
being worked. It produced 293,000 tons in 1913. During the war
work was resumed in two previously abandoned mines, but the
result was insignificant, and the French industry remained dependent
on imported pyrites, chiefly from Spain, where about 75 % of the
production is controlled by British and 15% by French companies.
The restoration of Alsace should render France independent as
regards potash. The Alsatian deposits, which are between the Vosges
and the Rhine, extending from near Mulhouse to beyond Colmar,
consist of two superimposed layers, the lower being much the larger.
Its area is 120 sq. m., and it is estimated to contain 1,472,000,000
tons of crude potash richer in quality than the German deposits.
Under German rule the annual output of the Alsatian potash-mines
was limited to 5 % of the German production, and in 1913 was 50,000
tons, or slightly more than the whole French consumption then.
Before the war France ranked sixth among the salt-producing
countries. The eastern departments, such as Meurthe-et-Moselle,
Haute-Sa6ne, Doubs and Jura, supplied 856,000 tons of rock-salt in
1913, and the southwest (Landes, Basses- Pyrenees and Haute-
Garonne) 43,000 tons. The evaporation of sea-water gave 382,500
tons. These resources are now increased by about 80,000 tons,
from Alsace-Lorraine.
Radium. France, where radium was first experimented with and
discovered by M. and Mme. Curie in 1898, has no known deposits
of suitable ore. Before the war there were three French factories,
at Nogent, St. Denis and Gif, and their total output in 1913 was
435 centigrammes, the gramme being then worth 30,000. A fourth
plant for the treatment of radium-bearing ores was established dur-
ing the war, but much greater progress was made in the United
States and England, and, in view of the cost of importing ore, it is
questionable whether the production of radium can be remunerative
in France.
Aviation. The position of the French industry at the outbreak
of war is shown by Table 17.
TABLE 17. Aviation Manufacturing Firms, 1914.
Paris
District
Other
Districts
Motors
Aeroplanes
Seaplanes
Airships
Propellers
Hangars
22
27
13
6
5
I
7
5
o
o
I
Totals
80
14
The industry was to a large extent concentrated in Paris, but most
of the factories were small and worked independently, so that they
were very imperfectly prepared for the demands of the army. The
French makers nevertheless succeeded not only in producing con-
stantly varying types of military machines for their own country
but were able to export to the Allies. England bought 59 French
machines in 1915, but was afterwards independent. In this year the
French exports totalled 22,427,000 fr., but subsequently decreased
as the Allies built up their own aeroplane industries for war purposes.
An instance of this development is the fact that in 1918 Italy sup-
plied France with 1,762 motors, against 3 in 1917. It was thus
evident, long before the close of hostilities, that the countries which
had been France's allies in war would be her rivals in the peace-time
developments of the aeronautical industry.
Economic Prospects in 1921. The spirit in which the economic
leaders of France proposed to deal with the extremely difficult
situation remaining after the war was shown in the conclusions
of the monumental report drawn up by a committee of experts
under the presidency of M. Clementel, Minister of Commerce,
and published at the end of 1919. France, it is there pointed
out, must both reconstitute and develop. She must live as much
as possible on her own resources so as not to add to her foreign
debt. She must increase exports so as to reduce it.
" This plan," the report continues, " can be achieved. The
France of to-morrow will have 30% of the world's supply of iron
ore and will rank second in the list of producing countries, im-
mediately after the United States. This iron ore can be exchanged
for the raw materials which France requires. But there is something
more to be done. France can no longer rest content with exporting
her natural wealth. She must compete in the foreign markets of
manufactured goods and export machinery as well as ore. The
effort to produce must apply to all industries engaged in the trans-
formation of raw materials. Only in this way can we return to a
healthy condition of foreign exchange and shake off a crushing
burden of debt.
" It is not enough, however, to produce, even at advantageous
prices. We must sell. We must find customers, and keep them, and
this last result can only be attained if we take a lesson from the
results achieved by Germany and make up our minds to modern
methods, which means that we must study markets so as to find out
what is wanted and then adapt our manufactures to the demand. We
must cease to try to make foreign buyers accept our ideas as to
what goods are best, and we must make our manufactures conform
to the ideas of buyers. Furthermore the French banks must adapt
themselves to the system of long credits, to which German com-
petition owed its development in foreign markets.
" A revision of our customs tariffs has become indispensable.
Our import duties should be reduced as far as possible, so as not to
constitute a premium on lack of enterprise and so as not to expose
our export trade to reprisals. Though France now holds the second
rank among the countries of the world for iron ore, she has not enough
coal to transform this ore into iron and steel. Her wealth would be
useless to her if a customs barrier stood between her and those who
supply her with coal. What is true of coal is equally true of other
raw materials, and we must thus come to the conclusion that -the
theory of compensating tariffs is out of date and that our legislation
must be on a wider basis."
After thus defining the essential principles to be followed in
regard to national economic progress, the report draws attention
to certain internal obstacles, such as lack of labour, the low
birth-rate, the spread of tuberculosis and syphilis, the drink
traffic, insanitary housing and other conditions contrary to
economic and industrial development. According to an estimate
by M. March, Directeur de la Statistique Generale, if the popu-
lation of France had gone on increasing at the average rate
until 1935, the country would then have had 12,300,000 males
between 16 and 65 years of age, but, after allowing for the num-
bers of men killed in the war (1,400,000) and the consequent
deficit in male births between 1914 and 1919, the figure for 1935
cannot be put at more than 10,300,000. It must also be remem-
bered that among the male survivors of the war there were
350,000 who were totally disabled as regards military service,
450,000 who were partially disabled, and an unknown number of
men who sustained less serious injuries. These figures indicate
a lessening of the available supplies of labour over and above
the decrease caused by actual loss of life.
The ravages of tuberculosis in France are shown by the fact
that, while the increase in population for the years 1909, 1910,
1912 and 1913 was 15,000, 71,000, 58,000 and 42,000, respectively,
the deaths from tuberculosis in those years were 85,085, 84,956,
83,727 and 84,443. I n 1912 the number of deaths from tuber-
culosis was 38,083 in England and 85,976 in Germany. In the
same year the rates of mortality from this disease were 1-76 per
thousand inhabitants in France, 1-30 in Germany, 1-04 in
England and 0-93 in Belgium.
The drink danger to France is summed up in figures supplied
by the Statistique Generale and the Ligue Nationale centre
I' Alcoolisme. It gives the quantity of distilled alcoholic liquor
(expressed in litres of proof spirit per head of population) as 5-02
in France, 3-23 in Belgium, 3-10 in Russia before the war, 2-84 in
the United States, 2-8 in Germany, 1-88 in Switzerland, 1-82 in
Norway, 1-74 in the United Kingdom, and 0-67 in Italy.
The conversion of war-time equipment to the requirements of
peace was one of the principal problems of French industry in
1920-1. Aeroplane motor makers were now turning out machine
tools, of which 48,000,000 francs' worth was imported in 1913,
this quantity being nearly five times as much as the home out-
put. Half of these imports came from Germany. Machinery
used for making shells and small arms has been adapted to the
FRANCE
117
manufacture of certain portions of textile machinery, sewing-
machines (of which 3,633 tons came from Germany in the last
year before the war) and typewriters. Some constructors of
tanks have turned their attention to agricultural machinery.
The practical results of these adaptations, and their capacity
to withstand foreign competition, cannot of course be known
until after the restoration of something like normal conditions.
The conditions necessary for obtaining the best results from
French industry after the war are thus set forth by M. Rateau
in his report to the Consulting Committee on Arts and Manu-
factures:
(1) The formation of manufacturers' syndicates should be de-
veloped as much as possible, and manufacturers themselves should
be asked to abandon their present individual policy. The question
whether syndicates should not be made compulsory should be ex-
amined and discussed.
(2) The State should be asked to give more active cooperation to
industry and keep in closer and more permanent touch with it,
while at the same time leaving full scope to private initiative.
(3) Factories and workshops should be specialized.
(4) The standardizing of machinery should be very thoroughly
investigated.
(5) Manufactures should be concentrated in the smallest possible
number of factories.
(6) There should be scientific control of manufactures.
(7) Special and general laboratories, which are indispensable to
industry, should be created.
(8) Inventions should be protected by utilizing them better.
(9) Technical education of all kinds should be developed.
(10) A system of technical evening schools should be built up.
3 B
QA
a Landing gro>
Airship harbour
O Seaplane station
Emergency landing ground
..... " " ' " (projected)
D Military
FRENCH
AIR ROUTES
Aerial Route Map (see p.
COMMUNICATIONS
Railways, France has never been well provided with railway
communication. When the war of 1870 broke out, the total length
of her railway systems was only 9,658 miles. M. de Freycinet's
development scheme was the cause of more rapid progress between
1875 an d 1890, after which date the rate of extension slackened. In
1912 the total length of main and branch lines was 31,600 miles. This
gave France the third place among European countries as regards
the length of her railway system, but in proportion to population and
geographical area only the sixth and eighth places respectively.
This deficiency in the national equipment was a serious handicap
during the greater part of the World War, not only as regards
military operations but the conveyance of the vast quantities of
supplies. The ports on the Channel and Atlantic immediately be-
came congested, and one of the most urgent tasks of the French
engineers was to lay many miles of sidings and create sorting stations.
In all about 620 m. of new track were laid in France during the war
Some of the French railways accomplished something like miracles
in the face of enormous difficulties. The Northern railway was
suddenly called upon, in March 1918, to provide 172 troop trains a
day after having for some time run only 18 of these trains a day.
The military train mileage which was 621,000 in Feb. doubled in
May, although Amiens was under the enemy's fire. On the Eastern
line, the daily number of troop trains reached 198 on May 5. The
effort was continued after the onrush of the enemy had been stopped
and the forward movement of the Allied troops begun. On Aug. 28
1918, the Northern line was running 25,000 waggons of all kinds,
chiefly over tracks which had been torn up by the enemy and hastily
relaid. After the Armistice, the conveyance of troops and prisoners
required the French railways to provide 206 trains, 10,156 vans and
trucks, 550 passenger carriages and 750 engines. The damage done
to the Northern railway alone comprised 500 bridges and culverts,
12 tunnels, nearly 2,000 m. of telegraph and telephone lines, 590
buildings, 150 water-tanks and 20,000 tons of metal work.
On Jan. I 1919, the rolling-stock on the French railways was:
locomotives 14,574, goods trucks 368,683, passenger carriages and
vans 43,956. The corresponding figures on Aug. I 1914 were:
locomotives 13,800, goods trucks 376,000, passenger carriages and
vans 49,320. On the other hand, 2,854 locomotives and 46,337
trucks and carriages were out of use on Jan. I 1919, as compared
with 1,720 locomotives and 19,314 trucks and carriages on Aug. I
1914.
Under the terms of the Armistice, France obtained 2,600 locomo-
tives and 70,000 trucks and carriages from Germany, so that she
entered upon the peace period with apparently a large increase in
her railway rolling-stock, but much of it was more or less useless, the
scarcity of skilled labour during the war having prevented proper
repairs.
France in 1913 had six engineering works producing railway
locomotives. Four of the six were in districts subsequently occupied
by the enemy. The total output was between 650 and 700 engines a
year. The other rolling-stock manufactured in France was about
2,000 passenger carriages and 18,000 goods trucks a year. During
the last few years preceding the war, from one-third to one-sixth of
the new engines required by the French railways were imported from
abroad, the exports being almost entirely confined to Belgium and
the French colonies. Since the war, new workshops have been built,
one of which at Nantes has a capacity of 200 locomotives a year.
It was estimated that in a few years France would be in a position to
meet all her own requirements in railway rolling-stock, and possibly
to export it, on condition that the placing of orders by the companies
was carried out with more regularity than in the past.
Improvement in railway communications with other countries
is greatly needed. The only two routes between France and Italy,
via Modane and Ventimiglia, are overcharged with traffic. The
Modane line through the Alps is liable to interruption by floods.
Some progress has, however, been made with a new line between Nice
and Coni (Cuneo), which will serve the Milan district. Between
France and Spain there are two lines, via Hendaye and Cerbere.
Two others have been begun, from Ax-les-Thermes to Ripoll
and from Oloron to Quera. Many other extensions are held up
through financial and other causes. Public opinion appears to be
strongly in favour of the Channel-tunnel scheme.
Little has been done in France towards the electrification of
railways. With the exception of the Paris-Versailles line on the
left bank of the Seine, and the Orleans line between Paris and
Juvisy, the only French railway company to use electric traction is
the Midi, which can obtain power comparatively cheaply from the
Pyrenean waterfalls. This company has planned to electrify 170 m.
of its system, but the work is not completed. Before the war, the
State railway had made arrangements to electrify all its Paris subur-
ban lines, and part of the work was carried out. It was resumed in
1920, and, it is estimated, will be finished in 1926.
One of the weakest points in the system of communications is to
be found at Havre. This important port is not only imperfectly
connected with other towns in its own region but only one railway
line links it with the largest and most active centre it has to serve
Paris. Rouen is better off than Havre in this respect, as it extends
on both banks of the Seine and, for the conveyance of goods at any
rate, can make use of river transport, but many of its industrial
districts, and parts of its port, are badly served by rail in the direc-
tion of Paris. The building of a new line from Havre, connecting
with the Paris main line at Pont de L',Arche and thus relieving the
pressure on the route through the Rouen bottle-neck, has been ad-
vocated for many years, but up to the summer of 1921 its execution
had not been undertaken. A petroleum pipe-line between Havre
and Paris was, however, in course of construction.
Another project under consideration was designed to improve
communications between Switzerland and the Atlantic coast, so as
to attract traffic which would otherwise continue to follow the
Hamburg, Rotterdam and Antwerp routes. Before the war, Berne
was 15 hours from Antwerp, 165 hours from Hamburg and 21 hours
from Bordeaux. The problem from the French point of view is how
best to reduce the time of transit between Berne and Bordeaux. The
nature of the French lines (as they existed in 1921) does not permit
of trains being run at greater speed. The central French mountain
mass, which stands directly on the line between these two points,
n8
FRANCE
prevents the construction of tracks with small gradients apd wide
curves. The best solution of the problem is to be found in a new
line, 1 15 m. long, connecting the Orleans system, near Limoges, with
the P.-L.-M. railway near St. Germain-des-Fosses. This would
shorten the journey between Bordeaux and Lyons by over three
hours, but financial considerations have been adverse.
Shipping. France, in 1914, had seven shipbuilding yards with
the following number of drydocks from 300 to 600 ft. long : Chantiers
de France 5, Chantiers de St. Nazaire et Penhoet 4, Chantiers de
Normandie 5, Chantiers de la Loire 7, Chantiers de la Gironde 4,
Chantiers de Provence 6, Forges et Chantiers de la Mediterranee
(La Seyne and Havre) II. Other shipyards of smaller dimensions
were: Chantiers Normand 3, Delaunay-Belleville 2, Chantiers
Dubigeon 2, Chantiers de Bretagne 4, Dyle et Bacalan 3, Societe
Provencale 2, Barriel 4. There were also yards at St. Malo, Paimpol,
etc., for the construction of wooden vessels. The output of these
yards before the war is shown in Table 18, based on Bureau Veritas
figures.
TABLE 18. Shipbuilding Output.
Steamers
Sailing Vessels
i No.
Tonnage
No.
Tonnage
1912 41
1913 3'
1914 22
124,665
105,820
93,830
66
35
18
9,000
6,068
2,353
The figures for vessels purchased abroad in 19124 are shown in
Table 19.
TABLE 19. Steamers Purchased Abroad.
Steamers
Sailing Vessels
No.
Tonnage
No.
Tonnage
1912
1913
1914
62
77
'7
96,858
79,379
30,416
10
5
3
2,203
1-294
1,717
In spite of foreign purchases, the French merchant fleet did not
increase in proportion to those of other countries. It amounted, in
1914, to 2,498,286 tons. This was reduced, by war and other losses,
to 1,932,862 tons at the end of 1917, despite the addition of 301,000
tons of vessels built or purchased abroad. At the conclusion of
hostilities, the French tonnage was further reduced to 1,448,242
tons, against which should be set another 400,000 tons of vessels
built or purchased abroad. In round figures, the actual loss of
tonnage during the war was 1,000,000. Moreover, many vessels
afloat were practically useless owing to lack of repair. Shipbuilding
during the war amounted to only 150,000 tons, and as the capacity
of the French yards was estimated at 140,000 tons a year, the net
deficit in new ships, as the result of 4^ years of war, was 630,000 tons
150,000 = 480,000. This, added to the actual loss, represents a
deficit of about a million and a half tons of shipping due to war.
After the war France had five new shipbuilding concerns with
from six to eight drydocks and able to build ships of from 3,000 to
8,000 tons. These companies and their capital (including both shares
and debentures) were as follows: Chantiers N avals Francais
60,000,000 fr., Ateliers et Chantiers de la Seine Maritime 30,000,000
fr., Compagnie Generale de Constructions Navales 35,000,000 fr.,
Societe Normande de Constructions Navales 25,000,000 fr., Chantiers
Generaux de Cette 45,000,000 francs.
The progress made in the restoration of the French mercantile
marine after the war is shown by figures published in the Annuaire
du Comite des A rmateurs de France. They give 1,886,919 as the gross
tonnage on Jan. I 1919, and 2,076,963 at the end of that year. Six
months later (June 30 1920) the gross tonnage had risen to 2,180,345.
If we include theflotte d'etat (vessels worked by the State during
the war and intended for gradual transfer to French ship-owners) we
find that 19 months after the close of hostilities, the French merchant
fleet was nominally stronger than it was before the war, inasmuch
as theflotte d'etat amounted to 452,943 tons, in addition to 150,000
tons of former enemy ships temporarily handed over to purchasers.
The flotte d'etat, however, was an acquisition of doubtful value,
many of the ships having been purchased only under the pressure of
war necessities. As regards quality of material, the French mercan-
tile marine in 1921 was certainly below the 1914 standard, and its
working was heavily handicapped by the eight-hour day.
The post-war mercantile shipbuilding programme, based on ship-
owners requirements and the gradually increasing capacity of the
yards, old and new, is shown in Table 20.
TABLE 20. Shipbuilding Programme 1919-23.
Year
Number of
Ships
Gross
Tonnage
1919
1920
1921
1922
1923
86
159
172
176
183
374.344
605,665
704,361
765,377
793.405
The completion of this programme depended on a considerable
reduction in naval shipbuilding, a sufficient supply of steel and
other materials and of skilled labour and the ability of the yards to
carry out their contracts.
Wireless Telegraphy. As soon as the practicability of communica-
tion by wireless telegraphy was demonstrated, the French Govern-
ment took steps to utilize the new process, but at first only for
military and naval purposes. A military station was established at
the Eiffel Tower, in Paris, under the control of the War Ministry.
The navy had two stations, one at Ushant, on the north-west coast,
and the other on Porquerolles I. on the coast of Provence. Up to
the time of the World War, however, the transmission and reception
of messages was uncertain, the instruments then in use not being
adaptable with sufficient exactitude to varying wave lengths.
Considerable technical progress was made during the war. To assist
the Eiffel Tower in the work of maintaining communication with
Allied armies operating away from the French front, the War
Ministry built a new station at La Doua, near Lyons, and the
Ministry of Marine erected, at Basse-Lande, near Nantes, a very
powerful station which enabled it to keep in touch with French
naval forces in distant seas. These three stations also sent out
propaganda messages, and smaller stations along the coasts kept
up communication with Allied vessels in the Atlantic, the Channel
and the Mediterranean. While the war was still in progress, the
U.S. military authorities began the construction, at Croix d'Hins,
near Bordeaux, of a new station which was to be reserved for
messages between the American army headquarters and Washing-
ton. This station was not completed until after the close of hostili-
ties. It was eventually able to transmit messages, under favourable
conditions, to distances of about 7,000 m., and to communicate
with the United States, Japan, Madagascar and the French colonies
generally. This station, at the time the most powerful in the world,
was handed over to the French War Department on Nov. 15 1920,
and was formally presented to the French Government by Admiral
Magruder, on behalf of the U.S. Government, about a month later.
The use of wireless telegraphy for civilian purposes in France
may be said to date back to 1904, in which year the Post Office
took over the naval stations at Ushant and Porquerolles, through
which private messages to and from ships at sea were then trans-
mitted. This service has been considerably developed, and in June
1921 nine stations were open in connexion with it at Boulogne-
sur-Mer, Havre, Ushant, La Bouscat (Bordeaux), Saintes-Maries
de la Mer, Marseille, Cros de Cagnes (Nice), Bonifacio and Fort de
1'Eau (Algiers). Other stations, such as Dunkirk, Dieppe, Cher-
bourg, Lorient and "Ain el Turk (Oran) w-ere also available to the
public. Short-range stations were being established in mountainous
districts so as to enable communication to be maintained in case
of interference with the ordinary telegraphic circuits by snowfalls
or other causes. There was also wireless communication between
France and the principal islands on the coast. Messages to places
abroad were sent from four stations La Doua (Lyons), Croix
d'Hins (Bordeaux), Basse-Lande (Nantes) and the Eiffel Tower and
there were receiving stations at Villeiuif, near Paris, Poitiers, Neu-
chatel, Chartres, Basse-Lande and the Eiffel Tower. Communica-
tion by wireless had been established with the following countries:
Europe: Great Britain, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Ru-
mania, Norway, Austria, Poland and Turkey.
Asia: China and Indo-China.
Africa: French Colonies in northern, western and equatorial
Africa and Madagascar.
America: United States and West Indies.
All the stations available to the public are under the control of
the Post Office, but the two great stations which were under con-
struction in 1921 at Sainte Assise, near Melun, were to be worked,
under Post-Office control, by the Compagnie Radio-France, an off-
shoot of the Compagnie Generale de Telegraphic Sans Fil, which
had stations in various parts of the world. The rates, which are not
yet definitely fixed, are generally about the same as those charged
by cable companies but in some cases are less.
In addition to the two very powerful and modern stations at
Sainte Assise, the French authorities had begun in 1921 to construct
transmitting stations which would eventually form a great inter-
colonial system. Those at Saida (Algeria), Bamako (Upper Senegal),
Brazzaville (Congo), Antananarivo (Madagascar) and Saigon (Indo-
China) were to be completed in the summer of 1921. Others were to
be established at Jibuti, Numea, Tahiti and Cayenne (Guiana).
Aerial Navigation. Before the war the length of air journeys
seldom exceeded 250 m. and very little extra weight could be car-
ried. It did not seem likely that aviation could serve any real com-
mercial purpose, at any rate for several years to come. The technical
progress made under pressure of war necessities was, however, so
great that every country which had taken part in the hostilities,
and, through the force of circumstances, found itself in possession
of a well-developed aviation industry, set to work to make the best
use of it in the service of peaceful enterprise, especially as this new
industry would be indispensable to military operations.
In 1919 French civilian aviation, then at its beginning, was con-
trolled merely by a department of the War Office. This department
soon developed into what was called the " Organe de coordination
generate de 1'aeronautique " under which the various scattered
aviation services were placed. Aviation first obtained its autonomy
by the creation, in Jan. 1920, of a separate Under-Secretaryship of
FRANCE
119
State, for the control and development of air transports. The
meteorological services previously connected with five different
ministries were placed under the new department.
It was apparent from the outset that commercial aviation could be
neither a purely private nor a purely State enterprise. If the State
held aloof, the great initial expense would check development and
keep down competition, so that when a service was established,
there would be a tendency, in the absence of competition, to take
advantage of the situation and exploit the public. If, on the other
hand, the State accepted a monopoly of the enterprise, the result
would be to create an artificial atmosphere unfavourable to de-
velopment. Nevertheless, the State necessarily had to exercise some
sort of control. The new means of transport called for a discipline
'similar to that of the mercantile marine. There were certain inter-
national obligations which could not be carried out in the absence of
regulations enforced by law. There could be no general system of
air navigation without air ports, landing grounds, repair and supply
stations. All these formed part of a foundation which only the
State could direct and maintain. The companies who contemplated
embarking upon the business had few suitable machines, and the
public had to be gradually educated to the utility of the new service.
It was evident that the industry must have State support.
From the first it appeared that the main lines of communication
would be as follows (see Map, p. 117) :
London, Calais, Paris, Dijon, Lyons, Marseilles, Italy, and the
East.
Amsterdam, Brussels, Valenciennes, Paris, Bordeaux, Bayonne,
and Spain.
Havre, Paris, Strassburg, Central Europe and the East.
Bordeaux, Toulouse, Marseilles, Italy and the East.
Casablanca, Oran, Algiers and Tunis.
At the end of 1919, very little had been done towards the work of
providing these routes with landing and supply stations, repair shops,
wireless and weather services. The Government had only four sta-
tions: at Le Bourget, near Paris; Bordeaux; Avignon, and Lille.
Repairs could be effected only at Le Bourget and Bordeaux. There
was no weather service, and communication by wireless between the
various lines was uncertain.
At the end of 1920 considerable progress had been made. Thirteen
air ports, stations or landing-places had been fitted up, there were
seven emergency landing-places and negotiations were in progress
for the purchase of land for 28 others. Some had nothing but a
caretaker and a telephone ; others had appliances for temporary re-
pairs, and others again had regular workshops. Some were provided
with corrugated iron shelters about 100 ft. square. The process of
marking out the routes had begun. Seven lighthouses, each visible
at 25 m., were in use. Another, with a range of 90 m., was being
built in the summer of 1921 with a view to flights across the Medi-
terranean. There were 10 wireless stations giving communication
between the terminal stations of the Paris-London, Paris-Brussels,
and Paris- Strassburg lines. The aerodromes at Le Bourget and
Saint Inglevert, on the Paris- London route, were also provided with
wireless telephone apparatus for communication with the pilots of
machines in the air. The meteorological system included 20 sta-
tions, divided into three groups covering the whole country. These
stations sent out weather reports four times a day and also recorded
observations of great use to air navigators.
In 1919, despite the uncertainty of the situation and the almost
complete absence of organization, four French companies, with the
help of State subsidies, were carrying on regular air transport.
There was considerable development in 1920 as regards the num-
ber of new enterprises and the additional lines, both national and
international, opened to traffic.
On the purely French system, the Nimes-Nice line, worked for
nine months in 1920, carried 25 passengers and 215 kgm. of parcels.
The Paris-Cabourg line in five weeks carried 44 passengers and 882
kilogrammes. The results for the first four months of 1921 showed
still further progress.
Flying had become sufficiently well established in France in the
summer of 1921 to justify the publication of a monthly time-table.
It may be of interest to summarize the information given therein as
to the various services in operation in France :
Bordeaux-Toulouse-Montpellier line. Daily, except Sundays and
holidays. Time, Bordeaux to Toulouse, 15 hours; Toulouse to
Montpellier, ij hours. Fares: Bordeaux-Toulouse, 88 fr. ; Toulouse-
Montpellier 88 francs. Goods, 3 fr. 30 centimes per kilogramme.
Nimes-Nice line. Mondays and Thursdays. Time, 2 hours 50
minutes. Fare, 240 fr. Goods, 4 fr. 50 centimes per kilogramme.
Connexion at Avignon with express trains on P.-L.-M. main line.
Toulouse-Spain-Morocco line. Toulouse-Barcelona. Tuesdays,
Wednesdays, Fridays and Sundays. Time 2 j hours. Fare, single 468
fr., return 795 francs. Toulouse-Alicante-Malaga-Rabat-Casa-
blanca. Mondays, Wednesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays. Fares
from Toulouse to Alicante 924 fr., to Malaga 1, 068 fr., to Rabat 1,560
fr., to Casablanca 1, 680 fr. Goods Toulouse to Rabat 9 fr. per kgm.,
Casablanca 10 francs.
Paris-London, daily, except Sunday. Worked by four com-
panies. Time, from 2j hours to 3 hours. Fares, single 300 francs.
Goods 7 fr. 50 centimes per kgm. up to 6 kgm., 6 fr. from 6 to 25
kgm., 5 fr. above 25 kilogrammes.
Paris-Brussels-Amsterdam line. Daily to Brussels and Rotter-
dam; Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays to Amsterdam. Fares,
Brussels 175 fr. , return 300 fr.; Amsterdam 300 fr., return 500 francs.
Goods, from 2 fr. 50 centimes to 6 fr. 50 centimes according to weight
and distance.
Paris-Strassburg-Prague- Warsaw. Paris to Strassburg, Tuesdays,
Thursdays and Saturdays. Strassburg to Prague and Warsaw,
Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays. Fares, Strassburg 150 fr.,
Prague 500 fr., Warsaw 800 francs. Goods from 2 fr. to 6 fr. 50
centimes per kilogramme.
Bayonne-Bilbao-Santander line. To Bilbao daily, except Sun-
days. To Santander, Mondays only. Fares, Bilbao loo fr., San-
tander 150 francs. Goods, from 75 centimes to I fr. 50 centimes per
plate kilogramme.
Rivers. France's river traffic in normal times is considerable
(42,000,000 tons a year). Practically the whole is carried in ordinary
barges, the costs of vessels with auxiliary engines having been found
too great to compete with the older styled transport. A few cement
barges were built during the war, in consequence of the shortage of
plates, but as one of these vessels weighs about 220 tons more than a
steel barge of the same length (150 ft.), the cost of traction is pro-
hibitive. (G. A.)
The Rhine. The traffic on the Rhine is controlled by a system
of treaties which dates back to 1804. Before that date the many
riverain states used their position to levy toll upon river traffic; only
boatmen of specified states were allowed to carry on their trade
within certain sections of the river. The appearance of the Re-
publican armies on the Rhine naturally put an end to this archaic
system of complicated restricted monopoly. In 1804 Napoleon and
the German representative signed the First Convention of the
Rhine, in which the principle of free navigation and the suppression
of tolls was laid down. This Convention has had many successors.
When the Treaty of Versailles was signed the Mannheim Convention
of Oct. 17 1868 was still in force. This instrument maintained the
freedom of international navigation and the suppression of all traffic
taxes. The International Control Commission of the Rhine was
entrusted with the duty of enforcing its stipulations. It was formed
by commissioners, appointed by Holland, Prussia, Hesse, Bavaria,
Baden and France. The Treaty of Frankfurt shut France off from
the Rhine. After 1871, Germany sought more and more to make her
authority predominant in the Control Commission, and only to apply
those clauses of the Convention which accorded with German
interests. Thus in 1911 an imperial law created navigation taxes on
German rivers, but the empire at that time had not the courage to
ignore the protests of the other states, and to apply this law to the
treaty rivers of the Rhine and the Elbe. During the war, in 1917,
however, a transport tax was applied to Rhine traffic, in defiance of
the Mannheim Convention, and in spite of the protests of Holland,
the only non-German state represented on the Commission. When
Marshal Foch, commander-in-chief of the Allied armies, came to
the Rhine in 1918, like Napoleon, these fetters were again broken.
The question of admitting Switzerland to the Commission had been
raised in Berlin in 1903, when the Prussian Minister of Public Works
declared: " The admission of Switzerland is not to be desired. We
have already seen what the admission of Holland has cost us.
To-day Switzerland, a riverain state of the Rhine, has been ad-
mitted, and the Treaty of Versailles lays down that the Control
Commission of the Rhine provided for by the Mannheim Conven-
tion, shall consist of 19 members, two representatives each of
Holland, Switzerland, Great Britain, Italy and Belgium, four
representatives of the German river-side states, four of France, who
is given the right to nominate the president of the Commission. The
seat of this new Commission is in the old palace of the German Em-
peror, which was built at Strassburg in 1888, and is now known as
the Rhine Palace. Article 354 of the Versailles treaty charges the
Control Commission with the task of revising the Mannheim Con-
vention, which was being done in 1921 under M. Claveille.
France, by reason of Art. 358 of the Versailles treaty, has the right
to take Rhine water for canals already in existence or still to be built.
The same clause gives her exclusive rights in the energy produced
by river improvement, provided that she pay to Germany half the
value of the energy so produced. It is proposed to build a Grand
Canal d'Alsace which, running alongside the Rhine from Huningue
(Hiiningen) north of Basle, will join the river again near Strassburg.
This canal will improve navigation, and produce hydraulic power.
At Strassburg the fall in the Rhine amounts to as much as 66 cm.
per kilometre. From Brisach to Basle it varies between 90 cm. and
I -02 metres per kilometre. The Rhine is a wild and capricious river,
especially between Basle and Strassburg. The stream has been
tamed between Strassburg and Lauterburg, where the fall is only 44
cm. per km., but between Basle and Strassburg this has not been
.possible. The river is constantly making its own bed deeper, but
in front of Istein the digging-down process has reached a resisting,
rocky bottom, and in ten years' time a cataract will have been formed
there which will make all navigation impossible. The system of
controlling the waters, which has been successfully used between
Strassburg and Lauterburg, is not applicable to the Strassburg-
Basle reach. Moreover, with high-water-mark there are only two
metres of water on this latter stretch, and traffic is only possible
during three months of the year. Also, so strong is the current that
I2O
FRANCE
only small cargoes can be taken up-stream from Strassburg to Basle,
500 tons instead of 1,500 as far as Strassburg, and a tug-boat of 1,000
H.P. is required to tow five or six hundred tons up to Basle. The
construction of this lateral canal is the only method by which
traffic between Strassburg and Switzerland can be really made
practical. The proposed canal is to have a breadth of over 86 metres,
and a depth of between 6 and 7 metres, dimensions which are not
much below those of the Panama Canal. The speed of the current
would be not more than 1-20 metres per second, less, therefore, than
the river current below Strassburg. The size of the locks will be 25
by 170 metres. Taking 300 working days of 12 hours, half of which
for the up-stream journey, it will be possible to take up 1,800 strings
of barges, each with a capacity of between 2,000 and 2,400 tons a
yearly total of between 3,600,000 and 4,300,000 tons. Night traffic
would double this figure. The total imports of Switzerland amount
to about 7,000,000. Cost of transport will be extremely low.
Hydraulic Power. Between Huningue and Strassburg the Rhine
yields 800,000 horse-power. It is impossible to harness this by
canalizing the Rhine itself, owing to the formation of its bed and
the necessity for building 30 locks and 30 weirs, which would delay
traffic very considerably, and not give the best results. With a
lateral canal, a barrage will be built across the river near Huningue,
where the waters will be brought into the canal with a very small
drop, leading to a series of locks. At each lock (of which there will
probably be eight between Huningue and Strassburg) hydro-electric
stations will use the power developed by the falling water. The idea
of harnessing the Rhine below Basle was studied by an Alsatian
engineer, Rene Koechlin, in 1890, and in 1909 the Control Commis-
sion of the Rhine unanimously adopted the Kembs plan, so-called
after the Alsatian village near which the first power station was to be
built. In spite of the wide favour given to the construction of the
lateral canal, it should be noted that the majority of Swiss engineers
support the idea of seeking to increase the navigability of the river
between Strassburg and Basle by a system of controlling locks.
The Port of Strassburg. The municipality of Strassburg began
the construction of the port in 1898. The work was completed in
1901 at a cost of 13,000,000 francs, the whole of which was borne
by the municipal budget. In its first year the port handled 540,000
tons. By 1914 the figure had increased to 1,989,000 tons. This
prosperity incited the German town of Kehl, situated exactly op-
posite Strassburg on the right bank, to follow the example of the
capital of Alsace. While Strassburg had been left without support
from the imperial authorities, the Grand Duchy of Baden came
eagerly to the assistance of Kehl in its effort to meet Alsatian com-
petition. The port was presented by the Grand Duchy with three
docks and II km. of wharf accommodation; and was given the
through traffic which Strassburg did not enjoy. The Alsatians
fought hard against this system of nepotism, but could obtain no
satisfaction until after the Armistice. The importance of Strassburg
as a port of France is very great. France has sea-boards north, west
and south Strassburg gave her a port on the east. The Rhine ports
traffic amounted to 6,000,000 tons in 1913 that is to say, three
times the total traffic of all French seaports. If France was to
secure her share of this traffic, steps had to be taken in the pro-
visions of the Peace Treaty to ensure the extension and steady de-
velopment of Strassburg.
The town is uniquely situated from the point of view of inter-
national traffic, and with its port could become the turn-table of
Central Europe. Kehl, its German rival, could not be allowed to
strangle the trade of French Strassburg, and Art. 65 of the Ver-
sailles treaty lays down that, three months after the putting into
force of the treaty the port of Strassburg and the port of Kehl shall
become one for working purposes for a period of seven years. The
extension of the Strassburg port was in progress in 1921, and Kehl
was handling the traffic. In the event of the work at Strassburg not
being finished by the end of six years, the Rhine Control Commission
is entitled to prolong the temporary arrangement made by Art. 65
for a period not exceeding three years. The French State has assumed
the financial burden of extending the port, the works of which will
very largely benefit both the east and the south-east of France.
When the French regained Strassburg, there was not an Alsatian
tug or barge in the port. Before the war the Alsatians had tried to
build their own river fleet, but it had been quickly absorbed by the
Baden Trust. In 1918 the total Rhine tonnage was about 5,600,000
(10,688 vessels), valued at 250,000,000 marks; of which the Germans
owned nearly half. The Peace Treaty, taking into account the fact
that a river fleet cannot be improvised overnight, provided for the
cession to France of a portion of the German Rhine fleet. An
American arbitrator was charged by the Reparations Commission
with the task of determining the nature and value of the cessions
to be made, which were in three categories namely: shipping, ship-
ping shares, and dock property in Rotterdam. Mr. Hines, the.
arbitrator, in his decision of Jan. 8 1921, declared that Germany
should immediately hand over 254,150 barge tonnage, and 23,760
towing horse-power. On April 8 1921, France countersigned an
agreement with Germany which places dock equipment at her dis-
posal in the Rhenish ports of Rheinau, Mannheim, Ludwigshafen,
Cologne, Duisburg, Ruhrort, and Rotterdam. A school was opened
at Strassburg in July 1919 for instruction in the navigation of the
Rhine, which requires special knowledge. There was a surtax of 36
fr. per ton on all extra-European imports which entered France
through a non-French seaport. The Rhine is the only French river
of which the mouth is not French, and the question arose whether
this tax should be applied to goods arriving in Strassburg. French
Chambers of Commerce, in agreement with the Strassburg Chamber
of Commerce, successfully urged that this tax on bonded goods
should not be applied to merchandise coming to Strassburg from
Antwerp. The traffic of the port of Strassburg had in 1921 reached a
pre-war figure. (P. B.)
FOREIGN TRADE
The position of France, in regard to foreign commerce, at the
time of the World War was characterized by great uncertainty.
In 1912, 1913 and the first half of 1914 there was general uneasi-
ness and stagnation. The possessors of capital would take no
risks. The Balkanic wars, the Agadir scare, and great political
dissensions at home, all contributed to create an atmosphere
which was very unfavourable to business.
France had a protectionist Customs tariff dating from 1892.
It comprised a general tariff for countries having no commercial
treaty with France, and a minimum tariff for countries conceding
corresponding advantages to French trade. Germany enjoyed
the most-favoured-nation treatment in virtue of Clause ir of
the Treaty of Frankfurt. In course of time the protectionist
tendency became accentuated. The increases in import duties
were considerably more numerous than the reductions. The
so-called " Padlock Act " empowered the Government to raise
duties without waiting for parliamentary approval. This
Customs policy, tempered by the commercial treaties, had one
advantage. It endowed the foreign trade of the country with a
certain amount of stability, but it caused the expansion of that
trade to become extremely slow. It protected home manufac-
tures against foreign competition, but, as a system of defence,
it was considerably weakened by the existence of the most-
favoured-nation treatment. In short, the position during the
few years preceding the war showed no marked symptom of
economic progress. The exports, with slight fluctuations,
amounted to about 80% of the imports. The totals, expressed
in values and in weights, for the four years 1910-13 are shown
in Table 21. These figures indicate slow but regular progress,
TABLE 21. Exports and Imports, 1910-13.
Exports
Imports
Value in
francs
Quantity
in metric
quintals
Value in
francs
Quantity
in metric
quintals
1910
1911
1912
1913
6,233,805,000
6,075,859,000
6,712,580,000
6,880,217,000
155,127,080
160,060,180
203,265,070
220,745,130
7,J73,332,ooo
8,065,828,000
8,230,846,000
8,421,332,000
357,183,54
404,284,450
397,463,890
442,203,860
due to increased imports of raw materials and increased exports
of manufactured articles, but the balance of trade showed a
deficit which amounted to 22% in 1913. The same state of
affairs showed itself during the first half of 1914. The exports
amounted to 3,375,953,000 fr. and the imports to 4,410,746,000
fr., so that there was every prospect of the totals for the whole
year being very similar to those of preceding years.
France's economic life was more seriously affected than that
of any other belligerent country when war broke out. A tenth
part of her territory by far the richest part in minerals and
manufactures was invaded during the first month of the
struggle and was subsequently almost entirely devastated. The
coal output was abruptly reduced by 60 per cent. The German
occupation of the Briey and Longwy districts inflicted a severe
blow on the metal industry. The territory held by the enemy
throughout the war comprised 85 out of 170 blast furnaces, 48
out of 164 Martin furnaces and 53 out of 100 converters. Pro-
ductive appliances were reduced by 64% as regards cast-iron and
by 60% as regards steel. In spite of this great and sudden
reduction in her manufacturing resources, France succeeded in
supplying the needs of her naval and military forces and her
civilian population. Arms and munitions factories were erected
all over the country. The Government became their only
customer, and as they were without raw materials, coal and
chemicals, the Government also became the agency through
FRANCE
121
which they obtained their supplies. All this miracle of energy
would have been impossible but for the alliance with Great
Britain, whose naval supremacy enabled supplies and materials
of all kinds to be imported. The natural result of the transforma-
tion of so many manufacturing plants into munition factories
was to bring exports down to a very small figure, while imports
increased by leaps and bounds. Simultaneously there was a
decrease in the wealth derived from agriculture. Crops pro-
duced, on the average, only about half the normal amount.
The wheat crop dropped from 90,000,000 to 49,000,000 quintals.
The ports, which were much too small to deal with the vast
quantities of goods brought from abroad, became congested.
The Government departments were unable to handle the prob-
lems of supply which came before them. Under the pressure of
necessity, supplies of all kinds were bought at any price. Ordi-
nary notions of the value of money became obliterated. Freights,
in consequence of the tremendous demand and the effects of the
German submarine campaign, soared to fantastic heights and
the Government was often forced to sign very costly contracts.
The effect of all these abnormal conditions on the foreign trade
of the country is shown in Table 22:
TABLE 22. Exports and Imports, 1914-8.
Exports
I mports
Francs
Metric
quintals
Francs
Metric
quintals
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
4,868,834,000
3,937,369,000
6,214,594,000
6,012,698,000
4,722,694,000
126,638,240
40,910,750
37,300,150
30,111,240
37,181,380
6,402,169,000
",035,794,000
20,640,419,000
27,554, 55,ooo
22,301,384,000
334,345,900
320,492,560
400,600,160
348,326,080
293,499,870
It appears from the table that the balance of trade which
was 22% against exports in 1913, rose to 31% in 1914, 180% in
1915, 232% in 1916, 358% in 1917, and 372% in 1918.
Throughout the war France lived under a system of regulations
and restrictions. It was absolutely necessary to prevent various
kinds of produce, which were urgently needed in France, from
leaving the country and international trade had to be interfered
with so as to prevent the indirect supply of goods to the enemy,
who tried in every possible way to neutralize the effects of the
blockade. When hostilities ceased, it was found necessary to
continue some of the war-time regulations and restrictions for a
considerable time. The state of exhaustion, the collapse of
production and the high cost of living, which the Government
had to try to alleviate in every possible way, all made it impossi-
ble to return at once to freedom of commerce. The Government
remained the sole purchaser of raw materials and of the necessa-
ries of life. The position, however, improved very rapidly. The
instinctive industry of the French people reasserted itself,
and favourable symptoms were observed. Commercial treaties
having been denounced, the Government could choose the
Customs policy required by the altered circumstances. A
decree issued in June 1919 restored the former freedom of
importation to nearly all the articles hitherto prohibited, but
at the same time the principle underlying the Customs tariffs
was subjected to a radical alteration. The specific duties were
replaced by ad valorem duties, but it was soon found that these
were not satisfactory. In July of the same year the specific duties
were restored but with various additions, styled coefficients.
These extra charges, which were moderate at first, were steadily
increased as .the exchange and coal problems became more and
more pressing. Actual prohibition was even resorted to (in
April 1920). This policy the outcome of French manufacturers'
apprehension of competition from countries with still more
depreciated currency aroused great opposition, and finally
increased coefficients superseded prohibition.
The revival in production was quite rapid in France, in spite
of the coal shortage which prevailed in 1919 and 1920. Table
23 shows the improvement in the trade balance.
The result, which would have been still better but for the
general economic crisis which occurred towards the end of 1920,
show that a considerable effort towards recovery was made.
The deficit in the trade balance, which was 201 % in 1919, was
TABLE 23. Exports and Imports.
Exports
Imports
Francs
Metric
quintals
Francs
Metric
quintals
1919
1920
11,879,600,000
22,434,757,000
55,643,800
124,673,464
35.799,267,000
35,404,951,000
384,471,685
509,296,203
reduced to 58% in 1920. For the first time there was a decrease
in imports, under the head of values though not of weights.
If we compare the quantities and not the values of goods
exported by France, it appears that the total weight, which
reached 220,000,000 quintals before the war, and which fell to
the lowest figure on record, 30,000,000 in 1917, was a long way
in 1920 from the 1913 figures. The increase in values is more
apparent than real if the greatly enhanced prices of all commodi-
ties be taken into account. Although the tonnage entering
French ports in 1920 was only 15% more than in 1913, the
increase in values was 320 per cent. The export figures show a
decrease of 44% in tonnage and an increase of 226% in values.
French trade with foreign countries in 1920 is shown in
Table 24:
TABLE 24. Foreign Trade, 1920; in Francs.
I mports
from
. Exports
to
England
6,74 6 -959.ooo
2 658 429 OOO
3,511,943,000
Belgium
Switzerland
Spain
2,568,665,000
8O2,94O,OOO
849 368 ooo
3,913,986,000
1,441,694,000
883 676 ooo
Italy
United States
Brazil
891,530,000
7,061,721,000
652 603 ooo
1,061,516,000
1,770,892,000
303 716 ooo
Argentine Republic
Other foreign countries .
Algeria
Tunisia
Morocco
Other French colonies .
2,053,819,000
7,893,071,000
960,475,000
218,628,000
152,398,000
1,894,345,000
379,319,000
4,602,237,000
1,926,006,000
318,422,000
493,857,000
647,232,000
In brief, the situation at the end of 1920 was that exports had
not returned to the pre-war level and the inflation of imports
had been only very slightly reduced. Smaller quantities of
food-stuffs had been pjurchased abroad but there was an increase
under the head of manufactured articles.
These conclusions were modified by the statistics for the early
part of 1921. In the first four months of that year, the exports
actually exceeded the imports. Compared with the correspond-
ing period of 1920, imports showed a decrease of no less than
5,720,089,000 fr. and exports an increase of 1,111,940,000 francs.
These figures reflect the conditions which affected trade and
industry all over the world. They show how greatly the depre-
ciation of a national currency acts as a stimulant to exports and
a check on imports. The decreased imports of raw materials
(3,578,000,000 fr. during the first four months of 1921 and
5,861,000,000 fr. during the corresponding period of 1920)
illustrate the extent to which the industrial activity of France
was reduced. On the other hand, the difference is not so great
as it seems, in view of the fall in prices.
The future of France's foreign trade seemed in 1921 to depend
very largely upon the amount of wisdom that might prevail
in regard to Customs policy. Only the future could show
whether there was to be pronounced protectionism, accompanied
by heavy duties, or a system of treaties of commerce concluded
for reasonable periods and relating to specified articles. Arrange-
ments of this kind had been made with Canada and Czecho-
slovakia, and others were in course of negotiation (June 1921)
with Spain, Switzerland and Poland. There seemed ground
to hope that when the inflation of currency had been reduced
and exchange returned to a more normal level, France would
reap the fruits of the efforts she had made since the war to
reconstitute her mercantile marine, improve her ports and
navigable rivers, and stimulate her manufacturers to greater
enterprise in foreign markets. Before the war, there was a
tendency in France to attach exaggerated importance to the
influence of capital. France was proud to be called " the banker
122
FRANCE
of Europe." She discovered by sad experience that this alluring
title had brought nothing but loss and disappointment. The
influence of capital did not prevent Turkey, a country to which
France had lent vast sums, from going over to the enemy, and
the still vaster sums advanced to Russia had also been lost,
apparently beyond recall. It would not be surprising if the
result of this object-lesson were to convince the French people
that it is better to work and produce than to live on the interest
of one's money, and that they had it within their power to
become a great manufacturing country with an important
share in the world's trade. (G. A. R.)
FINANCE, 1900-21
French finances underwent such changes during the World
War that in 1921 there seemed to be no relationship at all
between the present-day budgets and those of 1909-10, so
enormously had figures been swollen, taxes increased, and their
nature modified. From this latter point of view the whole French
fiscal system has been changed. Up to the eve of war direct
taxation was levied in France, following the principles of the first
revolution, in accordance with external signs of wealth, chiefly
in accordance with the letting value of the tax-payer's residence.
This does not mean that capital was not touched. Taxation
was levied in the form of inheritance duties on the whole of an
estate, on the transfer of house property, and securities were
taxed annually on the income, and by imposts on stock-exchange
transactions. A few weeks before the opening of hostilities a
global income tax was introduced, of the modest amount of 2 %.
The execution of this measure was delayed, but in 1916 it was
put into operation, the figure rising rapidly to 1 2 % and then 20 %.
The law of June 25 1920 brought the maximum up to 50%, with
a sliding scale, making this super-tax of 50% only applicable to
that portion of incomes exceeding 550,000 francs. In 1917 a
further tax was introduced which varied according to whether
the income was derived from agriculture, professions, etc. Thus
the old system, which had been applied for over a century, and
which, although frequently modified, had subsisted in its first
conceptions, had given way to a new system which, although
more in conformity with modern theories, could not in 1921 be
said to be as solidly founded as was its predecessor.
I. The System of Taxation. The system of taxation until
1914 was formed by four kinds of taxation, i. The so-called
direct contributions that is to say, levied on four kinds of
external signs of wealth, namely (a) revenue from land and
house property, (b) doors and windows, (c) the personal figure
arrived at by the letting value of the house or flat occupied by
the tax-payer, and (d) license tax paid by traders, manufacturers,
and some of the liberal professions, which varies according to
occupation. 2. The so-called indirect contributions consisting
of fixed or proper proportional duties, levied (a) on the transfer
of property, (b) on the emission and negotiation of stocks and
shares, and (c) on private contract notes. 3. Consumption
taxes, levied on French produce, such as alcohol, wine and sugar.
4. Customs duties, levied on a large number of imports.
Direct contributions were reformed by the law of July 31 1917,
which suppressed the taxation on personal property, doors and
windows, and licences, and placed a tax on different categories of
income. A tax is placed on industrial and commercial profit
made during the preceding year. It is levied upon all concerns
belonging to one person, globally, either at the head office, or
at the office of the chief person concerned.
The tax is calculated on the net profit of those companies
which are by law bound to communicate their balance-sheets
to the registry office, and upon those individuals or companies
which, before April i of each year, have furnished the authorities
with a summary of their profit and loss account. In the absence
of a declaration the taxable profit is fixed by applying an appro-
priate coefficient to the turn-over of the concern. The fixed
tax of 4-5% was raised to 8% by the law of June 25 1920. An
annual tax of 3-75%, raised by the same law to 6%, is placed
upon agricultural profits, which are considered as being equal
to half the rental value of the land. If, however, the real profit
does not reach half the rental value the taxpayer is entitled to a
proportionate reduction. Incomes of over 1,250 fr. from this
source are taxable, and no declaration of income is required. In-
comes derived from public or private payment, salaries, annuities,
etc., are subject to a tax of 3-75%, raised to 6% by the law of June
1920. In fixing the taxable figure the net value of such pay-
ments, whether they be in money or kind, is taken into account.
Employers, whether they be companies or individuals, are
required to furnish the authorities with a list of their employees.
People engaged in professions, or in other occupations which are
not subject to special income tax have to pay 6 per cent. Interest
from mortgages, loans, and bank deposits is also taxed.
Such are the chief provisions of the law which has established
a schedular income tax in France. While it has suppressed
former taxation, the old forms of taxation still exist as the basis
of local taxation, and will do so until new laws have been voted.
A fresh tax is that on the turn-over (chiff re d'affaires) which
is levied on all businesses in France save the selling of bread,
the products of State monopolies and, of course, stamps and
stamped paper issued by the Government. Further exceptions
are made in favour of those trades and businesses whose prices,
charges or commissions are fixed by public authorities, such as
marine brokers, stock brokers, chemical manufacturers, insurance
companies, public entertainers and public carriages. Exception
is made in these cases because enterprises of this kind are already
taxed in other ways. The chiffre d'affaires tax is fixed at i %,
a tenth of which goes to the department and the commune.
The various imperfections of this tax have led to certain alter-
ations which were adopted by Parliament in June 1921.
II. The Budgets. The Budget on the eve of war, 1914, in
millions of francs was as follows:
Expenditure Revenue
Public Debt . . . 1,318 Taxation . . .3,616
Salaries of Public Monopolies . . . 1,005
Officers ... 19 Domains ... 64
General Administration Budgetary Sundries . 68
Services . . . 3,336 Extraordinary Revenue 507
Regie . . . . 651 Receipts (recettes
Restitution ... 49 d'ordre) . . . 1 1 1
Algerian credit . . 2
5,373
5,373
With this may be compared the ordinary Budget of 1921 :
Expenditure Revenue
Public Debt . . . 11,248 Taxation . . . 13,901
Salaries of Public Monopolies . . . 2,526
Officers ... 39 Domains . . . 145
General Administration Budgetary Sundries . 157
Services ... . 8,877 Extraordinary Revenue 5,200
Regie .... 2,455 Algerian Credits . . 6
Repayments and Res- Alsatian-Lorraine Credits 408
titution . . . 129 Receipts (recettes
d'ordre) . . . 494
22,748
22,837
In presenting the Budget of 1913, which did not reach 5,000
million fr., M. Klotz told Parliament that he begged his col-
leagues to reduce the demands of their departments to what was
strictly necessary. He analyzed an increased credit of 167 mil-
lions due to military expenditure, social demands, and the de-
velopment of national equipment. Justifying the demand for
the army he pointed out the advantages given to soldiers serv-
ing more than their legal time, the allowances given to those
supporting a family, the placing of officers in a special reserve,
the reorganization of the artillery and of medical officers,
premiums given to motor-lorry owners, increase in the pay of
officers, increased assistance to old soldiers, increased cost of
living and of material, and the increases in the budget strength
of men and horses. The social programme comprised demands
for the Ministry of Labour, for compulsory insurance and
for increase in the benefits of voluntary insurance; help for
mutual societies and advances for building societies. Public
works called for large sums for the improvement of internal
waterways and seaports. The full programme for the former
amounted to 440 million francs.
FRANCE
123
The ordinary budgets of 1914 and of 1021, it will be seen,
balanced. The latter, however, almost five times as big as that
of 1914, only balanced thanks to 5,200 million fr. of extraordinary
revenue derived from the war profits tax and the disposal of war
stocks. The ordinary budget of 1921 has also, side by side with
it, an extraordinary budget of 3,000 millions, entirely covered by
loan resources, and a budget of recoverable expenditure, under
the terms of the Peace Treaty, by which Germany and her allies
had become responsible. This budget comprised the sums
necessary for reparation of war damage, caused among others
to civilians who lost in life or limb or were victims of any act of
cruelty which has lowered their health, their capacity for labour,
or touched their honour; to prisoners of war who have been
badly treated. Germany also owed pensions or compensation
to the military victims of the war, wounded, sick and invalided,
the amount of the sum being the capital value of pension or
compensation due to them; the cost of relief given to prisoners
of war and their families, allowances given to the dependents of
mobilized men, the losses incurred by civilians who were obliged
to work without pay, and all damage done to property.
According to the Treaty of Versailles the Reparation Com-
mission had to fix the total debt to Germany as it did by the
prescribed date, May i 1921, the figure being 132,000 million
marks (gold), to which was added the sums lent to Belgium
by the Allies; Germany was to pay an annual interest charge
of 5 % on the debt, and i % for amortization. The annual pay-
ment was to be 2,000 million marks (gold), and a sum equal
to 26% of the value of German export trade. The complete
annuity, that is to say, 6% on 132,000 million marks, would
amount to 7,920 millions. If Germany was to reach this figure
her total export trade must amount to nearly 25,000 million
marks (gold) . The French share of the moneys obtained from
Germany being fixed at 52%, it is easily seen how small a sum
he would obtain to meet the charges arising from the reconsti-
tution of the devastated regions and the payment of pensions.
These figures for the year 1921 were (in millions of francs):
Mlmstry of Finance 3,827
Justice (Judicial and Prison Services) I
Foreign Affairs 2
'Var 14
ublic Instruction 244
"ine Arts 30
Technical Instruction I
Colonies I
Agriculture 9
Public Works 393
Posts and Telegraphs 26
Merchant Shipping 14
Liberated Regions 10,231
Pensions Services 1,737
Hygiene 10
16,540
The expenditure of the Ministry of Finance comprised pen-
sions to invalids, widows and orphans; allowances to elder
relatives; pensions to civil victims of the war; the salaries of
the staffs employed by these different services ; the reconstruction
of documents destroyed during the war; the reinstallation of
administrative services in the liberated regions; and of tobacco
manufactury of Lille. The Ministry of Justice had to meet the
expenses of reconstituting the Actes de I'Etat Civil; the register
of mortgages ; of repairing the damage done to prisons and other
institutions. The Ministry of War had to meet the charges
arising from the repair of barracks and other necessary buildings.
The Ministry of Public Instruction had charge of the central
and departmental orphanages, and had on its books at the
beginning of 1921, 587,000 children, who, at 360 fr. a head,
would cost 211 millions; 120,000 more children were to be
adopted. Fine Arts would require 30 millions for the protection
and repair of monuments and public buildings damaged by war.
The claim of the colonies arose from the losses suffered by
Mahommedans. The Ministry of Agriculture had to repair a
number of institutions such as the agricultural school of Rethel
and the industrial schools at Douai, and make good the havoc
wrought in the forests. Public Works required 100 millions for
road building and other works, 70 millions for the rebuilding
and working of electrical power stations in the liberated regions,
90 millions for canals, 50 millions for railways in the north and
the east, 83 millions for extraordinary expenditure on Alsace-
Lorraine railways, due to the condition in which they were left
by the Germans. The Ministry for the Liberated Regions
claimed 10,231 millions, a sum which was reduced by Parliament
to 9,000 millions; 7,000 millions of this would go in payment of
war damage and advances for industrial reconstitution; 140
millions were devoted to relief for the inhabitants; 720 millions
to works undertaken by the State; 220 millions for transport.
These figures give but a general idea of all the work that had to
be accomplished in the devastated districts. The Ministry of
Pensions required 28 millions for the staff and central adminis-
tration; 1,470 millions for advances on pensions and bounties;
and 4 millions for the relief of the families of the killed.
These 16,000 million francs of expenditure had to be added
to 20,000 million already granted for the same purposes, as
recoverable expenditure, in the financial year of 1920. It was
thus a total of nearly 37,000 million francs that France had
already advanced in two years to the account of Germany.
Apart from these budgetary credits other expenditure swelled
the total, which, capital and interest included, was estimated
to be 60,000 million francs on May i 1921.
The key to the financial situation of France is in this budget
of "recoverable expenditure." Had Germany carried out her
undertaking; that is to say, had she paid to her conquerors a
sum corresponding to the admitted damage done, the situation
of France, although still serious, would not have been one
beyond her power to face. By working energetically, as she had
begun to do, at reducing expenditure, and perfecting the system
of new taxation, France should be able to have a regular revenue
of 20,000 millions to balance expenditure, which ought to be
brought down to that figure. To do this, the various new services
which were created during the war, and which in different ways
had led to excessive expenditure, must disappear. The coal and
wheat control must be got rid of, and the State merchant fleet
sold as quickly as possible. The railway budget must be bal-
anced; all useless expenditures suppressed, and only the most
urgent public works, or those likely to be productive within a
very short space of time, undertaken.
Meanwhile, awaiting the settlement of the debts of Germany,
the French Treasury in 1921 had to meet the following charges
in thousands of millions of francs:
Ordinary Budget
Extraordinary Budget
Recoverable Expenditure
Supplementary Credits
Repayment of Foreign Debt
Deficit on Prev'ous Budgets
Special Account
Railways
Repayments to the Bank of France
22
. . . 3
16
2
6
2
. . . . 3
i
2
57
III. Tlte State Balance Sheet Railways. It is possible to
do for the French State what is done by every individual and
every company: that is, simply to draw up a balance sheet,
to make a statement of the State's resources and commitments, of
its credit and debit. Naturally we do not, as in the case of pri-
vate concerns, find that the credit equals or is greater than the
debit. The fundamental and essential source of a modern
State's revenue is taxation levied on its citizens. Its real wealth,
therefore, lies in the individual wealth of the latter, and consists
in their sum total. Nevertheless, apart from this resource of
annual tribute, the State possesses a domain which varies in
importance according to the nation, and which does represent
something. It is only the paying elements of such a domain
which can be usefully entered on a balance sheet.
France possesses her sea coasts; land which in certain parts
has been left by the sea; her lakes, rivers and navigable
streams; canals; ports; forests, national roads, and the bridges
and other works connected with them; public buildings, palaces,
124
FRANCE
museums, chateaux, Government offices^ parks and gardens.
The State also owns railway lines, the exploitation of some of
which has been conceded to private companies, while the State
itself runs others, some of which it has built, others of which
have been bought back from the companies before the expira-
tion of their concessions. The buildings in which public services
are housed might be looked upon as an active resource if, in
drawing up the accounts of each of those services, they were
debited with an annual rent. But such is not the case. The
postal service, for instance, is not debited with the rent of the
public buildings which it occupies, nor even with that of build-
ings leased by the State in certain towns for the accommodation
of posts and telephones. The postal service is not debited with
the wear and tear of the telegraphic and telephonic wires, nor
with the wireless telegraph stations which it uses every day.
In fact, no accounts of this sort are kept for any of the public
services. All the prefects and sub-prefects, the courts of justice,
troops, occupy premises the rental of which does not figure in the
accounts of any of the ministers concerned. The seashore and
the dried beds of changing rivers are so little exploited that they
need not be taken into account. Land and river communications
might produce revenue worthy of figuring in a balance sheet,
were tolls taken. The tolls which existed a few years ago
have been abolished, and traffic is everywhere free; it is the
budget which keeps up the roads, rivers, canals and ports. In
the ports certain dues are levied on shipping for the profit of the
State, the municipalities, and the chambers of commerce which
have participated in the cost of the harbour works. Although
some receipts are obtained from these sources, they do not
represent realizable wealth. The forests of the State domain,
however, are both productive and alienable. It is clear, never-
theless, that they cannot be given up. Both from the point of
view of health, and general security, they ought to belong to the
community; but they are a realizable asset. Twice before, in
1848 and 1870, they were given to the Bank of France as security
for loans to the Treasury. The value of the year's output figures
in the budget of 1921 was estimated at 57 million francs. The
chief national asset is formed by the main railway lines, which
in 1921 had a length of about 50,000 km., and represent an
installation cost of at least 25,000 million francs. In spite of
the importance of the sums thus spent in railway construction
the Treasury has derived no profits. It has to be remembered
in this respect how great, in France and elsewhere, was the
upset caused in railway administration by the war. Before
1914 the five private companies, the Eastern, the Paris-Lyons-
Mediterranean, the Northern, the Orleans, and the Southern
railways, had gross revenues which exceeded their expenses.
The Northern, P.-L.-M. and Eastern even showed a profit both
with their preference and ordinary shares. The Orleans and the
Midi lines had to avail themselves of the guarantee of the State
which made them a varying annual payment. The Western
railway, exploited by the State itself, was in very much less
favourable position. The proportion of expenditure to revenue
was much greater than that of the least successful private
worked line. War changed this situation profoundly. Part of
the Eastern and Northern systems had been destroyed, and those
two companies had had to spend vast sums in rebuilding
their lines. Other causes had upset railway accounts. The
Eight Hours' Day law had been rigorously interpreted and had
led to a great growth in the staff. Excessive increases in salaries
and wages had been made. In spite of raising the tariff, which
had been done by decree on several occasions, a deficit was
shown each year, that of 1920 being not less than 3,300 millions.
A Convention had been signed between the Ministry of Public
Works and the six railway lines, the State railway coming in on
the same footing as the private companies, but this Convention
had not yet been approved by the Senate. In theory it should
do away with the deficit, as it enables tariffs to be raised until
receipts and expenditure balance, and the companies making
any surplus pay it into a common fund so as to equalize revenue.
Meanwhile the railway companies were a heavy burden on the
budget. It was indispensable that expenditures should be cut
down, and it was impossible to count only upon raising the tariffs
to balance the railway budgets. For goods traffic of many sorts
the existing rates were already prohibitive, and traffic of many
kinds of merchandise had either slackened off considerably or
had stopped. The scheme of having a common fund was there-
fore far from being the final remedy for the present evil.
A few figures will show the contrast between the pre-war and
the post-war conditions. The total length of railway lines
exploited by the State and the five big companies was 41,000
km. The deficit in 1913 was 80 millions francs. In 1920 it
amounted to 3,200 millions. Of the five private companies,
gross receipts rose from 1,693 millions in 1913 to 4,467 millions
in 1920. The net yield of 696 millions became a deficit of
1,081 millions. The charges of 986 millions added to this last fig-
ure give a general deficit total of 2,067 millions. The working
coefficient has passed from 59% to 124%. In 1921, therefore,
this large railway system, far from producing revenue, laid a
heavy burden on the budget.
As a matter of fact, when one comes down to analyse the
actual elements of the real property of the State, there is noth-
ing which corresponds to the fortune of an individual.
Railways, as we have seen, are not revenue-producing. The
Western railway belongs to the nation. It consisted in 1921 of
lines bought about half a century before, and of the old Western
company system which was bought at the beginning of the 2oth
century. It had for long shown a deficit. The Treasury had
still annual payments to make to complete the purchase of the
first State line, and to pay off the shares and stocks of the Western
company, which would be finished in about 30 years' time, and
to pay the 4 and 5 % interest on the bonds issued by the Treasury
in order to meet the expenses of the system. The State was
half proprietor of the lines leased to the five big companies, and
would become again full proprietor within the next 30 or 40
years at most. It would then own some 40,000 km. of railway
line which would have no more capital charges to support, since
the stocks and shares would have been paid off. (The concession
to the Northern line expires on Dec. 31 1950; the Eastern on
Nov. 26 1954; those of the West and of the Orleans lines on
Dec". 31 1956; the P.-L.-M. on Dec. i 1958; and the Southern on
Dec. i 1960.) This was the situation in 1913, but since then the
Northern and the Eastern companies had had to meet an expend-
iture amounting to many thousands of millions, due to war
damage: running costs had risen in a quite unexpected manner,
and the situation was not the same as when favourable working
costs made it possible to foresee the time when the companies, no
longer availing themselves of the State guarantee of their interest,
would in some cases share profits with the Treasury, or at any
rate would be able to amortize their capital by the period laid
down, so as to Jiand over their systems to the State between
1950 and 1960, free of all capital charges. It was impossible in
1921 to foretell what would be the results of the new convention,
but at the best it would be a long time before railways ceased to
weigh upon French finance. It would be a very fine result if
they could only manage to earn enough revenue to balance their
working costs and capital charges.
A close study of the proposed Convention shows that enough
had not been done to provide for reduction of working costs.
It only laid down that, when working costs move up, tariffs
must follow suit, until expenditure is covered, but in that case
Parliament will have to forgo its right of fixing maximum rates.
If those maximum rates are prohibitive they will reduce or stop
traffic, and the State will have to subvention the common fund
of the railways. It is hoped to stave off this unfortunate event,
by giving the railway companies a management bonus. First
of all there should be a definite settlement of accounts during the
war period. When this had been done it might be possible, with
some modifications, to go back to the railway conventions of
1883, which really did encourage the railway companies to work
their lines properly. The chief resource of the Treasury, there-
fore, was in taxation.
IV. Foreign Trade and Exchange. One of the results of the
World War was to extend the finances of the belligerents beyond
FRANCE
125
their own frontiers. Nearly all the nations engaged had to
consider not only their expenditure at home, but also what they
were forced to incur abroad, and to calculate the resources
which might meet this situation and the subsidies which had to
be furnished by one Ally to others.
France more than any other community suffered this necessity,
for the double reason that she had to support a greater military
effort and that a part of her territory was invaded. Also, from
the very beginning of hostilities, she was deprived of her princi-
pal coal-fields and factories in which an essential portion of her
metallurgic industry was concentrated. All her male population
between 20 and 50 years old was called to the colours, and she
had no agricultural labourers left nor workmen for her manu-
factories. She had therefore to import from foreign countries
enormous quantities of food, coal, arms and ammunitions.
Throughout the war her imports continued to grow, while her
exports decreased and fell considerably below what they had
been in 1913. This can be seen by the figures of her foreign
commerce (in millions of francs) :
Imports
Exports
Balance of
Imports
1914
1915
6,402
11,035
20,640
4,868
3,937
6,214
1.534
7,098
14,426
1917
1918
1919
27-554
22,301
35-799
35,404
6,012
4,722
11,879
22,434
21,542
17,579
23,920
12,970
1921 . . . . .
(Four months) . . .
} 7,"8
7,400
282
A glance at this table explains why France had to contract
the enormous foreign debt of which the details have been given
earlier. This table also gives the key to the persistent rise in
exchange with various countries which reached its height in the
course of 1920. The acquisition of this enormous extra amount of
merchandise involved the purchase of a corresponding quantity
of foreign moneys, far exceeding French credit in the countries
concerned. It was this which caused the rise of the pound
sterling to 68 fr., and of the United States dollar to 17 francs.
In the first months of 1921 the situation was greatly changed,
owing to the rise in the quantity of exports. The changing in
the commercial balance was immediately reflected in an easing
of the tension in exchange. In May 1921 the pound sterling fell
below 47 fr., and the dollar to less than 12 fr.
Another element contributed to the condition of exchange.
This was the circulation of notes of the Bank of France; when
that circulation increased, prices and exchange both rose. -It
progressed in the measure indicated below (in millions of
francs) :
End of 1913 . . .... 5,713
" 1914 . . .... 10,042
" 1918 . . .... 30,250
" 1919 . .... 37,274
May 6 1921 . . .... 38,832
Thus, as with foreign trade, it was after the Armistice that
the balance was most completely upset. The increase in French
circulation of notes was greatest at that moment, that is, during
the same year that French imports touched their culminating
point. Subsequently the circulation remained almost stationary.
(R. G. L.)
War Money. At the outbreak of war, in July 1914, panic and
the hoarding instincts of the population led to the complete dis-
appearance not only of gold but of all silver and gradually even of
copper coinage. The lowest note then in circulation was of 50 fr., and
the immediate crisis was met after a while by the issue by the Bank
of France of 5, 10 and 2O-fr. notes. The output of the Mint was in-
creased but immediately absorbed. The State being unable to meet
the situation, municipalities, chambers of commerce, public com-
pan'es, and even private individuals, were forced to manufacture
their own small change. There was only one department, that of
the Hautes-Alpes, in which none of this war money was issued.
This currency was of four different kinds: (l) The notes and tokens
of cardboard or metal issued by municipalities, chambers of com-
merce, and tradesmen in the non-invaded d stricts of France. (2)
The notes issued by invaded communes, by invaded towns or
groups of towns. (3) The Alsace issues. (4) The notes and tokens
used in prisoners' camps and camps of concentration and intern-
ment In the non-invaded districts it was usually the municipality
or the chamber of commerce which issued the notes, which were
guaranteed by a deposit in the Bank of France. In the invaded
districts it was the towns themselves which guaranteed repayment.
In Paris it was not until March 1920 that the chamber of commerce
decided to issue small notes of the denominations of 2 fr., I fr., and
50 centimes By that date the small-change crisis in Paris had led
to very considerable discontent. All sorts of efforts had been made
to meet it: stamps had been enclosed in celluloid discs; the big
hotels had issued their own metal or cardboard tokens; big works
were paying small amounts to their employees with similar vouchers ;
in clubs the ticket system was in force. The artistic merit of the
notes was nowhere very great; the paper used was generally bad,
and there was a considerable profit for the issuing establishments
arising from the large numbers of notes which were torn, lost, or
absorbed by the vast number of collectors and souvenir hunters.
(R. G. L.)
THE INVADED REGIONS
It is almost impossible to paint a general picture of the condi-
tions which prevailed in the occupied territories of France dur-
ing the war, martial law being capable of the most varying in-
terpretations according to circumstances and the character of the
men called upon to administer it. The story of Lille, which was
occupied by the Germans from Oct. 13 1914 till the eve of the
Armistice in 1918, gives a general idea of the conditions under
which the French in occupied territory lived throughout the war.
It should be noted first of all that nearly everywhere the
Germans preserved the existing local municipal bodies. At
times, however, as at Cambrai, on Jan. 5 1915, without in any
way consulting the inhabitants, they changed the composition
of the municipal bodies. It should also be added that in the very
large majority of cases, mayors and municipal councillors,
although able to flee from the enemy, remained behind to per-
form their duties at their posts. When the Germans entered
Lille they appointed Gen. von Heinrich as governor. He had
under him the Gen. von Gravenitz. The first step taken by the
Germans was to call upon the population under pain of death
to deliver to the mairie all arms, munitions and explosives in its
possession. Motor-cars had to be handed over, and troops
billeted and fed. Meetings of more than five persons were
prohibited; restaurants had to be closed by 9 P.M., which was
curfew for all inhabitants. During the day the shutters of all
dwelling and business houses had to remain open. Hostages
were taken for the good behaviour of the population, among
whom were the prefect, M. Trepant, and Bishop Charost. At
the start, these hostages had to sleep at the Citadel, being split
up for this purpose into six batches. This method was aban-
doned on Dec. 31 1914, but was readopted on July 3 1915. Three
weeks later this form of petty tyranny was given up, and the
hostages .were instead ordered to report twice a day in person
at the Kommandanlur. It was not until Oct. 5 of the same year
that this formality was dispensed with. Throughout the whole
period of occupation a rain of regulations fell upon the town
from the military police. People guilty of the slightest breach
of any one of these many decrees were subject to severe penalties
rising from fine to imprisonment. Those penalties were inflicted
in the most ludicrous cases. Thus there were sentences of four
days' imprisonment passed upon inhabitants whose timepieces
were not regulated on German time. Policemen and civilians
had to salute all German officers above the rank of a sub-
lieutenant; bicycles had to be delivered to the Germans, under
a penalty of a 3OO-mark fine or three months' imprisonment.
The exchange value of the mark was declared to be fr. 1-25.
In Dec. 1914 certain boundaries were traced in the town, across
which the inhabitants must not go. In Feb. 1915 all written
communications, even with localities behind the German lines,
were forbidden. Naturally, wireless telegraph installations
were confiscated, and it was forbidden to pick up newspapers
dropped by Allied aeroplanes upon the town. The governor
decreed in 1915 that there should be a census of all water-wells,
that horses should be reexamined with a view to their serving in
the army, and that all proprietors of vehicles and harness, as
well as of photographic apparatus should declare them. Von
Gravenitz, who was responsible for the institution of passes,
126
FRANCE
without which it was impossible to leave Lille, decreed that they
should be delivered on payment of one franc, and were valid for
six weeks for daily journeys between Lille and the nearest village.
Every inhabitant of the town who desired leave had to have
one of these passes and also an identity card which the German
police could demand at any moment. Failure to produce such a
card involved a fine varying between 3 and 30 marks, or 2 or
3 days' imprisonment. Even inside the town itself, it was
difficult to get about, because of a decree issued in March 1915
prohibiting motor-cycle and motor-car traffic. From the start,
the town was forced to feed the troops of occupation, and von
Gravenitz, in a decree (Nov. 23 1914), took pains to lay down the
menu. Thus, an officer's lunch had to consist of soup, two meat
and two vegetable dishes, cheese, dessert, and half a bottle of
wine. Non-commissioned officers got no cheese, and beer
instead of wine. The inhabitants upon whom troops were
billeted had to bear the cost of lighting, heating and laundry.
It is hardly necessary to add that the municipality found it
almost impossible to see that these copious menus were provided;
indeed, for a time the occupied districts were threatened with
famine. In Feb. 1915 the meat ration was cut down to 150
grammes per head, and it was only through relief work of the
Dutch Government and a Spanish-American committee that
the civilian population obtained food.
On Jan. 19 1916, all Frenchmen in the town between the ages
of 17 and 60 had to register themselves on a penalty of imprison-
ment. The people were prohibited from standing at their win-
dows and from travelling by tramway without special permit.
On Nov. 4 1914, it was decided that Lille should pay an indefinite
sum. Payments on account were to be made as follows: Nov. 10
1914, one million francs; Nov. 17, 2 millions; Nov. 24, 3 millions,
and the indefinite remainder by Dec. i. The mayor and the
bishop did their utmost to raise the money demanded by the
enemy, and paid the first two millions. They were unable to
obtain the third million, and von Heinrich agreed to accept a
total payment of seven millions on Dec. i.
Damage and Reconstruction. The best way of showing the
extent to which the ten invaded departments of France suffered
from the war, and the effort made to repair the damage done,
is to compare pre-war statistics with figures taken at the date
of the Armistice and on Dec. 31 1920. The ten departments
concerned, those of the Aisne, Ardennes, Marne, Meurthe-et-
Moselle, Meuse, Nord, Oise, Pas-de-Calais, Somme and Vosges,
had, when war was declared, 6,523,260 inhabitants, or 16% of the
total population of the country, paying 18% of the total tax-
ation. They formed the richest portion of France: rich in re-
sources, in artistic treasures and historical associations. Lille,
Cambrai, Turcoing and Arras were, before invasion, daily in-
creasing the value of their textile, metal, glass and alimentary
industries, while the mines of those regions yielded 90% and
55% of the total output of iron and coal respectively. There
were 11,500 works, producing at full working 83% of the pig
iron, 94% of the woollens, 90% of the linens, 60% of the cot-
tons and 70% of the sugar output of France. Altogether
there were 25,763 industrial establishments, with a rental value
of 108,200,000 fr. a third of the rental values of the whole
country. The smaller metal trade alone employed 100,000
workmen. In the Meurthe-et-Moselle the iron industry em-
ployed 38,000 people, and kept 76 furnaces going. Power
stations produced 300,000 kilowatts of electrical energy, or
nearly 50% of the total. Trade and agricultural communi-
cations were insured by a splendid system of roads and railways,
with many bridges and viaducts. It was the most flourish-
ing and the best -equipped part of France.
When the Armistice was signed 1,400,000 people had been
killed, 800,000 crippled, and 3,000,000 wounded. Municipal
life had ceased in 3,256 of the 3,524 communes occupied by the
enemy. Nearly 4,000,000 hectares of land had to be put in
order again, of which 1,757,000 hectares were agricultural.
There were 265,000,000 cub. metres of trenches to fill in; 300,-
000,000 sq. metres of barbed wire to pull up; nearly 300,000
houses to be rebuilt completely, and about the same number
to be repaired. Shell-fire had damaged 3,296 schools, 2,674
churches, 2,447 mairies, and 49 hospitals; 523,000 milch cows,
469,000 sheep and goats, and 367,000 horses, donkeys, and mules,
had been carried away by the Germans. Two-thirds of the area
and productivity of the coal-fields of the departments of the
Nord and the Pas-de-Calais had been destroyed; 220 pits had
to be reconstructed. The Lens-Lievin-Carvin-Meurchin and
Drocourt (Pas-de-Calais) fields were completely destroyed, and
the workings were flooded. The destruction done to the coal-
mines was estimated at 880,000,000 francs. The majority of
the power stations had either been systematically destroyed or
emptied of their material, the resulting damage amounting to
210,000,000 francs. Of 200 gas works 150, serving 323 towns,
had been damaged to the extent of 60,000,000 francs. In the
iron trade, in the department of the Meurthe-et-Moselle alone
50 blast furnaces had been badly damaged or completely
destroyed. Foundries and rolling-mills had been either stripped
of their equipment or destroyed on the spot. As typical examples
of German devastation there were the steel works of Denain-
Anzin (Nord), of Homecourt (Meurthe-et-Moselle), and Mont-
St. Martin. The first establishment, which had 8 blast furnaces,
3 Martin and i Thomas steel plants, and 20 rolling-mills, in
1914 produced 400,000 tons of pig iron, the same amount of
steel, and 350,000 tons of finished goods. The Germans left of it
nothing but a heap of ruins. At Homecourt only the skeleton
of 7 blast furnaces remained; the Thomas plant was blown up by
dynamite; the Martin plant was taken to pieces and removed
to Germany; the rolling-mills and electric plant were smashed.
At Mont-St. Martin, where the installation had cost 8,000,000
francs, the buildings were emptied of their contents and de-
stroyed. The iron and steel trade suffered losses estimated at
2,300,000,000 francs. The minor metal trade losses amounted
to 1,100,000,000 francs.
Terrific havoc was wrought in the textile industries by shell-
fire, by pillage, and through destruction by the retreating enemy.
In the region of Fourmies (Nord), where there was no serious
fighting, of 74 works 6 only appeared to be workable, and those
only after very great repairs. The other 68 had either been burned,
demolished, or emptied of their equipment. At Lille, Roubaix,
Tourcoing, the same systematic pillage had taken place. Ar-
mentieres, which had 8,000 looms before the war, was nothing
but a heap of ruins. At Sedan, the centre of the cloth trade, only
15 looms were in working order. Together with the cost of the
buildings destroyed, the damage amounted to 950,000,000 francs.
The importance of the agricultural-alimentary industries of
the devastated regions before the war can be measured by the
fact that they absorbed one-third of the motive power used by
the whole industry throughout the country. Of 214 sugar fac-
tories in existence before the war, no less than 145 had suffered.
The buildings of 90 of them had been destroyed, and the machin-
ery of 130. Eleven refineries and 72 distilleries had been com-
pletely demolished. The brewing industry suffered heavily. Of
the 2,825 breweries in France in July 1914, over 1,800 were
destroyed, pillaged, or emptied of their machinery. The total
loss suffered by this industrial group was estimated at 600,000,-
ooo francs. The glass, mirror and crystal and chemical indus-
tries suffered losses amounting to 800,000,000 francs. There
were many quarries in the devastated regions. Their losses amount
to about 20,000,000 francs. The tanneries, of which there were
141, working 1,248,000 skins a year, suffered damage amounting
to 25,000,000 francs. To this long list of ruins to be repaired
must be added 52,000 km. of roads, 2,400 km. of railways, and
3,500 bridges and viaducts. Over 3,500 industrial establish-
ments had been destroyed or badly damaged; 2,000,000 families
had been ruined; 2,700,000 people had been driven from their
homes. Never before had a country been called upon to repair
such a mountain of ruin.
Undismayed by the magnitude of the task and the countless
difficulties at the start, France immediately took in hand the
work of reconstruction. The first great difficulty was the pro-
vision of labour, with so many killed, so many still suffering from
wounds and the shock of war. Material was also lacking in a
FRANCE
127
country exhausted by four years of a war to which all its energies
had been devoted. Rapid transport was necessary, but impos-
sible to expect from a railway system and a rolling stock worn
out by war service. Added to these difficulties there were the
crises of exchange and credit, and the financial strain due to the
cost of war and lower yield of taxation. Also the French mer-
chant marine had been reduced by a third. The following
statistical information will show the intensity of effort made.
The population of those districts which were directly affected by
the war, which in 1914 was 4676,398, on Nov. I 1918 was 1,944,-
ooo, rose to 3,524.600 on Nov. I 1919, and to 4,066,397 on Dec. 31
1920. (It has to be borne in mind, in considering these figures, that
there were large tracts of country which, although invaded by the
Germans, either did not remain long in their occupation or did not
suffer greatly from war or deliberate destruction.) By the end of
1920 municipal life had been resumed in 3,216 out of 3,256 com-
munes. Of 6,690 schools open before the war, with 580,467 attend-
ants, 6,613 had reopened, with an attendance of 397,978 children.
Shells had been removed from 3,415,239 of the 3,800,000 hectares
to be put in order; 218,934,793 cubic metres of trench had been
filled in; 249,014,302 sq. metres of barbed wire had been removed.
The first furrows had been traced on 2,000,000 hectares. Of the
42,100,000 cubic metres of ruin, 26,172,495 had been cleared.
By the end of 1920 280,825 of the 600,000 houses destroyed or
damaged had been rendered more or less habitable, although endless
difficulties with labour and material had prevented solid recon-
struction of the necessary housing. The Government had en-
deavoured to meet the housing difficulty by building temporary
cottages and huts; 41,128 wooden huts, 60,605 temporary wooden
cottages, and 29,860 temporary houses, made of debris, had been
provided, thus giving housing to 1,685,883 people.
By 1921 26,000 km. of roads had been rendered practicable, and
8 ooo km. had been repaired Nearly 4,000,000 tons of material, had
been used on metalled roads; 1,980 bridges, mainly temporary, had
been built; and all the main railway lines had been got to work;
1,220 out of the 1,503 br'clges and railway viaducts on those lines
having been repaired. Of the 2,385 km. of local lines which had been
damaged, 1,805 had been partly repaired, and 675 were again in
working order, with 191 temporary and 183 permanent bridges
built. Destruction of the waterways had almost been made good.
Very great results had been obtained by the Government in
restoring the agricultural wealth of the liberated regions. Of the
1,757.0 hectares of arable land to be restored to cu'tivation, by
1921 1,700,000 had been levelled and 1,400,000 broken up. In the
autumn of 1919 and the spring of 1920 a total area of 961,578 hec-
tares had been sown as follows: wheat, 304,924 hectares; barley,
37,579: rye, 39,444; ats, 334,495= beets, 57,709; potatoes, 46,432;
other crops, 140,995. The results of the effort towards agricultural
reconstitution exceeded all expectation. The ten liberated depart-
ments in 1921 were self-supporting, from the point of view of cereals,
and it was possible to foresee in the near future that the rest of the
country would be able to benefit from their surplus supplies. While
this fine result was no doubt mainly due to the tireless energy of
the peasant population in the north and east, the Government itself
deserves some of the credit for what was done. A special depart-
ment (Service de la Motoculture) broke up 275,670 hectares; harrowed
16,883 hectares; harvested 31,796; restored to cultivation 66,985;
and carried out threshing representing 2,280 working days. More-
over, the Ministry of Liberated Regions furnished farmers with 462
tractors; 15,400 ploughs; 28,733 harrows; 14,935 mowers; 1 1, 680
reapers and binders; 11,353 cream separators and churns; 25,150
carts; 56,638 sets of harness; and 185,865 other machines.
At the same time the work of re-forming the live stock of the
country was carried on, and these regions were given 125,360 cattle ;
J 33>455 sheep and goats; 197,326 horses, donkeys and mules. It
should be noted that Germany did not do her part in reconstituting
French live stock, and only delivered 65,560 cattle, 110,455 sheep
and goats, and 31,926 horses, donkeys and mules; whereas her theft
amounted respectively to 523,000, 469,000 and 367,000.
Industrially, with the assistance of the Treasury, much was done
to repair war losses in the 15 months which followed the Armistice.
By the end of 1920 80 % of the industrial concerns were in full work-
ing order, and 26% were partly at work. As was to be expected, it
was the big establishments which first resumed their activities.
It is in comparing the number of people employed industrially in
1914 and on Dec. 31 1920 that the best idea of the situation of
industry in the devastated regions can be obtained. In 1914 there
were 791,000 people employed in the works, and the corresponding
figure for the end of 1920 was 365,450, of whom 77,451 were directly
employed in the work of restoration. An immense amount of work
was done in reconstituting the limits of communes and of private
property, the deeds and plans of which had disappeared.
At the outset of any consideration of the financial effort which
this work entailed, it should be recalled that on April 17 1919 a
law was passed declaring the principle that the damage suffered
by the invaded districts was a charge upon the whole country.
The legislature, interpreting the wishes of the country, consid-
ered that it was the nation's duty to restore the martyred
provinces and to accept all their responsibilities resulting from
devastation, even before any indemnity had been received from
the enemy. Considerable capital was therefore necessary. By
March 31 1921 the sum of 15,818,820,812 francs 45 centimes
had been advanced to the liberated regions. Taking into account
relief, 1,078,994,000 francs, and sums expended on works and
purchases, 4,734,492,155 francs, the various expenses and expend-
itures of the departments for industrial and agricultural resto-
ration, the moneys allotted to the rebuilding of devastated
France amounted on March 31 1921 to 23,548,759,000 francs.
In this figure the cost of railway reconstruction necessitated by
acts of war has not been taken into account. It should be noted
that the cost of administration had been low, not exceeding
2-17 per cent. (M. PA.)
FRENCH COLONIES
The colonial domain of France, including colonies, protec-
torates, and countries for which France has a mandate, covers
an area of 10,426,000 sq. km., an area nearly 20 times greater
than that of France. The pop. numbers 55,000,000, nearly one
and a half times that of France. The general trade of this
colonial empire amounted in 1919 to over 7,000 million francs.
In 1918 the figure was about 5,000 million francs. In 1913, the
last normal year before war, it only amounted to 3,250 million
francs. Exports and imports practically balanced each other.
Although these figures appear small when compared with those
of the British Empire, the French colonial empire is the second
largest in the world, and its building-up is one of the best achieve-
ments of the Third Republic. The chief characteristic of these
possessions is their variety. It is true that these colonies lie
almost entirely in temperate or hot countries. Islands as well
as vast continental stretches go to form this empire, which
includes one of the greatest deserts of the world, the Sahara, as
well as some of the greatest rivers, the Congo, the Niger and the
Mekong. There are towering mountains, immense forests, and
extremely fertile plantations. The produce of these colonies is
also varied. It includes rice, sugar, wood, cotton, phosphates,
cereals in great abundance, coal (but only in Indo-China), and
metals of every kind. From the ethnical point of view its races
include such different types as the Arab and the Berber, the
Annamite, and the Congolese and Sudanese negroes. Although
dotted over four continents, Africa, Asia, America and Oceania,
it consists mainly of two big groups, one in Asia and the other
in Africa. It is this latter portion of French colonial possessions
which is by far the most important and the most full of promise.
The French African empire, leaving Madagascar out of account,
stretches in one unbroken sweep from Algiers to Brazzaville,
and from Dakar to Abesher. It is formed by three great geo-
graphical unities: northern Africa, western and equatorial
Africa, which encircles the Sahara and join at the central point
of Lake Chad, with coast-line on the Mediterranean and the
Atlantic. The great advantage of these possessions is their
territorial continuity, and that some day a trans-Saharan rail-
way will be able to run from Algiers to Brazzaville without
leaving French territory. The gem of all the French .colonies
is N. Africa Algiers, Tunis and Morocco. There three great
advantages exist; the climate is temperate, the country is suit-
able for colonization by the French and all the other Mediterra-
nean peoples, who acclimatize themselves as if they were in their
mother-country, and, above all, these colonies are close to
France. This situation is unique, and renders the colonies ten
times more valuable. Such are the general characteristics of
the French colonial empire. It was only during the war that
France realized how valuable it was to her. The colonies were
drawn on for material resources, and in particular for troops.
Soldiers came into field against Germany in hundreds of thou-
sands from the French colonies. All that could be obtained from
these dominions has not yet been so drawn. French colonial
policy is open to many reproaches, especially from an economic
point of view. The exploitation of these countries has not been
128
FRANCE
pushed forward with enough energy, nor, more important still,
with the necessary method. It has been 1 carried on without a
general programme, without stability of purpose, by improvisa-
tions, by little jerks, a system which has led to failures and,
which is worse, to delays. M. Albert Sarraut, Minister for the
Colonies in 1921, drew up a list of the great public works which
had to be carried through in the colonies. In this programme
he has applied the most recent doctrines of industrial organiza-
tion, in particular the principle of division of labour, by which
each colony will have to cease frittering away its efforts, and
will have to concentrate upon the production or the industry
to which its soil, climate or native traditions are the most suited.
This programme of works covers railways, roads, canals, ports,
irrigation, and farming, and provides for an expenditure of
about 4,000 million francs. The chief of these works are the
extension of the port of Dakar, the completion of the Thies-
Kayes railway line, and irrigation works in the valley of the
Niger in French West Africa; the railway line from Brazzaville
to the Atlantic, in French Equatorial Africa; the rebuilding of
the central Cameroon line, and the extension of it as far as
Yaunde; in Indo-China, harbour works at Saigon, Haiphong,
Tourane, Kwangchow-Wan, the completion of the Vinh-Donghoi
line, and the continuation of the line across Indo-China from
Tourane to Saigon; harbour works at Madagascar and at Jibuti.
(M. R.*)
ARMY
The French army of 1921 was essentially in a stage of tran-
sition between the army of the World War, which had grown
out of the pre-war national army (see ARMY: French), and the
army of the future, which had to be adapted to future needs.
Demobilization. In spite of the inevitable difficulties, espe-
cially in providing employment, demobilization after the Armis-
tice of 1918 was carried out smoothly. The army was demobil-
ized in ten echelons, as shown in the tables below, the whole pro-
cedure being directed by a specially created Under-Secretariate
of State for Demobilization. The demobilization of these echelons
was carried out in two stages, separated by an interval (April 3
1919 to July 9 1919) due to the necessity of retaining with the
colours a sufficient strength to enforce, until the signature of the
Treaty of Versailles (June 28 1919), the observance by the
enemy of the conditions imposed by the Armistice. The tables
below show the progressive movements of demobilizable per-
sonnel towards the demobilization dep6ts, whence the men were
dispatched to their homes. The great task of transporting the
men was successfully carried out, the first six echelons by special
trains, the last four by utilizing the leave-trains.
After Jan. 1919 no men of the 1906 or older classes had been
sent to the armies as reinforcements.
having been called to the colours prematurely. The general
mobilization of the army ceased on Oct. 23 1919, when hostili-
ties were officially declared to be at an end.
Men called to the colours during the war, of ranks from captain
inclusive downwards, received a fixed gratuity of 250 francs,
with an additional bonus of 15 francs for each month of embod-
ied military service; for each month of such service spent actually
at the front, this bonus was at the higher rate of 20 francs.
The Army in 1921. The actual situation in Jan. 1921 may be
summed up as follows. France had an army of 100,000 men on
the Rhine for 15 years (six infantry and one cavalry divisions).
The strength of troops under arms was 830,000 men, made up
as follows: French (including 10,000 in the colonies), 572,000;
natives of N. Africa, 152,000; foreigners and natives of other
colonies, 106,000. In the 572,000 French troops were included
the 1919 class (226,700), the 1920 class (first contingent, called
up April 1920, 166,200; second contingent called up Oct. 1920,
83,000); voluntarily enlisted (45,500); voluntarily reenlisted
and commissioned (40,000), and those in the colonies (10,000).
The new army laws of Dec. 1920 to May 1921 would take
full effect on Oct. i 1923. Until that date the army was to be
gradually reorganized in accordance with these laws.
The organization of the nation in arms rests on universal,
obligatory, equal and personal service. It is based on the princi-
ples of the inviolability of the military frontiers (which, for 15
years, include the Rhine) , and of preparation for an administra-
tive, industrial, and agricultural mobilization of the country.
The peace strength of the army is intended to be such as will
secure for the nation the necessary time for the mobilization and
concentration of its reserves, and for the organization of the
entire productive forces of the country. The army in peace is
further a school of instruction for the nation in arms, and a vast
well, producing instructed reserves. The national army of 1914
had given place to the conception of the mobilized nation; the
new army laws were directed to provide for the uncertain
conditions of the transition period, in which the problem to be
faced was not so much to meet and overcome foreign aggression
as to be ready to maintain, by force if necessary, the conditions
secured by the Treaty of Versailles.
The active army is recruited by contingents called to the
colours each half year, and by voluntary engagements and
reengagements. Every Frenchman who is physically fit is
obliged to serve ij years in the active army, i8| years in the
active army reserve, and 10 years in the territorial army. Time
in excess of 15 years spent in the active army, on voluntary
engagement or reengagement, is deducted from the period to be
spent in the active army reserve. In peace-time only Frenchmen
or naturalized Frenchmen may be enrolled, but foreigners de-
Movements to (he Demobilization Depots. ist Stage.
Echelon
Classes
Personnel of the Armies
Personnel of Regions
Territoriales
1st
2nd .........
3rd :
4th
5th .
1891 to 1893
1894 to 1897
1898 & 1899
1900 to 1902
1903 & 1904
1905 & igo6
fro
m 25-12-18 t
21- I-I9
IS' 2-19
27' 2-ig
II- 3-19
23- 3-19
3 8-I-I9
4-2-19
23-2-I9
7-3-19
I9-3-I9
3I-3-I9
fro
m 9-1-191
5-2-19
24-2-19
8-3-19
20-3-19
1-4-19
D I9-I-I9
I4-2-I9
26-2-I9
IO-3-I9
22-3-19
3-4-19
6th
2nd Stage.
Echelon
C
lasses
All Personnel
1907
9-7-19 to 20-7-19
7 th . . .
1908
21-7-19 30-7-I9
1909
31-7-19 9-8-19
1910
8-8-19 15-8-19
8th .
1911
16-8-19 22-8-19
1912
23-8-19 29-8-19
1913
21-8-19 6-9-19
9th .
1914
7-9-19 12-9-19
1915
13-9-19 18-9-19
loth .
1916
19-9-19 24-9-19
1917
25'9-l9 30-9-19
After the demobilization of class 1917 there remained with
the colours two classes those of 1918 and 1919, the latter
daring themselves without nationality may serve their time in
one of the " regiments Strangers." In time of war, the Minister
of War is entitled to create corps of veterans by voluntary
enlistment of men who have completed their full military service.
Soldiers of all arms are debarred from voting while serving
with their unit. Each year returns are made, in every commune,
of the young men reaching the age of 19 in that year. The
classes are incorporated in two contingents. The first contingent,
formed in April of the year following that in which the age of 19
was attained, comprises all those born before July i in the birth
year of the class. The second contingent, formed in Oct. of the
year following that in which the age of 19 was attained, com-
prises all those born after June 30 in the birth year of the class.
Thus, the April contingent of the class 1923 would contain men
FRANCE
129
born in 1903, before July i; the Oct. contingent of the same
class, those born in 1903 after June 30. Two brothers of the
same class need not serve together the younger being put back
till his brother's 18 months' service is completed. Young men
passing through the military schools in order to become regular
officers contract an engagement for the period spent at such
school plus six years from the date of their passing out. In case
of emergency, a contingent that has completed its 18 months'
service may be retained with the colours, and men in the first
two years of their period in the active army reserve may be
recalled to the colours. The above conditions hold good for
Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco; and, with certain reservations,
for all other French colonies and protectorates.
The principles governing the allocation, in peace-time, of
each class's effectives to the different arms and services are
the proportion of losses anticipated for each arm in war and the
special class of men demanded by the conditions inherent in
different arms and services. An increase in the numbers of
native troops and the voluntary enlistments for technical
troops are the main factors that make it possible to maintain
the requisite strength with the reduced period of ij years' service
in the active army.
The arms are five: infantry, cavalry, artillery, engineers and
air forces. Chars-de-combat are classified under infantry, and
the transport service under artillery.
Native regiments are increased, as compared with the army
of 1912, as follows: infantry regiments, from 4 to 42; cavalry
regiments, from 4 to 14; artillery regiments, from 4 to 6.
The active army consists of: (i) Personnel of the five arms;
(2) the corps of general officers and general army services (staff
services and "Corps du Controle de I' Administration de I'Armie ") ;
(3)special staff sand services, e.g. supply, health, veterinary, inter-
preters, recruiting, remounts, research of various kinds, physical
training, military justice, military schools, and construction
services; (4) the gendarmerie.
The number of infantry divisions in France and the occupied
European countries is laid down as 32 (to which must be added
a mixed detachment of police for the Sarre territory and Corps
of Occupation of Constantinople), the number of cavalry divi-
sions as 5, and of air divisions as 2.
The grouping of troops for colonies, protectorates, and terri-
tories occupied under mandate from the League of Nations, is
subject to the exigencies of the local political and military
considerations of the moment. The allotting of troops of all arms
by theatres of operations is fixed by decree as occasion arises.
The old system of basing the organization of army corps on
districts (regions territoriales) was no longer feasible, owing to the
increase or creation of technical troops whose role was not
conformable to territorial districts, and to the necessity, inherent
in modern war, of creating in war-time great new units not
foreseen in peace-time. Moreover, the independent army organ-
ized on a territorial framework was incompatible with the con-
ception of the economical mobilization of the entire forces of
the nation. The " Projet de loi sur I' organisation generate de
I'armee," dated Jan. 18 1921, made the territorial organization
and the organization of the formations of the army independent
of one another. The active army, with its reserve, would, under
this law, consist of the 20 youngest classes. The territorials
would not, properly speaking, be an army, but a mass of forma-
tions, composed of the 10 oldest classes, organized for military
work behind the army or at home. The 21 regions territoriales
(20 excluding Algiers) created by the laws of 1873, 1897 and 1913,
were maintained. Of the three military governments (Paris,
Lyons, and Metz and Strassburg) created by the laws of 1875
and 1919, that of Lyons was suppressed. The army was to be
grouped in higher formations (divisions and non-divisional
formations). Thus, the formation d' organisation could be
changed, and would be commanded, without reference to the
" regional organization." Thus, in war-time, there would be
no reserve formations, but one great " mobilized active army,"
consisting of as many " higher formations " as could be formed
and maintained out of the two classes of the active army and
the 1 8 classes of the active army reserve. The active army in
peace-time is thus seen to consist of a number of divisions and
non-divisional formations, which, for peace purposes, are under
the general control of the general de division commanding the
region in which the headquarters of the division or formation is
situated. The active army in war consists of these divisions and
non-divisional formations, increased, if necessary, up to the
limits imposed by the resources of the 20 youngest classes.
These formations can be grouped, as the situation demands, in
army corps, armies, and groups of armies. (M. K. W.)
NAVY
During the World War certain changes were made in the
distribution of the French fleet, and in the purposes for which
its stations were used. Thus, the trading station of the Ocean
became the base of reserve cruisers. The trading station of the
Mediterranean became one of the naval bases and a port for
reserve cruisers; the Toulon naval munition works was devoted
to the production of shells for the army; the electricians' station
of the Mediterranean became a base for general fleet purposes,
just as the torpedo school at Brest was converted into a torpedo
base. The schools at Brest and Toulon for cadets, both of the
executive and engineer classes, were abolished; St. Raphael
became the main naval aviation school, and Brest and Bandol
the chief listening schools.
The whole naval building and distribution programme was
profoundly altered by the war. From a building point of view,
army mobilization put an end to the activities of nearly every
French shipyard. Even armour plate ceased to be manufactured
at Le Creusot, because the men engaged in that industry had
been called to the colours. This was remedied to a certain
extent, but from a general point of view it may be said that the
industrial activity of public and private naval armament estab-
lishments was closed down, except in those cases where the
plant and staff could usefully be employed in filling up the gaps
of the industrial equipment of the country for army purposes.
The main task of the French navy during the war was in the
Mediterranean, the Channel, and at the Dardanelles. Its losses
were 166 vessels, of which 117 were due to enemy action and 49
were the result of collision and other marine casualties. The
vessels lost by enemy action were: the battleships " Bouvet,"
" Suffren," " Gaulois " and " Danton"; four battle cruisers,
" Gambetta," " Admiral Charner," " Kleber " and " Dupetit-
Thouars"; one protected cruiser, " Chateaurenault "; 13 torpedo-
boats; rosubmarines; two gunboats; one sloop; one transport; six
auxiliary cruisers; 48 patrol-boats and mine-sweepers; 26 requisi-
tion transports; and one salvage vessel. Forty-one of these
ships were lost by mine explosion; 58 were torpedoed by subma-
rines; one, a submarine, was lost by aerial bombardment; the
rest were sunk by shell-fire. Five torpedo boats, two submarines,
two river gunboats, three vedettes, four submarine chasers,
25 patrol-boats and mine-sweepers, and two chartered trans-
ports were lost by collision, or by navigation accidents. The
following vessels, which were damaged by shell-fire, torpedo or
mine, were repaired: three battleships, one coastguard battle-
ship, nine torpedo-boats, six patrol-boats and mine-sweepers,
and one submarine. The losses in personnel, including those
suffered by the marine brigade at the front, amounted to 10,896
killed, of whom 316 were officers. Those missing at sea amounted
to 4,754, of whom 203 were officers.
When the Armistice negotiations began the French fleet
comprised 1,296 craft on the active list. The majority, 874,
was employed upon anti-submarine work. There were 735
vessels detailed for convoy, patrol and fishery protection duty.
There were 139 submarine chasers, 192 mine-sweepers, and
70 vessels were engaged in war-pilotage. The fighting force of
the fleet was formed by 1 1 7 battleships, cruisers, and destroyers,
and 43 submarines. Although France quite naturally looked
upon the navy as a subsidiary service during the war,
thanks to the British fleet, she nevertheless provided n % of the
patrol-boats; 6% of the torpedo-boats; and 17% of the subma-
rines in the Atlantic and the Channel.
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The French navy, in Aug. 1914, only owned eight flying
machines, and no more than 200 men were attached to the
service of naval aviation. When the Armistice was signed
the number of men employed in this service amounted to 1 1 ,000,
and the navy had 1,264 air-planes or water-planes, of which 370
were in active service, and 257 dirigible and captive balloons.
During the last year of the war the naval aeroplane service
had over 70,000 flying hours and nearly 4,000,000 flying miles
to its credit; and the lighter-than-air service had been in the air
for over 12,000 hours, covering over 500,000 miles.
In 1921 the battle fleet of France consisted of three 1912
battleships, the "Bretagne, " "Provence," and "Lorraine";
four battleships of the 1910-1 programme; four of the 1906
programme ; five of the 1905 budget : the remainder were, in order,
the "Courbet,"" Jean-Bart," "France," "Paris"; "Diderot,"
"Condorcet," "Voltaire," "Vergniot"; "Justice," " Verite,"
" Democratic," " Patrie " and " Republique." The 1912 bat-
tleships were of 23,500 tons, steaming 20 knots; the 1910-1,
of 23,400 tons and the same speed; and the rest had a steaming
capacity of about 19 knots.
Of battle cruisers, France had three of the 1907-8 programme
of 14,000 tons; three of the 1904 budget of 12,500; four of the
1900 programme of 10,400 tons; two of 1900 of 9,500 tons;
one of the 1901 programme of 7,700; one of the 1899 programme
of 11,300 tons, and one of the 1895 programme of 5,350 tons.
There were six protected cruisers, which might be regarded as
obsolete; one old cruiser which had been converted into an
aeroplane tender; and some 70 destroyers and torpedo-boats,
most of them of ancient date. French submarines numbered
43 ; the Peace Treaty had given to France a certain number of
obsolete German units. (G. A.)
THE FRENCH LABOUR MOVEMENT
The most prominent feature in the contemporary French
labour movement has been the check given to " Syndicalism,"
as represented by the Confederation Generale du Travail (C.G.T.).
This body is peculiar inasmuch as it is quite independent of
political parties. Its organization is somewhat complicated.
The workers of any one trade builders for instance have
their National Federation, which is constituted by delegates
appointed by the various building trades syndicates, masons,
carpenters, etc. The various federations building trades,
metal workers, railwaymen, etc. each elect a delegate, and
their delegates together form one section of the C.G.T. Another
section is formed by delegates elected by regional groups of all
syndicated workers without distinction of trades. The C.G.T.
is thus a body formed by delegates of regional unions on one
hand and of national trade federations on the other. It groups
labour representatives nationally and regionally vertically
and horizontally. The men thus elected form the National
Committee of the C.G.T. It meets every three months, lays
down the broad lines of syndicalist policy and every two years
appoints the administrative committee of the C.G.T.
It should be noted that all these various groups preserve their
autonomy as regards action provided that they observe the
general statutes of the C.G.T., the chief of which declares that
the C.G.T. groups working-men without distinction of religious
or philosophical opinions with the object of suppressing " wages
and employers." Every two years the bureau of the C.G.T.
has to give an account of its stewardship to the National Con-
gress, at which every syndicate, no matter what the number of
its members may be, has one vote.
Such was the organization in 1921. It changed but little in
form during 1910-20, but one slight modification whereby
provincial delegates were allowed to sit every three months on
the National Committee considerably modified its operation
after 1918. Up till then provincial organizations were always
represented by Parisian " militants," usually extremist in tone.
Fernand Pellontier, Pouget and Griffuelhes were then the organ-
izers of the C.G.T., by which they hoped to wean the syndicalist
movement from the influence of the parliamentary Socialists
who were in favour of accepting social reforms. Their aim was
to bring about a syndicalist revolution, and, as preparation for
this upheaval, to accustom the working classes to " direct
action," "sabotage," "anti-militarism" and violence of every
kind were weapons to be used.
This doctrine of 1910 was systematized by the syndicalist
thinker Georges Sorel. All social reform was scorned by these
revolutionary syndicalists as being nothing but an opiate admin-
istered to the working-classes. Thus the Workmen's Pensions
bill (1910), which made contributions from employers and
employed obligatory, was vigorously resisted by the C.G.T.
More moderate men, however, while they were in favour of
the independence of the C.G.T. from socialism, opposed violence
and supported reform and parliamentary action. For three
months indeed, one of their number, Niel, held the post of
general secretary of the organization after the failure of the
postal and railway strikes of 1909-10. The revolutionaries,
however, after storming the offices, drove him from power.
Constant street disturbances, May Day riots, prosecutions for
seditious anti-militarist propaganda, make up the history of the
C.G.T. in the few years before 1914. The fact that it had not
more than 300,000 subscribing adherents kept funds low in
accordance with the doctrine that revolutionary action can
only be obtained by a vigorous minority. At Havre (1912) the
independence of the C.G.T. from all political parties was again
affirmed, but the C.G.T., which declared that syndicalism was
sufficient to itself, nevertheless desired to convince the world
at large of this truth. International syndicalism met with but
little success, for the German syndicalists would not look at
plans for a general strike in the event of war.
C.G.T. and War. Resolutions had been frequently adopted
at C.G.T. congresses making it the duty of every member of the
C.G.T. to reply to mobilization orders by proclaiming a general
strike. But when mobilization was ordered on Aug. i 1914,
national enthusiasm swept away even the recollection of such
decisions. French syndicalists had many reasons for suspecting
the sincerity of German revolutionary pacifism, and on Aug. 3
Jouhaux, secretary general of the C.G.T., speaking at the funeral
of Jaures, preached the duty of national defence. This lead was
accepted so loyally that none of the contemplated arrests of
anti-militarist agitators was effected. Throughout the war
Jouhaux and his followers observed the " union sacrie " and
indeed began to perceive that capital and labour might have
interests in common. A noteworthy sign of this new feeling
was the presence of Jouhaux at the 1917 banquet of the federa-
tion of French manufacturers and merchants.
A small group of men inside the organization looked upon
Jouhaux as a " traitor " to the cause, and sought at Kienthal
and Zimmerwald the means of bringing the war to an end,
at the same time encouraging agitation in this sense among
workmen in France. By 1917 large numbers of men had been
sent back from the front to work in munition factories. Consider-
able discontent prevailed, which led to grave strikes especially
in the Loire. The settlement of those disputes in no way dis-
armed the extremists, who were dazzled by the Russian Revolu-
tion. The split widened with time, and peace in no way im-
proved matters. The strength of the C.G.T. was officially
recognized by the appointment of Jouhaux to be a delegate of
the French Government for the consideration of Labour ques-
tions at the Peace Conference in Paris. He subsequently became
a member of the International Labour Bureau, the director of
which, Socialist deputy Albert Thomas, while Minister of
Munitions, had exerted great influence over labour.
Syndicalism flourished at this period. Its effectives had risen
from 300,000 before the war to 2,000,000. One cause of this is
to be found in the special treatment given to labour during Albert
Thomas' term of office. Skilled men obtained exemption from
the army with greater ease than before, wages had been greatly
increased, and in negotiations the C.G.T. had become an officially
recognized body, of which it was almost necessary to be a mem-
ber. M. Jouhaux, its head, played an important part in Govern-
ment councils, and M. Clemenceau himself at one time wanted
to offer him office as Minister of Labour. C.G.T. doctrine had
FRANCE
in fact ceased to be a bogey. It still kept all its pre-war revolu-
tionary formulae, but they had ceased to have any real meaning.
During the war labour had been given many opportunities of
studying the intricate mechanism of State affairs and of appre-
ciating that Karl Marx had perhaps not said the last word upon
modern economic problems. Many of them began to ask them-
selves whether they were after all able with their experience and
with existing labour organizations to take over, as they desired
and hoped to do, the responsibility of national production.
Without, therefore, throwing overboard their theoretical con-
ceptions, they nevertheless began to see the need of caution
and further knowledge if they were not to fall when their time
came to take power. Moreover, they clearly saw that war had
left the country in such a condition that ill-considered action
might lead to general chaos. Proudhon thus took Marx's place.
While Jouhaux in 1919 declared that revolution was " the work-
shop taking the place of Government," Merrheim maintained
that the only chance of success for syndicalist ideas lay in care-
fully prepared economic revolution, and began to fight Bolshevism.
This doctrine aroused the sympathy of the professional classes,
who came to the assistance of the C.G.T. when it formed an
Economic Labour Council for the elaboration of its new pro-
gramme. It was composed of civil servants, engineers, tech-
nical experts, men of science and cooperative workers. Civil
servants who had obtained the right of forming a union of their
own adhered to the C.G.T. The Eight Hours' Day bill became
law, and Clemenceau, speaking as prime minister to the C.G.T.
leaders, told them that the time had come to take their place in
Government. The movement was at its topmost height.
While the leaders were thus daily increasing their prestige
and influence in the country at large their position with the
rank and file was being equally steadily undermined by the
" extremist " opposition. Strike followed upon strike, and
wage demands continued to soar. The revolutionary elements,
who reproached the C.G.T. with having failed to launch a revolu-
tion during the war or during demobilization, got ready for
open warfare. Extremists organized demonstrations on May
i 1919, which ended in fatal rioting. Jouhaux at once gave
ground to the revolutionaries, and resigned from his post at the
Peace Conference. A general strike, prepared for July 21,
failed owing to the firmness of the Government. The C.G.T.
then retired into splendid isolation. Its chief concern was the
elaboration of schemes for the nationalization of railways,
mines and motive power. In April 1920 the extremists, with
the growing support of Socialist Communists, captured control
of the railwaymen's union and proclaimed a strike the second
within three months. Instead of disavowing it the C.G.T., in
support of the movement, decreed a number of successive
strikes, calling out miners, transport workers, dockers and sea-
men. Society, however, stood firm and the C.G.T. met with
disaster. Within a few weeks it lost two-thirds of its members.
The leaders who had failed to withstand pressure from the
extremists were held by them to be responsible for the debacle,
and in every meeting they were assailed with the utmost ferocity.
The Orleans Congress (held in Sept. 1920) was in its way a defeat
for the extreme Left, whose leaders were in gaol awaiting their
acquittal on a charge of having conspired against the State.
That defeat was more apparent than it was real, for the Bolshe-
vist Left forced the moderates to accept in the very heart of the
C.G.T. the formation of revolutionary syndicalist committees
whose avowed object it was to get rid of the official leaders, to
resume pre-war doctrines and to link up with Moscow.
In 1920 the C.G.T. tried, but without complete success, to
exclude all those who adhered to the Bolshevists. Its members
then were about 600,000. It was still, however, linked up with
the reformed International Federation of Syndicates, and its
chief concern was to devise a plan whereby German labour
could collaborate in restoring the devastated regions.
Socialist Party. Although the C.G.T. always theoretically
declared itself to be quite independent from the Socialist move-
ment, concerted action was frequent before the war and machin-
ery was created to coordinate their action.
The Socialist party in 1910 had about 60,000 members and
was composed of many conflicting schools. Even after the pro-
cess of unification differences between the sects were frequent,
and all the tact and authority of Jaures were needed to preserve
the semblance of harmony. The organization of the party had
at its base local sections grouped into departmental federations,
the delegates from which formed the National Council. This
body appoints an executive committee. The Socialist parlia-
mentary group, which always kept rather aloof from the party
organization itself, was represented at the annual Congress.
The funds of the Unified Socialists were obtained from 50-0.
subscriptions from all adherents and an annual subscription of
3,000 fr. from deputies. The official organ was I'Humanite.
Before the war there were three tendencies clearly defined
within the party. There were the followers of Jules Guesde,
who believed in the utility of social reforms and in the possibility
of acquiring power by constitutional means. They were opposed
to Socialist acceptance of office in a " bourgeois " ministry. They
rejected the general strike, anti-clericalism and anti-patriot-
ism, and fought against any understanding with other parties and
notably against the bloc of the Left which controlled national
policy during the Combes and Waldeck-Rousseau Ministries.
They were austere doctrinaires and pure Marxists. Thus Guesde
refused to vote for workmen's pensions.
Jaures and his followers were more broad-minded and would
have accepted ministerial office. They believed in social reform,
were ardent in the fight against the Church, and advocated
union with other groups of the Left. Gustave Herve (who sub-
sequently has become reconciled to patriotism) in those days
led the extremists. He preached rebellion in the time of war
and scoffed at all the theories of Karl Marx. These three
schools clashed at every National Congress but the conciliatory
skill of Jaures always produced a resolution so ambiguous in its
phraseology as to be adopted with unanimity. Since syndical-
ism had emancipated itself from the Socialist party the action
of this latter was almost entirely parliamentary. Its policy was
simple: Abroad an understanding with Germany, Alsace-
Lorraine being definitely abandoned, no colonial conquests,
evacuation of Morocco or, at most, peaceful penetration of that
country; at home social reforms, State monopolies, taxes on
capital and income, reduction of term of military service and
adoption of militia system.
Jaures leavened all this dough with his great eloquence.
Guesde spoke rarely and always bitterly. Marcel Sembat
showed with wit, in his book Faites un Roi, Sinon Faites la
Paix, that socialism was the only safeguard against war.
On July 31 1914 Jaures was assassinated by a fanatic, Raoul
Villain (afterwards acquitted). Jaures had just returned from
Brussels where the German Socialists Miiller and Scheidemann
had declared that their followers would not vote German war
credits. This promise was not kept, and the French Socialist
party also voted war credits on Aug. 4 1914.
In 1915 the first signs of dissension in the Socialist ranks
became visible. Up till then the participation of Jules Guesde,
Sembat and Albert Thomas in the Ministry had been accepted
without opposition by the party. This changed, however, when
the idea of a compromise peace first made a small number of
converts among Socialist deputies. In 1916 this section grew in
influence. It created its organ Le Populaire, and had as its
leaders Paul Faure and Jean Longuet. Still further advanced
along the road to compromise were the extremists Alexandre
Blanc and Raffin-Dugens, who were linked up with revolu-
tionary syndicalists and took part in the manceuvres for peace
at Zimmerwald and Kienthal. The position did not change much
until the Russian Revolution. While Albert Thomas, Marcel
Cachin and Ernest Lafont were sent to Russia in the hope of
preserving the military alliance, the extremists and Longuet's
followers clamoured for passports for their delegates to the
proposed Stockholm Socialist Peace Congress.
The Bolshevist Revolution had two effects upon the French
Socialist party. It widened the gap between the patriotic " Major-
ity " section and those who espoused the cause of Lenin, and
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FRANCE
it aroused public opinion against " defeatist ft Socialism. Mean-
while Longuet and his followers defeated Renaudel, and the
patriotic section and all Socialist connexion with the Govern-
ment was broken. At the Congress of 1920 a number of deputies
were excluded. They had refused during the general elections
to fight in the same lists as Jacques Sadoul, a notorious French
officer who was playing a big Bolshevist part in Russia, and who
had been sentenced to death in contumaciam by French court-
martial. This was the first scission. The extremists were
growing in numbers, and it was soon the turn of Longuet and
his followers. At the Tours Congress adhesion to the Soviet
was voted by a large majority and the moderates were expelled.
In 1921 there remained three parties amid the ruins of former
Socialist unity. The Communist party, having I'Humanite
and the Internationale as its organs, belonged to the Soviet or
Third International. Its leaders were Marcel Cachin, Frossard,
Daniel Renoult, Souvarin, Rappoport, Amedee Dunois and
Victor Meric. Its organization was centralized, and its affairs
were controlled by a central committee. Fourteen deputies
represented it in the Chamber of Deputies, and its adherents
numbered about 100,000.
The Socialist party had Le Populaire as its organ. It had
about 50,000 members and 60 representatives in Parliament,
among whom the chief were Sembat, Guesde, Basly, Leon Blum
and Paul Boncour. The French Socialist party, the third portion,
was of minor importance. (R. R.*)
POLITICAL HISTORY
The political history of France from 1909 until 1913 was that
of a slow awakening of the country to the real meaning of Ger-
man foreign policy. One danger signal was given in 1905 with the
Casablanca incident; 1911 furnished another warning when the
German gun-boat " Panther " appeared off the Moroccan port of
Agadir. In 1913 the new German army law and special taxation
for military purposes made the menace even more clear. At the
outset of this period, however, internal politics, rather than those
of Europe, occupied attention. On July 20 1909, the Clemenceau
Ministry was defeated on a personal question, arising from a
remark made during a naval debate on M. Delcasse's foreign
policy. Briand followed Clemenceau in office three days later.
Briand Ministry. The new premier took the portfolio of the
Interior, and had as his chief colleagues Barthou, Justice; Mille-
rand, Public Works; Viviani, Labour; Cochery, Finance; Gen.
Brun, War; Adml. Boue de la Peyrere, Marine. Briand, in his
ministerial declaration, July 27, showed by concentrating on
social reform (old age pensions, income tax, customs tariff,
and reorganization of the civil service) that he hoped to be
allowed to let the sleeping dog, Germany, lie, and to prosecute a
liberal policy, both towards capital and labour at home. During
the recess which followed soon after his arrival in office he made
an eloquent appeal (Oct. 10) at Perigueux, for the broader
handling of political questions; for greater tolerance of opinion;
for the destruction of parish-pump politics, and the cleansing of
the " stagnant pools " of local interest in which national issues
were all too frequently decided in a purely selfish sense. This
speech, in which for the first time the policy of appeasement was
openly preached by a Republican minister, made a great stir
among public and Parliament, and aroused the fear among
Socialist-Radicals and Socialists that too close a rapprochement
with Conservatism was intended. Briand managed, after the
assembly of Parliament, to allay these apprehensions.
Electoral reform, on the basis of proportional representation,
was the first measure submitted to Parliament. The claims of
this system had been advocated by an influential body of Parlia-
mentarians, and their propaganda had made headway. Never-
theless, political leaders felt disinclined to take a leap in the dark,
and Briand, having made the vote upon the matter one of confi-
dence, the reform bill was rejected. After voting the State pur-
chase of the Quest railway, the House strengthened the protective
system of 1892 by voting a general increase in the customs tariff
which was justified, or at any rate rendered necessary by the new
fiscal burdens placed upon home industry by social legislation.
Elections of IQIO. Considerations of a large policy, rather
than those of small concrete interests, dominated the elections of
1910. The Socialist-Radicals, having put through their drastic
anti-clerical programme, had started upon equally sweeping
schemes of social reform. Class appetites had been aroused, and
every fresh act of social legislation led to an increase of the eco-
nomic, social and political demands of Labour and its leaders. A
series of strikes and disturbances, in 1907-8-9, some of them re-
quiring to be quelled with great severity, coupled with the steady
growth of taxation, had aroused the " black coat " population to
the perils of demagogic competition. Radicals, never at any time
very advanced, broke with their Socialist and Socialist-Radical
associates, thus putting an end to the union of the Left which had
waged the war against the Church.
While the extreme Left became more and more clamorous in its
voicing of the demands of Labour, moderate Radicals sought to
create a party of Order with which to stem the rising flood of
taxation, and to curb the precocious proletarian ambition. Bri-
and was the natural leader of such an effort. At Perigueux he had
already drawn the attention of the country to the dangers of
political and class intolerance. Speaking to his constituents at
St. Chamond on April 15 he was more definite. After declaring
that the spirit of party and anarchism were the worst enemies
of society, he outlined a programme of government, the chief
feature of which was a proposal intended to tame the Labour
movement by giving to workmen's syndicates the rights and re-
sponsibilities of property and corporative status. These unions,
under the influence of the extremist leaders of the Confederation
Generale du Travail, were fast becoming dangerous centres of
anarchy and hotbeds of class-hatred. Briand proposed to alter
this by giving these unions full legal status. This was the con-
crete expression of his policy of appeasement.
The results of the elections were (the corresponding numbers
in the previous Chamber are shown in brackets) : Reactionaries
(80) 71; Nationalists (16) 17; Progressives (60) 60; Left
Republicans (82) 93; Radicals and Socialist-Radicals (269) 252;
Independent Socialists (29) 30; Unified Socialists (55) 74.
These results favoured Socialists at the expense of their Radical
allies. Proportional representation was favoured by the great
majority of the electorate, and became part of ministerial policy
as laid down on June i 1910 by the prime minister, Briand.
During the autumn vacation of that year a big railway strike
gave Briand an opportunity of displaying statesmanlike courage,
and of driving a further wedge in between the extreme and the
moderate elements of the Left. The strike first broke out on the
Nord railway, and spread to the Quest and Midi systems. The
Est and Paris-Lyons-Mediterranee lines were not greatly affected.
There was a good deal of violence used by strikers, and sabotage
was practised on a large scale. Briand faced the situation with
great firmness, and used the army, not only in protecting prop-
erty, but also in actual strike-breaking. All railway servants of
military age were called to the colours, placed therefore under
martial law, and left at their civilian posts, desertion of which
became thus a military offence. Agitators among the men were
drastically weeded out, and within a week a strike movement of
a magnitude previously unknown in France had collapsed. The
struggle had been carried on with great determination on both
sides, and left much bitterness behind it. Briand's action in
mobilizing strikers had naturally aroused the fury of the Social-
ists, who, on the reassembly of Parliament, attacked the legality
of his action. The Ministry was kept in power thanks to the
growing scission on the Left of the House, but a reconstruction
of the Government was deemed advisable. Briand resigned on
Nov. 2, and next day formed another Cabinet.
Briand's Reconstructed Ministry. This new Government was
composed exclusively of moderate Radicals. MM. Millerand and
Viviani, who represented the Left wing in the Ministry, went out
of office, and it was soon evident that Briand intended to lean
more and more upon the Centre. He refused, in spite of very
great pressure, to force the railway companies to reinstate the
men dismissed as a result of the strike, and pressed forward his
policy of compelling Labour organizations to confine their activi-
FRANCE
133
ties entirely to questions directly concerning their trade. Recon-
structions seldom live long, and the enemies of the Ministry
having failed to defeat Briand on social questions turned to the
old and oft-tried weapon of anti-clericalism. MM. Malvy and
Paul-Meunier, with an interpellation as to the spirit in which the
Congregations Law was being observed, reduced the majority to
six. Briand resigned on Feb. 27 1911, and M. Monis, a senator of
advanced Radical views, succeeded him.
Monis Ministry. M. Monis formed a purely Socialist-Radical
Ministry. He himself took the Interior, and his chief colleagues
were: Caillaux, Finance; Cruppi, Foreign Affairs; Berteaux, War;
and Delcasse, Navy. Promise far outstripped performance with
this collection of democratic talent. Faced with the concrete
problems of office, the preachers of almost revolutionary social
reform found but little to alter in the programme of their pre-
decessors. They did, however, yield to Socialist pressure on the
question of the reinstatement of railway strikers; but before the
necessary legislation was passed, the Ministry fell. The same
sterility marked the rest of the Government's social efforts; and
its advanced Radicalism did not save it from serious disturbances
arising out of the delimitation of the Champagne zone. In the
Aube and the Marne the rioters were for a few days completely
out of hand. The disorders were suppressed, and all attempt at
fixing the Champagne zone was for the moment abandoned.
Monis, the premier, and Berteaux, Minister of War, were both
victims of an accident at the start of an aeroplane race from
Paris to Madrid on May 21. Berteaux was killed outright, but
Monis, although seriously injured, remained in office, appointing
Gen. Goiran to the vacant portfolio. The death of Berteaux, a
man of great wealth and influence in Radical circles, was a great
loss to an already weakened Cabinet. The situation, both at
home and abroad, was full of difficulty. Socialist opposition to
the Fez expedition (April-May) and difficulties with the admin-
istration of the Old Age Pensions bill would probably have been
enough to bring about the collapse of the Ministry, which, how-
ever, fell on a question of the supreme command of the army in
time of war. Parliament refused to give a vote of confidence to
the Government, which declared that decisions as to the supreme
command were its sole concern, and the Ministry resigned.
Caillaux in Power. There was no real question of policy at
issue. The Chamber had tired of the ineffectual mediocrity of
M. Monis, and required more brilliant leadership. This was pro-
vided by M. Joseph Caillaux, who, on becoming prime minister,
went from Finance to the Interior. M. Klotz became Minister
of Finance, Cruppi Minister of Justice, and de Selves Minister of
Foreign Affairs. Delcasse remained at the Navy, and Messimy
took the War Office. This Ministry, by its mistakes, made a per-
manent mark upon the world's history. Its members were full of
professed social and fiscal ambitions, which found their only man-
ifestation in pettifogging party practice. From the point of view
of internal politics it represented many of the worst influences
of bigoted Radical tyranny, and in home affairs it was quickly
discredited. Abroad its policy was well-nigh disastrous, and by
its weakness, and by the tortuous secret diplomacy of Caillaux
towards Germany, it very nearly plunged Europe into war.
Agadir. Foreign affairs very soon absorbed the whole atten-
tion of both Parliament and public. Negotiations which had
been in progress for some time with Germany over Morocco were
given a definitely threatening aspect by the arrival of the German
gun-boat " Panther " at the undeveloped port Agadir. Caillaux,
who had always believed in the possibility of conciliation with
Germany, conducted secret negotiations with Berlin without con-
sulting the Cabinet, and without indeed informing his own
Minister for Foreign Affairs of what was on foot. Throughout
the summer European diplomacy was thereby plunged into the
darkest bewilderment, and statesmen in more than one capital,
unaware of Caillaux's underground conversations, were speaking
and acting at cross-purposes with each other. It was impossible
to maintain complete secrecy. M. Clemenceau among others be-
came aware that something was going on, and public dislike of
the trend of events led to an outburst of national feeling in Sep-
tember. Although the agreement of Nov. 4 1911, which resulted
from official negotiations with Germany, was ratified by Parlia-
ment, the Cabinet, and its head in particular, had so lost in influ-
ence that the resignation of M. de Selves on Jan. 9 1912 brought
about the collapse of the Government the next day. Caillaux's
negotiations with Germany subsequently formed the subject of
special parliamentary inquiry. The sordidness of the whole story
and the light-hearted way in which Caillaux had played fast and
loose with -the honour of France and her friendship with Great
Britain thoroughly disgusted the country, which had already
shown many signs of discontent with the rule of narrow-minded
Radical mediocrity even under a premier of undoubtedly brilliant
talent. A recoil from Caillautism was inevitable.
Poincare in Power. Raymond Poincare undertook the task of
giving to the country the " national " Cabinet it desired. Three
former prime ministers took office in his Government, the kernel
of which was formed by Poincare, Foreign Affairs; Klotz, Finance;
Leon Bourgeois, Labour; Millerand, War; Delcasse, Navy; and
Briand, Justice. Foreign affairs remained the chief preoccupa-
tion. The acute point of crisis with Germany was past, but the
whole European situation was unstable, and called for the closest
watchfulness. In home affairs, electoral reform took up the
greater part of Parliament's attention. Vigorous action was
taken against anti-militarist and revolutionary propaganda.
Presidential Election. M. Fallieres' term of the presidency of
the Republic came to an end at the beginning of 1913. There
were two candidates for the succession, Poincare and Pams. Poin-
care rallied to his support a great weight of feeling outside Parlia-
ment, whilst inside both the Senate and the Chamber of Depu-
ties he had behind him the bulk of the Moderate Republican
votes, and nearly all the Conservative elements. Clemenceau,
alarmed by the almost reactionary nature of Poincare's candida-
ture, led the campaign on behalf of Pams, a Radical Republican
of classic mediocrity, with such fire as to secure his adoption as
Republican candidate in the party caucus meeting on the eve of
Versailles. Poincare, however, refused to withdraw his candida-
ture, in spite of all the appeals made to him by Radical stalwarts
to observe party discipline. The second ballot at the National
Assembly, held at Versailles on Jan. 17 1913, showed that he had
accurately estimated the general opinion of Parliament. He re-
ceived 483 votes, his opponent Pams only obtaining 296. This
result, while constituting a victory for Conservatism, was also a
sign that people, alarmed by the portents in the international
sky, wished to have a strong man at the head of the republic,
and one capable of playing his own part in the relations of the
republic with foreign Powers. Before Poincare was installed at
the Elysee (Feb. 18 I9T3), his successor as prime minister,
Briand, was faced by the need to meet the growth in the military
strength of Germany, which could not be left unchallenged.
Briand's New Ministry. On Feb. 27 a first step was made
towards this end, when a bill was tabled in the Chamber of Depu-
ties, opening an extraordinary military credit of 20,000,00x3
for war material. On March 6, M. Etienne, Minister of War,
brought in a bill raising the period of obligatory military service
from two to three years. Before the bill could be proceeded with
the Briand Ministry came to grief in the Senate, and, after
an adverse vote of 33 on proportional representation, Briand
resigned on March 18, having been in office for 56 days. The
Electoral Reform bill was among the fixtures which Briand took
over from Poincare. It provided for proportional representation
by means of the electoral quotient. The bill had been passed by
the Chamber of Deputies, where Socialist support rendered Radi-
cal opposition ineffectual. In the Senate, however, the Radical
bloc remained firm. Clemenceau saw in the bill an excellent
opportunity of scoring against President Poincare, who was a
firm supporter of the measure. Moreover, he, with many other
orthodox Radicals, was alarmed by the somewhat chauvinistic
manner in which Poincare's return to the Presidency had been
greeted by the reactionary party, and suspected, in proportional
representation, "a device to increase the power of the Right.
Barthou's Government. The crisis brought about by the defeat
of Briand on this point was fortunately" of short duration, and, on
March 21, M. Barthou was able to form a ministry. Its chief
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concern was to carry on the policy of its predecessor, and to press
forward with unabated determination the military proposals be-
fore Parliament. So bitter was the opposition to the Three Years'
Service bill that Barthou experienced no difficulty whatever with
regard to proportional representation, which almost impercepti-
bly dropped for the moment out of the realm of practical politics.
The critics of the Three Years' Service bill were recruited from
among the ranks of the Socialists and Socialist-Radicals. They
did not deny that some answer to Germany was necessary; that
something had to be done to increase the military efficiency of
France; but they urged that the Government, in asking the
country to accept another year of military service, was demand-
ing a sacrifice which would not be in proportion to the results
achieved. They argued that it would be both less costly and
more effective to reform the whole conception of army organiza-
tion on the general lines advocated by the Socialist leader Jaures
and to aim at the adoption of the Swiss militia system. The ut-
most concession the Opposition was willing to make was to agree
to an increase of six months in the total service.
The hostility against the proposals of M. Barthou was not con-
fined to politicians. Very active propaganda against them was
carried on throughout the country by Communists and Anar-
chists, and by anti-militarist agitators belonging to the Confede-
ration Generale du Travail. This activity for a time had serious
effects upon army discipline, and in more than one provincial
garrison mutinies broke out. Happily they were not of a grave
nature, and prompt action by the Government in arresting the
ringleaders, and in showing their dupes and the country the
unpatriotic motives which inspired the agitation, soon put an end
to the unrest in the army. Legislation calling for the heavy
sacrifice of a further year's military service naturally could not
be popular; but the military activity of Germany, and the tone
of speakers on the other side of the Rhine, left France in no
doubt as to what was in store. The country realized the necessity
for the fresh effort asked of it. Barthou fought the bill through
the Chamber with skill and courage. He had to contend with
violent opposition from the Socialists, and with all the dilatory
tactics the ingenuity of Radicals could devise. After 22 sittings
had been spent in discussing counter-proposals, the House began
the consideration of the Government bill on July 7, and, by 339
votes to 223, carried the essential clause. By the end of the sum-
mer the whole bill had become law, and the main task of the Bar-
thou Ministry was at an end. Hostility towards the Ministry was
in no way abated, and Caillaux led his followers to victory on
Dec. 2, inflicting defeat by 290 votes to 265 on a vote authorizing
a loan of 52,000,000, mainly for non-recurring military expen-
diture. The Finance Minister, M. Dumont, asked that fiscal im-
munity should be extended to the proposed new Rente, a request
which, as Caillaux pointed out, would have cut at the root of any
just income tax, since between one-tenth and one-twelfth of
French wealth is invested in Rente.
A Doumergue Cabinet. Attempts were made to solve the cri-
sis which had arisen, without paying due regard to the claims of
the Socialist-Radicals. Both M. Ribot and M. Jean Dupuy
tried unsuccessfully as Moderate Republicans to enlist the sup-
port of Caillaux and his friends. In these circumstances M.
Ribot advised the President of the republic that the new head
of the Government would have to be chosen from among the
Left. Recollections of the part played by Caillaux in Franco-
German relations made it difficult for the leader of the Socialist-
Radicals himself to take office as premier; and it was M. Dou-
mergue who, after a week of negotiations, formed a Government
on Dec. 8, composed almost exclusively of Socialist-Radicals.
The Ministry was Gaston Doumergue, prime minister and
Foreign Affairs; Rene Renoult, Interior; Bienvenu-Martin, Jus-
tice; Noulens, War; Monis, Marine; Caillaux, Finance; Viviani,
Public Instruction; Malvy, Commerce; Fernand David, Public
Works; Lebrun, Colonies; Raynaud, Agriculture; Metin, Labour;
Under-Secretaries of State, Peret for the Interior, Maginot for
War; and Jacquier for the Fine Arts.
Interest in the new Ministry was confined to its financial pro-
posals, and its attitude towards the Three Years' Military Serv-
ice law. It soon became apparent that, whatever ministers
had said about the new law when in opposition, they had no in-
tention of interfering with its working. The preceding Govern-
ment's bill for the issue of perpetual Rente was withdrawn, and a
policy of Radical finance was outlined, based upon the taxation
of acquired wealth. As a matter of political fact the chief aim
of MM. Doumergue and Caillaux was to stay in power long
enough to give to the approaching general elections a pronounced
Socialist-Radical flavour. The waning power as a battle-cry of
anti-clericalism, the personal talents of Caillaux, the involved
condition of the French budget, no less than the real unfairness
of the incidence of taxation, made of Caillaux's financial plans
the main plank of his party's fighting programme. In the fore-
front of those plans were taxes on income and on capital. Be-
fore the year was over the electoral campaign had begun.
The Federation des Gauches. Briand, in a speech to his con-
stituents at St. fitienne, voiced again those arguments in favour
of conciliation which he had put forward at Perigueux and at
St. Chamond. He attacked the old Radical school for its desire
to keep alive for its own political benefit all the old class and
clerical feuds. He recalled Caillaux's secret dealings with Ger-
many, and dwelt scathingly upon demagogic plutocrats, who
raised the dagger above wealth with such ferocity of mien that it
was difficult to say whether they intended to strike at riches or to
defend them. Briand rallied to his standard a large number of
moderate men belonging to all opinions, and for electioneering
purposes they formed a fighting body known as the Federation
dcs Gauches. It had the support of men like Millerand, Barthou,
Klotz and Ribot, and carried on a vigorous campaign throughout
the country in favour of the Three Years' Service law, and in
opposition to the proposed taxation of income. When the Cham-
bers reassembled after the New Year recess, finance was still
their main business. The Briandists sought in vain to shake the
Government majority. The Lower House, after a month's de-
bate, approved the fiscal proposals of the Government by a major-
ity of 115. In the Senate, however, which, being more Radical in
politics, was therefore more Conservative in economics, Caillaux
had to make concessions and on minor points suffer defeat.
Madame Caillaux. Opposition to Caillaux and his policy
found its most virulent expression in the columns of the Figaro,
where, day after day, were published documents affecting the
personal and political honour of M. Caillaux, as well as of his
wife. These attacks were brought to a tragic end on March 16
1914, when Madame Caillaux, having previously taken lessons in
revolver-shooting, called upon the editor of the Figaro, Gaston
Calmette, and fired five shots at him. He died a few hours after-
wards. The publication of the documents in the Figaro sought
to prove that Caillaux had, throughout his political career, taken
advantage of his position as Minister of Finance to line his own
pockets, and that in particular he had brought such pressure to
bear upon the judicial authorities that a notorious financial
swindler, Rochette, was enabled to abscond while awaiting his
trial. This was the most serious charge brought against him as a
public man. The Figaro had, however, also started the publica-
tion of some very intimate letters written by M. Caillaux to his
second wife, the shooter of Calmette, while she was still his mis-
tress. In these documents, public and private matters were dis-
cussed with cynical licence; and in one of the letters Caillaux
boasted to his mistress that in the Senate he had, as Minister of
Finance in the Waldeck-Rousseau Ministry, " smashed the in-
come tax (his pet measure) while appearing to defend it." The
sensation caused by Madame Caillaux's deed was great. Rioting
between Radical and Royalist gangs broke out during Calmette's
funeral, and for some days Paris was in one of her typically effer-
vescent moods. This manifestation was controlled without much
difficulty, but it was less easy to limit the political effect of the
crime. Caillaux at once resigned office, but Monis, Minister of
Marine, was also deeply involved, as having been the prime
minister who ordered the Procurator-General to postpone the
trial of Rochette, and thus made it possible for him to escape to
Mexico. Monis remained to face the storm in Parliament, which
appointed a committee of inquiry as the result of further revela-
FRANCE
135
tions made by Barthou. The findings of that committee, and the
censure passed upon Monis and Caillaux, were approved by the
House after stormy debate. The parliamentary session ended on
April 4, and from that date to May 10, when the second ballots
determined the composition of the new Chamber, politicians in
vain tried to stir the electorate from its indifference. Even the
Calrnette murder, the Three Years' Service controversy, and the
income tax aroused but few people from their apathy. None re-
gretted the deceased Chamber, and few were sufficiently awake
to the growing dangers in Europe to take much interest in the
election of deputies who were destined to form the French Lower
Chamber throughout the war.
Elections of 1(114. A clear-cut issue between opposing parties
is found but seldom in French elections, but the general tendency
of the 1914 elections could be discerned. They were a fight be-
tween the Moderate Republican elements who elected Poincare
to the presidency of the republic, and who voted for the Three
Years' Service bill and the Socialist-Radical and Unified Social-
ist groups. The political composition of the new Chamber was :
Unified Socialists, 102; Independent and Republican Socialists,
30; Unified Radicals, 136; Alliance Democratique, 100; Indepen-
dent Radicals and Left Republicans, 102; Progressists and Re-
publican Federation, 54; Action Liberate, 34; Right, 36; Inde-
pendents, 16. The only marked change was in the Socialist party.
They made an electioneering pact with their neighbours, the
Socialist- Radicals, by which they gained many seats in the first
ballot; and where Catholics saw their candidate badly placed in
the second ballot, and opposed to a Socialist and a Radical, their
votes were transferred to the Socialist rather than to the anti-
clerical Republican. Thanks to these two factors, as well as to a
slight growth of Socialism in the country, the Socialist party
made a net gain of 35 seats. The general effect of the elections
was to strengthen the advanced Radical and Socialist bloc at
the expense of the Briandists and the electors of M. Poincare.
This bloc of Socialists, Caillautists, Radicals and Independent
Radicals numbered 226, and, although not an absolute major-
ity in the House, Government without it was impossible.
Viviani Prime Minister. In accordance with custom, Dou-
mergue resigned before Parliament reassembled on June i. It
was found exceedingly difficult to replace him. The ministerial
crisis lasted a fortnight, and more than one ministerial combina-
tion came to grief on the Socialist-Radical refusal to subscribe to
a programme which did not include an early return to two years'
service, or at least a drastic modification of the Three Years'
law. It was on this point that M. Viviani's first attempt failed.
The President of the republic, who had openly declared his inten-
tion to safeguard the new military law, then tried to bring about
a Cabinet free from Socialist-Radical influence. M. Ribot rashly
undertook to form such a ministry. It was boycotted by the bloc,
and did not live a full 24 hours. The Chamber refused, by a
majority of 44, to give it a vote of confidence, after hearing the
ministerial declaration of policy. During the debate which led to
this division advanced Radicals gave clear proof of their deter-
mination to reject any. Government which was not in its essence
recruited from their ranks. These circumstances led M. Poincare
again to summon Viviani, who, after this demonstration of Radi-
cal strength, and in view of the necessity of closing rapidly a
ministerial crisis which had already lasted too long, found no
difficulty in forming a ministry, and in finding a formula with re-
gard to the Military Service law which, by its ambiguity, was
acceptable to all save the extreme Left. It was composed as
follows: Rene Viviani, prime minister and Foreign Affairs;
Bienvenu-Martin, Justice; Malvy, Interior; Noulens, Finance;
Messimy, War; Gauthier, Marine; Augagneur, Public Instruc-
tion; Rene Renoult, Public Works; Gaston Thompson, Com-
merce, and Posts and Telegraphs; Fernand David, Agriculture;
Raynaud, Colonies; Colyba, Labour; and, as Under-Secretaries,
Abel Ferry, Foreign Affairs; Dalimier, Fine Arts; Lauraine, War;
Jacquier, Interior; Ajam, Mercantile Marine.
During, the debate upon the ministerial declaration policy,
the premier strengthened those passages in the Government
programme which dealt with the Military Service law. He gave
some content to critics of that measure by announcing the Gov-
ernment's intention to introduce a number of bills providing for
the military training of the young, and for the better utilization
of reserves, but was firm in saying that until that new legislation
had shown its efficiency in practice, there could be no question
of reducing the term of military service. This programme was
far from satisfying the Socialists and some disgruntled Radicals,
but they only mustered on the vote of confidence which ended
the debate 139 votes to 362. The ministerial crisis was thus
ended, but, more important, an end had been put to the agitation
for a repeal or revision of the Service law.
Three Years' Service Law. All possibility of tinkering with
this law was abolished by the proceedings of the Senate on July
13, on which date the European outlook was overcast, when
Charles Humbert made a sensational speech revealing the pov-
erty of the French army in artillery and war material of every
kind. Clemenceau supported him in his demand for an inquiry.
Messimy, Minister of War, admitted that while the French field
gun was superior to that of Germany, the French heavy artillery-
could not compete with that of her neighbour; that Germany
was far ahead of France in the supply of engineering materials;
that frontier fortresses were but poorly equipped; that bridge-
building material was lacking; and that the French soldier
would have practically but one pair of boots at his disposal on
the day of mobilization. He pointed out that Germany had
spent between 1900 and 1905 28,000,000 on her army, as com-
pared with French expenditure of 11,230,000. From 1906-10
Germany had spent 37,200,000, and France 19,000,000; from
1911-13 German military outlay had been 23,400,000 and
French 16,500,000. Messimy maintained that the ground lost
could be made good by 1919, and that the first step towards
doing that could be taken by the Senate in passing the military
credits for 56,320,000 which were then before it. This Parlia-
ment did, before adjourning on July 15.
It is difficult to estimate to what extent the public revelation
of French military unpreparedness made during this debate en-
couraged the Central European States in their bellicose designs.
Certain it is that both from Berlin and from Vienna the French
ambassadors reported to their Government that the proceedings
in the Senate had had a deplorable effect upon public opinion, and
had considerably strengthened the hearts of the jingo parties in
both states. Although the French Foreign Office had in its
archives despatches from more than one of its ambassadors warn-
ing it in the most urgent manner of the perilous condition of
European affairs, or perhaps because it was deemed advisable
to remind Germany of the solidity of the Franco-Russian alliance,
the French President's visit to Russia was carried through accord-
ing to programme. Poincare left at midnight on July 15 1914,
accompanied by the premier and Foreign Minister Viviani.
Madame Caillaux's Trial. From the point of view of internal
politics, it was undoubtedly desirable that the trial of Madame
Caillaux for the assassination of Calmette should take place dur-
ing the parliamentary recess, and while the Chief of State was
abroad. Caillaux, who, in spite of the sensation caused by his
wife's action, had again been returned to Parliament for Mamers,
had lost no opportunity of giving to the whole affaire its full polit-
ical flavour, and saw quite clearly that in court not only would
his wife be on trial for her life, but he also and the whole of his
policy and party would be arraigned. He subsidized newspapers
and inspired campaigns, some of which were but thinly veiled
threats of blackmail upon the President of the republic. He
succeeded in making of his wife's trial the all-absorbing question
of the day. The assassination of the Archduke Francis Ferdi-
nand, the thunderclouds in the East, and revelations as to
French unpreparedness, all failed to distract public attention
from the Caillaux drama. The trial opened on July 20, and for a
week France gave herself up to morbid contemplation of the
rottenness of the social and political life of many of her leading
men and women. The greatest lawyers of France were engaged
in the case: Maltre Ferdinand Labori for Madame Caillaux, and
Maitre Chenu for the Calmette family. Both defence and
prosecution sought for mud with which to bespatter those con-
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FRANCE
cerned in the case; and, whether a witness were a minister, an
actor, a journalist, or a woman, mud was found in plenty. There
was no questioning the facts that Madame Caillaux shot Cal-
mette; that she purchased the revolver on her way to the Figaro
office; that she had carefully learned how to use a revolver; and
that she had left a note for her husband telling him that she
meant to take justice into her own hands. Nevertheless, after
an impassioned speech by Maitre Labori, she was acquitted by
the jury a result due more to the nature of the questions left to
the jury's decision by the judge, and to the dependence of the
Bench upon the favour of ministers, than to any consideration of
the rights and wrongs of the case. The Caillaux propaganda out-
side the court increased as the trial proceeded, and sought to give
to the proceedings the appearance of a political trial in which
Caillaux's political adversaries were trying to find in the homici-
dal impulses of his wife a weapon with which to kill their chief
political opponent. Temper rose rapidly to fever-heat, and by
the time the verdict was given war-fear and war-fever helped to
send up the temperature of Caillaux's most ardent supporters,
the Socialists and Syndicalists, and of his most bitter enemies,
the Royalists. The boulevards were packed with struggling
Camelots du Roy, and gangs of the Jeunesse Republicaine, whose
contending battle-cries of "Vive Caillaux!" and "Caillaux
Assassin I" mingled with "^4 Berlin!" and "A has la guerre!"
Outbreak of the World War. This local rowdyism in no way
echoed the real feeling of the country, which saw with courage,
but without any exultation or jingo fever, the approach of war.
The President of the republic returned to Paris from his Russian
visit on July 29, and was warmly cheered as he drove with Gen.
Joffre to the filysee. There was perhaps a significance even in
the warmth of those cheers; but had the scuffling on the boule-
vards been due to really deep feeling for or against war, the
murder of Jean Jaures, the idolized leader of the Socialists, as he
was dining in a Paris cafe on July 31, would inevitably have led
to very serious rioting. He was shot down by a Paris student
named Raoul Villain, whose mind had apparently become affect-
ed by the ferocity of Royalist attacks upon the People's Tribune.
(Villain was not brought to trial until March 1919, when, to the
astonishment of everybody, he was acquitted.) The body of
Jaures was carried by Socialist stalwarts along the boulevards to
his home at Passy without there being any disturbance of order.
The next morning France was placarded with a ministerial proc-
lamation explaining the crime and identifying the Government
with the feelings of horror and grief which it had aroused.
Mobilization orders were posted throughout the country on
Aug. i, and at the same time was issued a presidential proclama-
tion explaining that, though mobilization did not of necessity
mean war, it had become a necessary step in view of the bellicose
actions of Germany. The proclamation appealed to the country
to refrain from any emotional displays which might embarrass
the last efforts of diplomacy to preserve peace. These exhorta-
tions to be calm seemed to be superfluous. Mobilization was car-
ried out quietly even in the effervescent capital. Scenes of jingo-
ism were rare, and their significance was slight. A few Germans
were naturally hailed as spies and roughly handled and some Ger-
man shops were smashed up. A true picture of the national atti-
tude towards war is to be seen in the sitting of Parliament on
Aug. 4, when a presidential message was read outlining the his-
tory of diplomatic negotiations and their failure to weaken or
stay the warlike intentions of Germany. In both Houses mem-
bers stood in complete silence during the reading of the address,
but the concluding appeal "Haul les casurs, el vive la France!"
was followed by the singing of the Marseillaise. In this demon-
stration of patriotic unity, in the applause which marked the
words, " We are no longer partisans here, we are all French-
men," Socialists and Monarchists joined with equal fervour.
L' Union Sacree. Thus was born the political truce, the Union
Sacree, which for the first two years of war enabled French Gov-
ernments to continue in office without having to meet open attack.
For the first two years of war this immunity against criticism
had its good points. It gave greater stability to the country's
affairs; the supreme command had the sense of continuity essen-
tial for the preparation of the offensives of a long war. The sys-
tem had also its disadvantages, for it meant lack of control, and,
since rigorous censorship was imposed, the stifling of all public
opinion. At the very outset of the war changes were made in the
Ministry. Viviani, so as to free himself for the general control
of the Cabinet, gave the portfolio of Foreign Affairs to M.
Doumergue; Augagneur became Minister of Marine, and Sar-
raut succeeded him at the Ministry of Public Instructions.
Ministerial Changes. On the eve of the first battle of the
Marne the Ministry was further strengthened, Viviani resigning
on Aug. 26 and forming a new Government. The steady advance
of the enemy, the disasters at Charleroi and Mons, and the
prospect of battle at the very gates of the capital, called for the
presence of stronger men. The most important change was that
which put Millerand in the place of Messimy at the War Office.
Delcasse returned to the post from which German arrogance
had forced him years before to the Foreign Office; Augagneur
took the Navy, Ribot Finance; and, as a concrete sign of the
Union Sacree, Socialist deputies were authorized by the party for
the first time to take office in a bourgeois Cabinet. Marcel Sem-
bat, one of its wittiest leaders, became Minister of Public Works,
and Jules Guesde, a Socialist veteran of uncompromising princi-
ples, joined the Ministry without portfolio. The label " National
Defence " was fixed to this Cabinet, which was representative
of nearly all political parties. Its first concern was the defence
of Paris. The day this Ministry was formed Gen. Gallieni re-
placed Gen. Michel in the military governorship of the city. The
appointment of such a resolute die-hard as Gallieni to this post
was a clear indication that, if the worst came, Paris would be
defended and fought for even through her streets. The impres-
sion made by this appointment upon the public, which knew
nothing of the course of events at the front, or indeed realized
how near the front was drawing, was heightened by the arrival
of thousands of refugees, who streamed into the capital from the
direction of Amiens and Compiegne.
Departure for Bordeaux. The closing days of Aug. were
marked by a great exodus of useless mouths. The Government
endeavoured, in conditions of great difficulty, to evacuate as
many people as possible from Paris, but was naturally hampered
in so doing by the fear of causing anything like a general panic
among the population. It was therefore unable to issue any
proclamation, and what measures it took to encourage people
who were not forced to remain in Paris to leave for the provinces
had to be carried out more or less sub rosa. Its own departure
to Bordeaux took place by stealth. The Government and the
President of the republic were bluntly informed by the comman-
der-in-chief, Joffre, that their presence in Paris during a battle
which would decide the fate of the capital could only give to the
army unnecessary preoccupations of a political nature, and that
they would best serve national interests were they to betake
themselves well out of the zone of operations. The President of
the republic and the ministers left Auteuil station secretly on the
night of Sept. 2, and it was not until the following day that the
country was told of this momentous step, in a proclamation
which appealed to it " to fight and to endure," and which called
upon members of Parliament to rally around the Government at
Bordeaux, so as to form with it " a rampart of national unity."
The Government was naturally followed to Bordeaux by all
the embassies and legations, with the exception of those of the
United States, Spain, Denmark and Norway, which were charged
with the interests of one or other of the belligerent Powers. For
days the roads to Bordeaux were encumbered with the heavy
motor traffic of well-to-do refugees; the ordinary railway-travel-
ling public had to put up with very great delays upon the line;
the diplomatic train itself took over 24 hours to reach the tempo-
rary seat of the French Government. Most of the members of
Parliament were prompt in their response to the appeal of the
Government that they should go to Bordeaux. There was there-
fore not a little indignation when the Government almost imme-
diately declared closed the session of Parliament which_ had been
technically adjourned since Aug. 4. Discontent showed itself in
a half-hearted attempt to prepare the Alhambra and Apollo
FRANCE
137
music-halls for a meeting of the two Chambers. No session,
however, was held at Bordeaux. Most deputies realized that a
resumption of political activity in Bordeaux, while the fate of
Paris was in doubt, would be viewed unfavourably by the coun-
try. Parliamentarians, moreover, had more immediate duties
to perform in their constituencies. Parisian deputies had natur-
ally remained behind, and for a time assisted Gen. Gallieni in his
task of preparing Paris for the fight. Their activities in Paris
were such as to lead to some misapprehension, and the fear that
there might arise some sort of double government in the country.
Those apprehensions were dispelled after a visit paid by Briand
to Paris. After the Marne the Government remained at Bor-
deaux, endeavouring to make good the many deficiencies in
army equipment and training revealed in the opening stages of
hostilities. Shell shortage was the chief difficulty, and Millerand
also had to consider the terrible deficiencies of French army medi-
cal services. Motor ambulances were practically non-existent;
wounded had been left for days untended and lying in the filth of
cattle and horse trucks; the hospitals themselves were not suffi-
ciently numerous; they were badly organized and lacked elemen-
tary equipment. It was upon this second point that criticism of
the Government first became open. Clemenceau, whose daughter
was nursing in one of the Bordeaux hospitals, defying the cen-
sorship, daily thundered against the rottenness of Millerand's
medical services; and when his paper, L'Homme Libre, was sup-
pressed, it reappeared as L'Homme Enchatne.
All the chief organs of public opinion had followed the Govern-
ment into exile from the capital, and those which were unable
to find printing accommodation at Bordeaux spread them-
selves through the cities of the south. During this period, in
spite of vigorous censorship, sufficient became known to Parlia-
mentarians and to journalists to make it apparent that the com-
plete immunity from criticism which the Government had
enjoyed could not with public safety be maintained. The de-
mand that the censorship be relaxed, and that Parliament should
be summoned to meet once more, became insistent.
Return to Paris. The solidification of the front along the
trench positions of the Aisne and of Flanders made it possible for
the public services to return to Paris, which they did during the
month of December. On Dec. 22 1914 the prime minister, Vivi-
ani, addressed the Chamber of Deputies, which had not met
since Aug. 4. Even vehement critics of Government realized
that at this first meeting of the Chamber under war conditions
but one feeling could be voiced the national resolve to fight on
to. victory. Viviani, in language strikingly similar to that used
by Mr. Asquith previously at the Guildhall, declared, " France,
in accord with her Allies, will not lay down her arms until she
has avenged outraged right, and regained for ever the provinces
ravished from her by force, restored to heroic Belgium the fulness
of her material prosperity and her political independence, and
broken Prussian militarism." He made an eloquent appeal for
the maintenance of national unity, saying, " In order to conquer,
heroism on the front does not suffice. Union must prevail with-
in our walls. Let us preserve the union sacree intact. To-day,
as yesterday and to-morrow, let us have but one battle-cry,
' Victory,' but one vision before our eyes, ' La Patrie,' and one
ideal, ' Right.' "
Parliamentary Criticism. By the end of 1914 all sections of
French opinion had realized that the British had been right in
predicting that the war would be long; and those behind the
scenes became seriously alarmed at the lack of preparation for a
long-drawn-out struggle, the lack of a comprehensive and far-
sighted programme of munitions and finance. Parliament had
patriotically surrendered all its powers of criticism and control
to the executive Government during the critical opening months
of hostilities. Early in 1915 deputies, realizing that the only
chance of victory lay in proper organization of the whole people
for war, and that the trench line was a sufficient barrier behind
which to accomplish this work, claimed once more to take an
active part in the work of Government. The organization of
French parliamentary life was very well adapted to parliamentary
control. Through its big committees, representing all political
groupings, the Chamber in peace-time was able to examine in
detail all Government bills and all Government action. Those
committees ceased to function in Aug. 1914, and did not resume
their activities until 1915. When the regular 1915 session of
Parliament met on Jan. 12, it was decided, with a view to reduc-
ing public sittings to a minimum, to increase the work placed
upon those committees. The immediate financial necessities of
the country were met by a bill authorizing the issue of Treasury
and National Defence bonds. A number of other bills, dealing
with points of minor importance, arising out of the war, were also
submitted to the House, regulating such questions as naturaliza-
tion of enemy aliens, marriage by proxy for men serving at the
front, and prohibiting throughout the country the sale of ab-
sinthe. Throughout the first five months of this year finance
occupied the chief place in parliamentary orders of the day, and
Ribot, Minister of Finance, experienced no difficulty whatsoever
in obtaining all the credits he considered necessary for the pros-
ecution of the war. Outwardly all seemed quiet, but behind
the closed doors both of Senate and of Chamber of Deputies
Committees, the Government, and particularly Millerand, were
being vehemently criticized for their alleged failure to provide the
armies in the field with the vast amount of ammunitions of every
kind required by trench warfare.
The attack upon Millerand was developed from every side,
and the first public contentious debate in Parliament took place
on a bill proposed by an advanced Radical, Dalbiez, providing
for a vigorous combing-out in war factories and public offices. This
bill, although opposed by Millerand, was accepted, though in an
amended and somewhat mitigated form, by the Chamber on
June 26. On July i a less direct attack upon the Minister of War
was met, when the Government, forestalling a demand for the
appointment of four war under-secretaries, created two such
offices, and nominated Joseph Thierry, who was Minister of
Public Works in the Barthou Administration, to be Under-Sec-
retary of War for Commissariat, and Justin Godart to be Under-
secretary entrusted with the control of the medical services.
Meanwhile, M. Clemenceau, as president of the Army Com-
mittee of the Senate, was preparing a strong case against the
whole administration of the War Office, and paving the way to
public debate on the organization of parliamentary control, and
the general relations which should exist in wartime between the
three great organs of war-government, Parliament, Government,
and the Supreme Command in the field.
The Military Control. It was inevitable that any political cri-
sis should either affect or be caused by the relations between the
Supreme Command and the Government, and in considering the
political history of France during the war this fact has always
to be borne in mind. Quite apart from the many politicians who,
with more vanity than sincerity, believed themselves to be the
heaven-sent Carnots of the great war, there was wide-spread and
not unfounded discontent with the bureaucratic methods of M.
Millerand, and a wonder whether Gen. Joffre, with his " nib-
bling " methods and his vast patience, were really suited to the
supreme control of the army. To these broad causes of dissatis-
faction there was added one of a purely political nature, when
Gen. Sarrail, who had always been identified with advanced
Radicalism, was removed from his command at Verdun. (He
subsequently became commander-in-chief at Salonika.) This
had aroused the political passions of the Left, and they were still
further inflamed by the presence of a practising Roman Catholic
at the head of the medical services of the army, and by reports
of religious pressure being brought to bear upon French wounded.
This feeling came to a head when the Radical and Socialist-
Radical groups called upon the prime minister to accept parlia-
mentary control over all war services, and hinted to him that the
departure of the Minister of War from the Cabinet would give it
increased strength. M. Millerand, who, throughout the crisis,
had displayed a fine obstinacy, declined to resign, and Viviani,
after a prolonged Cabinet Council, announced that neither he
nor any other member of the Cabinet would resign, thus leaving
the Chamber the grave responsibility of upsetting the Govern-
ment by a direct vote. Millerand, at an important sitting on
138
FRANCE
Aug. 20, vigorously defended his administration, and appealed
to the House to support him in seeing that there should be
no confusion between the parliamentary control and military
authority, the principle he laid down being that " in war, author-
ity and responsibility cannot be divided. Each military chief con-
trols the actions of his subordinates, and is himself responsible for
his acts to his superiors. The commander-in-chief is responsible to
the Government, which can remove him if it does not approve
of his acts." Only Viviani's eloquence, and an uneasy feeling
among deputies that the country could not be expected to toler-
ate in war-time the upsetting of a Government after a debate
held behind closed doors, defeated the proposal for the holding of
a secret session of Parliament, at which all facts and figures con-
cerning the army should be revealed.
When Parliament reassembled on Sept. 16 all further political
agitation was stayed by the imminence of a French offensive in
the Champagne, and by the involved state of Balkan affairs. By
the end of the first week in Oct. disappointment with the results
of allied diplomacy in the Balkans and the indecisive result of
the French operations in Champagne led to a renewal of the
demand for a secret parliamentary debate. The collapse of the
Government was brought about by the resignation of Delcasse,
Minister of Foreign Affairs. The division which followed the
debate upon that resignation showed clearly that the Viviani
Ministry was doomed. On Oct. 29 Viviani, in tendering his
resignation to the President of the republic, stated that the last
division of the Chamber had shown that a large minority
favoured the holding of a secret session, which he had himself for-
mally opposed. He considered it necessary that another should
seek to re-create that parliamentary unity which was more
than ever necessary to the country.
New Briand Ministry. The new Cabinet was composed as
follows: Briand, prime minister and Foreign Affairs; Viviani,
Justice; Gen. Gallieni, War; Rear-Adml. Lacaze, Marine; Mal-
vy, Interior; Ribot, Finance; Meline, Agriculture; Sembat, Pub-
lic Works; Clementel, Commerce; Doumergue, Colonies; Pain-
leve, Public Instruction and Inventions; de Freycinet, Bourgeois,
Combes, Guesde, Denys Cochin, Ministers of State; Jules Cam-
bon, ex-ambassador to Berlin, became Secretary-General of the
Foreign Office. With its under-secretaries the Government con-
tained 23 members. It was very varied in its political complexion,
comprising three Unified Socialists, three Independent Socialists,
six Radicals and Socialist-Radicals, two moderate Republicans,
one Progressist, and one member of the Right. The inclusion of
such political veterans as Meline, Combes, and de Freycinet,
who were soon known as the Elder Statesmen, and the placing of
a soldier and a sailor at the head of the fighting services, were the
only innovations of note, and Briand, in declaring that the motto
of his Government was " Peace through Victory," took an early
opportunity of assuring the world at large, and the enemies of
France in particular, that the change of Government, far from
being due to any change of policy, was but a reflection of the
country's desire for a more vigorous prosecution of the war.
Briand lost no time in pressing forward the first and most impor-
tant part of his programme that aiming at coordination of Allied
effort in every field of the war, military, naval, financial, eco-
nomic and diplomatic. With this end in view a number of Allied
conferences were held in France during Nov. and a significant
change was made in the functions of Gen. Joffre. His command,
which had been confined to the armies of the North and the
East, was extended so as to comprise the control of all French
armies operating in Europe. Thus the Salonika Expedition came
within his command. With closer working between the Allies it
became necessary to give Joffre freedom for the consideration of
large strategical questions, and, with that in view, Gen. Castel-
nau was appointed chief of the general staff.
Throughout the winter of 1915-6, those efforts for coordina-
tion continued in many a wordy conference, but when the Ger-
mans began the battle for Verdun, in March 1916, not much
progress had been made. The critical situation at Verdun pre-
vented any voicing of the discontent of Parliament at the slow
progress made, both with this matter, and with the failure of
the Government to make parliamentary control effective in the
field. On March 16, Gen. Gallieni was forced by ill-health to
resign (he died on May 27). Gen. Roques (b. 1856) succeeded
him. He had made a reputation for himself at Verdun.
The remaining months of spring were filled with efforts to ob-
tain Allied coordination, and with the critical development of the
Verdun battle. When Parliament met again on May 18, finan-
cial requirements once again claimed immediate attention, and,
for the first time, new taxation was imposed on the country. The
constant political anxiety for parliamentary control, and for
frank and full information as to the progress and conduct of the
war, was strengthened by events upon the Verdun front, and
finally Briand was forced by parliamentary pressure to accept a
secret meeting of the Chamber. The immediate cause for this
secret meeting was the change in the command of the Verdun
armies. Gen. Petain, who was appointed to the command after a
hurried visit of inspection by Gen. Castelnau, was decorated a
few days afterwards for having " adjusted a delicate situation."
It became known that, before Castelnau's visit, preparations had
been made for the evacuation of Verdun and the whole of that
region on the right bank of the Meuse. Parliament desired to be
acquainted with the elements of the delicate situation which
Gen. Petain had adjusted, and to be assured that, if there were
any guilt in the matter, punishment should be awarded. There
was also a desire for full information as to the steps taken to or-
ganize the Verdun front, for defensive purposes, before the Ger-
man attack broke on Feb. 21, it having been reported by a mem-
ber of the House (Major Driant, subsequently killed at Verdun)
that the defensive organization was extremely defective. No
Government worthy of the name could accept any secret debate
which would give to Parliament the opportunity of discussing
questions which were the sole concern of the military command,
and which would hand over to the passion of politics the stability
of command in the field. Briand therefore made it clear to the
House that, if there were to be any secret debate, it must not be
restricted to points of detail; that the discussion should cover
the whole general policy of the Government; and that no vote
should be taken in secret sitting.
The Secret Session. For the first time in French history, the
Chamber of Deputies constituted itself a secret committee on
July 16. As a matter of fact, there was nothing which could be
communicated to the House sitting in secret committee, with
which its delegates on the Army Committee and Foreign Affairs
Committee had not already become acquainted; and, as was re-
marked by one member, when the Government accepted the idea
of a secret meeting, it was only a means of taking the whole coun-
try into its confidence. The proceedings, which were stormy,
ended on June 22, and, at the public session which immediately
followed, a motion of confidence in the Government was carried
by 444 votes to 8. The advocates of parliamentary control had
made headway, however, for the motion, while declaring that the
Chamber desired strictly to refrain from intervention in the con-
ception, direction or execution of military operations, adding that
it meant to watch with increased care over the output of muni-
tions and general army supplies. It further indicated the inten-
tion of the Chamber to have recourse to the procedure of secret
committees, and, with the assistance of the Government, to or-
ganize a direct delegation for control on the spot of all services
entrusted with army supplies.
The continuance of the battle of Verdun, and the bursting of
the struggle of the Somme, made further political action against
the Government impossible throughout the summer, although
there can be no doubt that, had it not been for the pressure of
the front upon internal affairs, Briand's Ministry would not have
survived as long as it did. The proverbial luck of the prime minis-
ter came to his assistance at a critical moment in the summer,
when, on Aug. 28, Rumania entered the war upon the Allied side.
It was a brief gleam of good fortune, and probably nothing but
the beginnings of a pacific movement on the extreme left of the
Socialist wing kept the Government in power in the autumn.
Time after time have extremists, by ill-timed attacks, kept the
French Ministry from extinction; and when such men as Brizon,
FRANCE
139
who went to Zimmerwald to discuss peace with German Social-
ists, daily insulted in the Chamber the ideals for which his coun-
trymen were dying at the front, it was easy for a tactician such
as Briand to profit by the indignation aroused.
Reconstruction of the Ministry. These political considerations,
and the necessity for the Loan of Deliverance, subscriptions for
which were opened on Oct. 5, being undisturbed by political
trouble, kept the Chamber more or less quiet until November.
The difficulties of the country were, however, steadily growing;
and it was apparent that the Government had lost the fund of
energy and foresight with which it had started. Economic trou-
bles were becoming extremely irksome; practically nothing had
been done, save by dead-letter decree, to stamp out hoarding;
transport, both by rail and sea, had been allowed to lapse into
chaos, except for military purposes. In the early part of Nov. the
Government, conscious of its shortcomings, and anxious to fore-
stall parliamentary criticism, as well as to meet the growing pub-
lic indignation, appointed M. Claveille, the head of the Western
State railway, to be Director-General of Transports and Imports.
An under-secretaryship of State for civil and military food sup-
plies was also created, and the post was entrusted to M. Joseph
Thierry. A number of food restrictions were also decreed, most of
which, except in the remoter districts, remained very much a dead
letter. On Nov. 28 all these matters of discontent, to which were
naturally to be added the course of eastern affairs, the question of
effectives (the 1918 class registration had been voted six days
previously), and the High Command, brought about a further
secret meeting of the Chamber. At the meetings, which occupied
nine days, criticism of the Government was outspoken, and it
was only after promising a smaller Ministry and reorganization
of the High Command that Briand was able to obtain a vote of
confidence. In his reconstructed Ministry Briand remained
prime minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs; Ribot at Finance;
Adml. Lacaze at Marine; Malvy at the Interior; Viviani stayed
in the Ministry with the consolidated portfolios of Justice, Pub-
lic Instruction and Labour; Clementel took over the new port-
folio of National Economy (Commerce, Industry and Agricul-
ture); Herriot became Minister of Transport and Supplies;
Albert Thomas, Minister of Armaments; Doumergue, Colonies;
Loucheur, Under-Secretary for Armaments; and Gen. Lyautey
was transferred from Morocco to the Ministry of War.
A Ribot Ministry. This new combination had a brief and
exciting existence. Accusations of dictatorship were made as
soon as Briand, thinking to meet the Chamber's demand for
firmer government, asked for power to settle a number of ques-
tions by decree. Both the deputies and the senators held a num-
ber of secret sessions, in which nearly every one of the Govern-
ment's acts was vehemently criticized by speakers on all sides;
and, early in 1917, it was clear that the Ministry could not long
continue to face the growing hostility of Parliament. It died
of anaemia. Its leader, wearied by the strain of office, and
harassed almost beyond bearing by incessant criticism, partly
no doubt patriotic, and also without doubt very largely politi-
cal, could no longer see his way clear through this very dark
period in the war. He lacked the reserve strength of character
and the men required to deal with economic difficulties and to
stir the country out of the war-weariness which was creeping
over it. The immediate cause of his collapse was the resigna-
tion of Gen. Lyautey, a straightforward soldier with a horror of
politics, and the supple compromises of the politicians. He re-
signed on March 14, after voicing his distrust of secret sit-
tings. Briand failed to find a successor to him, and the whole
Cabinet went on March 17.
M. Ribot met the Chamber four days later with a Ministry in
which there were not many changes. It was composed as follows:
Ribot, prime minister and Foreign Affairs; Viviani, Justice;
Painleve, War; Adml. Lacaze, Marine; Thomas, Munitions;
Thierry, Finance; Malvy, Interior; Steeg, Public Instruction;
Desplas, Public Works; Clementel, Commerce; Fernand David,
Agriculture; Viollette, Supply; Leon Bourgeois, Labour. This
new combination was slightly more Radical than its predecessor,
and its chief point of interest was the nomination of Painleve
to the Ministry of War. When the Briand Ministry was recon-
structed in Dec., Painleve declined that portfolio, and joined
the Left in criticism of Briand's war-leading.
The Army Command. One reason for this refusal had been
the appointment of Gen. Nivelle to the High Command, and it
was inevitable that one of the first things to be undertaken by
the Government was a reorganization of the army command.
Gen. Nivelle had prepared plans for a general offensive to be
started on the Champagne front at Easter-time. He was allowed,
after much criticism from the" Ministry of War and from other
commanders, to proceed with his arrangement in a modified form.
Although the offensive produced some fruit, in the shape of
prisoners and guns captured and territory re-won, it failed en-
tirely in its main objective. Gen. Nivelle complained bitterly
that the responsibility for this failure lay on the shoulders of M.
Painleve, whom he charged with having intrigued against him
with generals under his command, and with having, by exaggerat-
ing losses sustained by the French in the operations, undermined
the confidence of the troops in his leadership. He also charged
the Government with not having done its duty in repressing the
pacifist and seditious propaganda in the rear, which had affected
the moral of some of his troops.
Gen. Petain was appointed to the chief command on May 15,
Gen. Foch becoming chief of the general staff with very extensive
powers. May and June were filled with labour troubles of a very
wide-spread nature. They coincided with mutinous develop-
ments among the troops at the front, and with the demand of the
Socialists for passports for Stockholm to take part in the pro-
posed international meeting for the discussion of peace. It was
evident that behind all this agitation there were foreign men and
foreign money. Labour troubles were smoothed down, a num-
ber of concessions being granted in the way of shorter hours; the
military troubles led to the execution of a good many of the ring-
leaders, and also to attempts being made to improve the system
of leave, and to release the older men from service at the front.
Public opinion, which had been rendered very uneasy by these
many signs of weakening moral, both military and civilian,
became even more alarmed as the result of M. Caillaux's activi-
ties in preparing the way for peace. An attack delivered in the
Senate by M. Clemenceau upon the way in which Malvy, the
Minister df the Interior, had allowed a whole number of anti-
patriotic organs to carry on pacifist and pro-German campaigns
in France brought matters to a head.
Painleve Premier. By the end of Aug. the position of the
Government had become impossible. M. Malvy resigned on
Aug. 31, and a week later the whole Cabinet followed suit. The
Socialists refused to support Ribot in forming another Cabinet.
He had incurred their enmity by refusing to allow their delegates
to attend the Stockholm meeting, and they made the continued
presence of any of their number in the Government dependent
upon utterly inacceptable conditions of control, which, had they
been put into effect, would have made the Government the
prisoner of a Socialist Soviet system. Painleve, however, found
more favour in their eyes; but he refused to exclude Ribot from
the Ministry, and, in spite of Socialist and Socialist-Radical
opposition, the latter stirred up by M. Caillaux, retained him as
Minister of Foreign Affairs. The new Ministry was Radical and
Socialist-Radical in a more pronounced degree than any previous
war Cabinet. Its birth was attended by intrigue and bitter party
feeling. It represented the last and despairing effort of the old
Radical gang and the Socialist extremists to save themselves
from the advent to power of Clemenceau, whose fearless exposure
of M. Malvy's backslidings had earned him tremendous popu-
larity in the country. Painleve was too closely identified politi-
cally with Malvy and his friends for it to have been possible for
him to control the gathering storm. When he became prime
minister, the first of the long series of treason scandals had been
opened up. Almeyreda had died in prison; Bolo was in gaol; and
more than one member of the Chamber of Deputies was involved
in suspected dealings with enemy subjects.
Clemenceau in Power. When, on Oct. 5, a definite accusation
of treason was made against M. Malvy, the days of the Painleve
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FRANCE
Government were numbered. M. Caillaux, it was clear, could
not escape searching investigation into his war-time activities.
On Nov. 13 the Ministry was defeated by 279 votes to 186, and
all the eleventh-hour efforts of Socialists and Socialist-Radicals
could not keep Clemenceau from power.
Clemenceau quickly got to work, and showed, by the choice of
his colleagues, that he intended to have as little as possible to do
with the political patchwork system whereby each successive
prime minister regrouped around him all the eminent failures of
his predecessor's Cabinet. He himself, as a fighting leader, took
the only portfolio which in his eyes had any importance at the
moment that of the Ministry of War. The rest of his Cabinet
was as follows: Nail, Justice; Pichon, Foreign Affairs; Pams,
Interior; Klotz, Finance; Georges Leygues, Marine; Clementel,
Commerce; Claveille, Public Works; Loucheur, Munitions; Laf-
ferre, Public Instruction; Henri Simond, Colonies; Colliard,
Labour; Jonnart, Blockade; Boret, Supplies and Agriculture.
Of these only Klotz, Clementel, Claveille and Loucheur had held
office previously during the war. M. Clemenceau surrounded
himself by five under-secretaries at the War Office, one of whom
was charged with the administration of military justice. The
ministerial declaration read to Parliament on Nov. 20 was in its
tonic effect upon the country as stimulating as a victory at the
front. " The war and nothing but the war " was, he declared,
his Government's one thought. " We have one sole, simple duty,"
he said, " to stand fast with the soldier; to live, suffer and fight
with him; to cast from us everything that is not for our country."
The rhetorical portions of his declaration amounted to a moral
mobilization of the whole country. The concrete passages were
concerned with treason, food restrictions and finance. Towards
treasonable propaganda the Government would act without
mercy. All such cases would be tried by court-martial; they
would tolerate no more pacifist campaigns, neither treason nor
half-treason. Within the month effect had been given to this
determination. Those cases which had already been opened
were handed over to the military legal authorities; the Malvy
case had been sent before the High Court; the prefect of the
Paris police had been removed from his post ; the Government had
applied for the suspension of parliamentary immunity in the case
of Senator Humbert, Joseph Caillaux and two other members of
Parliament. The parliamentary immunity was suspended before
the end of the year; Caillaux was arrested on Jan. 14.
The Treason Scandals. The chief a/aires de traison which
were investigated by military justice and the High Court were
those arising out of M. Caillaux's visits abroad and activities at
home, from M. Malvy's administration as Minister of the Inte-
rior, the sale of Le Journal, the policy of the Bonnet Rouge, and
Bolo's connexion with both these last-named matters. All the cases
were closely connected one with the other, and the prosecution
sought, in the conduct of each one of them, to show that M.
Caillaux was involved in all. Bolo was on friendly terms with
Caillaux and Malvy, and had acquired an interest in the Journal
and the Bonnet Rouge. His was the first case to come for trial be-
fore the third Paris court-martial. The case opened on Feb. 4
1918, when Bolo and a subordinate figure, Porchere, were in the
dock, Cavallini, an Italian, who was also charged, being in
Italy. Lt. Mornet, acting as public prosecutor, outlined the case.
He charged Bolo, under nine different clauses of the penal,
military and criminal code, with " having entered into com-
munication with the military power of Germany, notably through
the ex-Khedive of Egypt, with the object of favouring enemy
undertakings; having with the same object in view received from
Cavallini moneys sent by the German Government to the ex-
Khedive in order to create a pacifist movement; having in 1915
endeavoured for the purposes of the enemy to buy shares in the
Figaro with money of German origin; having in 1916 received
money from the German Government for the purpose of creating
a movement of opinion favourable to the enemy in the French
Press; having furnished to M. Humbert, director of the Journal,
enemy money with a similar intention." The prosecution showed
that Bolo had made efforts, ever since 1915, to corrupt the French
Press. After Germany had lost the first battle of the Marne she
turned round in search of other weapons with which to restore
her military fortunes. Bolo, who was a hanger-on of the former
Khedive of Egypt, went to see him in Switzerland, where he was
playing an important part in the German system of espionage and
intelligence. Bolo suggested pacifist operations in the French
Press. Herr von Jagow, then German Minister for Foreign
Affairs, accepted the scheme submitted and promised to support
it with 10 monthly payments of 1,000,000 francs. In March
1915, the ex-Khedive received 2,000,000 marks from Germany,
and paid a portion of this sum to Bolo, who invested 150,000
francs in the Rappel, and tried to obtain interest in La Revue.
the Cri de Paris, the Figaro, and I' Information. The German
Government, apparently considering that it had not received its
money's worth from this payment, a large portion of which was
devoted by Bolo to the settlement of his personal and pressing
debts, did not carry out the rest of the programme. Bolo there-
upon played for higher game, and, having obtained an option on
the controlling interest in the Journal, went to America, where
he was provided with 336,700 by the German Government,
220,000 of which he used to purchase shares in the Journal.
The Bolo case aroused an immense sensation, not only because
of the revelation of the danger to which France had been exposed
from treason from within, but also on account of the high position
occupied by many of the witnesses, and perhaps especially by
reason of its bearing upon the cases of MM. Caillaux and Malvy,
with both of whom, as the correspondence produced showed, Bolo
had been on intimate terms. Fruitless attempts were made by
the defence to compromise the President of the republic, Poin-
care, and to discredit the Clemenceau Government. Eleven
questions were put to the court on the last day of the trial, Feb.
14, and to each the unanimous reply of guilty was returned.
Bolo was condemned to death, Cavallini was sentenced to death
in contumaciam, and Porchere was sentenced to three years'
imprisonment. Bolo, after appealing both to the courts and to
the President of the republic against his sentence, after trying
to save his life by eleventh-hour revelations, was executed at
Vincennes on April 17.
Bonnet Rouge Trial. Twelve days later the gang of the
Bonnet Rouge came before the third court-martial. In this case
there were seven accused, four of whom were charged with
intelligence and commerce with the enemy Duval, Marion,
Goldsky and Landau; one, Joucla, with intelligence with the
enemy only; and two others, Vercasson and Leymarie, principal
private secretary of the Minister of the Interior, with complicity
in commerce with the enemy. The first notification of the case
was the arrest at the Franco-Swiss frontier of Duval, who was
then found to be the bearer of a German cheque for over six
thousand pounds. The investigations of the French police
showed that the Bonnet Rouge was the centre of a chain of news-
papers established in Paris, with no other apparent purpose than
that of spreading despondency and doubt among the French as to
the justice of their cause, and suspicion as to the honesty and
loyalty of their Allies. The arrest of Almeyreda soon followed that
of Duval. Almeyreda was an unsavoury and needy hanger-on of
politics, who had fished in the troubled waters of anarchist and
communist ideas before the war; had furnished Caillaux with a
bodyguard of toughs to protect him during the trial of his wife for
the murder of Calmette, and remained in touch with him as well
as with Malvy throughout the war. He founded the Bonnet
Rouge in 1913 as a weekly paper, and with funds supplied by
Caillaux, after the murder of Calmette, transformed it into a
daily publication in 1914. It was on his representations that,
when the war broke out, M. Malvy, then Minister of the Interior,
agreed not to proceed with the arrest of those who were nationally
suspect, and of whom a list had been prepared in anticipation of
war. This list included a number of political undesirables, among
whom was Almeyreda himself. He was found dead in gaol on
Aug. 14 1917, and, although he was known to be a morphine
maniac, the circumstances of his death, and the interest which
certain highly placed personages had in his disappearance, led to
definite charges against the prison authorities. At the trial it was
shown that Duval had received about 40,000 from a Mannheim
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banker called Marx, who acted as distributor of German Secret
Service money in Switzerland during the war. It was also shown
that in the Ministry of the Interior complete chaos prevailed in
the police services, which were themselves in conflict with the
secret services of the War Office; that it was with the connivance
of M. Malvy (who, as Minister of the Interior, had subsidized the
Bonnet Rouge) and his chef de cabinet, Leymarie, that Duval
obtained passports for some of his visits to Switzerland.
The trial ended on May 15, when Duval was sentenced to death,
Marion to ten, Landau to eight, Goldsky to eight and Joucla to
five years' imprisonment with hard labour. Leymarie was
sentenced to two years' imprisonment and a fine; and Vercasson
to two years' imprisonment with benefit of the First Offenders'
Act, and a fine of 5,000 francs. Duval's appeal was dismissed on
July n, and he was shot a few days afterwards, on the eve of the
opening day in the proceedings against M. Malvy, who, for three
years during the war, and in five successive Governments, had
been Minister of the Interior.
The Malvy Case. Malvy appeared before the Senate, sitting as
a High Court, on July 16 1918. The charges against him, in
practice though not in law, were first formulated by Clemenceau
in his attack upon the Ribot Government in July 1917, when he
showed how greatly negligent administration at the Ministry of
the Interior had encouraged defection, both at the front, and
behind the lines. That attack led to Malvy's resignation, and to
the fall of the Ribot Government, and later, in Oct. 1917, it was
given a sensational sequel by the Royalist, Leon Daudet, editor
of the Action Franqaise, who, acting as chief spy-hunter during
the war, had aroused public and Parliament to a knowledge of
the danger of allowing enemy agents and traitors complete free-
dom of action in France. In his newspaper for months he had
attacked Malvy; and on Oct. 4, in a letter addressed to President
Poincare, he roundly accused Malvy of having betrayed France
during the three years' term of his office during the war; of having
communicated the French plan of attack on the Chemin des
Dames in the spring of 1917 to the enemy, and of being partly
responsible for the military mutinies which followed that attack.
So slow is the machinery for bringing a member of Parliament to
trial before the High Court, that the report of the Senate Com-
mittee on the charges was not read until July 16. It was upon
that report that M. Malvy was charged with a number of acts
committed between 1914 and 1917, calculated to favour the
cause of the enemy, and to incite French soldiers to revolt. The
reporter, Senator Peres, briefly dismissed the definite charge of
treason made by Daudet, but examined in some detail the effect
of Malvy's policy of tolerance and slackness on the moral of
troops at the front. He showed that while first Gen. Nivelle, and
afterwards Gen. Petain, were vehement in their requests for
sterner measures in dealing with defeatist propaganda, Malvy
and his police turned a deaf ear towards them, and that Malvy
actually, on the eve of the military mutinies which affected over a
hundred French battalions in the front zone, complained of
" myths that are too easily believed." The military and civil
police were constantly at warfare. The soldier urged that foreign
and other suspects should not be permitted to roam about the
country; and while Malvy maintained with equal vigour that it
would disturb public opinion to make many arrests, the police in
his care actually furnished passports and gave missions to men
whom their own services had denounced as enemy agents. One
passage of the report which had special bearing on the approach-
ing Caillaux case was that in which it was shown that when
Caillaux was visited by an Austrian peace agent, and while he was
being shadowed by the police, he was warned by Malvy.
The Public Prosecutor, in his opening, ignored Daudet's
accusations, and charged Malvy with culpable negligence in the
administration of his office; with having been, instead of a servant
of his country, the servant of a politician, Caillaux, who desired
to keep his power in politics although he was himself discredited
and out of office. Instead of acting as the sword against the
suspect and the treason-monger, whenever the name of Caillaux
was involved he acted as the shield, ordering that surveillance and
prosecution should be stopped, restraining what zeal his police
possessed in controlling and stopping the activities of secret
anarchist printing works, revolutionary committees, and the
spreading of Bolshevik and pro-German doctrines. The Public
Prosecutor showed that Malvy had been duly warned in a
document drawn up by one of his own chief officials, known as the
Red Book. This work, of which six copies only were made, was
given to the President of the republic, the prime minister, the
prefect of police, Hudelo, and Malvy himself. The vital period in
the case was that which followed Gen. Nivelle's unsuccessful of-
fensive in the Champagne. It was then, as Caillaux subsequently
wrote, in Mes Prisons, that his own policy of conciliation with
Germany, and Clemenceau's policy of victory over Germany
came to grips. The country was low-spirited, war-weary, and
suffering from a bad political and economic leadership. It was at
this time that the defeatist propaganda became most intense.
The agitation for a Socialist Peace Conference at Stockholm had
made considerable headway among the people; the Bonnet Rouge
and all its offspring were most active; men coming back from
leave were addressed by agitators, given seditious literature; the
Bonnet Rouge was distributed free in the trenches; troop-trains
returning from the front had on several occasions to be kept out
of Paris, so clamorous were the men for peace; in 118 battalions,
including some of the best troops in the French army, mutinies
broke out and had to be repressed with military severity; the
streets of the capital were filled with strikers, and labour troubles
were spreading through the provinces. All that the military
leaders had dreaded had come to pass, and any action Malvy
took was always in favour of the agitator.
The evidence given at the trial by police officials, civil servants,
and soldiers, concerned with the moral of the army and employed
in the intelligence services of the country, showed that the whole
machinery of police and counter-espionage had been devoted to
the protection of political patrons, their friends and allies, rather
than to defending France and confounding the designs of the
enemy. Complete anarchy prevailed. Police records were lost,
suppressed or stolen by the various personages most concerned.
Official fought official, department was arrayed against depart-
ment, ministry against ministry, to such an extent that the
public and the Senate could have been pardoned in believing that
Malvy and his friends and officials thought themselves engaged,
not in a struggle for national existence, but in a civil service war.
Political capital was naturally made by the defence out of the
fact that Cabinet sanction, delivered by successive prime min-
isters, Viviani, Briand and Ribot, had been obtained for the acts
performed and the policies pursued by Malvy as Minister of the
Interior in their respective Governments; and the solidarity of
politicians was shown when those three former prime ministers,
with the latitude allowed by the elastic customs of the law,
made with their testimony three speeches for the defence.
The trial came to an end on Aug. 6, after a lot of legal and
political quibbling, when the Senate, definitely dismissing Dau-
det's charge of direct treason, found Malvy guilty of " forfeiture "
a charge correspondent to the old one of " forfaulture "by
101 to 81. This amounted to declaring that Malvy had been
guilty of such gross general negligence as amounted to treason.
The Court found:
" That M. Malvy, acting as Minister of the Interior, and in the
exercise of his functions from 1914 to 1917, has failed in, violated
and betrayed the duty of his task in conditions which place him in a
position of forfeiture, and has therefore come under the criminal
provision of Art. XII. of the law of 1875. The Court therefore con-
demns M. Malvy to five years' exile, but without civic degradation."
The verdict pleased no one in particular, but it was delivered on
a day when Gen. Foch's nomination to be Marshal of France
marked the beginning of victory. It aroused no political or
public sensation, and, on Aug. 10 Malvy, after protesting his
innocence, left Paris for San Sebastian and exile.
The Caillaux Trial. Caillaux did not actually come up for
trial until Feb. 17 1920, although it was the third time that the
Senate had sat as High Court to consider his case. The previous
dates in the case were: (a) demand for suspension of Caillaux's
parliamentary immunity, Dec. n 1917; (b) immunity voted by
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Chamber, Dec. 23; (c) Caillaux arrested, Jan. 14 1918; (d)
decision to try him before High Court of Senate, Oct. 1918; (e)
Senate Committee's report on case, Sept. 17 1919. All the time
that Caillaux was under arrest, a part of which period he spent
in a nursing home, he was under constant examination, either by
the military authorities, or by Senator Peres, who was appointed
to report on his case. The indictment against Caillaux was one of
having " since the declaration of war, in 1914-5-6-7, in France and
especially in Paris, and abroad, sought to undermine the security
of the State abroad by manreuvres, machinations, and intelli-
gence with the enemy, favouring the undertakings of the enemy
against France or against her allies fighting against a common
enemy, and of such a character as to favour the progress of
enemy arms; crimes punishable by Arts. 77 and 79 of the Penal
Code, and by Arts. 205 and 64 of the Code of Military Justice."
The act of accusation reproached Caillaux with the fact that
while the rest of his colleagues in Parliament were pursuing a
common national policy, Caillaux remained outside that com-
munity and was indeed the man upon whom Germany pinned her
hopes of a premature peace. This document maintained that
when Germany gave 20,000,000 francs for the purchase of the
Journal to Lenoir, whose father had been employed by Caillaux
during his secret Moroccan negotiations, she saw behind Lenoir
Caillaux himself, and that the same thought inspired them in
their dealings with Bolo. This tendency of the German Govern-
ment to look upon Caillaux as their man was further shown by
German censorship and army orders forbidding any praise of
Caillaux which might compromise a person " whose activities
may still be useful to us." This German trust in Caillaux was,
according to the prosecution, based upon his pre-war negotiations
with Germany in connexion with Morocco, and was further
explained by Caillaux's connexion with the Bonnet Rouge and its
group of defeatist newspapers. Caillaux, the act of accusation
roundly declared, was " the pivot of treason." His own actions
in S. America in 1914, and in Italy in 1916, went to support the
arguments of the prosecution. In S. America, whither he was sent
on a mission created in order to keep him out of mischief in France,
he fell straight into the hands of a German agent, who kept his
Government informed of Caillaux's actions and conversations.
On his return from S. America at the beginning of 1 9 1 5 he received
the visit of Hungarian agents acting the part of Germany, who
desired to engage in peace negotiations with him. During his
Italian journeys Caillaux was again the centre of all the disaffected
elements, and his conversation was such as to arouse alarm in
the minds of the Italian Government and the foreign embassies
and legations. He spoke freely of France being exhausted by the
war, and of the time when he would assume power again and
conclude peace with Germany.
In a safe which Caillaux had rented in a Florence bank, a
number of extremely important documents were discovered,
among them being a plan for a coup d'etat. This plan provided
for a complete change of all army commanders and generals; for
the dismissal of the Chamber; for the summoning to Paris of
certain regiments; for the arrest of a number of the chief patriotic
politicians and newspaper directors; and the creation of a small
ministry composed of dependable men. Peace, according to these
notes, was only to be made after a referendum, and a law, which
Caillaux himself called the Rubicon, was to be passed according
to which for a period of 10 months the President of the republic
could govern by decree. The document included a list of possible
collaborators, and mentioned among those people who might
be used, Landau, who was serving a sentence for treason, and
Almeyreda, who committed suicide in prison while awaiting his
trial on the same charge. Ceccaldi, a Corsican friend of Caillaux,
was to be appointed prefect of police, in control of all the Secret
Service of France. All the people belonging to the Royalist
Action Franfaise were to be arrested and tried for treason.
Caillaux defended himself with the utmost vigour. He de-
clared that it was not his fault, or by his desire, that all the
undesirable agents of Germany looked upon him as their prey;
that he was a patriot who had a policy. That policy might be
right or wrong, but the mere fact of having opinions could not be
regarded as a crime. As to the plan for the coup d'etat, it consisted
simply of notes jotted down with the natural detachment of a
politician, and there was nothing to show that they represented
his real convictions. He vigorously fought witnesses from Italy
and S. America, but in spite of all his mental ability, was unable
to furnish the High Court with a plausible excuse or explanation
of the fact that he had been, throughout the war, the magnet for
every intriguer for premature peace. On April 23 1920, Caillaux
was condemned to three years' imprisonment, for ten years to the
loss of his civic rights, and for five years to reside within a zone to
be indicated to him by the Government, as well as to the costs of
the case, amounting to about 53,000 francs. This verdict meant,
since he had been already imprisoned for three years, that he was
released the next morning. He went to live at Mamers, and was
forbidden to come to the capital without permission from the
Government. The formal verdict of the Court found him guilty
of having been in relation with enemy agents in S. America, in
Paris, and in Italy; with having been in correspondence with the
enemy; and with having, owing to " guilty thoughts or am-
bitions," given to the enemy information of the greatest value to
him for the conduct of his defeatist propaganda in France; but
exonerated him from the guilty intention required by Art. 77 of
the Penal Code. The verdict was given at a time when the whole
trial had ceased to have the burning importance it would have
had during the war, and when Caillaux, in any case, would have
had to disappear from French political life.
The Journal, In addition to Bolo, Senator Charles Hum-
bert, who had played an important part in the Army Com-
mittee of the Senate; Pierre Lenoir, the son of a wealthy pub-
licity agent, who had been employed "by Caillaux; Desouches,
an ex-barrister; and Georges Ladoux, captain of infantry,
employed at the Central Intelligence Department in Paris, were
involved in the charges arising from the purchase of the Jour-
nal. They were brought to trial before the Third Court-Martial,
on March 31 1919. After sitting for 34 days, the Court found
Lenoir guilty of intelligence with the enemy; Desouches guilty of
commerce with the enemy; and acquitted Charles Humbert and
Capt. Ladoux. Pierre Lenoir was condemned to death on May 8
and Desouches was sentenced to five years' imprisonment, and
a fine of 20,000 francs. These were the main treason cases,
but a host of minor treasonable fry was brought to trial by the
energy of Clemenceau's military justice.
Clemenceau and Man-power. He was no less vigorous in
keeping the promises of his ministerial declaration in other
directions, and the country was given an example of what
resolute government can achieve when it has a clear aim before
it, and takes its courage in both hands. The Painleve Govern-
ment, in a desperate effort to cling on in office, had declared it
impossible not to release the older men from service in the army.
Clemenceau tackled the man-power nettle in quite another man-
ner. He roundly informed the Chamber that, in spite of ap-
proaching American aid, thanks to the disaffection of Russia and
the general losses suffered by the French armies, the outlook for
the future was not bright. The army demanded more men, and
Clemenceau, who declared that his only war aim was to conquer,
lost no time in getting them. The debate on Dec. 28 1918 showed
that the Chamber intended to support Clemenceau who, far from
holding out hopes of release to the older men with the colours,
reminded the House that there were 1,200,000 mobilized men
working in the rear who would if it were at all necessary have to
return to the colours. He announced that the 1919 class would at
once be got ready for active service, and that two classes of
released conscripts would at once be called back to the army for a
period of six weeks or two months, in order to carry through
the programme of defensive works declared by G.H.Q. to be
indispensable. A rigorous comb-out of all Government offices was
carried through by M. Jeanenney, and all mobilized men of the
1914 class employed in State establishments in the rear were
placed at the disposal of the commander-in-chief. Heavy in-
creases in taxation, and a rain of decrees restricting consumption,
closing shops and suspending manufacture of certain goods, were
further evidences of the Draconian nature of the Government's
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policy. The food restrictions, however, remained (especially in
the large towns) very largely a dead letter. From this point of
view Great Britain was far ahead of France. Nevertheless, life
was made irksome in more than one direction, and with events
going far from well at the front; with great raiding activity on
the part of the German air squadron; and with the opening of the
bombardment of Paris on March 23 by a gun situated over 70 m.
distant from the capital, the French people, and the Parisian
population in particular, had many reasons for despondency.
The alert courage and tireless energy of Clemenceau through-
out those dark months acted as a tonic both on the army at the
front, where he was known as Pere la Victoire, and upon the
civilian populations in the rear. Clemenceau was constant in his
visits to the trenches, whence he always returned with a fresh
store of serene confidence. The appointment of Gen. Foch to be
chief of the western front was also bracing in its effects. Through-
out the summer the Government was called upon to deal with
some firmness with the growing section of extremists in the
Socialist and Syndicalist parties, which, with every fresh reverse
in the field, redoubled their opposition to Clemenceau. By the
first week of June the question of the defence of Paris had again
been considered, and some preliminary work had been done in
preparing plans for evacuation. By June 25 the department of
the Seine was declared to be within the army zone. Confidence
in the army was however markedly greater than it had been when
Paris was imperilled in 1914. It received a striking justification
when the great French counter-offensive broke mid- July.
The Armistice. From that day to the signature of Armistice
on Nov. ii 1918 the political history of France was written by the
triumphant armies sweeping the Germans out of the country.
The population had been prepared for victory, and in Paris had
seen for some weeks tangible signs of the discomfiture of the
Germans, in the masses of captured cannon which filled the Place
de la Concorde and lined the Champs Elysees up to the Arc de
Triomphe. When it was announced, on the morning of Nov. n,
that the Armistice had been signed, the whole country gave itself
up to rejoicing, while Allied leaders continued the preliminary
discussions with regard to the meeting of the Peace Conference.
The month of Nov. was filled with scenes of triumph in the liber-
ated regions and in the recovered provinces of France, where the
inhabitants gave to the returning French troops a welcome which
had not grown any the less cordial for keeping. The King of the
Belgians and King George both paid official visits to Paris.
King George, accompanied by the Prince of Wales and Prince
Albert, arrived in Paris on Nov. 28 for a visit of two days. Great
cordiality was the tone of the official speeches, and of the public
reception given to the British sovereign.
Peace Conference. Opposition to Clemenceau, which he had
with ruthless methods kept under in defeat, dared not show
itself while the German armies were being swept beyond the
frontier. When the Armistice was signed, however, it again
became apparent in Radical-Socialist and Socialist quarters, and
even among Radicals of a less extreme character, who felt that,
while Clemenceau might be an excellent man for the waging of
war, he was not likely to prove a satisfactory negotiator of a peace
by which the whole future of the world would be settled. Such
was the overwhelming popularity of Clemenceau, however, that
this reaction against his almost dictatorial power made but a
faint ripple on the political surface. With his customary sturdy
self-confidence, Clemenceau never for an instant contemplated
leaving the making of peace to other hands than those which had
forged the victory. He refused to accept a general debate upon
foreign policy, and turned a deaf ear to all parliamentary
criticism of his qualities as a peacemaker. The opposition
brought matters to a division on Dec. 17, but could only muster
1 70 votes. A frontal attack upon the Ministry was again begun
on Dec. 26, when some of the motives animating the opposition
were clearly expressed. A great number of parliamentarians felt
indeed that it would be unwise to permit a one-man Government
such as that of Clemenceau to negotiate peace. By private
intrigue, and in the public press, Clemenceau was urged to go back
to the cabinet system which prevailed throughout the war until
his arrival in power, and, if not to form a coalition Ministry, at
least to include among the French delegates to the Peace Con-
ference some of the political leaders of the country, such as
Briand, who were not in his Ministry. The debate ended on Dec.
20, when Clemenceau and Pichon outlined the attitude the French
Government would adopt towards questions of peace. During
its course the Government was invited by the Socialists Marcel
Cachin and Albert Thomas, and by the Radical-Socialist Frank-
lin-Bouillon, to declare its policy with regard to nearly every
world problem, including the League of Nations, the frontiers of
Alsace-Lorraine, the future of the Saar, the resumption of rela-
tions with the Vatican, the left bank of the Rhine, the Middle
and Near Eastern questions, Africa, and Russia. Clemenceau
frankly stated that although the old political system of the world
appeared to be discredited, he still remained faithful to it. He
pointed out that, had that old system been developed, had the
United States, Great Britain, France and Italy, before the war
declared that whoever attacked one of them would have to expect
the other three to join in the task of common defence, there
would have been no war. It would be his aim, he said, to preserve
during the. Peace Conference the alliance of those four Great
Powers, and he would make every sacrifice to maintain that
entente. He declined to be drawn into any further and more
detailed explanation of the policy he would pursue at the Con-
ference, pointing out that, although he desired to obtain satis-
faction for every just claim of France, there might be some which
would have to be sacrificed in the interests of humanity in general,
and that he did not want to arouse hopes which might be doomed
to disappointment. He declined on political grounds to discuss
the arguments which he intended to use in negotiation with the
other Allied statesmen. The division figures gave the Ministry a
vote of confidence by 398 to 93, a demonstration of parliamentary
support almost as striking as that of the public support given to
Mr. Lloyd George by the general elections on the eve of peace.
The French opposition, during this skirmish, made much of
President Wilson's presence in Europe. He arrived in Paris on
Dec. 14. In France his various messages, his notes to Germany
and to the Allies, had been read by large masses of the people as
heralding the dawn of a new era. They appealed by their very
ambiguity of phraseology to the latent idealism of the Latin mind.
This somewhat ignorant and crude emotion was fostered by the
authorities through the press, which for weeks before his de-
parture from America was busy fanning enthusiasm for the great
American who was to put into effect the teachings of the Sermon
on the Mount. Other sections of the community were led by
motives of quite another nature to acclaim President Wilson as
the great leader of civilization. While the official press was loud
in praises, for reasons of courtesy no doubt, but mainly for reasons
of policy, the extremists endeavoured to make the most of Wilson,
to wrest him, as it were, from the arms of Clemenceau and his
supporters. They did their utmost to exploit the difference of
character and of outlook which without doubt existed between
Clemenceau and the President. Both these forces, together with
the undoubted enthusiasm aroused by America's participation in
the war, led to Wilson being given a reception in France such as
had never before welcomed a foreign chief of state. Clemenceau's
attitude towards the League of Nations, to take but one point
of difference between the two men, was that he was quite pre-
pared to study the idea, and even to give it a trial, but that until
that safeguard of international peace had proved its efficiency he
could sacrifice nothing which helped in any way to build up the
security of France against aggression.
The opposition to Clemenceau also sought to make capital for
internal political purposes out of differences of opinion between
the British and French Governments as to the policy to be pur-
sued towards Russia. Under the influence of Marcel Cachin and
Moutet, two Socialist deputies who had visited Russia after the
revolution, the Socialist party was steadily tending towards
support of Bolshevist principles, and bitterly resented Clemen-
ceau's refusal to accept Russian revolutionaries as his political
gods. In spite of the overwhelming size of the Government
majority at the end of the debate on Dec. 29 1918, his opponents,
144
FRANCE
although defeated, were not dismayed, and piled up a mass of
interpolations upon every imaginable question of home and
foreign politics. On Jan. 1 6 1 9 1 9 there were no fewer than 1 3 inter-
pellations before the Chamber waiting for a day to be fixed for
their discussion. Clemenceau said that he could not possibly
agree to resume the debate which had already ended in a vote of
confidence for the Government. He pointed out that the Peace
Conference had already begun its labours, and that if the Govern-
ment were to be allowed to work properly therein, the Chamber
must exercise its right of interpellation in a moderate spirit, and
refrain in public debate from making capital out of supposed
divergencies of opinion between different Governments. As in
the matter of choice of the French peace delegation, so in this
matter, Clemenceau relied upon his popularity with the country
to get for him his own way. Instead of nominating, as he had
been urged to do, eminent politicians to the peace delegation, he
chose his collaborators at the Conference from his own Ministry
and his own officials. M. de Tasta, French ambassador at Berne,
was appointed general secretary of the Conference; the other
delegates being Pichon, Minister of Foreign Affairs; Klotz,
Minister of Finance; Jules Cambon, former French ambassador in
Berlin, and Andre Tardieu (b. 1876), High Commissioner for
Franco-American Affairs. Of these men the last was, after
Clemenceau, the most important member of the delegation, and
he was destined in later days to become the chief defender of
Clemenceau and the Treaty of Versailles in the long campaign
made against both in Parliament. He was an attache at Berlin in
1897, acted as prime minister's secretary under Waldeck-Rous-
seau until 1902; he then became foreign editor of the Temps,
where he made his influence widely felt; he has held chairs at the
Ecole des Sciences Politiques and at the Ecole de Guerre; he
entered French politics in 1914; acted as censor at the beginning
of the war; served in the field until he was invalided out, when he
was appointed French High Commissioner to the United States.
Clemenceau and the Opposition. In France more than in any
other country the actions and deliberations of the first six months
of 1919 were to form the bulk of the political raw material of the
country for years to come. The presence of the Peace Conference
in Paris, moreover, had a very great influence upon the whole
affairs of the country. Delegates swarmed in the streets of the
capital. There were no fewer than 70 of them at the first sitting.
Each of them was accompanied by a cloud of experts, secretaries
and other minor officials. They filled the hotels and restaurants,
and contributed very largely to increasing the almost prohibitive
cost of living. The British delegation occupied two giant estab-
lishments, the Hotels Astoria and Majestic; the Baltimore and
La Perouse hotels accommodated minor officials; and special
printing works were built for the British delegation in the Bois de
Boulogne. Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Balfour occupied large
flats in the rue Nitot opposite the Bischoffsheim residence which
President Wilson, after leaving Prince Murat's palace, made his
home. The American delegation was housed at the Hotel Crillon,
and there was hardly a single state represented which did not
have one hotel of its own. The press had the over-magnificent
residence of the late M. Dufayel in the Champs Elysees placed at
its disposal as a club. In spite of this gathering of diplomats,
the hangers-on of diplomacy, and statesmen, there was but very
little of the public " junketing " which marked the Congress of
Vienna. Clemenceau would have none of it, and this feeling was
shared by Lloyd George and President Wilson. Any socially
brilliant functions which might have been held, would have
aroused comment in Parliament, and both Clemenceau and
Lloyd George were acutely conscious throughout the proceedings
of the importance of looking after their respective Chambers.
Clemenceau, although strong in repeated and heavy votes of
confidence, was nevertheless aware that the trust reposed in him
by the Chamber of Deputies was due rather to the fact that the
Chamber of Deputies had no alternative than that it loved
him for himself alone. On several occasions during the Confer-
ence, when a point which he considered vital for France was at
stake, he threatened to resign rather than to ask his Parliament
to accept the suggested compromise. He was attacked with the
utmost ferocity in the years which followed the signature of peace,
for having sacrificed the interests of France to the friendship,
both personal and political, which he had always entertained for
Great Britain. During the progress of the Conference, however,
his critics either did not dare or did not care to come into the open.
Clemenceau's appearances in the Chamber were few and far
between. He reserved his strength, his patience and his passion
for the discussion of peace, and left the Chamber to glean what
information it could through the public press and the workings
of its various committees.
He was forced to suspend his work for a time on Feb. 19. As he
left his house in the rue Franklin to drive to the Ministry in the
morning a French anarchist, Emile Cottin, emptied a Browning
pistol into his car. He was wounded by one of the bullets below
the left shoulder-blade, and stood the shock with extraordinary
calmness, transacting business in his own house within a few
hours of the attempt. As week after week passed without show-
ing any perceptible advance towards the conclusion of peace, and
without there being any sign of the Government intending to con-
sult Parliament with regard to the terms, considerable dissatis-
faction was shown. It was expressed in violent criticism in a
debate in the Chamber on March 26 by Franklin-Bouillon, presi-
dent of the Foreign Affairs Committee; by the Budget Committee
of the Chamber, which expressed to Clemenceau its regret that he
did not intend to communicate the peace terms to the Chamber
until after their signature, and that while the country was in a
situation without any precedent Parliament should thus be con-
fronted with a. fait accompli, and should have no other method of
expressing its opinion of the peace than by accepting it or reject-
ing it in all its clauses; and by the Senate, where an unofficial
manifesto was signed by every member present, reminding Clem-
enceau of what France expected to find in the Treaty of Peace.
At the same time, the Confederation Generale du Travail had
placarded Paris and the provinces with a vigorous protest against
what it termed the sabotage of peace.
Internal French Situation. Clemenceau's strength as a war
fighter and his pertinacity as a negotiator of peace, cannot be
denied. Neither can the failure of his administration to cope with
current economic and labour questions be disputed. From the
start of his Ministry the more or less Draconian decrees as to food
restrictions were not applied in the spirit in which they were
drawn up. The Food Minister, Vilgrain, opened a number of
State stores for the sale of groceries and other food-stuffs, but was
unable by this method tq make any impression upon prices. A
bill was introduced on Feb. 5, inflicting drastic penalties upon
speculative profiteering, but that measure also remained without
effect. A hundred municipal butchers' shops were opened, but
they also failed to stem the rising tide. These economic factors,
together with political aspirations aroused by the course of
events in Russia, led to a number of labour disturbances during
the first four months of the Peace Conference.
Clemenceau was never a popular figure with Labour; his action
in suppressing strikes had been far too vigorous for the workman's
taste. They were therefore all the more surprised when, on
Jan. i, Clemenceau received the syndicalist delegates and asked
the Confederation Generale du Travail to submit to him their
economic demands, so that he might communicate those which
were ripe for discussion to the Peace Conference. The moderate
leaders, however, who were quite willing to accept this offered
cooperation of Clemenceau, were unable to control the rank and
file movement which led to a transport strike in Paris on Jan. 24,
which brought to a standstill nearly all the city's methods of
communication. Claveille immediately placed those services
under military control, and the next day work was again resumed.
On Jan. 27 there was further trouble on the P.L.M. system
where a one-minute strike was called by the local executive.
The acquittal of Villain on March 30 for the assassination of
Jaures gave to Labour's economic discontent a political impetus,
and in spite of the introduction of an eight-hour-day bill by M.
Colliard, Minister of Labour, on April 8 Labour remained sulky.
The bill was adopted after three days' discussion, on April 18.
In spite of this and other indications of the conciliatory attitude
FRANCE
145
of the Government toward Labour, the extremists pressed for-
ward with their plans for an unusually impressive Labour Day
demonstration which as it happened to be but a day or two after
the arrival of the peace delegates at Versailles, the authorities
determined should be either peaceful or suppressed with the
utmost vigour. Workmen employed in the following trades
decided to come out: metal, building, shipbuilding, arsenals,
miners, seamen, transports, dressmaking, theatres, concerts, mu-
nicipal services. The postal and telegraph services only opened
at 10 in the morning, and telephone operators struck for half
an hour in the morning and half an hour in the evening. Elec-
tricians struck for 2 hours. It was at first decided to hold no
public demonstration and to restrict the programme to a series of
private meetings. At the last moment, however, it was decided to
march in procession from the Place de la Concorde to the Place de
la Republique. The Government issued a prohibition of any such
demonstration, and troops were massed round Paris.
The day ended with rioting of a serious nature. There were a
number of casualties on both sides, and as a result of the vigour
with which the Government maintained its authority, M. Jou-
vaux, secretary of the General Confederation of Labour, resigned
his position as a supplementary Labour delegate to the Peace
Conference, and two other Socialists holding Government
positions, M. Bouisson, Commissioner for Merchant Marine,
and Compere-Morel, Commissioner for Agriculture, left their
posts. The feeling left among the working-classes was one of
great bitterness, and leaders did not accept their defeat. During
the next two months strike after strike occurred, affecting all
sorts of people from bank clerks and milliners to railwaymen and
miners. It would be impossible to give any one reason for this
discontent, which was due to both economic and political causes.
The main factor of the first was the high cost of living, and of the
second the faulty application of the ill-considered eight-hour-day
bill, which led to a great amount of dispute in its interpretation,
and with some piece-workers to a reduction of wages. In many
cases the Confederation Generale du Travail found itself
powerless to control the rank and file, who were inflamed by
revolutionary propaganda, and by the circulation of quite un-
justified statements that the Government intended to send large
numbers of French troops to fight against the Russians.
These partial strikes continued throughout June, and the
General Labour Federation decided, in unity with Italian labour,
to proclaim a 24 hours' general strike in France on July 21. This
strike was to be " a formidable warning to cease all armed inter-
vention in Russia; to demobilize rapidly and without restriction;
to reestablish constitutional liberties; and to grant full and entire
amnesty." It was also to be considered as a declaration of war
upon the high cost of living. This move met with such faint-
hearted support from Labour itself, and aroused such violent
protest from the rest of the community, that on July 20 the
C.G.T. decided to abandon its action. They had the satisfaction,
however, of seeing a defeat inflicted on the Government two days
before that decision was arrived at. This adverse vote was taken
on a question of food policy, and the Food Controller, M. Boret,
resigned. Clemenceau appointed Noulens to succeed him, and
again managed to obtain a majority.
Peace Treaty Criticism. The text of the Peace Treaty, and of
the Franco-British and Franco- American Conventions accom-
panying it, was tabled at the Chamber of Deputies on June 30.
The Chamber at once nominated a Peace Committee to report
upon the document, M. Barthou being elected its president. His
report was submitted to the Peace Committee on Aug. 5. It
recommended the ratification of the Treaty, but drew attention
to some of the provisions for ensuring French security on the
Rhine, pointing out that their application would call for constant
vigilance. He also criticized the exclusion from the pact of the
League of Nations of those clauses proposed by France with a
view to increasing the safety of her Eastern frontier. There
naturally could be no question of a rejection of the Treaty; but
its reception by Parliament was lukewarm. Parliament felt that
it had not been allowed to play a proper part in the deliberations
which had produced the document, and certain sections, notably
the Right, were critical of the clauses dealing with the left bank of
the Rhine and reparations. Tardieu, replying for the Govern-
ment on Sept. 3, in the debate upon that report, outlined argu-
ments which he subsequently developed at greater length in his
book La Paix. The debates of that summer were academic or, at
the most, preliminary to the storm of criticism which Clemen-
ceau's work subsequently aroused. The Opposition had failed to
upset the Government on economic questions; it was impossible
for national reasons to try to do so on the Peace Treaty, and the
House accepted the idea that Clemenceau would remain in power
to " make " the approaching elections. The treaty was ratified
by 372 votes against 52. There were 73 abstentions.
Elections of 1919. On Oct. 2 a General Election bill was
tabled in the Chamber fixing the dates for the elections as follows:
Chamber of Deputies, Nov. 16; Municipal Councils, Nov. 23;
Mayoralty, Dec. 7; Councils General, Dec. 14; Senate, Jan. n
1920. At the beginning of Nov. Clemenceau, speaking in Strass-
burg, made a programme speech which served as the rallying-
ground for the widely diverse elements composing the bloc
national. He made a fine appeal to all Frenchmen to realize that
upon them depended whether they would in labour and tran-
quillity reap the benefits of the peace they had won. He dwelt
upon the necessity for stable government, based on a large and
solid majority; and his electioneering cry he found in Bolshevism,
which had, indeed, made considerable progress, but, as was shown
by the result of the elections, was far from being a national
danger. The elections were fought with some bitterness, especial-
ly in the Seine, where Millerand and Barres were the chief candi-
dates of the bloc national, and where Longuet, the leader of the
Socialists, figured on a list with Capt. Sadoul, a French officer
serving with the Bolshevist army, who had been condemned to
death by French court-martial for treason. The bloc national,
comprising the moderate elements of the Chamber, and many of
the extreme Conservatives, swept the country. The results of the
elections were: Conservatives and Liberal Action, in (a gain
of 46); Progressives, 125 (a gain of 75); Left Republicans, 139
(a gain of 43) ; Radicals and Socialist-Radicals, 147 (a loss of 102) ;
Socialist Republicans, 34 (a loss of 3); Unified and Dissident
Socialists, 70 (a loss of 35).
Presidential Election: Resignation of Clemenceau. This new
Chamber met on Dec. 8, when it gave a welcome to the 24
deputies elected for Alsace-Lorraine. On Dec. 18 M. Deschanel
was reelected to the presidency of the Chamber by 478 votes out
of 505. The Minister of Finance tabled two bills, one authorizing
an additional credit amounting to 43 million sterling for the
financial year 1919, and the other a vote on account for the first
three months of 1920. The most important immediate business
before Parliament was to proceed with the election of a successor
to M. Poincare in the presidency of the republic. Clemenceau,
although not anxious to fill that office, was nevertheless prepared
to accept it as the result of a more or less unanimous vote. The
election of Deschanel to the presidency of the Chamber gave
Clemenceau's opponents an opportunity of urging Deschanel to
stand, and both he and Clemenceau agreed to abide by the
decision of the preliminary meeting of the Republican groups of
the Chamber and the Senate. Clemenceau was narrowly defeated
in this party ballot, and withdrew his candidature. M. Deschanel
was elected President in the National Assembly of _ Versailles
on Jan. 17 1920 by 734 votes out of the 888 cast. Clemenceau
placed the resignation of his Ministry in the hands of the President
of the republic on Jan. 18 and retired into private life. Millerand,
who had taken the chief part in organizing the parliamentary
elections, formed a Cabinet as follows: Millerand, prime min-
ister and Minister for Foreign Affairs; L'Hopiteau, Minister of
Justice; Steeg, Interior; Francois Marsal, Finance; Lefevre, War;
Landry, Navy; Honnorat, Public Instruction and Fine Arts; Le
Trocquer, Public Works and Transport; Ricard, Agriculture;
Isaac, Commerce, Industry, Posts and Telegraphs; Sarraut,
Colonies; Jourdain, Labour; Ogier, Liberated Regions; Maginot.
Pensions and War Allowances; Breton, Hygiene.
The new President was installed in office on Feb. 18, and two
days later M. Poincare was appointed president of the Repara-
146
FRANCE
tions Commission. The last days of Feb. a strike starting on the
P.L.M. was extended by a miners' strike in the northern coal-
fields. Both movements were due to the high cost of living. These
partial strikes were very largely test movements organized in a
more or less underground manner, without the full approval of
the C.G.T. in whose directing committee Communists were
struggling to obtain the ascendancy. May-day passed quietly,
but was followed by a series of strikes ordered by the C.G.T. The
programme of action which was then put forward showed that the
Communists had carried the day. It included the formation of a
national economic committee for the reorganization of produc-
tion; the constitution of an international syndicate for the distri-
bution of raw material; and the formation of an international fleet
with a view to the regulation of freights; control of imports; re-
organization of rail transport; international distribution of war
burdens; the stoppage of Colonial expeditions; and disarmament.
The seamen, dockers and miners were called out in support of
the railwaymen. The strike was never popular, and the Govern-
ment's action in arresting leaders was well supported by the
public. On May 9 the C.G.T. mobilized more strikers, calling
out the metal-workers, builders, underground railway and
omnibus employees, aeroplane-workers, and all dockers. By that
date the defeat of the strike was certain. Men were breaking
away in very large numbers from their unions, and in spite of
terrorism were returning to work. Evidence having been
obtained of Russian participation in the movement, a large
number of arrests was made. On May 21 the C.G.T. decided
by 96 votes to n to admit defeat, and work was resumed on the
following morning. The defeat was the worst ever inflicted on a
big Labour organization, and it was calculated that over half a
million members were lost by the extremist nature of the action.
Millerand and the Presidency. No sooner was this crisis over
than the Government was faced with one of an unusual and
perplexing nature. M. Deschanel, President of the republic,
while travelling by night to Montbrison, fell from the window of
his compartment on to the track while the train was travelling at
a good speed. No one noticed the accident, and it was not until
Montargis was reached the next morning that the absence of the
President was discovered. M. Deschanel was fortunate in not
being seriously injured in his fall, but the shock, together with the
effect of months, if not years, of life at high pressure, made it
impossible for him to resume his functions. By the middle of
Sept. after a further relapse, it became clear that he would have
to resign his office. This was done formally on Sept. 16.
The course of events during the period which elapsed between
Deschanel's accident and his resignation, was such as to favour
the candidature of M. Millerand to the presidency. The prime
minister's handling of Labour troubles had given him a great hold
upon the Chamber; and although the growing friction with Brit-
ain and Mille rand's attitude towards peace problems both roused
discomfort in Parliament, the trend of events, especially after the
Spa conference and the brilliant success of the French aid given
to the Polish army in Aug., more than made good any gaps in his
prestige. He accepted candidature, after issuing a statement that
if he were sent to the Elysee he would pursue the policy he had
advocated as prime minister. M. Millerand's action in boldly
stating a programme shocked constitutional purists among the
revolutionaries. After his election on Sept. 23, when he obtained
695 out of 892 votes, Millerand explained in further detail that he
intended to play a larger part than had hitherto been taken by
presidents of the republic in the field of foreign affairs; and that
he contemplated constitutional reform the tendency of which
would be to increase the usefulness of his office. The ministerial
crisis resulting from this change in the presidency was settled
by M. Georges Leygues stepping into Millerand's vacant place,
the Cabinet remaining otherwise unchanged.
The new Government's statement of policy was naturally
approved after a very brief debate. At the same sitting a presi-
dential message was read, in which Millerand again referred to
the advisability of constitutional reform, and dwelt upon his
intention to act as guardian in the application of the Versailles
Peace Treaty, Andre Lefevre, the Minister of War, resigned his
office on Dec. 16, in order to have his hands free to press for the
rigorous disarmament of Germany. He was succeeded by M.
Raiberti, president of the Finance Committee of the Chamber.
This Ministry of M. Leygues was never intended to be any-
thing but a stop-gap. It enabled Millerand to get his feet into
the stirrups without receiving too much advice as to how to ride
the horse of state from former presidents or prime ministers.
M. Leygues' chief task was to follow closely the lines laid down
for him by M. Millerand in the various meetings which were still
taking place with regard to peace between allied statesmen. He
fell from power at precisely the moment when it seemed fit that
M. Briand should take the reins. This he did in the middle of
Jan. 1921. His chief concern was Franco-British relations, which,
ever since the Armistice, had been drifting into troubled waters.
Franco-British Relations, 1919-21. With the disappearance
of Germany as a world-power, it could not but be that a principal
factor in the Franco-British Entente had ceased to exist. Even
during the war, in meetings between statesmen and soldiers of the
two countries, there were many differences of opinion. Yet, when
the Armistice was signed, relations between the two countries
were excellent. It was inevitable, however, that in the sharp
exchange of views at the Peace Conference, when not only the
vital interests of the moment but also the far-distant future of
nations was at stake, individual interests should tend to supplant
the common sacrifice of war-days. French public opinion, when
it studied the conditions of peace, became persuaded that in the
Peace Conference the British delegation, and Mr. Lloyd George
in particular, were there not so much as statesmen settling the
world's affairs from the high mountain of humanity, but as
political travellers who had to show results to the house which
employed them. This French point of view is stated here without
the criticisms, comments and corrections, which might be aroused
by it. There were two great crises during the Paris Peace Con-
ference, and the solution accepted by Clemenceau in each case
formed the subject not only of diplomatic action and discussion
abroad, but of political agitation and criticism in the French
Parliament itself. They were due to marked divergencies of
views between France and Great Britain as to the future of the
left bank of the Rhine, the Saar Valley, and reparations. In the
discussion of these three questions two main tendencies soon
became apparent. Mr. Lloyd George, according to Andre Tar-
dieu, was anxious lest the conditions to be imposed upon Germany
would be such as would lead her to refuse to sign. This anxiety
and the dread of the possible extension of Bolshevism throughout
Europe found their most direct expression in a memoir Mr. Lloyd
George drafted on March 26 1919, in which he enjoined modera-
tion upon himself and upon his allies. To this memorandum the
French Government replied that it was in complete agreement
with Mr. Lloyd George in desiring to make a lasting and there-
fore a just peace, but that it did not think that, by softening down
the European territorial clauses, his object would be obtained.
It pointed out that the great war for Germany had not been a
European war but a world war; that all her colonies, all her navy,
a large portion of her merchant fleet, and her foreign markets
were to be taken from her. It was these clauses which would hurt
her, and it was an illusion to believe that she would be soothed by
giving to her better European territorial conditions. The Xote
drew the attention of the British Government to the fact that
if its suggestions were accepted a certain number of complete
and definite guarantees would be given to maritime nations which
had not suffered from invasion, such as Great Britain; forinstance,
the cession of the German colonies, the handing over of the
German war fleet; the surrender of a large part of Germany's
merchant marine, and for a time, the exclusion of Germany from
foreign markets. To continental countries, on the other hand, to
those which had most suffered from the war, partial and limited
solutions of their difficulties were offered, such as the reduced
frontiers of Poland and Bohemia, the limited defensive under-
taking with regard to the protection of France, and the limited
exploitation of the Saar coal-fields. With a foresight justified by
subsequent events, M. Tardieu, who drafted this Note, pointed
out that the inequality of the proposed solutions would be likely
FRANCIS FERDINAND
147
to have detrimental effects upon inter-Allied relations after
the war. On the points thus detailed, however, compromise
agreements were reached during April 1919, and the text of the
Treaty was handed to the Germans on May 7.
It was after that date, on May 25, that a second crisis broke
out. It lasted until June 16. All Mr. Lloyd George's fears as to
the probability of the Germans refusing to sign the Treaty had
been reawakened, and he suggested a number of concessions on
such questions as disarmament, the occupation of the Rhine,
reparations, Dantzig and Silesia. It required a very determined
effort on the part of the French peace delegation to prevent a last-
hour revision of the terms. The settlement of the question of the
left bank of the Rhine undoubtedly caused the most perturbation
among French politicians. Marshal Foch on Nov. 27 1918, and
again on Jan. 10 1919, had urged that, for the security of France,
the Rhine must become the western military frontier of Germany,
and that that nation should be deprived of the military spring-
board on the left bank she had used with such effect in 1914. This
proposal had been discussed in March and refused by Great
Britain, and instead of the occupation and independence of the
left bank, Great Britain and the United States offered the
military guarantee against any aggression on the part of Germany,
the undertaking of Great Britain being dependent upon American
ratification of that agreement. This was not forthcoming. Clem-
enceau, after a hard fight, succeeded in inserting in the Peace
Treaty a clause to the effect that if, within 15 years the period
of occupation laid down in the Treaty Germany had not fulfilled
her engagements, that period could be prolonged. There were
many Frenchmen, and notably Marshal Foch, who refused to
see in this compromise a sufficient safeguard for French frontiers,
or for the execution of the Treaty of Versailles. Their number
naturally grew when the American Senate refused to ratify
the Treaty, and not only the American but the British under-
taking to give military aid to France, were she attacked by
Germany, fell to the ground.
In the treatment of the problem of the Saar coal-fields and of
reparations, the French also thought that Lloyd George looked
exclusively to British interests. Great though the criticisms were
against the Treaty of Versailles, they were as nothing compared
with the resentment aroused in France by the application of that
Treaty by Great Britain. The coal agreement at Spa, which made
France pay heavily to the British Government for her coal, the
British encouragement of the Emir Faisal and other elements in
the Middle East which were regarded by the French as antagonis-
tic, the British negotiations for the resumption of trade with
Bolshevist Russia, the anti-Polish attitude of the British Govern-
ment during the Peace Conference over the Dantzig Corridor, and
afterwards during the Polish-Bolshevist War, the intransigent
attitude adopted in favour of Greece and against the Turkish
Nationalists all contributed towards disagreement between
France and Great Britain.
These were French criticisms, and represented French causes
for dissatisfaction with British policy after the Armistice. An
equal number of British complaints against French policy could
undoubtedly be found. The result was that in 1920 and 1921 a
good deal of diplomatic friction was occasioned from time to time;
and it was renewed in Dec. 1921 as the result of the French
attitude towards disarmament at the Washington Conference.
But it was clearly in the predominant interests of both Great
Britain and France that they should bring their respective peace
policies into agreement, and march forward hand in hand.
The moment was perhaps not ripe for a formal alliance, but in
1921 there were influential people on both sides, and in England
notably Lord Derby, who were working towards a restoration of
completely cordial relations between France and England, in
preparation for a definite understanding which might form the
foundation of permanent peace in Europe. (G. A.)
FRANCIS FERDINAND (FRANZ FERDINAND VON ESTE) (1863-
1914), Archduke of Austria, was born at Graz Dec. 18 1863. His
father was the Archduke Charles Louis, second of the younger
brothers of the Emperor Francis Joseph; his mother was the
Princess Maria Annunciata, daughter of the Bourbon King
Ferdinand II. of the Two Sicilies. His mother died while he
was a child, but he was affectionately cared for by his father's
second wife, Maria Theresa of Braganza, daughter of the exiled
Portuguese Prince Dom Miguel of Braganza. He received the
education usually given to members of the imperial family,
not too thorough a one, as his succession to the throne was not
anticipated. In later years, when he had become heir to the
throne, Francis Ferdinand worked with iron industry to fill in
the gaps in his education; he learned the languages of the nations
over whom he appeared to be called to rule, and took pleasure
in obtaining instruction from leading men of science in their
special branches of knowledge. He showed special interest in the
natural sciences and in the plastic and pictorial arts, but had
little taste for poetry and music.
When the education prescribed for him was completed Francis
Ferdinand, still following the archducal tradition, entered the
army, which kept him for many years away from the imperial
palace. In 1875 he took the name of Austria-Este, as heir of his
uncle the Duke of Modena, with whose death the male line of
this branch of the house became extinct, and of his possessions in
Austria-Hungary and Italy. Until the death on Jan. 30 1889
of the Crown Prince Rudolf, Francis Ferdinand was only known
in limited circles, and even then he did not at first play any
prominent part. For although his father, the next heir to the
throne, showed little inclination to make use of his rights when
occasion offered, his uncle the Emperor did not give Francis
Ferdinand any share in the business of government. He devoted
himself as before to his military duties and to the management of
his extensive estates. In 1892-3 he made a world tour, which he
described in two volumes issued in 1895. He himself states the
chief aim of his travels to have been the satisfaction of his desire
to become acquainted with foreign systems of government, and
to get into touch with foreign peoples and persons and foreign
manners and customs. But his delight in the adventures of the
chase he was an excellent sportsman and an admirable shot
his strongly developed feeling for nature, and the desire of his
friends and relations to strengthen the uncertain health of a prince
born of a consumptive mother counted among the reasons for the
long journey. The last aim was not realized; Francis Ferdinand's
sufferings notably increased after his return, and compelled
him, after his father's death in May 1906 had made him heir-
apparent to the throne, to spend considerable periods in southern
resorts. The undisguised haste with which many people, es-
pecially those connected with the court, who had hitherto courted
him, deserted him, now that he was seriously ill and his succes-
sion improbable, hardened the prince's character, which was not
naturally gentle, increased his distrust of the men who sur-
rounded him, and heightened his contempt for mankind.
When his health improved he returned home and spent a con-
siderable time very actively on his estate at Konopischt, where
he established a model farm and gained the reputation of a close-
fisted and not very popular master. Even then he was not invited
by Francis Joseph to take part in state affairs; yet the Emperor
frequently commissioned him to represent him abroad, and grad-
ually allowed him to exercise greater influence in military matters.
In 1896 Francis Ferdinand became a cavalry general, and on April
i 1898 he was placed at the disposition of the supreme army com-
mand; in 1902 he became an admiral of the Austro-Hungarian
fleet. Learned bodies and artistic societies gave him their highest
places of honour. He became honorary member and later curator
of the Imperial Academy of Science at Vienna and patron of the
Academies of Science in Prague and Cracow.
On July i 1900 Francis Ferdinand married Countess Sophie
Chotek (1868-1914), after having overcome by tenacious per-
sistence the obstacle due to the facjt that the lady was not of
royal family, and renounced, a few days before the ceremony,
the succession rights of any children of the union. This re-
nunciation was not only inscribed in the records of the imperial
family, but ratified in the Austrian and Hungarian Parliaments
and sanctioned by a law of Dec. 4 1900. The consort of the heir
to the throne was raised to princely rank with the title of Hohen-
berg; later on she received the rank of duchess with the style of
148
FRANCIS FERDINAND
" highness." Of this marriage were born a daughter, Sophia
(b. 1901), and two sons, Max (b. 1902) and Ernest (b. 1904).
The influence of his ambitious, clever, rigidly Catholic wife on
the heir to the throne was lasting. The difficulty of providing
her with a position at Court corresponding with his own and her
desires estranged him from the majority of the members of the
imperial house, and influenced unfavourably his relations with
Francis Joseph, with whom he had never really been on intimate
terms. Still his influence increased as years went on; the Em-
peror gradually allotted to him responsibilities of his own, not
only in military matters but occasionally in questions of domestic
politics. Yet until Francis Ferdinand's death the Emperor re-
served for himself the final decision in every question which arose.
The difference of outlook of the two men became more and more
marked; for with advancing age Francis Joseph was less and less
willing to consider far-reaching reforms, was anxious to avoid
any conflict with the nationalities, and preferred advisers who
knew how to untie a knot gently instead of hacking through it.
It is not surprising that he did not like Francis Ferdinand, who
advised rapid and energetic action and, if necessary, methods of
violence. So it happened that the nephew did. not take into
sufficient consideration the jealousy with which his aged uncle
guarded his rights as a ruler; he repeatedly spoke of the respon-
sibility which God had imposed on him with his right of succes-
sion; he would express a curt opinion on men and things when he
knew that they did not correspond with the view of the sovereign.
The estrangement increased; personal contact became rarer;
Francis Ferdinand came into the Emperor's presence only on
exceptional occasions; as a rule he contented himself with express-
ing his views in writing, and they very rarely agreed with his
uncle's. For Francis Ferdinand was decidedly opposed to the
preponderant influence exercised in ever-increasing measure by
the Magyars in both the domestic and the foreign affairs of
the Dual Monarchy, and blamed the complaisance shown by
Francis Joseph to all Hungarian demands which did not directly
threaten the unity of the monarchy or seriously menace the
rights of the throne. Francis Ferdinand was convinced that this
Magyar preponderance must be broken in the interests of the
monarchy and the dynasty. As to the way in which this struggle
was to be conducted his opinion varied from time to time. For
some time he was wholly in the camp of the Federalists, and di-
rected his efforts to the splitting-up of the monarchy into a series
of states possessing equal rights and held together by a strong
central Government. At another period, especially just before
the first Serbian crisis, he inclined to " Trialism " as the best
solution. At that period he contemplated the union of the
Southern Slavs as an independent state within the Habsburg
dominions, but abandoned this scheme when he realized that the
union of the Austrian and Hungarian Slavs in a separate national
system would merely forward the intentions of the Belgrade
Government. Later, strongly influenced by the Hungarian
minister Kristoffy, he inclined to the idea of attempting, by a
change which would leave the dualism of the monarchy as such
untouched, to strengthen unity by changing the Delegations into
a central Parliament and attaching the annexed provinces Bosnia
and Herzegovina, with a state organization of their own, to the
Empire. The opposition which he met on all sides from the
ruling party in Hungary strengthened his conviction that here
lay the essential obstacle to the healthy recovery of the monarchy.
In the severe conflicts between the Magyars and the Crown
from the beginning of the aoth century onwards he, therefore,
maintained the opinion that no concession must be made, and
that there should be no shrinking even from the use of armed
force for the defence of the rights of the monarchy and the
dynasty. The conclusion of the struggle, after a duration of more
than five years, in a compromise was a bitter disappointment to
Francis Ferdinand, and strengthened his dislike for the Magyar
leaders, among whom he particularly hated Stephen Tisza,
whose high standing he recognized.
He was more successful in his opposition to the Magyar
attempts for the partition of the army. In this, as in the questions
of the language to be used in the words of command and re-
sponse, and of the regimental colours and emblems, he had the
Emperor's support, and was able to hinder the accomplishment
of the Magyar desires.
The zeal with which Francis Ferdinand sought for the solution
of domestic political problems by strengthening the central power
is explained by his firm conviction that this was the indispensable
condition of the position of the monarchy as a Great Power,
which he desired to maintain and to increase. Francis Ferdinand
was not an unconditional adherent of the group which thought
his aim would only be attained by force of arms. He repeatedly
foiled their intentions. But he was firmly determined to tread
this path if it was the only one by which the goal could be reached.
Personal inclination and a conviction of the commanding posi-
tion of Great Britain made him regard the establishment of good
relations with that Power as desirable. Towards the French,
and still more towards the Italians, his attitude was cool and
negative. He was convinced that it was impossible to establish
permanently friendly relations with the Italian nation, and that
there must inevitably be a day of reckoning between the mon-
archy and Italy. He never adopted an anti-Slav policy. Not only
did he wish, from the point of view of his plans for internal re- i
construction, to avoid conflicts with the principal representa-
tives of the Slav nationalities, but he recognized in the Tsar of
Russia the strongest support against revolutionary movements
in monarchical states. Nor is it true that he wanted to see Serbia
struck out of the list of independent Balkan states; he merely
expressed the decided opinion that the encroachments of the
Greater Serbia movement on Austro-Hungarian soil should be
resisted with all the forces of the monarchy. He stood faithfully
by Germany, with whose ruler his relations became more and
more intimate, in spite of the difference between the characters
of the two men. Yet no one was less inclined to contemplate
the monarchy falling into a relation of dependence on her power-
ful ally than Francis Ferdinand, whose whole being was informed
with a sense of the majesty of the Habsburg-Lorraine dynasty.
Francis Ferdinand was a man of more than average ability.
He had a power of quick comprehension; possessed in a high
degree the ability to recognize the essential point in any business
in which he was engaged, and, unlike his uncle Francis Joseph,
did not allow his general impressions to be clouded by too close
attention to detail. What he lacked was knowledge of men, calm-
ness and constancy in his relations with the men who had been
placed in high offices of state by his influence: Beck, Aehrenthal,
Conrad, Auffenberg and others lost, not always for any serious
reason, the favour of the heir to the throne as quickly as they
had won it. The influence of his wife, ill-natured tittle-tattle to I
which he listened more and more, and the outbursts of ungovern-
able rage to which he became increasingly prone with the years,
all helped to make intercourse with him more difficult, and pre-
vented a great many persons holding high positions, socially
and intellectually, from approaching him. He never enjoyed
any wide popularity, and indeed did not seek it.
He asked from the citizens of the monarchy not affection, but
submission to the will of the ruler. For to him the State was
identified with the divinely appointed person of the monarch.
He understood by viribus unilis the union of all the forces of the
State for the advantage of the Crown, which on its side had to
guard the interests of all. This conception accounts for the fact
that he took no particular interest in any of the numerous nation-
alities of the monarchy. He had undoubtedly German sym-
pathies; but the German Austrians were to him merely the bul-
wark of the throne and of the power of his House; it would never
have occurred to him to make dynastic sacrifices for their sake.
Even against the Catholic Church, of which he was a convinced
adherent, he maintained the rights of the throne with unbending
severity, being in this matter also a true Habsburg.
His tragic end he was shot June 28 1914 with his wife by |
Bosnians of Serbian nationality at Serajevo brought on the
World War.
There is no proper historical account of his life and activities.
The sketch, Erzherzog Franz Ferdinand, unser Thronfolger, a special
number of the Oesterreichische Rundscliau (1913), is purely super-
FRANCIS JOSEPH 1.
149
ficial. His descent is given in Ahnentafel S. k. H. des durchl. Herrn
Erzherzogs Franz Ferdinand von Oesterreich-Este, drawn up by Otto
Forst (1910). See also Paul von Falkenegg, Erzherzog Franz Ferdi-
nand von Oesterreich-Este (1908); H. Heller, Franz Ferdinand (1911).
(A. F. PR.)
FRANCIS JOSEPH I. (1830-1916), Emperor of Austria and
King of Hungary (see 10.942*). In the last years of his reign
Francis Joseph continued to strive to preserve peace for his realm,
while maintaining the prestige of Austria-Hungary and her
position as a Great Power. Perceiving that this aim was threat-
ened by the confusion reigning in the Balkans, he agreed to the
plan of his Foreign Minister, Aehrenthal, to take advantage of
the Young Turk movement to annex the territories of Bosnia
and Herzegovina occupied in 1878, and to embody them per-
manently in the monarchy. During the serious crisis following
on the annexation Francis Joseph backed Aehrenthal with the
whole weight of his influence, and subsequently supported him in
his endeavours to restore friendly relations with the Great
Powers which had been signally disturbed by the annexation,
and to put an end to the risk of international conflicts. By his
personal intervention he in fact repeatedly succeeded during the
years 1908 to 1914 in averting dangers threatening the peace of
Europe. When in 1912 the Balkan wars, which he had untiringly
but unsuccessfully striven to avert, began, he thought they were
the gale before the hurricane, and when, in Aug. 1913, the Peace
of Bucharest provided a provisional settlement he expressed the
opinion that this peace was only the breathing space before a
fresh war. The behaviour of the Serbs rilled him with the greatest
anxiety. When the murder of the heir to the throne, the Arch-
duke Francis Ferdinand, led the Vienna Government to take
energetic measures against Serbia, Francis Joseph hesitated to
follow, and it was with a heavy heart that he gave his consent to
the dispatch of the severe ultimatum to Serbia, and, after its
rejection, to the declaration of war. He did not believe that the
war could be localized, as he would have wished it to be, and was
pessimistic about the chances of a world war. Even then he was
of the opinion that " war is beyond our strength," and said he
would be glad if the monarchy escaped " with a black eye."
The attitude of the rulers of Italy and Rumania offended him
deeply, and strengthened his doubt of a favourable outcome of
a war against an ever-increasing number of adversaries. Francis
Joseph stood immovably by the alh'ance with Germany, to whose
ruler he was bound by a friendship based on reciprocal liking;
it never occurred to him to separate from his ally. He would
never have agreed to a separate peace; yet he favoured and
supported every endeavour to put an end to the war by a peace
which should safeguard the interests of all his allies and the
position of Austria-Hungary as a Great Power.
In all questions affecting the constitution of the monarchy,
and in particular the relations between Austria and Hungary,
Francis Joseph continued in the later years of his reign to stand
by the principles of the Ausgleich of 1867. He would not con-
sider the federalization of the Empire, but stood unmoved on
the basis of dualism. He went a long way to meet the efforts
of the Hungarian Government for independence, but refused
energetically during this period demands tending towards the
severing of the remaining bonds between the two halves of the
monarchy, especially that of the united army. In the increasingly
violent conflicts between the different nationalities inhabiting
the Cis-Leithan territories Francis Joseph stood above party.
This was all the easier for him on account of his indifference
towards all the nationalities of his vast realm, even towards the
Germans, although to the end of his life he felt himself to be a
German prince. As in the earlier part of his reign, so in the last
decade, the separate nationalities were favoured or neglected,
but always played off one against the other. The meaning of
viribus unitis for Francis Joseph was to use all in the interests of
the dynasty. But national consciousness had grown so strong
that this policy had no success. The concessions which he
granted in the years just before the war to the Slav peoples
increased their self-confidence, and led them to make ever greater
demands, the non-fulfilment of which caused a weakening of
their sentiment for the dynasty. As the differences between
the national parties represented in the Austrian Parliament be-
came in the course of years so great that there was no prospect
of effective cooperation, Francis Joseph ignored parliamentary
activity from 1914 onwards. Experience of the World War led
the old Emperor to recognize that he had done the Austrian-
Germans an injustice; but isolated attempts to alter the trend of
affairs had no lasting effect, and in the end he let things take their
course. When he died, severe inroads had been made on the
affection of the Austrian peoples; what remained was only just
sufficient to disguise the disappearance of loyalty to the dynasty.
As years went on the Emperor became more and more lonely.
His son had committed suicide in 1889, his wife had been mur-
dered in 1 898 ; of his brothers only the youngest was still alive, and
he resided at a distance and in the strictest seclusion. There had
never been any cordial relationship with the heir to the throne,
Francis Ferdinand; and with the years, especially after Francis
Ferdinand had married Countess Sophie Chotek, the estrange-
ment between the two men increased, so that personal inter-
course became rare. Among the remaining members of the
Imperial House Francis Joseph only cared to frequent the
circles of his two daughters, Gisela and Marie Valerie, and their
children. He was bound by ties of true friendship to Katherina
Schratt, formerly an actress at the Burgtheater, and in her
society he spent his sparingly measured hours of recreation.
The summer he usually spent at the watering place of Ischl, and
there he devoted himself to the chase, the only pleasure for which
he cared passionately to the end of his life.
The Emperor had long enjoyed excellent health. It was not
until he had passed his 7$th year that disease of the respiratory
organs began. In 1911 this became so serious that a catastrophe
was feared. All the preparations for Francis Ferdinand's
accession were made. But the old Emperor recovered; and his
physical as well as his mental energy improved from year to
year, so that he was able in the first two years of the World War
to transact fully all the business of government. It was only in
the year 1916 that his faculties began to fail. He died peacefully
of a fresh attack of his old malady on Nov. 21 1916.
Francis Joseph was not one of those of whom contemporaries,
especially those at a distance, form any definite impression.
The reserve which he observed even towards the great majority
of his advisers made it more difficult to penetrate his real nature.
He had a deep sense of his exalted position as a ruler. To the end
of his days he remained profoundly convinced that the Empire
over which he ruled was his empire, and the peoples his peoples.
This conception of the majesty of the office bestowed on him by
God found expression in his bearing. He always maintained
a regal attitude. He showed kindliness and winning courtesy to
everyone. Nothing was farther from him than posing, and
no one ever heard him utter sonorous phrases; but he avoided
any kind of intimacy even in his intercourse with members of
the Imperial House, and, even with them, knew how to maintain
his distance. His intellectual gifts were not remarkable, but he
possessed sound common-sense and wit. He had a strikingly good
memory for persons and events. As a ruler he was a model of the
sense of duty. From early morning to evening he attended to
business with clock-like regularity, and dealt with all the docu-
ments laid before him with the greatest punctuality. This
industry and his exact memory made him one of the best
authorities in all Government affairs. He sometimes startled his
ministers by his intimate knowledge of the details of the business
in hand, and occasionally embarrassed them. But he went no
further than the details, and lacked the power of surveying the
whole. He also lacked, especially in his later years, the ability to
take the initiative in important questions, to form independent
resolutions and to carry them to their logical conclusions. In an
ever-increasing degree he left the decision to his responsible min-
isters. He was not without skill in the choice of his advisers, but
had an instinctive dislike for men whom he felt to be his in-
tellectual superiors. He also disliked people of proud and upright
character, and even within the family circle he preferred those
who were more subservient. He was essentially cold in tempera-
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
150
FRASER FRENCH
merit, with great self-control increased by practice. Among the
European rulers he enjoyed, during the last decades of his reign,
great respect, which he owed to his age, experience, personal
amiability, blameless conduct, and above all the fact that his
word could always be relied upon. He was a faithful son of the
Catholic Church, and looked up with reverence to the Holy
Father; but, quite in the spirit of the traditions of his House, he
guarded the rights of the dynasty and of the State with the
utmost tenacity, even against the Pope. He took no interest in
the arts and sciences, being in this respect more of a Lorrainer
than a Habsburg; but whenever he expressed an opinion on
these subjects, he showed a decided aversion from the modern
tendencies.
It is not yet possible to give a complete picture of Francis Joseph's
character, as the necessary references are not available. Up to 1921
practically none of his correspondence had been published. For the
period up to 1908 there is the elaborate publication Francis Joseph
I., by different authors. His biography has been written by R. P.
Mahaffy, Francis Joseph (1908) ; Baron Eugen d'Albon, Vom Kaiser
(1909); Smolle, Unser Kaiser (1908). A successful attempt to draw
a sketch of the Emperor, based on information from ministers,
generals, and other officials who were in close touch with him, was
made by H. Friedjung under the title " Kaiser Franz Josef I." in
Historische Aufsatze (1919, pp. 493 seq.). The numerous popular
publications which appeared soon after the death of Francis Joseph
are of no historical value. The same is true of Kaiser Franz Josef
und sein Hof, Erinnerungen und Schilderungen aus den nachgelassenen
Papieren eines personlichen Ratgebers, published and translated by
L. Schneider (1919). (A. F. PR.)
FRASER, ALEXANDER CAMPBELL (1819-1914), Scottish
philosopher (see 11.38), died at Edinburgh Dec. 2 1914.
FRAZER, SIR JAMES GEORGE (1854- ), British an-
thropologist, was born at Glasgow, Jan. i 1854. Educated at
Helensburgh, Glasgow University and Trinity College, Cam-
bridge, he was elected fellow of his college in 1879 and was called
to the bar. In 1907 he was elected professor of social anthropol-
ogy at Liverpool. His principal work, The Golden Bough, first
published in 1890 (2nd ed. 1900) and reissued with enlarge-
ments in 12 vols. under seven titles between 1907 and 1915, was an
elaborate study of the Greek cults, their origins and their place
in the comparative history of religion. He also published Pau-
sanias and other Greek sketches (1900) and Sir Roger de Coverley
and other literary pieces (1920). His views on the connexion
between magic and mythology are explained in 19.133 and 17.305;
those on folklore are described in 10.601.
FREDERICK, ARCHDUKE OF AUSTRIA, DUKE OF TESCHEN
(1856- ), Austro-Hungarian field-marshal, was born at
Gross-Seelowitz, Moravia, June 4 1856. Like most of the princes
of the ruling house he adopted a military career, and served
creditably for many years as commandant of the V. (Pressburg)
Corps. Subsequently commander-in-chief of the Austrian Land-
wehr and army inspector, he became, after the murder of the
heir to the throne, Archduke Francis Ferdinand, inspector-
general at the head of the common Austro-Hungarian army.
Archduke Frederick was possessed of a considerable fortune,
and was one of the greatest landowners in the monarchy; the
Albertina Collection was among his inherited possessions. In
the World War he was from the dynastic point of view as
grandson, of the victor of Aspern, Archduke Charles, and as
nephew of the victor of Custozza, Archduke Albert, the pre-
destined head of the armed forces of Austria-Hungary. He
thought it his duty to accept this heavy responsibility, but,
modestly estimating his own powers, left the actual exercise of
the command to his chief-of-staff, Conrad von Hotzendorf.
In the performance of ceremonial duties, and as mediator for the
settlement of the conflicting demands of the military, civil and
allied elements, his services were undeniable. In the spring of
1917 Emperor Charles himself took over the supreme command;
the Archduke, although the Emperor's representative, no longer
appeared in the foreground. He married, in 1878, Princess Isa-
bella of Croy-Diilmen, and of this marriage there were eight
daughters and one son, who served as an officer in the World War.
FREDERICQ, PAUL (1850-1920), Belgian historian, was born
at Ghent, Aug. 12 1850, and was educated at the university of
Liege, where he became professor of history, later (1883) occupy-
ing the same position at Ghent. His chief works were Essai
sur le rdle polilique et social des dues de Bourgogne dans les Pays-
Bas (1875) and Corpus documeniorum Inquisitionis hereticae
pravitatis Neerlandical (1889-1906, 5 vols.), and many shorter
studies, principally on the religious history of the i6th century
and the history of the Flemish literature. He was a strong
supporter of the Flemish movement, of which he wrote a his-
tory, Schets eener Geschiedenis der Vlaamsche Bewegnig (1906-9).
On the invasion of Belgium by the Germans he was active
in encouraging the patriotic feelings of his countrymen and
urging every sort of moral resistance to the enemy, being in
consequence deported to Germany (March 16 1916), in com-
pany with Prof. H. Pirenne. He was interned successively at
Giitersloh, Jena and Biirgel. He returned to Belgium after the
Armistice and was appointed rector of Ghent University. His
imprisonment, however, had seriously weakened his health, and
he died March 23 1920. He was a member of the Academic
Royale de Belgique, the Commission Royale d'Histoire and the
Academic des Pays-Bas, and his influence on the teaching of
history in Belgium was profound. He was converted to Protes-
tantism in his youth, and his tendencies in religion, as in politics,
were liberal.
See Ch. Nyrop, L'Arrestation des professeurs beiges et I'Universite
de Gand (Paris, 1917; also translated into English and Danish);
V. Fris, Les deux historiens nationaux exiles pour leur patriotisms (1919).
(H. P.)
FREMIET, EMMANUEL (1824-1910), French sculptor (see
11.96), died Sept. n 1910.
FRENCH, JOHN DENTON PINKSTONE FRENCH, EARL
(1852- ), British field-marshal, was born Sept. 28 1852. The
son of a naval officer, he entered the Royal Navy, in which he
served as cadet and midshipman from 1866 to 1870. Joining the
militia he passed from this into the army in 1874 and was ga-
zetted to the i gth Hussars. He married Eleanora, daughter of
R. W. Selby Lowndes in 1880. He served in the Nile expedition
in 1884-5, an( i commanded his regiment from 1889 to 1893.
After two years on the War Office staff he commanded a cav-
alry brigade from 1897 to 1899, and on the mobilization of the
expeditionary force for S. Africa in the latter year he was chosen
to command the Cavalry Division and was promoted major-
general. Pending the assembly of this, he served in Natal, where
he commanded the troops on the field at Elandslaagte and took
part in the early combats near Ladysmith, but he proceeded to
Cape Colony just before the place was invested. After a few
weeks in charge of the force at Colesberg, he led the cavalry dur-
ing Lord Roberts' advance from Cape Colony, relieved Kimber-
ley, cut off the retreat of Cronje's army, and occupied Bloem-
fontein. During the subsequent advance into the Transvaal he was
in command of the left wing, and at a later stage of the victorious
campaign he played a prominent part in the move from Pretoria
to Komati Poort. For these services he was given the K.C.B.
During most of the second phase of the struggle he was in
command of the forces operating against the enemy in Cape
Colony, and he was on the conclusion of hostilities promoted
lieutenant-general and was given the K.C.M.G.
He commanded at Aldershot from 1902 to 1907, in which year
he was promoted general, and he then became inspector-general
of the Forces for five years. He was appointed chief of the Im-
perial General Staff in 1912 and was promoted field-marshal in
1913. In April 1914 he vacated the post of C.I.G.S., owing to
military troubles in Ireland in connexion with Ulster, but four
months later he was chosen to take charge of the Expeditionary
Force on the outbreak of the World War, and he commanded the
British army on the western front from the outset of the struggle
until the end of 1915. The chief events in France while he was
in command were the retreat from Mons under circumstances of
great difficulty; the battle of the Marne and subsequent advance
to the Aisne; the transfer of the Expeditionary Force to Flanders;
the desperate fighting in the autumn, generally called the First
Battle of Ypres; the successful Neuve Chapelle offensive under-
taken in March 1915; the Second Battle of Ypres in April 1915;
FRENCH LITERATURE
151
the abortive operations near Festubert embarked on a few days
later; and the important victory won in Sept. in the region of
Loos. During the seventeen months that' the field-marshal led
the British troops in the field, these rose, excluding cavalry,
from an original total of five divisions at the front to a total of 34
divisions; these he had organized as three armies. His forces up
till the last three months suffered greatly from a lack of artillery
ammunition, except during the opening weeks of the campaign;
this hampered his operations to an extent not experienced by
his successor. He resigned in Dec., Sir D. Haig taking his place,
and he returned to England, to be raised to the peerage as Vis-
count French of Ypres and High Lake in recognition of his great
services. He then became commander-in-chief in the United
Kingdom, and he held that appointment until May 1918, when
he was selected to be Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. This position
he occupied under most trying conditions until early in 1921,
the political state of the country growing worse and worse.
On resigning he was rewarded with an earldom.
At the end of the war, Lord French published his personal nar-
rative under the title, " 1914."
FRENCH EQUATORIAL AFRICA (Afrique Equatoriale Fran-
Qaise; or A.E.F.), formerly FRENCH CONGO (see 11.99), is an
immense region stretching from the mouth of the Congo to
Tripoli, from the Atlantic to Egypt, covering an area of about
870,000 sq. miles. It is therefore more than four times the size of
France. The coast is but little developed and is as a rule flat and
sandy. There are few good ports. At a short distance from the
Atlantic the country rises to a plateau between 2,300 and 2,700
ft. high, in which lies the vast depression of the closed basin of
the Chad. The chief characteristic of the colony is its magnificent
river system. It has the Congo for a distance of 370 m. of its
course of 2,500 m., its great tributaries (the Sanga or Sangha and
Ubangi), the Ogowe (801 m.), and the huge expanse of Lake
Chad, which receives the water of the whole of the Schari and
Logone valleys. In natural characteristics there are two clearly
distinct zones forest aad brush. Tropical forest with luxuriant
vegetation and intense animal life covers the Gabun and the
valleys of the Sanga and Ubangi ; brush reigns up to and beyond
Lake Chad. The climate is extremely humid and painfully hot.
Estimates of the population range from 6 to 10 millions.
Sleeping sickness is very prevalent. There are many different
races and varied types among the natives, but two main groups
can be recognized. There are the sedentary people of the forest
zone who are very savage and occasionally cannibal, but can
adapt themselves to agriculture, and the Nomad tribes of the
brush country who are warlike herdsmen influenced by Islam.
A.E.F. is a colony of special growth. Its frontiers were laid
down by diplomacy before the country had been explored. The
main steps in French occupation of Equatorial Africa were:
(I.) Foundation of French Congo (1842-82), and the great
exploration expeditions of de Brazza. (II.) The Berlin Confer-
ence and the General Act of 1889 which established international
understanding with regard to freedom of navigation and trade in
basins and mouths of the Congo and the Niger, and as to the
formalities to be observed in order to make the fresh occupations
of Africa effective. (III.) The period of political and diplomatic
action over the Congo between 1889 and 1909, when a number of
Boundary Conventions were signed. (IV.) French expansion
towards the Upper Nile, which gave rise to the Fashoda incident
(1898) and a declaration in 1899 in which the eastern limits of
the French zone of influence in West Africa were laid down.
(V.) French expansion in the Chad. The work of the great ex-
plorers Crampel, Maistre, Gentil and Maj. Lamy brought about
the realization of the ambitious plan of linking up, through Lake
Chad, the oases of Algeria and the shores of the Ubangi.
In 1911, following upon the Agadir incident, A.E.F. enabled
France to compensate Germany for the rights she ceded to
France in Morocco. The colony then lost nearly 100,000 sq. m.
of territory, which was joined on to German Cameroon. This
was restored by the Treaty of Versailles.
Administration. A.E.F. is an amalgamation of four different
colonies under a governor-general. This post was created by decree
June 26 1908, and a further decree Jan. 15 1910 gave definite form to
the new administration.
The Government General of French Equatorial Africa consists of
the following colonies:
Gabun (cap. Libreville) 104,000 sq. m. Middle Congo (cap.
Brazzaville) 89,000 sq. m. Ubangi-Schari (cap. Bang!) 193,000
sq. m. Chad (March 17 1920) 482.000 sq. m.
The supreme administrative head is the governor-general who
resides at Brazzaville. The different colonies preserve their adminis-
trative and financial autonomy and are governed by lieutenant-
governors with the exception of the Chad, which has either a civil
or a military administrator. A government council assists the
governor-general, who has his delegates in Paris at the Office Colonial
and at the Supreme Colonial Council.
Colonization. The policy pursued with regard to colonization of
this vast country has not been very successful. Big concessions have
been given to large colonizing companies for the economic develop-
ment of large tracts of country. Of 40 concessionary companies only
very few have proved successful. The only benefit derived from this
system has been that river transport has been organized and the
resources of the country have been made known. The great draw-
back in A.E.F. is lack of transport. The rivers provide practically
the only means of communication, and the execution of the plan of
railway construction is urgently desirable. A bill authorizing a
loan of 171,000,000 francs for the construction and improvement of
all methods of communication was approved in 1920.
Products. Natural produce is varied. Rubber is the chief vege-
table resource. It has so far been found impossible to establish
practical rubber plantations, and the rubber output of the colony is
wild. Rubber exports, naturally, suffered from the world crisis.
Exports in 1913 were 1, 600 tons, 1914 600 tons, 1915 1,400 tons,
1917 3,000 tons, 1920 2,140 tons worth 14,156,000 francs. The
quality is undeniably good, but there is no great demand for this
type of rubber on the French market.
The oil palm is the next important resource. It is very widely
distributed but was but little exploited before the war. The export
of kernels has been greatly encouraged by the administration and has
attracted European firms, thanks to which the export figure for 1920
was nearly 7,000 tons of the value of over 4,000,000 francs. Tobacco
and cotton grow wild in the colony. Cocoa and coffee cultivation is
on the increase and is attracting attention from European firms.
Of all the French colonies A.E.F. is the most richly wooded, 54,000
sq. m. being covered by dense forest, in which the presence of
mahogany and rosewood, of tulip and walnut, show the diversity of
this almost inexhaustible source of wealth. Before long the annual
log production will amount to 450,000 tons. In 1921 the figure was
150,000 tons. Exports in 1920 amounted to 66,000 tons of a value ol
6,238,000 francs. The possibility of producing wood-pulp on a large
scale has to be borne in mind.
So many elephants have been killed that there are large stocks of
ivory in the country. Exports of ivory in 1920 amounted to 93,636
kgm., worth 4,700,000 francs.
The export of whale-oil has been recently started. There are large
herds of sheep and cattle in the brush country of the northern dis-
tricts, which will become of increasing value as it is opened up.
There would seem to be a mining future before the country. But
few companies have been floated and the underground wealth is still
but little known. Copper exists with a yield of 45%. and mines are
in some places already being worked, but in a rudimentary fashion,
on a belt of about 60 m. in the middle Congo. Railways alone can
bring about the proper development of this district, which is 190 m.
from the coast.
General Trade reached its top pre-war figure in 1913 with 57,846,-
ooo francs. It fell to just over 22,000,000 francs in 1915 and has
since slowly picked up. In 1920 the total was 49,801,000 francs, a
figure partly due to inflated prices. There are signs, however, of a
return to the normal progress in trade. Imports accounted for over
18,000,000 francs of this sum. (G. A.; M. R.*)
FRENCH LITERATURE (igiorzi). The period just preced-
ing the World War was one of considerable activity in French
literature. Never had thought taken on more varied aspects.
Romanticism, classicism, naturalism were all living and thriving
side by side with other theories, not to speak of aberrations and
follies. A literary critic had counted no fewer than 55 literary
" schools," groups or coteries, chiefly made up of young writers,
but including not a few who had already won their laurels. In-
deed, the tendency had for some time been the breaking-up into
groups, each with its particular dogmas and formulas. There was
a profusion of ideas; there were even a little confusion and
anarchy. The dominant note was a youthful optimism. Men of
genius were discovered on all sides; a new and great era was
supposed to be opening up for France, which had successfully
weathered some tremendous storms and had again taken her
place amongst the leading nations of the world. Never had
so many people been writing, and never had literary form been
152
FRENCH LITERATURE
so widely discussed; rarely, too, had the average literary man
cut so prominent a figure in the public eye or had his theories
so widely proclaimed and discussed. They were to point out the
way to new destinies. There had been a great regeneration of
nationalism (a " renaissance of French pride," as one writer put
it), while a religious revival was also in the air, and side by side
with these facts a hundred more or less significant " isms " and
scores of leading and general ideas battled in the intellectual
arena. French authors mostly develop in harmony with the
thought of their times in a manner not usual with Anglo-Saxon
writers. The renewed interest in English literature, which has
been a notable feature of post-war letters, had also already begun,
but the authors now claiming attention are of another school.
The period 1010-20 was marked by a burst of very varied
talent and the more or less complete disappearance of literary
schools. The most significant of all the new movements was the
nationalist one the love of the land and of the dead, the cult of
energy and heroism. At the head of this was Maurice Barres
(b. 1864), whose influence on youth before the World War had
its sequel in the great role he played during the struggle. Through
his individualism and his nostalgic, Barres is the heir of the great
Romantics, though a disciplined Romantic; in the preponder-
ance of thought over imagination which we meet with in him, in
the purity and nobility of his prose, he is attached to the purest
classical traditions. A spectator of all the political turmoils, from
the Panama scandals and the Dreyfus case to the World War,
which have shaken France and the French, Barres in a series of
interesting works of high quality did his best to interpret and
explain them for his contemporaries, and this he continued in his
L'Ame Fran$aise pendant la Guerre and subsequently in La
Genie du Rhin, in which, with a tumultuous enthusiasm reminis-
cent of Michelet, he celebrates the great river which is not the
river of any one country. It was a great completion of Barres's
work during the war, beginning with Colette Baudoche.
New members of the French Academy include M. Joseph
Bedier (b. 1864), the historian and critic of the origins of French
literature, whose romances, founded on certain of the old sagas,
such as Le Roman de Tristan et Iseull and Perceval, ou le Saint-
Graal, contain some of the finest writing produced of late in
France. During the war he was at the front as historian, one of
the results being his work L'Effort Franqais. Rene Boylesve
(b. 1867), the mondain novelist, has been called a writer of pretty
stories stories which he loves to tell and tells charmingly.
He has two styles the novel of provincial life, in which he is a
sort of " little Flaubert," and his sentimental and psychological
novels, which are not devoid of licentiousness. He likes to
imagine love-nests and iSth-century parks, with labyrinths and
statues, as settings to gallantry. On the other hand, he has a
great respect for tradition, and he orders and organizes the
movement of his novels, keeping affairs of the heart and affairs of
the mind rigorously apart. The reticence of his novels of pro-
vincial life make up in a way for the libertinage of the others.
Henry Bordeaux (b. 1870), another new Academician, who
published a number of war books (Le Fort de Vaux, La Bataille
devant Souville, appreciations of the lives of young heroes, such as
Guynemer, the aviator, etc.), Is in his novels a painter of the
torments of the heart, who has given a distinguished place in
literature to Savoy. In his Pays Natal he proclaims his wish to
restore to the French provinces the original beauty and in-
tellectual vigour which they have lost, and to restore also the
spirit of the family, for " a man only preserves his terrestrial
existence and greatness through his origin and his hopes."
La Peur de Vivre shows the beauty of action, of life accepted
with all its duties and responsibilities the nobility of sorrow
and the beauty of sacrifice.
If the new men in the Academy as out of it were mostly
highly prolific, the " old hands " were comparatively silent.
Only some small volumes issued from the pen of the veteran
Anatole France (see 10.775), who, disgusted with the German
intellectuals' espousal of the causes of the war, in spite of his
age offered himself as a volunteer to the Government " to carry
a gun." In one of these, Le Petit Pierre, he goes back again to
reminiscences of his boyhood. Paul Bourget (see 4.331) published
Le Sens de la Mart, besides Anomalies, a volume of short stories
of scientific or psychopathological bent, and Ecuyere, a dramatic
story, in his early manner, though it differs from much of Bour-
get's work in snowing an aristocrat with an ignoble soul in
contrast to others of humbler birth.
It was Paul Bourget who made the notable declaration that
during war-time the writer should stick to his writing that he
would accomplish more good in so doing than if, in some burst of
enthusiasm, he changed from thought to activity. This, in effect,
was the reply made to Anatole France by the French Govern-
ment. Indeed, the litterateur played an important part in
France during the war, not only in keeping up the moral of
combatants and civilians, but in proposing ideas, offering counsel,
suggesting projects. The writer's imagination often came to the
aid of the soldier's science. Paul Adam (b. 1852) was prolific
in suggestions to the high army authorities, and was, long before
the fact, responsible for putting forward ideas that were sub-
sequently adopted. Men like Maurice Donnay, Richepin (b.
1849), Barres busied themselves in keeping the civil population
hopeful and consoled. Numbers of these writers were at the
head of "war works," and Maurice Donnay (see 8.417), the
author of Lysistrata and Education de Prince, besides producing
a number of works of more or less fugitive interest, in a delight-
fully humorous one-act comedy showed how the needy " poilus,"
before returning to the front after their " permissions," were
provided by society ladies with socks and shirts and " spoiled "
by elderly gentlemen with pipes and pipe-lighters.
Marcel Prevost (see 22.312) turned from graceful writing on
femininity to more serious (or at any rate more topical) subjects
Man cher Tommy and La Nuit Finira. M. Prevost founded
after the war a new literary review on the style of La Revue de
Paris, called La Revue de France. Edmond Rostand (see 23.754),
whose death occurred in 1918, published Le Vol de la Marseillaise
during the war; La Derniere Nuit de Don Juan, in which the
brilliant versification met with in Cyrano and Chanleder is
unimpaired, though, as in those works, somewhat disfigured by
calembours and tricks of phraseology, was published post-
humously. One distinguished writer laid down his pen entirely
all through the war to take up more active work Eugene Brieux,
who devoted great organizing ability to the care of the blind.
The Academy, as a direct consequence of the war, opened
its doors to a number of men not purely or not even at all
devoted to the cult of letters. Georges Clemenceau had been
indeed the author of a number of works of fiction Le Grand
Pan, Le Voile de Bonheur, etc.; Marshal Foch was known as a
good military writer; and from Marshal Lyautey, the governor-
general of Morocco, came a valuable work on Morocco, pub-
lished about the same time as his election.
Among the older men outside the Academy, Henri Duvernois,
the author of Gisele, a very fine conleur, kept up the tradition of
the Maupassant school; and Abel Hermant (b. 1862) joined to the
classical purity and elegance of his French a gift of humour, satire
and irony, in his novels and his chroniques of Parisian life.
Claude Farrere (b. 1876), like Pierre Loti (b. 1850), a naval
officer and also a Turcophil, had, unlike the Academician, em-
braced the Mussulman faith, yet in spite of this in his novels he
is particularly interested in modernism and the cosmopolitan
society of oriental capitals. His work is of the most varied
character, and the period under review saw from his pen Betes et
Gens qui s'aimercnt, La Derniere Deesse and Les Condamnes d
Mart, a novel of " anticipation " a la H. G. Wells.
The death of Paul Adam (see 1.172) in 1920 removed one
of the most remarkable, supple and prolific of French writers.
At first a violent impressionist and naturalist, he became in
turns mystic and sociologist, and set himself especially to writing
novels founded on the ideas of the time. His work is so copious
that it has been said to resemble overgrown vegetation; Remy de
Gourmont described him as a " magnificent spectacle." The
thought is fatigued in trying to follow him, and his style is crab-
bed and often incorrect. But as a whole his work gives an im-
pression of immense power, his metaphors convey great and
FRENCH LITERATURE
153
teeming ideas. In his later manifestation a symbolist, delighting
in esoteric significances, he became a disciple of ruthless in-
dividualism, preaching the doctrine of force and energy his
ideal of the strong man armed. His latest works written just
before his death Reims deiiaslte and Le Lion d' Arras called
forth by the destruction of the war, are magnificent tapestries of
life and colour teeming with both and breathe an ardent
passion for the spirit that built up the French cities.
A singularly individual writer is Marcel Proust, a Prix Goncourt
winner, translator of some of Ruskin's works, author of Du
Cote de chez Swan, A I 'Ombre des Jeunes Filles enfleur, and other
works showing psychological analysis pushed to the extreme.
His writings are much discussed in France; and he has many
admirers abroad England and Holland particularly.
Among the men who might be said to be " in the running " in
1921 for academic honours, Marcel Boulenger (b. 1873) is one of the
most notable classic writers and stylists of the day, preserving as
he does the traditions of style of the 1 8th century, with all the
subtlety of analysis of Stendhal. Among his recent works are La
Cour, a novel of the General Headquarters Staff, La Belle et la Bete,
Marguerite. Edmond Jaloux (b. 1878) is the author of a number of
novels (Fumees dans la Campagne, Au-dessus de la Ville, L'Incertaine,
La Fin d'un Beau Jour) which place him in a high rank among
psychological romanticists, chiefly with a Parisian setting. The
brothers Jean and Jerdme Tharaud, who before 1914 had, in La
Tragedie de Ravaillac, tried with brilliant success a new style of his-
tory treated with the methods of romance, and in La Fete Arabe
added one more to the growing number of works dealing with the
native population of France's north African colonies, have produced,
among other works, A I'Ombre de la Croix, and Les Grands Seig-
neurs de V Atlas, dealing with phases of Moroccan life. Of the two
sons of Edmond Rostand who inherited the literary gifts of their
father and mother, two works have issued from the pen of Maurice
Le Page de la Vie, poems, and Le Cercueil de Cristal, which shows
eminent qualities of fancy and observation. His elder brother Jean,
whose bent took a scientific and sociological turn, is the author of a
pamphlet of very advanced thought against wealth.
J. H. Rosny aine (see 23.739), member of the Goncourt Academy,
and one of the most prolific of writers, has produced Le Film Geant,
and other works in which this versatile bookman tries that rare
form of romance in French literature, the novel that deals with
scientific wonders. Les Pures et les Impures is a study of female life
since the war, while Torches et Lumignons is a series of impressions
of his contemporaries and Parisian life generally. Another highly
prolific writer, Paul Margueritte (see 17.706), who died in 1919, has
been called the " Thomas Hardy of the modern French novel," and
certainly he was greatly influenced by English literature. Jouir and
Le Sceptre d'Or were among his last works. Pierre Veber (b. 1869),
a novelist and dramatist of vigorous talent, has produced L'Homme
qui tiendit son Ame au Diable, a curious sort of modern Faust who
succeeds in outwitting his Satanic Majesty or rather falls in love
with a Parisian work-girl who does so and La Vue de Personnages
obscurs.
Louis Bertrand (b. 1866), a disciple of Zola and Flaubert, repre-
sents a curious phase of modern France in professing to disdain
literature and prefer activity. A native of Lorraine, he has lived a
great many years in north Africa, and nearly all his books are studies
of the Mediterranean and the countries round it. His recent works
continue this tendency, and apart from one or two novels the
scenes of which are laid on the French Mediterranean coast, in
Spain (L'Infante and Le Rival de Don Juan), or Attica (Bains de
Phalere), he teaches the French the joys of limitless horizons such
as they find in their colonies, and he revels in the virile joys of abund-
ance and prosperity, the panoply of form and colour. ' To perform a
pompous act," he says, " is to touch closely for an instant life and
poetry, and, in a temporary exaltation, proclaim oneself superior to
one's surroundings and to others to participate in the glory of the
world." His Pepete le Bien-Aime is a naturalistic romance of African
life, curiously contrastable with his St. Augustin of before the war.
The romance of adventure has, as a matter of fact, for some years
past been highly popular in France, and some of the best young
writers have devoted themselves to this genre. Most of them have
come strongly under the influence of R. L. Stevenson, Conrad, and
other English writers of the same school, most of whose works are
translated. Pierre Benoit's Atlantide, which was awarded the literary
prize of the French Academy, attracted exceptional attention on
account of the charge levelled against the author of having plagiar-
ized Sir Rider Haggard's She. Koenigsmark, Pour Don Carlos are
others of this writer's romances. Le Lac Sale is a romance of Mor-
monism, while the scene of La Chaussee des Geants (The Giant's
Causeway) is laid in Ireland one of the indications of the way in
which life outside their own frontiers has come to interest the best
French writers. Among the most prominent of the younger writers
of adventure stories, besides Benoit and Farrere, may be mentioned
Pierre MacOrlan (b. 1883) (Le Chant de I'Equipage, etc.), Rene
Bizet (b. 1887) (La Sirene hurle), Louis Chadourne (Le Maitre du
Navire), Cyril Berger, Edmond Cazal, Maurice Renard, all of whose
work shows strong inspiration from the English and the fascination
of seafaring life and adventure over sea and land.
Quite a number of writers also have turned for inspiration to the
lowest ranks of society the Paris apache and the dregs of the
humanity of big cities, and some remarkable studies of character
and low humour are the result, such as Cri-Cri by Cyril Berger,
Grain d'Cochon, by Maurice Dekobra (b. 1885), La Negresse du
Sacre Cceur by Andre Salmon, and several works by Francis Carco,
one of the choicest of French humorists.
Rene Benjamin (b. 1883) may also be called a humorist, but
he is more he was in 1921 the leading satirist in France and a
master of fierce irony. The author of a fine war-book, Gaspard, a
masterpiece of French humour, he has also produced a series of
satires on the administration of justice, on the great educational
institutions, on society during the war (Sous le del de France) and
since (Amadou, Bolcheviste) . His Major Pipe is a series of impressions
of contact with the English armies in France a vein that was also
successfully tried by Maurois in Le Silence du Colonel Bramble.
Among the authors whose inspiration was actually called forth
by the war, two or three men stand out preeminently from among
masses of war literature, and these chiefly on account of their un-
flinching realism. Le Feu, by Henri Barbusse (b. 1875), not only
leapt into fame with startling suddenness, but it had a greater suc-
cess than any other war " romance " in any country, and has given
rise to a number of imitators. Barbusse continued his vigorous study
of sociological problems in Clarte and other works. Les Croix de
Bois, by Roland Dorgeles, more measured in tone than the work of
Barbusse, ; is perhaps the finest of all the books called forth by the war.
Side by side with him must be placed Georges Duhamel, who was
already known as a critic. He was actively engaged during the
war as a doctor, and a book of his called Civilisation, published under
a pseudonym, immediately attracted attention through its fierce
realism and its critical spirit. In this work and in La Vie des Martyrs
he expresses, as he says, " the life and feelings of those Frenchmen my
brothers who have in such numbers consented to die without fore-
going to express what was so near to their hearts those Frenchmen
the greatness of whose soul, whose indomitable intelligence and
touching naivete are too little known to the world." Raconteur,
critic, humorist and dramatist, there is also a mystical strain in
Duhamel, who at times reminds one of Maeterlinck, but a more
vigorous and more French Maeterlinck. One of his plays a short
one-act fancy shows us a small group of average Parisian bourgeois
who suddenly have the idea of taking a" country-house together,
discuss their plans for an hour, and finally all come to loggerheads
and separate through a criticism of small details, which wrecks
the entire scheme. Le G.Q.G., by Jean de Pierrefeu, which has also
had a notable success, is a kind of chronicle of the General Head-
quarters Staff.
Romain Rolland's (b. 1866) much-criticised anti-militarist work,
published during the war, Au-dessus de la Melee, comes more under
the head of politics than of literature. Rolland has written the history
of a free conscience during the war the history, as one of his critics
puts it, of " a poor devil of an anarchist, who thrills with hope when
he hears at a distance in the forest the axes of those heroic wood-
cutters Lenin and Trotzky." In his Colas Breugnon, which was
written before the war, but did not appear until after it, Rolland
tried a new style of literature for him, mirthful, Gallic and indeed
almost Rabelaisian (" a reaction," he says, " against the constraint
of 10 years spent in the flesh of ' Jean Christophe,' which, first made
to my measure, ended by becoming too small for me ").
Madame Alfred Valette (Rachilde) (b. 1862), one of the most
prominent of women novelists (she has more than 30 novels or
plays to her credit), possesses passion, keenness of observation
and a vigorous style. Dans le Puits, ou la Vie interieure, however, is
not a novel and contains no intrigue, but is a sort of " journal in-
time," without much sequence, kept by the authoress during the
years 1915-7 (Maurice Donnay and other writers did the same
thing). Cast in the form of a series of conversations with a mysterious
personage, Rachilde's book is a remarkable effort of self-revelation
without hypocrisy or convention. The revelation of the whole
thought, it gives, as its title indicates, a true sensation of the interior
life surrounded by an atmosphere of nightmare, " such as was lived
during the years of agony and suspense and butchery when one
felt humanity descending into bottomless abysses."
Among the 419 French writers killed at the war whose work had
already attracted attention, and who belonged to one or another
of the leading literary groups, may be particularly mentioned
Louis Pergaud, a " Prix G<3ncourt," author of De Goupil a Margot,
who in his novels showed himself to be a keen student and observer
of animals and with a great taste for natural history. Alan-Fournier,
a very young author, in his single work, Le Grand Meaulnes, wrote
per.haps the finest French adventure book of recent years. It is full
of the hopes, romance, friendships and secrets of youth, its fancy
and free untamed spirit tinged with melancholy and the timidity
of woodland things. Others thus struck down before they had
accomplished much were Louis Codet, also quite young, a very fine
meridional story writer in the style of Daudet (La Fortune de Becot,
Cesar Caperau, etc.); Paul Acker (b. 1874), author of Le Desir de
Vivre and other novels; Lt.-Col. Driant (b. 1855), the hero of Ver-
154
FRENCH LITERATURE
dun, who had written some striking novels of " anticipation " on
the forms of future warfare ; the brothers Ernest and Michel Psichari ;
Charles Miiller, a brilliant critic and romanticist; Andre Lafon,
poet and novelist, who had gained the Grand Prix for literature of
the French Academy; Andre du Fresnois, poet, novelist and
critic; Lucien^Bonneff, the author of popular works on the theories
of socialism ; Emile Nolly, a writer of novels on colonial life (chiefly
of Annam) ; Charles d'Olonne, an explorer besides being a man of
letters; Claude Casimir-Perier, son of a former president of the re-
public, the author of works on the mercantile marine and maritime
questions. A number of remarkable poets also disappeared in the
great struggle, among them Pierre Fons, a " laureate " of the Acad-
emy, Robert d'Humieres, Guillaume Apollinaire, Lionel des Rieux.
The best remembered of all those who fell before the enemy is
Charles Peguy, who died an heroic death in the first few months of
the war. The poet of Jeanne d 'Arc, and Grand Prix of the Academy,
he was a leader in the school of Barres and a disciple of the fervent
nationalism which had such an extraordinary effect on the young men
of France. The founder and director of the famous Cahiers de la
Quinzaine, which saw the birth of numbers of remarkable works, he
came of peasant stock and joined to a profound love of democracy
a sort of national-religious mysticism (like the Christian socialist
patriotism of the men of 1848). He dedicated his Jeanne d' Arc
" To all those who have learned the remedy (to the universal evil) ;
to all those who have lived their human life; to all those who have
died from their moral life for the establishment of the Universal
Socialist Republic." Later works of his were L'Appel aux Armes,
Le Voyage du Centurion, etc.
Leon Daudet's (b. 1868) name (he is also of the " Goncourts ")
is one of those most on people's lips, and naturally so when we
remember his tremendous production on political, national and
other subjects during the war (to say nothing of his polemical
writings as editor of the Action Frmc.aise, and his vigorous trenchant
style. Up to 1921 his latest incursion into pure literature was en-
titled L' Amour est un Songe. But Leon Daudet is one of the most
picturesque figures of modern France, and his Memoirs will be a
valuable addition to the history of the epoch.
Several notable women writers had in 1921 recently passed away,
the most picturesque among them perhaps being Judith Gautier
(1850-1919), the gifted daughter of a man of genius and the one-
time wife of another, Catulle Mendes. Most of her novels and
stories had their scenes laid in China or Japan, being reminiscences
of the teaching of her former professor, the Chinaman whom her
father found wandering fh the streets of Paris and took home with
him. Madame Daniel-Lesueur (1850-1921), starting as a poet with
great talent and the translator of Byron, wrote a larger number of
novels showing great powers of observation and vivacity, though in
her latter years she had risen little above the feuilleton type.
Among the names of prominent women writers may be cited the
Comtesse de Noailles, who was awarded the French Academy prize
for literature (10,000 francs) in 1921, Marcelle Tinayre (b. 1872),
Colette Yver (b. 1874), Jeanne Landre, Lucie Delarue-Mardrus
(b. 1880), Marie-Anne de Bovet. " Colette " followed up her suc-
cess in Vagabonde with Cheri, which depicts exactly the same sort of
society and with an equally remarkable talent, and another work
showing her exceptional love and understanding of animals. Mar-
guerite Audoux, the seamstress authoress of Marie-Claire, subse-
quently followed this work up with a sequel called L'Atelier de
Marie-Claire, though the second work cannot be said to possess
the same qualities as the one which led Octave Mirbeau to find a
publisher for her. In general it maybe said of French women writers,
as of those of other countries, that their treatment of many subjects
is bolder and more outspoken than that of the men.
Two women writers notably have got their inspiration from the
East, where both of them were born Miriam Harry, a gifted writer,
the child of French parents settled in Palestine, and Elissa Rhais
(authoress of Saada la Marocaine and Le Cafe-Chantant), a Moham-
medan lady from Algeria, whose mother, she tells us, used to relate
to her interminable stories in the manner of the Arabian Nights.
A feature of French literature worth noting is the long list of
" regionalist " writers, who lay the scenes of their romances in and
depict the life of particular parts of the provinces with which they
are most familiar. Thus we find Henry Bordeaux devoting himself
especially to the Dauphine, while Paul Bourget is the special mouth-
piece of the Auvergne, as Maurice Barres is of Lorraine. J.-H.
Rosny jeune (see 23.739) places a good many of his scenes in the
Landes, while there are several novelists who devote themselves to
Provence, including Edmond Jaloux and E. Henriot. Writers on
the Basque country include Pierre Loti, Paul Faure (b. 1876) and
others. Madame Lucie Delarue-Mardrus is the writer for Normandy,
Marc Elder and Andre Savignon (who gained the Prix Goncourt
for his Filles de la Pluie) for the Ocean (Ushant and the Isles).
Pierre Guitet-Vauquelin (b. 1882) is the special writer for the Cen-
tral Pyrenees and Corsica, and there are others who make a spe-
cialty of the Bas-Languedoc, Anjou, Brittany, etc. Indo-China finds
interpreters in Pierre IVlille (b. 1864), Loti, Farrere, while the list of
romanticists for Algeria, Morocco and French Africa is a long one.
Among the poets of 1921 a leading place was taken by Fernand
Divoire (b. 1883), the symbolist, who had since the war published a
volume entitled Ames, with a decided Shakespearean inspiration.
Divoire is a champion of the most advanced schools, including
" cubism "; he is also particularly interested in the technique and
art of the dance, and has written on the art of Isadora Duncan.
Henry Bataille (b. 1872), the prolific and popular dramatist, pub-
lished La Divine Tragedie and other poems during the war. Paul
Valery is a poet who enjoys a remarkable reputation abroad. Paul
Fort (b. 1870), the so-called " Prince of Poets," author of a seemingly
interminable series of Ballades Franqaises, continued to produce
his remarkable personal, Puck-like, capricious and prolific muse.
Some of his admirers have compared him to Walt Whitman. There
is truly something of Whitman in him, but it is perhaps more
true to say of him that when he is least like himself he is imitating
Paul Fort. " I make all lyres vibrate," he says. " The human soul
is my religion. I am a poet solely a poet. In other words, a dreamer,
a conscious creator. Or again, and above all, a creating God, a
dreaming God." Spirituel, picturesque, solemn or comic, he has
always a wonderful command of phraseology and of the vers libre,
and above all, he is essentially French. <; Paul Fort is a mask," one
writer says of him, "and under that mask is the familiar daemon of
the land of France." Jules Romain, of the group or " chapel " of
the Nouvelle Revue Franc,aise, and founder of the style of " Un-
anisme," or the absolute expression of reality in verse, has produced
Le Voyage des Amants in vers libre. Maurice Magre (b. 1877),
author of La Montee aux Enfers, who is also a dramatist, began his
career as a poet of social inspiration, but turned Baudelairian.
Francis Carco, the humorist, is a poet of a very sensitive muse.
French criticism suffered severely in the loss of the two veteran
critics Jules Lemaitre (see 16.408) and mile Faguet (see 10.125).
Jules Lemaitre (1853-1914) was the man of an epoch, and he dis-
appeared when that epoch finished. Poet, dramatist, novelist and
critic, he rendered the most service in this last capacity. An admirer
and disciple of Flaubert, he was imbued with the particular modern-
ism and fantasy of that master. In the little notebooks he filled
at the time with all sorts of impressions, bold, brilliant and often
tumultuous, is found the nucleus of all his afterwork. His volumes
of criticisms on his " Contemporaries," who included the Parnas-
sians and the Symbolists, and all the leading figures of the middle
of the last century, are particularly valuable. A keen analyst,
ironical, sceptical and ingenious, mingling the finesse of a metaphys-
ical moralist with the fantasy of a dilettante, and unable to accept
the finality of any j udgments (' ' One must not worry too much about
the future," was one of his sayings), his work is marked by an
intense personality and by novel opinions on old subjects. The
inventor of the impressionistic method of criticism, if he severely
flagellated some of his contemporaries, he succeeded in making
criticism a living and enduring thing. Emile Faguet (1847-1919),
by the variety of his encyclopaedic knowledge and his independent
views (sometimes over-independent), had in his latter years, with-
out abandoning the study of letters, devoted himself more especially
to the study of contemporary sociology in its various forms. Thus
among his last works were two volumes on Le Culte de I' Incompetence
and a continuation Et I'Horreur de la Responsabilite. Criticism was
in 1921 represented by Paul Souday, the well-known literary critic
of the Temps, Fernand Vanderem (b. 1864), Adolphe Brisson
(b. 1860), editor of Les Annales Politiques, Rene Doumic (see
8.450), of the French Academy, and Camille Mauclair (b. 1872).
History is chiefly represented by Gabriel Hanotaux (see 12.923),
the author of a voluminous History of France, Ernest Lavisse
(see 16.294), Aulard (see 2.916) and Len6tre (b. 1857), the author of
brilliant works on 18th-century characters and the Napoleonic era.
The drama had a serious setback in France during the war, when
old favourites for the amusement of the " permissionaires " had
it all their own way. The most prolific and most popular dramatist
in 1921 was Henry Bataille, who, though several of his pieces have
been slightly suggested by the war, has given it as his opinion that
the war can have and should have no durable effect on art. Within
a short couple of years several of his highly literary pieces had been
produced notably, Tendresse, Les Sasurs d' Amour, and L'Homme
a la Rose. Sacha Guitry (b. 1885), a phenomenon in himself, has
latterly been represented by his studies of those two great French-
men, Beranger and Pasteur, and by his lighter pieces, Je t'aime, Le
Comedien, and Le Grand Due. Among other notable playwrights
who have been particularly prominent may be mentioned De Curel
(see 7.637), with his " pieces a these " (L'Ame en Folie, etc.), Maurice
Magre (La Mart Enchatnce, Arlequin, a fairy comedy), Carco, the
versatile humorist with his study of apaches and low life generally
(Man Homme), Lucien Descaves (b. 1861), L'As du Ccsur, one of the
best of a series of post-war plays dealing with the problem of the
returned combatant, Lenormand, Andre le Lorde (b. 1871) (of the
Grand Guignol), Zamacois, Fauchois (Beethoven, etc.), St. Georges de
Bouhelier, Bernstein (b. 1876), M. Hennequin, and that indefatig-
able writer of farces, Henry de Gorsse (b. 1868), who had several
thousand pieces, written, alone or in collaboration, to his credit.
It must be added that great influence had of late been exerted on
the drama and letters by the Theatre du Vieux-Colombier, which,
under the direction of J. Copeau, had become a veritable nursing
home of ideas and was par excellence the leading classical inter-
national theatre. (S. S.)
FRENCH WEST AFRICA FRICK
155
FRENCH WEST AFRICA (I'Afrique Occidental* Frangaise, or
.O.F.; see 11.205). By 1921 France had formed out of all her
West African possessions an administrative whole constituting
a vast country six times larger than France, and its riches were
being continuously developed. The settlements thus linked
together are separated one from another on the Atlantic seaboard
by intervening foreign possessions but become merged in the
depth of the continent. They cover an area stretching south
of Morocco and Algeria to the Chad and Congo of nearly i|
million sq. m., with a pop. of about n millions. The colonies
thus grouped are :
Senegal (cap. St. Louis) 76,000 sq. m., pop. 1,250,000. Upper
Senegal-Niger (cap. Woulouba) and Upper Volta (cap. Ouaga Dougou)
together 315,000 sq. m., pop. 5,645,000.
Guinea (cap. Konakry) 107,000 sq. m., pop. 1,809,000. Ivory
Coast (cap. Bingerville) 83,000 sq. m., pop. 1,300,000.
Dahomey (cap. Porto Novo)4l,3OO sq. m., pop. 225,000. Maure-
tania, between the Rio de Oro and Senegal, 100,000 sq. m., pop.
225,000.
Niger Territory (cap. Zinder) 714,000 sq. m., pop. 225,000.
Along the whole coast south of the Rio de Oro to the bend
of the Niger there is only one port worthy of the name, Dakar,
which has modern equipment. With the exception of Dakar and
Konakry on the Guinea coast there are only river ports such as
St. Louis on the Senegal. Two vast rivers flow through French '
West Africa; they have annual floods but are not everywhere
navigable and their mouths are obstructed by cataracts and
barrages. They are the Senegal (1,060 m.) and the Niger (over
2,500 m.), the latter of which forms an immense curve up to
Timbuktu. On the Ivory Coast and in Dahomey lagoons run
parallel with and a short distance from the sea. They are
navigable by specially constructed boats. The physical con-
figuration of the country has made its penetration arduous. The
Saharan desert on the north, dense equatorial forests on the
south and an unfriendly sea-coast for long shut out the explorers.
Climate changes according to the distance from the coast. In the
south rains are heavy and steady. The natives represent many
different branches of the black race, Sudanese, Mandingoes,
Bambaras, Ouslops and Ashanti. A governor-general, residing
at Dakar, is at the head of the administration, and the colonies
under him, which preserve their administrative and financial
autonomy, are governed by lieutenant-governors.
The railways (1,860 m.) are being greatly developed. Existing
lines in 1921 were Dakar, St. Louis, Thies-Kayes, Kayes-Niger.
Oil products, textile and fibre are the chief exports. Nuts are the
great resource of Senegal. The total oil exports of 1919 amounted to
230,260 tons, of which nuts formed the bulk. They are shipped
shelled and unshelled. Shelling economizes about 50% in freight.
Oil made from these ground-nuts has conquered the market. Cakes
made with this oil are being increasingly used in the feeding of cattle.
The oil palm which is found in Guinea, and especially in the Lower
Ivory Coast and Dahomey, is very productive. The covering of the
palm-nut yielded 36,000 tons, of which 35,000 tons were exported in
1919. The kernel oil produced in 1919 amounted to 102,000 tons,
of which 98,538 tons were exported.
The production of textile and fibrous material is not great, but
there are considerable possibilities. The natives have always grown
cotton, and successful attempts to grow cotton industrially have
been made in Senegal, Upper Senegal, the Niger, Ivory Coast and
Dahomey. In the Sudan and Senegal irrigation is necessary, and
according to experts the valley of the Niger is as good as that of the
Nile in this respect. A great irrigation scheme was being prepared in
1921. Timber resources are vast. The forest of the Ivory Coast,
which covers two-thirds of the colony, measures 70,000 square miles.
Mahogany exports in 1919 were 35,000 tons. Proper working of the
forest will give vast quantities of wood, 30 % of which is suitable for
furniture. The general trade amounted in 1919 to 630,260,000 fr.
(300,433,000 imports) , showing a considerable falling off from the 1918
figures, which were 853,060,000 fr. (575,271,000 imports). There
were signs, however, that in 1920 there would be a great improvement.
FRENCH WEST INDIES. Martinique and Guadeloupe (see
17.801 and 12.645), belonging to France, form one of the small
West Indian colonies in the Atlantic Ocean.
Martinique. The total pop. was 193,087 inhabitants who, with
the exception of the immigrants, are all classed under the general
denomination of Creoles. Fort de France, the capital of the colony,
has 27,000 inhabitants, and is the only large place in the island
sjnce the destruction of St. Pierre in 1902. The produce of Mar-
tinique consists principally of sugar-cane and its derivatives. The
trade of the colony in 1919 amounted to 247,375,000 fr., of which
74,670,000 were imports and 172,705,000 were exports. The trade
figures for 1918 were 105 million fr., this being 25 million fr. more than
the average for the five years 1913-7. As in the case of Guadeloupe,
France and her colonies account for only about one-third of the im-
ports, while they absorb about nine-tenths of the exports.
Guadeloupe. The pop. of Guadeloupe and the outlying islands is
190.503. About nine-tenths consists of Creoles; it comprises whites,
half-breeds and blacks, between whom there is considerable fric-
tion. Guadeloupe has two large towns: Pointe-a-Pitre, a busy
place (22,664 inhabitants), and Basse-Terre, the capital (8,184
inhabitants). The trade of Guadeloupe and its dependencies in 1918
amounted to 90,766,879 fr., of which 39,696,000 fr. were imports
and 51,070,824 were exports. This total represents an increase of
33,500,000 fr. on the average for the five years 1913-7. About one-
fourth of the imports came from France, while almost the whole of
the exports went to the mother-country.
FRENSSEN, GUSTAV (1863- ), German author, was born
at Barlt Oct. 19 1863, and was educated at the universities of
Tubingen, Berlin and Kiel. He took orders and from 1892 to
1902 was pastor at Hemme, taking his degree as doctor of theol-
ogy at Heidelberg in 1903. But he had already for some years
been known as a writer of novels, and in 1902, a year after his
great success with Jorn Uhl (1901), he gave up his pastorate and
devoted all his time to literature. His work in fiction includes
Die Sandgrafin (1895, 3rd ed. 1902); Die drei Getreuen (1898);
Hilligenlei (1905); Peter Moor's Fakrl nach Sud-West (1906);
Klaus Henrich Baas (1909) and Die Bruder (1918). He also
published sermons (Dorfpredigten, 1899-1902), and two plays,
Das Heimatsfest (1903) and Sonke Erichsen (1912).
See H. M. Elster, Gustav Frenssen, sein Leben und sein Schaffen
(1912); also studies by E. Muesebeck (1908) and T. Rehtwisch
(1902) ; and Gustav Frenssen: Hilligenlei als Kunstwerk und als
Tendenzschrift (1906).
FREUD, SIGMUND (1856- ), Austrian physician and
psycho-analyst, was born on May 6 1856 at Freiberg in Moravia,
and studied medicine and psychology at Vienna, being strongly
influenced by Briicke in the latter subject. He took his doctor's
degree in 1881, became a member of the teaching faculty in 1885,
extraordinary professor in 1902 and ordinary professor in 1919.
After working in Paris under Charcot in 1885-6, he devoted
himself, under his influence and in cooperation with the Viennese
physician, Josef Breuer, to the study of nerve cases. The results
of their joint investigations were published in 1895 as Studien
iiber Hysteric, of which several editions have appeared, ex-
pounding a new treatment, the so-called catharsis. This consisted
in putting the patient in a hypnotic state, and the examination
by the physician, while under this condition, of the forgotten
original circumstances under which the symptoms first appeared.
Subsequently Freud pursued a path of his own, and developed
a special technique, abandoning hypnosis in favour of the so-
called " psycho-analytic " method, under which the pathogenic
material of which the patient was unconscious was revealed
by means of free association and by the interpretation of dreams,
etc. The technique and the results of this research work are
explained in Freud's most important works: Die Traumdeutung
(6th ed. 1921), Psychopathologie des Alltags (7th ed. 1920),
Drei Abhandlungen zur Sexualtheorie (4th ed. 1920). Freud's
smaller works were collected in four volumes under the title,
Kleiners Beitrdge zur Neurosenlehre. Freud also published two
general sketches of his theory: a shorter one, Fiinf Vorlesungen
iiber Psychoanalyse (delivered at Worcester, Mass., in 1909),
and a comprehensive one in Vorlesungen zur Einfuhrung in die
Pyschoanalyse. These medical-psychological studies yielded
surprising results in relation to other subjects, and in the possi-
bilities of their adaptation in other branches of knowledge, e.g.
mythology and the history of religion, civilization and literature.
The principal works in this connexion are Totem und Tabu (2nd
ed. 1920), Der Witz (3rd ed. 1921), Eine Kindheitserinnerung:
Leonardo da Vinci (1916), Jenseits des Lustprinzips (1920),
Massenpsychologie und Ich-analyse (1921). Freud's works have
been translated into English in collected form. He was given an
honorary degree by Clark University, Worcester, Mass.
FRICK, HENRY CLAY (1849-1919), American manufacturer
and philanthropist, was born at West Overton, O., June 17
156
FRIEDRICH FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
1849. As a boy he was a clerk for his grandfather who was a
distiller and flour merchant; but he early became interested in
the coke business. In 1871 he organized the firm of Frick & Co.,
which ultimately acquired large coal deposits and ran 12,000
coke ovens. He was chairman of the board of Carnegie Bros.,
from 1889 to 1892, and in the latter year, during the Homestead
strike, was shot and stabbed by Alexander Berkman, an an-
archist. He was a director of the Pennsylvania, the Santa Fe,
and other railways, and of the U.S. Steel Corporation. He died
in New York Dec. 2 1919.
To his family and friends he left $25,000,000, estimated at the
time to be one-sixth of his estate. To his daughter he left about
$6,500,000 to be expended in educational and charitable work. To
the city of Pittsburgh he left land for a park (its value being estimat-
ed at $500,000), together with endowment of $2,000,000. His New
York mansion, with its collection of paintings, bronzes, and enamels,
he bequeathed to the city on the death of his wife; and he added an
endowment of $15,000,000 for the support of this " Frick Art
Collection." He divided his residuary estate into 100 equal parts,
each of a tentative value of $500,000. One share was left to many
Pennsylvania hospitals and charitable homes, three shares to the
Lying-in Hospital (New York), ten shares to the Mercy Hospital
(Pittsburgh), ten shares to the Frick Educational Fund, ten shares
to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, ten shares to Har-
vard University and thirty shares to Princeton University. The value
of his New York mansion and its art collection was estimated, in
1920, to be $50,000,000. Among the chief treasures are the Frago-
nard panels, purchased from the Morgan collection in 1915 for
$1,250,000, Bellini's " St. Francis in the Desert " (costing $250,000),
Velasquez's " Philip IV. " (costing $400,000), Van Dyck's " Paola
Adprno " (costing $400,000), Rembrandt's " Portrait of Himself,"
Gainsborough's " The Mall " (costing $300,000), and the same
artist's " The Hon. Anna Duncan " (costing $400,000). Other
paintings are fine examples of Titian, Vermeer, Frans Hals, Ruys-
dael, Cuyp, Rubens, El Greco, Goya, Sir Thomas Lawrence, Millet,
Raeburn, Reynolds, Romney and Turner.
FRIEDRICH, JOHANN (1836-1917), German theologian (see
11. 216), died in 1917.
FROHMAN, CHARLES (1860-1915), American theatrical man-
ager, was born at Sandusky, O., June 17 1860. At the age of
twelve he started to work at night in the office of the New
York Tribune, attending school by day. In 1874 he began work
for the Daily Graphic and at night sold tickets at Hooley's
theatre, Brooklyn. In 1877 he took charge of the Chicago Com-
edy Co., with John Dillon as star in Our Boys. He next joined
William Haverly and his Mastodon Minstrels as manager,
touring the United States and Europe. Then for a time he was
associated with his brother Daniel in managing the Madison
Square theatre, New York. In 1888 he presented Bronson
Howard's Shenandoah in a revised form, which was a great
success. In 1890 he organized the Charles Frohman Stock Co.
On Jan. 25 1893 he opened his Empire theatre, New York, with
The Girl I Left Behind Me, and here he presented many of his
stars. Other New York theatres with which he was at various
times connected were the Criterion, Garrick, Knickerbocker,
Lyceum, and Savoy. He was an adept in developing talent.
Among his successful players were Maude Adams, Ethel Barry-
more, Blanche Bates, Billie Burke, William Gillette, and Otis
Skinner. During 1005-6 he presented E. H. Sothern and Julia
Marlowe in Shakespearean plays. Sir James Barrie's plays were
favourites with him, and he produced many of Henry Arthur
Jones's and Pinero's. He was one of the organizers of the syndicate
which for several years controlled the American theatres.
Beginning with 1897 he presented many plays in London, leasing
at different times such houses as the Duke of York's, Globe,
Comedy, Vaudeville and Adelphi. He perished when the " Lusi-
tania " was sunk by a German submarine May 7 1915.
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE. The generic name of
" battles of the frontiers " covers the whole of the actions fought
at the opening of the World War in Aug. 1914 on or near the
French frontiers. They are described separately below.
(i.) EARLY OPERATIONS IN UPPER ALSACE
First Entry of the French into Mulhouse. In 1914 the Upper
Vosges formed a wall between the French Lorraine and the
plain of Alsace, taken from France in 1871. On the other hand,
to the S. of this wall, the large open gap between the Vosges
and the Swiss Jura presented an easy crossing from the Rhine
vajley into the Mediterranean basin. This gap, a historic gate
of the Gauls, was defended on the French side by the fortress of
Belfort which gave it its name. A little E. of the fortress the
Franco-German frontier separated the area of Belfort from that
of Upper Alsace which has Mulhouse as the centre and is com-
monly called Sundgau.
In the critical days at the end of July 1914, the French Govern-
ment, wishing to avoid all chance of premature collisions, directed
its covering troops to hold themselves at a distance of at least
10 km. back from the frontier, a precaution which served only
to deplete of French troops the heights of the Upper Vosges, of
which the Germans took possession without firing a shot, and to
confine the troops of Belfort within their fortifications while the
enemy made repeated incursions into French territory.
Mobilization had only just been ordered when Gen. Bonneau,
who was in command of the French troops from Gerardmer to
the Swiss frontier, received instructions to take the offensive,
and to advance on Mulhouse with the 8th Cavalry Div., the
VII. Corps (i4th and 4ist Divs.) and a brigade of infantry from
the garrison of Belfort attached to the I4th Division. The
object of this offensive was, it seems, to destroy the Rhine
bridges, and to mask Neubrisach; but without doubt the High
Command counted much on the political effect that the imme-
diate arrival of the French would produce.
However that may be, the offensive began on the morning
of Friday, Aug. 7th, and its start was promising. During the
day, on the right Altkirch was captured after hand-to-hand
fighting by a brigade of the I4th Div. and a brigade of dragoons;
in the centre, the two other brigades of the i4th Div. occupied,
after an advance-guard action, the line Aspach-Burnhaupt-
Ammertzwiller; on the left, the 4ist Div., which had descended
the Thur valley, reached Thann and threw out an advance
guard towards Cernay.
The next day, while one of its brigades stationed itself at
Altkirch, the VII. Corps continued its march forward without
resistance. The 4ist Div. thus advanced to Lutterbach, and
the 1 4th Div. reached Mulhouse, which it entered at about 6
P.M., with bands playing and flags unfurled, having been pre-
ceded by a strong advance guard which pushed beyond the
town towards Madenheim and Rixheim.
This unresisted advance was so abnormal that it filled Gen.
Cure, commanding the i4th Div. already warned by uncertain
rumors, with fears which were soon confirmed by more definite
information. The general leained that large German forces had
been observed both in the directions of Mulheim and towards
Neubrisach, that the Harth Forest swarmed with Pickelhaubes,
and that the German advance guards had been seen in the He
Napoleon at a distance of a few kilometres from Mulhouse.
Not wishing to run the risk of being caught in a trap, he decided
to withdraw his troops from the town, taking advantage of the
night to establish them on the heights. The evacuation com-
menced at 2 A.M., eight hours after the entry into Mulhouse,
and on Sunday (Aug. 9), at the break of day, one of his brigades
was concentrated with the corps artillery on the plateau of
Riedisheim, and the other to the S. of Dornach.
The apprehensions of the commander of the I4th Div. were
only too well justified. The German plan of concentration
provided for the formation of an army under Gen. von Heeringen
between Strassburg and Colmar. Two of the corps belonging
to it, the XIV. and XV., were already mobilized and had prac-
tically finished their concentration on Aug. 7 when the Germans
first heard of the audacious French advance. The smallness of
the numbers opposing them caused the Germans no anxiety.
They therefore made no attempt at resistance, but utilizing
their roads and railways to the full assembled superior forces
behind the Harth and Nonnenbruch forests. Thus on the
morning of the gth an armoured train of eight trucks, on which
the French artillery fired unsuccessfully, went to and fro between
Miilheim and the He Napoleon, bringing up infantry units on
each trip. In a few hours hostile columns advanced from all
directions, and by about 5 P.M. the VII. French Corps was
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FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
157
violently attacked all along the line by the superior forces of
the XIV. and XV. German Corps. It held its ground till night-
fall, and counter-attacking drove back the enemy on Rixheim
and the He Napoleon, but was eventually forced to break off
the action under cover of darkness to avoid envelopment. The
artillery got away in good order, and despite the difficulty of
disengaging the infantry in the darkness and in the enclosed
country the withdrawal westwards was successfully effected
without interference from the enemy. On the icth order was
established in the units of the VII. Corps, which on the morrow
took up a position on the frontier behind the St. Nicholas.
If the French general staff had acted very imprudently by
taking such an early offensive in the Sundgau that it could not
keep it up, the German general staff showed singular indecision
in not profiting by their superior numbers to follow up and over-
whelm the French corps, as early as Aug. 10, and to attack
Belfort during the confusion following its defeat. It held
strictly to its plan of operations, and, having prepared a massed
attack on Luxemburg and Belgium, provided for a strict defen-
sive between Switzerland and the Donon. The XIV. and XV.
Corps rejoined the army of von Heeringen on the loth, and the
defense of Upper Alsace was given over to Gen. von Gaede,
who received for that purpose the command of four brigades
of Landwehr. The organization of this detachment took time,
and when the Landwehr at length undertook a tardy pursuit
they had lost touch with the VII. Corps. Instead of marching
towards the W. they advanced to the S., in the hope, doubtless, of
being able to force the defile which formed the easiest approach
to Belfort. But they had been forestalled in this direction by
the garrison of Belfort (57th Div., Gen. Bernard), which on
Aug. 13 checked their advance before Montreux-Vieux. Having
lost during the day 1,800 to 2, coo men, the Germans suspended
their counter-offensive, and fell back rapidly towards the E.,
abandoning arms, equipment, and munitions.
The Operations of the Army of Alsace. As early as Aug. 10,
however, Gen. Joffre, wishing to react against the effects of the
repulse of Mulhouse, had decided to form an Alsatian army in
the vicinity of Belfort under the command of Gen. Pau, which
was to renew the advance in greater strength. It had also the
mission of covering the right flank of the I. Army, which under
the orders of Gen. Dubail, was to operate in the direction of the
Donon, and the Bruche valley.
The Army of Alsace comprised the 8th Cavalry Div., five
detachments of Chasseurs Alpins, the VII. Army Corps, the
44th Infantry Div. consisting of the troops from Africa, the
58th, &3rd and 66th Reserve Divs. from the centre and the S.
of France, and the 57th Reserve Div. with two heavy batteries
detached from the Belfort garrison.
Before all these formations had arrived the army took the
offensive on the left; and the five battalions of Chasseurs cross-
ing the passes of Bussang and Schlucht, which the Germans
had abandoned at the beginning of August, descended towards
Thann, Cernay and Colmar. The main body of the army
advanced on the i6th, the advance being methodically executed
with the idea first of cutting off the enemy's retreat to the N.,
then driving him back beyond Mulhouse, and either hemming
him in against the Swiss frontier or forcing him back to the
other side of the Rhine.
Disconcerted by a counter-offensive which they had not ex-
pected so soon, and by the superior numbers of their adversaries,
the Germans under von Gaede fell back rapidly everywhere,
offering little resistance. In three days all the territory to the
S. of the Vosges was cleared, and at 10 A.M. on the loth the main
body of the Army of Alsace attacked the enemy forces concen-
trated before Mulhouse, their right at Lutterbach and Pfastatt,
their centre at Dornach, their left towards Brunstatt. Fight-
ing continued during the afternoon, being particularly severe
around Dornach. The eventual capture of this village by the
French decided the day, and the defeated Germans fell back
towards the Harth and the Rhine, leaving behind them 24 guns
and i ,000 prisoners. At 4 P.M. , for the second time in a fortnight,
the victorious French entered Mulhouse. They were again warmly
greeted by their brethren of Alsace, who were inspired by this
rapid return to hope that this time they were definitely freed
from the yoke of the oppressor. In the joy of triumph they
refrained from further advance, and the conquered Germans
were able to fall back unmolested when a vigorous pursuit
might have turned their defeat into an irreparable rout.
A second battle, without any definite connexion with that
of Dornach, took place on the same day, Aug. 19, some distance
to the S. of Mulhouse. The 44th Div., which covered the right
flank of the Army of Alsace, was attacked, between Leum-
schwiller and Tagsdorff, by a German division which had been
brought over from the other side of the Rhine. This division
was beaten off and obliged to beat a hasty retreat; but the
French division, which had paid dearly for its victory, had to be
withdrawn in order to refit. On the 2ist it was relieved by the
S7th Div. which occupied Altkirch with advance posts on the
right bank. The i4th Bde. of Dragoons, supported by two
battalions at Hirsengen and Hirtzbach, extended the line to
the right and completed the screen covering the Army of Alsace.
Fortune for the moment seemed to smile upon the French,
but suddenly the situation underwent a change, and their hopes
were dashed to the ground by the disasters of Sarrebourg,
Morhauge and Charleroi. The withdrawal of the XI. Army
had an immediate repercussion on the situation of the I. Army,
which had to conform to the retreat of its left-hand neighbour.
The Army of Alsace was in its turn affected by the general with-
drawal, and by orders from G.H.Q. was broken up in order that
its various elements might be allotted to other formations.
The 44th Div. was the first to leave on Aug. 22 to rejoin the
I. Army. On Aug. 24 the 57th Div. was again placed at the
disposal of the governor of Belfort, and had to abandon its
position at Altkirch and fall back first to Dannemarie, and
thence to the line Montreux-Vieux-Foursemagne-Fontaine. On
the 25th Mulhouse was evacuated, and the VII. Corps together
with the 63rd Div. was entrained in order to form the nucleus of
the VI. Army, of which Gen. Maunoury was to take command.
On the 26th, the 66th Div. was sent to Montbeliard with the
i4th Bde. of Dragoons. The s8th Div. fell back to the Upper
Thur valley, one of its brigades being left to occupy the mouth
of the defile at Thann.
The Chasseurs battalions and the 8th Dragoon Bde. marched
by Miinster road to the crest of the Vosges. The bridges of 111-
furth and of Aspach were destroyed, the canal sluices between
the Rhone and the Rhine were blown up, and the two large
viaducts on either side of Dannemarie station were cut. The
disbandment of the Army of Alsace thus left the Sundgau once
more clear of French troops, and abandoned to the mercy of the
Germans. At the same time Belfort was left exposed and open
to hostile attack.
Renewed Offensive of the Belfort Garrison. The role assigned
to Belfort in the French defensive scheme was to support the
right wing of the armies resting on the Swiss frontier, and to
command the gap by which the enemy might endeavour to
penetrate between the Vosges and the Jura, in order to gain a
decisive advantage by taking the French armies in reverse. It
was a vitally important role, since if the Germans once secured the
gap they might penetrate into the heart of France by Besancon
and Dijon.
A vast amount of work had been done in the last 40 years in
constructing, on the basis of the small fortress of 1870, the great
stronghold of 1014. Much, however, remained to be completed.
The work necessitated by the invention of armour-piercing
shells dragged on endlessly, hindered by the want of funds and
by manufacturing delays in the workshops, to which must be
added the alterations caused by the progress of armament lead-
ing to a constant modification of the plans. The result was
thus a miscellaneous array of old works and new forts with
others still in the course of construction.
The forts Roppe, Bessancourt, Veselois, Fourgerais, and Bois
D'Oye were splendid modern or modernized works. On the
other hand, the construction of the forts of Giromagny and
Salbert had not even been begun; and La Chaux and Mont-
158
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
Vaudois, the reconstruction of which had just been undertaken,
were half demolished and transformed into enormous building
yards so that they were quite incapable for the moment of
playing any part in the defence. As in all the French fortresses,
there was not enough heavy artillery; the guns were good, but
their mountings were out of date; and as these could only be
fired from platforms which took a long time to erect, they had
not the necessary mobility; the 1,000 rounds apiece which was
allowed them was totally insufficient, and the method of firing,
as then practised, did not allow them to make full use of their
range. Altogether, the defence of Belfort in 1914 presented grave
deficiencies, and the command had no illusions as to its incon-
veniences or dangers, but there existed no means of remedying
them save by hasty makeshifts and by special alertness. Never-
theless, confidence reigned in the fortress, everyone there
knowing that will, energy, and moral courage are the first
essentials for the defence of a besieged fortress.
Despite this confidence, the days which passed between July
26 and Aug. 2 1914 appeared painfully long to the Belfort
garrison, helpless as it was in face of the German raids, owing
to the order to remain at a distance of 10 km. from the frontier,
which prevented them from taking even elementary measures of
precaution. As elsewhere, mobilization at Belfort was only
commenced on the morning of Sunday Aug. 2, and it was
extremely complicated, involving as it did the mobilization
of both reservists and territorials and their incorporation into
their units, requisitioning, transport, supply of provisions, and
placing of the fortress in a state of defence.
The mobilization had been well prepared and was carried out
with singular regularity; but the fact of troops being diverted
from Belfort for the operations which were immediately under-
taken in Alsace rendered difficult the normal organization of
the garrison. This was to have been composed of an actual
brigade of infantry with five battalions of the 57th Res. Div.
(12 battalions of infantry, three groups of field artillery, and a
company of engineers, and two squadrons of dragoons), 19
battalions of territorial infantry, 15,000 artillery, and 3,000
sappers, together with detachments of custom-house officers,
foresters, telegraphic and postal operators, hospital orderlies,
clerks, and depot personnel of the various arms, altogether
about 75,000 men. As a matter of fact, a half-mobilized brigade
of the 57th Div. was called away as early as the 6th, to take part
in the first offensive on Mulhouse, then the other brigade of the
division was sent forward when barely completed, and it was
to the 57th Div., thus formed in the face of the enemy, under the
command of Gen. Bernard, that there fell the honour of check-
ing the Germans at Montreux on Aug. 13, after the retreat of the
VII. Corps. Without a moment's respite the division then took
part in the operations of the Army of Alsace, and it was only on
the 26th, after this army was broken up, that it returned to the
vicinity of Foursemagne under the cannon of Belfort. While the
reserve division was thus engaged, the active brigade took part
in front of the fortress at Felon and Lagrange. The rest of the
garrison had been assembled, and as soon as its various units
were formed they were set to work, in conjunction with all the
men from 15 to 60 years of age not subject to military service,
to push on with the works laid down in the scheme of defence.
The completion of this task was necessarily impeded by the
fighting in which a part of the garrison was engaged during
August; but thanks to the willingness of all the workers, the
enormous undertaking was achieved by the time that the Army
of Alsace was dissolved. The armament of the forts had been com-
pleted, numerous batteries had been constructed and armed,
and munition depots had been organized. Centres of resistance,
united by continuous lines of trenches, which were again covered
by accessory defences, had been erected around Roppe fort, the
fort and the village of Bessancourt, Fort Meroux, the spur of
Oye Wood, the work of the Bambois, and Salbert hill. Finally
the organization of the principal zone of defence had been
strengthened by large inundations on part of the front.
In front of this zone other works had been undertaken with
a view to strengthening the fortress, and towards Frais, Chevre-
ment and Bourogne. The works of Mont Vaudois were pushed
forward, and in the fortress of Chaux itself, the dismantling of
which had left the road from Montreux to Monbbelrard open to
attack, the parapets were rebuilt, concrete shelters constructed
and every device utilized which could render the dilapidated
work capable of effective action.
All this might have been reassuring, if the experience of a few
weeks of warfare had not confirmed the insufficiency of French
heavy artillery material, and the power of the German heavy
artillery which had crushed the resistance of Liege, Namur and
Longwy. On Aug. 25, there could be no possible doubt that
if the enemy could approach near enough to Belfort to establish
his guns 8 km. from the forts, the heart of the place would be
bombarded and the forts themselves smashed before the artillery
of the defence could fire a shot. Under the circumstances, at
the very moment that the generalissimo was recommending a
defensive based on the fortresses, it was manifestly unwise to
uncover the most useful of them all by rapidly evacuating the
Sundgau and breaking up the Army of Alsace instead of using
a part of it to prepare, occupy, and defend strong defensive
positions at important points. G.H.Q. might have need else-
where of the VII. Corps, the 44th and 6$rd Divs. and part of the
cavalry, but it did not remove either the 57th Div. or the s8th
or the 66th Divs., or the i4th Dragoon Bde., so that these forma-
tions together were in effective strength superior to the enemy,
who had left in front of the Armv of Alsace only Ersatz and
Landwehr troops.
Instead of these troops being withdrawn, and dispersed over
the area of Montbeliard-Foursemagne-Wesserling, they might
well have been ordered to stand fast in the Sundgau. Even if
Mulhouse appeared to be too distant, or too exposed a position
to hold, a judicious use of field fortifications would at least have
enabled them to cover Thann, and to establish between Altkirch
and Heidwiller a strongly fortified centre, from which it would
have been possible to control the road to Basle, the valley of the
Ille, the railway and the canal, while the i4th Dragoon Bde.
watched all the country in the direction of Ferrette, the Harth,
Mulhouse and the Nonnenbruch.
Nothing of this kind was done, and von Gaede was thus able
to reoccupy the Sundgau at his leisure. It was now to be feared
the bad news coming in from all sides appeared to justify all
manner of fears that the Germans would make a vigorous
attack on Belfort, in order to destroy the pivot of the extensive
withdrawal of the Anglo-French troops, which was now being
carried out along the whole Swiss frontier to Belgium.
Under these conditions, knowing he had only his own resources
to count upon for the defence of the gap, Gen. Thevenet, governor
of Belfort, decided not to await the enemy's attack, but at
once to assume the offensive, based on the fortress, so as to
clear the immediate outskirts of the place and to maintain the
initiative. His original plan was to push forward the active
brigade and the 57th Res. Div. in front of the fortress, to carry
out offensive reconnaissances on an increasing scale, to gain
ground by infiltration, to organize the positions gained, and
thus to establish, little by little, an effective barrier across the
gap. To his mind, the advance should be sufficient to place
Belfort beyond the range of the enemy's artillery, and to reduce
the line to be held as much as possible by establishing it at the
point where the Swiss frontier salient of Porrentuy reduced to a
minimum breadth the practicable part of the gap 30 km.
between the Vosges and Switzerland. While this brigade and
division were advancing, the governor proposed to employ the
rest of the garrison on completing the defences of the fortress
and the extension of its perimeter. He also proposed, while
making the territorials cooperate with the available civilian
labour in constructing these works, to carry on with their train-
ing so that they could be employed on the front when the occa-
sion arose. This plan was immediately put into operation. The
offensive reconnaissances in front of the fortress began as from
Aug. 28 and from that date were pursued without interruption.
The 57th Div., moving forward from its position between
Montreux and Fontaine, performed the role assigned to it with
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
159
remarkable energy. Its first reconnaissances were carried out
by detachments of cavalry, patrols of infantry, and numerous
squads of cyclists mounted on bicycles bought from the local
shops, who pushed forward in every direction and drove back
the small enemy detachments encountered by them. After
Sept. 2 these reconnaissances were extended. Small columns
consisting of one or two battalions, one or two sections of artillery,
a few cavalrymen, and cyclists, repulsed the enemy in a series of
engagements which were practically without exception success-
ful. They appeared simultaneously in the direction of Falck-
willer, Waldighoffen, Uberkumen, Burnhaupt, Gildwiller, Ster-
nemberg, Heimsprung, thus giving the illusion of a force very
superior to that which the fortress of Belfort was in fact able
to furnish. Thus covered, the 5 7th Div. was able to advance
from village to village, organizing the localities as it occupied
them, and on Sept. 10 the advance guards were on the line
Ballersdorff-Gommersdorff-Tranbach beyond Dannemarie.
The active brigade had also carried out reconnaissances well
in advance of its front Felon- Lagrange; on Sept. 6 it established
its connexion with Thann, the most advanced point held by
the 58th Div., which, since the break-up of the army of Alsace,
had been bottled up in the Thur valley by the Germans, hold-
ing Cernay and the Nonnenbruch forest. On the pth it advanced
to the heights of the left bank of the Doller; its artillery broke up
an attack of the S5th Brigade of Landwehr against Vieux-Thann,
and at the close of the day it occupied Michelbach, Aspach-le-
bas, and the important position of Kalberg, thus holding the
highroad to Cernay, commanding the Nonnenbruch and over-
looking the plain in the direction of Mulhouse.
After a day spent in massing strong forces at Cernay and in
the Nonnenbruch, von Gaede on the nth carried out a new
demonstration against Thann, preceded by a bombardment,
and directed a very violent, heavy attack against the positions
held by the Belfort brigade. Despite serious losses, the latter
held its ground; but its commander, feeling his position to be
too exposed, and fearing to be cut off from the fortress, fell back
under cover of darkness and regained his cantonments behind
La Chapclle sous Rougemont. .
It was not long before the advance of the s8th Div. on his
right allowed him to push his advance guards forward to the
Soultzbach, from Mortzwiller to Dicffmattcn, while on his left
Massevaux was held by a detachment which was supported
in its turn by a Territorial battalion occupying the Ballon of
Alsace, and the upper valley of the Doller.
On Sept. 18, wishing to put an end to the raids which the
enemy patrols were still carrying out on his right, the governor
of Belfort occupied Chavannate, Suarce, Lepuy and Rechezy
with strong posts of custom-house officers, who from that day
assured the safety of these villages.
On this same day, Sept. 18, the H.Q. of the 57th Div., whose
daily reconnaissances had been carried on uninterruptedly in
advance of its front, was transferred from Foussemagne to
Dannemarie. This transfer was, from the point of view of the
garrison of Belfort, the affirmation of their possession of this
place, and it was completed on the day following the Marne
victory, with the express intention of marking out a new perma-
nent line of defence; it thus made a great impression in France,
as also in Alsace, and had all the importance of a victory. It
was indeed a considerable success, for the occupation of Danne-
marie had been carried out with such precision and solidity that
it had now to become definite. From Sept. 18 1914 onwards, the
tricolor flag never ceased to fly over the little Alsatian town
thus reconquered. (F. T.)
(2.) THE FIRST BATTLES IN LORRAINE
The first plan of the French High Command, as shown in the
General Instruction No. i, of Aug. 8, was of a purely offensive
nature; it was a question of seeking a battle, with all forces
concentrated, with the right of the army resting on the Rhine.
In Lorraine there were two French armies, the I. and II.; the
I. Army was to move against the German Army of Saarburg
(the VII.) and endeavour to throw it back in the direction of
Strassburg and Lower Alsace. One isolated corps (the VII.)
was to make a diversion to the E. of the Vosges; the II. Army,
throwing out a flank guard to face Metz, was to take the offensive
in the general direction of Saarbriick, on the front Delme-
Chateau Salins-Dieuzes, keeping touch with the I. Army in the
region of the lakes. It was to leave its two left corps at the
disposal of the generalissimo, in the area Bermecourt-Rozieres
en Haye (W. of the Moselle), with a view to their possible em-
ployment in the north.
In front of the I. and II. Armies were the VI. and VII. Ger-
man Armies, the VI. (Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria) consisting
at first of the I., II. and III. Bavarian, and I. Bavarian Reserve
Corps and the XXI. Corps, together with two independent
divisions and three cavalry divisions; the VII. (Gen. von Heer-
nigcn) of the XIV. and XV. Active and XIV. Reserve Corps and
the 3oth Reserve Division. Both armies were at first to remain
on the defensive.
The extreme rapidity of the German invasion of Belgium,
and the importance of this theatre, from the first moment
induced the French High Command to hurry on the operations
in Alsace and Lorraine in order to disengage the Belgian front.
By Aug. 13 the VIII. and XIII. Corps were on the Meurthe, the
XIII. in the triangle Baccarat-Raon 1'Etape-Bazient, the VIII.
in that of Fraimbois-Vathimenil-Gerbeviller. Gen. Dubail,
commanding the I. Army, counted in addition on the coopera-
tion of the two right corps of the II. Army * and on that of the
XXI. Corps, descending from the Vosges on his right. On
Aug. 16 the II. Cavalry Corps, with a division from the I.
Army and two from the II., came under his orders.
It must be noted that the concentration, though completed
as far as concerns the fighting troops, was to be entirely finished
only on Aug. 18. However, the XIII. and VIII. Corps, com-
menced their movement on Aug. 14; the next day they entered
Cirey and Blamont, driving back the I. Bavarian Corps, which,
menaced with envelopment, retired on Saarburg. By the eve-
ning of Aug. 17 the two French corps had reached the line Vas-
perviller-Aspach-St. Georges, and the XXI. Corps was in line
with them towards the Vosges. The II. Cavalry Corps had
been ordered to lead the advance on Aug. 18 towards Saarburg,
which fell into its hands after some fighting. The XXI. Corps
pushed its advance guards north-eastwards to Walscheid; the
XIII. held the heights N. and E. of Saarburg; the VIII. Corps,
marching on Heming, seized the crossings over the Marne-
Rhine canal and entered Saarburg. The II. Cavalry Corps
bivouacked in the Diane Capelle area, in touch with the II.
Army, which had reached the front Bisping-Chateau Salins on
the left of the first. The Germans held strongly fortified posi-
tions facing the I. and II. Armies on a front of 37 m. from near
Dommenheim to Biberkirch.
Both Gen. Dubail and his troops appeared full of confidence,
as also did Gen. Joffre. It was decided that the I. Army should
attack with its left N.W. of Saarburg, reposing its right and
centre in view of the possibility of a German counter-attack in
the Vosges, of which there were certain indications. The II.
Cavalry Corps was to be directed on Saar Union and to operate
to the S. of the Saar.
On Aug. 19 the left of the attack (VIII. Corps) commenced
before daybreak, gained ground to the N.W. of Saarburg,
despite the strength of the enemy's positions, and repulsed a
counter-attack from the direction of Delving. On Aug. 20 the
advance was resumed, and early in the morning it became
evident that the VIII. Corps would be unable to open the way
for the II. Cavalry Corps. The isth Div. could neither cross
the Saar nor maintain its hold on Gosselming; counter-attacked
from the N. it fell back on Kepprich and the wood to the E.,
then to the Marne Rhine canal, after suffering severely from
the fire of the German heavy artillery.
1 The I. Army comprised at the beginning of hostilities the VIII.,
XIII., XXI., and XIV. Corps, the I2th, I3th, 22nd, 28th and 3Oth
groups of Alpine Chasseurs, and the 7lst Reserve Division. The
XIV. Corps, the Alpine groups and the 7lst Div. remained at first
in the Vosges or at Epinal.
i6o
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
In the centre and on the right the French fared better. On
Aug. 19 the XXI. Corps had extended its front to the S.E. of
Saarburg, in the direction of Plaine de Valsch-Walscheid,
without encountering any resistance; the XIII. Corps, which
was in army reserve, had not yet been engaged. Next day the
XXI. Corps, violently assailed by the XIV. German Corps,
inflicted on it a serious defeat near Walscheid; the XIII. Corps,
coming at last into line, attacked N.E. of Saarburg, disengaging
the i6th Div. (VIII. Corps), which held the town till nightfall.
Gen. Dubail's intention was to entrench himself astride the
Saar on the front Kerprich-Soldatenkopf , and thence to resume a
methodical advance foot by foot. But the defeat of the II.
Army induced Gen. Joffre to order, on the evening of Aug. 20,
the withdrawal of both armies. On the morning of Aug. 21
Gen. Dubail ordered the I. Army to retire slowly as far as
Blamont. The withdrawal was carried out at first without
serious difficulty, but was soon accelerated by the rapidity of the
II. Army's retreat and by various untoward and costly inci-
dents. On the evening of Aug. 22 the army, which had been
joined by the XIV. Corps and 7ist Reserve Div. from the Vosges,
held a line from N. of Moudon forest to the Bonhomme pass;
on the evening of Aug. 23 it had fallen back a good deal further,
and, pivoting on its right, had thrown back its left to Damas
aux Bois. At this point Gen. Dubail gave orders to stop the
retreat and prepare for the resumption of the offensive. After
this series of unfortunate movements the weariness of the French
troops was extreme, and the infantry had suffered heavy loss
indeed in the VIII. Corps it exceeded 50% of the total strength.
The parallel offensive of the II. Army had been even less
fortunate. Its mission was twofold: at all costs it was to pro-
tect Nancy, mainly because of the moral effect of the loss of
that city; it was also to prolong the attack of the I. Army to the
W.,on the front Dieuze- Chateau Salins, with a flank guard fac-
ing Metz. The army, under Gen. de Castelnau, at first com-
prised the XVIII., IX., XX., XV., and XVI. Corps, three
reserve divisions (5Qth, 68th and 7<Dth) and two cavalry divisions.
But in view of the necessity of parrying the German advance in
Belgium by reinforcing the V. French Army, on the left of the
line, the XVIII. Corps was sent north-westwards, on Aug. 13,
to form Gen. Lanrezac's left. In the middle of the offensive,
however, the greater part of the IX. Corps was sent off to ree'n-
force the IV. Army. The two cavalry divisions were later
incorporated into the II. Cavalry Corps and placed under the
orders of the I. Army.
On Aug. 13, on the eve of the Lorraine offensive, the IX.
Corps held the northern front of the Grand Couronne de Nancy, 1
with outposts on the Seille; the 7oth Reserve Div. was towards
Amance; the XX. Corps in the area Hueville-Laneuveville-
Nancy, with forward troops on the Loutre Noire; the XV.
Corps at Heraucourt, Drouville-Lerres-Courbcssaux; the XIV.
Corps at Luneville-Xermamenil; the spth and 68th Reserve
Divs. in second line at Laxose and Vendoeuvre, and four Chas-
seurs battalions at St. Nicholas.
The generalissimo having prescribed that the I. and II.
Armies should take the offensive, Gen. de Castelnau ordered the
XVI. and XV. and the greater part of the XX. Corps to
advance on Aug. 14 on Avricourt, the XX. Corps covering the
northern front with the rest of its forces. On the evening of
Aug. 14 the army held a line between Vuvrecourt and Goud-
rexon, facing N.E.; only the XV. Corps had met with serious
resistance and been held up at Moncourt. Next day the situa-
tion of this corps, after the losses it had suffered, still checked
further progress; the XVI. Corps advanced to Igney-Avricourt,
the XX. to Bexange-la-Petite, Xanrey, and the northern edge
of the Bezange la Grande forest; the IX. from its position on
the Grand Couronne sent out detachments to Nomeny, Beni-
court and Clemery. On Aug. 16 the German withdrawal con-
tinued, and the French followed rapidly; the XVI. Corps
reached Mondange-Rechicourt-La Garde; the XV. Donnelay-
*A group of steeply sloping hills forming a semicircle around
Nancy, on the E. bank of the Moselle.
Maremont; the XX. Vic-Moyenvic, the hills N. and N.W. of
Donnelay; the IX. retaining its position.
On Aug. 17 the right of the II. Army was to swing up to the
N.W., with the object of reaching the line Delme-Chateau
Salins-Dieuze, the first objective fixed by Gen. Joffre. The XVI.
Corps pushed forward without difficulty to the region Angviller-
Bisping-Guerdemange; the XV. reached the Seille and occupied
Marsal without resistance but failed to effect the passage of
that river with its main body; the XX. Corps entered Chateau
Salins and pushed reconnaissances northwards. The absence
of the cavalry divisions was much felt at this time. Despite
heavy night fighting at Rorbach, in which a fraction of the XVI.
Corps was engaged, it was believed that the enemy was merely
fighting rear-guard actions and that his main bodies were retiring,
the I. Bavarian Corps on Saarburg, the XXI. and the left of the
II. Bavarian Corps on Morhange.
Aug. 1 8 was to be given up to the crossing to the right bank
of the Seille, but from the early morning the XVI. Corps en-
countered important hostile forces at the exits from the woods.
On its right, the II. Cavalry Corps (I. Army) was not in position
to support it, being itself held up at Dolving and Gosselming
S. of the Saar. To the left the German heavy artillery pinned
the XV. Corps to its ground on the Seille between Marsal and
Zommange, preventing it even from occupying Dieuze. The
XVI. Corps, being too far forward, was compelled to fall back
on Angviller; only the XX. Corps advanced to the N. of Mor-
ville les Vic and Chateau Salins.
In spite of the departure of the IX. Corps, ordered on Aug.
18, to the IV. Army area, Gen. de Castelnau ordered on Aug.
19 that the offensive should be continued with the utmost
energy, both to conform with the instructions of the general-
issimo to hold fast as many as possible of the enemy in Lor-
raine, and in order to disengage the I. Army, now menaced by
strong hostile forces from the direction of Phalsburg and Ober-
steigen. The XVI. Corps, while still continuing to cover the II.
Army to the eastwards on the canal of Houilleres, was to debouch
from the region of the lakes to the N. of Loudrefing. The XV.,
operating to the E. of the Bride and Koeking forests, was to
march on Bensdorf, and the XX. Corps, to the W. of these
forests, on Morhange.
In order not to risk being taken in the flank by an attack
from Metz, the II. Army was ordered for the moment not to
cross the line of the Lower Albe below Bening Virming and
Morhange. Thus the offensive of the right and not that of the
left was limited, though the contrary was more natural.
On the morning of Aug. 19 the French right was checked by
the enemy. As regards the XVI. Corps, the 3ist Div. could
not debouch to the N. of the Salines canal and had to be re-
lieved by the 32nd; the XV. Corps captured Zommange and
Vergaville, but could get no farther; only the XX. Corps made
a considerable advance, reaching the northern edge of Chateau
Salins forest, occupying Oron and pushing a brigade well
forward on Morhange. The 68th Reserve Div., which had
relieved the IX. Corps in its positions, covered the left flank
of the XX. Corps very insufficiently at Frcsnes en Saulnois-La
Neuveville. The 7oth Div., in the Seille around Manhoue,
and the 59th on the Grand Couronne from Leyr to Ste.
Genevieve, assured the immediate protection of Nancy. The
enemy's intentions were still obscure.
In these circumstances Gen. de Castelnau deemed it advisable
to clear the passages for the XVI. Corps over the Salines canal
as soon as possible, and ordered that corps and the XV. to
carry out a united attack on Aug. 20 against the line Cutting-
Domnom-Bassing, and to drive back the enemy as far as the
Saarburg-Bensdorf railway. The XX. Corps consolidated its
positions taken the previous day, and prepared either to con-
tinue its advance to the N. or to the N.E., or to face any possi-
ble attacks coming from Metz.
On the morning of Aug. 20 mist delayed the offensive of the
XV. and XVI. Corps, which were in fact later violently attacked
themselves and checked and even forced back. The XX. Corps
had received from its commander, Gen. Foch, orders inspired,
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
161
it would seem, rather by the doctrine of the resolute offensive
then in favour in the French Army than by the orders of Gen.
de Castelnau; they laid down that the heights of Baronville and
Morhange, reached the previous evening, should be secured
and that the right should then endeavour to disengage the XV.
Corps and facilitate its attack.
On Aug. 20 the nth Div. attacked the front Morhange-
Racrange, in conjunction with the XV. Corps; to the left, the
3pth Div. the line Brehain-Baronville. About 6:30 A.M.
Gen. de Castelnau stopped this offensive, which he con-
sidered inopportune, and ordered that the right of the XX.
Corps should support the XV., while the left should hold and
fortify the position then held by it and should even prepare
a second position farther south. But these arrangements were
upset by the enemy taking the offensive; the left of the XX.
Corps (39th Div.), heavily assailed, had to retire on Chateau
Salins, involving the withdrawal of the right (nth Div.), which
fell back on Lidrequin, and of the 68th Reserve Div., which
withdrew from Lenoncourt to its position of Aug. 19. The
situation of the II. Army became so perilous that at 4 P.M. Gen.
de Castelnau ordered the retreat. The corps were moved away
that night, with the intention of re-forming their most sorely
tried units farther south; rear guards facing N.E. from Mai-
zieres to Fresncs en Saulnois were to cover the withdrawal.
These movements were carried out that evening and night,
and during Aug. 21, under the protection of the XX. Corps and
the 68th Reserve Div., which had orders to hold on to Chateau
Salins as long as possible and to fall back thence on St. Nicolas.
The remainder of the army reached the area Dombasle-Lune-
ville, and were there reenforced by two reserve divisions, the
64th and 74th; the 73rd Reserve Div., forming part of the mobile
garrison of Toul, moved to the N.W. of Nancy, and the II.
Cavalry Corps (less the 6th Cavalry Div. which was left under
the orders of Gen. Dubail) was on Aug. 22 transferred from the
I. to the II. Army and was ordered to cover the latter's right.
The enemy at first followed slowly, but soon violently attacked
the XVI. Corps at Crion and Lionviller, and forced it back over
Luneville, whence it went back to reform in the Xermamenil
area. Finally, while the XX. Corps was waging a series of suc-
cessful actions in the heights of Flainval, before retiring on St.
Nicolas, the remainder established themselves on the W. bank
of the Meurthe, the XVI. Corps holding the hills of Belchamps,
the 74th Reserve Div. astride the Luneville-Bayon road, the
XV. Corps at Haussonville and Ferrieres, and the 64th Reserve
Div. in the Sappais plateau. The Grand Couronne was still
held by the i8th Div. (IX. Corps), the dispatch of which to the
S. had been delayed, and by the 59th and 68th Reserve Divisions.
The offensive of the II. Army, as well as that of the I., had thus
been a complete failure. Various factors contributed to this
result, the most important being the French inferiority in mate-
rial and the insufficient preparation of the attacks.
Meanwhile the I. Army also had stopped its retreat. On Aug.
23 Gen. Dubail laid down that its mission henceforward would
be to forbid any new hostile advance and refit so as to be in a
condition to resume the offensive in the near future; it was also
to support the II. Army, which was being heavily attacked, on
its left. This was the object of a three weeks' battle, the first
act of which was to take place on the Mortagne. On Aug. 23
Gen. Dubail ordered the VIII. Corps, supported on its left by
the cavalry division, to operate against the flank of the Germans
then attacking the right of the II. Army. The VIII. and XIII.
Corps, forming the I. Army's left wing, were holding the line
Damas aux Bois-Anglemont.
On Aug. 24 the II. Army was attacked on the front Hausson-
ville-Borville. The VIII. Corps was directed to take the offen-
sive in the direction of Venezey-Moriviller, while the XIII. Corps,
covering its right, moved to the vicinity of Menarmont, ready
to face N. or E. according to circumstances. These movements,
carried out on Aug. 24 and 25, were of considerable assistance
to the II. Army, before which the enemy fell back on Aug. 26
to the north-east. Next day the VIII. Corps reached the Mor-
tagne, but from Aug. 28 to Aug. 30 it could do no more than
repulse the enemy's attacks, without itself getting forward.
On Aug. 30 and 31 the Germans, entrenched to the E. of the
river, on the heights of Domptail, held up the French advance,
but were themselves unable to make any progress. The utility
of the VIII. and XIII. Corps' action was all the greater, as at
this time the II. Army was being heavily assailed, first in the
direction from Luneville to Charmes, and then in the Grand
Couronne. It appears, indeed, to have been the Germans' first
intention to advance with the VI. Army along this former line,
and with the VII. by Raon 1'Etape and Rambervillers on
Charmes, their common effort being directed to forcing what
is usually known as " the gap of Charmes." The I. Army was
further weakened by the departure from its position on the
right of the XIII. Corps, and of the XXI. Corps, which left to
join the IV. Army in Champagne, arriving there in time to
take part in the last days of the battle of the Marne.
From Sept. 5 to 7 the VIII. and XIII. Corps merely main-
tained their positions. On Sept. 6 the German VII. Army,
which faced the French I. Army, was dissolved by order of the
supreme command. Two of its corps joined the VI. Army,
now left alone in Lorraine; the staff and one corps were sent W.
to reenforce the German right wing, heavily engaged with
Maunoury (French VI. Army) on the Ourcq. On Sept. 7, as
the enemy in front of the VIII. and XIII. Corps seemed to be
weakening, an attempt was made to resume the French offensive;
and on Sept. 9 the VIII. Corps was ordered to capture St.
Pierremont and Magnieres by a night attack; the XIII. Corps
and a provisional corps formed of troops already on the army
front, and put into line in place of the XXI. Corps, were also
to attack farther to the east.
The operation thus projected was a success only on the right
and in the centre; the VIII. Corps attack failed. At this moment
the I. Army was still further and more seriously weakened by the
arrival of orders for the transfer of the XIII. Corps elsewhere.
While it was being transported to the W. of the Oise, where it
was to prolong the left of the VI. Army, the I. Army consoli-
dated its recent gains. On Sept. 12 the VIII. Corps attacked
towards Domptail and Azerailles, and the 7ist Reserve Div.,
which had replaced the XIII. Corps, towards Baccarat, and the
provisional corps towards Raon 1'Etape. By the evening the
I. Army had reached the Meurthe; unfortunately the pursuit
was stopped by another transfer, this time of the VIII. Corps
on Sept. 13 to St. Mihiel on the Meuse, where another German
offensive was being prepared. The left wing of the army (7ist
Reserve Div. and provisional corps) took up position along the
Meurthe from Raon 1'Etape to Azerailles. The fighting known
as the battle of the Meurthe now came to an end.
Meanwhile the XXI. and XIV. Corps, on the right of the
I. Army astride the Meurthe, had also attempted to carry out
the mission assigned to them by Gen. Dubail, to stop the enemy's
advance, and prepare for a resumption of the offensive. Their
first efforts met with little success; in fact, up to Aug. 27 they
had lost ground; and the 44th Div., which was being brought up
from the Vosges to reenforce the I. Army's left, had to stop and
support them (Aug. 25). On Aug. 26 the right of the XIV.
Corps was driven back in the Ban de Sapt; next day, the enemy
entered Ste. Die, and the withdrawal of the s8th Reserve Div.
from Anozel pass uncovered the eastern flank of the XIV.
Corps, which fell back from Nompatelize and then from La
Bourgonce (Aug. 29). The Germans endeavoured to cut off
the corps from the Vosges and menace the I. Army's right
flank; and successful though costly counter-attacks by the XIV.
Corps on Aug. 30 recovered both Nompatelize and La Bourgonce.
On Aug. 31 and Sept. i its right maintained itself at Anozel;
on Sept. 3 the corps held a line thence to Rougiville and the N.
edge of the forest of Mortagne, but its situation remained
anxious up to and including Sept. 6. Not till Sept. 7, when the
army had consolidated its line in the Vosges, could the XIV.
Corps make a little progress; it then accentuated its offensive,
reoccupied Ste. Die on Sept. 1 1 and reached the Meurthe along
its whole front, as the VIII. Corps, the 7ist Reserve Div. and
the provisional corps had done. By this time the " Vosges
I 62
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
group " had got into definite touch with the right of the XIV.
Corps from the Bonhomme pass. The I. Army had been suc-
cessful in fixing important enemy forces on its own front, and in
bringing considerable relief to the rest of the French line, despite
the fact that many men had been withdrawn from it to reen-
force those armies to whom decisive roles had been assigned.
The II. Army also had passed no less difficult days. On the
morning of Aug. 21, after the defeat of Morhanges, Gen. Joffre
wired, " The II. Army will endeavour to reconstitute and hold
fast on the Grand Couronne and on the Meurthe and the
Moselle." Gen. de Castelnau decided therefore to maintain
at all costs the Grand Couronne and the line held by the XV.
and XVI. Corps and the 64th and 74th Reserve Divs., while
holding the rest of the army ready for a counter offensive in the
area of Lenoncourt. But the situation rapidly changed, and it
fell to Gen. de Castelnau's lot to prepare, not a counter-attack
but an attack.
Early on Aug. 24 it was reported that at least two hostile
corps were moving southwards, exposing their right flank to
the II. Army. Gen. de Castelnau, seizing his opportunity,
ordered an advance in the direction of Serres by one division
of the XX. Corps and the available troops of the reserve divi-
sions holding the Grand Couronne. The XVI. and XV. Corps,
the 64th and 74th Reserve Divs. and the rest of the XX. Corps,
were to contain the enemy in front, the II. Cavalry Corps cov-
ering their right. The VIII. Corps on the left' of the I. Army
was requested to cooperate by advancing on the front Rozel-
ieures-Vennezey, in a direction almost at right angles to the II.
Army front. Thus ensued the battle of Aug. 25.
Gen. de Castelnau's objective was Arracourt-Einville, which
appeared to be the enemy's line of communication from the
north. The main attack was to be supported on the right by
the XVI. and one division of the XV. Corps, in concert with
the VIII. Corps. But it soon became clear that the last-named
formation would not be able to debouch to the N. of Essey and
St. Boingt, and it became necessary to make the action of the
II. Army more prompt and more intense. The II. Cavalry
Corps, the XVI. and one division of the XV. Corps, were pushed
forward, driving the enemy back to the E. of Rozelieures; at
nightfall the XVI. Corps was in possession of this village and
the XV. of Lamath and Blainville, while the main body of the
II. Cavalry Corps was moving on Deinvillers. On the French
left, progress, rapid at first, had been checked by a strong coun-
ter-attack on Flainval; by evening, however, the XX. Corps held
the heights of Sommerville, Flainval and Hudiviller with its
nth Div. and its 39th Div. remaining in the region of St. Nicolas.
To the N., portions of the IX. Corps and the 68th Reserve Div.
held the eastern edges of the forest of Champenois.
After the battle of Aug. 25 Gen. de Castelnau proposed to
seize the passages over the Meurthe S. of Luneville, and then
to advance on the Einville-Arracourt road by attacking between
the Meurthe and the Sanon and by seizing the heights of Serres.
The fatigue of the troops, who had been marching and fighting
continuously since Aug. 14, was the first cause of difficulty; and
since the left centre and right of the I. Army were violently
attacked one after the other, the II. Army had to manoeuvre
by its right, while refusing its left, and the offensive on Serres
could not be carried out with the necessary vigour.
However, in the course of Aug. 21 the II. Army made some
progress. The XVI. Corps reached Remenoville and the XV.
occupied Mont sur Meurthe, but could get no farther. The
XX. Corps got as far as the line Friscati (N.W. of Luneville)-
Deuxville-Maixe, prolonged to the left by the 7oth Reserve
Div. which held Drouville. To the N. the i8th Div. (IX.
Corps) maintained its positions in the area Courbessaux-
Remereville-Champenois.
On Aug. 27 the XVI. and XV. Corps, to which the 74th and
64th Reserve Divs. were attached, fought a series of successful
actions at Xermamenil and Blainville. The rest of the army re-
mained halted. OnAug. 28itsright undertook a general offensive,
with the idea of reaching the Meurthe, but the XVI. Corps and
the 74th Div. after capturing Gerbeviller were held up and
finally driven out of the town and back to the Mortagne. The
XV. Corps was checked at the St. Mansey wood, between the
Mortagne and the Meurthe, and did not push its left towards
Vitrimont forest, while the XX. Corps made little headway N.
of the Meurthe.
On Aug. 29 the XVI. Corps retook Gerbeviller, but was then
checked all day in frontal fighting, which also delayed the
advance of the XV. Corps on the Meurthe. Aviation reports
stated that the enemy was preparing a second line of defence,
facing the French left, and was evacuating the first line, which
seemed to indicate that he was growing weaker. Gen. de
Castelnau therefore decided to attack on Aug. 30 between the
Sanon and the Nancy-Chateau Salins railway, and to take and
consolidate the Serres heights. However, in view of the violent
hostile attacks against the I. Army, the plan had once more to be
modified, and again the II. Army was driven to manoeuvre by
its right in conjunction with the I. Army. On Aug. 30 the
principal action took place around the clearing of Fraimbois,
S. of Luneville, between the Meurthe and the Mortagne. The
XVI. Corps and 74th Reserve Div., despite their losses, failed
to take Fraimbois, but to the N. the XX. Corps occupied the
signal of Frascati. On Aug. 31 the enemy's attacks on Rehain-
viller (S.W. of Luneville) were repulsed, and the French con-
solidated their positions.
It was not till Sept. i that Gen. de Castelnau could resume
the manoeuvre originally planned for Aug. 30; he ordered that
on this date the army should attack between the Meurthe and
the Sanon, and take and hold the heights N. of Luneville. The
XX. Corps was only partially successful in reaching its objective,
and on the rest of the front the positions- were unchanged.
The situation of the II. Army had by this time considerably
changed. Gen. Joffre intended eventually to resume the
offensive on the centre and left of the Allied armies, but did not
believe that the opportunity would come as it actually did;
he therefore deemed it necessary to withdraw troops to thefullest
extent from his right-wing armies, which were not called on to
play a decisive part in this manoeuvre. On Sept. i orders were
issued for the westward move of a cavalry division and a Chas-
seur brigade; on Sept. 2 the i8th Div. (IX. Corps) and the XV.
Corps were also sent off. In view of this additional weakening
the II. Army seemed condemned to the defensive.
Moreover, at this moment, the fighting before Nancy neces-
sitated new and great efforts on the part of that army. On
Sept. 4 the enemy's activity became more intense on the Meurthe
and in the Serres area, and towards evening they opened a
bombardment on all the front between Vitrimont forest and
Courbessaux. Emperor William II. had arrived from Metz
with the intention of making a triumphal entry into Nancy in
a few days' time. The Germans possessed an immensely power-
ful heavy artillery and did not hesitate to employ it to the
fullest possible extent; on the night of Sept. 5-6, in eight hours,
over 3,000 shells fell on the hill of Amance in an area of little
over 1,000 sq. yards.
By Sept. 5 both Gen. Joffre and the commander of the II.
Army had appreciated to the full the seriousness of the situation.
For a time they hesitated as to whether they should withdraw
the army's left to the strong positions of the forest of Haye and
the heights of Sappais and Belchamps S.W. of Nancy, or hold
the line in front of the city at all costs. This hesitation seems
to have lasted right up till Sept. 7; fortunately the second plan
was adopted and carried out.
During the battle of Nancy, the French right, the XVI.
Corps, the 74th Reserve Div., the XV. Corps and the 64th
Reserve Div., fighting in the area Rehainviller-Xermamenil-
Gerbeviller, maintained their positions practically intact from
Sept. 6 to n. In the centre and on the left, however, the fighting
was extremely fierce, and the French line swayed to and fro,
from the Sanon to the northern edge of Champenois forest.
On Sept. 5 the enemy seized Maixe and Remereville, but
lost the latter place again in the evening, and failed to dislodge
the French from the eastern edge of Champenois forest. On
Sept. 6 the 39th Div. (XX. Corps) attacked and reoccupied
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
163
Crevic and the wood of the same name. Next day a German
force advancing from Pont a Mousson violently assaulted the
N. front of the Grand Couronne; the commanding village of
Ste. Genevieve was for a time evacuated, but was reoccupied
by the French on Sept. 8, 2,000 enemy dead being counted on the
ground. On Sept. 7 also another attack was delivered on the
eastern front in the direction of Mont d'Amance and Laneu-
vellotte, and the 68th Reserve Div. fell back into the defile of
La Bouzule between the two ridges in Champenoux forest. The
French line was forced back to its western edge, and had also
to be withdrawn from the forward positions to the S., towards
Courbessaux and Drouville.
The German attacks continued in the night of Sept. 7-8,
and on Sept. 8, but on neither occasion did they meet with any
success. Violent fighting occurred on Sept. 9 on the western
border of Champenois forest, but the French maintained their
positions. To the S., in order to relieve the pressure on the 59th
and 68th Reserve Divs., the XX. Corps undertook an offensive
in the direction of Drouville and Courbessaux; some ground was
gained, including Crevic wood, which had previously been lost,
and the French line was pushed forward to the centre of St. Paul
forest. Gen. de Castelnau ordered a vigorous offensive on
Sept. 10, by the sgth and 68th Reserve Divs., in Champenoux
forest and on the Bouzule, by the XX. Corps on Remereville,
and by the XVI. Corps towards Luneville; although the results
achieved were incomplete, the enemy's resistance appeared to be
weakening all along the line, and on Sept. n the French suc-
ceeded in retaking the eastern edges of Champenoux forest,
St. Paul forest and Haraucourt wood. Next day it was learnt
that the Germans were retiring, abandoning large quantities of
arms and ammunition at Luneville; the left of the I. Army was
advancing northwards without encountering any resistance.
The II. Army began the pursuit on its front, occupying Fraimbois,
Luneville, Drouville, Courbessaux, Remereville, Nomeny, and
Pont a Mousson; the cavalry pushed forward to Einville, Serres
and Morville.
On Sept. 13 the French occupied the heights of Crion and
Sionviller, and those to the N. of Serres, together with the wood
to the W. of Sorneville. The I. Army's left was at Vathimenil,
and the line of the Meurthe had thus been definitely and com-
pletely secured, never again to be lost. Meanwhile another
German offensive was in preparation W. of Nancy, in the Woevres
and on the Meuse, and the II. Army had to dispatch in this
direction to meet it, first the 2nd Cavalry Div., then the 73rd
Reserve Div. from Toul, and finally, on Sept. 13, the XX. Corps.
This new development brought to an end the pursuit which had
been begun after the battle of Nancy, and in a few days the II.
Army was broken up, to be reconstituted anew on the left of
the French VI. Army during the " race to the sea."
Thus, after a difficult beginning, with a defeat resulting from
an inopportune offensive, the I. and II. Armies had been success-
ful at first in checking the enemy's progress, and then in driving
him back practically as far as the former French frontier. Their
role, in itself no easy one, had been rendered even more difficult
owing to the constant weakening of their effectives by the re-
moval of their best elements to other parts of the front. During
the battle of the Marne they formed the unshakable pivot of
the centre and left of the Allied armies, and freed them from
all anxiety as to their right flank. If, thanks to the memorable
initiative of Gen. Gallieni, Gen. Joffre succeeded in carrying out
on the Marne and on the Ourcq the manoeuvre which caused
the enemy's retirement to the Aisne and completely ruined his
original plan of campaign, it was because of the efforts and sacri-
fices of the I. and II. Armies. By holding fast on the Meurthe
and before Nancy, three hostile corps and numerous reserve
formations, the II. Army had fulfilled, as had the I. at the foot
of the Vosges, a task indispensable to the strategic reestablish-
ment of the whole of the Allied forces. The price had unhappily
been a great one. Between Aug. 24 and Sept. 1 2 the 74th Reserve
Div. (to take only one example) lost 140 officers and over 5,000
other ranks, practically a third of its effective strength, and the
casualties in other units had been even heavier. (B. E. P.)
(3.) BATTLE or THE ARDENNES
Directly the large concentration transports, which were at
their height from Aug. 8-14, began, the III. French Army was
formed in the region of Verdun under the protection of the VI.
Army Corps, which took up protective duties on July 31 1914.
Gen. Ruffey, with Gen. Grossetti as his chief-of-staff, was in
command. On Aug. 14 that army consisted of the IV. Corps,
to the E. of Damvilliers; the V. Corps, to the W. of Etain; the
VI. Corps in the Woevre to the E. of Fresnes-en-Woevre, Vig-
neulles and St. Baussant. A group of reserve divisions, com-
manded by Gen. Pol Durand, was then under the orders of Gen.
Ruffey, but they were not all completely disembarked by that date
(Aug. 14). The 7th Cav. Div. (Gen. Gillain), attached to the
III. Army, covered the right wing of that army towards Metz.
The IV. French Army was at first designed to form a general
reserve in the hands of the general-in-chief ; and, with a force of
three army corps and one cavalry division, was grouped in the
region between Vitry-le-Francois and Ste. Menehould. But
on hearing of the German attack on Liege Gen. Joffre decided
to send the IV. Army in the first line, to the left of the III. Army,
in the region of Stenay (Aug. 8 1914). The II. Corps, which
protected the V. Army to the E. of Stenay, as did the VI. Corps
to the E. of Verdun, remained on the spot, while the V. Army
(Gen. Lanrezac) returned farther to the N.E., first in the region
of Vouziers-Auberton, and then towards Charleroi.
Directly it entered the lines the IV. Army commanded by
Gen. de Langle de Gary, with Gen. Maistre as chief-of-staff
was considerably reenforced. The II. Army Corps was the first
to join it, followed by the XI. and IX. Corps, and the 52nd
and 6oth Reserve Divisions. In the Ardennes the 4th and 9th
Cav. Divs. were at its disposal. This IV. Army was, on Aug.
22 1914, by far the strongest of all the French armies.
According to Plan 17, which regulated the concentration
operations, there would be little more than protective corps on
the frontier until Aug. 8. Between Aug. 8 and 14 the concentra-
tion transports, working with their maximum efficiency, were
to bring all the army corps stationed in the interior to the con-
centration zone of their armies. It was not before Aug. 15 or 16,
therefore, that Gen. Joffre would have all his resources at com-
mand. But the general-in-chief was determined to keep to the
defensive, even a yielding defensive, which would be willing to
lose ground until the concentration of all the French forces had
been effected. Owing to this decision the protective corps formed
a rigid cordon, with only very small detachments rifle and
cavalry battalions ahead of it.
On the other side the Germans were proceeding in the same
way. They were determined to fight with extreme violence
everything that opposed the bringing into position of their
armies, but would make no efforts to thwart the enemy's con-
centration, or even to know how the French High Command
organized its distribution of forces.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the first great battle was
the "battle of the two blind men." Neither belligerent knew ex-
actly where the encounter would take place, nor what forces they
would have to fight. On Aug. 10 1914, when the IV. Army 6orps
had only just joined the lines, to the left of the IV. Army, a Ger-
man mixed brigade, starting westwards at a venture from
Thionville, had the mad idea to attack at Mangiennes, the spot
where the junction of the III. and IV. Armies was taking place.
Without thinking, it engaged a fond. Then it was that Gen. Cor-
donnier came and took this brigade in reverse, after it had already
been roughly handled in the frontal attack, and destroyed it. The
Germans did not try to avenge their defeat; they made no further
attempt against the protective troops of the III. and IV. Armies.
The Germans were absorbed in the deployment of their armies:
theV., to theW. of Thionville as far as Tintigny; the IV., from
Tintigny to Dinant; the III., from Dinant towards Charleroi;
the II., on the Sambre; the I., towards Mons, in accordance with
a plan mathematically determined in the pre-war period.
The French, bringing into play the variant which placed their
IV. Army between the III. and V. Armies, formed up ladder-
wise. If the III. and IV. Armies faced eastwards, the VI.
164
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
Corps served to form the highest rung, while the lowest was
occupied by the IX. Corps. If they faced N., the lowest step
would be the VI. and V. Corps, then the IV., then the II.;
such would be the following steps, each rising higher and higher.
When Gen. Joffre launched his rigid formation brutally to
the N., the German deployment was not yet effected; thus it
was that the German III. Army, entangled behind the IV.
Army, did not appear upon the battlefields of the Ardennes;
it was a wasted force. The offensive, which drew such criticism
against the French general-in-chief, thus produced this happy
result, that a battle was brought about at a time when the
enemy could not avail themselves of all their resources.
The battle of the Ardennes was to take place between the
French III. and IV. Armies on the one side, and the V. Army,
commanded by the German Crown Prince, the IV. German
Army, under the Duke of Wurttemberg, and the III. German
Army, under Gen. von Hausen, on the other; but the German
III. Army was not destined to fire a single gun, either against
Gen. de Langle de Gary's troops, or against those of Gen.
Lanrezac; its cavalry alone took part in the Dinant skirmish.
On Aug. 16 1914 Gen. Ruffey's army moved slightly north-
wards. The IV. Corps advanced to Jametz, the VI. Corps
pushed forward as far as Etain, the V. Corps took up its posi-
tion between these two localities. As this army left the Hauts-
de-Meuse region it was replaced by the reserve divisions of Gen.
Pol Durand. Fresh reserve divisions arrived shortly, and on
Aug. ig they formed the Lorraine army, under Gen. Maunoury.
The mission of the Lorraine army which consisted of the
reserve division groups of Gens. Pol Durand and Beaudenom de
Lamaze and the mobile reserve divisions of Toul and of Verdun
was to invest Metz, should the III. Army be victorious near
Longwy; its defensive mission was to stop any German troops
attempting to force the Hauts-de-Meuse.
The Lorraine army was not under Gen. Ruffey, but it cov-
ered the rear of the IV. Army. No army, when fighting is
carried on in the same theatre of war, is truly independent;
each must communicate with and help its neighbour as far as
possible. This solidarity was not to be found to a desirable
degree between the III. Army and the Lorraine army; but if
one realizes that, in spite of its small population, France man-
aged in Aug. 1914 to face the Germans with forces nearly equal
to those of the Kaiser's army, it is easy to understand that the
French reserve divisions were composed of elderly men, slow
to acclimatize to war, and that their cadres and staffs needed
considerable time to acquire the desirable manoeuvring qualities.
On Aug. 20 1914 the French III. and IV. Armies faced N.;
they were ordered to keep in touch with each other on the axis
Marville-Virton-Etalle, during the advance northward. They
formed a strict whole, and yet there was no army group com-
mander to impart unity to this ensemble.
To the right of the bloc was the VI. Corps, whose direction of
attack was the neighbourhood of Audun-le-Roman and Longwy.
This army corps, commanded by Gen. Sarrail, consisted of
three divisions, and was to advance in echelon and to the rear
of the V. Corps with two divisions, while the third was to be
a flank guard, facing the fortified region Metz-Thionville.
The Lorraine army, as has been said, prolonged the flank
guard of the III. Army through the Woevre to Toul; in the E., it
was in touch with the II. Army (Gen. Castelnau). Thus in
proportion as one advanced farther W. the initial dispositions
gained ground towards the north. At the extreme left the IX.
Corps was disembarking near Mezieres-Sedan; taken away
from the French II. Army it retained only one of its divisions,
the J. B. Dumas Div., which, even before all its troops had been
able to join it, was to launch advanced guards between the
Semoy and the Lesse. A Moroccan division was soon to ree'n-
force the IX. Corps. Gen. Lanrezac was obsessed by fears for
his right flank, whereas his real danger lay in front and on his
left flank. By a spirit of camaraderie for the commander of the
V. Army, Gen. de Langle de Gary sent advanced guards, dis-
posed somewhat at random, to occupy Gedinne, Houdremont
and Bievre; the 6oth Res. Div. was ordered to hold the crossings
of the Semoy, from below Bohan to its confluence with the
Meuse at Montherme, while the 5 2nd Res. Div. was to keep
watch on the Meuse as far as Revin, where the operation zone
of the V. Army began. The 4th and gth Cav. Divs., forming
one cavalry corps, reconnoitred in front of the IX. and XI.
Army Corps, to the left of the IV. Army; and the 7th Cav. Div.
reconnoitred to the right of the III. Army. On Aug. 22, on the
extensive front from Bertris to about Audun-le-Roman, there
was only the cavalry of the French army corps.
In the night of Aug. 20-21 the whole French system moved
forward; the day's march was long for all; for some it was a
forced march. The only instructions given by the French High
Command were " to attack the enemy wherever they were
encountered"; and as the marching directions were pro-
longed very far northwards in the orders many unit com-
manders supposed the enemy to be far in the north. Although,
here and there, they came violently into touch with the enemy,
as for instance the gih Cav. Div. at Neufchiteau, that was not
enough to raise the alarm; and the following day, in the night
of the 2ist to 22nd, the same illusions caused the same impru-
dences to be repeated. The advance was all the more unhesitat-
ing in that it was expected that the enemy would be caught
manoeuvring. The Germans were not ready; von Kluck's
great enveloping movement was only in a fair way of being
carried out; von Hausen's army had not yet disengaged from
the right of the Duke of Wurttemberg's army. Hence the sole
task of the German army was to remain in readiness behind the
trenches it had dug for itself.
One of the belligerents was waiting along a large battle-line
extending from the Moselle, near Thionville, to the Meuse near
Dinant. The other was advancing in countless columns, along
all the roads leading from S. to N. between the Moselle and the
Meuse. Engagements might be expected between cavalrymen
everywhere, then between advanced guards and outposts;
neither side would be surprised. Division battles would take
place side by side with one another, thus forming one great
battle without any break on the front, since the III. and IV.
Armies were contiguous. The IV. Army was to push ahead;
the III. Army " to cover the right flank of the IV. Army
against forces which might still be in the Luxemburg region."
On Aug. 21 the higher formation vanguards of the IV. Army
were on the Semoy, and between Semoy and Lesse on the left;
but the vanguards of the II. Corps were farther S., at Meix-
devant-Virton, the cavalry regiment only being at Bellefontaine.
On the evening of that same day the III. Army reached Virton
with the IV. Corps, Tellancourt with the V.; as for the VI.
Corps, although its most advanced division was at Beuzeville,
its 4oth Div. (Gen. Hache) occupied Monaville in the rear,
facing Briey, forming a flank guard to the S4th and 6;th Res.
Divs., disposed in echelon relatively to the 4oth Division. The
IV. Army had been engaged in action, and reported strong
enemy forces to be in the Neuf chateau region; the III. Army
declared it had seen no other enemy than a few small detach-
ments, whereas the whole army of the Crown Prince of Germany
was within its reach.
The orders for Aug. 22 were as follows: The IV. Army was to
advance northwards and the III. Army was to cover the right of
the IV. Army and face any attack from the N. and the E. Two
of Gen. Pol Durand's reserve divisions were to occupy Spin-
court and Monaville, by 8 o'clock on the 22nd, and be ready to
counter-attack " everything that debouched from Briey."
Directly it debouched from Virton, the left division of the IV.
Corps was driven sharply back to the S. of the Basse-Vire.
Thus, as early as the morning of the 22nd, the III. Army failed
in its mission to cover the right flank off the IV. Army; it knew
nothing of the enemy, and its cavalry division remained inert.
Badly commanded, it did nothing on that day, and neither its
army commander nor the commander of the VI. Corps brought
it into action. The V. Corps neglected to put itself in touch
with the IV., and stormed the enemy positions without making
use of guns to support the infantry. This soon led to a panic,
and Gen. Grossetti was obliged to take the place of the army
Acin>..
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF
THE (LORRAINE)
PLATE II.
i
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
165
corps commander to restore order in this large unit where whole
regiments retreated without fighting. The left division of the
VI. Corps, while attempting to cross the Chiers at Cons-La-
grandville, was soon drawn into the retreating movement of
the V. Corps. The centre division, which knew nothing of the
enemy, engaged badly and was unable to progress farther than
Ville-au-Montoir. The right division, stationed on the Fillieres-
Mercy-le-Haut front, facing Audun-le-Roman, and badly served
by the reconnaissance service of the yth Cav. Div., which forgot
it was not alone, was attacked towards noon by the three divi-
sions of the German XVI. Corps. But Gen. Hache, an able
tactician, was there, and although both the cavalry division and
the reserve division which should have protected his right and
rear abandoned their post, he managed to make head against
forces three times stronger than his own.
A lack of cooperation and of understanding had made itself
felt between the Ruffey and Maunoury armies, due perhaps to
a faulty transmission of orders. By the evening of the 22nd
the III. Army had retreated on the Virton-Spincourt front.
In the IV. Army, the leading division of the II. Corps, warned
by the corps cavalry regiment which had spent the night in a
state of readiness near Bellefontaine in touch with the German
positions and had identified their forces, deployed and got into
touch with the enemy by its patrols. It expected its artillery to
debouch N. of the woods. At about 9 A.M. the enemy attacked
the French advanced guards, whose artillery had not yet
appeared; but thanks to the woods and the preparations for
defence of the village of Bellefontaine these first attacks were
not successful. After 10 o'clock the advanced guard was ree'n-
forced by two groups of 75-mm. guns, and from that time
was mistress of the situation; attacked at nightfall by a whole
German army corps, it had lost no ground whatever at the end
of the day; it had fought " like a lion."
Owing to the reverse of the IV. Corps at Virton, a gap had
formed between the IV. and III. Armies at Villcrs-la-Loue.
But fortunately, on the preceding day, Gen. de Langlc had with-
drawn the 3rd Div. from the front and disposed it in second
line, behind his right. A division of the IV. Army, actuated by
Gen. Gerard, the commander of the II. Corps, was thus at
hand to ensure the liaison between the two armies. This saved
the day. On Aug. 22 the II. Corps took part in two battles,
separated by the large forest of Virton, at Bellefontaine and at
Villers-la-Loue; both battles resulted in the defeat of the V.
and VI. German Army Corps, and prisoners belonging to five
different German divisions were taken. On the left of the II.
Corps the Colonial Corps advanced on Rossignol in two columns;
one mixed brigade on the left and one division on the right. The
Ravenez Div., in column without advanced guard or flank
guard, was crushed under the German projectiles to which it
served as an extensive target. Its commander collected some
remnants of his troops and rushed upon the enemy, gun in hand.
He was killed, and " all was lost, save honour."
It is difficult, in that forest district, to make the most of a
success; the Germans did not pursue their attack; so, by the
evening, the Colonial Corps still held the Semoy and its outlet
N. of Florcnville. An army reserve colonial division arrived in
the night to form the connecting link between the II. Corps
and the XII. The XVII. Corps also had let itself be surprised,
so that the XII. Corps, flanked on the right by the Colonials
and on the left by the XVII. Corps, was in a critical position.
Farther westward, the XI. Corps attacked Offagne without
success, and the IX. gained ground on the left, being kept
informed by the cavalry corps. In sum, there were tactical
reverses nearly everywhere; nevertheless, the general command-
ing gave orders to resume the attack next day (Aug. 23).
It was now a recognized fact that, contrary to Joffre's belief,
there was no gap in the Ardennes; the Duke of Wiirttemberg's
corps were being identified one by one, as well as those of the
Crown Prince's right wing; and, near the extreme left, the IV.
Army was in touch with cavalry of the German III. Army.
On Aug. 22 the French III. Army had given way badly in the
centre and on the right; and the IV. Army had lost its offensive
power. On Aug . 23 the attacks contemplated had to be given up
and a retreat was made, during which the XII. Corps suffered a
severe reverse.
Meanwhile the I. Army at Sarrebourg, the II. at Morhange,
the V. at Charleroi, suffered tactical reverses at least as great
as those experienced by the III. and IV. Armies, between
Longwy and Dinant. The tactical instruction of the French
army, badly given owing to a lack of training camps, and for
various other reasons, was the real cause of the reverses at the
beginning of the campaign. If, in addition to this, one notes the
splendid conduct of the I. Corps of the V. Army, the II. Corps
of the IV. Army, the VI. Corps of the III. Army, the XX. Corps
of the II. Army; if, in contrast, it is stated that at Dinant the
Boutegourd Res. Div. was seized by panic and announced the
presence of a German army whereas there was only some cavalry
supported by a few infantrymen; that to the left of the IV.
Army two reserve divisions were doing nothing, and to the
right of the III. Army were others which were of no help to
the 4oth Active Div., one begins to realize that the frontier
army corps, which included hardly any reservists, the I., II., VI.,
and XX., were splendid; that the army corps stationed in the
interior had much to learn and were receiving hard lessons;
finally, that the reserve divisions were as yet useless. An army
requires an acclimatization more or less long in proportion as it
contains inexperienced and older men. A still more important
deduction may be made: since the lesson was needed to teach
the French army the same lesson would have resulted in defeat
anywhere else. The French army was bound to lose the first
battle, whether it took place in plain or forest, in the offensive
or in the defensive. Joffre's strategy could not make up for the
tactical insufficiency of Joffre's army. The German armies
beyond the Moselle and the Meuse were effecting their strategic
deployment. The first ready were to wait for the entire com-
pletion of the plan established by the Berlin staff. A battle
accepted before all the armies were placed would be a strategic
reverse. The much-criticised French offensive inflicted this
reverse upon German strategy. The German III. Army was
not at the battle; the German I. Army only arrived after Lan-
rezac had escaped, and although the English army was in great
danger, on Aug. 23, it was nevertheless able to avoid the destruc-
tion reckoned on by the enemy. The German V. and IV.
Armies, obliged to wait until the deployment of the ensemble
was completed, merely engaged a defensive battle, to which,
it is true, fierce counter-attacks were added; but the counter-
offensive which the Crown Prince of Germany and the Duke
of Wiirttemberg ought to have led, and which might have had
incalculable consequences, was not forthcoming.
Jpffre, Ruffey, de Langle de Gary, had a powerful influence over
their subordinates. There were blunders of appreciation on their
part in this " battle of the two blind men," but a determination to
manoeuvre. This determination to manoeuvre was to be found
again at the Marne, and this time Joffre's eyes were opened. The
German commanders kept to their book knowledge, merely carry-
ing out what was written ; they allowed their troops to act ; their
troops, not they, won the battle. The lesson of Charleroi instructed
the French army; time, and subsequent battles, accustomed the
active and reserve units to war. At the Marne German tactical
superiority existed no longer ; Joffre's strategy defeated the strategy
of the German Supreme Command.
The French general-in-chief was still blind on the morning of
Aug. 23; during that day he received the reports; on the evening of
Aug. 24 " the veil was torn "; he saw his strategic mistakes, saw
into the enemy's game, and understood the causes of most of the
tactical reverses met with. He determined to carry the centre of
gravity of his forces westwards; to recall to the minds of all that
the true French fighting doctrine is based on protection and the
cooperation of arms; to take their command from those chiefs who
gave way. These were the results of the battle of the Ardennes,
results unfortunately obtained at far too high a price. The Germans
learnt nothing at the battle of the Ardennes. Their self-confidence
was increased. At the battle of the Ardennes, we may say, there
were two blind men: at the battle of the Marne, Joffre had been
operated on for cataract, while the Kaiser had allowed the film on
his eyes to grow thicker.
Battle of the Meuse. By the evening of Aug. 23 1914 the
intention of the French general-in-chief had not met with suc-
cess at any point. Gen. Ruffey showed a desire to take up the
166
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
offensive, but his troops were unfit for it. The III. Army,
while retreating, had turned round the left of the IV. Corps.
The latter was firmly supported by the right of the II. Army
Corps, which had not given way. The point of touch between
the armies was at Mont-Quintin, to the N.E. of Montmedy.
The V. Corps needed to recover its strength and the 4oth Div.
of the VI. Corps was in a bad condition after its efforts of the
previous day. The Colonial Div., which had formed Gen. de
Langle de Gary's army reserve, had been pushed on by him to
the first line, and was ordered to resume the attack by pivoting
round the II. Corps, which was to wait until the Ruffey army
was enabled by an advance northward to cover its right flank.
But the IV. Army was not iA a condition to attack; on the left
the J. B. Dumas Div. of the IX. Corps, which was fresh,
pushed forward, but found itself in a difficult position, since on
its right the XI. Corps remained in the rear. During that
day the XII. Corps, both its flanks uncovered owing to its
neighbours having given way, had a serious check.
Generally speaking, on the evening of the ,23rd, the front of the
IV. Army was marked by a straight line drawn from Month-
erme to Mont-Quintin, near Virton, and facing north-east-
wards; the front of the III. Army, by a straight line extending
from Mont-Quintin to Nouillon-Pont-Spincourt through Mar-
ville. Gen. de Langle de Gary was ready to make any sacrifice
to prevent the right flank of the V. Army from being uncovered;
Gen. Lanr-ezac, on the other hand, had retreated on his own
authority and without warning his neighbours.
On the 24th the IV. Army was astride the Mouse, its front
being marked by Revin, Mezieres, Donchery, Douzy, St. Wal-
froy and Avioth; at Mont-Quintin it was in touch with the III.
Army. There was some fighting during the day in different
parts of the front of the IV. Army. On the left wing, the IX.
Corps, which had been joined by the Moroccan Div., moved
from the Semoy to Mezieres without being followed by an enemy
on whom it had inflicted a severe lesson. On the morning of the
25th the II. Army Corps sent patrols from Avioth to Lahagne,
near Bellefontaine, to bring back wounded men who had been
left there because unfit to be moved. One of the patrols (Lt.
Benoit, of the i8th Chasseur Battalion) killed a German staff
commander on whom were found the orders given to the Ger-
man IV. Army for the forcing of the Chiers and Meuse crossings,
on Aug. 26 and 27.
In the IV. Army, a patrol (Sergt. Ronchon of the 3rd Hussars)
attacked a German motor-car and seized orders which showed
that the German 33rd Res. Div. was to attack from Metz
towards Etain. A trap was set for that division, not without
great difficulty, owing to the lack of coordination between the
staffs of the III. Army, the Lorraine army, and that of the
general-in-chief. All the energy of Col. Tanant, staff sub-chief
of the III. Army, was required to organize a manoeuvre. If,
however, the German 33rd Res. Div. managed to escape on
account of these difficulties and because the reserve troops were
slow to move, they did not do so without confusion and consider-
able losses. Thus, the French IV. and III. Armies had not lost
all material and moral value, as was believed in the German
camp. As soon as the ground was in their favour they would
be able to resist the enemy.
During Aug. 24 the Colonial Corps had had to repulse violent
attacks at St. Walfroy, and the V. Army Corps had beaten a
somewhat hasty retreat. On the 251)1 the right of the IV.
Army retired between Chiers and Meuse; the same day the
IV. Corps experienced so serious a check at Marville that its
chief, Gen. Boelle, who was in close touch with Gen. Gerard,
asked him to undertake to bring back his corps artillery regi-
ment to him. This detail shows how intimate was the coopera-
tion between the III. and IV. Armies.
The right of the III. Army, badly covered by the cavalry
division, whose chief was, moreover, relieved of his command,
was left in the air by the suppression of the Lorraine army (night
of Aug. 25-26). Gen Maunoury, indeed, received orders to
leave the defence of the Hauts-de-Meuse to Gen. Pol Durand
and to return their respective forces to Verdun and Toul. Gen.
Maunoury himself, with his staff, with Gen. Beaudenom de
Lamaze and the 55th and 56th Res. Divs., was to proceed to
Montdidier. It is well known that this was how the VI. Army
was formed; their attack on the Ourcq, in concert with the
English army and the French V. Army, brought about the rout
of the German right at the Marne.
In the morning of Aug. 26 the right of the IV. Army and the
III. Army crossed to the left bank of the Meuse. Dun (IV.
Corps) was the point of junction between the IV. and III.
Armies on the morning of the 26th. By the evening of that
day the III. Army was almost entirely on the left bank of the
Meuse, facing eastwards; the IV. Corps to the N., the W. and
the S. of Dun; the V. Corps in. the Montfaucon region, the VI.
Corps to the S. of Montfaucon and the N. of Verdun (H.Q. at
Esnes). The 7th Cav. Div. was sent to Dombasle, between
Verdun and Clermont, as though the army commander feared
the enemy might turn Verdun by the S. and take the III. Army
in reverse. The 42nd Div. had remained as an advanced guard
on the right bank of the Meuse; on the afternoon of Aug. 27 it
received orders to cross to the left bank; on the 28th it passed
into the army reserve at Varennes. This division was, more-
over, to be taken from the VI. Corps and allotted to the army
detachment under the command of Gen. Foch.
The III. Army did not come in contact with the enemy on
the 26th and 27th. But the 7th Inf. Div. was summoned
towards Beauclair, to the W. of Stenay, and placed at the dis-
posal of the II. Corps, while the front of the 8th Div. was
extended nearly as far as the road from Stenay to Beauclair.
Thus the German V. Army was not in pursuit; it was slowly
advancing towards the Meuse, its left at Ornes alarming the
governor of Verdun who asked the IV. Army for assistance.
The centre passed through Damvillers; the right caused uneasi-
ness towards Stenay.
On the evening of the 25th the orders to the IV. Army ran:
" To-morrow the IV. Army will establish itself on the left bank
of the Meuse in order to resist." On the evening of the 26th
the orders were as follows: " From to-morrow the IV. Army
will engage the decisive battle on the Meuse." These last
instructions were enthusiastically received by the troops. The
II. Corps was to defend the left bank of the Meuse, from Stenay
to Luzy. The Colonial Corps, on its left, was to defend the
crossing in the neighbourhood of Inor, leaving one division as
an army reserve at Vaux-en-Dieulet. The XII. Corps was to
hold the crossings of the Meuse in the Joncq region, the XVII.
Corps facing Mouzon. The XII. Corps, reinforced by the 52nd
and 6oth Res. Divs., was to prevent the crossing of the Meuse
between Remilly and Mezieres. By the evening of Aug. 24 the
4th Cav. Div. had been given back to the V. Army. The mis-
sion of the gth Cav. Div. (Gen. de 1'Espee) was to ensure the
communications, in conjunction with the IX. Corps.
On the evening of Aug. 25 the IX. Army Corps (Gen. Dubois)
received the special mission of covering the Signy-FAbbaye
region and forming the connexion between the IV. and V.
Armies. The situation, indeed, was becoming serious on the
left of the IV. Army. The Saxon III. Army, of whose existence
the French army had long remained ignorant, had shown signs
of its presence since the 24th. The French V. Army, thanks to
its retreat, no longer risked being taken in reverse; but as a
large space unoccupied by troops existed between the IV. and V.
Armies, it was to be feared that the German III. Army might
penetrate there in order to act against the wing of one or other
of the two French armies, according to its inclination. Gen.
Dubois found himself thrust into the space, with the pth Cav.
Div. to assist him. His position was unique all through the
campaign, and it was owing to the suppleness of his manceuvr-
ing that Gen. Dubois succeeded in performing the difficult
mission with which he had been entrusted. On the evening of
Aug. 25, he placed one of his divisions at Renwez (10 km. N.W.
of Mezieres), facing the Meuse and the N.; and the other divi-
sion farther eastward towards Rocroi in the N. and Signy-1'Ab-
baye in the south. He thus completely covered the left flank of
the IV. Army.
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' IV
V
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF
THE (ARDENNES)
PLATE III.
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF
THE (CHARLEROI)
PLATE IV.
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
167
At the very moment when Gen. de Langle de Gary gave
orders to engage the decisive battle on the Meuse (Aug. 26,
2 P.M.), the right of the German IV. Army forced the crossing of
the Meuse at Donchery; the French V. Army had given ground
on the Serre, thus completely uncovering the left of the French
IV. Army, and important enemy forces were reported in the
Rocroi region (von Hausen army).
The commander of the IV. Army ordered Gen. Dubois to pro-
ceed, on the ayth, to the Signy-l'Abbaye-Launois region in
order to cover the left flank of the IV. Army.
Already by the morning of the 27th, as the fog lifted, the
Germans, who had been allowed to cross the Meuse freely
between Stenay and Inor, passed to the attack. Gen. Gerard
had given orders to throw back into the Meuse all enemies who
sought to debouch therefrom. A division of the German VI.
Corps was therefore allowed to emerge from Luzy and Cesse;
then, after being taken under the fire of the batteries, it was
counter-attacked by a Colonial regiment and two rifle battal-
ions and thrown into the Meuse. In this part of the battle-
field the Germans experienced nothing but reverses, their
attacks being always badly supported by their artillery, which
contented itself with throwing large projectiles at random.
The Colonial Corps engaged fierce battles with the German
troops that had crossed the Meuse at Pouilly; Gen. Leblois'
division was beginning to retreat when the arrival of reserves
from the II. Corps reestablished his position. The XII. Corps,
weakened by the losses sustained during the previous engage-
ments, seemed, at one moment, to have imperilled its situation;
it managed nevertheless to maintain its position. The XVII.
Corps had deprived itself of one of its divisions, according to
the orders of the commander of the IV. Army, to relieve the
XI. Corps. It now comprised only the 33rd Div., some of the
artillery of which had been lost at the battle of the Ardennes;
fortunately the whole German effort was directed to the battle
of La Marfee, and the XVII. Corps was able to remain on its
positions.
The XI. Corps, established on the evening of the 25th in the
woods of La Marfee, was attacked there early on the 26th by
the enemy forces which had crossed the Meuse at Donchery on
the one hand and at Remilly on the other. After fighting all
day the XI. Corps and the 6oth Res. Div. were obliged to
retire somewhat. On the same day, the 52nd Res. Div., threat-
ened by the XII. Saxon Corps on its left, concentrated to the W.
of Mezieres and took up its positions between the 6oth Div.
and the IX. Corps. On the 27th the fighting continued. The
enemy, surprised in dense masses, was crushed by the 75-mm. guns
and thrown back in disorder on Noyers, leaving the flag of the 68th
Prussian Regt. (VIII. Corps, i6th Div.) in the hands of the i3yth
French Infantry. On the right, then, the XI. Corps won a great
success; but on the left, the battle long remained doubtful. In
the evening an imprudent move, similar to that of Noyers, was
made by the Germans at La Marfee, and after heavy losses they
were driven back towards the Meuse. On the same day, under
a slight pressure from the enemy, the IX. Corps and the 52nd
Res. Div. came and occupied the positions fixed by the orders.
The French IV. Army considered itself victorious, and Gen.
de Langle sought leave from H.Q. to continue the battle and
take the offensive. " We see no objection," was the answer,
" to your keeping your positions to-morrow, Aug. 28, in order
to assert our success and to prove that our falling back is merely
strategic; but on Aug. 29 everybody must be in retreat."
On the evening of Aug. 25 the German III. Army was in the
region of Fumay; on the 26th in the neighbourhood of Rocroi;
during the night of the 27th-28th it came in touch by its right
with the IX. Corps in the Signy-l'Abbaye region, and, by its
left with Mezieres, in touch with the IV. Army. The VIII.
Corps and the VII. Res. Corps of the German IV. Army were
fighting S. of Donchery and Sedan. More to the left the XVIII.
Corps had crossed the Meuse at Remilly, the XVIII. Res. at Mou-
zon, and the VI. Corps at Luzy-Cesse, in touch with the V. Army.
On the 28th nothing took place between Stenay and Inor;
there was some slight action near Joncq, but with no result.
In the XII. French Corps there was some hesitation; in the
XVII. Corps nothing of importance took place, except a few
falsely interpreted orders which made void some slightly suc-
cessful results.
In the XI. Corps the successes of the previous day were con-
tinued. At about 6 P.M. a finely conducted charge drove the
enemy from all the positions they had previously conquered
and for which they had paid heavily. But evening was drawing
near and, in order to conform with the orders of the general-in-
chief, though much to their distress, Gen. de Langle de Gary and
his troops were obliged to retire.
The battle of the Meuse was ended; and Gen. de Langle, in
general order No. 27, on the evening of Aug. 28, said: " The
Army inflicted heavy losses upon the enemy, yesterday and
to-day. It returns to the Aisne line, in accordance with orders
received, to prepare for the offensive in a new direction."
While the IV. Army was fighting, the III. Army remained prac-
tically inactive opposite the German V. Army, which showed
no particular dash.
Battles of Signy-l'Abbaye. On the left of the French IV.
Army Gen. Dubois was fighting on the same day (Aug. 28)
at Signy-l'Abbaye against troops as numerous as they were
badly commanded. A German Army (XII. Active Corps,
XII. Res. Corps and XIX. Active Corps), of which the French
staff knew only the XII. Active Corps, was advancing towards
Rethel, in the gap between the IV. and V. Armies. On the 28th,
at 3 A.M., the outposts of the Moroccan Div. (Gen. Humbert)
were attacked; the Zouave Regt., threatened with envelopment,
escaped towards the S.E., after three hours' fighting, leaving the
road to Signy-l'Abbaye open to the enemy, who entered, at
ii A.M., after a slight engagement. This German advance
to the S., towards Rethel, threatened the communications
between the IX. Corps and the troops in the rear, and cut off
those between the French IV. and V. Armies. Gen. Dubois
then gave the Humbert Div., which was very flexibly quartered
in the region N. of Launois (6 km. S.E. of Signy-l'Abbaye),
orders to attack Signy-l'Abbaye. A fierce battle was engaged
midway, at Dommery, which was taken, lost and retaken. The
fighting front spread northward, both sides being reenforced. At
nightfall nothing was decided, but the enemy's advance to the
S. was checked. The commander of the lyth Div. (J. B. Dumas)
could hear the guns from La Marfee, and claimed leave to hasten
in that direction. The gth Cav. Div. gave the support of its
guns to the Moroccan Div., but would have done better to
interpose between Signy-l'Abbaye and Rethel. A French
infantry and cuirassier detachment took up position at Novion-
Pornin, thus cutting off the road to Rethel. But although the
enemy were unable to enter Novion-Pornin they remained in
touch, and the following morning entered the town without
resistance, its defenders having withdrawn to join their respec-
tive corps. Thus, on the morning of the 29th, the road to Rethel
was in the hands of the enemy; the IV. Army was retreating;
the IX. Corps was still under orders to cover the left of the
IV. Army and to remain in touch with the V. Army. But the
enemy had now interposed between the IX. Corps and the V.
Army. The commander of the IV. Army, who was not yet
informed of the battle of Signy-l'Abbaye, gave orders, on the
evening of Aug. 28, to maintain the positions: in the Poix-
Terron region on the 2gth, and before Rethel on the 3oth.
Gen. Dubois decided to interpose between Signy-l'Abbaye and
Rethel. He sent the pth Cav. Div. to the S. of the forest of
Signy; gave orders to the J. B. Dumas Div. to advance on and
capture Novion-Pornin; to the Moroccan Div. to act as a
screen in front of the J. B. Dumas Div. while this movement
from the N.E. to the S.W. was being effected, then to stop the
fighting and take up position E. of that division.
By the evening, not without fighting or without difficulty, and
in spite of a whole German Army to oppose the proposed man-
ceuvre, Gen. Dubois was in front of Rethel, at the spot where
the situation made his presence necessary. On the same day
he was to pass under the command of Gen. Foch,commanderof
an army in formation, the IX. Army. The French army, on
168
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
the evening of Aug. 29, was no longer the French army of Aug.
22; it was soon to become the army of the Marne. (V.L.E.C.)'
(4.) BATTLE OF CHARLEROI
On Aug. 21, 22, and 23 1914 the French V. Army fought the
battle of Charleroi, E. and W. of that place, in the angle formed
by the rivers Sambre and Meuse.
By Aug. 20 1914 the forward movement of the German right-
wing armies into Belgium, and the failure of the offensive of the
French I. and II. Armies, had caused a modification in Gen.
Joffre's original plan of campaign; and the plan of operations,
after being adapted each day to the general situation, finally
took a definitely new shape. Broadly speaking the intention
now was to make the principal attack through Luxemburg and
Belgian Luxemburg with the object of threatening the com-
munications of such German forces as had crossed the Meuse
between Namur and the Dutch frontier. This duty devolved
primarily on the III. and IV. Armies of the French. In the S.
the I. and II. Armies were to make a secondary offensive between
Metz and the Vosges to hold the enemy, who might otherwise
be able to take in flank the French advancing through Luxem-
burg; and the French V. Army and the British army were to
act upon the offensive, though this offensive would depend almost
entirely on success by the III. and IV. Armies to their right.
The offensive of those armies, however, collapsed, and this had
an immediate effect upon the French V. and British Annies
in the zone Charleroi-Mons, for they were then left in an isolated
state some 40 m. to the N. of the remainder of the French battle-
front. It has been said that " the battle of Charleroi was lost
before it was fought "; and though this statement may be
demurred to, the peculiar situation of the V. Army must be
borne in mind in studying the battle.
On the evening of Aug. 20 1914 the situation of the V. Army
was as follows: Of the I. Corps (reenforced by the 8th Infantry
Brigade) the main body was W. of Dinant, with detachments on
the Meuse from Revin to Namur, and on the Sambre from
Namur to Floreffe; the 5ist Reserve Div. attached to the corps
was about Rocroi en route for Dinant. TheX. Corps (reenforced
by the 37th Div.) had its main body in the area Fosses-Philippe-
ville, with detachments along the Sambre from Ham to Tamines.
The III. Corps (reenforced by the 38th Div.) had its main body
in the area Gerpinnes-Joumioux-Gourdinnes, with detachments
on the Sambre from Rosalies to Marchiennes. The cavalry
corps of Gen. Sordet was behind the Brussels-Charleroi canal,
with detachments holding the passages from Gosselies to Seneffe.
The head of the XVIII. Corps which had been transferred from
the II. Army had reached Beaumont in its march to Thuin.
The 53rd and 69th Reserve Divs. of Gen. Valabregue were in
the area Vervins-Hirson. Army headquarters were at Signy-le-
Petit. The V. Army was commanded by Gen. Charles Louis
Lanrezac, an officer with an extremely high reputation in France.
On April 10 1914 he had been made a member of the Conseil
Superieur de la Guerre.
Throughout the 2oth the French cavalry had been in contact
with that of the Germans. North of the Sambre this contact
had been gained by the cavalry of the I., X. and III. Corps,
while the cavalry corps of Gen. Sordet was in touch with
German mounted troops on the line Charleroi-Nivelles. It was
on this day that there arrived from G.H.Q. the orders for Gen.
Joffre's new offensive. The orders were to the effect that all
information pointed to the intention of the Germans to carry
out an outflanking movement in the north. The French III.
and IV. Armies had been ordered to march against the line,
Neufchateau-Arlon. As for the V. Army, its task was to pivot
on Namur and the Meuse, and to seek out the main enemy
mass in the north. On the left of the V. Army the British army
would advance towards Soignies in the direction of Nivelles.
Gen. Lanrezac considered that it was not possible to carry
out the order, so far as it affected his V. Army, at once. To
begin with, the I. Corps, to be made available, must await
relief by the sist Reserve Div., marching up from Rocroi to
Dinant, and this relief could not be effected until the evening of
the 22nd. The XVIII. Corps on the left might, it is true, be up
by the afternoon of the 2ist; but even with this reenforcement
Gen. Lanrezac considered it imperative to wait until the I. Corps
his best troops should be available. Then it had to be borne
in mind that the British had not yet come up on the left, and that
the action of the V. Army would also depend upon the success
of the French IV. Army on the right. Gen. Lanrezac therefore
confined himself for the moment, while awaiting the opportunity
of assuming the offensive, to issuing orders for the occupation of
a defensive position by the X. and III. Corps S. of the Sambre.
On the side of the Germans a combined attack had been
arranged in which the II. and III. Armies were simultaneously
to attack the French V. Army, from the N. and E. respectively.
This operation had been ordered on Aug. 20 by Supreme Head-
quarters, who had directed that the I. and II. Armies were to
close up to the line reached on that day, and that an offensive
against the enemy W. of Namur was to be carried out in coopera-
tion with an attack by the III. Army against the line of the
Meuse between Meuse and Givet, details being left for decision
by the Army headquarters concerned. It was stated that at
least three French corps were between Namur and Givet, and
that more enemy columns were advancing northwards between
Namur and Maubeuge. As regards the British the German
Intelligence Department was woefully at fault, for it was stated
that " a disembarkation of the British forces at Boulogne and
the neighbourhood must be taken into account. It is the opin-
ion here, however, that a landing on a large scale has not yet
taken place." At the time two-thirds of the British force was
within 30 m. of Gen. von Bulow a striking testimony to the
celerity and secrecy with which the transport of the British
army to the continent had been accomplished.
During the day the Germans attacked the French detach-
ments on the Sambre. Tamines and Rosalies were taken, and
early in the afternoon some of the Prussian Guards crossed the
river at Auvelais and held it against French counter-attacks.
Farther W. the cavalry of Gen. Sordet was also attacked about
half-past three in the afternoon, and it was found necessary to
send an infantry brigade to its support. Thus Charleroi was
threatened from both E. and W., and during the night shells
fell upon the railway station in the town. The events of the
day had resulted in dislocating Gen. Lanrezac's preparations
for the offensive, and at 12:30 P.M. he wrote to Gen. Joffre as
follows: " I consider it dangerous to let the V. Army cross the
Sambre during the 22nd minus on the one hand the I. Corps,
which must hold the Meuse until the IV. Army has made
sufficient progress N. of Semoy, and minus on the other hand
the English who on the 22nd will not be able to get farther
than Mons." During the evening a reply came from Gen.
Joffre to say that Gen. Lanrezac could choose his own time for
the offensive, and he accordingly decided that it would be
launched on the 23rd.
Early on the 22nd fighting was resumed all along the French
front on the Sambre. The X. Corps was forced back, and during
the afternoon the road from Fosse to St. Gerard was crowded
with artillery, infantry and transport moving southward, which
was probably the disquieting incident witnessed by Sir John
French in his visit to the zone of the V. Army on this day.
Fosse was occupied by the Germans about 8 P.M. Farther W.
the III. Corps had likewise to give ground. Severe fighting
took place early in the afternoon round Chatelet, and both
divisions had to retire, the sth towards Tarcienne and the 6th
to Nalinnes. By one o'clock the III. Corps had definitely to
renounce its grip on the southern outskirts of Charleroi. The
city had witnessed fighting of extraordinary severity, and
according to some accounts it was lost and won five times
before the Germans were permanently masters of it. In the
narrow streets between the Sambre and the canal the carnage
was almost indescribable, and in places the dead and wounded
blocked the way to those who were still unscathed. Here and
there the bodies of the slain formed ramparts from which sharp-
shooters kept up a murderous fire; and the Germans as they
pressed on marched on a veritable chaitsste of corpses. A
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
169
French survivor has left on record a vivid description of the
scene in the town. " In the narrow streets the Germans pushed
on in close order, and the French guns made such havoc in their
ranks that the air was full of flying arms and heads and legs, of
boots and helmets and swords and guns, that it did not seem to
be real it looked like some burlesque. Even one of the gunners
turned sick at the sight and turned to his commander saying,
For the love of God, Colonel, shall I go on?' And the Colonel,
with folded arms, replied, ' Fire away.' "
As for the XVIII. Corps, it came upon the field, but was S.
of the Sambre between Thuin and Malines instead of being, as
Gen. Lanrezac had hoped, on the Mons-Charleroi road in touch
with the British. The Cavalry Corps of Gen. Sordet had fallen
back during the night to Solre, and in the afternoon was sent
to guard the crossings from Jeumont to Thuin, and also
to hold the cross-roads at Mcrbes Ste. Marie on the far side of
the river. The night march following on long and arduous work in
Belgium had been fatiguing to the horses, and the cavalry
corps was in need of rest. Gen. Joffre had prescribed that it
was to move to the British left, but Gen. Lanrezac considered
that it was not in a fit state to move until the evening of the
23rd. It was not, however, until the 26th that it arrived
on the outer flank of the British in the battle of Le Cateau.
To Gen. Lanrezac on the evening of the 22nd the situation of
the V. Army seemed grave, but by no means desperate. Only
two of his corps, the X. and III., had been engaged, and if these
had suffered heavily they had also made the enemy pay the
price. Withdrawn to more open terrain, where their artillery
could render better support, they could re-form and, so he hoped,
in their turn take the offensive. Further, the I. Corps was intact
and now becoming available on the right, as was also the case
with the XVIII. Corps on the other flank; and the reserve
divisions of Gen. Valabregue were coming up to support it. And
as for the British, they were now arriving in position on the left
round Mons. In one way Gen. Lanrezac was much more fortu-
nate than he knew. Gen. von Billow had attacked prematurely
by forcing the Sambre on the 2 2nd instead of waiting for the
attack of the III. Army against the Namur-Givet section
of the Meuse to take effect, and the retirement of the V. Army
during the 22nd had seriously discounted the German chances
of enveloping it.
The chief interest in the battle of Charleroi is bound up with
the narrative of the operations of Aug. 23, the day on which the
British forces were engaged in the battle of Mons on the left of
Gen. Lanrezac's army. Particulars of the battle were long
shrouded in mystery, and the phrase "L'enigme de Charleroi "
even came into current use.
On the morning of Aug. 23 the situation of the French V.
Army was as follows: The I. Corps had one division echelonned
from Sart St. Laurent to Lesves; the main body were assembling
in the area Ermerton-sur-Biert-Anthee; three battalions were
detached to Namur; the 5ist Reserve Div. was holding the
Meuse from Hermeton to Yvoir; all bridges had been destroyed
except those at Dinant and Hastiere. The X. Corps had its
right on the high ground S. of Fosse and Vitrivel, left at Scry.
The III. Corps (reenforced by a brigade from the XVIII. Corps)
was deployed on the line Gerpinnes-Nalines-Claquedent. The
XVIII. Corps was on the line Ham-sur-Heure-Thuin, with
detachments on the Sambre as far as Merbes-le-Chateau. The
cavalry corps of Gen. Sordet was holding the passages of the
Sambre from the left of the XVIII. Corps to Maubeuge. The
53rd and 6gth Reserve Divs. (Gen. Valabregue) were about
Solre le Chateau.
Gen. Lanrezac's orders were to the effect that the X., III.,
and XVIII. Corps should hold on to their positions; the I. Corps
should form up on the right of the X., and, if possible, act against
the left flank of the Germans attacking the corps. The reserve
divisions of Gen. Valabregue were to relieve the cavalry corps of
Gen. Sordet, which was to make for Maubeuge with the object
of emerging eventually on the left flank of the British army.
On the German side the orders of Gen. von Biilow were briefly
as follows: The attack was to be continued on the 23rd on the
following frontages: the VII. Corps, left of the line Thuin-
Boussu-Cerfontaine, was -to cover the right of the II. Army
from Maubeuge and to reconnoitre in the direction of Avesnes;
the X. Reserve Corps was to attack E. of the line Charleroi-
Philippeville; the X. Corps was to attack E. of line Tamines-
Mette-Rosee; the Guard Corps was to attack on the left of the
X.; the line Fontaine-Valmont-Mettet was to be crossed at 8 A.M.
In his published account of the battle Gen. Lanrezac divides
it into two distinct phases, the first from daybreak until 4 P.M.,
and the second from that hour until nightfall. In the first
phase the course of the battle was as follows: The right wing
of the X. Corps was driven back, and it re-formed between
Scry and St. Gerard; the I. Corps deployed on the high ground
round St. Gerard with its right about Sart-St. Laurent. This
operation was completed about midday, and the I. Corps was
then well placed to act against the flank of the Guard Corps,
which was then attacking the X. Corps sharply. Gen. Franchet
d'Esperey, commanding the I. Corps, instantly resolved to
seize the opportunity and to attack an fond. His artillery pre-
pared the way by an intense fire, and the Germans, apparently
taken by surprise, suspended their attack to deal with this new
danger. It was now about one o'clock, and Gen. Franchet
d'Esperey was about to launch his infantry when disquieting
news reached him from his right rear. The 5ist Reserve Div.,
which had relieved the I. Corps on the Meuse, had failed in
its task, and had allowed troops of the German III. Army to
cross the river. The report went on to say that the reserve
battalions had fallen back in disorder and that a detachment of
the enemy had occupied Onhaye behind the V. Army. Gen.
Franchet d'Esperey had no alternative but to suspend his attack
and to send a division and a brigade to deal with the peril behind.
Emboldened by the enforced inaction of the French the Guard
Corps again pressed on, its artillery maintaining a very severe
fire. The French X. Corps and the fraction left of the I. Corps
resisted energetically, with the result that in this portion of the
field but little ground was lost, and connexion was still main-
tained with the fortress of Namur.
While such was the state of affairs on the right wing, little
was, in this first phase, taking place on the left wing. But after
four o'clock a change for the worse set in in that portion of the
field. The left wing of the III. Corps was taken by surprise and
driven back by a sharp attack, with the result that the whole
III. Corps fell back in confusion to the line Chastres-Morialme,
while the XVIII. Corps, with its right now uncovered by the
retirement of the III. Corps, was forced to withdraw to the
stream which runs from Thuilles to Thuin. The reserve divisions
of Gen. Valabregue, however, had come up to Bousignies and
Thirimont. On the right wing, in this second phase of the bat tie,
the X. Corps had been forced to admit a loss of ground, but it was
only slight, and when night fell the corps was holding the line
Graux-Mettet-Wagnee. As for the I. Corps the portion left
at St. Gerard was holding its ground.
Reference has been made to the danger which was threatening
the right rear of the V. Army by a German advance across the
Meuse. The attack in this quarter was being carried out by the
German III. Army in which the XII. Corps had been ordered to
force the passage of the river at Houx and Dinant. To the right
the XII. Reserve Corps had been directed to seize Yvoir, while
on the left the XIX. Corps was ascending the river on the right
bank towards Givet and Fumay.
During the 23rd, as already related, Gen. Franchet d'Esperey
had been called upon to deal with the presence of a detachment
of the III. Army which had forced its way over the river. A
brigade was directed upon Anthee, and to it was attached the
provisional cavalry brigade from the X. Corps. On arrival at
Anthee, about 6 P.M., the cavalry proceeded to reconnoitre in
the direction of Dinant, as well as the villages of Onhaye and
Leune. Some sharp fighting took place,' and about 10 P.M. the
French infantry carried Onhaye with the bayonet. It appears
that this attack by the French came upon the Germans some-
what by surprise, and the units of the III. on the right bank of
the Meuse were in consequence retained there for the moment.
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
In addition to the above-mentioned French detachment the
2nd Div. had been sent from the I. Corps. That division
moved upon Morville but was not engaged.
At the end of Aug. 23 Gen. Lanrezac weighed in his mind the
various happenings of the day, and quickly came to the con-
clusion that immediate retreat was called for on the part of the
V. Army. The chief causes of his decision are given by himself
as follows: In the first place he had learnt definitely that the
offensive of the IV. Army had failed and that the beaten troops
were falling back to the Meuse with the left of the army on
Mezieres. The line of the river between that place and Givet
was guarded by but a few battalions of reserve troops, whose
efficiency Gen. Lanrezac had reason to suspect. The rear of the
V. Army was thus threatened once again. In the second place
Namur had fallen, and this incident undoubtedly made a pro-
found difference to the strategic situation; in addition the roads
on the right flank of the V. Army, already encumbered with
thousands of civilian refugees, would be further blocked by the
retreating Belgian troops from the fortress. Thirdly, the British
army was checked, and Von pent prevoir qu'elle iia lire obligee
de retrograder. It is perhaps a sufficient refutation to this state-
ment to say that half the British army had not been engaged at
all, that the other half had held off the Germans without serious
difficulty, that the total British losses were less than 2,000,
while a moderate estimate of the casualties inflicted on the
Germans would be more than twice that number, and that
when night fell the universal opinion among the British rank
and file was that they had won a victory. Gen. Lanrezac,
however, issued orders for the V. Army to retire on the 24th to
the line Givet-Philippeville-Beaumont-Maubeuge. Amongst
the officers of his own staff the decision does not seem to have
been well received; and Gen. Lanrezac relates that " quelques
officiers de man flat-major loin de reconnoitre ma clairvoyance me
taxent de pusillanimite; pour eux je ne snis'qu'uncalastrophard'
dont il faul se debarrasser au plus vile."
On the 24th the retreat began before daybreak, and the line
Givet-Maubeuge was reached without incident other than the
action of rear guards, who easily held off the advanced guards of
the German II. Army. The right flank was covered by the 2nd
Div. of the I. Corps, which fell back slowly from position to
position without any interference by the enemy, and at nightfall
it bivouacked immediately N.W. of Givet. (F. E. W.*)
(5.) MONS AND LE CATEAU
The battles of Mons and Le Cateau were fought by the British
on Aug. 23 and 26 1914 respectively, against the extreme right
wing of the Germans during the advance of the latter through
Belgium and northern France.
When England declared war on Germany during the night of
Aug. 4-5 her forces available to take the field consisted of a cav-
alry division, six infantry divisions, and some battalions of line-
of-communication troops, the whole forming the Expeditionary
Force for service overseas. The Government decided to retain
two divisions temporarily in the United Kingdom and to trans-
port the rest of the Expeditionary Force to France. The first
ships sailed on Aug. 9, and, thanks to the perfection of the
arrangements for mobilization and transportation, the operation'
was completed without a hitch by Aug. 18. Sir John French, the
British commander-in-chief, had reached his headquarters at
Le Cateau on the previous day; and his army consisted of the
I. Corps (ist and 2nd Divs.), Lt.-Gen. Sir Douglas Haig; II.
Corps (3rd and 5th Divs.), Lt.-Gen. Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien;
and the cavalry division under Maj.-Gen. Allenby. Concentra-
tion was completed by the 2oth S. of Maubeuge, and the post
assigned to the British was on the left of the French V. Army,
preparatory to an advance N. of the Sambre towards Soignies.
The two following days were spent in moving forward to
positions about Mons which were reached on the 22nd; and on
Aug. 23 the position of the Allied forces in the N.W. of France
was as follows: From Valenciennes by Lille to Dunkirk were
some French territorial divisions, of which one, the 84th, was at
Conde. Working from left to right, then came along the canal
the British igth Bde., made up of battalions of line-of-commuia-
cation troops. Then came the 5th Div., while next on the right
was the 3rd Div., holding a salient round Mons as far S.E. as
Villers St. Ghislain. The line was continued by the British I.
Corps farther south-eastwards to Peissant. The cavalry division
was in rear of the British left, except the 5th Cav. Bde., which was
posted in advance of the right flank. The French V". Army, farther
to the right, was now in rear of the line held by the British.
The British position was thus in shape somewhat that of a
broad arrow, with the two army corps practically at right angles
to one another and facing, generally speaking, E. and N. respec-
tively. As matters turned out the German attack was directed
almost entirely against the II. Corps, and here on the left the
situation was favourable to the British, for the canal made a
valuable defensive line, while the terrain on the farther side held
numerous difficulties for the attackers. Muddy ditches and
barbed-wire fences impeded their movement, although on the
other hand groups of trees and bushes gave useful cover from
view and were of service for the enemy's machine-guns. South
of the canal the crests of the high ground afforded the British
useful sites for artillery, but the slag heaps of the numerous
mines limited observation to some extent. The line of the canal,
however, had one very disadvantageous feature: after running
from Conde to Mons in a mathematically straight line, it forms
a loop round Mons, thus constituting a marked salient. Such a
position might easily be found to be untenable, and Sir Horace
Smith-Dorrien had prepared another and more defensible line
in rear running through Frameries-Paturages-Wasmes-Boussu.
During the 22nd Sir John French had visited the area of the
French V. Army on his right, and had been somewhat discon-
certed to meet columns of infantry and artillery moving south.
As the left of the V. Army, formed by some reserve divisions,
was drawn back, and the centre and right were in process of
retiring, Sir John French considered that his own position on
the Mons canal might quickly become very precarious. He
accordingly informed Gen. Lanrezac that he would hold his
position for 24 hours, but that the retirement of the V. Army
might require a withdrawal of the British, after that time, to the
Maubeuge position.
On the German side the battle of Charleroi (see above) was
not producing all the effect hoped for by the Germans. The
German plan had been that the II. Army was to attack S. across
the Sambre, while the III. Army was to cooperate by attacking
W. across the Meusc, towards Mettet, sending a strong force
across the Meuse by Dinant towards Rocroi to bar the French
line of retreat. As for the extreme right army of the Germans
(the I. under Gen. von Kluck, who was temporarily subordinated
to Gen. von Billow) during the 23rd, it was, generally speaking,
to conform to this offensive movement. Gen. von Billow had,
however, made the mistake of attacking prematurely with his
II. Army; the combined movement with the III. Army was
unsuccessful, and consequently the trend of the fighting drifted
westwards to where the advanced guards of the I. Army were
coming into contact with the British on the Mons-Conde canal.
When day broke on Aug. 23 Gen. von Kluck had three active
corps and Gen. von Biilow one (the VII.), or about 150,000 men
and 600 guns, within striking distance of the British force of
some 75,000 men and 300 guns. Further, Gen. von Biilow had
been for two days successfully engaged against the French V.
Army, which had been pushed back some way S. of the Sambre.
Not only, therefore, was the British army heavily outnumbered,
but it was becoming isolated. The great advantages which the
Germans possessed in this respect were, however, neutralized
by their lack of accurate information. By the 2oth it had not
been definitely ascertained that the British Expeditionary Force
had completed its landing, and its line of advance when landed
was expected to be towards Lille. Not only at the time, but for
several days after the battle of Mons, it was believed that the
British were based on Calais and the ports near it instead of
upon Le Havre and Rouen.
On the evening of Aug. 22 the German I. Army had halted
E. of the line Mignault-Laugrenee (IX. Corps), Chaussee Notre
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE (MONS)
PLATE V.
FRONTIERS, BATTLES OF THE
171
Dame de Louvignies-Thoricourt (III. Corps), Silly-Ollignies
(IV. Corps), Niove (II. Corps). The III. Reserve Corps had
been detached towards Antwerp, while the IV. Reserve Corps
had just arrived at Brussels. Army headquarters were at Hal.
The II. Cav. Corps under Gen. von der Marwitz was W. of Ath.
Gen. von Kluck's task for the 23rd was to continue the advance
of his I. Army into the area N.W. of Maubeuge, and he issued
orders in which the destination of his various corps were to be
as follows: The II. Corps was to be at La Hemaide, the IV.
Corps at Basecles and Strambuges, and the III. Corps at St.
Ghislain and Jemappes. The high ground on the S. side of
the canal to be occupied. The IX. Corps was to cover the move-
ment on the Maubeuge side. The IV. Reserve Corps to follow
in rear as second line. The heads of the IV., III. and IX. Corps
were to cross the line Ath-Roeulx at 8:30 A.M.
The German I. Army was thus to march in a south-easterly
direction. The British II. Corps on the Mons canal was facing
north. Consequently the left of the army of Gen. von Kluck
must collide with the II. Corps in the neighbourhood of Mons.
As a matter of fact the German commander was in ignorance
of the position of the British force; in the orders referred to above
there is no mention of the fact that it was along the Mons canal,
and, indeed, the German cavalry had reported the ground clear
for 50 miles. The march of the I. Army, on the 23rd, was there-
fore shrouded in the fog of war, and quite early in the day delay
was caused by a report that Tournai was held by British troops.
These were actually two French territorial battalions, but, under
the impression that they were British, orders were sent to the
IV., III. and IX. Corps to halt on the Leuze-Mons-Binche road
in view of the possibility that it might be necessary to make a
wheel to the right so as to envelop Tournai. Later reports showed
that the British were in strength on the canal, and that the
troops at Tournai, now known to be French, had retired towards
Lille. The advance of the German I. Army was therefore re-
sumed. But the orders for this resumption of the march were
late in reaching the III. and IV. Corps, with results that reacted
on the German chances in the battle.
The left column of Gen. von Kluck's army was the tyth Div.
of the IX. Corps, and its march was directed towards St. Sym-
phorien and Villers St. Ghislain. On the British side the I.
Corps was on the line generally Harmignies-Peissant, and as it
faced a gap between the German I. and II. Armies its share in
the battle of Mons was destined to be very small. It was shelled
by German artillery, covered in its advance by the i6th Dragoons,
but the British casualties were slight, only about 100, and these
were chiefly in two batteries upon which the German fire was
concentrated. Of active fighting there was none save for some
spirited minor actions between the British divisional cavalry and '
cyclists on the one hand and German patrols on the other. The
bulk of the day's fighting fell upon the salient formed by the
canal loop round Mons. So soon as Gen. von Kluck had grasped
the real state of affairs namely, that the British were not at
Tournai but along the Mons-Conde canal his plan appears to
have been to envelop both the British flanks while bombarding
the front heavily with his guns. The envelopment of the British
left did not succeed, owing chiefly to the delay referred to above.
The battle opened in earnest about 10:30 A.M. with a bombard-
ment by some batteries of the German IX. Corps which came
into action on a ridge to the N. of Orbourg, and from that time
onward the guns were gradually extended westwards as battery
after battery, first of the IX. and then of the III. Corps, came
into action. At i P.M. the Germans had established a great
superiority of artillery against the front of the British II. Corps.
The actual loop of the canal was held by the 4th Royal Fusiliers
and the 4th Middlesex Regt., the former being responsible for the
bridge at Nimy while the right of the latter regiment held the
crossing at Orbourg. At both these places the fighting was very
severe, but the British musketry proved a terrible surprise to
the Germans, who came on in masses which it was impossible to
miss, and the British guns, though outnumbered by the German
artillery, gave most effective support. Finally, however, the
Germans were able through their superiority in numbers to
make a converging attack against the salient from the N. and E.,
and the British were gradually forced back E. and S.E. of Mons.
But the Germans were cautious about pushing into the town,
and it was not until after 7 o'clock that the 84th Regt. of the
1 8th Div. of the IX. Corps entered Mons, where it was thrown
for a time into confusion by heavy fire. The British 3rd Div.
fell back to a line running E. and W. through Nouvelles.
West of Mons the left division of the German III. Corps
attacked the left of the British 3rd Div.; and still farther W.
along the canal the right division of the III. Corps, and later
towards evening, the advanced guards of the IV. Corps, attacked
the 5th Div. of the British. The retirement of the 3rd Div. from
the salient round Mons inevitably led to a slight withdrawal of
the sth Div., and by nightfall the II. Corps was on a line whirh
showed an average retirement of some three miles from the canal.
During the late afternoon and evening Sir John French had
been receiving disquieting news as to the situation of the French
V. Army on his right. At 11:30 P.M. a telegram arrived con-
firming the reports, to the following effect: Namur had fallen
during the day; the French V. Army had been heavily attacked,
and was falling back to the line Givet-Philippeville-Maubeuge;
Hastiere had been captured by the Germans; the Meuse was
falling rapidly and had added to the difficulty of defence. In
these circumstances Sir John French decided to retreat to a
previously reconnoitred line from Jerlain eastwards to Maubeuge,
and orders .were issued accordingly in the small hours of the 24th.
The withdrawal was effected without serious loss, and for a
moment Sir John French thought of taking advantage of the
fortifications of Maubeuge; but recollections of the fatal attrac-
tion of Metz for Bazaine induced him to pass the fortress, and
orders were issued at 3 P.M. on the 24th for the retreat to be
continued to the line Le Cateau-Cambrai. After Bavai the
retreat was handicapped by an incident of terrain , for the Foret
de Mormal compelled the British army to march in two separated
portions, the I. Corps E. of the forest and the II. on the west.
In the latter corps a crossing of routes had taken place, with the
result that the 3rd Div. had changed places with the 5th and was
now on the outer flank. Towards nightfall on the 24th the pres-
sure of the enemy became greater on the British left, but the
British cavalry division performed excellent service in keeping
the enemy at bay, and early on the 25th the retreat was continued,
again covered skilfully by the mounted troops. During the
night the detrainment of the 4th Div. from England was almost
completed, and it moved to its position towards Cambra,i.
Meanwhile reports which had been coming in during the day
(25lh) showed that the French were retiring all along the line,
and Sir John French had now to come to a momentous decision.
Was he to stand and fight on the line to which the British were
now retiring (Le Cateau-Cambrai) , or ought he to continue the
retreat at daybreak on the 26th? After long and anxious de-
liberation the commander-in-chief came to the conclusion that
the retreat should be continued, and orders to that effect were
accordingly issued. The order was complied with by the I.
Corps. That corps had been delayed in starting on the 25th,
and had only been able to reach the neighbourhood of Landrecies.
When darkness fell the Germans sent forward advanced troops
in motors and lorries through the Foret de Mormal, and this
culminated in a violent attack on Landrecies, which was, how-
ever, beaten off, chiefly by the 4th Guards Brigade. Sir Douglas
Haig then proceeded to carry out the orders of the commander-
in-chief, and the retirement of the I. Corps was continued in the
direction of Guise. In the II. Corps, however, shortly after mid-
night Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien came to the conclusion that,
in view of the fact that many of his troops had only just come in
after over 20 hours of heavy and continuous work, and that the
enemy were close along his front, it was out of the question to
continue his retirement at dawn. He therefore issued orders to
fight on the ridge just S. of the Le Cateau-Cambrai road.
When dawn broke on the 26th Smith-Dorrien's force was
disposed as follows from right to left: The greater part of the
cavalry was between Le Cateau and the Sambre; later it moved
to the left flank to get in touch with the French I. Cav. Corps of
172
FROST, R. FUEL
Gen. Sordet, which all through the 25th was moving in rear of
the battlefield to protect the British left. Then came the sth
Div., which held the front from the southern outskirts of Le
Cateau to Troisvilles, with the igth Bde. in support. The 3rd
Div. held the centre as far as Caudry, and on the left lay the
4th Div., part of which had moved forward N. of the Cambrai-Le
Cateau road the day before to protect the retirement of the II.
Corps, but the left of which was now about Esnes. Thence to
Cambrai was a gap filled by the 4th Cav. Bde., and later by Gen.
Sordet's cavalry corps. The French 84th Territorial Div. was
retiring slowly through Cambrai.
The German force on the heels of the British II. Corps was
the I. Army, whose commander, Gen. von Kluck, at one time or
another before, during, and after the battle was the victim of
faulty conclusions. He believed that the whole of the British
Expeditionary Force was opposite him; he diagnosed that it was
holding a position running N. and S., whereas the line of the II.
Corps was almost due E. and W., and he was sure that it was
either retreating or about to retreat in a westerly direction.
His plan was similar to that which had been tried at Mons, a
frontal attack mainly with artillery followed by enveloping
movements against both flanks. The II. Corps was to march
through Cambrai and the IV. Reserve Corps to Catherieres,
thus enveloping the British left. The IV. Corps was to make the
attack on the British front from the W. of Le Cateau to Caudry.
The III. Corps was to march W. of the Sambre on Le Cateau in
order to envelop the British right. The II. Cav. Corps under
Gen. von der Marwitz was to pin the British left until the German
infantry should arrive upon the field.
Soon after daybreak the British were engaged upon both
flanks. On the right some troops of the German IV. Corps entered
Le Cateau and some confused fighting ensued, while on the
left the 4th Div. became engaged with the II. Cav. Corps of the
enemy. Here the 4th Div., after defending an advanced position
for some time, fell back slowly to a second line and brought the
enemy advance to an abrupt standstill. These events were but
preliminaries, and the battle of Le Cateau proper opened with a
heavy bombardment, which grew in intensity as the artillery of
four German corps came into action. The British artillery made
a spirited reply, though heavily outmatched in numbers and
weight of metal, and dealt severely with attempts of the German
infantry to push forward. These attempts were, however,
practically limited to the ground near Le Cateau on the British
right, and to the village of Caudry, which now formed a salient
in the 'centre of the line. Throughout the forenoon constant in-
fantry attacks varied by bouts of heavy shelling were made
against the latter village, from which about noon the defenders
were forced out by artillery fire; but a counter-attack at once
regained part of it and the German infantry advance was held up.
It was now about i P.M. and the line of the II. Corps was
still everywhere intact in spite of the superior numbers arrayed
against it. But on the right the situation was becoming grave, for
the 5th Div. with its right flank uncovered by the retirement of
the I. Corps was being threatened by more and more German
columns converging upon the field. Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien
realized that the moment had come when at all costs the fight
must be broken off if his force was to be saved. He was now
faced with one of the most difficult operations of war that of
extricating tired troops from contact with an enemy largely
superior in force. Orders were, however, sent to break off the
fight and to continue the retirement of the previous days, and
the operation was very neatly accomplished with entire success,
difficult though it was. Against the exposed flank of the 5th Div.
the Germans were now vigorously pressing, and this to some
extent precipitated matters, for before the orders for retreat
had reached all concerned, the British right had given way before
overwhelming superiority of numbers. But the Germans failed
to exploit this success, and the withdrawal of the II. Corps,
thanks largely to the devotion of the British artillery and to
the arrival of Gen. Sordet's cavalry corps on the left, which held
off the German enveloping movement in that quarter, was ef-
fected with less difficulty than had been expected. Sir Horace
Smith-Dorrien successfully withdrew his columns, and marched
them swiftly to the Somme at and near Ham, and by the z8th
had got the II. Corps safely across the river.
The losses of the British had been severe, and 38 guns had
been taken by the enemy. The men were exhausted after the
severity of the marching and fighting of the first stage of the war,
and a vigorous pursuit by the Germans might have meant dis-
aster for the British II. Corps. The retreat, however, was
practically unmolested, for Gen. von Kluck hurried S.W. instead
of S., and thus missed a chance not likely often to occur in war.
(F. E. W.*)
FROST, ROBERT (1875- ), American writer, was born in
San Francisco, March 26 1875. His father was a New Englander
and his mother was born in Edinburgh. In 1885 he moved with
his parents to Lawrence, Mass., studied in the public schools,
and entered Dartmouth College in 1892, remaining there one
year. During 1897-9 he was a student at Harvard. Duringigos-
1 1 he taught English in the Pinkerton Academy, Deny, N.H., and
then for a year taught psychology at the N.H. Normal School
at Plymouth. In 1912 he went to England, where he remained
three years and published his first two volumes of verse. On his
return to America he retired to a farm at Derry and gave much
time to active farming. During 1916-20 he was professor of Eng-
lish at Amherst College. His poems portray in realistic fashion
every-day country life in New England. Some of the work of his
first volume had been denied publication for 20 years, and some
of the second for 10 years. He was the author of A Boy's Will
(1913); North of Boston (1914); Mountain Interval (1916) and
A Way Out, a play (1917).
FRY, SIR EDWARD (1827-1918), English judge (see 11.270),
died at Failand, near Bristol, Oct. 19 1918.
FRYATT, CHARLES (1872-1916), British sea-captain, was
born at Parkeston, near Harwich, Essex, Dec. 2 1872. He entered
the service of the Great Eastern Railway Co., and in 1904 became
chief officer in their service of vessels plying between Harwich
and Rotterdam, in 1913 becoming captain. He continued to
navigate his ship, the " Brussels, " to Rotterdam and back for the
first two years of the World War. At the end of July 1916 it was
announced that the " Brussels " had been captured and the
captain himself arrested and tried by court-martial on a charge
of having attempted on March 28 1916 to ram the German sub-
marine 1/33 near the Maas lightship. The German authorities
stated that Captain Fryatt had confessed during his examination
that he had acted under orders from the Admiralty, but the trial
was suspiciously hurried and secret, an application for post-
ponement being refused, and no intervention on the part of
neutrals was allowed. The captain was condemned to death and
shot at Bruges July 28 1916. Half an hour after the execution had
been carried out a telegram arrived from the army headquarters
at Berlin ordering the sentence to be postponed. The news of the
execution aroused great indignation in England, and on two
occasions it was stated by Mr. Asquith in the House of Commons
that due reparation would be exacted for this and similar mur-
ders. Ample provision was made for Captain Fryatt's family,
his widow being awarded a pension of 100 a year over and above
the amount to which she was already entitled under the Govern-
ment compensation scheme, while the Great Eastern Railway
Co. also gave Mrs. Fryatt an annuity of 250 a year for life. The
captain's body was on July 7 1919 brought from Belgium to
England. A memorial service was held at St. Paul's on July 8,
and the body was buried at Dovercourt church, near Harwich.
FUEL (see 11.274). Civilization on its physical side is based
on fuel. Of all the powers of nature which have been turned by
man to his use and convenience, fire stands out with a distinction
which is unique. The kindling of the first fire of dried leaves and
branches by our prehistoric ancestors marked the beginning of
the transfer of this mighty power from the gods to man, and new
possibilities of prodigious import were opened up. With fire at
his command, a new dividing line was established between man
and the lower animals, and a higher and more social standard of
living became possible. The horrors and dangers of the darkness
of night were greatly mitigated, social instincts were aroused
FUEL
173
through the nightly gathering round this new source of light and
warmth, while imagination and thought were stimulated. The
charred stick supplied the budding artist with his first pencil,
while the glowing embers were the laboratory furnace in which
the coming chemists and metallurgists made their first observa-
tions of the effects of heat on rocks and stones. Fire, first
automatically and then deliberately, became the test to which all
materials were submitted. The arts of the craftsman were based
on these observations. The smelting of metals, the bending of
wood, the singeing of skins, the melting of gums and the boiling
of water started a whole train of new possibilities, each step in
discovery opening the way to new adventures. It is no exaggera-
tion to say that the practice of observation and experiment, on
which the physical science of to-day is founded, had its origin
in the first fire kindled by man. In the management of the wood
fire the first lessons in the properties of fuel were learned. The
flaming stage, followed by the steady and more concentrated
heat of the glowing embers, naturally led to the collection of more
massive embers by the control of the earlier stages of combustion,
thus leading up to charcoal burning, by which the worker in
metals was supplied with an ideal fuel for his operations. Thus
the carbonization of raw fuel as a means of raising the availa-
bility of its potential therms had its origin in the far past.
It is unnecessary here to follow through the ages the romantic
history of the association of fuel with civilization. Enough has
been said to justify the opening remark that civilization on its
physical side is based on fuel. This interrelation developed new
features during and after the World War of 1914-8, and the
future production and use of fuel in England and other countries
has become closely associated with social ideals which involve the
raising of the standard of living among the mining class.
FUEL RESOURCES OF THE WORLD
Before considering in detail some of the fuel problems of the
immediate future, it may be well to pass in review the fuel
position of the world in 1921, as it was disclosed by the most
recent figures of production.
Coal and Lignite. According to the estimate of the United
States Geological Survey in 1920 the total world output of coal,
including 143 million tons of brown coal and lignite, amounted to
1,300 million metric tons (see COAL). This is within 3% of the
maximum output, which was reached in 1913 and 1918. Of this
total output, the United States produced 45%, Great Britain
and the British Empire 22%, Germany 19%, while other coun-
tries ranged from 2%% downwards. One of the most significant
features of this survey is the remarkably rapid development in
the winning and use of brown coal and lignite on the continent of
Europe and particularly in Germany. The output of brown coal
and lignite in Germany in 1919 had reached 93-8 million tons,
but this was overtopped in 1920 by an output of m-6 million
tons, out of a total output of 140-7 million tons on the conti-
nent of Europe that year. The output of ordinary coal in Ger-
many for 1920 was 140-8 million tons.
The brown coal industry in Germany is of old standing, and
its rapid development in recent years is based on sound knowl-
edge and experience. Though in its natural state a less concen-
trated fuel than bituminous or anthracitic coal, brown coal has
many points in its favour. The chief of these is the low cost at
which it can be won as compared with ordinary coal. Where
extensive deposits of great thickness occur, these can be worked
opencast and excavated by machinery. The winning of brown
coal is thus on an altogether different basis from ordinary coal-
mining with its deep and costly underground roads and workings
which involve heavy costs for timbering, pumping and ventila-
tion. The manual labour required is much smaller in amount for
a given output, and is of a less highly specialized type, while the
special dangers and uncertainties of coal-mining are practically ab-
sent. The capital charges, being mainly on surface roads and on
excavating machinery, are relatively light as compared with the
heavy initial and permanent charges involved in the sinking and
equipment of shaft or mines. Brown coal, though it contains
from 40 to 60% of water, is to-day by far the cheapest source
of thermal units. Its further manufacture by drying, briquetting
and carbonization can be carried out close to the point of exca-
vation and under conditions favourable to production on a large
scale, and therefore at a low cost. The glowing accounts of this
development which appeared in the technical press during
1919-21 may have been somewhat exaggerated; but the solid
fact remains that in 1920, with a production of in million tons
of lignite in addition to ordinary coal, Germany had already
faced the fuel problem of the future so far as she herself was
concerned. According to the extent to which Germany could
meet her own requirements for heat and power by the develop-
ment of lignite, peat and water-power, the output of her coal-
mines would be set free for export.
It is not surprising that Germany's example has been followed,
not only in Central Europe, but in Victoria (Australia) and in
Canada. In Victoria extensive deposits of brown coal exist in
Central Gippsland, which are estimated by Mr. H. Herman, the
Director of Geological Survey, to contain 30 thousand million
tons. The main deposits near Morwell are hundreds of feet in
thickness, and lend themselves admirably to opencast working
on an enormous scale. Considerable progress has already been
made in the development of these deposits; and since the com-
mencement of operations in 1916, 400,000 tons of brown coal
had been mined and sold by 1921. When the excavating meth-
ods become more perfectly organized, it is expected that the
coal will be produced at the mines at 2S. 3d. per ton. It contains
from 40 to 50% of water, so that in heat value two tons is equal
to about one ton of ordinary coal. A 5o,ooo-kilowatt generating
station was in 1921 being installed at Morwell for the trans-
mission of current to Melbourne. It was intended to establish
a plant at the mines for briquetting and carbonizing, so that fuels
of higher availability might be produced from the raw coal. In
1920 a sample of this coal was received in England, and experi-
ments on its carbonization were carried out at the Government
Fuel Research Station. In the Dominion of Canada experiments
were in progress in 1921 on the briquetting and carbonization of
the brown coals of Manitoba and Saskatchewan. These experi-
ments were being carried out under the auspices of the Dom-
inion and of the Province of Saskatchewan.
Oil and Oil Shales. Of oil (see PETROLEUM), next to coal the
chief natural source of fuel, the world's output for 1920 was
about 97 million tons, of which the United States produced 64-8%,
Mexico 23-3, Russia 3-5, the Dutch East Indies 2-5, India 1-2,
Rumania i-i, and Persia i-o. The oil output amounted to 7%
of the fuel output of the world, reckoned in tons. If reckoned
in potential therms, the figure would be raised to 10 per cent.
As the United States has extensive oil interests in Mexico, it may
be taken that in 1920 she controlled 75 to 80% of the total
output of the world. It is therefore significant that, in official
quarters, grave anxiety has been expressed as to the probable
exhaustion of these resources in view of the rapid development
in the use of motor spirit for road transport and of fuel oil for
transport by sea. The following extract from a statement by Mr.
J. O. Lewis, Chief Petroleum Technologist to the United States
Bureau of Mines, expresses clearly the American view:
" The United States Geological Survey during 1910^-20 has made
several estimates of the quantity of oil left in our oil fields. The
most recent estimate, that of David White, indicates that about 40%
of the oil had been brought to the surface, and that the 60% re-
maining underground would last barely 20 years at the present rate
of consumption. As the period in which an oil field can be made to
yield its oil is not wholly within the control of man, the domestic
production will undoubtedly be spread over a much longer period
than estimated ; but, on the other hand, the peak of production will
be passed Jong before 20 years, and thereafter production will be
at a declining rate. Of course, such estimates are by no means in-
fallible, as many obscure factors are involved. However, this state-
ment represents the opinion of the agency best qualified to make such
an estimate, and is indicative of a condition which, we/e there no
other solution to the problem, would be highly unsatisfactory, and
would be viewed by the automotive industry with the greatest con-
cern. For, even were the estimate unduly pessimistic, and the
actual reserve double, the condition would be unsatisfactory.
" The preceding statement refers only to the oil from oil wells in
the United States. Fortunately there are enormous undeveloped
174
FUEL
resources in the rest of the world. The petroleum resources of this
country have been developed and depletea in a ratio far beyond that
of other countries, so that although we are producing to-day two-
thirds of the world's production, the opportunities elsewhere for
increasing production are much greater than in the United States.
Geologists and those well-informed on foreign resources believe that
in all probability the world contains enormous reserves of oil that
can be obtained upon demand. Although to obtain oil from these
reserves may not be as satisfactory as to obtain it within the confines
of the United States, the outlook tends to assure the future of the
internal combustion engine.
" Fortunately oil may be obtained from other sources than oil
fields. In various parts of the United States, particularly in Col-
orado, Wyoming and Utah, are enormous bodies of oil shales from
which oil may be obtained by destructive distillation, as benzol is
obtained from coal. The United States Geological Survey has esti-
mated the quantity of oil locked up in the richer shales of the three
States mentioned as perhaps ten times the amount of the oil reserve
in the oil fields. In Scotland the retorting of oil from oil shales has
been on a commercial basis for more than 50 years, and antedates
the oil industry in the United States. Commercial and semi-com-
mercial experiments are being made in order to determine whether
the oil shales of the Western States can be mined and retorted prof-
itably in competition with petroleum from oil fields. This problem
has not yet been solved, but these shales constitute a latent reserve
that protects the future needs of the country for motor fuel as far
as these needs can be foreseen. However, oil cannot be obtained
from the shales on a large scale without heavy investments and the
development of the industry must be spread over many years. Also,
when the time comes, the consumer will probably have to pay more
for his gasoline."
The oil shales not only of the United States, but of the whole
world, await development as a source of oil fuel. The commer-
cial possibilities of this development depend almost entirely on
the relative cost of production and the selling price of natural
oil and shale oil. In comparing the cost of production of natural
oil from wells and of oil produced by distillation from shale,
long experience has shown that in any field which is considered
worthy of commercial development the cost of the oil at the
wells should not exceed one penny per gallon, or 255. per ton.
In favourable cases it is only a fraction of this amount. In the
shale field the shale has to be mined and transported to the
retorts in which it is distilled, and the earthy residue, which
amounts to from 15 to 17 cwt. for each ton distilled, has to be
handled and disposed of. Labour and fuel have to be supplied -
for the retorting process and the retorts have to be kept in repair.
With selected shales a yield of 30 to 40 gal. of crude oil per ton
of shale may be obtained. The mining and retorting costs will
amount to at least los. per ton, without capital and general
charges, or 3d. per gallon for the crude oil as compared with the
above figure of one penny per gallon at the wells. It is clear
that the initial cost of crude oil obtained from shale puts it
quite out of court in competition with natural oil,' except in
situations so far from oil wells that the extra cost is compensated
for by that of transport of natural oil. It is clear that, in times
of plenty, the natural oil can, if necessary, be sold at a price of
one penny per gallon, which will at least pay the cost of pro-
duction; the shale oil works on the other hand would have to
sell at a loss, or to shut down and disband the large staff of
skilled workers required for the prosecution of the industry.
The history of the oil industry during the period 1870-1920
shows a succession of waves of over-production and low selling
prices, as new oil fields have been developed. The effect of these
periods of plenty and of low prices has on the whole been to develop
consumption of oil as a fuel; but their effect on the shale industry
of Scotland has been to make the profitable running of the
industry so speculative that it has never been possible to develop
it on a really large scale, though ample supplies of shale are known
to exist there. With natural oil, cost of production per se has
very little to do with the fixing of the selling price, but with shale
oil cost of production is the vital consideration. The best hope
for the development of the shale-oil resources of the world appears
to depend n a continuance of the interest recently shown in the
United States in this question as being of vital importance to the
industrial welfare of that country. Great natural resources in oil
shales have been proved to exist; it only remains to develop
systems of mining and retorting on the best modern lines, by
which shale oil can be placed on the market at a minimum cost.
Though in the opinion of experts in Great Britain this can never
approach the actual cost of production of natural oils in existing
fields, shale is thereby not necessarily excluded as one of the more
important sources of oil fuel. First cost is only one among the
conditions which will determine this development.
The production of oil by the carbonization of bituminous coal
is also receiving much attention in the United States, as well as in
Great Britain and Germany. This problem involves economic
questions which do not arise in connexion with oil shales. Chief
among these is the fact that, while in the distillation of shale
about > 7o% of the shale distilled is a valueless earthy residue, 60
to 70% of the bituminous coal is retained after carbonization as a
smokeless fuel of a higher value for domestic purposes than the
original coal.
Peat. The scarcity of fuel in the United Kingdom during the
World War led to considerable pressure upon the British Govern-
ment for the establishment of a serious inquiry into the possible
development of peat. The matter was considered by the Ad-
visory Council of the Department of Scientific and Industrial
Research, resulting in the institution of the Fuel Research Board,
by whom an Irish Peat Inquiry Committee was appointed. The
history of this inquiry has been dealt with in the published
reports of the Fuel Research Board. 1 As the subject was recog-
nized as one of world-wide importance, Prof. Pierce Purcell was
appointed Peat Investigation Officer to the Fuel Research Board
in 1919, and through him close touch was maintained with the
principal peat developments in Europe and America. In the
summer of 1920 Prof. Purcell visited Canada and the United
States, and investigated the work of the Peat Committee of the
Canadian Government at the Alfred Bog, near Ottawa. In the
following summer he visited some of the more important peat
stations in Germany, Denmark and Sweden.
In Germany the Wiesmoor peat station has been in operation
since 1910. The peat is dredged, macerated and spread on the
surface of the bog to dry. By stacking under cover, the moisture
of the peat blocks can be reduced to 25% solely by air-drying.
For steam-raising purposes two tons of air-dried peat are equal
to about one ton of coal. At Wiesmoor eight water-tube boilers
are fired with peat. The average fuel consumption is stated to be
from 2-7 to 3 kilos of partially dried peat sods per kilowatt hour,
and the cost of the peat is taken at five marks per ton. A scheme
was stated to be on foot for the establishment of a line of peat
generating stations from Konigsberg on the east to Wiesmoor.
The promoters of this scheme appear. to have ignored the
fundamental difficulty which applies to the winning of peat in
quantities sufficient to meet the day-by-day requirements of
any large central station. When it is realized that the peat
deposit in a good bog 20 ft. deep is only the equivalent of a 12 or
i4-in. seam of coal, it will be evident that even an output of 1,000
tons a day of air-dried peat involves the laying out and develop-
ment of an enormous surface. At the Zehlonbruck station, near
Konigsberg, it was proposed to use 920,000 tons per annum, or
about 2,500 tons per day. Prof. Purcell states that to win mechan-
ically 900,000 tons of air-dried peat in one season at least 4,500
men, women and children would be required, and the area over
which the spreading and drying operations would extend could
not be less than 9,000 ac., or say 15 sq. miles. He suggests that, in
dealing with any production over 60,000 to 80,000 tons per
annum from any single district, the difficulty would increase as
the square of the production; and he considers that it is only by
the development of these smaller units that progress will be
made. There was evidence in 1921 that a steady development on
these lines was in progress in Germany.
In Canada and in Ireland the application to local conditions of
mechanical cutting or dredging, maceration, air-drying and
harvesting has been studied with encouraging results. In the
summer of 1920 peat was cut, macerated, spread on the bog at
Turraun in Ireland, air-dried and harvested there, and a hundred
tons of this air-dried peat were sent to H.M. Fuel Research
1 Reports of the Fuel Research Board for the years 1918-9, and
on the winning, preparation and use of peat in Ireland; reports
and documents.
FUEL
i75
Station, where some interesting experiments were carried out on
its use for boiler firing and for carbonization. The peat, when it
reached the station, contained about 27% of moisture. After
having been kept under cover for some months the moisture was
reduced to about 17 per cent. This peat is in the form of hard
blocks of various lengths, up to about 10 in. with a cross section
of something like 2 by 2 inches. Its density is rather under i, or
about twice that of the ordinary hand-cut sods made on the same
bog. The blocks can be cut and sawn like hard wood, and they
stand transport with very little breaking up into " smalls." In
this respect they contrast very favourably with the ordinary
hand-cut sods, which break down seriously in transport by rail or
road. Steam-raising trials have shown that this material is an
excellent boiler fuel, and that it lends itself admirably to carboni-
zation, either in vertical retorts at temperatures between 750
and 85oC. or in steel retorts at 550 to 6ooC.
It is evident that maceration of the freshly cut or dredged
peat is well worth the small expenditure of power which it entails.
When spread on the surface of the bog it dries much more quickly
than ordinary cut peat, while in drying a shrinkage occurs which
almost doubles the density of the dried product and so produces a
fuel which can be stored, transported and used under much more
favourable conditions than the ordinary air-dried sods.
Alcohol. In view of the threatened shortage of petrol in
England in 1918, Mr. Walter Long appointed a committee to
consider the possibilities of alcohol as a motor fuel (see ALCOHOL).
The report of this committee was considered by the Privy Council
Committee for Scientific and Industrial Research, and it was
recommended that the Fuel Research Board should be charged
with the duty of investigating the technical and economic
problems which are involved. As a first step to this end Sir
Frederick Nathan was appointed Power Alcohol Investigation
Officer. A preliminary survey was published in July loao. 1
For the complete replacement of imported petrol by alcohol it
was estimated that 250 million gallons of 95% alcohol would be
required. To produce this from grain (barley), potatoes or
mangolds, the following quantities would be necessary:
Investigations as to the possibilities of producing alcohol in the
British Empire overseas indicate that, in the sugar-growing
countries, molasses, from which alcohol might be obtained, is
undoubtedly wasted, but that the wasted quantities are com-
paratively small, and in most cases would be insufficient, if so
utilized, to meet even local requirements for alcohol. Alcohol
might be made from suitable crops grown specially for the
purpose in those British dominions and colonies where labour is
available, and used to supplement or take the place of supplies
from other sources. Some such course may be specially desirable
where petrol is dear and difficult to obtain, for instance in the E.
African protectorates and W. African colonies, which are very
dependent on motor transport for their development.
The use of cellulosic materials was not yet possible in 1921,
because although research work was in hand to find a process
that could be employed on a commercial scale in those regions
where such materials exist in sufficient abundance, it had not so
far led to any definite results. Where, however, materials capable
of easy hydrolysis exist, as for instance is the case with waste rice
straw, the large-scale experiments in Burma, under the auspices
of the Burma Oil Co., appear to indicate that the joint produc-
tion of alcohol and paper should be a commercial possibility.
Until alcohol can be made from waste materials which can be
collected and treated at small cost, it does not seem likely that
British Empire-produced alcohol can be imported into the
United Kingdom on any considerable scale; it is improbable
that it will be produced cheaply enough, or in sufficient quantities,
for export, even by those overseas portions of the Empire which
may produce it in this way for local consumption.
USES OF COAL AS FUEL
Since coal is likely to remain the chief source of fuel for the
world at large, the problems of its winning, preparation and use
still occupy the foreground in all serious consideration of the
subject. We know that in 1913 the output of coal of the mines
of the United Kingdom was approximately 287 million tons, of
which 98 million tons were exported. Out of the 189 million tons
Tons
Acres
Raw Material
Required
for 250
million
gallons
United
Kingdom
Production
1919
Required
for 250
million
gallons
Under
Crop
in
1919
Average
Price
per ton
1919
Cost per
gallon
of
Alcohol
Grain (barley) ....
Potatoes
Mangolds . .
4,170,000
12,500,000
25,000,000
1,288,035
6,312,000
7,769,000
5-593-293
2,118,644
1,282,513
1,870,087
1,218,774
471-759
, s. d.
21 40
8 10 6
I 10 o
s. d.
6 o
8 6
3 o
These figures were not encouraging, and generally it may be
stated that the production of alcohol in any considerable quanti-
ties from vegetable materials grown in the United Kingdom is not
economically possible, owing to (i) insufficient acreage; (2) the
high cost of cultivation and harvesting; (3) the high cost of
manufacture; and (4) the fact that the most suitable raw materi-
als are also important food-stuffs. There was for these reasons
no prospect in England of replacing any considerable quantity of
petrol by home-produced alcohol. Moreover, it was unthinkable
that land, for even a fraction of the quantity of the raw materials
in the foregoing table, could be used for such a purpose when, for
food itself, a week-end supply only was assured from the home
production. It was, however, considered desirable to make a
further study of the growth of mangolds and of Jerusalem arti-
chokes for this purpose, and experiments were in progress during
1919-21. From these it appeared that it might be possible to
grow artichokes for the supply of a limited quantity of alcohol
for special purposes, such as aviation. An examination of the
artichoke stems indicated that it might be possible to convert
them by a simple treatment to paper pulp. Should this prove
to be the case, both products would be cheapened.
1 " Fuel for Motor Transport ": an Interim Memorandum by the
Fuel Research Board.
consumed at home, 35 million tons represented the domestic use,
and the remainder was taken fo'r industries as follows:
Million Tons
15-0
2-5
60-0
20-5
31-0
1-3
5-8
18-0
Railways
Coasting Steamers
Factories
Mines
Iron and Steel
Other Metals
Brickwork, Potteries, Glass and Chemicals
Gasworks
The uses of coal as fuel may be classed under three main heads:
(i) production of heat and light for domestic purposes; (2)
production of heat for industrial purposes; (3) production of
power for industrial purposes and for transport. Reclassifying
the above figures under these three heads, we find that the
consumption was as follows:
(i.) HEAT and LIGHT for domestic purposes.
Directly burnt as coal _ .
One-third of the total used by gas undertakings
One-half of the total used by electrical undertakings
Million
Tons
35
6
JJ
44
176
FUEL
Million
(2.) HEAT for industrial purposes. Tons
Iron, steel and other metals 32
Bricks, pottery, glass, cements ..._... 6
Paper, textiles, food-stuffs, fertilizers, chemicals, as steam 20
58
(3.) POWER for transport and industrial purposes.
Railways and coasting steamers 17
Mines 18
Factories 5
87
Coal used in the raw state.
Domestic heating . . . . .
Steam raising for heat
Steam raising for power
Transport, railways, steamers . . . .
Brickworks, potteries, cement, glass, chemicals,
soap, etc
Coal carbonized and gasified.
Gas undertakings
Iron, steel and other metals
Million Tons
35
20
60
17
18
3
189
These figures show that 141 million tons, or three-fourths of
the coal used in the United Kingdom, was burned in the raw
state; that 35 million tons, or nearly one-fifth of the total con-
sumption was used in the raw state for domestic heating; and
that 97 milh'on tons, or one-half of the total consumption was
used in the raw state for steam raising. Before considering the
technical and economic problems which are involved in the re-
placement of raw coal as a fuel by the products of its carboniza-
tion, gas, petrol, oils and coke, we shall review the position of
these great outlets for raw coal, domestic heating and steam
raising.
Domestic Heating. The domestic use of coal in the raw state
affects the widest range of consumers in most civilized communi-
ties. In Great Britain the consumption per head of the popula-
tion is in the neighbourhood of one ton per annum. In Ireland
peat is still the chief domestic' fuel, about six million tons of air-
dried peat being consumed per annum. In no other country but
Great Britain does the consumption of raw coal for domestic
purposes reach the high figure of one ton per head per annum.
The ample supplies and the low price of bituminous coal for
centuries prior to the World War have established the open room
fire and the kitchen range on a popular foundation in Great Britain
from which it is difficult to displace them. The British climate
has had much to do with the popularity of the open room fire, the
radiation from which can be so readily modified to meet the
rapid changes of humidity and temperature which are liable to
occur almost from day to day during the year. Only during
exceptional winters, when really low temperatures have con-
tinued for weeks at a time, has the open fire broken down as a
means of maintaining English homes at a habitable temperature.
The work of Dr. Margaret Fishenden on open fires has definitely
shown that, under reasonable conditions of firing, 20% of the
total potential heat of the raw coal is radiated into the room, and
that a further 20 to 30% is given up to the fabric of the building
before the waste products of combustion leave the chimney.
Smoke and soot are, however, an unduly heavy price to pay for
the transient cheerfulness of the flaming coals in a well-stoked
fire, especially when we remember that over long periods the
ordinary fire is only smouldering and dreary-looking. The coal-
fired kitchen range, unlike the open room fire, has few if any
sentimental associations and its replacement by gas-cookers and
coke-fired water-heaters is only a matter of time.
In northern and central Europe, and in the United States and
Canada, where really low winter temperatures prevail, close
stoves and central heating systems are universally used, and the
smoky combustion of bituminous coals has never gained a footing.
In the United States and Canada anthracitic coals for domestic
purposes are regarded as a necessity, and the Governments of
these countries give every encouragement to schemes for the con-
version of bituminous coals into smokeless fuel so as to avoid the
transport from great distances of anthracitic coals. On the social
side of civih'zation it is no exaggeration to say that the cheap and
plentiful supplies of bituminous coal in Great Britain have not
been an unmixed blessing. Even on the industrial side this is true,
for it has led to the formation of habits of reckless extravagance
in the use of fuel, which are so deeply rooted among workmen and
manufacturers that it will take many years of high fuel prices to
eradicate them. The gas undertakings of the United Kingdom
have, however, done much to popularize the use of gas and coke
for the replacement of raw coal for domestic use; and there is
every prospect that a considerable proportion of the raw coal
burned for domestic use will be displaced by the developments in
the production of town gas on newer and more economical lines,
and by the increased use of gas-works coke for domestic heating.
Steam Raising. The fact that one-half of the coal used in
Great Britain is consumed in raising steam for heating purposes
and for power production, places the problems of fuel efficiency
in this connexion in the forefront from an economic point of view.
On the theoretical side these problems lend themselves to simple
and direct treatment.
Steam-boiler efficiency depends first on the perfect combustion
of the fuel, second on the utilization of the radiant heat of com-
bustion, and third on the utilization of the sensible heat of the
gaseous products of combustion before they are dismissed to the
chimney. The heat for the conversion of water into steam has to
pass through steel plates or tubes, and the rate at which this
transference takes place is determined by the different temper-
ature of the two sides of the plate or tube. The lower the temper-
ature on the water side and the higher the temperature on the
furnace side, the greater will be the amount of heat which is
passed into the water, and the higher will be the evaporative
efficiency of that portion of the boiler. Direct radiation from the
burning fuel is by far the most effective means of maintaining the
temperature on the furnace side of the plates and therefore of
obtaining the highest evaporative efficiency per sq. ft. of metal
surface. On the water side of the plate or tube the temperature
can be kept down only by the maintenance of a very rapid circula-
tion of the water over the metal surface. With adequate water
circulation sufficient heat for the evaporation of 60 to 80 Ib. of
water per sq. ft. per hour can be safely passed through the metal.
With inadequate circulation the metal may be raised to a
destructive temperature, and the boiler may be ruined. In the
ideal boiler the maximum proportion of the radiant heat of com-
bustion ought to be absorbed by metal surfaces provided with
ample water circulation on their inner side. The utilization of the
sensible heat of the products of combustion involves the transfer
of the heat of the gases to the metal by convection; the molecules
of gas must actually come in contact with the metal surface.
Rapid circulation is required in order to obtain this, and high
velocity of the gases must be maintained. The work of Nicholson
on this subject has received considerable attention during recent
years and has to some extent been applied to boiler design.
The importance of the direct absorption of the radiant heat of
combustion is not as yet so generally recognized, but is likely to
lead to important results in boiler design. The theoretical knowl-
edge as to the utilization of the heat of combustion in boilers is
still somewhat in advance of even the best engineering practice in
steam-boiler construction. Unfortunately average practice still
lags far behind the best knowledge on the subject.
Coal as ordinarily burned suffers from the disadvantage that
it is not a homogeneous fuel like gas, oil or coke, but is in effect
a mixture of these three forms of fuel. The only way in which
coal can be made to approximate to a homogeneous fuel is by
pulverizing it so that its particles are so fine that, when mixed
with air, they at once ignite and burn like a jet of gas or a spray of
oil. The degree of fineness required to produce this effect involves
grinding till 80% of the coal will pass through a screen of 200
meshes to the square inch. For metallurgical and other high
temperature purposes the advantages which result from pulveri-
zation may more than compensate for the cost of grinding and
for the heavy initial cost of the grinding and distribution plant,
but for steam raising it is still an open question whether the gain
in the efficiency of combustion is sufficient to compensate for the
greatly increased cost which is involved. In the best steam-
FUEL
raising practice the disadvantage due to the non-homogeneity
of raw coal as a fuel has been met by the design and working of
the boilers, while by the use of automatic stoking and ash removal,
the boiler house charges under these heads have been greatly
reduced. In comparing the best practice on these lines with the
most recent experiences in connexion with pulverized fuel in
America it is still doubtful whether the latter can be justified
on the score of expense.
The valuable papers of Mr. D. Brownlie * throw a much needed
light upon the use of coal for steam raising. His analysis of the
statistics which he has collected shows that the amount of coal
used for steam generation in Great Britain for heat and power
production is from 75 to 100 million tons per annum, or about
one-half of the whole coal consumption. His conclusions as to the
comparative efficiency of the numerous boiler plants he personally
examined during seven or eight years, and the extension of these
conclusions to cover the whole steam-raising practice of the
United Kingdom, supply material on which some broad generali-
zations may be based. He divides the boiler installations of the
United Kingdom into three classes bad, average and highly
efficient. Of the total number he classes: 10% as bad, 85% as
average and 5 % as highly efficient. As regards the efficiencies of
each class, with water-tube boilers the bad give 61 %, the average
give 69%, and the highly efficient give 82%, while with Lan-
cashire boilers the bad give 49%, the average give 60% and the
highly efficient give 79%.
If we take the minimum figure of 75 million tons as the amount
of coal annually used for steam raising in Great Britain, it is
clear that the scope for economy is enormous; for even a moderate
increase of efficiency of 10% over all would result in a saving of
75 million tons per annum. Mr. Brownlie's own experience of the
savings to be effected by a reorganization of plants leads him to
take a much higher saving as a possibility. In the case of the
colliery steam boiler plants, the average efficiency of which he
places at 51 %, he estimates that the coal bill for all the British
colliery plants is 185 million tons, and that the efficiency might
easily be raised by 10 to 15%, while by the systematic use of
colliery waste a further saving of salable coal would be realized.
These facts and figures are well worth careful study of all who are
seriously interested in fuel economy. They show the enormous
possibilities existing for fuel economy, apart from any new
revolutionary discoveries.
Before we leave the subject of steam raising, the use of gas,
oil and coke for this purpose may be referred to.
Gas, A considerable amount of experience has been accumulated
on the use of gas for steam raising. This experience covers a wide
range of gases from blast-furnace gas of about too B.Th.U. per cub.
ft. to coke-oven gas of over 500 B.Th.U. With the lowest grade gas
the thermal efficiency in ordinary practice has generally been of a low
order, but with proper care in boiler setting and firing there is no
reason why a thermal efficiency of 80% should not be reached, even
with low grade gas. The evaporative efficiency per sq. ft. of heating
surface however is low, and in ordinary blast-furnace practice it is
found that when coal-firing is replaced by gas, a larger number of
boilers is required for the evaporation of the same amount of water.
With coke-oven gas there is no reason why the highest thermal
efficiency as well as a high evaporation efficiency per sq. ft. of
heating surface should not be obtained. From an economic point
of view, however, the use of high-grade gas for steam raising can
only be justified when it is a waste product for which there is no
other outlet. As fuel for steam raising, the availability of the therms
in coke-oven gas is only from 10 to 15% higher than that of the
therms in the form of raw coal, or, with coal at 253. per ton, about
i-2d. per therm; but for distribution as town gas its value is
from 2-d. to 3d. per therm, while for use in internal combus-
tion engines its value would be at least as high. For a possible
gain in thermal efficiency of from 10 to 15%, it will obviously
not pay to produce gas as a fuel for steam raising, except under very
special conditions.
Oil. As fuel for land boilers, oil is definitely superior to coal in
many respects. Chief among these are the ease with which it can be
transported, stored and handled, its flexibility as a fuel, and the
high efficiency with which it can be burned. These advantages
would probably justify a price of 50 to 100% higher than that of
coal. As fuel for the ships of the navy, all the above advantages
1 Engineering, July 12 and 19 1918; July 25 and Aug. I 1919;
Dec. 10 and 17 1920.
over coal are emphasized, and in addition to these are the greatly
enlarged range of action and the possibility of oil bunkering while at
sea. As fuel for the ships of the mercantile marine its advantages are
now so fully recognized that the only limits to its extended use are
the uncertainty as to future supplies and as to its price. In 1914
there were on Lloyd's Register 364 steamers of 1,310,000 tons
fitted for burning oil fuel, whereas in 1921 the total was 2,536 vessels
of 12,797,000 tons. The following comparison shows the division
of motor-power in the two years:
Percentage of total
gross tonnage
1914 1921
Sail power only 7-95 5-05
Oil etc. in internal combustion engines . . 0-47 2-00
Oil fuel for boilers 2-62 20-65
Coal 88-96 72-30
100-00 100-00
It will be seen that only 72% of the tonnage of the British mer-
chantmarine in 1921 required coal, while in 1914 the figure was 89 %.
Coke. Much useful work has in recent years been done by the
London Coke Committee on the use of coke and coke breeze for
steam raising. This has led to the development of the " Sandwich "
system of firing with a mixture of coke and bituminous slack. This
system, which is in operation in London, Manchester and elsewhere,
consists of feeding from a divided hopper on to the chain-grate
stoker, coal slack and coke in superimposed layers, the coal being
uppermost. With a natural draught of only -25 in. the coke layer
may be from 5 to 6 in. in thickness. This layer prevents the percola-
tion and consequent loss of coal dust through the grate. The coke
layer being relatively porous permits the passage of air required for
the combustion of the coal under favourable conditions, so that little
or no smoke is produced. When coke alone is used on a chain grate
it is difficult to maintain a sufficiently hia;h temperature to ensure its
ignition near the front of the grate. Under the Sandwich system the
ignition temperature is maintained well to the front of the grate by the
flame produced from the layer of slack. Each fuel therefore helps
the more efficient combustion of the other. When coke is used by
itself for steam raising, special provision has to be made to secure
that its ignition takes place as near the front of the grate as possible.
If this is secure, advantage can be taken of the high radiating effi-
ciency of the bed of incandescent coke by the provision of ample
water-cooled surfaces for the direct absorption of the radiant heat.
Direct combustion of coal is likely to maintain a leading place
in steam raising for many years to come; and there is no direction
in which the scope for increased economy and efficiency is so
obvious and so extensive. By the closer association of steam
electric-generating stations with gas-works and coke-ovens the
use of the products of carbonization, gas, oils, tar and coke, may
supplement the use of raw coal to some extent and may lead to
higher efficiency and economy of fuel, but this form of association
must be carefully thought out in each particular case. Certain
general principles which affect this form of association can be
laid down, but the purely local and individual condition must
always determine the application of these general principles.
Their merely superficial adoption will only lead to disappointment
and loss. This aspect of fuel economy is referred to below in
connexion with carbonization and gasification as a means of
sorting out the elements of raw coal into fuels of higher availa-
bility and convenience, but it may be said at once that up to 1921
no case had been made out for the general replacement, by fuels
of higher availability, of raw coal used for steam raising. There
is every reason therefore for the concentration of skill and
enterprise on the general application of the well-established
principles which govern the most efficient use of raw coal for
steam raising. In Great Britain alone it is certain that tens of
millions of tons of coal per annum might be saved in this way.
Apart from steam raising the direct combustion of raw coal in
industry does not bulk very large in the general fuel bill. In the
metallurgical industries coke and gas are the more important
fuels, though considerable quantities of raw coal are still used in
steel-making. In pottery and brick-making raw coal is still the
chief fuel, but movements have been set on foot which may lead
to the more extensive use of gas. In the Portland cement in-
dustry raw coal is likely to remain the fuel, as it can be used in
pulverized form in rotary cement kilns with high efficiency.
POWER PRODUCTION BY INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
While by far the larger proportion of the power requirements of
the world is at present supplied by steam boilers and engines, the
I 7 8
FUEL
production of power by the direct combustion of fuel in internal
combustion engines has taken an increasingly important place
(see INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES). In 1900 great hopes
were entertained that gas-engine units of large size would be
used for the generation of electricity at central stations. Great
difficulties have however been experienced in maintaining gas-
engine cylinders of large size, and the tendency for some years
previous to 1920 was to keep down the size of the individual
cylinders and to multiply the number of cylinders running on
one shaft. Under these conditions the size of the unit engine is
necessarily limited to 1,000-2,000 horse-power. Even with
units of this size the cost of maintenance may be high, and
considerable stand-by plant has to be kept in reserve. Sir Dugald
Clerk has estimated that, in Great Britain, more than half a
million B.H.P. per annum was derived in 1920-1 from gas-
engines combined with suction and other gas producers. The
Diesel type of oil-engine also made great progress during 1910-20
on land as well as on sea.
The internal combustion engine made the most remarkable
developments after 1910 in its application to motor vehicles
and to aeroplanes. The fuel required for this purpose must
conform to certain definite requirements, the most fundamental
of which is that it must be an inflammable liquid which can be
depended on to vaporize on mixture with air at a sufficiently low
temperature to ensure that the mixture can be fired in the
cylinders of the engine by an electric spark. Petrol or gasoline is
the most widely used fuel for this purpose. It is a mixture of the
more volatile hydrocarbons which are obtained in the fractional
distillation of natural petroleum. It is also obtained from nat-
ural gas by compression or cooling, or by oil-stripping.
The enormously increased demands during recent years led
to the adoption of cracking processes, by which during dis-
tillation the heavier and less volatile fractions of the crude oil
are partially broken up into hydrocarbons of a volatility which
brings them within the range covered by the motor-spirit require-
ments. It is estimated that the development of cracking methods
in the United States has added 10% to the yield of petrol ob-
tained from the crude oil; while other improvements in collection
and refining have added a further 5 to 6%. In 1909 the yield was
10-7%, while in 1918 it had risen to 26-1%. Thus fully one-
fourth of the crude oil refined in the United States is being put
on the market as petrol. The petrol imported into Great Britain
in 1920 was about 250 million gal., or 830,000 tons.
The only sources of motor fuel in Great Britain are shale oil-
works, gas-works and coke-ovens. From the shale oil-works
about four million gallons of petrol per annum might be obtained,
and from gas- and coke-works about 20 million gallons of benzol,
though in 1921 the output was much less. Benzol is an excellent
motor fuel for land purposes, alone or mixed with petrol, i
CARBONIZATION AND GASIFICATION
In connexion with the fuel problems of coal in their wider
aspects, the operations of carbonization and gasification can be
most conveniently considered as processes for the sorting out of the
constituents of coal into fuels of various degrees of availability and
usefulness. Though the hydrocarbons and their derivatives
which occur in, or are derived from, coal by destructive dis-
tillation must continue to have a deep interest and an economic
significance from the chemical point of view, they are relatively
insignificant when the use and disposal of hundreds of millions of
tons as fuel are being considered. While this is the only safe
attitude for the fuel expert to take, it should be clearly under-
stood that this in no way excludes the due consideration of
chemical and by-products questions when these arise as a
necessary part of the fuel problem.
Coke-Ovens. So long as the blast furnace remains the instru-
ment for the conversion of iron ore into pig iron, the coke-oven
must continue to supply the necessary fuel in the form of hard
coke. The " sorting-out process " at the coke-ovens is necessarily
coloured by the fact that its primary object is the production of
the right kind of coke. So much is this the case that the beehive
oven, in which coke is the only product obtained, has only been
partially displaced by the recovery oven, in which the by-products,
tar, benzol and ammonia, are saved. In the iron and steel
industry to-day the most advanced opinion is in favour of the
concentration of coke-ovens, blast furnaces, steel furnaces and
rolling-mills on one site, so that the whole of the potential heat
of the coal may be pooled and used in a closed cycle for the
production of heat and power. Mr. Talbot has estimated that
in this way the fuel required for the production of one ton of
finished steel would be reduced from 45 to 35 cwt. As any general
replacement of existing works, under the financial conditions
prevalent in 1921, was likely to involve a prohibitive capital cost,
a more general use of coke-oven gas for the purposes of town
supply was not to be hoped for.
Carbonization in Gas-Works. In gas-works the sorting-out
process is influenced by the fact that the primary purpose is to
supply potential light, heat and power in the form of gas. In the
British gas industry the fuel problems of the future acquired a
new interest after the publication of the report of the Fuel
Research Board on the results of their inquiry into the subject of
gas standards. The results of this inquiry led to the adoption by
the Board of Trade of a new method of charging the consumer for
the gas which passes through his meter. The volume of this gas
was still measured and recorded, but the consumer no longer paid
on thousands of cub. ft. but on the product of the multiplication
of the number of cub. ft. passed by the standard calorific value
of the gas per cub. foot. The unit of charge was made the
" therm," the name adopted for 100,000 British thermal units.
Under this system it is now possible to give to the gas under-
takings a wide latitude in the selection of the standard of calorific
value which they adopt, and therefore a much wider choice of the
methods by which gas is manufactured. In the report it was
stated that the great gain for the gas undertakings under the new
system would be that no undue legislative restrictions would
limit them in their development of the most economical pro-
duction of thermal units in the form of gas. It was pointed out
that there was still great scope for this development; as, according
to present practice, only from 21 to 24% of the total potential
thermal units of the coal was being sold in the form of gas.
To increase this percentage two known methods are available,
both depending on the production of water-gas by one or other of
the reactions between steam and carbon at a high temperature.
The first of these methods is the old-established one in which a
portion of the coke produced in the retorts is transferred to a
separate producer, in which it is raised to bright incandescence
by an air-blast and then subjected to the action of a current of
steam. The thermal efficiency of this operation ranges from 45 to
55% according to the method of blowing-up and steaming
adopted. The second method has recently been developed in con-
nexion with vertical retorts. In this case the water-gas reactions
are carried out in the lower part of the column of red-hot coke in
the retort itself, by passing through it a current of steam. The
volume of gas produced is much increased, though its calorific
value is reduced by the addition of water gas to the hydrocarbon
gas resulting from the carbonization of coal.
During 1919-21 continuous experiments were carried out at
H.M. Fuel Research Station on the use of steam in vertical
retorts with various types of coal. It was proved that, by the
use of a moderate percentage of steam, a much larger proportion
of the thermal value of the coal can be converted into the fuels of
higher availability and value, gas and tar. In the case of a S.
Yorkshire coal of good quality the following results were obtained :
At a working temperature of I26C. and with 21 % of steam, tha
gains per ton of coal were 22 therms in the form of gas, 34 Ib. of
tar, and 6 Ib. of ammonium sulphate. While without steam
only 23 % of the potential heat of the coal was obtained in the
form of gas, with steam 33 % was obtained. The extra heat which
had to be supplied to the retorts in order to produce these results
was ten therms per ton of coal carbonized, or 3-3 % of the thermal
value of the coal. The gas obtained amounted to 22,580 cub. ft.
per ton, with a calorific value of 460 B.Th.U. per cub. foot. Both
thermally and economically these results are superior to those
which would have resulted from the production of an equivalent
FURNESS FURSE
179
amount of water-gas in separate producers. The independent
production of water-gas will always be regarded by gas engineers
as an invaluable means by which exceptional demands on the
gas supply can be met at short notice.
Low-Temperature Carbonization. For many years inventors
have been endeavouring to develop a practical process for the
production of a solid smokeless fuel for domestic purposes by
the carbonization of selected coals at 550 to 600 C. The re-
sulting coke is entirely free from smoke-producing hydrocarbons,
though it still contains 10 to 12% of volatile combustible matter,
which burns with a very slightly luminous, perfectly smokeless
flame. When the coke is kindled it becomes enveloped by these
flames, which quickly raise the surface to incandescence. Un-
doubtedly if this smokeless solid fuel could be produced at a cost
permitting of its being sold at little more than the price of the
coal which it would replace, it would lead to a complete revolution
in domestic heating.
The problem really has two distinct sides the technical and
the economic. On the economic side the data for a final solution
will only be obtained after the technical solution has been reached.
In other words, until a fair-sized industrial plant has been worked
continuously over a long period, making and disposing of all the
products of carbonization under steady market conditions, no
one can say whether or not the business will be a profitable one.
On the engineering side an efficient and not too costly ap-
paratus must be designed and constructed in the working of which
manual labour, fuel consumption and maintenance costs are all
reduced to a minimum. In these respects as well as in its output
capacity on a given ground area the apparatus must stand com-
parison with gas retorts and oil-shale retorts of the most modern
types. Only when this ideal has been realized practically can the
future of low-temperature carbonization as a business proposition
be put to the test of continuous working on a large scale under
the labour and market conditions of the day.
From the experience gained in 1919-21 at H.M. Fuel Research
Station, with a considerable variety of coals, the yields and quali-
ty of the gas, oils and coke produced under definite conditions
were ascertained; but this knowledge is only the first step in the
inquiry. For, until the cost of producing these, and themarketsin
which they are to be disposed of, are known with equal certainty,
no economic balance sheet of any real value can be arrived at.
Low-temperature carbonization can only be established on a
sound commercial basis with low operating costs and a very
moderate margin of profit. Prior to 1914 the shale oil industry in
Scotland was distilling three million tons of shale per annum.
The entire cost of the carbonizing operation, for labour, mainten-
ance and fuel, was is. 6d. per ton, and the margin of profit on
which fair dividends were paid was as. 6d. per ton. Unless the
costs and profit margins of low-temperature carbonization can be
reduced to the modern equivalents of these figures, the prospects
of its development on a large scale are not hopaful.
If low-temperature carbonization is proved to be a feasible
operation commercially, it would find its first and most natural
application in Great Britain to the 35 million tons of coal used for
domestic purposes. Were this coal all carbonized, it would pro-
duce about two million tons of fuel oil for the navy, or considera-
bly more than the peace requirements, though considerably less
than the war requirements. The motor spirit produced would
amount to about 100 million gallons.
CONCLUSIONS
From this review it appears that coal is likely to remain for a
long time the world's chief source of fuel. Its more efficient use
may be secured: (i) by more careful sorting and preparation at
the mine; (2) by the improvement of boiler and furnace firing on
well-known lines; (3) by the sorting out of its combustible con-
stituents into fuels of higher availability or convenience by pre-
liminary carbonization carried out either at high or at low
temperatures. The development of oil shales as a source of
liquid fuels was still in 1921 only in its initial stages, but it had
evidently a great future before it. The problems of the utiliza-
tion of peat, which cover a wide range both technically and
economically, are mainly of local importance, and are not likely
to affect the fuel supplies of the world to any great extent. The
production of alcohol on a really large scale as a motor fuel of high
availability bristles with economic and technical difficulties, and
it was still in 1921 too early to pronounce an opinion on the
possibilities of the future. Most, if not all, of these problems on
their technical side are probably capable of solution by the skill
and application of the industrial pioneers of the world; but the
most difficult of the fuel problems of the future, as viewed in
1921, were those into which industrial and economic factors the
relations between capital and labour, and the cost of production
so largely entered. (G. T. B.)
FURNESS, CHRISTOPHER FURNESS, IST BARON (1852-
1912), English shipbuilder and iron-master, was born April 23
1852, the son of a provision merchant, and entered the family
business in 1870. By making a corner in food-stuffs, whilst the
French fleet was blockading the mouth of the Elbe, he made a
profit of over 50,000 for his firm out of the provisioning of ships.
In 1877 he left the business and inaugurated the Furness line
of steamships, and in 1891 he amalgamated with Withy & Co.,
iron and steel shipbuilders, founding the great shipbuilding firm
of Furness, Withy & Co. at Hartlepool. In 1898, with others, he
acquired extensive iron and steel works and founded the S. Dur-
ham Steel & Iron Co. He had an interest in many other concerns,
and was chief proprietor of a Liberal paper, the North Mail.
In 1908 he established a profit-sharing scheme for his workmen,
but in 1910 its continuance was put to the vote and rejected by a
majority. In 1891 he was elected Liberal member for the Hartle-
pools, but in 1895 he lost the seat, winning it again in 1900.
In 1906 he was returned unopposed, and in Jan. 1910 he was
elected but unseated on petition. A month later he was raised
to the peerage; he had been knighted in 1895. He died at Grant-
ley Hall, near Ripon, Nov. 10 1912.
His nephew, SIR STEPHEN WILSON FURNESS, IST BART. (1872-
1914), who, after his uncle's death became chairman of the ship-
building firm and iron and steel works founded by him, as well
as of many other undertakings, was born May 26 1872. He sat
in the House of Commons for the Hartlepools from 1910, and was
made a baronet in 1913. He died at Broadstairs Sept. 2 1914.
FURNESS, HORACE HOWARD (1833-1912), American Shake-
spearean scholar (see 11.362), died at Wallingford, Pa., Aug. 13
1912. His Variorum edition of Cymbeline was ready for the
printer and appeared in 1913.
FURSE, DAME KATHARINE (1875- ), founder of the
English V.A.D. force, was born at Bristol Nov. 23 1875, the
daughter of the poet and critic John Addington Symonds (see
26.286). In 1900 she married the painter Charles Wellington
Furse (see 11.365), who died prematurely in 1904. On the out-
break of war in 1914 Mrs. Furse realized that the existing number
of nurses would prove totally inadequate to deal with the enor-
mous amount of work which might be expected, and in Sept.
1914 she proceeded to France with a number of assistants, these
forming the nucleus of the V.A.D. force (Voluntary Aid De-
tachment). In Jan. 1915 she returned to England, and the V.A.D.
work was then officially recognized as a department of the Red
Cross organization. Mrs. Furse resigned her position in 1917,
and the same year became director of the W.R.N.S. She received
the order of the Royal Red Cross in 1916, and the G.B.E. in 1917.
i8o
GAIRDNER GAMBIA
GAIRDNER, JAMES (1828-1912), English historian (see
11.390*), died at Pinner, Middlesex, Nov. 4 1912. A
third volume of his Lollardy and the Reformation in
England appeared in 1911.
GALLIENI, JOSEPH SIMON (1840-1916), French general and
statesman (see 11.418), was appointed military governor of
Paris, Aug. 26 1914, and at once took energetic steps for the
defence of the capital. Eleventh-hour efforts were made to
construct trench defence work and to create modern forts
around the capital. On Sept. 3 he issued the following order:
" To the Army of Paris and the Population of Paris. The
Members of the Government of the Republic have left Paris in
order to give a new impulse to national defence. I have been
ordered to defend Paris against the invader. This order I shall
fulfil to the end." General Galh'eni was enabled, owing to
information received from his aeroplanes, to hurry out reinforce-
ments to Gen. Maunoury's Army (VI.) during a critical period
in the battle of the Ourcq. The Paris taxicabs were requisi-
tioned to transport them. He was appointed Minister of War
in the Briand Cabinet at the end of Oct. 1915. His period of
office was made notable by endeavours to create unity of com-
mand, and by changes in the position of Gen. Joffre. He re-
signed for reasons of ill-health on March 16 1916, and died at
Versailles, after undergoing two operations, on May 27. His
body was given a State funeral, and lay for a time under the
dome of the Invalides. He lies buried at St. Raphael.
GALLON, TOM (1866-1914), British novelist and dramatist,
was born in London Dec. 5 1866. He was first a clerk in a city
office and then usher in a large private school, but, owing to ill-
health, he had to give up routine work, and took to literature
as a means of livelihood. He wrote a number of novels in which
plot and incident predominate, amongst them The Kingdom of
Hate (1899); A Rogue in Love (1900); and The Charity Ghost
(1902). He then turned to the writing of plays, collaborating
with Albert Chevalier in Memory's Garden (1902) and publishing
some plays on his own account, The Christmas Party (1904);
The Devil's World (1910) and The Great Gay Road (1911). He
died in London Nov. i 1914.
GALSWORTHY, JOHN (1867- ), English novelist and
playwright, was born at Coombe, Surrey, Aug. 14 1867. He
was educated at Harrow and New College, Oxford, and was
called to the bar in 1890, but devoted himself mainly to literature.
His earliest novel, Jocelyn, appeared in 1898; but he first at-
tracted general attention with The Island Pharisees (1904) and
The Man of Property (1906). These were followed by The
Country House (1907); Fraternity (1908); The Patrician (1911);
The Dark Flower (1913); The Freelands (1915); Saint's Progress
(1919); In Chancery (1920); To Let (1921); in addition to essays
and short stories. Meanwhile he had also made a .considerable
reputation as a writer of realistic drama with a strong emotional
appeal, notably The Silver Box (1906); Joy (1907); Strife (1909)
and Justice (1910). His later plays include The Pigeon (1912);
The Eldest Son (1912); The Fugitive (1913) and The Skin Game
(1920).
See Sheila Kaye-Smith, John Galsworthy (1916).
GALTON, SIR FRANCIS (1822-191 r), English anthropologist
(see 11.427), died at Haslemere Jan. 17 1911.
GAMBIA (see 11.437). The area, reckoning the colony and
protectorate together, is 4,132 square miles. At the 1911 census
the pop. was 146,101. St. Mary's Isle, at the mouth of the
Gambia, on which is Bathurst, the capital, had 7,700 inhabitants
(compared with 8,807 m 1001). European residents numbered
186 in 1911 and 112 in 1918. Estimates made in 1920 put the
total pop. as high as 240,000.
The cultivation of the ground-nut, the chief occupation of the
people, proves so lucrative that the efforts of the administration to
widen the basis of prosperity meet with little success, though since
1913 there has been an increased production of food crops, African
koos (millet) and rice, for home consumption. The land is all hand-
worked, attempts to induce the farmers to adopt modern methods
having failed. Up to 1915 the ground-nuts were nearly all purchased
by French firms at Bathurst and sent to Marseilles. France in 1914
took 78 % of the total crop. Changed conditions created by the
World War and the establishment of large oil mills in England led to
a diversion of the trade, and in 1916, for the first time for 58 years,
Britain received a larger proportion of the crop than was shipped to
France. In 1919 Great Britain took 91-44% of the total crop. In
that year France took only 2-59%.
Trade in ivory, wax and rubber, formerly considerable, had by
1915 sunk to negligible proportions; besides ground-nuts the chief
exports are palm kernels and hides. The restriction of shipping
during and after the war caused a contraction of trade; nevertheless
the value of exports in the period 1909-19 (excluding specie) rose
from 351,000 to 1,229,000. They had dropped to 430,000 in 1915.
The rapid recovery was due to increased prices rather than increased
production. In 1909 the export of ground-nuts was 53,600 tons,
valued at 323,000; in 1918 the export was 56,400 tons and the value
800,000. The most striking contrast was shown in 1914-5. In
1914 the export of ground-nuts was 66,000 tons, fetching 650,000;
in 1915 the export was 96,000 tons, but the value fell to 400,000.
In 1919 the export was 70,000 tons valued at 1,154,000.
In the period 1909-19 the value of imports, also excluding specie,
rose from 258,000 to 1,179,000. In 1915 they had fallen to 302,-
ooo. The chief imports are cotton goods, kola-nuts, rice and hard-
ware. Most of the imports come from the United Kingdom but up
to 1914 France had a considerable share in the trade (27 % in 1913)
and Germany a smaller part (10% in 1913). In 1919 France and
French possessions supplied only 8% of imports; the United King-
dom over 57%; British possessions 14%; the United States 19%.
The American export is mainly rice, sugar and fuel oils. The United
States imports rose from 12,000 in 1915 to 235,000 in 1919. Amer-
ica had in that time captured as large a share of the Gambia trade
as Germany had had before the World War. It was entirely one-
sided, as there were no exports from the Gambia to the United States.
The bulk of the imports from British possessions was represented
by kola-nuts from Sierra Leone, valued at 157,000 in 1919.
Shipping is mainly in British hands. Total tonnage rose from
495,000 in 1909 to 625,000 in 1913. In that year British tonnage
was 371,000, French 76,000, German 60,000, Greek 33,000. A great
restriction followed and in 1918 the total tonnage was only 282,000.
Of this total 262,000 tons were British. In 1919 the tonnage enter-
ing and clearing at Bathurst was 441,000. Of this 354,000 tons
were British, 40,000 American and 19,000 French.
An import duty on kola- nuts and an export duty on ground-nuts
are the chief sources of revenue, which rose from 72,000 in 1909
to 180,000 in 1919. In the same period expenditure increased from
56,000 to 143,000. There is no public debt. Education remains
in the hands of various Christian missions, except for a Mohamme-
dan school at Bathurst, which is maintained by the Government.
For the whole of its length in the protectorate the Gambia is navi-
gable and forms a sufficient means of communication, few places in
the protectorate being more than 10 m. from the river. There are
neither railways nor inland telegraphs, but there is cable connexion
with Europe and other parts of W. Africa, and in 1915 the Admiralty
erected a wireless station at Cape St. Mary. By going to Dakar,
90 m. from Bathurst, the passage to Europe by the French packet
can be made in eight days.
Since the pacification of the protectorate by Sir George Denton
(governor 1901-11) in 1901, the country has been peaceful.
The ground-nut industry is entirely in the hands of the natives,
who also own large herds of cattle the symbol of wealth. In
1917 plague carried off fully 75 % of the cattle, but as the country
was overstocked, many of the cattle being kept simply for show,
the effect was not as serious as might have been thought. Much
of the petty trade is in the hands of Syrians. In Sept. 1911 Sir
H. L. Galway became governor, his tenure of office witnessing a
great development of commerce. In April 1914 he was succeeded
by Mr. (afterwards Sir) E. J. Cameron, under whose guidance
the economic crisis caused by the war (restriction of shipping
and consequently of food supplies, with violent fluctuations in
the price of ground-nuts) were successfully overcome. During
the war the natives gave many proofs of their loyalty to Great
Britain, and the Gambia Co. of the West African frontier force
served with distinction both in Cameroon and German E. Africa.
At the end of 1920 Sir E. J. Cameron retired and was succeeded
as governor by Capt. C. H. Armitage, the commissioner of the
Northern Territories of the Gold Coast.
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
GANDHI GARLAND
181
See H. F. Reeve, The Gambia (London 1912), an excellent mono-
graph by a retired official ; Sir G. Denton, " Twenty-three Years in
Lagos and the Gambia," Jnl. African Soc., vol.xi. (1912) ; The Gambia
(a British Foreign Office handbook, 1920) and the Annual Reports
issued by the Colonial Office, London. Full statistics are given in the
Blue Book issued yearly at Bathurst. (F. R. C.)
GANDHI, MOHANDAS KARAMCHAND (1860- ), Indian
political leader, a member of the bania, or trading and money-
lending caste, was born at Porbandar, in Western India, where
his father was for twenty-five years Dewan, or chief minister, of
the State. He proceeded to England in 1888 and was called to
the bar at the Inner Temple. After practising for. eighteen
months at Rajkot in Kathiawar, he went to South Africa in
1893. Here he placed himself at the head of the Indian com-
munity and organized a campaign of "passive resistance"
against various measures of anti-Asiatic legislation. As a result
of the inevitable collision with the authorities which ensued he
underwent a term of imprisonment. At that time he held that it
would be a calamity to sever the connexion between England
and India, and during the Boer War he volunteered for service
with a corps of Indian stretcher-bearers. In Dec. 1914 he re-
turned to India and in 1916 opened an asram, or retreat, at
Ahmedabad in the Bombay Presidency. During the lifetime
of G. K. Gokhale he remained under his moderating influence;
but after his death in Feb. 1915, he became wholly obsessed by
the teachings of Tolstoy, to which he had been attached in early
life and which he now grafted upon those of the Bhagavadgita.
Tolstoy's " letter to a Hindu " (written on Dec. 14 1908) was
not actually addressed to him, but it contains all the essential
features of the " non-cooperation " agitation which was initiated
by him after the passing of the Rowlatt Act in the autumn of
1918, and which was one of the prime factors in the Punjab
disturbances of April 1919. The object of Satyagraha, or " civil
disobedience," which inculcates abstinence from all forms of
active association with British rule and an attitude of hostility
towards Western civilization in general, is to compel the grant
of " swaraj," or full self-government. In Aug. 1920 Mr.
Gandhi announced that success would be attained in a year,
provided that an " indissoluble union " was brought about
between Hindus and Mohammedans and a " conscious volun-
tary effort " was made by the masses in the matter of treating
the " untouchable " castes as " blood brothers " (Freedom's
Battle, 1921). In neither direction was appreciable progress
achieved, although Mr. Gandhi, in order to "buy the friend-
ship " of the Mussulmans " at a critical time in their history "
(ibid.), identified himself with the extreme wing of the Khilafat
movement, which demanded the restoration of the Turkish
Empire to the status quo ante bellttm. Complete failure mean-
while attended a systematic attempt to wreck the first elections
held in the autumn of 1920 under the Montagu-Chelmsford
reform scheme. Mr. Gandhi's austere asceticism earned for
him the title of " Mahatma " and a reputation for the possession
of supernatural powers. His own sincerity, it may be noted,
was not impugned, but his visionary gospel of " soul force " as
opposed to brute force was brought into discredit by the violent
and unscrupulous methods adopted by his followers and by the
strong anti-British flavour which their propaganda assumed.
See J. J. Doke, M. K. Gandhi: an Indian patriot in S. Africa
(1909); Freedom's Battle (collected speeches: Madras, 1921).
GARDNER, PERCY (1846- ), English classical archaeol-
ogist (see 11.462), published subsequently to 1911 Principles
of Greek Art (1913); The Ephesian Gospel (1915); History of
Ancient Courage (1918) ; and Evolution in Christian Ethics (1918).
His brother, ERNEST ARTHUR GARDNER (1862- ), became
during the World War a lieutenant-commander, R.N.V.R.,
worked in the historical section of the British Foreign Office,
and was awarded the gold cross of the Greek Order of the
Redeemer in 1918.
GARFIELD, HARRY AUGUSTUS (1863- ), American
educator, son of James A. Garfield, 2oth president of the U.S.,
was born at Hiram, O., Oct. n 1863. After graduating from
Williams College in 1885, he taught for a year in St. Paul's
school, Concord, N.H., and from 1888 to 1903 practised law in
Cleveland. He was professor of contracts in the Law school of
Western Reserve University from 1891 to 1897; helped to or-
ganize, in 1896, the municipal association of Cleveland; and
served as president of the Cleveland chamber of commerce,
1908-9. He was professor of politics at Princeton University
from 1903 to 1908 and in the latter year became president of
Williams College. In Aug. 1917 he was appointed Federal fuel
administrator by President Wilson. His duty' was to conserve
the coal supply and keep the price within reasonable bounds.
Local committees were appointed throughout the country to
study local conditions and their reports formed the basis for
the prices fixed in different localities. The ensuing winter was
unusually severe, and serious shortage of coal threatened.
This led to his issuing his " idle Mondays " order in Jan. 1918,
closing non-essential industries for five consecutive days begin-
ning Jan. 18 and on every Monday thereafter up to March 25.
This roused a storm of protest from many manufacturers; and the
U.S. Senate voted a resolution, requesting postponement, but
this reached him after the order had been signed. On Feb. 14,
however, the order was suspended and priority for certain ship-
ments substituted. He disapproved of the method of settling
the coal strike in Dec. 1919 and resigned his office, resuming
that of president of Williams College.
GARIBALDI, GIUSEPPE (1879- ), Italian general, eldest
son of Gen. Ricciotti Garibaldi and grandson of the Liberator,
was born at Melbourne July 29 1879. He fought under his
father in the Greco-Turkish War in 1897, and also served in the
South African War. In 1904 he went to Venezuela and fought
in the insurrection against President Castro. He was imprisoned
and condemned to death, but escaped. In 1905 he was employed
in London in making arrangements for the settlement of Italian
colonists in Australia. From 1907 to 1909 he worked in the
Panama Canal Zone under Goethals, whence he went to Mexico
and joined Madero, acting as the latter's chief -of -staff. In 1912
he joined the Greek army to fight in the Balkan wars, and reached
the rank of brigadier. In 1914 on the outbreak of the World
War he raised an Italian Legion of 14,000 men to fight on the
side of France, and his six brothers accompanied him as officers.
The Legion fought in the Argonne, and had 6,000 casualties,
among the killed being two of the Garibaldi brothers. Giuseppe
was made lieutenant-colonel, and subsequently colonel, in the
Foreign Legion. In 1915 Garibaldi returned to Italy with his
legionaries, and on Italy's entry into the war he and his brothers
enlisted as volunteers. They were soon afterwards commissioned,
Giuseppe being given command of a battalion. He served with
the 4th Army until the spring of 1918, and distinguished himself
in command of a regiment, a group of mountain troops and a
brigade, and reached the rank of colonel-brigadier. He returned
to the French front in March 1918 in command of the famous
Brigata Alpi, which formed part of the Italian II. Corps. In June
Garibaldi was promoted to brigadier-general, the only Italian
officer of reserve to reach this rank. After the Armistice ,he
commanded the Italian 8th Div. in Belgium. He retired from
his command in June 1919 and gave up his commission in Feb. of
the following year, returning to the business life which had been
so often interrupted by these episodes of adventure.
GARLAND, HAMLIN (1860- ), American writer, was born
at West Salem, Wis., Sept. 16 1860. His father, a farmer,
migrated to Iowa, where the boy grew up. He graduated from
the Cedar Valley Seminary, Osage, at the age of 21, and taught
for a year in Illinois. In 1883 he took up a claim in Dakota;
but the following year went to Boston, where he read diligently in
the public library and turned to story writing. In 1887 he
revisited the scenes of his boyhood, and the drudgery of farm life
in the Middle West furnished him with abundant material for
his realistic tales. His works include Main Travelled Roads (1891) ;
Prairie Folks (1892); A Member of the Third House (1892);
A Spoil of Office (1892); Rose of Dutcher's Cooley (1895); Boy
Life on the Prairie (1899); Her Mountain Lover (1901); The
Captain of the Gray Horse Troop (1902); The Long Trail (1907);
Money Magic (1907); Cavanagh (1909); Other Main Travelled
Roads (1910); Victor Olnee's Discipline (1911); The Forester's
182
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
Daughter (1914); A Son of the Middle Border (1917) and A
Daughter of the Middle Border (1921). He was made a member
of the American Academy of Arts and Letters in 1918.
GARSTIN, SIR WILLIAM EDMUND (1840- ), British
engineer, was born in India Jan. 29 1849. Educated at Chelten-
ham College and King's College, London, he in 1872 entered the
Indian Public Works Department. In 1885 he was transferred
to Egypt, and in 1892 became Inspector-General of Irrigation in
Egypt and Under-Secretary of State for Public Works. He was
created K.C.M.G. in 1897 and G.C.M.G. in 1902, and in 1907
was appointed British Government director of the Suez Canal
Company. During the World War he was engaged on Red Cross
work in England, and was in 1918 created G.B.E.
GARVICE, CHARLES (1851-1920), British novelist, was born
in London Aug. 24 1851. He was privately educated and began
writing early, acting as correspondent for various English and
American papers. He produced a volume of poems, Eve and
Other Verses (1873), and two plays, The Fisherman's Daughter
and A Life's Mistake. It is, however, as a remarkably prolific
novelist that he is best known. His first popular successes were
made in America, as a writer of serials. Both there and in Great
Britain he wrote literally for the million, reproducing again and
again the same types and situations, and had the largest circula-
tion on record, as well as a wide circle of correspondents at-
tracted by his books. When told by a friend that his stories
were unlikely to live, he pointed to the readers on the seashore
with the apt remark, " They are all reading my latest." Amongst
his long list of novels may be mentioned: Just a Girl (1898);
In Wolf's Clothing (1908) and In Cupid's Chains (1903). He
died at Richmond, Surrey, March i 1920.
GARVIN, JAMES LOUIS (1868- ), British journalist, was
born at Birkenhead, Ches., April 12 1868, of Irish parentage.
When quite young he started journalistic work for the New-
castle Chronicle at Newcastle-on-Tyne, and he became a prac-
tised leader-writer during his connexion with the staff of that
paper from 1891 to 1899. He also contributed to the Eastern
Morning News at an early period when it was under the editor-
ship of J. A. Spender; and even before 1899, when he joined the
editorial staff of the Daily Telegraph in London, he had made
himself known in well-informed journalistic circles as a brilliant
publicist by his contributions to reviews and otherwise, and
particularly by numerous articles on foreign affairs as well as
domestic politics, mostly under pseudonyms, in the Fortnightly
Review from 1895 onwards. He became editor of the weekly
Outlook from 1905 to 1912, and of the evening Pall Mall Gazette
from 1912 to 1915; and in 1908 he had also become editor of the
Sunday Observer, which he converted into a great organ of opin-
ion with a much-increased circulation, his association with the
Observer having in 1921 been maintained continuously during
that period. An ardent Imperialist, and intimate supporter
of Joseph Chamberlain from the time when the latter became
Colonial Secretary in 1895, Mr. Garvin's championship of the
Tariff Reform movement in politics was the most powerful in
London journalism from 1903 onwards. Deep in the inspiration
of Mr. Chamberlain's policy and in the Unionist councils, his
influence in this respect was felt throughout the political world,
and he contributed largely, by his journalistic work and also by
lectures and speeches, to the intellectual side of the policy of
the Unionist party, especially as represented by Imperialism
and Tariff Reform. In this connexion he published volumes on
Imperial Reciprocity (1903) and Tariff or Budget (1909), and a
striking article dealing with the " principles of constructive
economics " in the volume of Compatriot Club Lectures (1906).
With Mr. L. C. M. Amery and others he was one of the founders
and chief supporters of the Compatriots' Club, which was
started in 1903 to provide intellectual backing for the Tariff
Reform policy. After the World War, in the course of which
his only son, a young man of brilliant promise, was killed at
the front, he published The Economic Foundations of Peace
(1919), an elaborate plea for reasonable views of reconstruction.
In 1920 he was selected to write the official biography of Joseph
Chamberlain.
GARY, ELBERT HENRY (1846- ), American business
man, was born near Wheaton, 111., Oct. 8 1846. He attended
Wheaton College and then after studying law for a time in an
office he continued his legal studies at the university of Chicago
(LL.B. 1867). In 1871 he began practice in Chicago where he
became a noted corporation lawyer. In 1874 he organized the
Gary-Wheaton Bank, of which he was president. He was elected
judge of Du Page co. in 1882 and again in 1886; was three
times elected president of the town of Wheaton and on its
becoming a city (1892) served as its first mayor for two terms.
He was president of the Chicago Bar Association 1893-4. He
early saw the advantages of combination in business and in 1891
was one of the organizers of the Consolidated Steel & Wire
Co. In 1898 upon the organization of the Federal Steel Corp.,
with a capital stock of $200,000,000, he became its head and re-
tired from legal practice. This company was merged in the
U.S. Steel Corp. in 1901 and he was elected chairman of the
board of directors and of the finance committee. The town
of Gary, Ind., laid out in 1906 as a model home for steel work-
men, was named in his honour. In 1914 he was made chair-
man of the committee appointed by Mayor Mitchel, of New
York, to study the question of unemployment and its relief.
When America entered the World War (1917) he was appointed
chairman of the committee on steel of the Council of National
Defense. Through his own connexion with a business essential
for munitions of war he exerted great influence in bringing
about cooperation between the Government and industry. He
was interested in strengthening the friendship between America
and Japan. In 1919 he was invited by President Wilson to
attend the Industrial Conference in Washington, and took a
prominent part in it as a firm upholder of the " open shop,"
of which he was always a strong advocate.
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF (see 6.864 for ELECTRIC
CONDUCTION THROUGH GASES). The electrical properties of
gases vary greatly with the conditions to which the gas is exposed.
A gas in its normal condition is a non-conductor of electricity
even though it is the vapour of a good conductor like mercury.
On the other hand, when it is exposed to such influences as
Rontgen rays, intense electrical forces or the radiation from
radioactive substances, it becomes a conductor of electricity.
Radioactive radiations are so wide-spread and so difficult to
eliminate that it has not been found possible to obtain gases
which do not show traces of conductivity under tests as delicate
as some of those now at our command. This residual conductiv-
ity is, however, so small that we may here leave it out of account.
The most important electrical property of a gas in a normal
state is its specific inductive capacity. The significance of this
property is best illustrated from the relation K i/4ir = NM, be-
tween the specific inductive capacity K, N the number of mole-
cules per unit volume, and M the electrostatic moment which a
molecule acquires under unit electric force. As we know N, we
can if we know the value of K deduce the value of M, and this
will tell us a good deal about the shape and size of the molecule.
For example, if we regard the molecules as solid conducting
spheres, M = r 3 where r is the radius of the sphere. Thus, on this
hypothesis we can find the radius of the molecule, if we know the
value of K, and though the hypothesis itself does not throw much
light on the structure of the atom, it is probable that the radius
of a conducting sphere which would produce the same electrical
moment would be of the same order of magnitude as the linear
dimensions of the molecule: the radii of metallic spheres which
would give the specific inductive capacities possessed by hydro-
gen, nitrogen, oxygen and chlorine, are respectively i-igXio" 8 ,
i-6oXio~ 8 , i-48Xio~ 8 , 2-o4Xio~ 8 centimetres. On the more
probable hypothesis that the atoms and molecules consist of elec-
trons arranged in equilibrium round centres of positive electric-
ity, the electric force will displace the electrons relatively to the
positive centres and thus cause the molecule to have a finite
electrical moment. The more rigidly the electrons are connected
to the positive charge, the smaller will be this moment and the
smaller the specific inductive capacity of the gas.
The values of K i for the dements belonging to the same
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
family are connected by a remarkably simple and interesting
relation, which was discovered by Mr. Cuthbertson (Phil. Trans.
A. 207, p. 135). It is shown in the following table, where the
numbers under the symbols denoting the elements are the values
off(K-i)Xio:
He
144 Xi
N
297
P
1197
=299X4
As
1550
= 258X6
O
270
s
IIOI
=275X4
Se
1565
= 261X6
Te
2495
= 249X10
F '
192
Cl
768
= 192X4
Br
1125
= 187X6
I
1920
= 192X10
Ne
137
Ar.
568
= 142X4
Kr.
850
= 142X6
X
1378
= 138X10
Thus the values of K i for successive elements of the same
family (N.P.As): (O,S,Se,Te): (F.Cl.Br.I): (Ne,Ar,Kr,X) are
in all cases very nearly in the proportion i, 4, 6, 10. In the simple
theory, where the molecules are regarded as conductors, this
would indicate that the volumes of the molecules of the successive
elements in the same family are in the proportion i, 4, 6, 10, for
each of these types of elements. On the theory which regards
the atom as built up of electrons arranged round positive centres,
the configuration of the outer layer of electrons for different
members of the same family would be similar, and it is easy to
show that for similar configurations of electrons the value of K i
would be proportional to the cube of the linear dimensions, i.e.
to the volume enclosed by the outer layer of electrons; so that
again on this theory Cuthbertson's result shows that volumes of
successive elements in the same family are in the same ratio
whether the family be that of the inert gases, the halogens, or
the oxygen or nitrogen groups.
Another example of the information as to the nature of the
molecule afforded by determinations of the specific inductive
capacity is that, while the specific inductive capacity of many
gases, e.g. H 2 , N2, Oz, CO, COi, C1 2 , is equal (as Maxwell's
Electromagnetic Theory of Light suggests) to the square of the
refractive index, there are, as Badeker (Zeitschrift Physik. Chem.
36, p. 305) has shown, others, such as NH 3 , HC1, SO2, the va-
pours of water and the alcohols, whose specific inductive ca-
pacity is far in excess of the value given by this rule, and
moreover the specific inductive capacity of these gases diminishes
much more rapidly as the temperature increases than that of
gases of the first type. The difference can be accounted for by
supposing that the molecules of gases of the first type have no
electrical moment when they are free from the action of an exter-
nal electrical force, while those of the second type have an intrin-
sic electrical moment apart from that which may be produced by
the external force. When there is no electrical field, the collisions
between the molecules will cause the axes of electrical moments
of the different molecules to be uniformly distributed, so that
the average effect will be zero. An electric force will tend to drag
the axes of the different molecules into alignment, and the assem-
blage of molecules will have a finite electrical moment which will
be a measure of the specific inductive capacity. Inasmuch as the
collisions between the molecules tend to knock their axes out of
line and diminish the specific inductive capacity, the latter will
diminish as the temperature and with it the vigour of the en-
counters increases. The substances which have an intrinsic elec-
trical moment have exceptionally active chemical properties and
are good solvents, dissociating the salts dissolved in them.
If the distribution of electrons in a molecule were not sym-
metrical about three axes at right angles to each other, the
specific inductive capacity of a single molecule would vary with
the direction of the electric force, but as the molecules in a gas
are orientated in equal numbers in all directions we should not
detect this by direct measurements of the specific inductive
capacity. We can however detect this effect in another way;
for if the molecules have different specific inductive capacities in
different directions the light scattered by the molecules at right
angles to the incident unpolarized light will not be plane polarized
as it would be if the molecule were symmetrical (J. J. Thomson,
Phil. Mag. 40, p. 393) , and if the incident light is plane polarized
the scattered light will not vanish in any direction. Strutt
(Proc. Roy. Soc. gSA. 57) has measured the departure from plane
polarization for different gases with the result shown in the fol-
lowing table:
Argon 0-46%
Hydrogen 3'83%
Nitrogen 4-06%
Air S'00%
Oxygen 9-40%
Carbon dioxide 11-70%
Nitrous oxide 15-40%
This shows that the molecule of argon is very symmetrical,
while the nitrogen molecule is more symmetrical than the oxygen,
and this again more symmetrical than that of COj.
Ionized Gases. Gases may in various ways be' put into a state
in which they conduct electricity on an altogether different scale
from the normal gas. They acquire this conductivity when
Rontgen rays or the rays from radioactive substances pass
through them, or when they are traversed by cathode or positive
rays. Ultra-violet light of very short wave length can impart
this property to a gas, while gases recently driven from flames
or from near arcs or sparks or bubbled through certain liquids
or passed slowly over phosphorus also possess this property.
The conductivity of gases possesses interesting characteristics.
In the first place it persists for some time after the agent which
made the gas a conductor has ceased to act; it always however
diminishes after the agent is removed, in some cases very rapidly,
and finally disappears. The conducting gas loses its conductivity
if it is sucked through glass-wool, or made to bubble through
water. The conductivity may also be removed by making the gas
traverse a strong electric field so that a current of electricity
passes through it. The removal of the conductivity by filtering
the gas through glass-wool or water shows that the conductivity
is due to something mixed with the gas which can be removed by
filtration, while the removal of the conductivity by the electrical
field shows that this something is charged with electricity and
moves under the action of the electric force. Since the gas when
in the conducting state shows as a whole no charge of electricity,
the charges mixed with the gas must be both positive and nega-
tive. We conclude that the conductivity of the gas is due to the
presence of electrified particles; some of these particles are
positively, others negatively, electrified. These electrified parti-
cles are called ions, and the process ionization.
The passage of electricity through a conducting gas does not
follow the same laws as the flow through metals and liquid elec-
trolytes; in these the current is proportional to the electromotive
force, while for gases the relation is represented by a graph like
fig. i, where the ordinates ar,e proportional to the current and
Scale Divisions
3K3 CO Cn CT
O O O
/
/
'
7
=^^
^
X
/^~
. "
0. 100 200 300400500600700.800 9001000 1100.12001300.1400 1500
Volts RG.1
the abscissae to the electromotive forces. We see that when the
electromotive force is small, the current is proportional to
the electromotive force, as in the case of metallic conduction; as
the electromotive force increases, the current after a time does not
increase nearly so rapidly, and a stage is reached where the cur-
rent remains constant in spite of the increase in the electromotive
force. There is a further stage, which we shall consider later,
where the current again increases with the electromotive force,
and does so much more rapidly than at any previous stage. The
184
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
current in the stage when it does not depend upon the electromo-
tive force is said to be saturated. The reason for this saturation
is that the passage of a current of electricity through the gas in-
volves the removal of a number of ions proportional to the quanti-
ty of electricity passing through the gas. Thus the gas is losing
ions at a rate proportional to the current; it cannot go on losing
more ions than are produced, so that the current cannot increase
beyond a critical value which is proportional to the rate of pro-
duction of ions. This sometimes produces a state of things which
seems anomalous to those accustomed to look at conduction of
electricity exclusively from the point of Ohm's law. For example,
when gases are exposed to Rontgen rays, the number of ions
produced per second is proportional to the volume of the gas, so
that, if two parallel plates are immersed in such a gas and a cur-
rent sent from one to the other, when the distance between the
plates is increased the number of ions available for carrying the
current and therefore the saturation current will be increased
also. Thus apparent " resistance " will diminish as the length of
the gaseous conductor is increased.
The Nature of the Ions. The question arises, what is the na-
ture of the particles which carry the charges of electricity? Are
they the atoms or molecules of the gas, or, for the negative
charges, electrons? Information on these points is afforded by
measuring the velocity of the ions under given electric forces.
It follows from the kinetic theory of gases that the velocity V
of an ion due to an electric force X is given by the equation :
V = X^ (i)
m v
Here X is the mean free path of the ion through the surrounding
molecules, v the average velocity of the ion due to its thermal agi-
tation, this velocity depending only on the mass of the ion and the
temperature of the gas, and m is the mass of the ion and e the elec-
tric charge carried by it. If we calculate by this formula the velocity
of an ion in hydrogen, assuming that the mass of the ion and its
free path are the same as those for a molecule of hydrogen, we find
that it would be 26 cm/sec, for an electric force of a volt per cm. ;
the value found by experiment is 6-7 cm/sec, for the positive and
7-9 cm/sec, for the negative ion. The assumption that both X and
m are the same for the ion as for the molecule is therefore wrong.
It is clear that if, as we have every reason to believe, the normal
hydrogen molecule is made up of positively and negatively electri-
fied parts, the ion in virtue of its charge, even if its mass is the same
as that of the hydrogen molecule, will exert a greater force upon a
neighbouring molecule than would an uncharged molecule, and this
increase in the force implies a diminution in the free path, and
therefore by equation (i) a diminution in V. That a part of the dis-
crepancy between the results given by the equation and those found
by experiment is due to this cause cannot be questioned; the point
which is still doubtful is whether the attraction due to the charge
on the ion may not cause some of the hydrogen molecules to cling
to it, forming a cluster of molecules with a greater mass and smaller
free path than a single molecule. It would follow from the general
principles of thermodynamics that, if the work required to separate
a neutral molecule of hydrogen from a positive charge in its near
neighbourhood were comparable with the average energy of trans-
lation of the molecules at the temperature of the gas, some such
clusters would be formed, and that, if the work of separation were
large compared with the energy of agitation, practically all the ions
would consist of such clusters. This work would be greater for
molecules which, like those of ammonia, or the vapours of water and
alcohol, have a finite electrical moment, than for those which, like
the molecules of hydrogen, oxygen and nitrogen, have no such
moment, so that it is quite possible that, though there may be no
clustering with these very permanent gases, there may be some when
gases of the other type are present. This differentiation seems borne
out by experiment, for no clear indications of clustering seem to
have been found for the permanent gases. Since clustering is analo-
gous to chemical combination, we should expect the mobilities, if
they depended upon clusters, to have very large temperature coeffi-
cients. The mobilities of some of the permanent gases at constant
density have been measured by Erikson over a considerable range of
temperature, and though there is a considerable temperature effect
it is not nearly so large as we should expect if it depended on chem-
ical combination. Again, since clustering is a process of condensa-
tion, it would be favoured by an increase in pressure ; thus a decrease
in pressure would be accompanied by a simplification of the ion,
ana would increase its mean free path beyond the natural increase
due to the diminution in the number of molecules with which the
ion comes into collision. If there were no change in the character
of the ion with the pressure, the mobility would vary inversely as
the pressure; if the character of the ion changes, the mobility at low
pressures will be greater than that given by this law. Now experi-
ments show that for the positive ion the mobility is, very accurately,
inversely proportional to the pressure over a wide range of pres-
sures; this again is inconsistent with the existence of clusters. On
the other hand, it is found that the addition of small quantities of
gases which, like the vapours of water and alcohol, have a finite
electrical moment produce a marked diminution in the mobility;
this effect is more pronounced for the negative than for the positive
ion, but as Zeleny has shown it exists for both ions. -This effect is
readily explained by supposing the water molecules to cluster round
the ion. It would seem in accordance with the evidence to conclude
that, though there is no evidence of clustering for the permanent
gases, it does occur when certain easily condensible gases are present.
The behaviour of negative ions is in many respects quite different
from that of the positive ones. In the first place the mobility of the
negative ions is for the permanent gases greater than that of the
positive; thus, for example, in dry hydrogen the velocities of
the negative and positive ions, when the electric force is one volt
per cm., are 7-95 and 6-7 respectively, and for air 1-87 and 1-36.
The difference is less for moist gases than for dry, while for complex
vapours which have comparatively small mobilities Wellisch found
that there was very little difference between the mobilities of the
positive and negative ions.
For the permanent gases the ratio of the mobilities of the nega-
tive and positive ions varies but little with the pressure, until the
pressure is reduced below that represented by about 10 cm. of mer-
cury. For lower pressures than this, the mobility of the negative
ion increases, as Langevin showed, more rapidly than that of the
positive; at the pressure of a mm. or so the mobility of the negative
ion in air may be three or four times that of the positive.
An even more interesting result was discovered by Franck and
Hertz, who, when they experimented with very carefully purified
nitrogen or argon, found that the mobility of the negative ion was
more than 100 times that of the positive. The mobilities in these
gases are extremely sensitive to traces of oxygen, and a fraction of
I % of oxygen added to the pure gas will reduce the mobility of the
negative ion to less than one-tenth of its maximum value. The
enormous mobility of the negative ion in nitrogen and argon as
compared with that of the positive shows that in them the negative
electricity must be carried by electrons and not by atoms or mole-
cules, while the effect of introducing traces of oxygen shows that
these electrons readily attach themselves to the molecules of oxygen
though they are unable to adhere to molecules of nitrogen or argon.
The same effect has also been observed in helium and hydrogen.
These properties of the negative ion are of great importance in
connexion with the mechanism of ionization in gases and the struc-
ture of atoms and molecules. In the first place, they furnish strong
evidence in support of the view that the first stage in the ionization
of a gas is the ejection of an electron from the molecule of the gas
rather than the separation of the molecule into atoms of which
some are charged with positive and others with negative electricity.
On this view the negative ion begins its career as an electron and not
as an atom, while the positive ion from the beginning is of molecu-
lar dimensions. As an electron has much greater mobility than a
molecule the mobility of the negative ion will at first be much
greater than that of the positive. In some gases, such as oxygen,
the electron soon gets attached to a molecule, and its mass and
mobility become comparable with those of the positive one. The
mobility we measure is the average mobility of the negative ion
during its life; part of the time its mobility, being that of an elec-
tron, is very much larger than that of the positive ion, while in the
other part the two mobilities will be much the same. The excess
of mobility of the negative over the positive ion will depend upon
the fraction of its life which the negative ion spends as a free elec-
tron a fraction which would tend to increase as the pressure of the
gas diminished.
To calculate the mobility of an electron as compared with that
of a molecule, we must make some assumption as to the effect of
the charge on the mean free path of an electron. We saw that there
were some grounds for supposing that, in the case of the positive
ions, the mean free path was determined rather by the charge of
the ion than by the dimensions of the molecule carrying the charge.
Since the magnitude of the charge on the electron is the same as
that on the positive ion, we might expect, if this were the case, that
the mean free path of an electron would be much the same as that
of an ion, so that in equation (i) it would be the factor mv which
would differentiate the mobility of the ion from that of the electron.
If the electron is in thermal equilibrium with the surrounding gas,
mv* will be the same for the ion and the electron, and thus the mobil-
ity will be inversely proportional to the square root of the mass;
as the mass of the hydrogen molecule is 3-6 Xio 3 times that of the
electron, the mobility of the electron in hydrogen should be 60 times
that of the positive ion; in nitrogen the mobility of the electron
would be about 220 times that of the positive ion. If the positive
ion were a cluster of molecules instead of a single molecule, the mobil-
ity of the electron as compared with that of the positive electron
would be much larger than the preceding figures would indicate.
The difference between the behaviour of the electron in nitrogen
or argon and in oxygen is of great importance in connexion with the
structure of the atom and molecule, for it indicates that, while a
molecule of oxygen can accommodate another electron in addition to
those already present, the molecules of nitrogen and argon are
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
185
unable to do so. It is instructive therefore to consider the results in
connexion with the power of the atoms and molecules of the differ-
ent elements to acquire a negative charge obtained by the study of
the positive rays. These show that, while the atoms of hydrogen,
carbon, oxygen, fluorine or chlorine readily acquire a negative
charge, those of helium, nitrogen, neon, and argon do not ; and again
that, while it is very exceptional for a molecule whether of a com-
pound or an elementary gas to acquire a negative charge, the mole-
cule of oxygen is able to do so. We see that this result is in accord-
ance with the behaviour of the carrier of the negative charge in an
ionized gas. Since the atoms in the positive rays show so much
greater affinity for the electrons than the molecules, it follows that
if the agent producing ionization were to dissociate some of the
molecules of the gas into neutral atoms (and to do this would require
the expenditure of much less energy than to ionize the gas), these
atoms would be much more effective traps for the electrons than the
undissociated molecules. Loeb has shown that even in oxygen an
electron collides on the average with about 50,000 molecules of oxy-
gen before it is captured; thus if the oxygen atom could capture an
electron at the first encounter, if only one molecule in 50,000 were
dissociated into atoms, the effect of the atoms would be as efficacious
as that of the molecules in capturing the electrons. When this
dissociation takes place the abnormal velocity of the negative ion
will only occur in gases like nitrogen and the inert gases whose
atoms cannot receive an electron.
Recombination of the Ions. Even when the ions are not re-
moved from a gas by sending a current of electricity through it,
their number will not increase indefinitely with the time of expo-
sure of the gas to the ionizing agent. This is due to the recombina-
tion which takes place between the positive and negative ions;
these ions as they move about in the gas sometimes come into
collision with each other, and by forming electrically neutral
systems cease to act as ions. The gas will reach a steady state
with regard to ionization when the number of ions which disap-
pear in one second as the result of the collisions is equal to the
number produced in the same time by the ionizing agent.
If there are n ions of either kind per cub. cm., the number of colli-
sions between the positive and negative ions in one second in a cub.
cm. of the gas will be proportional to n 2 ; hence the number of ions
of either sign which are lost by recombination in one second will be
represented by a 2 when a is called the coefficient of recombina-
tion. If the ionizing agent produces q ions per cub. cm. per second,
then
dn
*-*-*
The solution of this equation, if we reckon I from the instant the
ionizing agent begins to act, so that n=o when / = o, and where
We see that, when the gas reaches a steady state, n = X = ,
and that the gas will not approximate to this state until t is large
compared with i/Ca, i.e. to jttoa where no is the value of n in the
steady state. Thus when the ionization is very weak it may take a
considerable time for the gas to reach a steady state.
When the ionizing agent is removed, the ions do not disappear
at once, but decay at the rate given by the equation
dn
-fi-3-an:
The solution of this, where t is the time which has elapsed since
the removal of the ionizing agents, and no the number of ions when
n =na/
Thus the number of ions will be reduced to one-half their initial
value after a time i/ano. We may therefore take I /an as the
measure of the life of an ion when there are n ions per cub. centi-
metre. The values of a/e, where e is the charge on an ion, have been
measured by various experimenters, and for different methods of
ionization the results are given in the following table :
Values of a/e for various gases at atmospheric pressure and ordi-
nary temperature.
Town-
send
Mc-
Clung
Lan-
gevin
Thir-
kill
Hen-
dren
Ret-
schin-
sky
Rume-
lin
Gas
Ront-
gen
rays
Ront-
gen
rays
Ront-
gen
rays
Ront-
gen
rays
a rays
a rays
a rays /3 rays
Air
CO 2
H 2
3420
3520
3020
338o
3490
2940
3200
3400
35o
35o
3300
4200
4240 5820
2
338o
SO 2
N 2 O
CO
3000
2960
1780
The results as ascribed to Thirkill were obtained by extrapolation
from experiment made at lower pressures. Since e, in electrostatic
measure, is 4-8Xio~ 10 , the value of a for air is about l-6Xio~", so
that, when there are n positive and n negative ions per cub. cm., the
number of ions which recombine per second is
i-6Xio-% 2 .
This shows very markedly the influence of the electric charge in
increasing the number of collisions between the particles, for the
number of collisions in a second between 2n, uncharged molecules
in a cub. cm. of air is only
which is only about 1/4,000 of the number of recombinations between
the same number of ions.
It is a very remarkable fact, and one which has not yet received
a satisfactory explanation, that the values of a for gases of such
different molecular weights as H 2 , O 2 , CO 2 , SO 2 should be so
nearly equal, while the value of a. for CO is only about one-half of
that for the other gases.
For pressures less than one atmosphere Thirkill has shown that
a diminishes as the pressure p diminishes, and that the relation
between a and p is a linear one. Langevin showed that a for air
attained a maximum value at a pressure about two atmospheres,
and that at higher pressures it diminished somewhat rapidly as
the pressure increased.
When the density is constant the value of a diminishes as the
temperature increases. The connexion between o and the abso-
lute temperature T seems to be expressed with fair accuracy by
the equation
a = cT-".
According to Erikson, n is equal to 2-3, 2-4.2, 2-35 for hydrogen, air
and COz respectively, while Phillips' experiments gave n = 2.
Large Ions. The ions we have been considering are those
produced in dust-free gases by Rontgen or cathode rays. In
some cases, however, ions with very much lower mobilities are to
be found in gases. Thus Langevin found in air from the top of the
Eiffel Tower two types of ions, one consisting of ions of the kind
we have been considering, with a mobility of about 1-5 cm/sec.,
the other of ions with a mobility of 1/3,000 cm/sec. Ions
with mobilities of the same order as this second type may be pro-
duced by bubbling air through water, by passing air over phos-
phorus, or by drawing air from the neighbourhood of flames.
They are probably charged particles of dust of various kinds,
held in suspension in gas which is exposed to some kind of ionizing
agent which gives a supply of ions of the first type; these settle
on the particles of dust and form the slow ions. The number of
these slow ions when the gas is in a steady state will only depend
on the number of dust particles in the gas, and will not be affected
by the strength of the ionizing agent. This follows from the
principle that in the steady state the number of dust particles
which acquire a positive charge must equal the number which
lose such a charge. A positively electrified dust particle might
lose its charge by meeting and coalescing with a negative smaU
ion or by coalescing with a negatively electrified dust particle.
These dust particles are, however, so sluggish in their movements
that, unless the dust particles are enormously more numerous
than the small ions, we may neglect the second source of loss in
comparison with the first.
Thus if U is the number of uncharged dust particles in a cub. cm.
of the gas, P and N the number of those with positive and negative
charges respectively, and p, n the number of positive and negative
small ions, the number of dust particles which acquire per second a
positive charge will be a\Jp and the number losing such a charge by
coalescing with a negative ion /3Prc, where o and are constants;
hence for equilibrium
a\Jp = ffPn.
Similarly by considering the negatively charged particles we get
o'Un= 0'Np.
Hence we see that the proportion between the charged and uncharged
particles of dust depends only upon the ratio of p to n, and not upon
the absolute magnitude of either of these quantities. Thus, though
it would take much longer to reach the steady state with a feeble
source of ionization than with a, strong one, when that state was
reached there would be as much dust electrified in one case as in the
other. De Broglie estimates that in this state about one-tenth of
the particles would be electrified.
Relation between the Potential Difference and the Current through
an Ionized Gas. We shall take the case of two infinite parallel metal
plates maintained at different potentials and immersed in an ionized
gas; the line at right angles to these plates we shall take as the axis
of x, it being evidently parallel to the direction of the electric force
X. Let i, 2 be respectively the number of positive and negative
i86
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
ions at the place fixed by the coordinate x; Ui and U 2 the velocities
of these ions. The volume density of the electrification in the gas,
if it is entirely due to the ions, is (i rti)e when e is the charge on
an ion, hence
=
If i is the current through unit area of the gas
i = e(niU\-\-ntfii) (2).
Hence from (i) and (2) we have
dX
dx
n\e-
+i
dx
(3),
(4).
When things are in a steady state, neglecting any loss of ions by
diffusion we have
(5),
(6),
where q is the number of ions produced per second in a cub. cm. of
gas, and a is the coefficient of recombination; if K\, K 2 are the
mobilities of the positive and negative ions respectively, then
M 1 =^,X, 2 = A' 2 X.
From equations (i), (5) and (6) we get
dX
= *e q -an l n
and, substituting the values of i and n 2 , we get
<PX /i i \ ( a
(7)-
, dX
--
No general solution of this equation has been obtained, but when
i is small compared with the saturation current qle, an approximate
solution is represented by the graph in fig. 2.
FIG. 2
The force is practically constant, and equal to
except close to the electrode, where it increases; and as the mobil-
ity of the negative ion is greater than that of the positive the increase
in the force will be greater at the cathode than at the anode. As the
potential difference between the electrodes increases, and the cur-
rent approaches more nearly the saturation value, the flat part of
the graph diminishes, and the graph for X takes the form given in
fig. 3- When the potential difference is so large that the current is
FIG. 3
nearly saturated, X is very approximately constant from one elec-
trode to another.
In one extremely important case, that in which the negative ions
are electrons and have a mobility which may be regarded as infinite
in comparison with that of the positive ions, equation (7) admits
of integration : for by putting Ki/K 2 = o in equation (8) it becomes
dX oire K?fiX Siri
TX-+ ZK; (8) -
If, as is more convenient in this case, x is the distance from the
cathode instead of from the anode, as we have hitherto assumed,
the solution of this equation is
~ gKle 1 01
The second term on the right-hand side diminishes very rapidly
as x increases and soon gets negligible, so that we see that the elec-
tric force will be constant except in the immediate neighbourhood
of the cathode. To find the value close to the cathode we must find
the value of C in equation (9). We have from equation (7)
j~r T& ; TS~\ I = I w o.n\n2)dx (10).
e dx (AI +A 2 ) J o Jo
The right-hand side of this equation is the excess of ionization
over recombination in the region between the cathode and x; it
must therefore be equal to the excess of number of the negative ions
passing through the gas at x; it must therefore be equal to (t it,)/e
where m is the amount of negative electricity, emitted by unit area
of the cathode in unit time. Putting this value for the right-hand
side of equation (10) we find approximately, since KI is small com-
pared with KZ,
01(1-10)
=
qKiKt K.Z
Substituting this value for C, we find
This distribution of force is represented by the graph in fig. 4;
the force at some distance from the cathode is equal to
Keg
and is thus proportional to the current ; the force at the cathode itself is
{ KZ(L La)l Kii^ times greater than this. The fall of potential be-
tween the electrodes is made up of two parts, one arising from the con-
stant force; as this force is proportional to i, this part of the potential
fall will be proportional to d when / is the distance between the elec-
trodes, and may be represented by Ai/ when A is a constant; the
other part of the potential fall is that which occurs close to the
cathode. We find from equation (11) that this is proportional to i"
FIG. 4
Distance from Cathcde
and does not depend upon /. Thus, if V is the potential difference
between the electrodes when A and B are constants
V = Ai/+Bi 2 (12).
H. A. Wilson has shown that an equation of this type represents
the relation between the current and potential difference for con-
duction through flames. In many cases the drop of potential at the
cathode is much greater than the fall in the rest of the circuit ; when
this is so we see that the current is proportional to the square root
of the potential difference. The value of B increases with the pres-
sure and decreases with the amount of the ionization.
Current from Hot Wires. A case of great importance from its
industrial application in hot wire valves is one where all the ions are
negative and are emitted from the cathode. Metal wires raised to
incandescence emit electrons, and if they are used as cathodes can
transmit across a vacuum or gas at a low pressure very consider-
able currents. No currents will pass if they are used as anodes.
Take the hot cathode as the origin from which * is measured;
let V be the potential at the point x, n the density of the negative
ions at this point, and i the current through unit area. If o is the
velocity of the negative ion, we have
nwe=iand
d#
There are two cases to be considered; the first is when the hot
wire is surrounded by gas of sufficient density to make the velocity
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
187
of the ions proportional to the electric force; the second is when the
hot wire is surrounded by a vacuum, and the motion of the ions is not
affected by the gas.
In the first case u=K^-r-^, when K% is the mobility of the nega-
tive ion, and the equation nue = l is equivalent to
%%-> (I3) -
The solution of this is
Tr) 2=8 ^ x + c -
ax / Ki
Therefore if V is the difference of potential between the anode
and cathode, and / the distance between them,
(H).
If is the velocity of the negative ions at the cathode, i
hence
neuo',
VbTTMo
I-i
ds).
So that, unless t is small compared with I, will be comparable with
c; in this case, however, the velocity of the ion is no longer propor-
tional to the electric force so that equation (13) no longer holds.
Again, when the current approaches saturation, i/(I c) is large,
and therefore by (15) uo will be large compared with c. For the
negative ion to acquire a velocity of this magnitude the electric
field would have to be so strong that sparks would pass through the
gas unless the pressure were very low. Thus saturation currents
from hot bodies are only obtainable at very low pressures.
Since Uo =
Comparing this with the value of 8iril/K we find, by substituting
the values of K and c, that if the current is far from saturation, C will
be negligible compared with Siril/K, unless /I, when / is measured
in centimetres and I in milliamperes, is small compared with unity.
When C can be neglected, equation (12) gives
Thus the current is proportional to the square of the potential differ-
ence. A remarkable thing about this expression is that for these
very small currents the intensity of the current is independent of
the temperature of the wire, although, of course, the range of cur-
rents over which this formula is applicable is wider the higher the
temperature of the wire.
When the hot body is in a vacuum, we have, if the ions have no
initial velocity,
where m is the mass and e the charge on an ion; hence the equation
nue = i is equivalent to
V - V~/
dx" --^ i ^ m l 2e w)>
a solution of which is
V = (9iri)5 (m/2e)lxl (18).
Hence, if V is the potential difference and / the distance between
the electrodes
We see from this equation that the electric force vanishes at the
cathode, and that the density of the negative electrification is pro-
portional to x~l ; thus it is infinite close to the cathode and dimin-
ishes as the distance from the anode diminishes. The total quantity
of electricity between the anode and cathode is proportional to /i 2 .
We see again that for a given potential difference the current does
not depend on the temperature of the hot wire ; this law only holds
when the currents are less than the maximum currents which can
pass between the electrodes. When the current approaches this
value, the current instead of increasing as Vi becomes independent
of V and the negative electricity between the electrodes diminishes
as V increases. Langmuir, who has made a very complete investi-
gation of the currents from hot wires, finds that the expression (7)
represents, with considerable accuracy, the relation between the
current and potential over a wide range in the values of the cur-
rents. The curves in fig. 5 given by him represent the relation
between the current and potential for wires at different tempera-
tures. They illustrate the point that a colder wire, until it is approach-
ing the stage of saturation, gives as large a current as a hotter one,
though the hotter one, of course, has a wider range of currents.
lonization by Collision. The curve representing the relation
between the currents through a gas ionized (say) by Rontgen rays
and the difference of potential between the electrodes is found
to be of the form already shown in fig. i, where the ordinates
represent the currents and the abscissae the potential difference.
The flat part represents the state of saturation when the poten-
tial difference is large enough to send all the ions produced by the
rays to the electrode before they can recombine. When the poten-
tial difference is still further increased we see that a stage is
moo
20OO 2200
Temperature
FIG. 5
2400
2600
reached when the current begins to increase with great rapidity
with the potential difference, and reaches values much greater
than could be attained by the ions produced by the Rontgen
rays. Thus in addition to the ions produced by the rays there
must be other ions, and some other source of ionization associated
with the strong electric fields. Now the processes going on in a
gas while it is conveying an electric current are: (i) the ioniza-
tion of the gas by the external agent in this an electron is liber-
ated from the molecule and the residue forms a positive ion; (2)
the electron and the positive ion acquire energy under the action
of the electric forces; (3) in many gases the electron finally unites
with an uncharged molecule to form a negative ion. As the most
noticeable change in the conditions when the intensity of the
electric field increases is in the energy of the electrons and ions,
it is natural to look to these as the source of the additional ioniza-
tion. We have moreover direct experimental evidence that
rapidly moving electrons and ions are able to ionize a gas through
which they are passing. Hot wires and metals exposed to ultra-
violet light yield a supply of electrons which when they leave the
metal have very little energy; by applying suitable electric fields
these electrons can be endowed with definite amounts of energy
and can then be sent through a gas from which all extraneous
ionizing agencies are shielded off. When this is done it is found
that, when the energy of the electrons exceeds a certain critical
value, depending upon the nature of the gas, the gas is ionized by
the electrons, but no ionization occurs when the energy of the
electron falls below this limit. It is convenient to measure the
energy of the electron in terms of the difference of electrical po-
tential through which the electron has to fall in order to acquire
this energy. The potential difference which would give to the
electron the energy at which it begins to ionize the gas is called
the ionizing potential. The values of the ionizing potential have
been found for several gases, as will be seen from the following
table. There is, however, considerable discrepancy between the
results obtained by different observers.
i88
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
Ionizing Potentials.
Gas
Stead &
Gosling
Franck
& Hertz
Davis &
Goucher
Horton
& Davis
Tate&
Foote
Hughes
& Dixon
H 2
15
II
1 1 and 15
IO-2
He
20-8
20-5
25-6
2
9
9-2
N.
17-2
7-5
17
7-7
co
15
7-2
Arg.
12-5
12
15
Ne
I6--& 20
& 22-8
H|
10-8
IO-2
Cd
8-9
Na
5'i
K
4-1
Zn
9-5
The me
trons is t
molecule <
energy to
electron,
versely as
energy of
lar from t
of the me
tron in t
equal to
>st obviou
lat the m
)f the gas
enable it
If the el
the squa
the movi
ic electroi
ving elect
ic molecu
T
s view to take of this ionization by moving elec-
aving electron comes so near to an electron in a
that the latter receives from the collision enough
to escape from the molecule and start as a free
ectrons repel each other with forces varying in-
re of the distance between them, and if T is the
ig electron, and d the length of the perpendicu-
i in the molecule on the initial direction of motion
ron, then the energy communicated to the elec-
le by its collision with the moving electron is
, where e is the charge of electricity on an elec-
d 1 ,
tron. This is on the supposition that the electron is moving so
rapidly that the time while it is in close proximity to the electron in
the molecule is small compared with the time of vibration of that
electron; if this time is comparable with the duration of the colli-
sion, the energy taken from the moving electron will be consider-
ably less, and it will become vanishingly small when the duration
of the collision is large compared with the time of vibration. The
energy given to the electron in the molecule does not increase indefi-
nitely with that of the moving molecule, for it vanishes when T is
infinite as well as when T is zero; it has the maximum value when
T = e 2 /<i. In order that the electron in the molecule should receive
an amount of energy Q,
If Q is the ionizing potential, <f 2 must be less than the value given
by this expression. If n is the number of electrons in unit volume
of the gas, and if the spheres with radius d described round the
different electrons do not overlap, the probability that the moving
electrons should come within this distance of one of them, when
moving through a distance Ax, is mrd'-&x, or
nire(T/Q-i)'
p
The coefficient of A* is the number of ions made per unit path
by a moving electron with energy T. The maximum is when T = 2Q.
Experiments on ionization by moving electrons have been made
by Kossel (Ann. der Phys. 37, p. 406) and by Mayer (ibid. 45, p. l),
who found that the maximum ionization per unit path occurred
when the energy of the moving electron was in the neighbourhood
of 200 volts. Mayer's results are 125 for hydrogen, 130 for air, and
140 for carbon dioxide. These numbers are much greater than twice
the potential at which the ionization begins, as this potential is of
the order of n volts. It must be remembered, however, that,
though there may be some electrons in the atom which can be
ejected by 1 1 volt electrons, there may be other electrons of different
types which require more energy for their expulsion, so that, as the
energy of the moving electrons increases beyond the energy required
to liberate these electrons, fresh sources of detachable electrons
will be trapped, and these may more than counterbalance the falling
off in the ionization of the more easily detached electrons. Again,
some of the electrons ejected by the primary electrons may have
enough energy to ionize on their own account; the total ionization
may thus be increased by ionization due to the secondary electrons,
and also by radiation excited by the impact of the primary electrons
against the molecules of the gas.
When, as in the case of cathode rays in highly exhausted tubes or
in that of the ft rays from radioactive substances, T is very large
compared with Q, the number of ions produced per unit path is
nreVQT, and so varies inversely as the energy of the moving elec-
trons. The experiments of Glasson on ionization by cathode rays,
and of Durack on that by ft particles, seem to be in accordance
with this result. If we measure the number_of ions produced per
centimetre in a gas at known pressure, for which we know the value
of Q, we could determine n, the number of electrons in unit vol-
ume; as the pressure gives us the number of molecules, we could
deduce in this way the number of electrons in each molecule.
Ionization by Moving Ions. When the moving systems are
ions instead of electrons, the collision between them and the elec-
trons are collisions between masses of very different magnitudes,
and in consequence a very much smaller fraction of the energy
of the moving body is transferred to the electron than when the
colliding bodies have equal masses.
The amount of energy transferred to the electron when the
moving body has a mass M is equal to :
4d 8 TV M;
" 2 E 2 \K~
when MZ is the mass of the electron and E the charge on the mov-
ing body. When, as in the case of the collision between an ion and
an electron, M 2 is very small compared with MI, this becomes
Mi
M. 1
M.'
Thus, if Q is the ionizing potential, the minimum value of T,
which will communicate this energy to the electron, is - JTJ- Q.
*t 1V12
For the smallest possible ion, an atom of hydrogen, Mi/M 2 = 1,700,
so that the minimum energy that will enable an ion to ionize a gas
by knocking out an electron from a molecule is equal to 425Q. Q for
many gases is about 10 volts; thus a positive ion must have at least
energy represented by 4,250 volts to ionize the gas. With more mas-
sive ions the energy required for ionization would be still greater.
An ion with a mass equal to that of a molecule of oxygen would
not ionize unless its energy were greater than 136,000 volts. Thus
if any ionization by ions takes place in discharge tubes it must be
due to ions of the lighter elements hydrogen or helium.
If the ion came into collision with the ion of the atom instead of
with one of its electrons, it could, since its mass is comparable with
that of the ion, give up to this a large fraction of its energy, a very
much larger fraction than it is able to give to an electron. Inasmuch
as it requires less work to dissociate a molecule into neutral atoms
than to dissociate it into positively and negatively electrified ions,
the result of such a collision is more likely to be the production of
neutral atoms than of electrified ions.
An ion is, however, a much more complex thing than the simple
charge of electricity which has in the preceding considerations been
taken to represent the forces it exerts; and it may be that some
strongly electronegative ions have such a strong attraction for an
electron that when they pass through the molecule of a more elec-
tropositive element they are able to capture one of its electrons
and carry it away with them. This type of ionization would differ
from the ordinary type, inasmuch as in it the electron is never free;
it produces negative ions, the other negative electrons.
It is evident from the preceding considerations that except in
very intense fields it must be the electrons and not the ions which
produce ionization by collision. Let us consider what are the
chances of an electron acquiring sufficient energy in a uniform elec-
tric field; if the electron moved freely under the electric force X
for a distance / it would acquire Xe/ units of energy. The electron
in its course through the gas will come into collision with other
bodies; its path will be deflected, possibly reversed, and in moving
against the electric field it may lose all the energy it had previously
acquired. Thus a collision of this type will destroy any ionizing
power given to the electron by the electric force before the collision.
Let X be the average distance passed over by an electron between
two collisions; then the chance of an electron moving through a
distance / without a collision is * ; but if it moves through a
distance / it will acquire energy =T = Xc/, hence the chance of an
T
electron acquiring energy equal or greater than T is t , and
the chance that it should acquire energy between T and T+dT
is ( ~x~ )dT. If it possess this amount of energy the chance
dT ^ J
e*
that it makes one ion per centimetre of path is nir^(T/Q I ) ; hence
the chance that an electron should make one pair of ions per centi-
metre of path is:
T
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
189
This may be written :
Xe\
XcX
,dx.
where F
Thus if a is the chance that an electron may produce one elec-
tron per unit path, since X for the same gas is inversely propor-
tioned to the pressure p, a will be of the form nf( ' J : and since n
is proportional to the number of molecules per unit volume, a may
be written as pf ( ) . When the spheres described round the elec-
trons with radius d do not overlap, n will also be proportional to
the number of electrons in the molecule. The greatest value of d
is e 2 / 2 Q; hence if D, the distance between two electrons, is greater
than e 2 / 2 Q> there can be no overlapping; if D is less than this quan-
tity there may be overlapping; since the value of d diminishes as
the kinetic energy of the electron increases, n for very fast elec-
trons will be proportional to the number of electrons in the molecule.
Some of the electrons will by adhesion to a neutral molecule
become negative ions. Let the chance of an electron doing so while
passing over i centimetre be yp. If N be the number of electrons
per c.c. at a place fixed by the coordinate x, then ~T. +^(NU) =rate
of increase of number of ions per c.c., where U is the velocity of the
electron parallel to x.
The number of electrons passing through the unit of area in unit
time is NU. The new electrons produced by the passage of them
through the unit volume is NUa, while NVyp will disappear;
hence :
^+j x (NU)=NU(a- 7 )+2 (19),
where q is the ionization due to external sources; when things are
in a steady state dN/dt = o, and the solution of the equation, when
the electric field may be taken as constant from one electrode to
another, is:
NU-Cet^* ^-T.
a-jp
Most of the experiments on this subject have been made with-
out external ionization; a supply of electrons has been obtained
from the cathode, either by raising it to incandescence or by expos-
ing it to ultra-violet light. In such cases g = o, and
NU = . ' (a ~ Y * ) * (20),
where to is the number of electrons emitted in unit time from the
cathode. Townsend, and Townsend and Kirkby have determined
the value of a yp for various gases and over a considerable range
of pressure. A series of these values for air are given in the follow-
ing table:
X= volts per
cm.
Pressure
(mm.)
17
38
I-IO
2-1
4-1
20
24
40
65
34
80
i-35
i'3
45
13
120
1-8
2-0
i-i
42
13
160
2-1
2-8
2-O
9
28
2OO
3'4
2-8
1-6
5
240
2-45
3'8
4-0
2-35
99
320
2'7
4-5
5-5
4-0
2-1
4OO
5-o
6-8
6-0
3-6
480
3-15
5-4
8-0
7'8
5-3
560
5-8
9-3
9-4
7-i
640
3-25
6-2
10-6
10-8
8-9
It will be seen that, when X is given, the increase in the number of
electrons reaches a maximum for a particular pressure. From gen-
eral reasoning this must be so, for if p o there will be no collisions
to make fresh electrons, and if p is infinite the free path of the elec-
trons will be so small that they cannot acquire sufficient energy to
(X\
) , and y does not depend
upon p, ayp will be a maximum when
(X\ /X\ X
) y=f'{ -r )~r- This equation determines
hence the critical pressure will be proportional to the electric force.
At this critical pressure XeX bears to Q a ratio which depends
upon the way in which the chance of an electron ionizing by a colli-
sion depends upon the energy of the electron. If, for example, the
chance were independent of this energy, provided the energy were
greater than Q, the maximum current would be when XeX = Q;
this relation would not hold for other and more probable laws con-
necting ionizing power with the energy, but we should expect that
for any such law the ratio of XeX to Q would neither be very large
nor very small.
Since the electrons cannot begin to ionize until their energy is
equal to Q, and to attain this energy they must pass through a
distance Q/Xe, it is cjear that we ought in such an equation as
(19) to write x Q/Xe in place of x. If V is the potential difference
between the plates, X = VJd, so that x-Q/Xe = xdQ/V if Q is
measured in volts. Thus in finding the current between two elec-
trodes we must, if we use equation (19), write dl i Hj instead of d.
Partz (Verh. d. Deutsch. Phys. Gesell. xiy, p. 60) has shown that
theory and experiment agree better by this change.
Spark Discharge. The production of ions by moving electrons
will not by itself explain why a current of electricity can be main-
tained through a gas by an electric field when all other sources of
ionization are excluded. The electrons are continually being
driven towards the anode, and unless there is some source of
supply near the cathode the ionization and therefore the current
will rapidly come to an end. One way in which the electrons
could be supplied by the action of the electric field would be by
the positive ions which strike against the cathode communicating
so much energy to the anode that it is raised to incandescence.
Since an incandescent metal gives out large quantities of electrons
there will be a continuous supply of electrons from the cathode,
which will ionize the gas and produce fresh positive ions to
strike against the cathode and keep it hot. This is what happens
in the arc discharge when the cathode is kept in a state of incan-
descence by the discharge. In this case there is a large amount of
energy put into the arc. There are, however, other forms of
continuous discharge where the cathode does not become incan-
descent, so that there must be other ways in which the supply of
electrons is maintained. From what we know about ions there
are several ways in which this might occur.
It has been found by experiment (Fiichtbauer, Ann. der Phys. 23,
p. 301 (1907); Saxen, Ann. der Phys. 38, p. 319 (1912); Baerwald,
Ann. der Phys. 41, p. 643 (1913); 42, p. 1207 (1913) that electrons
are emitted from metals when these are bombarded by high-
speed positive ions even though the metal is not raised to incan-
descence. According to Baerwald the emissions of electrons from
metals bombarded by positive hydrogen atoms does not become
appreciable until these have an amount of energy exceeding that
represented by 900 volts. We know too that, when the electric
discharge passes through a gas, radiation capable of ionizing a gas
through which it passes, or of ejecting electrons from a metal on
which it falls, is an accompaniment of the discharge. Again posi-
tive ions ionize a gas through which they pass. This was shown by
McClelland, who found that the relation between the potential
difference and the current from a hot wire anode surrounded by
gas at low pressure was represented 'by a curve like that shown in
40
160 200
FIG. 6
320 360
fig. 6. The hot wire furnishes positive ions as well as negative ones,
and the curve shows that fresh ions are formed when the potential
difference is greater than about 200 volts. This is a much greater
potential difference than that needed to produce ionization by
electrons, but it is smaller than would be expected by the consid-
erations given above. As it requires less work to eject an electron
from a metal than from a molecule, we should expect that if 200
volts ions could eject electrons from a gas through which they pass
they would be able to do so from a metal against which they strike,
but from Baerwald's experiments much more energy than 200 volts
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
190
is required for this purpose. In McClelland's experiments the ion
zation might have been into positive and negative ions rather tha
into positive ions and electrons; before the negative ions could b
efficient for ionization by collision they would have to undergi
further dissociation into electrons and uncharged molecules. Curve
similar to that in fig. 6 have also been obtained by O. W. Richard
son. Pawlow (Proc. Roy. Soc. A. 90, p. 398) and also Franck and
h. v. Bahr ( Verh. d. Deutsch. Phys. Ges. xvi, p. 57, 1914) came to th<
conclusion from their experiments, that ionization was producec
by positive ions even when their energy did not exceed a few volts
indeed they could not get any evidence of a minimum to the ionizing
voltage. Horton and Davies (Proc. Roy. Soc. 95, p. 333) could no
detect any ionization in a gas by positive helium ions when the
energy was due to 200 volts. They ascribe the ionization observed
by Pawlow and Bahr and Franck to photo-electric effects; they con
sider, however, that positive helium ions can liberate electrons frorr
a metal against which they strike if their energy exceeds 20 volts
Baerwald considers that it requires an energy measured by 900
vojts before positive ions can liberate electrons from metals.
There are thus at least four methods by which the supply of elec-
trons near the cathode necessary to maintain the discharge can be
obtained. The gas near the cathode may be ionized by positive
ions or by radiation, or the cathode itself may emit electrons under
the impact of positive ions or by the incidence of radiation.
When the gas is at a low pressure the appearance of the discharge
has well-marked characteristics which may throw light on the
method by which the electrons are produced and the place from
which they start. The discharge near the cathode is representec
in fig. 7; near the cathode we have a velvety glow, then a space
comparatively dark called the cathode dark space ; this joins on to
a brightly luminous region called the negative glow; passing through
this region, and making themselves evident by the luminosity they
excite when they strike against the glass wall of the vessel in which
the gas is contained, are the cathode rays. These have been shown
to be electrons moving with high velocity. These electrons have
been liberated by the action of the electric field and have acquired
their velocity under the action of that field. The velocity of the
cathode rays has been measured, and it has been found that practi-
cally all of them have the same velocity. This shows that they must
nave all fallen through the same potential. They would do this if
they all started from the cathode itself, but if they had originated
by the ionization of the gas in the dark space in front of the cathode
some would have started from one place and some from another'
and they would have acquired different velocities. This is strong
evidence in favour of the cathode itself being the primary source of
the electrons which maintain the discharge. When a supply of
electrons is produced by processes taking place at the cathode
ionization by collisions of electrons with the molecules of the gas is
sufficient to maintain the discharge through the interval between
the negative glow and the anode. This interval, as will be seen
from fig. 7, is made up of a short part next the negative glow in
which there is comparatively little light, called the Faraday dark
space, and then a long uniform portion reaching right up to the
anode. Unless the pressure is very low or the spark very short this
position, which is called the positive column, forms by far the larger
part of the discharge. The discharge here will be maintained if the
rate at which electrons are produced by collision is equal to the num-
ber lost by recombination. When this is the case, equation (19)
gives o=7/>, or, since a is of the form pf-
/
= 7,
thus XeX=cQ, where c is a quantity which does not depend upon
the pressure or strength of the field; as X is inversely proportioned
to the pressure, this equation is equivalent to X=c,p, when d is a
quantity which will depend on the nature of the gas and possibly
on the intensity of the current. If / is the length of the positive
column the difference in potential between the anode and the end
ot the positive column next the cathode is IX, i e Idp
Between the cathode itself and the negative glow there is a fall of
potential, called the cathode potential fall, which, when the cur-
rent carried by the discharge is not large, is independent of the
current and the pressure of the gas; it depends upon the nature of
the gas and the material of which the electrodes are made. If V is
le cathode fall then (neglecting the change in potential in the
negative glow and the Faraday dark space, which has been found
by experiments to be very small) V, the potential difference between
the anode and cathode will be given by the equation
V = V,+Cilp (21).
It is assumed that the length of the spark is greater than that
of the dark space D : at pressures comparable with that of the atmos-
phere, D IF a very small fraction of a millimetre, but at the low
pressures which can easily be obtained in highly exhausted vessels
D may be several centimetres. It is to be noticed that V is a linear
function of Ip, and Ip is proportional to the mass of gas between the
electrodes; hence as long as the mass of gas between the electrodes
remains unaltered the potential difference required to maintain the
spark will be constant. This law, which was discovered by Paschen
in 1889 as the result of a long series of experiments, is known as
Paschen s law." It has been found to be in agreement with the
very numerous investigations which have been made on the poten-
tial difference required to produce a discharge in an approximately
uniform electric field such as that which exists between two slightly
curved electrodes.
The relation (21) does not give any indication of the relation
between the potential difference and the spark length when the
latter is exceedingly small. When the spark length falls below a
"i 1 - u va . e "hich is inversely proportional to the pressure, and
which in air at atmospheric pressure is about -01 mm., the spark
potential increases rapidly as the spark length diminishes; this was
first observed by Peace. A simple way of demonstrating it is to
use slightly curved electrodes and to observe the path of the spark
as these are brought closer together. Until the electrodes get very
close together the spark passes along the shortest line between
them, but as they approach each other a stage is reached where
the spark no longer passes along the shortest line but goes to one
side, taking a longer path, showing that it is easier to produce a
long spark than a short one. The relation between the potential
difference and the spark length for several gases has been deter-
mined by Carr, who finds that Paschen's law that the potential
difference depends only on pd is also true for very short sparks;
1 aschen s own experiments were made with sparks considerably
longer than the critical value. Fig. 8 represents Carr's results for
2000
1800
1600
MOO
1200
1000
800
600
4OO
200
I
\
\
\
\
\
X,
Jj,
12*4567
Product of Pressure and distance betwetn Electrodes
o.
FIG. 8
he relation between V and pi. The results of Carr and Strutt's
experiment for the minimum spark potential, and the value of pi,
at which it occurs, are given in the following table:
Minimum Spark
Potential in
Gas. volts.
A'. r 341 S
Nitrogen 251 S
Oxygen 455 C
lydrogen j 3 ^^ 9 f
arbonic acid 419 C
Sulphur dioxide 457 C
Citrous oxide 418 C
Sulphuretted hydrogen 414 C
Acetylene . . . 468 C
Helium 2 6l S
he curves are very flat in the neighbourhood of the minima""so
hat the critical values of pi may be subject to considerable er-
ors. Strutt found that even very small traces of impurity pro-
luced very large increases in the values of the minimum spark
lotential in nitrogen and helium ; these are gases where, as we
ave seen, such traces produce large diminutions in the mobility
f the negative ion. The existence of a minimum for the spark
jotential and a critical spark length follow from the view that
he spark is maintained by the emission of electrons from the
athode owing to its bombardment by positive ions. For if
i be the number of cathode rays emitted from unit area of the
athode per second, at a distance x from the cathode ioe elec-
rons will stream through unit area per second and will produce
pi.
5-7
6-7
14-4
5-1
3'3
5
6
35
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
191
per second mat 1 ** positive ions per c.c. These positive ions will
proceed up to the cathode, and a certain percentage will react and
bombard it. Let the chance of the ion reaching the cathode with
undiminished energy be e-P*; then the energy with which it
strikes the cathode is Ve, when V is the potential at x. so that the
energy in the ions striking unit area of the cathode per second is
The rate of emission to will be proportional
to this energy, so that,
.-(p-<L)x\edx (22).
a
when K is a quantity that may depend on the material of which
the cathode is made and on the kind of positive ions which strike
against it, but will not depend on the pressure of the gas. If
W be the potential difference between the anode and cathode,
and / the distance by which they are separated, V may be written
in the form W/ (x/e), where /(o)=o and/(i) = l. Putting x/l = y,
equation (7) gives
Now both a and are proportional to the pressure p of the gas,
so that / and p only occur in the combination Ip; thus in the most
general case W the spark potential will be a function of Ip; this is
Paschen's law, which has been shown by Carr to hold, down to
very low pressures and spark lengths. When Ip is very small (23)
reduces to
Thus the potential required to produce very short sparks varies in-
versely as the length of the spark, so that to produce an infinitely small
spark would require an infinitely large potential. The rapid increase
in the spark potential as the spark length diminishes is shown by the
curve in fig. 8. The spark potential will also be infinite when / is
infinite so for some intermediate spark length the potential must be
a minimum. We see from the form of equation (23) that if Wo is
the minimum potential, .KWoa/(/3 o) is a constant, depending
only on the form of the function f, and also that, if L is the spark
length when the potential is a minimum, L(/3 a) is another con-
stant depending also on the form of the function; if f(y) =y we get
L = , thus the critical spark length will depend upon the
/3 o
gas, but not upon the material of which the cathode is made: the
minimum potential Wo is equal in this case to (j3 a.)2-2/Kea or
Wo = t r ^- Now i/Ke is the potential difference, , through
L-Kea
which a positive ion must fall to get enough energy to liberate one
electron from the cathode, and oL is the number of electrons pro-
duced when an electron passes over the critical spark length. If
this number is n, W = . We may summarize the argu-
ment as follows: if p\ is the chance of a positive ion liberating an
electron from the cathode, pi, the chance of that electron making
an ion in the space d, then the probability that the original posi-
tive ion will be replaced by a new one is pipi, and if the process
is to be regenerative p\pi must be unity.
Since K may depend on the metal against which the ion strikes as
well as upon the ion itself, the minimum potential might depend
upon the material of which the cathode is made. Baerwald found,
however, that for many of the ordinary metals there was not much
difference in the numbers of electrons they emitted when bombarded
by positive ions, so that with all such metals for cathodes the criti-
cal spark should be the same. There is very considerable evidence
that the minimum potential required to produce a spark is equal
to the cathode fall of potential when the length of discharge is
much greater than the critical spark length, and Mey has shown
that the cathode fall of potential is appreciably less when the
cathode is made of Al, Mg, Na or K, than when it is made of Pt,
Hg, Cu or Ag.
The mechanism we have hitherto considered involves the ioniza-
tion of the gas between the electrodes, and no spark could pass
across a vacuum. There are, however, other methods by which a
discharge might pass across a vacuum. For suppose there was a
stray electron between two parallel electrodes in a vacuum; then
under the action of the electric field it would be driven against the
anode; by the impact Rontgen radiation would be generated,
which would fall on the cathode and if it were intense enough to
liberate one electron from the cathode the original electron would
be replaced and the passage of negative electricity from the cathode
to the anode would be repeated. From these considerations it is
probable that even the highest vacuum would not act as a per-
fect insulator for the very intense fields.
The linear relation V Vn-\-Cilp has been obtained on the
assumption that the direction of the electric force was the same in
all parts of the field; this is only true when the dimensions of the
electrodes are large compared with the distance between them. The
potential difference required to produce a spark of a particular
length depends upon the size of the electrodes between which the
spark passes, and is not a linear function of Ip, where p is the pres-
sure and / the spark length, unless / is small compared with the
linear dimensions of the electrodes. If these are spheres, the spark
potential will depend upon their radii, and for small spheres may
be considerably less than for large ones. Thus, for example, the
spark potential in air for a five centimetre spark is 26,000 volts for
electrodes -5 cm. in diameter, and 105,000 volts when the diameter
of the electrodes is 5 centimetres.
In this connexion it may be noted that, if the electric field is
sufficiently intense at any place to produce there a local supply of
ions, these may redistribute themselves between the electrodes,
and by their electrostatic action produce a change in the distribu-
tion of the electric force more favourable to the passage of the
spark than that prior to the production of the ions. To illustrate
this, take the very simple case when the electrodes are two parallel
plates: if there are any ions available these may distribute them-
selves so that the force between the plates is no longer uniform.
Thus let us suppose that there are enough positive ions to congre-
gate round the cathode in sufficient numbers to produce within the
distance of the " critical spark length " or thickness of the cathode
dark space a difference of potential equal to the minimum spark
potential. This would ensure that from close to the cathode there
was a continual emission of electrons, and even though the electric
field from this place to the anode was too feeble to give an electron
enough energy to ionize the gas, the electrons coming from the
cathode would be able to carry a small current, though this part of
the discharge might not be luminous. The ions here would be all
of one sign, so that the electric force will increase up to the anode.
If the current is gradually increased, the place where the electric.
force will just rise to the value necessary to make the electrons
ionize will be close to the anode. When this occurs a supply of
positive ions will start from the anode and move towards the cath-
ode, accompanied by luminosity close to the anode and very faint
luminosity through the rest of the tube. The introduction of the
positive ions into the region between the anode and cathode will
diminish the retarding effect of the negative space charge which
existed in this region, so that the current will increase. This increase
in current will again increase the ionization at the anode, and thus
the supply of positive ions. In this way there might be a supply of
electrons coming from the cathode, and of positive ions from close
to the anode, which will maintain the current in spite of the fact
that between these places there was a region where the electric
force was below that required to produce ionization by collision, and
the potential difference between the electrodes less than that cal-
culated on the supposition that the electric force was uniform from
one to the other. We should expect from these considerations that,
if the electric force at any point were intense enough to produce
ionization by collision, some discharge would take place.
Russell (Phil. Mag. 6. xi., p. 237) states that the results of the
different experiments made on the potential difference required to
produce sparks of various lengths between spherical electrodes of
various radii are in good agreement with the rule that the discharge
takes place in air at atmospheric pressure if the electric force at
any point in the field before discharge begins is as great as 37,000
volts per centimetre. This value agrees well with that required to
make electrons produce in air at atmospheric pressure other ions
by collisions.
The curious lag observed by Warburg between the application
of the potential difference and the passage of the spark, which may
amount in extreme cases to several. seconds, e.g. when the applied
potential is only a very little greater than that required to produce
the spark, is naturally explained as the time necessary for the ions
to distribute themselves so as to produce the distribution of poten-
tial required for the discharge.
The discharge of electricity from points affords a good illus-
tration of the preceding considerations. Suppose that the elec-
trodes are a needle point and a plane. When the discharge first
begins the only place where any light is to be seen is close to the
point ; the current between the electrodes is very small ; as the poten-
tial difference increases a stage is reached where light begins to
appear close to the points, the space between the point and plate
being quite dark. This stage is marked by a large increase in the
current. With further increase in current the luminosity extends
into the gas and ultimately stretches from one electrode to another.
The potential required to start the discharge is less where the
point is negative than where it is positive. This is what might be
expected, for to maintain the discharge from the negative point
there must be (l) ionization of the gas by the outgoing electrons,
and (2) liberation of electrons by the incoming positive ions, while
when the point is positive there must be (l) ionization of the gas
by outgoing positive ions, and (2) liberation of positive ions by the
impact of incoming electrons; as the process is not the same as for
the negative point we should expect that there would be a differ-
ence between the potentials. It is not only the potential difference
which is affected but the type of discharge. This can be shown by
allowing the point discharge to pass in the neighbourhood of a
photographic plate. Beautiful figures are found on developing the
192
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
plate, and the character of these is different according as the point
is positive or negative. Figures 9 and 10 represent discharges
from positive and negative points respectively.
The discharge from a negative point is in some gases very much
influenced by the purity of the gas; thus Warburg found that the
discharge from a negative point in nitrogen increased about fifty
times by removing the last trace of oxygen from the nitrogen,
though this had little or no effect upon the discharge from a posi-
tive point. This can be accounted for by the discovery of Franck
and Hertz that in very pure nitrogen the electron does not become
a negative ion and has a very high mobility. This is true for the
inert gases as well as for nitrogen, and Pryzibram has shown that
the difference between the discharges from positive and negative
points is exceptionally large in these gases.
Electrical Wind. The electrified ions starting from the point
in a point discharge sets the gas in the neighbourhood of the
point in motion producing a current of air, called the " electrical
wind." The momentum gained by the air is lost by the point, so
that there is a backward force acting on the point, which has
often been measured. This force, as well as the electrical wind,
is smaller when the point is negative than when it is positive;
this difference is especially marked at pressures low enough to
make the negative ion have an abnormally large mobility.
Relation between Potential Difference and Current. The po-
tential difference required to maintain a discharge will depend
upon the current passing in the discharge. The relation between
the current and potential difference for discharge through gases
is often a very complicated one. We should expect that this
would be so, for in the spark discharge, for example, the potential
difference is made up of the cathode fall of potential (this in-
creases with the current) and a uniform force along the rest of the
discharge, and this force in many cases diminishes as the current
increases. Thus whether increases of current produce an in-
crease or decrease in the potential difference will depend on the
relative contributions of these two parts.
I
FIG. 11
C.urren*.
A curve of which the ordinates are the potential difference between
the electrodes and the abscissae the current through the gas is called
the " characteristic curve " for the discharge. Suppose that the
current sent through a gas by a battery of cells of electromotive
force Eo is required. If R is the resistance of the curves connecting
the battery with the electrodes in the gas, then E Ri is the potential
difference between the electrodes in the gas, and one relation between
this potential V and the current is represented by the straight line
V = Eo Rt. The other relation is that represented by the char-
acteristic curve; the values of the current through the gas and the
potential difference between the electrodes will be determined by
the points of intersection of this straight line and the character-
istic curve. Unless the straight line cuts the curve there can be no
discharge through the gas ; on the other hand, the straight line may
cut the characteristic curve in more than one point, indicating that
there is more than one type of discharge. Some of these types may,
however, be unstable and thus impossible to realize. Thus, for
example, if the current is increased by Si the difference of potential
given by the battery between the electrodes' is diminished by R5i;
if V is the potential difference between the electrodes required to
send a current t through the gas, then, when the current is increased
by Si, the increase in the potential required is-j-8i; thus unless
-f-Si is less than RSi, or ( -r- + R J Si be positive, the dimin-
ished potential supplied by the battery will not be sufficient to
maintain the increase in the current, this increase will stop, the
current will return to its original value, and the discharge will be
stable; thus if R +-^ is positive the discharge will be stable. If,
however, R+~r~ is negative the fall in potential required to main-
tain the increased current is so great that, in spite of the diminu-
tion of the potential difference supplied by the battery, the residue
is great enough to maintain the increased current, the increase in
the current will continue, and the discharge will be unstable. Thus
the condition for stability is that R+-J- should be positive, a re-
sult first given by Kaufman. This result is equivalent to the con-
dition that for stability the straight line must, at the point where
it cuts the characteristic curve, fall more steeply than the tangent
to the curve at that point. Thus if APQB is the characteristic
curve, and if the straight line cuts it at PQ, the type of discharge
represented by P is unstable, and that by Q stable. Keeping the
electromotive force of the battery constant and increasing the
resistance will make the straight line steeper, and Q will move to
the left and the current through the tube will decrease; when the
line gets so steep that it touches the curve at S, the minimum value
of the current consistent with the maintenance of this type of dis-
charge by the electromotive force supplied by the battery will be
reached, and any further diminution of the current will result in
the extinction of this type of discharge. It is a well-known fact
that the existence of most types of luminous discharges requires
the current to be above a certain critical value which depends upon
the external force. The electric arc is perhaps the most familiar
example of this; as the characteristic curve for the arc discharge is
a rectangular hyperbola represented by the equation
a-\ '
We can easily show that if the external electric force is E, the maxi-
mum resistance which can be introduced into the circuit without
extinguishing the arc is (E a) 2 /4&, and the smallest current com-
patible with the existence of the arc 2&/(E a). For any stable
type of discharge we see that an increase in the external electro-
motive force will result in an increase of current; at a point corre-
sponding to an unstable condition it produces a diminution.
Structure of the Discharge. The structure of the discharge at
atmospheric pressure is on so fine a scale that its details can only
be made out with difficulty; as the pressure is reduced the scale
gets larger and larger, until, when the pressure is reduced to that
due to a millimetre or so of mercury, the details of the structure
become very conspicuous. The appearance of the discharge at
such a pressure is shown in fig. 12, and we see that it is built up
of several constituents of very different types. We have already
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
193
when considering the spark discharge given a general descrip-
tion of some of them; there are, however, some features which
require further discussion.
Starting from the cathode we find a thin layer of luminous gas,
the colour of which depends on the kind of gas through which the
discharge is passing. In most gases the light appears to reach right
up to the cathode, but in helium Aston has shown it is separated
from it by an exceedingly thin dark space. This luminous layer is
sometimes called " Goldstein's first layer "; next to this we have a
region where there is comparatively little luminosity called " Crookes'
dark space," the boundary of this space being approximately the
surface traced out by normals to the surface of the cathode of con-
stant length. The thickness of the dark space, which is of the order
of the critical spark length, depends upon the pressure of the gas,
varying approximately as the reciprocal of the pressure for air;
at the pressure of I mm. of mercury the thickness of the dark space
is about 2 mm., so that at atmospheric pressure the thickness would
not be much more than about 1/400 of a millimetre. If the pres-
sure remains constant and the current through the tube is increased,
the thickness of the dark space remains unaltered until the current
is large enough to cover the whole of the cathode with the lumi-
nous glow ; after this stage is reached any further increase in the cur-
rent causes a diminution in the thickness of the dark space. Start-
ing from the boundary of the dark space there is a brightly lumi-
nous region called " the negative glow." The function of the parts
of the discharge from the cathode to the negative glow is to pro-
duce the supply of electrons from the neighbourhood of the cathode
necessary to keep the discharge going. The dimensions of this part
of the discharge are independent of the distance between the cathode
and anode; at very low pressures this part may occupy a length of
several centimetres, but at atmospheric pressure they are crowded
into a very small fraction of a millimetre and as far as length goes
occupy a negligible portion of the sparks at such pressures. The
Crookes' dark space, though it appears dark in contrast to the nega-
tive glow, is not devoid of luminosity; indeed Seeliger, who has
made a spectroscopic examination of the dark space, finds that
there are some lines, such as the Balmer series lines, which are almost
as bright in the dark space as in the negative glow. But many lines
are much stronger in the negative glow than in the dark space.
Beyond the negative glow there is another comparatively dark
region called the " Faraday dark space "; the length of this is very
variable even when the pressure is constant, as it is sensitive to any
change in current. Beyond this and reaching right up to the anode
is a luminous column, called the positive column. The luminosity
in some cases is fairly uniform in intensity, but when the pressure
and current are between certain limits this column may exhibit
remarkable alternations of dark and bright spaces called striations,
such as are shown in fig. 13. Under some circumstances a dark
space round the anode has been detected by several observers.
When the distance between the electrodes is considerable and the
pressure not very low, the positive column forms by far the greater
part of the discharge ; thus at atmospheric pressures all but a frac-
tion of a millimetre of the discharge next the cathode will consist
of the positive column.
Distribution of the Electric Force along the Discharge. The
electric force is very large indeed in the part of the dark space
next the cathode, but diminishes rapidly towards the negative
glow. In the negative glow itself it is smaller than in any other
part of the discharge; passing the negative glow, the electric force
increases in the Faraday dark space, until the positive column is
reached. When the positive column is of uniform luminosity the
electric force in the column is constant until quite close to the
anode, when there is an abrupt change of potential of about 20
volts, called the anode fall of potential. When the positive column
is striated, the alternations of luminosity in the positive column
are accompanied by alternations in the intensity of the electric
force, the maxima of the electric force occurring at the bright
parts of the striae, the minima at the dark. From the equation
/7V
j- = 4Jrp, where X is the electric force in the direction of x and
p the density of the electrification, we see that there is an
excess of positive electricity in the cathode dark space and of
negative in the Faraday dark space; in a uniform positive column
Gas
Pt
Hg
Ag
Cu
Sc
In
Al
Mg
Na
Na-K
K
O 2
^60
H 2
N 2
He
300
232
>->fi
226
295
280
230
213
190
1 68
207
185
178
80
169
125
78-s
172
170
60
Arg
Cl
167
705
IOO
Br
^ss
I
377
there is no appreciable excess of electricity of one sign over that
of the opposite, while in the striated positive column there is an
excess of negative electricity on the cathode side of a bright
part of a striation and of positive on the anode side.
Cathode Fall of Potential. Until the glow next the cathode
covers the whole of the electrode the difference of potential be-
tween the cathode and the negative glow is constant, depending
on the gas and the material of which the cathode is made, but
being independent of the pressure of the gas and the strength of
the current. This constant difference of potential is called the
" cathode fall of potential," and there is evidence to show that it
is equal to the minimum potential that can produce a spark
through the gas. Its value, as determined by Mey for different
gases and different electrodes, is given in the following table,
which includes also Matthies' results for Cl2, Br2, 12:
When the current is so large that the luminous glow com-
pletely covers the cathode, the potential difference between the
cathode and the negative glow increases as the current increases,
while the thickness of the dark space diminishes. Mr. Aston, as
the result of experiments made with very large parallel plate
electrodes, found the following relations between V the cathode
fall of potential, i the intensity of the current, D the thickness of
the dark space, and p the pressure of the gas
These relations are empirical, and must not be taken to imply
that the dark space would increase indefinitely if the current
were diminished without limit. Aston also found that the thick-
ness of the dark space as well as the cathode fall of potential
depended upon the material of which the cathode is made. If
the space round the cathode is restricted so that the dark space
has not room to develop (for example, if the cathode is placed in
a narrow tube), then, as soon as the dark space reaches the walls
of the tube, the cathode fall begins to increase, and increases
very rapidly as the pressure diminishes and the thickness of the
free dark space exceeds more and more the space available round
the cathode. This is due to the same cause as that which makes
the spark potential increase rapidly when the spark length falls
below the critical value. This result is utilized to make " elec-
tric valves," i.e. tubes through which a current will only pass in
one direction. For if electrodes are put in a tube which is nar-
row at one end and very wide at the other, the development of the
negative glow will be restricted when the cathode is at the nar-
row, but not when it is at the wide end of the tube: a discharge
through the bulb will pass much more easily when the wide end
is cathode than when it is anode, so that even if the electrodes
are made alternately positive and negative the discharge through
the tube will only be in one direction.
A very important question in connexion with the cathode fall
of potential is whether the fall is continuous throughout the dark
space or whether an appreciable fraction of it occurs abruptly
at the surface of the cathode: Aston, who measured the distribu-
tion of potential near a very large flat cathode, came to the con-
clusion that there was no abrupt fall at the cathode. Westphal,
on the other hand, found in his experiments an abrupt fall of
potential quite close to the cathode amounting to 20% or more
of the total cathode fall. The question is important in connexion
with the mechanism of the discharge, for if the fall is so abrupt
that it occurs within molecular distances the electric force on the
surface of the cathode might be so great that the electrons would
194
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
be drawn out of the cathode without the necessity for the bom-
bardment by positive ions. It is interesting in this connexion to
notice that Skinner has shown that the anode " fall of potential "
occurs quite abruptly, as far as can be tested by experiment;
this, again, if the fall took place in molecular distances might be
sufficient to drag positive ions out of the anode itself. By using a
cathode heated to incandescence, and therefore emitting a plenti-
ful supply of electrons, we can reduce the cathode fall of poten-
tial to a small fraction of its normal value; we cannot, however,
with a luminous discharge get rid of the anode fall; thus in the
arc discharge the anode fall of potential is greater than the
cathode fall. Matthies has shown that, in chlorine, bromine and
iodine, the anode fall of potential may rise to hundreds of volts,
that in air or hydrogen being only about 18 volts. Reichenheim
and Gehrke utilized this fact to get positive ions of sodium and
potassium projected with great velocity. They made the anode
of a mixture of the halogen salts of these metals and graphite,
and worked at a very low pressure; under the action of the dis-
charge the halogens were liberated from the anode, and the large
anode fall they produced was sufficient to project sodium and
potassium ions from the anode with great velocity; this stream of
positive ions constitutes what is known as " anode rays."
The electric force in the positive column is a linear function of
the pressure; it depends slightly on the diameter of the tube
through which the discharge is passing; it also depends on the
current through the tube; in most cases, though not invariably,
an increase of current produces a decrease in the electric force.
The condition determining the electric force in the positive
column is that it should give to an electron during its free path
the amount of energy that will enable the electrons to produce
by collisions as many ions per second as are lost during the same
time by recombination.
Striated Discharge. The form of discharge when the positive
column is striated is so beautiful and remarkable that it has
attracted a great deal of attention. To get this type of discharge
the current and pressure must be within certain limits. The
striations are 'developed more readily in mixtures of gases than
in a pure gas; in fact some physicists have advanced the view that
they could not be obtained in an absolutely pure gas. There is
no doubt, however, about their occurrence in gases in which
great attention has been paid to purification. Nerbeck could
not get them in pure nitrogen or pure helium, though they were
conspicuous as soon as a trace of impurity was admitted. Nitro-
gen and helium are gases in which, when pure, the carrier of
negative electricity is always an electron; in these gases the elec-
tron does not join on to a molecule and become a negative ion.
Spottiswoode found that, in some cases when the positive column
snowed no signs of striation when observed in the usual way,
striations moving rapidly down the tube could be seen when the
discharge was observed after reflection in a rapidly rotating
mirror. Aston and Kikuchi, who have studied this effect in
neon and helium, are of opinion that the striations are moving in
these gases with the velocity of sound; it must be remembered,
however, that the velocity of sound in many gases is of the same
order as the velocity of a positive ion under the electric forces in
the positive column, so that this result does not necessarily
prove that the moving striations are analogous to sound waves.
The distance between the striations increases as the pressure
diminishes (in hydrogen the distance is inversely proportional
to the square root of the pressure) ; it depends upon the size of
the tube: the striations are nearer together in narrow tubes
than they are in wide. The distance between the striations also
depends upon the current. When several gases are in the tube,
spectroscopic observation of the bright parts of the different
striations shows that we may have one set of striations corre-
sponding to one gas, another to another and so on. Thus Crookes
observed in a tube containing hydrogen three sets of striations,
one set red, another blue and a third grey; the spectroscope
showed that the first was due to hydrogen, the second to mercury
vapour and the third to hydrocarbons. The striations are often
curved with their concavities turned to the anode.
To get a general idea of the causes which might give rise to strati-
fication, let us consider a case where the current is carried entirely
by electrons, the positive ions being regarded as immovable in com-
parison with the electrons. Let us imagine a stream of electrons
coming from the negative glow; the electric force in this region is
exceedingly small, so that these electrons will have very little energy
and will be unable to ionize the gas ; the electrification in this part
of the tube will be that due to the electrons and thus will be nega-
tive, so that the electric force will increase as we approach the anode;
as the electric force increases the energy of the electron increases,
and the electron will acquire enough energy to enable it to ionize
the gas and produce positive ions and electrons; the increase in the
number of ions will check the rate of increase in the electric force.
The connexion between the ionization and this rate of increase is
in the case we are considering represented by a very simple equa-
tion. For if n and m represent respectively the number of nega-
tive and positive ions per unit volume, X the electric force, and x the
distance from the cathode
dX
(2 4 ).
If the current i is carried, as we have supposed, by the electrons,
neu = i, where M is the velocity of the electron, and if we neglect the
current carried by the positive ions, then when things have reached
a steady state the number of positive ions produced in any region
per second must equal the number which disappear owing to re-
combination. Hence, if q is the rate of ionization, a the coefficient
of recombination, q = amn or m = <j/an. Hence we see that (24) is
equivalent to
dX 47Tt A-jrqeu
Tx = -^ ^~ ' ' ' (2 5 } '
Thus as long as q vanishes, dX/dx is positive, but as soon as q
becomes finite the rate of increase will be retarded ; as X increases q
increases, and when e-qu- = a.i?, dX/dx will vanish; but though X
reaches its greatest value at this point, the values of u and q, which
depend on the energy acquired by the electron, will continue to
increase beyond it. For the energy acquired by an electron depends
on fXdx, taken over a distance measured by the free path of the
electron ; at low pressures this may be a centimetre or more, and the
place where fXdx is a maximum will be beyond that where X is a
maximum by a length of this order. Thus after X has reached its
maximum u and q will increase and dX/dx will become negative, so
that X will diminish; the diminution in X will ultimately produce
a diminution in fXdx and also in u and q; the rate of decrease will
slow down; X will attain a minimum, and begin to increase again
when similar changes will be repeated. Thus the curve which repre-
sents the relation between X and x will resemble fig. 14, giving alter-
FIG. 14
nate maxima and minima for the value of x. Thus/Xdx, the energy
acquired by an electron, will vary periodically along the path of the
discharge. There are two values of this energy which are of special
importance in connexion with discharge through gases, one the
ionizing potential we have already referred to, the other, sometimes
called the " radiation potential," is the energy which the electron
must possess to make the gas luminous. The radiation potential is
less than the ionizing potential, and electrons with energy between
these potentials will make the gas luminous but will not ionize it.
Thus the molecules of the gas will give out light but will not be
charged. When the energy of the gas exceeds the ionizing potential
the luminous molecules are or have been charged. If the variations
in the energy along the line of discharge are large enough to make it
sink below the radiation potential, then along the discharge we shall
have: (i) places where the energy is below the radiation potential,
these will be dark; (2) places where the potential is between the
radiation potential and the ionizing potential, the molecules here
will be luminous and uncharged and will, therefore, not move under
the electric field; (3) places where the molecules are luminous and
charged, these molecules will move down the tube towards the
cathode with the velocity which the positive ion acquires under the
electric field. This velocity, when the pressure is low and the field
several volts a centimetre, as it is in the positive column, may be
many thousand centimetres per second. Place (i) corresponds to
the dark parts of the striations, (2) to the stationary luminous parts,
while (3) is the origin of the striations moving down the tube
observed by Wulner, Spottiswoode, Aston and Kifcuchi.
Cathode Rays. In 1859 Pliicker observed on the glass of a
highly exhausted tube in the neighbourhood of the cathode a
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
195
bright greenish yellow phosphorescence, which changed its
position when a magnet was brought near to it. About to years
afterwards Hittorf showed that a solid body placed between a
pointed electrode and the walls of the tube cast a well-defined
shadow of such a shape as to show that the agent producing the
phosphorescence travels in straight lines at right angles to the
surface of the cathode. The name " cathode rays " for the cause
of the phosphorescence was introduced by Goldstein, who made
many important investigations on their properties. The opinion
held by Goldstein and generally in Germany was that cathode
rays were waves in the ether. Varley and Crookes advanced the
view that they were electrified molecules shot off at right angles
to the cathode. The discovery by Hertz that the cathode rays
could pass through thin layers of gold leaf was difficult to recon-
cile with this view. The evidence in favour of the cathode rays
being electrified particles was much increased by Perrin's dis-
covery that when a pencil of the rays entered the opening in a
Faraday cylinder they gave a negative charge to the cylinder.
One difficulty which had been urged against the rays being nega-
tively electrified, viz. that, though they were deflected by a
magnetic force, an electric force produced no effect upon their
path was removed by J. J. Thomson, who showed that the
absence of deflection was due to the gas in the tube acting as a
screen and protecting the particles from the electric force. As
the gas in the vacuum tube is a conductor of electricity the
rays move inside a conductor of electricity, and so will not be
affected by an external electrified body. Thomson showed
that when the vacuum was very high, so that there was but
little gas in the tube, the cathode rays were deflected by an
electric and magnetic field, and that the direction of the deflec-
tion indicated a negative charge on the particles. The measure-
ment of the deflection by known electric and magnetic forces
led to a determination of the mass of the particles which carried
the charge, and showed that these particles were not atoms
or molecules but something with a mass not one-thousandth
part of the mass of the lightest atom known, that of hydrogen.
The deflection due to electric and magnetic forces can be calcu-
lated as follows. Suppose that the particles are travelling horizon-
tally between two parallel horizontal metal plates A, B, maintained
at a constant difference of potential, there will be a vertical electric
force F acting between the plates, and if the axis of y is vertical the
equation of motion of the electrified particle when it is between the
plates is
fy .,
n> W =Fe.
dy
If y and -? are both zero when the particle enters the region be-
tween the plates, then, when it leaves this region, after a time
I Fe dv Fe
y = - f and = /.
2m dt m
Since the electric force is at right angles to the direction of motion
of the particles, i> the velocity of the particles will not alter, and if
the deflection is small, t=l/v where / is the length of the plates.
Thus
i Fe P , dy Fe I
y =2 r^ and d* = m ?
Suppose the particles strike a photographic plate or a screen cov-
ered with a phosphorescent substance at a distance L from the end
of the plates, the y displacement at this plate produced by the elec-
tric force is given by the expression
I Fe P , Fe IL
Hence
y =2 * ^ H
m t?
Magnetic Deflection of the Rays. If the rays go through a uni-
form magnetic field of length / and strength H, then if the mag-
netic force is vertical the force acting on the moving particles will
be tin, and will be at right angles to the magnetic force and also
to the direction of motion of the rays; i.e. it will be at right angles
to the plane of the paper ; if z is the displacement of the particle in
this direction
From this we see that the value of z at the screen is given by
_/ = zf
m y
m(-
. (26),
"=yH * ' ' (27) '
Thus the measurements of y and z, the electric and magnetic deflec-
tions, give the values of e/m and .
The expressions for y and z have been obtained on the supposi-
tion that the electric and magnetic fields acted one at a time and
not simultaneously. If, however, y and z are small, their values will
not to a first approximation be altered if the electric and magnetic
deflections occur simultaneously. Thus by making the cathode rays
pass through superposed electric and magnetic fields, e/m and v
can be got with one exposure by measuring y and z on the screen or
photographic plate.
Since from the above equation (26) z'/y is constant as long as e/m
is constant, we see that all the particles of the same kind, whatever
their velocity, would strike the screen or plate on a parabola, and
that if the rays were a mixture of particles of different kinds each
kind of particles would trace out a different parabola. Since z/y
only depends upon r, all the particles moving with the same velocity
will strike the screen or plate in a straight line.
The determination of e/m for the cathode rays led to results of
fundamental and far-reaching importance, for it was found that all
the cathode rays had the same value for e/m, and that moreover
while for a charged atom of hydrogen in liquid electrolytes ejm was
equal to io 4 , when e was measured in electromagnetic units, the
value of e/m for the particles in the cathode rays was considerably
more than one thousand times this value. Thus if e were the same
for the particle as for the hydrogen atom (and we shall see later
that this is the case), the mass of the cathode particle is only ,,^,0
of that of an atom of hydrogen, the smallest mass which hitherto
had been recognized. Again it was found that whatever metal might
be used for the cathode, or whatever might be the gas in the discharge
tube, the value of e/m was unaltered. As those particles must
have come either from the electrode or the gas, it follows that the
particles of the cathode rays are a constituent of the atoms of all
the chemical elements. These particles are called " electrons."
After the electrons had once been detected in the cathode rays,
they were soon detected under many other conditions and found to
be of very wide-spread occurrence. Thus, for example, it was found
that streams of electrons are given out by incandescent metals, the
rate of emission increasing very rapidly with the temperature.
This has received a very important industrial application in what
are known as " hot wire valves," at which a current from a hot
cathode passes through a vessel in which the vacuum is so perfect
that the gas takes no part in the discharge; the current, in some
cases amounting to several amperes, is carried entirely by electrons.
Lenard found that they were emitted by metals exposed to ultra-
violet light. They are emitted when Rontgen rays strike against
matter, and by radio-active substances. The speed of the electrons
ejected either by ultra-violet light or by Rontgen rays does not
depend upon the intensity of the radiation but only upon the wave
length. The energy acquired by the electrons is = hn where n is
the frequency of the radiation and h Planck's constant.
Since the cathode rays are deflected by electric and magnetic
forces proportionally to the magnitude of these forces, we can use
the deflection of the rays as a measure for electric and magnetic
forces. As these rays have practically no inertia they are especially
adapted to measure very rapidly alternating forces which could not
be detected by any index having an appreciable mass. The cathode
ray oscillograph, an instrument by which electric and magnetic
forces are measured by the deflection of cathode rays, has already
been used in many investigations, and is a very important aid to
research. Another property of cathode rays is that when they
strike against matter they generate Rontgen rays, the hardness of
the latter increasing with the speed of the former.
Positive Rays. Goldstein discovered in 1886 that, if the
cathode on a highly exhausted tube was perforated, bundles of
a luminous discharge streamed through the aperture into the space
behind the cathode. The colour of this discharge depends upon
the gas in the tube; thus in hydrogen it is rose colour; in air,
yellowish. The colour of the light due to these rays is not the
same as that produced when cathode rays pass through the gas.
In some gases the difference is very striking: thus in neon the
light due to the cathode rays is pale blue, while the discharge
which streams through the cathode is a gorgeous red. Goldstein
called the rays which stream through the hole in the cathode
Kanalstrahlen; but as they have been proved to consist of posi-
tively charged particles it seems more natural to call them
" positive rays." These rays produce phosphorescence when
they strike against glass and many other substances, though the
phosphorescence is generally of a different colour from that
produced by cathode rays. They also affect a photographic
196
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPERTIES OF
plate. It was at first thought that the positive rays were not
deflected by a magnet, as magnetic forces which produced large
deflections of cathode rays had no appreciable effect upon posi-
tive ones. Wien showed, however, by using very strong magnetic
fields, that they could be deflected, and that the direction of the
deflection indicated that they carried a charge of positive elec-
tricity; they can also be deflected by electric forces.
By measuring the deflection provided by electric and magnetic
fields we can determine the value of ejm for the particles which con-
stitute the rays. The result is of great interest. Instead of, as in
the cathode rays, ejm having the same value for all the carriers, we
find that elm has many different values separated by finite inter-
vals; and instead of e/m being equal to 1-78 x io 7 , as in the cathode
rays, we find the greatest value of e/m is 10*, which is the same as
its value for a charged hydrogen atom. The values found for
elm depend on the gases in the discharge tube; the outstanding
result is that all these values of m correspond to masses of atoms or
molecules of the chemical elements or compounds. Thus while the
determination of e/m for the cathode rays shows that in a gas at a
very low pressure the carriers of the negative electricity are all of
the one type, being electrons whose mass is exceedingly small com-
pared with that of any atom, the determination of e/m for the posi-
tive rays shows that the carriers of the positive electricity are of
many different types; and that all these types correspond to atoms
or molecules of the chemical elements or compounds. It has already
been shown that if charged particles, after passing through electric
and magnetic fields, are received on a screen or photographic plate,
all particles, for which e/m is the same, strike the plate on a parabola,
and that for each different value of e/m there is a separate parabola.
These parabolas are shown in fig. 15, which is a reproduction of a
photograph made by allowing the positive rays in a tube containing
gases liberated by heating a certain mineral to strike against a
photographic plate; taken from the top downwards they corre-
spond respectively to the atom of hydrogen, the molecule of hydro-
gen, the atom of helium, the atom of carbon with two charges, the
atom of nitrogen with two charges, the atom of oxygen with two
charges, the atom of carbon with one charge, the atom of nitrogen,
the atom of oxygen, the molecule of water, the molecule of CO
and that of N 2 (these form one parabola), the molecule of oxygen,
the molecule of CO 2 and the atom of mercury. We find that many
of the atoms can carry more than one charge, for when we find a
parabola corresponding to one value of e/m we frequently find
another corresponding to twice this value; thus carbon, nitrogen,
and oxygen occur very frequently with two charges, other atoms
such as argon with two and three charges, while mercury atoms
have been detected with i, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 charges. It is significant
that the atom of hydrogen never occurs with more than one charge.
Multiple charges generally occur on atoms but not on molecules;
there are, however, some molecules such as CO on which double
charges have been found. Some of the positive particles, after
passing through the hole in the cathode, lose their positive charge
and become uncharged, and some of these neutral particles acquire
a negative charge; thus mixed with the positively electrified parti-
cles there are some negatively electrified ones. This power of
acquiring a negative charge is confined to certain atoms; thus while
the atoms of hydrogen, carbon, oxygen, fluorine occur with a nega-
tive charge, the atoms of nitrogen, helium, argon and neon do not.
It is exceptional for a molecule to acquire a negative charge, the
molecules of oxygen and carbon, however, can do so. The equation
of a parabola formed by a particle on the photographic plate has
already been given
where z is measured parallel to the displacement due to the magnetic
field and y to that due to the electrostatic. C is a quantity which
depends on the strength of the electric and magnetic fields and on
the position of the photographic plate. If, as in fig. 16, we draw a
FIG. 16
line parallel to the axis of z, the intercept made by a parabola on
this line will be proportional to (e/m)i; thus, if the top parabola is
due to the atom of hydrogen, the next to the molecule of hydro-
gen, the third to the atom of helium and the fourth to that of_oxy-
gen, the intercepts AH, AH2, AO are in the proportion of I, 1/^2,1/4.
Thus by comparing the intercept made by any parabola X with
that made by the parabola due to the hydrogen atom we can find the
molecular weight of the substance producing the parabola X.
Positive Rays as a Method of Chemical Analysis. Since from
the measurement of the positive ray photographs we can de-
termine the molecular weight of the gases in the discharge tube,
we can analyze a gas by putting a small quantity of it in a dis-
charge tube and taking a photograph of the positive rays. It is
thus a method of chemical analysis, and its application has al-
ready led to the detection of several new substances. In fact,
though it has only recently been introduced, more substances
have been discovered by this method than have ever been dis-
covered by spectrum analysis. The method has many advan-
tages. In the first place only a very minute quantity of the gas is
required ; a small fraction of a cubic centimetre of gas at atmos-
pheric pressure is all that is required to fill the discharge tube at
the pressure at which the positive rays are produced. Aga.in,
the method is very sensitive, as it will detect the presence of a
gas which only forms a small percentage of the gas in the tube.
The method not only detects the presence of the gas, but at the
same time determines its molecular weight. It indicates, if the
gas is an element, whether it is monatomic or diatomic; for if it
is diatomic it will give rise to two parabolas, one due to the atom,
the other to the molecule. The absence of double or negative
charges will suggest that it is a compound and not an elemen-
tary gas. The only ambiguity is that it does not distinguish
between two substances of the same molecular weight; thus
CO2, and NzO give the same parabolas, as also do CO and N2:
we can often, however, remove this ambiguity by putting sub-
stances in the tube which would absorb one gas and not the
other, and testing whether or not this has removed the parabola.
Use of Positive Rays to Determine Atomic Weight. The meas-
urement of the parabolas give, as we have seen, the atomic
weight of the elements producing them; they can therefore be
used to determine the atomic weight of elements which can be
introduced in a gaseous state into the discharge tube. This
method has the great advantage that the presence of impurities
does not affect the result. Mr. Aston has lately, by the use of a
positive-ray method for determining atomic weights, found the
very important fact that, if oxygen is taken as 16, the atomic
weights of the elements with the exception of hydrogen are rep-
resented by whole numbers. Thus in working with chlorine he
found no substance with an atomic weight of 35-4, but two
GASQUET- -GAUTSCH-FRANKENTHURN
197
substances with atomic weight of 35 and 37 respectively; he
regards these substances as identical in chemical properties and
inseparable by chemical reactions, and ordinary chlorine as a
mixture of abou t 3 parts of (3 5 2 ) and one part of (37'). Mr. Aston,
by the method of positive ray analysis, has discovered isotopes
of boron, silicon, bromine, krypton, xenon and mercury.
The Charge of Electricity Carried by Caseous Ions and Elec-
trons. The deflection of cathode and positive rays by electric
and magnetic forces supplies a method for finding the value of
e/m; for the determination of e, the charge on an ion, other
methods have to be employed. One such method used by
J. J. Thomson is based on the important investigations of
C. T. R. Wilson on the effect of ions on the deposition of clouds
and fogs from supersaturated air. If dust-free air saturated with
water vapour is suddenly cooled by expansion, no cloud or fog is
deposited unless the supersaturation due to the cooling is very
large. C. T. R. Wilson found that if ions are present in the gas
they act as nuclei round which drops of water are deposited with a
supersaturation much below that required for gas free from ions.
A beautiful application of this is the detection of the path of an a
particle from a radioactive substance. The a particle produces by
collision ions all along its path; if the damp gas through which
the particle is passing is suddenly cooled by expansion, drops of
water will deposit on the ions and thus mark out the path of the
particle. One of Mr. Wilson's photographs of such a path is
shown in fig. 17. Mr. Wilson found that less supersaturation is
required to deposit water on negative than on positive ions. This
result can be applied to find the number of ions in a moist gas,
for if the gas is suddenly expanded by an amount sufficient to
deposit drops on ions, but not sufficient to produce condensation
in their absence, then each ion may be made the centre of a drop,
and the problem of counting the ions is reduced to that of count-
ing the drops.
We can calculate the amount of water that will be deposited by
any given expansion of the air; hence, since we know the volume of
the water we can determine the number of drops if we know the
volume of a single drop. Observation of the rate at which a drop
falls under gravity will give the size of the drop, for Stokes long ago
showed that the velocity of a rain drop falling under gravity is
given by the equation v = - g ; when v is the velocity of the drop,
a its radius, / the viscosity of the gas, g the acceleration due to
gravity, and p is the density of the gas. It has been found that, with
the exceedingly fine drops formed round ions where the radius of
the drop is comparable with the free path of the molecules of the
gas, the velocity is greater than that given by the above, equal in
the proportion of fl-f Jfel, when C is a constant, and p the
pressure. But though this correction makes the relation between a
and v a little more complicated, it still enables us to determine a
when v is known. Thus the radius, and therefore the volume, of the
drop can be determined, and from this, as we have seen, we can
deduce the number of ions.
_Let n be this number per unit volume; then if a current of elec-
tricity is sent through the gas by an electric force X, the current
passing through unit area will be neU when U is the mean velocity
of the positive and negative ions under the force X. We know that
it is proportional to the force and for a force of one volt per centi-
metre is 1-5 cm. /sec.; and hence when X is known U is known, the
current net) can be measured, and hence ne deduced; as n has been
found by the drops, the value of e can be determined immediately.
This was the method used by J. J. Thomson; a simpler method used
afterwards by H. A. Wilson was to get drops round the negative
ions alone by using an expansion that would deposit moisture on nega-
tive but not on positive ions. He then showed the rate of fall of
these drops, first under gravity alone, and then under a vertical
electrical force X, acting on the drop in the same direction as grav-
ity. Thus, when the electric field is acting, the force on the drop is
Xe+ 4 *pa 3 g,
J
and when it is off the force is only ?r/>a 3 g. Thus, if v lt v are respec-
o
lively the velocities of the drop when the field is on and off,
"""*
_,
or e =
From v, the rate of fall when the field is off, we can calculate as
before the radius of the drop, and from the preceding equation we
can determine e. Millikau, who has made most extensive and accu-
rate investigations on the value of e, used a modification of the pre-
ceding method. Instead of producing water drops by expansion on
the ions, he obtained, by means of a sprayer, minute drops of oil;
he observed the motion of one of these under an electric field in a
gas which was subject to some ionizing agent, and from time to
time an ion would strike against the drop and alter the charge;
this would alter the velocity, and from the alteration of the velocity
he could by a formula similar to that just given calculate the charge
communicated to the drop by the ion. The value obtained for e by
this method is, in electrostatic units,
e = 477Xio- 10 .
From the value of e we can obtain Avogadro's constant, the num-
ber of molecules in a cubic centimetre of gas at oc and 760 mm. pres-
sure. For Townsend has shown that Ne = P^F: where P is the
AL>
pressure when the number of molecules is N, u the velocity of the
ion when'the force is X, and D the coefficient of diffusion of the ion
into the gas. Townsend measured D, and found that the value of
Ne determined by this equation was, within the limit of errors of
experiment, equal to NE as determined by experiments on the
quantities of hydrogen liberated by electrolysis. E is here the
charge carried by an atom of hydrogen in the electrolysis of liquids.
Thus the charge on the gaseous ion is equal to that on the liquid
ion. Since one coulomb deposits 1-11827 milligrams of silver, and
the atomic weight of silver is 108 and the density of hydrogen 8-987 X
io~* at oc, NE = i-29oXio 10 , and as e=4-77Xlo- 10 , N = 2-7Xio".
The number of molecules in a gramme molecule of any substance is
6-06X10".
Thus the study of the electrical property of gases has given
the most accurate values available of two of the most important
constants connected with the constitution of matter. By study-
ing electrified atoms and molecules, we have been able to de-
termine their masses and their properties with an accuracy far
beyond that attainable by any method which can be used when
they are in the normal state. (J. J. T.)
GASQUET, FRANCIS AIDAN (1846- ), Roman Catholic
cardinal and historian, was born in London Oct. 5 1846. He
was educated at Downside College, Bath, afterwards becoming
superior of the Downside Benedictine monastery (1878-1884).
He was created cardinal in 1914. He has produced various works
on mediaeval church history and liturgies, among them being
Henry VIII. and the English Monasteries (1888-9); A Short
History of the Catholic Church in England (1903); Parish Life in
Mediaeval England (1906) and The Bosworth Psalter (1908).
GAUL, GILBERT WILLIAM (1855-1919), American painter
(see 11.532), died in New York Dec. 21 1919. He was awarded
a gold medal at the Appalachian Exposition, Knoxville, in 1910.
GAUTSCH-FRANKENTHURN, PAUL, FREIHERR VON (1851-
1918), Austrian prime minister, was born at Vienna Feb. 26
1851. He was director of the Theresa academy from 1881 to
1885, and Minister of Education from 1885 to 1893 and from
1895 to 1897. He was three times prime minister: first from
GASES, ELECTRICAL PROPEF
'IES OF
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ti C*cmic4t AmJyns.
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of a
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n.vs ue
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oc : tie pt
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It nfiatai, 2 Ac
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198
GEDDES
1897 to 1898, when he revoked the language ordinances made
by Badeni; again from 1904 to 1906, when he prepared the
way for universal suffrage; and for the last time from June to
Oct. 1911. He died on April 30 1918.
GEDDES, SIR AUCKLAND CAMPBELL (1879- ), British
man of science, administrator, and diplomatist, was the son of
Auckland Campbell Geddes of Edinburgh and the younger
brother of Sir Eric Geddes, and was educated at George Watson's
College, Edinburgh, and Edinburgh University. He studied
medicine, qualified as a practitioner, was at Jhc London hospital
for a time, and later studied at Freiburg. He was a demon-
strator and professor of anatomy first at Edinburgh, then at the
Royal College of Surgeons, Dublin, and afterwards at McGill
University, Montreal. He had also military experience, first
in the South African War, and afterwards in the World War from
1914-6, becoming eventually a brigadier-general in the Territo-
rial Force. At the outbreak of war he was still at McGill Univer-
sity; but in 1916 he was brought into the War Office as Director
of Recruiting. The remarkable efficiency of his work in this
capacity caused him to be appointed to succeed Mr. Neville
Chamberlain in Aug. 1917 as Minister of National Service.
This was one of the new ministries instituted by Mr. Lloyd
George, with a view to the more energetic prosecution of the
war. The great problem was to utilize the man-power and woman-
power of the country to the best advantage. Sir Auckland
Geddes outlined his policy in speeches at Edinburgh on Oct. 3,
at Nottingham on Oct. 9, at Plymouth on Nov. 12, and at the
AJdwych Club on Nov. 14. Instead of following Mr. Chamber-
lain's plan of building up a great department, he proposed to
utilize existing machinery as far as possible. He contemplated a
system of industrial cooperation, and determined to carry out the
necessary transference of labour by means of labour's own
organizations. More men were wanted for the shipyards, the
production of steel, the making of aerodromes, and the pro-
duction of aircraft and aero engines. To get them he proposed
to use the employment exchanges, the trade unions, and the
employers' federations. He appealed for volunteers for season-
able occupations like haymaking and harvest, and said that the
waste of power in domestics, chauffeurs, and gardeners must
stop. He made a special appeal to young, healthy, middle-class
femininity. He instituted four grades of physical fitness. He
said that the need of men and women for the army must be
obtained by a drastic comb-out of individuals. He condemned
extravagance on luxury, such as women's clothes. His depart-
ment made a card index of the whole of the army at home, so as
to get back into civil life men unfit for active service but fit for
industrial occupations. His object was to ensure the maximum
effort of the country for the following spring, when the strain
would be the greatest.
A seat in Parliament was found for Sir Auckland at Basing-
stoke, and unlike some of the eminent practical men whom Mr.
Lloyd George introduced from the outside into his administra-
tion, Sir Auckland had little difficulty in accommodating himself
to parliamentary life. He introduced in Jan. 1918, and carried
through Parliament in Feb., a bill the chief object of which was
to call up from civil employment a number of young men who had
hitherto been exempt from military service. He secured the co-
operation of the trade unions in general, and even eventually of
the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, which had hitherto
proved recalcitrant. It was largely due to his efforts that the man-
power and woman-power of the whole country was so completely
thrown into the prosecution of the war as to make the victory of
1918 possible. In Nov. he became President of the Local Govern-
ment Board and Minister of Reconstruction, and in the following
May President of the Board of Trade. In this latter capacity he
began the removal of the barriers to British trade which the war
had necessarily set up, and he had to deal with the difficulties
which immediately arose in the coal industry. He pointed out
that the shortening of the working-day and the slackness of pro-
duction had resulted in a deficiency of nearly 50 millions of
money, that England could not get back to her industrial position
before the war, unless the work of the country was done, and it
was not being done. He had to increase the price of coal by 6s. a
ton in the summer; but in Nov., as the result of a conference with
the Labour party, he announced that the British consumers ought
to profit by the profits on export coal, and reduced the price of
domestic coal by IDS. In 1919 an opportunity was afforded him
to return to academical life by his selection to succeed Sir W.
Peterson as principal of McGill University. He accepted the
appointment, subject to its not being operative until he could be
spared from his work at the Board of Trade on account of the
coal crisis in England. But the delay so caused prevented his
taking up the appointment, and in the spring of 1920 the
Government prevailed on him to accept the post of British
Ambassador at Washington, Gen. Sir Arthur Currie being made
principal of McGill in his stead. It was thought that his com-
bination of academical and intellectual interests with military
and administrative experience, together with his knowledge of,
and affection for, Canada, gave him peculiar qualifications for
the Washington Embassy. He had, moreover, married in 1906
an American wife, Isabella Gamble, daughter of W. A. Ross of
New York, by whom he had four sons and one daughter. He
was made a K.C.B. in 1917.
GEDDES, SIR ERIC CAMPBELL (1875- ), British man of
business and politician, born in India Sept. 26 1875, was
the son of Auckland Campbell Geddes of Edinburgh and the
elder brother of Sir Auckland Campbell Geddes. He was edu-
cated at Oxford Military College and Merchiston Castle school,
Edinburgh. He gained business experience lumbering in the
southern states of America, and he afterwards was connected
with railways first the Baltimore & Ohio system in the United
States, and then the Rohilkund and Kumaon in India. Returning
to England, he joined the North-Eastern Railway Co., under Sir
George Gibb, and, having succeeded him in 1906, was himself
the general manager of this line when the World War broke out
in 1914. He was one of the business men whom Mr. Lloyd
George, on becoming Minister of Munitions, enlisted in Govern-
ment employ. He became deputy director-general of munitions
supply 1915-6, and his powers of administration so impressed
the ministers charged with the conduct of the war that, when
in 1916 the question of communications behind the lines of the
British army in France became urgent, and Sir Douglas Haig
asked for the help of an expert, he was appointed, though a
civilian, director-general of military railways and inspector-
general of transportation, with the rank of hon. major-general.
Under him, and with the assistance of the expert railway man-
agers whose services were enlisted, the British lines of com-
munication in the latter part of the war were brought into a high
state of efficiency. He was knighted in 1916 and in 1917 he was
created K.C.B. and G.B.E., being transferred to the Admiralty
in May of that year as controller, with the honorary rank of
vice-admiral, in order to develop and utilize the whole of the
shipbuilding resources of the country and concentrate them
under one authority. So highly did Mr. Lloyd George value his
work that when Sir Edward Carson resigned the office of First
Lord of the Admiralty a couple of months later, the Prime
Minister selected Sir Eric Geddes, in spite of his having no
parliamentary experience, to succeed him. A seat in the House
of Commons was provided for the new minister at Cambridge
(town). He held office at a time when the unrestricted German
submarine warfare was levying a heavy toll on the British
mercantile marine. He informed the House of Commons in
March 1918 that the monthly output of British shipbuilding
yards would have to be nearly doubled before the monthly rate
of sinking was made good; and he appointed Lord Pirrie, the
great Belfast shipbuilder, as controller-general of merchant ship-
building. In Oct. he went at the head of a naval mission to the
United States. After the Armistice Mr. Lloyd George availed
himself of Sir Eric's powers as an organizer by appointing him to
coordinate Government departments in regard to demobiliza-
tion. His success in these varied tasks was rewarded in Jan.
1919 by the G.C.B. The Prime Minister's programme for the
election of Dec. 1918 included " the development and control
... of the railways and the means of communication," and
GEIKIE GENETICS
199
" a systematic improvement in the transport facilities of the
agricultural areas." For the purpose of carrying out this policy,
Sir Eric left the Admiralty when the ministry was reconstructed
in Jan. 1919 in order to organize and preside over a new Ministry
of Transport. Until the bill constituting it was passed in the
summer, he held Cabinet office without portfolio. The measure,
which was opposed in both Houses as tending unduly to national-
ization, gave the minister control of railways, roads, canals and
docks. The constitution of the new ministry subsequently
aroused severe criticism on account of its extravagant scale
when in 1920-1 all eyes were fixed on the need for economy; and
in view of the contemplated handing back of the railways from
State control to the companies in the autumn of 1921, it became
understood that its future was very doubtful, and that Sir
Eric himself had no desire to continue in public life after that
event. A bill for regrouping the railways was introduced by him
in the spring of 1921. Sir Eric Geddes married in 1900 Gwen-
dolen, daughter of the Rev. A. Stokes, and had three sons.
GEIKIE, JAMES (1839-1915), Scottish geologist (see 11.553),
died at Edinburgh March i 1915.
GENETICS. This term was proposed at the third conference
on hybridization 1906 to denote the study of heredity and
variation. In that sense it has been generally adopted, and by
extension is understood to include the physiology of reproduction
and the art of breeding. Though such inquiries have been pur-
sued from the earliest times, the development of a special branch
of science relating to them is recent. The primary incentive was
the hope that by applying accurate methods of observation and
experiment to the course of heredity and variation a more precise
knowledge of evolutionary processes might be acquired. Modern
theories of evolution are based on the assumption that species
have arisen by descent with modification, and that the constancy
and diversity which living things manifest in their reproduction
provide a sufficient basis for that conception. It is significant
that as a result of the preliminary work done under the new
inspiration attention has been largely diverted from these more
philosophical aims. Beliefs current among naturalists, especially
as to the nature and incidence of variability, were at once found
to be widely incorrect. The scope and character of these dis-
coveries are referred to below. Their immediate consequence has
been that the development of evolutionary theory is tacitly
suspended or postponed, and activity is concentrated on the
exploration of genetical physiology, the theoretical evaluation
of the knowledge thus gained being relegated to the future.
In these researches several methods of investigation are
available. Modern genetics began with an attempt to observe
empirically the course of contemporary variation from type;
but though observations of this class have proved valuable in a
preliminary survey, and have often been of use as indicating
material for more prolonged investigation, the main advances
have been accomplished by either (i) experimental breeding or
(2) cytology. Important sidelights on genetical problems have
also been obtained through the study of developmental mechan-
ics (Enlwicklungsmechanik) by experimental methods.
(i) Experimental Breeding. The great stimulus to this
method of research was given by the rediscovery in 1900 of
Mendel's paper (see 18.115). Heredity, long regarded as a
fortuitous and seemingly lawless phenomenon, was proved to
follow regular principles which could in great measure be as-
certained by experiments properly planned. A vast field was
at once thrown open for investigation. Mendel's success was
made possible by his genius for simplification. Working with
peas he made crosses between distinct varieties and watched
the descent of their numerous characteristics, fixing his attention
on each separately, and disregarding other differences. He then
found that numerous distinctive features behaved in descent
as if they were transmitted as units. These determining elements
or units are referred to as factors or " genes " (a term especially
used by American writers, the equivalent of Johannsen's
Genen). The differences determined by these factors can com-
monly be shown to be treated in heredity as pairs of alternatives
or opposites, such as tall and short, coloured and colourless,
hairy and smooth, each germ-cell being usually pure in respect
of one or other of the contrasted characteristics. This is the
principle of allelomorphism, and the members of such pairs are
called allelomorphs. The zygote, formed by two germ-cells united
in fertilization, may be made up of two germ-cells alike in respect
of any given pair, in which case it is said to be homozygous in that
respect, or it may be a heterozygote if the uniting pair of cells are
unlike. Before the germ-cells of the heterozygote are formed a
process of segregation occurs, and there is a dissociation between
the opposing elements introduced at fertilization, such that the
resulting germ-cells are again in normal cases pure in regard to
each allelomorph.
After the rediscovery of Mendel's work, progress was rapid,
and it was soon found that similar principles of descent apply
to a great range of characteristics by which living things are
distinguished. The number of forms of life studied is now very
large, and includes most of the kinds of plants and animals which
are readily amenable to experiment or observation. Man is
evidently no exception, and we already know that certain features
of human coloration, especially of hair and eyes, and several
congenital abnormalities are transmitted according to the Men-
delian scheme, some being dominant, others recessive.
Scarcely any satisfactory opportunities for studying the
genetics of the lower plants (ferns, mosses, Algae, etc.) have yet
occurred, but one example has been described in a unicellular
Alga (Pascher). Of the features by which animals and plants are
distinguished most have now been shown to be dependent on
segregable elements. Reservation must be made in regard to
differences which are simply quantitative, for there is a good
deal of evidence suggesting that the elements by which size and
weight are determined do not often form themselves into simple
allelomorphic pairs. A similar doubt exists in regard to numerical
or meristic distinctions.
Differences in instinct and other characters dependent on
nervous mechanism are not, as such, distinct in their genetical
behaviour, and some have been proved to depend on segregable
factors or elements. In several breeds of fowls the hens are
devoid of maternal instincts, and do not sit on eggs. This charac-
teristic is recessive to the normal instinct, and segregation takes
place in regard to it. The same is true of the pacing habit in
horses as opposed to the trotting habit. The " waltzing " habit
of certain Japanese mice is recessive to the normal, segregates
from it and breeds true when it reappears. This example is
interesting, since the abnormality is almost certainly a conse-
quence of deformity in the semicircular canals of the ear.
As to the descent of the normal mental attributes of man little
is known with accuracy, but several abnormalities of the nervous
system are known to follow modes of descent which prove them
to be subject to segregation. Feeble-mindedness is a recessive
condition which breeds true. Paralysis agitans is also a recessive.
Hereditary chorea descends as a dominant; colour-blindness and
a form of night-blindness may also be termed recessive (see SEX).
In heterozygous combination with the normal there is segregation,
but the descent of these conditions is complicated by sex.
It will readily be understood that though the determining
factors may be transmitted as units, the distinguishing charac-
ters of animals and plants must be often due to the association of
many independent units. Of these some produce their effects
separately; but not rarely, though independently transmitted,
two or more unit-factors may be complementary to each other
and combine to produce a joint effect, or "compound character"
as it is sometimes called. Such complementary factors if separate-
ly present in the organism without their complement need not
manifest their presence at all, and it is then only by breeding
tests that their existence can be demonstrated.
Organisms may now be represented as aggregates of units
which confer upon them their various attributes. The degree to
which an organism may be thus resolved is as yet undetermined,
but there is presumably a limit to the process, and it is natural
to suppose that the detachable elements are implanted on a
basis which for a given type is irreducible.
Reversion. Conceptions, formerly vague, now acquire an
200
GENETICS
exact meaning. For example, reversion or " throwing-back "
to an ancestral form, previously regarded as a mere caprice of
nature, can at once be perceived to be due to one of two definite
causes which operate with regularity. The reversion is either
(a) the reappearance of a recessive characteristic, or (b) it is the
consequence of the reunion of complementary factors which,
though both present together in the ancestor, had been separated
by variation and transmitted in distinct strains. For example,
when a red-haired child is born to dark -haired parents the fact
proves that the two parents are heterozygous in respect of the
recessive red, which reappears when two germ-cells carrying it
unite in fertilization. Moreover, if the statistics of a considerable
number of such families of children were collected and added to-
gether it would be found that the proportion of red-haired was
approximately a quarter of the whole. The mere fact that one
or both of the parents traces descent from a red-haired ancestor
is not the cause of the reversion for if either of the parents were
homozygous in dark hair the red would not have reappeared.
The reversion to an actual or supposed ancestral form conse-
quent on the meeting of complementary factors is less common
in the ordinary practice of breeders, but is frequently seen in
experimental crossing. When two white orchids crossed to-
gether give a coloured flower in FI, or when a rose-combed fowl
bred with a pea-combed bird gives chickens with the walnut
comb of the Malay fowl, the production of the unexpected
colour or structure is due to complementary action of two in-
dependent factors. But the old interpretation of the phenomenon
as a consequence of such an ancestor having occurred in the
pedigree is illogical and misleading. In the case of the walnut
comb, for instance, it is quite possible that either or both of the
parent breeds never had a Malay ancestor. The production of a
new form by the meeting of complements should be regarded,
like the properties of a chemical compound, simply as the em-
pirical consequence of a certain combination of units, without
reference to the previous history of those units.
Purity of Type. Of greater importance, both theoretical and
practical, is the fact that it is now possible to assign a precise
meaning to this expression. To the pre-Mendelian evolutionist
purity was always a matter of degree, which might be gradually
and, as it were, asymptotically approached in successive genera-
tions of selection, but never actually attained. The practical
breeder also has always regarded purity as a property necessarily
dependent on a long course of selection. Purity is now seen to be
the condition of the animal or plant which is formed by the union
of gametes bearing identical units. In respect of any aHelo-
morphic pair purity may thus be conferred, though in respect of
other pairs of units the same organism may be impure, i.e.
heterozygous, or, in ordinary parlance, cross-bred. This is the
central fact of Mendelism, and on it Genetics is based.
The question of purity must therefore be considered separately
for each pair of units. A thoroughbred horse, for example, may
be pure in a number of characteristics which go to the making of
the breed, but it may be impure in, say, colour. A chestnut
horse, however, of whatever parentage, is pure-bred in colour,
since that colour is the lowest of the series of horse colours, and
chestnuts bred together give chestnuts only. By selection the
likelihood of producing purity is increased, but, as will subsequent-
ly appear, no amount of selection can ensure purity. On the
other hand, purity in respect of any character may be attained at
once in any mating by which gametes of similar factorial com-
position happen to be brought together in fertilization. From
this proposition the corollary follows that the combination of
two strains pure in any given respect will give a family uniform as
regards the character considered, and the uniformity of such
cross-bred families, especially when one of the parents contains
few dominant factors, is in practice one of the simplest and most
convincing tests of purity.
Genetic Analysis. By the institution of a series of crosses with
varieties and study of the composition of the succeeding genera-
tions an analysis of the factorial constitution of a given type
can be made. The numerical proportions or ratios in which the
several combinations of characters are represented, the number of
these terms in the series, and their respective genetical powers
of transmission furnish the data from which the nature and
number of the factors comprising the parental type may be
determined. In the earlier article on Mendelism (see 18.115)
some of the simpler ratios and their significance are explained,
but examples of a much higher order of complexity are often
encountered. The unravelling of these complications has led to
some important discoveries. The many ways in which it may
come to pass that two or more terms in a series of factorial com-
binations may be indistinguishable from each other cannot be
enumerated here, but a knowledge of some of the more significant
causes of disturbance of what may be called the normal ratios
(9:3:3:1; 9:3:4; 27:9:9:9:3:3:3:1, etc.) is essential to a proper
comprehension of Genetics.
Cumulative Factors. From certain crosses (especially of cereals)
into which only one pair of differences had apparently been intro-
duced it was observed (Nilsson-Ehle; East) that the recessives re-
appearing in F 2 were only I :i5 instead of the usual I 3. Investiga-
tion proved that from the dominant side two factors with identical
functions, though belonging to distinct pairs, had been introduced.
Consequently, among the dominants in FI were some containing
both these factors and others having one only. Various results suggest
that this multiplication, or better, accumulation, of similar factors is
a phenomenon of common occurrence, and that the process may be
extended in special cases.
Inhibiting and Lethal Factors. Many factors act by producing a
negative result, inhibiting the development of some character, the
determining elements of which are present though their action is not
perceptible or largely diminished. Of these the most easily demon-
strable operate by inhibiting the formation of colour. The white
pigment of the coats of animals and the feathers of birds, or of
flowers, for example, is commonly due to the absence of the elements
necessary for the formation of colour, but both in animals and in
plants varieties have been found which are white, or nearly so, not
through absence of pigment, but through the presence of factors
which, in some way not yet defined, inhibit the production of the
coloured pigments. From some matings a mixture of white individ-
uals may be obtained, which to the eye look alike, or nearly so,
though they represent various factorial terms and are genetically
dissimilar. The process of inhibition may be carried much further,
and there are well-established instances in which the animal or the
plant cannot live if it is homozygous (containing two "doses," in
popular terms) for a given factor. The classical instance of such
lethal factors, as Morgan has called them, was met with in the breed-
ing of yellow mice (Cuenot; F. M. Durham). Mice with yellow
coats, bred together, give a majority of yellows, but always throw a
proportion of some other colour for example, chocolate or black.
Since in mice yellow is a dominant, it is clearly caused by a factor
which the gametes can carry. But the union of two gametes, both
carrying this factor, does not give rise to a viable animal. It was sug-
gested that two such gametes could not unite in fertilization, but
later work has practically proved that these fertilizations occur and
that the resulting embryo perishes at an early stage (Ibsen). The
physiological action of the yellow factor in causing death is not
known. In plants the " golden "-leaved varieties are comparable.
They cannot breed true, but throw 2 yellow: I green. The purely
yellow term is missing, and is clearly not viable (Baur). The sug-
gestion has been made that the yellow factor acts not merely nega-
tively by diluting the amount of chlorophyll, but by inhibiting its
formation, probably producing a body with this specific power.
This is the more likely since golden varieties in dull weather turn
almost a full green, whereas in sunlight they bleach to a full yellow,
the fact indicating that the production of the inhibiting body is
promoted by sunlight. Two doses of this factor kill the plant alto-
gether, probably during embryonic life.
Linkage. At an early stage in these inquiries it was observed that
factorial units belonging to separate allelomorphic pairs are not
always distributed independently among the gametes of a heterozy-
gote, but that some combinations occur regularly with a greater
frequency than others. The next step was the discovery that this
linkage depends on the association of the linked factors in the parent
from which the heterozygote was formed. For example, if a form AB
is crossed with ab the normal expectation is that the double heterozy-
gote AaBb will form gametes AB, Ab, aB, ab in equal numbers;
but if there is linkage between A and B, then the parental combina-
tions AB and ab will be more frequently represented in the gametic
series than the other, or "cross-over" combinations, Ab and aB.
But if the original cross were in the form Ab x aB, then the most fre-
quent gametes will be Ab and aB, the cross-overs, AB and ab being
the rarer. This observation forms the starting-point from which
modern genetical theory has been very largely developed. The
terminology followed above is that introduced by T. H. Morgan, to
whom progress has been especially due. It is sometimes convenient
to distinguish the case in which the two dominants (AB x ab) are
introduced together by the parent as coupling, and the converse
(Ab x aB) as repulsion, but the physiological process is now recog-
GENETICS
201
nized as being clearly the same in both cases, and there is no dif-
ference in the numerical proportions in which the parental combina-
tions respectively reappear. It should be observed that the factors
thus linked have plainly no connexion with each other as regards
the effects which they produce in the zygote, but may concern the
most dissimilar characters. For instance, in the example first
observed the linkage was that between the factor which makes the
flower of the sweet pea blue or purple (as distinguished from red)
and that which makes the pollen grains long (as distinguished from
round). According as the proportion of cross-overs is small or large
the linkage is more or less complete. If both parental and cross-over
terms are equally common there is no linkage. The most satisfac-
tory test of the linkage-ratio is obviously provided by breeding the
double heterozygote (Aa-Bb) with the double recessive (aabb), and
this mating should be carried out reciprocally since it is known that
in plants (e.g., Primula sinensis) the male and female sides of the
same plant may show different degrees of linkage (R. P. Gregory),
and that in animals (e.g., Drosophila and the silkworm) crossing-over
may be entirely absent in one sex though occurring in the other.
Allelomorphism: Multiple Allelomorphs. Apart from linkage, seg-
regation is always a separation of units affecting the same charac-
ter, and from a very large range of observations it is possible to repre-
sent the distinction between the allelomorphic pair as one in which a
positive element separates from a negative.' In other words, allelo-
morphism may commonly be conceived as a difference which con-
sists in the presence of something on the one side and its absence on
the other. This conception is applicable whenever there is definitely
pronounced dominance. It is natural that the characteristic which
possesses dominance should be looked upon as due to the positive
or present element, the recessive being the consequence of its absence.
Nevertheless there is as yet no strict proof that this representation is
physiologically correct. For since we know that many factors may
operate by inhibition it is always possible to invert the conventional
representation and, by putting negative for positive, to make a fac-
torial scheme which equally agrees with the observed results. Con-
ventionally, for instance, the tall pea is represented as either TT
(homozygous) or Tt (heterozygous), the dwarf being It, from which
the positive element T tallness is absent. But we cannot positively
declare that the dwarfs may not be TT homozygous in the presence
of an inhibitor T, whereas the tall plants might be either Tt heterozy-
gous or tt homozygous in respect of the absence of this inhibitor. The
significance of this alternative mode of representation will be appar-
ent when the application of factorial systems to evolutionary theory
is attempted (see MENDBLISll). But when the heterozygote is inter-
mediate between the two homozygous forms the " presence-and-
absence" method of representation cannot be applied with any con-
fidence. From the existence of such cases and from certain other
considerations it has been urged, especially by American geneticists,
that the method of representation by presence-and-absence is in-
correct, and that a negative allelomorph should be treated as a real
entity. There is no valid means of deciding this question as yet. The
probability is perhaps that the absence should always be regarded
as relative only. As a mode of symbolic expression the representa-
tion of the two allelomorphs as differing quantitatively is often
convenient, though certainly not universally applicable.
Allelomorphism is, as the term implies, a relation between two
alternatives, and in any one zygote there can be no more than two.
Nevertheless there are instances in which the same unit-factor enters
into heterozygous combination with various alternatives in different
zygotes, and each of these may thus be in allelomorphic relation with
it. Alternatives composing such a group of possibilities have been
termed by Morgan multiple allelomorphs, and this expression is com-
monly adopted. Its use, however, makes the application of the term
" multiple ' to " factors " in a totally different sense a probable source
of confusion, and for this reason the word cumulative or some equiva-
lent is there to be preferred, as suggested above. The distinctions
which together make up a set of multiple allelomorphs may com-
monly be recognized as a series of quantitative differences, the charac-
ter affected being throughout the series the same. One of the most
familiar illustrations is provided by the degree of albinism in rabbits.
The fully albino form is white with pink eyes, but there is a variety
called Himalayan, which, though born white with pink eyes, acquires
some chocolate pigment in certain parts. Himalayan is dominant
to albino but recessive to the ordinary coloured types. If a coloured
type is bred with Himalayan the heterozygotes so raised cannot,
when interbred, throw albinos, nor can heterozygotes raised from
coloured X albino throw Himalayans, even though the albino used
as their parent had itself been extracted from Himalayans. The
degree of albinism put in by the parents comes out in F 2 and in the
same degree. Hence it is not possible from similar parents to breed
all three kinds, but, on the other hand, each family can contain at
most two of them.
This phenomenon can be interpreted in either of two ways. The
Himalayan pattern may be regarded simply as a quantitative dimi-
nution or fraction of the sum total of colour needed to make the self-
coloured type. The real albino is thus produced by the absence
of the whole unit needed for colour, and the Himalayan by the
absence of part of this total. It is then obvious that the heterozy-
gote, coloured X albino, could never produce a Himalayan unless the
colour-complex broke up again de novo. But on the analogy of the
behaviour of other colour patterns the self and the Himalayan might
be conceived as each consisting of two units: one for colour and one
a factor determining its pattern, intensity or distribution. If there
were a very close linkage between each "pattern" factor and colour
the observed facts could then be represented; but by continued
breeding the supporters of this view would expect the missing cross-
over eventually to appear as either a Himalayan associated with
recessive albinos or an albino associated with recessive Himalayan.
On the ground of simplicity the former view seems preferable. The
significance of these two alternatives will presently appear.
More complex illustrations of these possibilities have been de-
scribed by Nabours in certain grasshoppers (Paratettix). The species
studied presents a long series of 'colour forms, and experimental
breeding showed that with certain exceptions all the pure forms be-
haved as if allelomorphic to each other. In other words, whichever
two pure forms A and B were crossed together, the FI generation was
.<4Bgivingin.F2afamilyapproximatingto 1^4/1 :2AB:iBB. Thewhole
series of colours is thus often described as a vast set of multiple
allelomorphs. Nevertheless there are curious features in that case
which raise a doubt whether this account is really correct. Many of
the distinctions are plainly quantitative degrees in development of
some one type of coloration which are, as might be expected, alle-
lomorphic to each other (cf. the Himalayan rabbit) ; but among the
elements comprising the total coloration of these grasshoppers there
are several in which both the pigments and the positions they occupy
are so distinct that the characters cannot easily be represented as de-
termined by factors allelomorphic to each other. Only by a very
loose application of the term colour can the distinctions be said to
apply -to the same character. Hence, in this hitherto generally
accepted illustration it seems probable that, in so far as the distinc-
tions are actually quantitative differences in one respect, true allelo-
morphism may be recognized, but that the appearance of an alle-
lomorphism between factors of differing scope is more probably
spurious, and referable to close linkage (cf. Haldane). No decision
on this question can yet be made with any confidence.
Allelomorphic Complexes. Among recent extensions of geneti-
cal theory none is more remarkable than the discovery that
large and apparently miscellaneous groups of characters are
sometimes governed by elements capable of segregating collective-
ly as a single complex. Nevertheless, in the case of sex,we have long
been familiar with one example. Since the distinction between
the two sexes in many animals is known to behave in segregation
as if it depended on a single Mendelian factor, we have to recog-
nize that a number of distinctions of all kinds, structural and
functional, may be treated in segregation as factorially single.
In the special case of se^c we know further that particular genetic
elements may be detached from the complex (e.g. the elements
governing spur and broodiness in fowls, the beard in man, etc.),
though the possible limits of such disintegration are unknown.
Renner's experiments have shown that the inheritance of the
protean variations of several Oenotheras is largely effected by the
transmission of similar complexes. Each of these large composite
factors or groups of factors (in so far as they prove to be divisible)
may govern many characters of form, colour, habit, etc., and the
whole group is transmitted as a single heritable entity. Similar dis-
coveries will probably be made in regard to other forms. The details
are beyond the scope of this article, but it may be remarked that
these complexes in Oenothera supply one of the most striking illus-
trations of the phenomenon which may be called unilaterality (see
" Somatic Segregation," infra) or the relegation of a factor or factors
exclusively to one sex-side of a plant. For instance, whereas Oeno-
thera Lamarckiana, the species which provided de Vries with his
most celebrated but unsound evidence of mutation, can be proved
to be a permanently heterozygous form having two complexes
equally distributed in segregation to both the male and the female
gametes, the species biennis and many more, though similarly hetero-
zygotes of two complexes, in segregation pass the whole of the one
complex into the male gametes and the whole of the other into the
female gametes. The question whether the apparently simple fac-
tors which commonly behave as Mendelian units are capable of fur-
ther resolution is of much theoretical importance in its bearing on the
problem of the nature of variation. Such a complex factor as that
which determines sex may evidently break up into simpler com-
ponents, but for various reasons some geneticists incline to the belief
that factors in general are permanent and irresoluble. Whenever a
series in Ft, derived from two clearly distinct and true-breeding types,
consists of a number of intergrading forms it is possible to interpret
this result as due to the operation of a multitude of originally dis-
tinct factors, or to the fractionation of some one or more of them.
Not very rarely in such series an extreme parental type fails to re-
appear at all (e.g. the many-feathered tail of the fantail pigeon
[Staples-Brown], or the long glumes of Polish wheat) from crosses
with ordinary types. It is difficult to interpret the absence of the
extremes simply as an indication of their statistical infrequency.
The recent production of an innumerable series of colour-forms, as in
the sweet pea, is almost certainly due to the fractionation of the
2O2
GENETICS
colour-complex. Until systematic crossing was undertaken, the
extremes existed but the intergrades did not. So also in Drosophila,
of which the normal eye is red, a profusion of intergrades ranging to
the white eye, which was discovered first, has now appeared. Though
"mutation" is involved, the essential change is probably the dis-
integration or fractionation of the originally integral complex.
(2) Cytological Interpretations of Genetic Phenomena. Soon after
the rediscovery of Mendelian analysis the plausible suggestion
was made that the behaviour of the chromosome in the course
of the maturation divisions was consistent with what might
be expected if they were actually the bearers of segregable
factors. Since, however, the number of segregating factors in
many forms far exceeds the number of chromosomes possessed
by those forms, it is clear that if the chromosomes are the carriers
of factors they must be capable of carrying many. The discovery
of linkage, and especially of the fact that linkage was determined
by the parental associations of the factors, pointed in the same
direction, for, as hinted (by Punnett) in the earlier article on
Mendelism (see 18.118), linkage or "gametic coupling," as it
was then called, might not unreasonably be supposed to be based
on . chromosomal association. The first development of this
conception was made by T. H. Morgan, whose investigations,
relating mainly to the fruit-fly Drosophila, have inaugurated a
new phase in the development of genetical theory. This .insect
is a subject unusually favourable for experiment inasmuch as it
offers a profusion of variations or " mutations," and reproduces
itself with great rapidity under laboratory conditions.
The work began with the observation that the eyes, normally
red, may be white, and that this variation is sex-linked, behaving
genetically precisely as colour-blindness does in man. The white-
eyed male mated with normal females produces offspring all normal.
Of these the sons cannot transmit the abnormality at all, whereas
the daughters mated with normal males transmit the white eye to
half their sons. White-eyed females can only be produced as daugh-
ters of white-eyed fathers and all the sons of such females are white-
eyed. Supposing the male to possess an X-chromosome, this system
of descent would be represented if it were assumed that in the nor-
mal the X-chromosome carried the dominant factor for red eye (see
SEX). The linkage with sex is thus found to be an expression of the
association of the two determining factors for sex and red eye in the
same chromosome.
Numerous other sex-linked characters were soon after discov-
ered, to which the same considerations apply, all collectively compos-
ing one linkage-group. The other factors identified in Drosophila,
amounting to more than a hundred, can all be represented as grouped
in three separate linkage-systems which, with the sex-linked group,
make four; and since from cytological observations the haploid
number of chromosomes in this animal is also 4, the inference is
drawn that the factors composing each linkage-group are borne in
one chromosome. Developing this conception, Morgan suggests
that the factors are arranged in the chromosomes as beads on a string,
each having a position normally fixed in relation to the rest. Cross-
ing-over is thus represented as the consequence of an exchange of
material between homologous pairs of chromosomes in synapsis (see
CYTOLOGY). The pairs of chromosomes which then conjugate are
with much probability regarded as respectively of maternal and
paternal origin. The conjugating pairs seem to twist round each
other, and occasionally there is (especially in Amphibia) an appear-
ance of anastomosis between them which is regarded as providing for
an exchange of material between the homologous pairs, and thus
for the formation of cross-overs. According as the linkage between
two factors is more or less complete it is supposed that the distance
between the position of the two factors in the chromosome is smaller
or greater, and in proportion as factors are placed close together the
probability of their being separated in the process of twisting and
anastomosis is regarded as diminished. The proportion of cross-
overs is thus taken as a measure of the position of two factors in the
chromosome. If A, B, and Care three factors in one linkage group,
and the closeness of the linkages between A and B and between B
and C respectively be determined experimentally, then from these
two the linkage between A and C can be calculated, and the result
of the calculation is commonly found to agree with the value found
experimentally for that linkage. In this way the relative " loci " of -
numerous factors have been determined with fair consistency, and
the fact that this can be done forms a strong argument for the belief
that in some way at least the factors must be disposed in linear sys-
tems. That these systems are actually arranged along the lines of
the chromosomes is as yet a matter of inference. Attention must be
called to the curious fact that in Drosophila crossing-over never
occurs in the males in any of the 4 linkage-systems. As in every
example of sex-linkage studied, the linkage with the sex-factor is
always complete; but all the other factors are liable to crossing-
over in the female, though among the male gametes the original
parental .combinations reappear unchanged. Conversely Ta,naka,
examining linkages in the silkworm, observed that a pair of linked
factors show crossing-over in the male but not in the female, and the
two facts together suggest some limitation of crossing-over to the
sex which is homozygous in sex, the female in Diptera, the male in
Lepidoptera. The development of the idea here outlined has become
the subject of very active research and is described in a copious but
somewhat esoteric literature which can be followed only with difficul-
ty by those not personally engaged in the work. That the outcome
of these researches has led to a valuable codification of genetic prin-
ciples is not in dispute; but until the main thesis, that the number
of independent factors or of linkage-systems is never greater than
the haploid number of chromosomes, has been shown to hold gen-
erally for animals and plants, this account of the nature of linkage,
though probable, cannot be regarded as proved. The defect of the
theory at the present time is that it rests on many subordinate hy-
potheses which are hot all capable of independent verification. The
position of the factors, for example, is believed to be liable to changes
due to the action of other factors, the effects of age and miscellaneous
influences difficult to distinguish. Errors of cell-division, long regard-
ed as the most probable source of variation, may also cause disturb-
ance. In two very remarkable instances it has been found possible to
connect a disturbance in the normal course of heredity with a visible
cytological irregularity called by Bridges "non-disjunction." In a
certain family he observed that a sex-linked character failed to follow
its normal distribution to the sexes, and he was able to find that in
this family the sex-chromosomes showed corresponding irregularities.
More recently (1921) he obtained similar evidence in regard to the
fourth chromosome and the group of genes attributed to it. Thus
a definite association between particular chromosomes and the
transferable factors must certainly exist.
Giant-forms. The interrelation of genetical and cytological
phenomena is further illustrated by the behaviour of " Giant-
forms." This name is applied to certain varieties (chiefly of
plants) in which the haploid and diploid numbers of chromosomes
are double those of normal forms. R. P. Gregory bred such vari-
eties of Primula sinensis, and found that in respect of various
allelomorphs they might be quadripartite and not merely bi-
partite as the normals are. A plant, for example, might be
DRRR in colour or leaf-shape, and, in consequence of the extra
recessive elements, not distinguishable from the ordinary re-
cessive, though in fact capable of throwing a small proportion
of dominants. Since recent cytological studies have shown that
series of allied forms may contain various multiples of the low-
est haploid number (Chrysanthemum, for instance, having 9, 18,
27, 36 or 45), various extensions on these lines may be expected.
Somatic Segregation. In the genetics of plants a number of
phenomena have been encountered which are difficult to recon-
cile with the view, otherwise not unacceptable, that the distribu-
tion of the factors occurs exclusively in the maturation processes
of the germ-cells. Apart from certain special conditions, best
known in variegated plants (which are sometimes irregular
mosaics and sometimes consist of an outer " skin " and an inner
" core," dissimilar in their genetical potentialities), there are
many plants in which the distribution of factors must have been
laid down before the formation of germ-cells. E. R. Saunders's
results proved that in certain stocks (Malthiola) the pollen all
carried doubleness though the ovules were mixed in character,
single and double. C. Pellew showed that in the hermaphrodite
Campanula carpatica " pehiformis " the pollen bore exclusively
femaleness and preponderantly white flower-colour (the plant
being heterozygous for blue). The pollen of Begonia Davisii
(a wild species with single flowers) carries doubleness exclusively,
and several similar examples are known, in all of which the
segregation of characters must precede the maturation of the
germ-cells. Thus, while it is not in question that segregation
depends on some cell-division, and very possibly on a differentia-
tion of the chromosomes, there is evidence that the cell-division
in which this differentiation occurs must at least sometimes pre-
cede germ-formation. As mentioned, in Oenothera this " unilat-
eral " distribution is exceptionally frequent.
Bearing on Evolutionary Theory. This aspect of genetics can
only be briefly treated here (see also under MENDELISM). Genetic
analysis has shown that the appearance of variability as a con-
temporary and widespread phenomenon is largely illusory.
On studying a variable species critically it is found that the
various forms cannot all produce each other as was formerly
assumed, but that they stand in a regular descending order,
GENOA GEODESY
203
being terms in a series of combinations of definite factors. Such
series are no evidence of contemporary variability. Many of the
terms can be separated in the homozygous condition, and there-
after may breed perfectly true. Even such an appearance of
variability as that seen in polymorphic species is frequently not
above suspicion of being the consequence of a cross, more or less
remote. Contemporary variation certainly may occur; but
of the contemporary origination of new species, or of the occur-
rence of genetic changes which can be colourably interpretec
as likely to lead to the production of incipient species in a strid
sense, no indication has been found. That the forms of life have
been evolved from dissimilar precedent forms we know from the
geological record, but as to the process by which this evolution
has come to pass we are still in ignorance. All that can be said
with any confidence is that variation most commonly arises as
an error of cell-division, and that conceivably new species
have so arisen.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Text-books : W. Bateson, Mendel's Principles of
Heredity (3rd ed. 1913); E. Baur, Einfuhrung in die. experimented
Vererbungslehre (4th ed. 1919); T. H. Morgan, Heredity and Sex
(1913); The Mechanism of Mendelian Heredity (1915); The Physi-
cal Basis of Heredity (1919); R. C. Punnett, Mendelism (sth ed.
1919). Special references: W. Bateson and I. Sutton, "Double
Flowers in Begonia," Jour. Gen., viii., 1919; C. B. Bridges, "Non-
disjunction as Proof of the Chromosome Theory of Heredity,"
Genetics, i., 1916; L. Cuenot, " L'Heredite chez les Souris," 4016
Note, Arch. Zoo/, exp. et gen. iii., 1905; E. M. East, "A. Men-
delian Interpretation of a Variation that is Apparently Contin-
uous," Amer. Nat., 1910; R. P. Gregory, "Experiments with
Primula sinensis," Jour. Gen., i., 1911; "Genetics of Tetraploid
Plants," Proc. Roy. Soc., B, 1914; J. B. S. Haldane, " Note on a Case
of Linkage in Paratettix," Jour. Gen., x., 1920; H. L. Ibsen and E.
Steigleder, " Evidence for the Death in uterool the Homozygous Yel-
low Mouse," Amer. Nat., 1917; R. K. Nabours, "Studies of Inheri-
tance and Evolution in Orthoptera," i., ii., iii., Jour. Gen., Hi., 1913-
4, and vii., 1917-8; H. Nilsson-Ehle, " Kreuzungsunters. an Hafer
u. Weizen," Lunds Universitets Arsskrift, 1909 and 1911; A. Pascher,
" Uber d Kreuzung einzelliger haploide Organismen," Ber. deut. bot.
Ges., xxxiv., 1916; C. Pellew, "Types of Segregation," Jour. Gen.,
vi., 1917; O. Renner, " Versuche ub. d. gametische {Constitution d.
Onotheren," Zeits. f. ind. Abst. u. Vererbungslehre, xviii., 1917;
E. R. Saunders, " Further Experiments on the Inheritance of Double-
ness and Other Characters in Stocks," Jour. Gen., i., 1911.
The following periodicals are devoted to the subject : The Journal
of Genetics (Cambridge); Genetics (Princeton); Genetica (The
Hague); Hereditas (Stockholm); Zeits. f. ind. Abst. u. Vererbungs-
lehre (Berlin). (W. BN.)
GENOA (see 11.597), the chief port of Italy and capital of
the province of Genoa. Pop. (Dec. 1918) of the municipal area
of about 12 sq. m. (comune) 272,221, or, with suburbs (circon-
dario), 577,449. The latter figure includes the now contiguous
industrial quarter of San Pier d' Arena on the west and a growing
residential quarter beyond the Torente Bisagno on the south-
east to which the Via Venti Settembre gives direct access.
Before the World War there was a marked activity in house-
building, but the only buildings of note recently erected
are the imposing Banca dTtalia in the Via Dante and the Hotel
Miramare above the principal station. The improvement of
the Piazza de Ferrari, the central square, was begun in 1913:
blocks of houses adjoining the 6th-century church of S. Ambrogio
were demolished and the area opened up. The historic Palazzo
San Giorgio underwent complete restoration and transformation
between 1890 and 1914 and became the headquarters of the
Harbour Board (Consorzio). A fine new sea-front, the Corso
d'ltalia, adds considerably to the attractiveness of the new
residential quarter.
The birth-rate in 1913 was 20-6 and the death-rate 17-64; 23-25%
of the latter were children below the age of five and n-8 % of these
died before the age of one year. Mortality was due mainly to pul-
monary diseases, heart affections and infantile diarrhoea. The
meteorological station (alt. 147 ft.) records the highest mean annual
rainfall of the twelve Italian stations of which statistics are available
52 inches. The average number of rain-days is 117. Themeanannual
temperature is 59-6 F. with a mean of 72-6 in summer and 48-1
in winter and an absolute maximum and minimum of 98-4 and 16-7
respectively. During 1916-8 eighteen earthquake movements were
recorded.
The total value of the trade in 1916 was 4,581 million lire, or
39 % of that of all Italy. The following table shows the fluctuations
of trade in tonnage.
Imports.
Exports.
Total.
1910-1913
(average)
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
6,210,000
5,930,000
6,560,000
6,870,000
5,090,000
4,530,000
5,210,000
1,230,000
1,080,000
900,000
840,000
430.000
300,000
430,000
7,440,000
7,010,000
7,460,000
7,710,000
5,520000
4,830.000
5,640,000
The marked drop in imports which began in 1917 was due mainly
to the great decrease in coal 590,000 tons in 1917 as against
a previous yearly average of 3,140,000 tons. About 6,600 vessels
(exclusive of sailing craft) of an aggregate tonnage of 6,700,000
entered and cleared in 1919, compared with an average of 12,000
vessels of 14,340,000 tonnage during 1911-3. The British share in
shipping in 1913 was 1,260 vessels of 2,900,000 tons. The passenger
traffic of Genoa (including emigration) had normally amount.ed to
about half a million annually, but it fell to 45,000 in 1916. Emigra-
tion decreased from 42,000 in 1914 to 1,500 in 1918.
The port has warehouse and shed capacity for 300,000 tons of
general merchandise in addition to coal and cereals. A daily average
of 1,000 trucks can be loaded and unloaded. The doubling of the
railway track to Pisa and the development of the marshalling station
at San Pier d'Arena and of the Genova Brignole station, 3 km. east
of the principal station, on the main line to Pisa and Spezia, have
aided the improvement of port facilities; also the extension of elec-
tric power to the main line towards Turin, and to Savona and
beyond on the line along the coast. The power for the latter is
supplied by plant of 80,000 H.P. at Cuneo. The new Vittorio Eman-
uele basin, equipped with up-to-date plant, was nearing completion
in 1920 and the construction of the larger basin of San Pier d'Arena
had been begun. Shipbuilding (merchant) is increasing in im-
portance; seven steam vessels of 6,900 total tonnage, nine of 7,570
tons and ten of 28,650 tons were built in 1916, 1917 and 1918
respectively.
Woollen factories have been established; the manufacture of
felt and straw hats is increasingly important and there is a con-
siderable motor-car industry. The construction of an underground
electric railway 6J m. in length, with 14 stations, connecting San
Pier d'Arena with Quarto, af m. east of Genoa, was proceeding in '
1920.
GEODESY (see 11.607 and 8.801). The term " Figure of the
Earth " is sometimes used to denote the form of the sea-level
surface or geoid, and sometimes to denote that spheroid of
revolution, or three-axial ellipsoid, which most nearly fits the
geoid. It is best to confine its use to the latter sense, so that a
" determination of the figure of the earth " means the deriva-
tion from the results of observation of the lengths of the axes.
The values obtained by J. F. Hayford in 1909 (r) were:
Equatorial radius of the earth . 6,378,388 18 metres.
Reciprocal of flattening . . 297-0 0-5
Polar semi-diameter . . . 6,356,909 metres.
These figures define a spheroid which certainly fits the northern
geoidal hemisphere very closely. Helmert (2), examining Hay-'
ford's figures, arrived at somewhat larger probable errors,
namely 35 metres and 0-8, but even so the uncertainty is small.
In the southern hemisphere, however, there have hitherto
(1921) been no determinations of importance; and the extension
of the African arc, which now stretches from Port Elizabeth to
near the northern boundary of Rhodesia, and its ultimate con-
nexion with the Egyptian triangulation are much to be desired.
In 1915 Helmert (3) deduced a value of the flattening from
numerous gravity observations and found i/296-7o-6. This
agrees very closely with Hayford's value and is an important
corroboration. The advantage over previous determinations of
the figure of the earth enjoyed by his solution lies in the fact
that the results of the astronomical observations have been
corrected by computing the attraction of all the topography
up to a great distance from each station under the assumption
of isostatic compensation (see below). This procedure un-
doubtedly frees the astronomical results from a large propor-
tion of the effects of local attraction and so brings the local
vertical into much better agreement with the normal to the
spheroid than if the correction had not been applied. This solu-
aon of Hayford's is in fact so satisfactory that it may almost
)e said that the problem has been solved.
Geodesy now turns its attention to finding the actual form of
he geoid, that is to say, the level or equipotential surface of
the earth which corresponds in ocean areas with mean sea level.
204
GEODESY
This form will be defined with reference to a spheroid of revolu-
tion, and it is not a matter of much importance what spheroid
is chosen as the figure of reference so long as it fits the actual
geoid reasonably well. Whatever spheroid is selected, careful
measurements will reveal the fact that the geoid is slightly
irregular with regard to it. The spheroid may be assumed
tangential to the geoid at any one point; the two surfaces will
not usually be coincident elsewhere. The inclination between
the normal to the geoid and the normal to the spheroid is called
the deflection of the plumb-line.
The relation of the geoid to the spheroid and the necessity
for making the assumption that they are tangential to one
another at some arbitrarily chosen point have not always been
kept clearly in mind. The idea has been held that the deflection
of the plumb-line was everywhere something real and measurable,
if the means of measuring it could be found; whereas in reality
the spheroid of reference has no existence in nature, and in order
to fix this imaginary surface with reference to the real geoidal
surface it is necessary to assume that at some particular point
the two surfaces touch each other or are parallel. It is not neces-
sary to assume that the origin of the survey is the point at which
the surfaces are parallel; we may assume that there is a deflec-
tion of the plumb-line therefor not, just as we please. Once the
deflection at the origin, the height of the latter above the
spheroid, and the axes of this spheroid have been selected,
deflections at other points may be derived. If this is done at
sufficient points the separation of the geoid from the spheroid
can be deduced, and, as the form of the spheroid is known by
assumption, that of the geoid also becomes known. The de-
termination of the plumb-line deflections is made by means of
a combination of results derived from observations to terres-
trial and astronomical objects. If the deflections are found to
vary smoothly, so that it appears justifiable to derive interme-
diate values by interpolation, it becomes possible to integrate
the separation of geoid and spheroid due to them, and so arrive
at the separation at any point in the area dealt with.
In regions where the deflection is large it is generally also
irregular and then interpolation between ordinary triangulation
'stations may prove inadequate, and it may be necessary to fix
additional intermediate stations by triangulation and to make
the necessary astronomical observations at these.
An alternative method of measuring the separation of geoid
and spheroid may be based on the measurement of vertical
angles between triangulation stations, combined with spirit
levelling. To do this it is necessary that the plumb-line deflec-
tions at the stations shall have been determined. The ray from
' one station to another is curved in a vertical plane by atmos-
pheric refraction. If this (5) refraction is known it is a simple
matter to compute the height of the observed station (whose
distance is known) above the horizontal plane through the
observing station. It is, however, necessary to find the height
with respect to some general datum surface. As the form of the
geoid, that is to say the mean sea-level surface, is still unknown,
and is jn fact one of the objects of the measurement, it is im-
possible to make a formula applicable to it, and it is necessary
to have recourse to some assumed reference figure, and the
obvious figure is the spheroid which has already been used in
connexion with the deflections of the plumb-line. The vertical
angles corrected for refraction can be reduced to the spheroidal
vertical by applying the component of the plumb-line deflection,
and then it is quite straightforward to compute the height of
the observed point above the spheroid. By means of spirit
levelling it is possible to find the geoidal height of the station
observed, for spirit levelling with its short rays intimately
follows the geoidal level surface. Both spheroidal and geoidal
heights of the observed points are thus obtained and the
difference between them is the separation of geoid and spheroid.
It has not generally been pointed out that the triangulated
heights and spirit-levelled heights are not strictly the same
thing. Triangulated heights have very rarely been properly
reduced, taking account of plumb-line deflections and refraction,
and so have not meant anything very precise, but they are
certainly not geoidal heights. Geoidal heights have many
practical uses and are what would generally be required by
engineers, but from the geodesist's point of view they do not
mean much until the form of the geoid, to which they refer, has
been determined.
Isoslasy. The theory of isostasy postulates that the apparent
excesses of matter in the earth's crust, consisting of continents
and mountains, and the apparent deficiencies, corresponding to
oceans, are compensated by underlying variations of density,
mountains being compensated by a low density and oceans
by a high density in the material below them. These variations
of density constitute the isostatic compensation of the topo-
graphical features.
In 1909 Mr. Hayford of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Sur-
vey published his work on the figure of the earth and isostasy
(8); he suggested the idea of isostatic compensation being
complete at a depth small in comparison with the earth's radius;
that is to say, he supposed that all those arrangements of crustal
density required to make good the deficiency of height in a
column under the sea, or to balance the excess of height in one
under a mountain, would be found in a crust of moderate thick-
ness, and that all matter at a greater depth was either homo-
geneous or arranged in homogeneous layers. He also assumed,
partly from considerations of convenience, that the excess or
defect of matter was distributed uniformly from sea level to
that depth, which he named the " depth of compensation."
Computing the attraction of the visible topographical features
upon those stations of the U.S. Triangulation at which the
deflection of the plumb-line had been determined, and trying
the effect of isostatic compensation complete at various depths,
he arrived at the conclusion that the most probable depth of
compensation is 122 kilometres. Using this depth and calculating
the deflections that the visible topography and its compensation
would produce, he finds that the average residual, that is the
difference between the observed and the calculated deflection,
is only one-tenth of what it was before the correction for com-
pensation was applied. From this he concludes that in the
U.S.A. the existence of a close approximation to isostatic
equilibrium is proved, and that this equilibrium is complete
at a depth which does not differ very greatly from 122 kilometres.
Hayford's hypothesis was subsequently applied to the pen-
dulum stations of the U.S. C. and G.S. (9) and the results
obtained were in good accord with those deduced from the
deflections of the plumb-line. The hypothesis was also applied
to the deflections and pendulum observations in India but the
results did not appear to be so favourable. In a further discus-
sion of the American results Mr. W. Bowie (10) endeavours to
trace a connexion between the gravity residuals and the geology
of the regions surrounding the stations, and has a certain
measure of success. He points out, however, that if there is, for
instance, a surface sheet of dense rock of wide extent, compen-
sated by lightness in the deeper crust, the pendulum will not be
able to reveal the fact, for the attraction of an extensive disc on
a point above its centre is independent of the height of the point
so long as the height is small in comparison with the radius of the
disc, so that the effect of the excess of matter in the dense
sheet of rock immediately under the station will be exactly
counterbalanced by the negative effect of the corresponding
deficient density in the lower strata of the crust. If the dense
sheet were of small extent the pendulum would reveal its pres-
ence, for its closeness to the pendulum would make its effect
more potent than that of the more deeply situated deficiency
which compensates it, and gravity would therefore be greater
than if the whole were homogeneous. Sir Sidney Burrard (n)
applies the idea of allowing for geological peculiarities to India,
where the Gangetic plain is an example of an area covered by
alluvium of low density which probably extends downward
to a considerable depth. He also shows that the distribution
of crustal density required to account for the low values of
gravity found at stations of the Gangetic plain will go some
way, at least, towards explaining the high values of gravity
found at stations along the margin of the alluvium. The
GEODESY
205
excess of density required in the deeper parts of the crust, to
make good the lightness of the alluvium, will from its position
exert a positive attraction on a pendulum off the alluvium on
either side, more than sufficient to counteract the negative effect
of the lightness of the alluvium itself, for the latter will be nearly
in the same horizontal plane as the pendulum and therefore unable
to produce any appreciable downward pull, so that there will
remain a somewhat greater attraction on stations off the alluvium
than if the whole had been homogeneous. These considerations
tend to remove the discrepancies between the results of observa-
tion and those of calculation in the Gangetic and Sub-Hima-
layan region and Sir Sidney Burrard concludes that the Gangetic
trough is isostatically compensated.
The depth of compensation is not a quantity which should
be regarded as definitely determined. Mr. Bowie finds a good
deal of evidence for a smaller depth of about 96 kilometres.
In average country the effect on the computed deflections, or
values of gravity, of changes in the assumed depth are so small
that the evaluation of the depth cannot be very precise.
Base-Line Measurements. The system introduced by E. Jaderin
c Stockholm, of measuring with stretched wires, may be said to have
s oerseded the older methods and it is improbable that any kind of
b r will again be used for this purpose. It is now recognized, more-
o^er, that nothing is gained, by measuring a short base with extreme
ac:uracy as this accuracy is lost in the process of connecting the base
with a side of the primary triangulatipn. The best course is to
measure a side of the primary triangulation itself, but it is not often
that this can be done, though the use of stretched wires instead of
bars makes it possible to carry base measurements over much more
uneven ground than of old. Jaderin's original plan was to use two
wires having different coefficients of expansion and from the differ-
ence between their lengths, as disclosed in the process of measuring,
to deduce their temperature. In the United States, where tapes are
generally used, uncertainty as to the temperature was much reduced
by the expedient of making the measurements by night. The dis-
covery of " Invar" by C. E. Guillaume almost entirely removed the
need for these special precautions. A wire of the thickness generally
used, namely I '65 mm., is not much heated by the rays of the sun and
the error made in assuming that its temperature is the same as that
of the air is not large. The average coefficient of expansion of invar
is about 4X10"' per 1 C., so that an error of 25 C. in the adopted
temperature of the wire would produce an error in the measurement
of only 1/1,000,000. The methods of making measurements with
invar wires have been closely studied by Benoit and Guillaume (12)
and their procedure may be confidently followed.
For the standardization of the wires at the observatory, before and
after the measurement of the' base, different methods of laying out a
length of 24 metres, which is the usual length of the wires, have been
employed. An apparatus designed by Sir David Gill for the trigo-
nometrical survey of India is fully described in Engineering 1915.
The ultimate standard of length which was supplied with this
apparatus is a nickel bar of H section one metre long. Standards for
ordinary use are H bars of invar one metre and four metres in length.
Invar has been observed to undergo a secular change in length which
continues for many years. This constituted a serious drawback, but
according to a recent investigation by Guillaume the instability is
due to the presence of carbon which gradually forms cementite,
Fe 3 C, with the iron. The addition of chromium, which has a greater
affinity for carbon than iron has, prevents this, and an invar with ten-
fold increased stability has been produced.
Triangulation. For measuring horizontal angles the use of theo-
dolites with horizontal circles of more than 12 in. diameter is now
unusual. For primary triangulation the use of opaque signals has
now been almost entirely abandoned. Luminous signals, i.e. helio-
tropes by day and lamps by night, are universally employed and
there is a tendency to regard the night as the best time for observing
horizontal angles, though for vertical angles it is necessary to choose,
the time at which refraction is most steady, namely from about
I to 3 P.M. : at this time of day refraction is also a minimum.
In countries where continuous sunshine is rare the night is no doubt
preferable to the day, but where sunshine can be counted on the best
results for horizontal angles, that is to say those least influenced by
lateral refraction, are probably to be obtained from a combination
of day and night measures.
Control of Triangulation. As triangulation extends from its initial
base errors are generated and controls are required to prevent these
errors from accumulating unduly. These are provided by the
measurement of additional bases and by introducing Laplace points
at suitable intervals along the triangulation. At Laplace point, where
the azimuth is observed astronomically, and the longitude deter-
mined by telegraph, a check is introduced on the triangulated
azimuth precisely similar to that given by an extra base on the
triangulated length of the side. The question to be decided is the
proper interval at which bases and Laplace points should be intro-
duced. When the error in length of side generated in the triangula-
tion is probably two or three times as great as that of a base it will
be desirable to introduce a check base. The formulae of de Graaff
Hunter (14) give the means of calculating the probable error accumu-
lated in the triangulation.
In the first place a quantity M =(/+/)OT /i for each series
\ S
of the triangulation under discussion is to be computed. This
quantity measures the precision of the series and enters into the
determination of the .probable error. In it m = VSA 2 / 3 n is Ferrero's
error of mean square of a single observed angle, / is a factor ranging
from o to 1/6 depending on the type of figures of which the series
consists, and / is the average length of side in miles.
Then P.E. in seconds of azimuth of terminal side of a series
P.E. in 7th place of log. of terminal side of a series
in which S is the length of the series in units of 100 miles. The
summation is for different series for which values of M differ. If
one straight series only is considered the above quantities become:
33-2MVL
where L is the length of the series in units of 100 miles. It may be
pointed out that there is no symbolic difference between azimuth
error expressed in radians and error in Napierian log. side, and with
these units the same description applies to one or other.
If we take T&J as the probable error of a measured base it will be
desirable to introduce a check base as soon as the probable error of
the length of a side of the triangulation amounts to three times this
quantity ; this stage is reached when
33-2MVL~=3Xio 7 X log. (i+io- 8 ).
In first-rate triangulation the value of M will be about O-2, using
this value L = 384 m.
If AA= astronomic-geodetic azimuth, Laplace's equation be-
comes
AA.cosec Xo AA cosec X = (L L ) 1ST
where (L Lo) is the computed longitude difference and T is the
difference between the local times at the two ends of the triangula-
tion.
This equation serves to determine AA whence the true geodetic
azimuth follows. The P.E. of an azimuth observation, 6A, may be
estimated at about o"-2 in high-class work, that of T at about o"-O3,
or 5L=o"-45, hence in latitude 45 the P.E. in azimuth determined
from a Laplace equation is V(8A 2 o+5A 2 +8L 2 sin 2 X) =o"-4, which
in radians is roughly 2Xlo~ 6 . This is twice as large as the value
which was adopted as the P.E. of a base and shows that the precision
of azimuth and longitude observations must be increased if they are
to be brought up to the standard already reached in base-line
measurements; that is to say, it indicates that in the case of triangu-
lation in which M is as small as 0-2 it would not be justifiable to
attempt to control the azimuths by means of frequent Laplace points
unless the observations at the latter can be improved.
Determinations of Height. The precision of spirit levelling is so
great as to justify the recognition of the lack of parallelism of the
various level surfaces, each of which is approximately spheroidal.
It is nowadays customary in levelling of high precision to apply to
the observed differences of height the correction (i5) (16) for the
convergence of these surfaces, that is to say the orthometric correc-
tion, and to publish the orthometric heights.
As regards differences of height found by triangulation much
improvement is called for. Refraction has always been a source of
great uncertainty, and it has perhaps been looked on as more intract-
able than it really is. Further research is required. Few field obser-
vations provide suitable material for investigating the question,
owing to lack of information as regards (a) plumb-line deflection,
without which it is impossible to reduce the observations to the
reference spheroid, and (b) rate of change of the density of the air
with height, on which the refraction depends. A consideration (5) of
the ordinary physical laws leads to a formula which represents very
well the refraction usually met with, when these are not burdened
with error due to neglect of plumb-line deflection.
Observed vertical angles are referred to the local geoidal vertical ;
when reciprocal observations have been made at two points A and
AI, if EI, wi, 81 are respectively the angle of elevation, the refraction
and the deflection at AI towards A 2 and with changed suffixes for
A 2 , then
where c is the angle between the verticals at AI and As. It has
been customary to neglect 5j and 62 and to assume wi=u2 = Q, whence
the equation becomes
fl = Ei+E 2 +c=o.
As S t +5 2 may easily exceed the error of observation and as o>i and uj
are appreciably different, values of refraction so deduced are of little
value. There is no reason why this state should continue. Properly
reduced vertical angles will give good values of heights above the
selected spheroid and the differences of these heights from the
heights obtained by spirit levelling will reveal the separation of the
geoid from this spheroid.
2O6
GEODESY
Astronomical Latitudes. For the observation of latitude the Zenith
telescope and the Tallcott-Horrebow method seemed to have super-
seded all others (see 11.610), but the prismatic astrolabe and the
method of equal altitudes have advantages for special purposes which
entitle them to consideration. This instrument, which was invented
by MM. Claude & Driencourt (17), determines the time and the
latitude simultaneously, thus doing the work of the Zenith telescope
and the transit instrument at the same time. Those who have
used the astrolabe claim that a set of observations (18), which can
be made with an instrument of small size in two hours, suffices to
determine the time within one-tenth of a second, and the latitude
within one second of arc. It is probable, however, that the time
observation is liable to be considerably affected by the personal
equation of the observer.
The principle of the prismatic astrolabe is that of equal altitudes.
The axis of the telescope is horizontal. In front of the object glass an
equilateral prism is mounted with its edges horizontal and the face
next the object glass vertical ; below, and slightly in front of the
prism, there is a bath of mercury. The rays of light from a star at
altitude 60 strike the upper face of the prism perpendicularly and
are reflected from the opposite face into the telescope ; the rays which
fall on the mercury are reflected upwards, strike the lower face of
the prism at right angles, are then reflected from the opposite face
and enter the telescope parallel to the rays which reached the prism
direct; thus two images of the star are formed in the telescope which
approach each other as the star approaches the altitude of 60 and
then separate again. The observation consists of noting the time at
which the images pass each other. Each observation of this kind
gives a locus, analogous to a " Sumner " line in navigation, on which
the zenith of the station of observation must lie. Three such observa-
tions to suitably situated stars should, if everything were perfect,
result in three concurrent lines, but will in general produce three
lines forming a triangle and care must be used in deciding on the
true position of the zenith, which will not necessarily be inside the
triangle. If four stars are observed the case is clearer and it is
advisable therefore to observe four stars as a minimum ; of these one
should be in each quadrant of the heavens; that is to say, one to the
N.E., one to the S.E., one to the S.W., and one to the N.VV. of the
station at the moment of crossing the circle of 60 altitude. When the
observations have been made the chronometer error and the latitude
of the place can be deduced from them by means of a simple graphical
construction which gives results as accurate as the precision of the
observations allows. If certain preliminary computations have been
performed beforehand the graphical method can be carried out very
quickly and the results obtained in a few minutes after the comple-
tion of the observation.
Longitudes. The development of wireless telegraphy (see SUR-
VEYING) has removed the chief difficulty of determining the longi-
tude and there is now no reason why astronomical longitudes should
not be used as freely as astronomical latitudes.
The time signals emitted by the Eiffel tower in Paris are of an
accuracy superior to that of any ordinary determination of local
time, and they have been picked up without much difficulty (1921)
by means of a portable apparatus at a place as far from Paris as
Dehra Dun, India, to which the distance along a great circle is about
60. The " Scientific time signals " are sent out from Paris at
23-00 C.M.T. (civil). After certain warning signals, 300 dots are
sent at equal intervals, the whole occupying about 293 seconds.
These are heard in a telephone in which the clock-beats are also
produced. It is also necessary to note the time at which there is a
coincidence between a dot and a clock-beat. The precise time of the
first and last of the 300 dots is also signalled and a simple computa-
tion connects the clock with G.M.T. With good hearing conditions
there seems little room for personal equation in this part of the
observation. In the determination of the local time there is less
certainty; unexplained differences of o-l and even 0-2 occur.
Thus in the Paris Washington arc, 1913-4, the values obtained by
the interchange of the American observers were :
h m 8 h m B
5-17-36-549 -0051 and 5-1 7-36-758 =*= -0027
A similar difference was obtained when the French observers were
exchanged. Two separate determinations of the Greenwich-Paris
ml m s
arc gave 9-20-977 and 9-20-910. These differences have been the
subject of discussion (19), and are receiving a good deal of attention ;
it is to be hoped that the source of error will be discovered and that
longitudes correct to o-oi sec. will be obtained.
Longitude determinations are required in order to provide Laplace
points for the control of the triangulation and also for the investiga-
tion of the deflection of the plumb-line. The use of wireless telegraphy
will greatly facilitate the former because in the past it has often been
difficult to find a place where it was possible to get a connexion with
the telegraph wires and also to make satisfactory azimuth observa-
tions. By the multiplication of longitude stations knowledge of the
deflection of the plumb-line in the prime vertical will be much
improved, especially in low latitudes where the effect of such a
deflection on the azimuth is so small that the comparison of observed
and computed azimuths is incapable of giving trustworthy results.
Gravity. A very important addition to the half-seconds pendulum
apparatus designed by Col. R. von Sterneck (see 8.809) of the Aus-
trian survey is the means of measuring and correcting for the move-
ment set up in the stand by the swinging pendulum. This movement
is named by German observers " das Mitschwingen"; in the Coast
and Geodetic Survey of the United States it is called "the flexure."
Probably the best English word to describe it is " the sway."
Two methods of measuring it are in use. The C. and G.S. measure
the actual to-and-fro movement of the top of the stand by means of
an interferometer (20). The effects of different amounts of movement
on the pendulum's time of oscillation are found by experiment and
an empirical formula is used for reducing this time to what it would
have been if the stand had been perfectly rigid. The movement is
expressed as a fraction of the width of one of the bands or fringes in
the interference grating. Using monochromatic sodium light it was
found that a movement of p- 1 fringe corresponded to a correction of
l7 s -8Xio"' in the time of vibration of the half-seconds pendulum. A
movement of o- 1 fringe means a linear displacement of the pendulum
support of 0-029/4.
The other method introduced by Prof. Schumann (2Oa) of the
Prussian Geodetic Institute is as follows: Two pendulums of
equal period are suspended on the stand, with their knife-edges par-
allel to each other and in the same horizontal plane. Of these one is
set swinging, the other being at rest, and the rate at which the latter
acquires an oscillation, from the swaying of the stand induced by the
swinging of the former, is a measure of the rigidity of the stand and
affords the means of computing a correction to the time of oscillation.
With this method the probable error of the correction derived from
four observations, two taken before and two after a series of pendu-
lum swings, is about o"-5 X io~ 7 . The amount of the correction where
circumstances are favourable may be expected to be about 4O 3 X io~ 7 .
The absence of means of determining the correction for sway was
perhaps the principal source of uncertainty in the results of the older
series of pendulum observations and the methods which have beer
described formed an important advance.
Numerous observations with pendulums for the determination of
the force of gravity have been made of recent years in various parts
of the world and the effect of applying the theory of isostasy to the
computation of the normal value has been extensively tried in
America and in India. By normal value is here meant that value
which is arrived at by the use of the formula which gives the force of
gravity at sea-level in any latitude and the application to that value
of the correction for the height of the station above sea-level, and
for the attraction of the topography of the whole earth with its
isostatic compensation.
The formula deduced by Helmert from the discussion of a large
number of observations in different parts of the world was
yu =978-030 (i +o-oo53O2sin 2 < o-ooooo7sin 2 2<)
(see 8.801).
For the area of the United States it was found that an equatorial
value of 978-039 (9) agreed better with the observed results, and in
India the value of 978-041 (21) was found the best.
In 1915 Helmert (3) deduced a formula from the 3,000 stations
which had been reduced to the Potsdam system by Borrass in 1912,
in which he supposes the equator to be an ellipse so that the longitude
L as well as the latitude <j> has to be taken into account. The formula
sin 2 < o-ooooo7sin 2 2<
+o-ooooi8cos 2 <#> cos2(L + i7) \
4 6 j
This formula is applicable to continental stations situated at least
loo km. from the edge of the continental shelf, that is from the 110-
fathom (2OO-metre) line.
It is assumed that the semi-axes of the equatorial ellipse differ by
230 metres and that the major axis lies in 17 W. longitude. Clarke
(4) in 1878 deduced an elliptical equator in which the semi-axes
differed by 465 metres, the major axis lying in 8is' W. longitude.
The advantage of using an elliptical equator seems rather ques-
tionable; it would appear preferable to regard inequalities of the
equatorial radius as deviations of the geoid from the spheroid of
reference rather than as fulfilments of a mathematical law, but it is
of interest to know that the geoid presents such an irregularity.
For measuring the force of gravity at sea various kinds of appara-
tus have been tried. The underlying idea is to balance the weight of
a column of mercury against a pressure, which is either constant or
measurable, and which is independent of gravity.
Hecker used the pressure of the atmosphere as in an ordinary
barometer and measured it by means of boiling-point thermometers.
Duffield has tried an aneroid in place of the boiling-point thermom-
eter and more lately has balanced the mercury against a constant
mass of air, the whole apparatus being closed. The success so far
attained is not very great but the last-mentioned device seems ca-
pable of improvement and may prove a satisfactory instrument.
The variation of gravity on land has been studied by Baron
Roland Eotvos (23) (24) (25) with an instrument of quite a different
kind, namely, the Gravity Torsion Balance. This instrument does
not measure the force of gravity but the rate of change in the force
of gravity at any point and the direction in which that rate is
greatest.
The force of gravity 7, in latitude <#>, is given by the formula
7=978-00(1+0-00531 sin 2 <) C.G.S., hence the change in 7 corre-
sponding to a change of i" in latitude in latitude 45 is 25-2X10-*,
GEOGRAPHY
207
and the length of i" of meridian in latitude 45 being about 3,100 cm.
the change in I cm. is 8-1 X io~ 9 . Along the parallel there is no change.
These are the normal values. The Torsion balance determines the
actual rates of change at the point of observation and the direction
in which this rate is a maximum. Eotvos calls this maximum rate the
" Gravity Gradient," Gr(g). The instrument consists of a light
horizontal tubular beam 40 cm. long suspended from its centre by a
fine platinum wire about 50 cm. long; at each end of the beam there
is a weight of 28 gr., the one inserted in the tube and the other hang-
ing from it by a thread about 60 cm. long. The whole is enclosed in a
case so constructed as to protect the interior as far as possible from
inequalities of temperature. The case is capable of being rotated on
a vertical axis into different azimuths, and it is by measuring in each
of a series of positions the amount of torsion of the suspending wire
that is required to balance the small forces acting on the beam and
tending to cause it to take up a position coinciding with the direction
of Gr(g), that the direction and magnitude of Gr(g) are determined.
The quantities which the Eotvos balance is capable of measuring
are almost incredibly small, I Xicr 9 C.G.S. being rather larger than
the average of the differences which it is able to detect. The data
furnished by this instrument afford the means of tracing the form of
the geoid and, after the effects of the visible topography have been
allowed for, of detecting the presence of subterranean irregularities of
density. A large number of observations with this instrument have
been made in Germany since 1917 under the direction of the Prussian
Geodetic Institute, chiefly with the object of studying its applicabil-
ity to geological research ; that is to say, for the location of masses of
abnormal density.
REFERENCES. (i) J. F. Hayford, Supplementary Investigation in
1909 of the Figure of the Earth and Isostasy, Coast and Geodetic
Survey, United States (1910); (2) F. R. Helmert, Sitzungsbericlite
der Kon. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften (1911); (3) F. R.
Helmert, Neue Formeln fiir den Verlauf der Schwerkraft im Meeres-
niveau beim Festland (Berl. Akad. 1915); (4) A. R. Clarke, Philo-
sophical Magazine (August 1878); (5) J. de Graaff Hunter, "For-
mulae for Atmospheric Refraction," etc., Survey of India, Prof.
Paper No. 14 (1913); (6) J. H. Pratt, A Treatise on Attractions,
Laplace's Functions, and the Figure of the Earth (1871); (7) C. E.
Dutton, " Some of the Greater Problems of Physical Geology,"
Phil. Soc., Washington, Bulletin, vol. xi. (1888-91); (8) J. F. Hay-
ford, The Figure of the Earth and Isostasy from Measurement in the
United States (1909) ; (9) J. F. Hayford and Wm. Bowie, The Effect of
Topography and Isostatic Compensation upon the Intensity of Gravity,
Coast and Geodetic Survey, special publication No. 10 (1912) ;
(10) Wm. Bowie, Investigations of Gravity and Isostasy, Coast and
Geodetic Survey, special publication No. 40 (1917); (ll) Col. Sir
S. G. Burrard, " Investigations of Isostasy in Himalayan and Neigh-
bouring Regions," Survey of India, Prof. Paper No. // (1918);
(12) Benoit et Guillaume, La Mesure Rapide des Bases Geodesiques
(1908); (13) Comptes Rendus de ['Academic des Sciences (Nov.
1920), vol. clxxi.; (14) J. de Graaff Hunter, " The Earth's Axes and
Triangulation," Survey of India, Prof. Paper No. 16 (1918); (15) C.
Lallemand, Nivellement de Haute Precision; (16) " Levelling of
Precision in India," Operations of the Great Trigonometrical Survey,
vol. xix. (1910); (17) A. Claude et L. Driencourt, Description et
Usage de ['Astrolabe a Prisme (1910); (18) John Ball and H. Knox-
Shaw, A Handbook of the Prismatic Astrolabe (1919); (19) Prof.
Sampson, Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, June
1918, May 1920, Nov. 1920; (20) W. H. Burger, The Measurement of
the Flexure of Pendulum Supports with the Interferometer; Report for
1910, Coast and Geodetic Survey, Appendix No. 6; (203) R. Schu-
mann, " Cber die Verwendung zweier Pendel," etc., Zeitschrift fiir
Mathematik und Physik, 44th year, parts 2 and 3; (21) Capt. H. J.
Couchman, "The Pendulum Observations in India and Burma
1908-13," Survey of India, Prof. Paper No. 15 (1915); (22) " Deter-
mination of Gravity at Sea," Report of the Committee of the British
Association (8gth Report, 1919); (23) "Etude sur les Surfaces de
Niveau et de la Variation de la Pesanteur et de la Force Magne-
tique," Rapports presentes au Congres International de Physique
reuni a Paris en 1900; (24) " Bestimmung der Gradienten der
Schwerkraft und ihrer Niveauflachen mit Hilfe der Drehwage,"
Verhandlungen der XV. allgemeinen Conferenz der Internationalen
Erdmessung in Budapest 1906; (25) Die Niveauflache des Balatonsees
und die Verdnderungen der Schwerkraft auf diesem. Resultate der
wissenschaftlichen Untersuchungen des Balaton, vol. i., part I., section
II. (G. P. L.-C.; J. DEC. H.)
GEOGRAPHY (see 11.619). The application of geography to
matters connected with the World War and the peace settle-
ments took two main directions. The first was concerned
with all those special naval and military studies and operations
of which the results are expressed principally on maps (see
MAP). The other showed geography in what may be termed
its encyclopaedic aspect, in which, to a prefatory description
of a territory in its topographical and (so far as appropriate)
its geological, botanical, and other scientific aspects, there must
be appended a discussion of its social, political, and economic
conditions, its communications, history, and so forth: in short,
an account of the activities of its inhabitants in whatever direc-
tion. For example, much work of this general character was
executed by British intelligence organizations such as the
geographical section of the Naval Intelligence Department
and the historical section of the Foreign Office, the French
Service Geographique de I'Armee, and others. Most of this work
was carried out by organizations created ad hoc; much of it was
of permanent value apart from its immediate military and polit-
ical uses; and, generally speaking, it indicated many desirable
directions for geographical research and the collection of data,
which might have been placed on a permanent footing but for
restrictions imposed by financial considerations after the war.
Expressed in the broadest terms, the keynote of geographical
study on this side is the relation of man to his geographical
environment. A natural corollary is to view the world first in
natural regions, as defined by physical conditions of climate,
relief, vegetation, etc.; afterwards to correlate ethnographic,
linguistic and political divisions with these. The study and
definition of natural regions, at any rate on broad lines, is
specially associated in Britain with the name of Andrew John
Herbertson, professor of geography in Oxford University.
This division of the earth into natural regions, and the influence
of the conditions of each upon its inhabitants, is obviously ca-
pable of application not only on broad simple lines to the world
generally, but locally and minutely in special areas. In this
last direction there is an almost infinite field for research: it is
necessary at all times that its practical application should be
kept in view, and trivialities, on the one hand, and too bold
generalizations, on the other, avoided.
This relationship between man and his environment as
prescribed by natural regions has thus become a leading motive
of geography, in research and as an educational subject, in
Britain and in Europe, especially among French and German
geographers, and elsewhere through the local and individual
work of such investigators as Prof. J. Cvijic in the Balkan area.
In the United States, too, this view of geography has taken firm
hold, though here it did so later, as at first the modern develop-
ment of geographical study tended rather towards the physio-
graphical side (land forms) alone. In the wider field such workers
as Ellen C. Semple, Prof. R. de C. Ward, W. L. G. Joerg, Prof.
I. Bowman, and others, turned their attention to many parts
of the world, but especially, perhaps, to their own country, and
a proposal was made to the Association of American Geographers
that, by way of a basis, a map dividing the United States into
physiographical provinces should be prepared with the colla-
boration of all American geographers and institutions interested.
Distributional surveys, whether physical or ethnographical
or economic, or of whatever sort, are in fact the chief require-
ment of this branch of geography, though the prospect of their
being put in hand on international or even national lines is
remote. In certain special directions international action has
been taken, as for example the expression of the need, and the
laying down of certain general principles, for a series of inter-
national aeronautical maps, which was voiced in the conven-
tion for aerial navigation signed by about 30 States in Paris
in Oct. 1919. But a proposal for an International Geographical
Union, which arose out of the formation of the International
Research Council in 1918 by national academies of the principal
Allied Powers, was not welcomed with unanimity, although
one was formed for geodesy and geophysics. It was not only as
regards geography among the sciences, however, that doubt
was expressed as to the present possibility of working inter-
national unions, in view of the preoccupation of workers with
the reorganization of their individual work at home. Such work
is largely concerned with the establishment of geography as an
educational subject (see below). As a special example apart
from this, mention may be made of the work undertaken in 1919
and following years by a permanent British committee represent-
ing the Admiralty, the War, Foreign, Colonial, India, and Post
Offices, the Boards of Trade and Agriculture, and the Royal
Geographical Society, which was charged with the preparation
of lists of standard spellings of geographical names, the divergent.
208
GEOGRAPHY
systems or lack of system characteristic of maps and geograph-
ical works hitherto having 1 been found to be a real inconvenience
in geographical investigations during the war.
Education. The position of geography in the British educa-
tional system came periodically under discussion before the
war, and had been materially strengthened in some directions,
but not in all. The war, for obvious reasons, broadened interest
in this subject, and its consideration was actively resumed in
and after 1917. Broadly speaking, it may be stated that the
position of geography was consolidated as an elementary educa-
tional subject, and that its appeal was widened as a university
subject, as evidenced by the establishment of honours courses
in geography and the endowment of professorships (e.g. Cam-
bridge University geographical tripos, 1919; chair of geography
and anthropology, University College, Aberystwyth, 1918).
Geography had become widely studied as a subject for the
school certificate examination, although complete agreement
had not been reached as to its exact scope for this purpose:
for example, while one syllabus began with the study of the
distribution of land and water, another went farther back, to
demand some knowledge of the position of the earth as a planet,
and its movements. The subject is recognized as valuable, not
only for its own sake as teaching something about the world,
but as a pointer to special directions of study, such as geodesy,
surveying and military topography, and as an essential adjunct
to such subjects as history and economics, and certain aspects of
biology. It was in regard to these special applications, and par-
ticularly so far as they are appropriate to advanced courses in
schools, that the position of geography in education remained
weak: a subject so elastic in comparison with other school
subjects must necessarily be difficult to define by means of a
syllabus, and it did not find wholly satisfactory expression in
advanced text-books. Regarding geography thus, as a species of
pivot for the study of other subjects, we may be in danger of
assuming that so long as these other subjects are viewed and
taught with a proper conception of the place of geography in
them, the teaching of geography itself is of no consequence.
But the geographical view and teaching can hardly be ensured
if they be left dependent upon teachers and students of kindred
branches of learning, as indeed has been sufficiently demon-
strated by the position of geography in education down to
quite recent years.
Exploration. Even though virgin areas of the earth's surface
be now few, explorers have still many fields in which to labour
at the filling-in of details. Meanwhile in the Arctic and Antarctic
regions, especially the latter, there are still large areas unknown,
despite the work of important expeditions (see POLAR REGIONS).
In Africa plenty of geographical knowledge remains to be
acquired. Here and in the tropical islands of the Malay Archi-
pelago, especially New Guinea, where at many points develop-
ment by white men is only in an early stage, exploration may
be regarded as almost within the routine duties of European
administrators, and is more or less constantly in progress.
The other principal fields for exploration are Canada and
Alaska, and certain parts of South America and Asia. As regards
Canada and Alaska, in addition to the investigation of the
Arctic coast lands, reference may be made to Mr. Howard
Palmer's study (1910) of the orography of Mt. Sir Sandford
and its vicinity in the Selkirk range, B.C., to Dr. J. Norman
Collie who was travelling north of the Yellowhead Pass in 1911,
and to other investigators who extended the detailed knowledge
of the Canadian Rockies in various directions. The research
committee of the National Geographic Society granted $5,000
for the continuation in 191 1 of the glacial investigations in
Alaska by Prof. R. S. Tarr and Prof. L. Martin, who led the
Alaskan expedition of the Society in 1909-10 in the region of
Yakut Bay, Prince William Sound, and the lower course of the
Copper river. The demarcation of the Alaska-Canada boundary,
running for 600 m. along the meridian 141 W., occupied commis-
sions under Messrs. T. D. Craig (Canada) and T. Riggs (United
States) from 1907 to 1914, when about 200 permanent boundary
marks were erected. In connexion with exploration reference
may be conveniently made to the investigation of natural
resources, on which subject the Canadian Commission of Con-
servation has issued a valuable series of reports (down to 1920),
dealing with water-power in British Columbia, power (in-
cluding water, coal and natural gas) in Alberta, etc.
In South America, Major Fawcett in 1910 undertook further
exploration in Bolivia, in the valley of the Heath and adjacent
territories. Following upon earlier reports by this officer, work
on the demarcation of the Brazil-Bolivia boundary was pro-
ceeded with in 1911-2. In Jan. 1911 Col. A. J. Woodroffe led a
party of British officers lent to the Peruvian Government for
the demarcation of the frontier with Bolivia, and the work was
carried on in 1912-3. The Yale Corporation sent an expedition
to Peru in 1911, under the direction of Prof. Hiram Bingham,
with Prof. Isaiah Bowman as geographer and geologist, and
Mr. K. Hendrikson as topographer. It was divided into three
parties, to carry out archaeological, topographical, and geological
explorations, and had three fields of operations the Urubamba
river and its affluents, a trans-Andean section from the head of
navigation on the Urubamba to the Pacific, and the vicinity of
Mt. Coropuna (the estimated height of which was reduced to
21,700 ft.) and Lake Parinacochas. Notes on the human and
economic geography of the region were collected by Bowman,
who followed up this work by making another journey in 1913,
when he made similar studies in the Andes of north-west Argen-
tina, the Titicaca-Poopo basin, and the desert of Atacama.
Prof. W. Sievers in 1909-10 placed the true source of the
Maranon (upper Amazon) in the glacier of Mt. San Lorenzo.
In 1912-3 Dr. Hamilton Rice was at work in the north-west of
the Amazon basin, S.E. of Bogota, Colombia, and in the same
years Dr. Koch-Grtinberg made a second expedition in northern
Brazil, about the headwaters of the Branco and the Orinoco and
the connecting waterway of the Cassiquiare.
Among recent journeys in central Asia may be mentioned
that of Mr. D. Carruthers, whose party, in 19 months' work
(1910-1), covered much ground in the upper Yenisei region,
Mongolia and Dzungaria. In the same years the French traveller
Dr. Legendre carried out important exploration in western
China, especially in the valley of the Yalung between 28
and 30 N. In India, Sir M. A. Stein investigated (1911-2)
numerous sites of archaeological interest in the course of an
exploratory journey on the north-west frontier, and in 1913-5
extended his researches in the Lop-nor, Turfan, and other
areas, including the Pamirs. The punitive expedition (1912)
against the Abors in the north-east added considerably to
topographical knowledge in spite of extreme difficulties of trans-
port, heavy forests, and misty and wet weather. One party
explored the River Dihong as far as Shimong for the first time,
and carried mapping above that point; another surveyed the
Padam Abor country; others, again, broke new ground in the
Galong Abor country and in the valley of the Subansiri. Con-
siderable corrections were found necessary in existing maps.
In 1913 the Indian and Russian triangulations were connected,
after an arduous piece of survey through the difficult country
from Gilgit up the Hunza gorge and over the Kilik pass. Maj.
P. M. Sykes continued his journeys in Persia, and in particular
studied the problems connected with the ancient territory of
Parthia. Dr. A. Musil in 1910 made further explorations in
northern Arabia, in the region adjacent to the Hejaz railway.
He claimed to have accurately identified for the first time the
Mount Sinai of the Bible. The extensive surveys carried out in
Mesopotamia during the war may fairly be mentioned in con-
nexion with exploration; the information previously available,
both cartographical and verbal, concerning this country was
found on critical examination to be unreliable in many directions.
The surveys executed in 1914-8 covered nearly all southern
Mesopotamia, with adjacent parts of Persia and Arabia.
In 1920-1 an expedition having for its objects the ascent of
Mt. Everest, and (as ancillary thereto) the scientific study of the
territory surrounding the mountain, was organized by the
Royal Geographical Society and the Alpine Club. The consent
of the Dalai Lama of Tibet was secured, and arrangements
GEOLOGY
209
were made to despatch a reconnaissance expedition during the
summer of 1921 so as to determine the best direction for attempt-
ing the ascent, which should be undertaken in 1922. Col. C.
Howard Bury was appointed chief of the expedition, and Mr.
H. Raeburn as leader of the reconnaissance. (O. J. R. H.)
GEOLOGY. Progress in scientific geology during 1910-21
is here discussed in four sections: (i) cosmic, (2) dynamical, (3)
structural and (4) stratigraphical.
I. COSMIC GEOLOGY
Cosmic geology (see 11.648) deals with three main groups of
problems: (i) the early history of the earth as inferred from its
composition and structure, and from analogy to other heavenly
bodies; (2) the physical conditions which by their influence on
climate have controlled the origin and evolution of life on the
earth; (3) the plan of the earth or distribution of continents and
oceans as determined by the upheaval and sinking of the surface
and by the formation of the valley systems due to dislocations
of the crust (see Plate). On all these questions scientific opin-
ion had become more definitely crystallized by 1921, through
the further discussions during the previous decade.
The Origin of the Earth. The origin of the earth may be
learned either from study of its composition and structure or
from cosmogony and its analogy to the stars. Only a small
proportion of the earth's materials are available for direct ob-
servation, but indirect methods have demonstrated three facts
about the inaccessible interior. It is hot, heavy, and consists
of zones having very different physical properties. That the
interior of the earth has a high temperature is shown by hot
springs, by the warmth of deep mines, by the molten condition
of the lavas that are raised to the surface through volcanoes, and
by the evidence that all deep-seated rocks have been either
melted or re-crystallized under great heat. The temperature
below the surface rises at a rate which is known as. the geother-
mic gradient. The average rise has been often estimated as about
i F. for every 53 ft. of descent. The high temperature of some
Queensland hot springs would, unless their water came from a
much greater depth than the layers reached by the wells, indicate
a gradient more than twice as fast. On the Rand goldfield, on the
other hand, the rate may be five times as slow, for at the Village
Deep mine it is only i F. for every 253-9 ft. of descent. The
rate of increase is naturally quickest near active volcanoes,
and it varies in accordance with the geological history of an
area and the composition and thermal conductivity of the rocks.
The famous observations at the Rose Bridge colliery at Wigan
showed that the geothermic gradient varied from i F. for 33 ft.
to 57-7 ft.; in the upper part the rate was i F. for every 57-7 ft.,
in the lowest part the average was i for 48-2 ft. A persistent
increase of i F. for 50 ft. would amount to approximately 100
per m.; so the temperature would be at 2,000 F. at the depth
of 20 m., and at 100 m. deep would be of solar intensity. It is,
however, probable that the material of the deeper parts of the
earth is a better conductor of heat than the rocks of the crust;
so the geothermic gradient may become more gradual in depth
and below perhaps 40 m. the temperature may be almost uni-
form, and 2,000 F. may be the highest temperature within the
earth.
The second certain fact about the inner earth is that its mate-
rial is much heavier than the rocks of the crust. The average
specific gravity of the crust is about 2-5, whereas that of the
earth as a whole is about 5-7. The heaviness of the internal
material may be due either to its condensation by pressure or to
its composition largely of heavy metals. That the latter ex-
planation is correct is indicated by the evidence of meteorites,
of radioactivity, and of earthquakes. Meteorites are fragments
of heavenly bodies which fall on to the earth from outer space;
they show that not only do the extra-terrestrial bodies consist
of the same chemical elements as the earth, but these elements
compose the same compounds and mineral species, which are
grouped into the same kinds of rocks. Meteorites are divided
into two groups: (i) stony meteorites or aerolites, which are
composed of such minerals as olivine and bronzite, that are
found in the rocks of the earth's crust, 1 and (2) iron meteorites
or siderites, which consist mainly of an alloy of iron and nickel.
That the earth includes a great central mass of metallic
material similar to that of the iron meteorites is indicated by its
high specific gravity, which is explained by the earth consisting
of a heavy core, the barysphere, surrounded by a lighter stony
shell, the lithosphere. 2 The specific gravity of the ordinary
iron meteorites is about 7-75, so that the earth's specific gravity
of 5-7 indicates that the metallic exceed the stony constituents.
The comparative thinness of the lithosphere is also indicated
by radioactivity. The earth is radioactive to an extent that can
be explained by the limitation of its radioactive minerals to a
shell of about 40 m. thick. Among the few materials that are not
radioactive are the iron meteorites. Hence the radioactive
phenomena of the earth are consistent with its structure as a
stony shell of about 40 m. thick surrounding a core of nickel-iron.
This conclusion was first suggested from the propagation of
earthquake waves. The late Prof. Milne was thereby led to the
conclusion that the earth consists of a rocky shell about 40 m.
thick, and of a denser, more rigid core, composed of a material
which he called "gelte," and which he regarded as mainly com-
posed of nickel-iron, like the iron meteorites. Later study of
the distribution of earthquake waves by Dr. R. D. Oldham
has shown that within the barysphere is an inner core, which
occupies about a fifth of the earth's diameter and does not
transmit earthquake waves. This centrosphere in that respect
behaves like a gas.
Various lines of evidence therefore together indicate that the
earth probably consists of a centrosphere which may be gaseous;
of an intermediate layer, the barysphere, which forms the bulk
of the earth and consists mainly of nickel-iron; and of an outer
shell, the lithosphere, which is probably about 40 m. thick, and
forms the rocky crust of the earth. This structure would be the
natural result from the condensation of a swarm of small heaven-
ly bodies with the average composition of the meteorites. How
the swarming may have happened we have to inquire from cos-
mogony, which presents two rival hypotheses: the nebular theory
attributes the earth to a cloud of white-hot gas, and the meteor-
itic theory to a swarm of cold meteorites.
According to the nebular theory of Laplace the solar system was
originally a cloud of incandescent gas that extended beyond the orbit
of its outermost planet ; as this mass cooled and contracted the mat-
ter collected into rings, like those around Saturn or of the Ring
Nebula in Lyra. All the matter in each ring was gradually collected
into a planet and its satellites, which continued to revolve around the
sun along the circle occupied by the ring from which they were
formed. As the outer zone of the nebula cooled first the central
mass has remained the hottest, and thus the sun is nearest to the con-
dition of the original nebula. This theory brought into one logical
and consistent scheme so much observational material that it was
almost at once accepted, and for a century and a half dominated
speculations on the history of the solar system and interpretation
of the heavenly bodies. Further observation by improved telescopes
discovered important facts consistent with the theory. The nebulae
include bright compact clots indicating local concentrations of
material, and also empty spaces, such as the Eyes in the Owl Ne-
bula. Many nebulae rotate, for the rays of the spiral nebulae are
bent backward; nebula M 101 is estimated to rotate once in 85,000
years. Further coincidence with the requirements of Laplace's
theory is that the nebulae are not spherical but disc-shaped ; that in
Andromeda, being seen obliquely, appears elliptical, and that in
1 The elements proved by Sir William Crookes (Phil. Trans.,
1918, vol. 2I7A, pp. 42730) in the stony meteorites include iron,
chromium, magnesium, nickel, silicon, sodium, manganese, potas-
sium, aluminium, and calcium, in addition to oxygen, hydrogen, and
carbon; so that they consist of the elements which form the bulk
of the earth's crust. The proportions of the four chief constituents
of many stony meteorites are so similar that Sir William Crookes
(ibid. p. 426) suggested the possibility of their all*having been
derived from the disruption of one planet intermediate between Mars
and Jupiter, while he suggests that the nickel-iron meteorites were
of a different origin or derived from the core of the same planet.
1 The mineral species found in aerolites are characteristic of the
basic rocks; but the existence of acid meteoritic material has been
claimed, from the obsidianites found chiefly in Australia. These
obsidian buttons have forms found also in fused flue-dust ; their
microscopic structure suggests that they are due to the fusion of dust
by lightning during dust storms, and that they are aerial fulgurites.
2IO
GEOLOGY
Berenice's Hair, seen edgewise, appears as a line with a thickened
centre. Laplace's theory explained why, with a few insignificant
and intelligible exceptions, all the bodies of the solar system travel
round the sun in the same direction and nearly in the same plane,
for it represents them all as having been part of one lens-shaped mass.
The spectroscope added striking support to the nebular hypothesis
by Huggins' discovery in 1864 that the nebula in Draco consists of
incandescent gas; while later proof of the solidity of the material in
spiral nebulae is consistent with their representing a later stage than
that of the nebula in Draco. Such nebulae would include white-hot
particles, though the average of the mass would be cold. The
spectroscope also revealed the fact that the different h;avenly bodies
consist of similar, materials. Most of the terrestrial elements are
known in the sun, in which hydrogen, calcium, iron, carbon, and
sodium are especially conspicuous. It is true that the only material
yet recognized by the spectroscope in some nebulae is the light gas,
nebulium, and that the solar corona consists mainly of coronium;
both these elements are unknown on earth. Despite such exceptions
the spectroscope has demonstrated the uniformity of material
throughout the solar system and the general unity of matter.
Laplace's theory was therefore regarded as firmly established by
astronomical observation finding so many agreements with its re-
quirements. Weighty mathematical and physical considerations,
however, tell against it. A cloud of white-hot gas as tenuous as a
nebula and surrounded by the intense cold of outer space should cool
almost instantaneously. The luminosity of the nebulae is one of their
still mysterious properties. " We have no knowledge," says Hale
(Stellar Evolution, 1908, p. 206), "why they glow with a steady and
unchanging light, since there is no direct evidence that this light is
produced either by heat or by electrical excitation."
The objections to the nebular theory which have carried the
greatest weight are those founded on the distribution of energy in
the solar system. Jupiter possesses only i/iooo of the total mass
of that system, yet possesses 95 % of the total energy of rotation.
The mathematical objections are regarded by Chamberlin, Moulton
and See as absolutely fatal to the theory, while Jeans remarks (Prob-
lems of Cosmogony, 1919, p. 274), " it seems probable, although by no
means certain, that we must abandon the Nebular Hypothesis of
Laplace." According to Hale (op. cit. 1908, p. 186) it must be re-
constructed or abandoned.
The chief rival to the nebular theory is the meteoritic theory,
which regards the various stellar systems as formed, not by the cool-
ing of clouds of incandescent gas, but by the aggregation of innumer-
able small meteorites. The meteorites coming together are heated by
collision and pressure until they are fused into a solid mass. The
meteoritic theory has three chief forms. The first, due to Sir Nor-
man Lockyer, trusted to the infinite numbers of meteorites in space
to provide ample material for the star systems. The numbers are
indeed infinite. Any observer may see about seven per hour on any
moonless, cloudless night, and from this number it is calculated that
from 10 to 15 million enter the earth's atmosphere every day. It
has been calculated that they occur through space on an average
of 200 m. apart. Most of those which fall on the earth are minute,
and they are pulverized by friction with the atmosphere into dust,
the quantity of which is relatively so small that it would take aeons
for the earth to add one cubit to its diameter by this process. The
earth may, however, have formerly received more of this material,
as it is travelling along a path which has now been swept clear of
meteorites; it is chiefly those that are travelling on irregular paths
through space which fall upon the earth, though Sir Norman Lock-
yer recognized that many meteorites travel round the sun on regular
orbits like minute planets. The objection that the number of
meteorites is too small and gravity too weak to collect them into
swarms led to a second form of the hypothesis the planetesimal
theory of Chamberlin \Geology, vol. ii., p. 4, 1906). He assigned the
chief constituents of the planets to meteorites which are moving in
orbits around a common centre. He described them as " infinitesimal
planetoids or planetesimals." The theory in this form had the attrac-
tion that it explained the segregation of the meteorites, but in his
later statement of it (Origin of the Earth, 1916) the planetesimals are
relatively unimportant and the planets are attributed to clots formed
in rays shot out from a star which has been disrupted by the close
approach of another star. The constituents of these clots revolve
around a secondary centre and are minute satellites, not planetesi-
mals. If a star be thus disrupted two antipodal rays would be pro-
jected from it, and during its rotation the ends of the rays would lag
behind as in spiral nebulae; the segregation of the material in the
rays into clots would produce the planets.
A third form of the meteoritic theory, that of T. J. J. See, represents
space as originally crowded with meteoritic dust which has gradually
collected around larger bodies and thus slowly built up star systems.
All varieties of the meteorite theory agree in assigning the origin
of the earth to an aggregation of cold meteorites which have been
welded into a solid body by collision and pressure. This theory seems
to offer the most probable explanation of the origin of the earth, but
the form that is most likely to gain acceptance is uncertain. As Mr.
Jeans remarks (pp. cit. p. 288), " the time for arriving at conclusions
in Cosmogony is not yet come." The evidence available, however,
justifies the conclusions that the world is an iron projectile, hard-
ened, like those of modern artillery, by nickel, and whirling through
space; that it was probably due to a swarm of meteorites, which
fused into a compact mass; and that during its consolidation the
metals settled downward into the core, the barysphere, while the
lighter stony materials floated like a slag to the surface and there
solidified the lithosphere or crust of the earth.
The Origin of Life on the Earth. The physical conditions on
the early earth also bear on the problems connected with the
origin of life on it, which has been explained as introduced from
some other world. The conditions on the earth were probably
as favourable to the independent generation of life as any we can
assume elsewhere. The formation of living from dead matter by
processes still in operation has been claimed as probable by
Sir E. A. Schafet in his presidential address to the British As-
sociation (1912); but it more probably happened in the early
days of the earth under the special atmospheric and climatic
conditions which prevailed in primeval times.
Living matter consists mainly of compounds of carbon, many
of which have been made artificially. The carbohydrates can
be made by inorganic processes and also altered into the more
complex amino acids, which are the physical basis of living tissues.
A carbonaceous jelly which has many of the properties of living
matter can be made artificially, and would probably have been
formed naturally under the conditions prevailing when the
earth was young. The vitalization of this inorganic material
would have resulted from the formation of a catalytic agent
concentrated in a small spot or nucleus, which would control
the subdivision of the growing mass of jelly when its size became
too large to be stable. Chemical research on the carbon com-
pounds has shown that there is no insuperable difficulty in the
production of organic materials from non-living matter, without
the intervention of a living organism. The process by which the
non-nuclear carbonaceous jelly was developed into the primitive
organism Protobion, as it has been called (Gregory, Making
of the Earth, 1912, p. 231), by the development of a nucleus
which acts catalytically probably through some phosphoric
constituent, is the gap still left in explaining the origin of life.
The environment on the muddy shores of the primeval sea,
when the atmosphere was richer, warmer and moister than that
of the present day, and changes of temperature were slight, would
have been especially suitable for this momentous development.
Geological History in Relation to Cosmic Theories. Life once
established would probably have developed steadily since the
earth's surface comparatively soon reached an average tem-
perature and climatic conditions which have persisted through-
out later geological times, though there may have been rhythmic
minor oscillations. The geological history of the earth is better
concordant with the meteoritic than with the nebular hypothesis.
On the latter would be expected a series of progressive changes
throughout geological time, the climate becoming colder as the
sun and interior of the earth cooled, volcanic activity diminishing
as the crust thickened and the surface of the fluid rock material
lay deeper, earth movements losing vigour though generally
following the same lines, and the oblateness of the earth increas-
ing as the equatorial bulge enlarged under the unceasing in-
fluence of rotation. It has also been held that the age of the
earth must be comparatively short owing to the limited heat
supply in the solar system.
Calculations as to the age of the earth based upon the rate of
the loss of heat from the sun led to the belief that its duration
must be relatively short, and the estimates have varied from
possibly as little as 13 million years to perhaps as long as ica
million years. The recognition of other sources of heat, such
as atomic disintegration, has, however, released geology from
the short mathematical limits on the age of the earth.
In a paper by Prof. H. N. Russell, read before the Royal
Society, March 10 1921, the estimated age of the earth was
given between 2,000 million and 8,000 million years. Geologists
and cosmogonists now assume practically as great an age for
the earth and the solar system as they find convenient, and
i ,000 million years is a moderate minimum.
The progressive changes that would appear to be the natural
consequence of the nebular theory are not indicated by geological
evidence. Instead of a steady advance throughout the ages there
GEOLOGY
21 I
have been rhythmic oscillations about a general average. Thus the
climate of the earth as a whole has been of about the same order
throughout geological time; the oldest sandstone in the British Is.,
the Torridon sandstone, was formed under desert conditions, and
the size of its grains and the position of wind-polished surfaces on
the pebbles show that the wind was of the same power and had the
same prevalent direction as at present. The evidence of some of the
oldest rocks shows that in the earliest geological times glacial con-
ditions prevailed in parts of Canada, Spitsbergen, and North Siberia,
while a little later (in the Cambrian period), central China was
glaciated and ice floes floated in the seas of Australia up to the trop-
ics. The climate of the world in the earliest geological periods
was therefore no warmer than that of to-day. In Carboniferous times
prolific vegetation grew the materials for the world's chief coal-fields,
but at the same time glaciers existed in central India, south-eastern
Brazil, South Africa and Australia.
Similarly, volcanic action shows no steady decline in power;
periods of world-wide volcanic activity due to violent disturbances
of the crust have alternated with periods of general volcanic rest.
The shape of the earth has doubtless throughout geological time
been approximately an oblate spheroid, but it has been deformed to
an irregular geoid by the hard crust sinking in places to follow the
shrinkage of the internal mass. The excess of crust was most readily
disposed of by subsidences on four surfaces producing the oceanic
basins, while raised areas antipodal to the depressions formed the
continental masses. The major subsidences have thus produced
periodically a tetrahedral deformation, which was corrected, when-
ever sufficiently developed to render the crust unstable, by spheroidal
recovery accompanied by relatively quick and tumultuous earth
movements. These major subsidences and uplifts have been ac-
companied by the buckling of belts of the earth's crust into the great
fold mountain chains; these movements happened at four main
periods of mountain formation, represented by the Grampian folding
of north-western Europe in the pre-Cambrian ; the Caledonian move-
ments at the end of the Silurian; the Hercynian, which at the end of
the Carboniferous produced the older east-to-west mountain chains
from Asia across Europe to North America; and the Alpine-Hima-
layan and west American mountain systems in the middle of the
Cainozoic. Each of these great periods of earth movement was
followed by intense climatic disturbance with local glaciations, and
rapid biological evolution. Temporary changes in the environment
were intensified by rearrangement of ocean and continent due to
crustal movements across the older geographical structures.
Earth movements have not only determined the major elevations
and depressions of the crust, but also the secondary depressions, such
as sunklands, due to the subsidence of areas along peripheral faulting,
rift valleys due to sinking of bands of country between parallel
faults, and fiords due to formation of valleys along intersecting frac-
tures when broad areas of hard rock have been raised in dome-shaped
uplifts (Gregory, Origin of Fiords, 1913). The one change on the
earth that has been apparently progressive has been the restriction
in space of violent crustal movements. The Eozoic rocks, those of
the older pre-Cambrian times, are steeply tilted in all parts of the
world. Later rocks are often nearly horizontal, and steep tilting in
them is confined to belts connected with mountain-forming move-
ments; for with the growing strength and thickness of the crust the
movements necessary for its accommodation to the reduced size of
the earth have been concentrated along narrow bands.
The probable future changes in the nature of earth movements may
be inferred from the study of the moon, which of all heavenly bodies
is perhaps of most interest to the geologist, as, owing to its proximity,
it is the one of which we have fairly precise information as to its
topography. The map of the visible side of the moon is indeed more
complete than that of the earth. The topography of the moon, like
that of the earth, includes wide sunken areas, the "maria" which
correspond to oceanic basins, long narrow mountain chains which
are composed of parallel ranges, and volcanic craters, some of which
are apparently still active. The most characteristic features of lunar
topography are numerous ring-shaped mountains named vulcanoids;
they surround circular or polygonal depressions and may correspond
to volcanic caldrons, but are much larger than those on earth. They
were first regarded as volcanic craters, but their intimate structure
shows that they are composed of concentric ridges and neither of
radial lava flows nor piled rings of volcanic ash. They have also
been interpreted as impact rings raised by the fall of colossal meteor-
ites; a theory which, however, does not account for their distribution.
The moon differs from the earth by the mountain chains being
relatively fewer and more fragmentary. The moon probably had a
similar early history to that of the earth, but passed through the
early stages more quickly because as a smaller body it cooled faster
and acquired a thicker and less easily folded crust. It has apparently
no shell resting upon a plastic layer, by sliding over which it can
accommodate itself to changes of shape rendered necessary by the
contraction of the interior. Owing to the absence of this friction-
less layer and occurrence of the tremendous monthly changes in tem-
perature the vertical movements on the lunar crust are more impor-
tant than the horizontal. The chief younger lunar mountains are
due to the vulcanoid subsidences, not to the crumpling of narrow
belts. The ridges on the moon which appear to be fold mountains are
old and broken, for it has reached a stage in which their formation
has either ceased or is dormant. The moon moreover, as it rotates
on its axis only monthly instead of daily, is less flattened at the poles,
and has not the folds parallel to the equator which are so important
in the earth's geography.
The moulding of the moon's surface by denudation must be very
different from that on the earth : the moon having practically no
atmosphere and no surface waters, its rocks are not subject to or-
dinary decay and wear, but, owing to the absence of an atmosphere
and its day lasting for a terrestrial fortnight, it undergoes violent
changes of temperature which must shatter the rocks and cause the
fragments, by their lengthening and contraction at every change from
day to night, to creep down even gentle slopes. The level areas on
the moon are therefore probably covered by a sea of talus which
spreads over them like the flow of the stone rivers of the Falkland
Is., but is effective on gentler gradients.
The aspect of the moon indicates the probable future of the earth
when, by continued cooling of the interior, the crust has become much
thicker and more rigid. Its condition forecasts the state of the earth
at some future time when its relief will be due almost entirely to
vertical movements as the crumpling of belts of the crust will have
ceased, and when horsts and sunklands due to faulting and valleys
due to subsidence instead of to erosion will be the dominant fea-
tures in the topography. (J. W. G.)
II. DYNAMICAL GEOLOGY
Volcanoes (see 28.178, 11.657). The most important later
advance in our knowledge of the processes of volcanic activity is
in the study of the gaseous emanations of volcanoes. These have
been somewhat elaborately investigated in regard to Kilauea.
Water vapour was found even in the gases most directly collected
from the central lava column, associated with permanent gases,
consisting mainly of carbon dioxide and monoxide, sulphur
dioxide, nitrogen and hydrogen, with some free sulphur, chlorine,
fluorine and perhaps ammonia. This group of gases, associated
together at a temperature of 1000 C., cannot be in equilibrium;
the hydrogen could not exist, except temporarily, in presence
of the dioxides of carbon and sulphur, nor the free sulphur in the
presence of carbon dioxide; chemical reactions would take place,
all of which are accompanied by the evolution of heat. Other
reactions, between the gases and the protoxide of iron in the lava,
equally give rise to the evolution of heat, and in this is found an
explanation of Brun's experience that when obsidian is raised
to the temperature at which gases are freely evolved nothing
can stop its expansion into pumice, the accession of heat from
within, owing to chemical reaction, assisting the rapid expansion
of the gas by a weakening of the containing walls of the cavities.
It may be added that these chemical reactions also afford an
explanation of the long distances to which some lava flows have
been known to travel, the preservation of sufficient fluidity being
due, not merely to the protective effect of a poorly conducting
shell of solidified lava, but to the continued accession of heat.
At the time of its appearance much attention was attracted to
A. Brun's theory, that the volcanic exhalation was essentially anhy-
drous. Subsequent investigations, especially on Kilauea, have not
borne out his contention in detail, and the theory has been generally
rejected, at any rate in English countries; yet there is a probability
that it may not be far from the truth, so far as paroxysmal eruptions
are concerned. The generally accepted opinion, that the propulsive
agency in these is predominantly steam, seems to be due to the
resemblance in form between the cloud formed over a volcano in
eruption, and clouds of condensed water vapour, formed in the upper
air; to the presence of water vapour in the fumaroles on the sides
of volcanoes, and in the emanations from lava flows; and to the
occurrence of heavy rainfall in connexion with violent eruptions.
The last-named is, however, by no means an invariable accompani-
ment, and may be readily explained by the induced uprush of air
which, in a humid atmosphere, would give rise to heavy rainfall ;
and as regards the first, the resemblance is equally great to the clouds
of smoke issuing from a furnace. Nor can dependence be placed on
resemblances, for clouds may be caused by other vapours than that
of water, and one formed of such vapour, mixed with the impalpable
dust of an eruption, may be indistinguishable in appearance from
the ordinary aqueous clouds of the atmosphere.
Direct observation is ordinarily impossible in a violent eruption,
but, in 1911, G. Ponte was able to collect gas issuing from a lateral
outflow of lava, derived directly from the column of lava in the cen-
tral neck of the volcano, then in violent eruption. Analysis of the
gas showed it to be composed mainly of carbon dioxide, with some
nitrogen, sulphurous acid, sulphuretted hydrogen, nitrogen-carbon
monoxide and methane but no water vapour. This observation is
confirmatory of Brun's contention, and, even as regards Kilauea,
there are some general considerations bearing on the question. Water
is one of the end products of the reactions between magmatic gases
12
GEOLOGY
which have been referred to above; the eruptions of Kilauea are of a
quiescent type, in which many of these reactions have taken place
before the gases escape, and observations show that the percentage
of water vapour is less in those collected most directly from the lava
as it ascends from the central pipe, dropping to only 4 % in the col-
lection made most directly from the issuing lava. In more violent
eruptions, where the gases issue more nearly in the composition with
which they are released from the magma, the proportion may well
be less than this, and even drop to nothing. Brun's observation
that the fumaroles nearest the crater of Vesuvius, having tempera-
tures of 400 C. or more, yield very small amounts of water vapour,
has been confirmed by Ferret on Vesuvius and Ponte on Etna, but
the most pertinent fact is, probably, the presence of chlorides of
iron, magnesium and aluminium in the ashes of the cone, and within
the crater, after violent eruptions of Vesuvius. Being deliquescent
these minerals could not have crystallized in the presence of satu-
rated steam, and equally could not have been formed in the presence
of superheated steam, as they would then have been decomposed
with the formation of oxides, at temperatures even below 500 C.,
much lower than that of the escaping gases of the eruption. There
is, therefore, reason to suppose that water vapour, as such, may be
absent from, or form a trivial proportion of, the gases issuing from
the vent of a volcano in violent eruption ; it would be formed, after
issue, as the result of reactions between the components of the highly
heated ascending column of gases, and by union of hydrogen with
the oxygen of the atmosphere. This supposition is, moreover, in
keeping with the modern trend of conjecture regarding the nature of
the fluidity of the magma, according to which the effect formerly
ascribed to water is now frequently attributed to hydrogen, either
free or in combination with other elements than oxygen.
Earthquakes (see 8.817, 11.659). Not much has been added in
more recent years to our knowledge of the character and effects
of earthquakes. The ultimate cause is still very incompletely
understood, but it has become clear that faults, of structural
geology, are much less directly connected with earthquakes than
was formerly supposed. It still remains established that the
vast majority of earthquakes are caused by the shock resulting
from dislocation of the solid material of the earth's crust, due
to fracture consequent on a state of strain, but the detailed
examination of the Californian earthquake showed that this
strain was radically different in character, and the result of some
quite different cause, from that which produced the San Andreas
fault, along which visible displacements took place. The earth-
quake was not, in fact, an incident in the growth of the fault,
nor the fault the cause of the earthquake; the real connexion of
the two being that the fault produced a plane of weakness, along
which relief of the growing strain took place, and so controlled
the local distribution of the intensity of disturbances. It is
probable that detailed investigation would yield a similar result
in the case of other earthquakes, where a visible connexion be-
tween the violence of the earthquake and the existence of struc-
tural faults has been observed, for another result of the examina-
tion of the Californian earthquake was to show that the fractur-
ing of the crust, to which the felt earthquake was due, was but
the secondary result of a more deep-seated disturbance or
bathyseism, and that this bathyseism, the exact character and
depth of which are still unknown, gave rise to the long-distance
records commonly attributed to the earthquake proper (see
SEISMOLOGY). Though, as has been said, nothing is known of
the character of the bathyseism, it may be connected in some
way with the changes of volume consequent on a redistribution
of the chemical elements composing the material in the interior
of the earth, which are referred to in the section dealing with
the origin of mountain ranges; according to the ingenious specula-
tions of Mr. W. H. Goodchild it is probable that some of these
changes may take place with great, even explosive, rapidity,
and so might easily give rise directly or indirectly to both the
earthquake proper and the long-distance record.
The study of the periodicity of earthquakes has giyen some curious
and interesting results. According to the tabulation of 20 years'
record of the Italian seismological service there is, in Italy, a well-
marked diurnal periodicity, giving a well-marked maximum fre-
quency at about two hours after midnight, and a period of low fre-
quency extending from about 9 A.M. to 5 P.M. with a minimum at
about two hours after midday, the maximum frequency being almost
twice as great as the minimum and the number of earthquakes occur-
ring during the 12 hours of the night being very close to half as many
again as the number recorded during the 12 hours of the day. The
subject has been elaborately investigated and the periodicity shown
to be a real one, not to be accounted for by any imperfection of the
record. Though certainly real, the particular form of periodicity
applies only to Italy, other regions differing in this respect, and no
satisfactory explanation has been offered. It is evidently not due to
tidal stresses set up by the attraction of the sun, for the periodicity
completely disappears when the record is tabulated by lunar instead
of solar time; there is, however, another peculiarity of frequency
which does seem attributable to this cause. In any record of suffi-
cient extent to be usable, it has been found that the relative propor-
tion of day shocks to night shocks is slightly greater during summer,
and slightly smaller during winter, than the general average for
the whole year. The variation from the mean is small, not exceed-
ing 6% in the most extreme case which has been investigated, and is
generally less; it can only be detected when a large number of
records are investigated, but as the same relation has been found
repeated in the only two cases where the record has been discussed in
terms of lunar hours and declination, it may be accepted as real,
and very probably connected with the different distribution of the
tide-producing stresses during the day and night, according to the
varying declination of the sun and moon. Whether this conclusion
be accepted or not, the very smallness of the effect shows that
earthquakes are uninfluenced, except possibly, and very insignifi-
cantly, as to the actual time of occurrence, by any cause exterior
to the earth; they are a purely terrestrial phenomenon, due to
actions which take place within the outer crust of the earth and,
therefore, the study of them is distinctly a branch of geology.
Origin of Mountains (see 11.659). The problem of the origin
of mountain ranges, and incidentally of the major inequalities
of the surface of the earth, stands in a very different position
from that which it held in 1910. At that time it was recognized
that in some of the elevated tracts of the earth there was no
obvious connexion between geological structure and orography,
but in other cases, of which the Alps were a type, it had been
observed that there was very intense disturbance and compres-
sion of the rocks, that the strike of the folds, into which the
rocks had been thrown, agreed with the general direction of the
range; and in these cases, regarded as" true " mountain ranges, it
was believed that the surface elevation was due to a thickening
of the crust consequent on the compression indicated by the
disturbance of the rocks (see Plate).
Even in the Alps there were difficulties: the compression is not
simply towards the principal crest of the range, but large blocks of
strata had been thrust from the southern limit of the range to near
the northern, and though it was possible to explain this by a gradual
southward migration of the central axis of compression many diffi-
culties arise in the course of such explanation. Another point, which
could not easily be met, is the want of a relation between the degree
of compression and the height of the mountains. The Himalayas,
also regarded as a true mountain range of Alpine type, are about twice
as high as the Alps, but the amount of compression of the rocks is,
if anything, distinctly less. In the course of the decade 1910-20
other ranges were studied ; the Andes are now known to exhibit much
less compression of the strata than the Alps, less in fact than many
lowland regions which give no indication of having ever formed
lofty mountains; but the most striking case of want of accord
between the geological structure of rocks and the relief of the
surface is in the region of the Pamirs. Here, between the plains of
Russian Turkestan, on the W., and of Chinese Turkestan, on the E.,
and between the upper waters of the Jaxartes and Oxus, on the N.
and S., is a great mountain mass, in which the general course of the
ranges and river valleys, as of the trend lines of the geological struc-
ture, is between S.W.-N.E. and W.S.W.-E.N.E. From the low hills
on the west the general level of the surface rises to the high plateau
of the Pamirs, and eastward of these comes a well-defined mountain
range, the Mustagh Ata range, with peaks ranging to over 25,000 ft.,
running nearly N. to S. along the edge of the plains of Chinese
Turkestan. So well marked and definite is this range that the late
Prof. Suess, in his great work on The Face of the Earth, concluded that
it must be structural, and that the trend-lines of structure as seen to
the westward must bend round to follow the course of the mountain
ranges. The earlier observations of Dr. F. Stoliczka, and the recent
explorations of Sir Henry Hayden, have alike shown that this is not
so, and that the general strike on the Pamirs is continued across the
range to the plains of Chinese Turkestan.
In both of these mountain regions, the Andes and the Pamirs, and
especially in the latter, large parts of the surface show the rounded
outlines and moderate slopes of a lowland topography which has
been subject to a prolonged period of subaerial denudation, the
mountainous character, where present, being due to quite recent
erosion by streams and rivers. In other words, the indications in
both regions are that the present elevation is due to a simple uplift,
quite independent of, and of later date than, the compression which
is evidenced by the surface rocks. In parts of the central Himalayas
there is evidence leading to a similar conclusion, and most of the
difficulties in reconciling the structure with the larger features of
the surface relief of the Alps would disappear if it were accepted.
Meanwhile, an entirely different line of research had led to a simi-
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GEOLOGY
213
lar result. It has long been known that the apparent excess of
matter in the visible prominence of mountain ranges was com-
pensated by a diminished density, and consequent deficiency of
matter, in the crust beneath them. The elaborate studies of Messrs.
Hayford and Bowie, Becker and others, have shown that the prin-
ciple is of wider extent, and that whatever the relative height of the
surface may be the amount of matter under, any region is approxi-
mately equal, the greater volume indicated by greater surface eleva-
tion being compensated by a lesser average density. To this general
principle the word isostasy is now generally applied, though the term
was originally intended to indicate the process by which the result
was brought about. The geological application of this conclusion, de-
rived from geodetic observation, has been elaborately investigated
by the late Prof. J. Barrel!, who concluded that the strength of the
earth's crust as a whoje was about double that of good granite as
we know it, that the thickness through which this strength continues
is about 30 m., and that below it there is a rapid transition to mate-
rial not much more resistant to change of shape than lead. He also
calculated that the average departure from exact balance of surface
relief and compensation, in the continental region of N. America,
is equivalent to a load of average rock reaching a maximum thick-
ness of about i, 600 ft., and thinning out to nothing at the ends of a
length of about 200 m. ; for a greater length the maximum load would
be correspondingly less, and greater for a shorter length. This does
not indicate the maximum possible departure from exact isostasy,
for even within the American region he finds evidence of about
double (in the Pacific islands quadruple) that shown by the figures
quoted.
The bearing of the recorded geodetic observations on the origin
of the Himalayas and Pamirs, the largest and loftiest mountain
region of the world, has been investigated by R. D. Oldham. He
found that the excesses and deficits of matter indicated by observation
were ranged in alternate bands, following the general course of the
major surface relief; that the outer hills of the mountains bordering
on the lowland plains showed an excess of matter; that farther in
towards the centre of the hills this was followed by a zone of defi-
ciency of matter, and that (though observations are wanting here)
the most central portion is either in equilibrium or may show some
excess of matter. The widths of these zones, the amount of the
departure from exact equilibrium, and the distribution are very much
the same as those which would result if a crust of the strength found
by Prof. Barrell were uplifted by expansion of the material underly-
ing, or possibly composing, its lower portion. Such an expansion of
the underlying material, being necessarily accompanied by de-
crease in density, would not only account for the compensation of
the elevated region, but assumes a prominent position as the pri-
mary phenomenon, and direct cause, to which the elevation of the
mountain mass was due. This idea is not new, but while the
only explanation of the changes of density was variation in
temperature, the cause was, quantitatively, inadequate. Of late
years, however, a new aspect has been given to the problem by Dr.
L. L. Fermor, who has shown that a magma of the same chemical
composition may solidify in more than one form of mineral complex,
and that the density, and solid volumes, of these aggregates may vary
by 20 to 30 per cent. To the two different forms of solidification he
applied the terms plutonic or infraplutonic, and pointed out that the
transition from one to the other form of mineral combination of
the same chemical elements would depend on the balance between
pressure and temperature; so that a small change in either might
result in a passage from one mode, or mineral combination, to an-
other of the same norm, or magma, and that this passage would be
accompanied by a very considerable change in bulk, which, again,
would result in uplift or sinking of the surface level. As the varia-
tions in underground density revealed by geodetic measurements
are not greater than those provided for by Dr. Fermor's supposition,
it is evident that we have here at least one cause which would at
the same time account for the major inequalities of surface level,
and for what is known to geodesists as compensation.
We have, then, an agreement between two independent lines of re-
search, one pointing to the conclusion that the greater inequalities
of surface level are the result of underground changes in density,
the other indicating with a high degree of probability that such
changes do occur. It must, however, be added that a detailed study
of published geodetic measurements suggests that this explanation
is not quite complete, and that, as suggested by Dutton, the surface
transference of material from regions of denudation to areas of de-
position is accompanied by a corresponding underground transfer
m the reverse direction ; yet the effect of any such transfer is sub-
sidiary and trivial in comparison with that of the changes of den-
sity to which the predominant proportion of the changes of surface
level appear to be due.
This explanation is in accord with the fact that the larger fea-
tures of the surface forms of the earth, such as the distinction
between continental and oceanic areas, cannot be fully accounted for
in terms of surface tectonics alone. It does not touch the importance
of these tectonics in determining the secondary irregularities of sur-
face; the well-established connexion of these with geological struc-
ture of the surface rocks, on the one hand, and the processes of denu-
dation and deposition, on the other, is unaffected, and it still re-
mains possible that, within limits, hills and ranges may be directly
due to compression of the rocks composing them. These limits can-
not be defined with precision, but, so far as figures available go, they
may be put at the extreme figures of a breadth of 150 to 200 m. and
a height of 2,000 to 3,000 ft. ; for a narrow base the height might be
increased, for a greater width it would be less. These figures, though
necessarily vague, give an idea of the limit of magnitude which can
be allowed for surface inequalities resulting from superficial tec-
tonics alone. For the larger features the lofty mountain ranges, the
deeps of the ocean, the extensive elevated plateaus and the broad
distinctions between ocean and continent we must look to causes
and changes operating in the more deeply seated portions of the
crust, or in the material underlying it.
AUTHORITIES. For Volcanoes see : R. T. Chamberlin, The Gases
in Rocks, Publication No. 106, Carnegie Institution of Washington,
1909 (summary m Jour, of Geol., xvii., 1909, p. 534); A. L. Day
and E. S. Shepherd, " Water and Volcanic Activity," Butt. Geol. Soc.
America, xxiv., 1913, p. 573 ;.G. Ponte, " Richerche sulle escalazioni
dell' Etna," At\i d. R. Accad. dei Lincei, xxiii., 1914, p. 341; J. P.
Iddings, The Problem of Vulcanism (8, New Haven and London
1914); R. A. Daly, Igneous Rocks and their Origin (London and
New York 1914); T. A. Jaggar, Jun., " Volcanologic Investigations
at Kilauea," Am. Jour. Sci., 4th ser., xliv., 1917, p. 161.
For Earthquakes see : C. Davison, A Manual of Seismology (Cam-
bridge 1921); R. D. Oldham, "Interpretation of the Californian
Earthquake of 1906," Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., Ixv., 1909, p. I ; A.
Cavasino, " Frequenza e distribuzione dei terremote italiani," Bull.
Soc. Sesmol. Italiana, xx., 1916, p. 9; R. D. Oldham, "A Seasonal
Variation in the Frequency of Earthquakes," Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc.,
Ixxiv., 1919, p. 99; second communication, ibid., Ixxvii., 1921, p. I ;
W. H. Goodchild, "The Evolution of Ore Deposits from Igneous
Magmas," Mining Mag., xviii and xix., 1918.
For Mountain Ranges see: L. L. Fermor, "The Relationship of
Isostasy, Earthquakes and Vulcanicity to the Earth's Infra-Plutonic
Shell," Geol. Mag., 1914, p. 65; R. D. Oldham, "The Struc-
ture of the Himalayas and of the Gangetic Plain as elucidated :
Geodetic Observations in India," Mem. Geol. Survey of India, xlii.,
pt. 2, 1917; "The Support of the Mountains of Central Asia,"
Records Geol. Survey of India, xlix., 1918, p. 117; the last two give
full reference to earlier works. (R. D. O.)
III. STRUCTURAL GEOLOGY
Isostasy. -During recent years, the consideration of the
structure of the outer layers of the earth's crust, and of. the
relation between areas of elevation and depression, has been
greatly influenced by the doctrine of isostasy. It has been felt
that the larger inequalities cannot be supported by the rigidity
of the crust. They may, however, when once they have been
established, be maintained on a yielding crust by transference
of load. The processes of denudation carry material from the up-
lands to the lowlands, and ultimately to the ocean basins, thereby
lightening the upraised regions and increasing the weight on those
already low (see Plate). The down-bent areas thus become fur-
ther depressed, while mountains and continents rise as a conse-
quence of their own decay. C. E. Dutton, who invented the
word in 1889, has defined it as " the tendency to maintain moun-
tain profiles in equilibrium " i(uros, equal, + crracrts, condition).
A simple case of isostatic response to change of load was suggested
by T. F. Jamieson in 1865 (Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., vol. 21, p. 178),
when he explained the raised beaches of northern Europe as due to
the depression of the region by the weight of ice in the Glacial epoch,
followed by an upward swing of the crust when the burden was re-
moved by melting. Jamieson's view has been extended by N. O.
Hoist (1914), who points out that the subsequent rise may foster a
second though minor glaciation, followed by renewed submergence;
the final melting brought the various beaches to their present eleva-
tions above the sea. It will be seen that the theory of isostatic re-
sponse allows of irregularity of bulging, and is altogether more satis-
factory than one which seeks to account for- raised beaches by a gen-
eral change in volume of the sea. The matter is carried further by
those who trace a movement of elevation contemporaneous with the
northern depression in regions S. of the loaded area. Ph. Negris
(1910) thus accounts for the uplift of the floor of the Pliocene sea in
the Mediterranean basin, whereby shelly beds were carried to
heights of 1,750 metres above the present level of the Aegean.
H. Munthe (Internal. Geol. Congress, 1910, Excursions en Suede,
No. 25) suggests a similar bulging for the periphery of the glaciated
area of northern Europe, and a subsequent falling back as the nor-
thern region rose. Isostatic recovery, as W. A. Johnston points out
in Canada, may be concealed in certain places by the flooding of
valleys with water previously locked up as ice. R. A. Daly believes
that, after a general lowering of sea-level, due to a removal of water
in a solid form towards the poles, a general rise of the sea took
place in warmer times over the whole area of the Pacific Ocean . Fluc-
tuations of the water-level, as well as permanent warping, involving
imperfections of return to the original crustal relations, must clearly
be allowed for in connecting raised beaches with isostasy.
214
GEOLOGY
J. H. Pratt (see 11.654) m '855 laid the foundation in India for a
generalization that has been widely accepted as an explanation of
the support of mountains. He pointed out that observations on
the deflection of the pendulum from the vertical indicate a defect of
ma:ss in the Himalaya range and an excess of mass towards the Indian
Ocean, and he concluded that highlands were upheld by differ-
ences of density in the crust. Detailed work is still in progress;
but numerous observations with the seconds pendulum, and by
comparison of points and mercury barometers at sea, already
serve to indicate a general " positive anomaly " of gravity that is,
an excess of attraction in the oceanic areas. The " negative anom-
alies" associated with high plateaus and mountain-chains are com-
pensated by positive anomalies in adjacent plains or under adjacent
seais. It is held that denser rocks, such as basaltic magmas, have ac-
cumulated beneath the oceans, while mountains are typically formed
of less dense material. They may thus be compared with floating
bodies; they are supported by the pressure of denser masses which
they have in part displaced. At a certain depth below the less dense
earth-block under an elevated area, and below the denser earth-
block under an adjacent area depressed below sea-level, a region of
compensation must exist, where the two blocks balance one another.
If of equal area, these two blocksabove this " depth of compensation "
will contain the same mass. To geologists, who realize the complex-
ities of intrusion, and the interlocking of various types of rock in
the outer layers of the crust, the conception of columns of uniform
density stretching down from the surface to the depths may seem
too much like a purely mathematical expression ; but the theory of
isostatic compensation is shown by Jos. Barrell (Am. Journ. Sci.,
vol. 48, pp. 281338) to relate to broad areas rather than to local
irregularities of the surface, and it is probable that the balance is
attained much more nearly under continents than under isolated
mountains. J. F. Hay ford, of the U.S. Geodetic Survey, has re-
viewed (1909-12) the relations of topography to gravity throughout
the United States, with results extremely favourable to the isostatic
theory. H. S. Washington (Journ. Franklin Inst., 1920, vol. 190,
p. 812) supports Hayford's conclusions by an estimate of the average
densities of the rocks underlying the areas of elevation and depression,
including a consideration of the igneous rocks of oceanic islands and
continental regions over the whole globe. G. Costanzi (1910) has
correlated surface-relief throughout Europe with anomalies of
gravity. E. Suess, in the concluding volume of his Antlite der Erde,
seriously doubts if the known range of density in rocks is sufficient
to account for the maintenance of the major features of relief. His
most important argument is drawn from the Indian Ocean, the floor
of which represents sunken continental land. Suess points out that
here O. Hecker, from his marine traverses, indicates a region of
strong positive anomaly.
Albert Heim (translation in Proc. Liverpool Geol. Soc., vol. 13, 1920)
shows how gravity determinations in Switzerland are related to the
form of the Alpine chain, positive anomalies occurring only near the
Lago Maggiore and under the Black Forest. He explains the latter
case by the presence of a gravity anticlinal, in which the denser matter
of Suess's " Sima " layer is brought nearer than usual to the surface.
The explanation of gravity-anomalies in the Himalayas and the
"Gangetic trough" has been the subject of much discussion by Sir
S. Burrard, H. H. Hayden and R. D. Oldham.
Great mountain-chains, as was long felt to be the case, evidently
bulge both upwards and downwards, and send down crumpled and
lighter matter from the upper crust that displaces the denser matter
ofthe depths. This process is aided by the presence of a yielding but
not necessarily molten layer, Barrell'sasthenosphere, below the depth
of compensation, which lies some 80 to 100 m. (say 128 to 160 km.)
below the general surface of the gepid. Barrell remarks that " the
density of the crust is presumably irregular in depth as well as in
distribution, but it is seen to be essentially a phenomenon of the
outer fiftieth of the earth's radius."
Isostasy is not put forward as a cause of mountain-building. The
relative importance of successive overfolds and of vertical upheaval
in establishing these features of relief is still a matter of discussion,
and geologists will probably incline more and more to the view of
O. Ampferer (1906) that sliding movements in the Untergrund, Bar-
rell's asthenosphere, are responsible for drag and crumpling at the
surface. Melting of lower layers and consequent vertical foundering
may promote extensive movements in a lateral- direction. At the
surface the final overlapping of recumbent folds may be largely
gravitational, a feature emphasized by Hans Schardt. A renewed
appreciation of the importance of vertical uplift and vertical founder-
ing leads us back to conceptions of mountain-structure that were
prevalent in the early igth century. Ampferer has even pointed
out the influence of notches cut by subaerial denudation on folding
that may subsequently affect the surface.
In considering folding in connexion with rock-flow, C. K. Leith
(Structural Geology, 1914) applies the term competent to rocks that
resist crumpling, and incompetent to those that yield contortions. A
competent mass under increase of pressure may of course become
incompetent. The flow of incompetent rocks between competent
layers obviously produces considerable changes in their relations at
the surfaces of contact, and complications of this kind may be
expected in any pverfolded series. Where faults result from over-
folding, E. B. Bailey (1910) styles them fold-faults or slides.
The recognition of overfolding of the Alpine type in other areas
has been accompanied by some criticism, and H. Schardt, himself
an honoured pioneer, uttered a word of warning in 1906 when he
humorously described P. Termier as afflicted with Ultra-nappismus.
E. B. Bailey (Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., vol. 66, 1910) recognized a
system of recumbent folding as responsible for many features of the
schistose masses in the S.W. Scottish highlands and in 1920 he des-
cribed two successive nappes as resulting from overfolding from N.W.
to S.E. L. Gentil (1918) traces three nappes in the structure of the
coastal range of Algeria and Tunisia. In this he is strongly sup-
ported by Termier, but is opposed by J.Savornin (1920). V. Uhlig,
O. Ampferer, and others have studied overfolding in detail in the
Hohe Tauern and Wetterstein districts of the eastern Alps, where
much attention has been given to lateral shifting across the main
folds from E. to W. Maria Ogilvie Gordon (1909) indicates folds
and thrusts in explanation of the relations of the dolomite masses
to underlying strata in the well-known Langkofel region of Tirol.
P. Termier and G. Friedel trace outlying blocks, klippes, the Ger-
man klippen, separated by denudation from former overfolds of the
western Alps, in the southern part of the Rhone vale and even on the
flanks'of the Cevennes. These outliers include a block of Urgonian
strata resting on Oligocene beds and 3,700 metres long. It is held
that the Card coal-field has been affected by the Alpine crumpling,
and Termier recognizes older overfolded structures of Armorican
(late Carboniferous) age in the eastern border of the central massif
of France. On the other hand, linear mountain masses may record
movements that are mainly vertical. H. E. Gregory (Am. Journ.
Sci., vol. 41, 1916) thus treats the Andes as an uplifted plateau of
marine and continental sediments, penetrated by igneous intru-
sions. The erosion-surface here has little regard for geological
structure. This is borne out by J. A. Douglas (Quart. Journ. Geol.
Soc., vol. 76, 1920), who finds no overfolding in Bolivia and Peru
and treats the range as a product of vertical upthrust between two
resisting crust-masses. Even more recently, T. O. Bosworth records
intense block-faulting as characteristic of the Cainozoic region of
Peru, and a considerable Andean uplift, accompanied by a subsidence
of the sea-floor, is recorded at the opening of Quaternary times. The
upraised coastal band is " part of the crust-belt of the great fault."
Five miles out at sea, a fault-scarp 2,000 ft. in height leads down
abruptly to the depths of the Pacific. E. H. L. Schwarz points out
similar features as bounding the E. coast of S. Africa, where Caino-
zoic shore-deposits have been elevated to a height of 1,350 ft.
Fracturing. The study of structural geology has shown in
recent years a marked return towards the recognition of lines
of fracture, and founderings on a large scale, as influencing
existing topographic features. The power of subaerial denudation
has been justly emphasized by W. M. Davis in his development
of the Huttonian cycle of erosion and his indication of traces of
peneplains, where the eye is now likely to be diverted by later
features of sculptural relief. But these later and secondary
features, the walls of outstanding blocks and the courses of
rivers across the rejuvenated country, are again and again
associated with rectilinear and regularly intersecting fracture-
systems. The tracing of rift-valleys, better styled trough-valleys,
from the Jordan region to Nyasaland, and on a minor scale in the
post-Oligocene groove of the Rhine from Basel to Mainz, has led
to a general attempt to correlate faults and river-courses. The
cliff-walls of elongated lakes in Finland are very probably due
to late Cainozoic fracturing, and fault-scarps in the hard gneissic
rocks guide the modern rivers on their way. J. W. Gregory in
his book on The Origin of Fiords (1913) has collected much
evidence to connect straight river-courses with more or less
rectangular fracture-systems. E. B. Bailey shows the influence
of downward-reaching " shatter-belts " on the valleys eroded in
the region of Glencoe; and E. de Margerie gives a tectonic sig-
nificance to the narrow cluses of the Juras, which unite the
valleys of longitudinal and apparently subsequent streams. On
the other hand, some of the surfaces cited by Gregory are con-
nected with rock-folding and denudation rather than with
faulting. J. Ball (Geol. Mag. 1910) points out that recent land-
slides have simulated fault-scarps in the Nile valley and the Gulf
of Suez; both these depressions are grooves of normal erosion
and not troughs. W. F. Hume (ibid.) regards the Nile valley as
on the whole connected with the erosion of the softer Cretaceous
strata in its southern part, and of Middle Eocene strata in the
north. It is, however, a structural feature in that these beds,,
like the carboniferous limestone in the Armorican folds of south
Ireland, have been eroded along the course of a synclinal. Ball
states that the Gulf of Suez is guided by an eroded anticline.
One of the most powerful influences in the correlation of surface-
GEOLOGY
215
___.tures and crustal structure has been the completion by E. Suess
of the third volume of Das Antlitz der Erde in 1909: the annotated
and " extra illustrated " French edition was published under the care
of E. de Margeriein 1918. In this volume the Armorican mountain
systems of Europe are regarded as offshoots of those of Asia, under
the general name of Altaids. The spread of the ranges in huge south-
ward ripplings towards India, and their finger-like ramifications in
the European region, are shown, as well as their posthumous in-
fluence on the directions of the Cainozpic chains, or " Alpids."
To E. Suess we also owe the observation of "caldron-subsidences"
in many portions of the globe, from crater-like depressions, such
as those traceable in lunar topography, to broad plains, the gather-
ing-ground of detritus from upstanding mountain-rings. It is true
that the recognition of overfolded sheet-structure in the Carpathian
ring has disposed of the conception that the differential elevation of
the ring and the Hungarian basin is mainly due to faulting; but there
remain many lowlands in which foundering has caused the depression,
and no doubt the most striking instances are concealed beneath the
oceans. The Tyrrhenian and Aegean sinkings occurred almost in
human times, and speculation may still be allowed to revive the
ancient tradition of Atlantis. A belief in the comparative rapidity of
such movements is fostered by the evidence of Fossiliferous strata
on the flanks of the marine depressions and on residual isles. The
down-sinking occurred during a part of one geological epoch; and
the same is remarkably true for the upheaval and lateral flow of
folded mountain-chains.
The well-known Rieskessel, the plain round Nordlingen in south-
ern Bavaria, presents all the character of a caldron-subsidence,
with a core of shattered granite, and abundant upwellings of lavas
on the marginal ring (see section in Suess, La Face de la Terre, vol.
3, p. 1,507). C. T. Clough, E. B. Bailey, and H. O. Maufe, in
describing the "caldron-subsidences of Glencoe" (Quart. Journ.
Geol. Soc., vol. 65, 1909), show how foundering took place within a
ring-fault, up which a " fault-intrusion " occurred, probably as a fore-
runner of the granite that afterwards came into the district. This
intrusive rock gathered into itself the fragmental matter accumu-
lated along the fault-plane. The mechanics of such subsidences, and
the substitution of igneous matter for the foundered core, are here
clearly discussed. A striking upwelling of syenite along a ring 16 m.
in diameter has been mapped by W. A. Humphrey (1914) in the
Pilansberg in Transvaal.
Coral Reefs. The question of the evidence afforded by coral
reefs as to regions of subsidence has been advanced by the large
number of instances where barrier reefs and atolls have been
shown to stand on the marginal areas of submarine platforms.
The depth of the lagoons enclosed by coral rings appears to
agree closely with the depth of the platform outside them. The
platforms may in places be composed, as W. M. Davis suggests
in the case of Queensland, of wave-planed coral rock of unknown
thickness, and E. C. Andrews (1916) and W. C. Foye (1917)
regard the reefs of Fiji as thickened during local subsidence.
But Foye finds no proof of general subsidence during coral-
growth in the Pacific; block-faulting has more probably occurred.
T. W. Vaughan (Bull. 103, U.S. National Museum, 1919)
discusses the whole question of the growth of reefs on platforms;
the reefs have in some cases been thickened as Darwin suggested;
but tectonic interest has now been shifted to the platforms.
If these are of Pliocene age, they should represent an epoch of
elevation and wave-erosion, and a subsequent enlargement of the
oceans by subsidence. If, as R. A. Daly urges, they are Pleis-
tocene, his " glacial control " theory may account for their
origin at a time when the sea was lowered by withdrawal of
water to form ice at the poles. But it is doubtful if the whole of
the existing reefs are of post-Glacial age, and attention is thus
redrawn to evidence of crust-movement in the platforms.
The economic importance of structural geology has been specially
emphasized by numerous surveys of oil-bearing districts, and the
entry of oil into anticlines and domes has been interestingly corre-
lated in the United States with the earth pressures that caused the
folding. (G.A.J.C.)
IV. STRATIGRAPHICAL GEOLOGY
The study of comparative stratigraphy has been greatly
facilitated by the publication of the Handbuch der regionalen
Geologic, under the editorship of G. Steinmann and O. Wilckens,
the first part of which, on Denmark, appeared in 1910. Written
by specialists in various countries, the descriptions and bibliog-
raphies are brought fully up to date. The section on the British
Isles, by 14 British geologists, was issued, as a triumph of
scientific cooperation, at Heidelberg during the World War
in 1917. E. Haug's Traits de Geologic (1908-11), with its wealth
of coordinated detail, has furnished an important work of
general reference. Attention has been given, especially in the
United States, to " diastrophic " episodes, epochs of apparently
world-wide earth-disturbance, and the old theories of " revolu-
tions of the globe " have been recalled by the tendency to connect
diastrophism with marked changes of fauna. Many geologists
have felt that the boundaries set to geological periods may be
quite justly drawn at epochs of crust-movement, which promoted
rapid modifications in life-forms to suit altered conditions of
existence. The continuity, however, of marine Carboniferous
and Permian systems in some countries, and the break caused by
the Armorican folding in Europe, serve as an example of the
difficulty of calling in diastrophism as a general aid in classifica-
tion. C. D. Walcott (1910) explains the abrupt appearance of
the Cambrian fauna by suggesting that the marine basins of
pre-Algonkian time, in which earlier faunas may be recorded,
have never been elevated to form part of the land-surface. The
few traces of Algonkian fossils represent lakes, or merely brief
communications with oceanic waters. Walcott proposes the
term Lipalian for the epoch when the unknown primordial
fauna was adjusting itself to shore-conditions. The Lower
Cambrian fauna had thus attained a high degree of differentia-
tion when the Olenellus-beds were deposited by encroachments
of the sea across the continents. In nomenclature, the adoption
of the name Silurian by the British Geological Survey in the
restricted sense has been accompanied by a general change in
the same direction, while Lapworth's Ordovician has also be-
come international. E. O. Ulrich (1911) has proposed in the
United States to cut off an Ozarkian system from the top of the
Cambrian and a Canadian system from the base of the Ordovi-
cian, restricting the term Ordovician to beds above the Beek-
mantown stage of the Champlain valley and Maryland. C.
Schuchert, in his last pronouncement (1915), adopts these terms
as lower subdivisions of his Ordovician system.
The frequent revision of the names of local subdivisions may be
illustrated by A. W. Grabau's classification in 1909:
Upper Monroan
Siluric Middle Salirian
Lower Niagaran
Upper Trentonian
Ordovicic Middle Chazyan
Lower Beekmantownian
Walcott (1912) proposed St. Croixan for the Upper Cambrian and
Wacauban for the Lower, thereby replacing Saratogan and Georgian.
The correlation of the Cambrian and Ordovician strata throughout
the United States is shown in a detailed table in a volume issued
by the Maryland Geological Survey in 1919.
Pleistocene deposits, especially in relation to evidences of the
antiquity of man, have attracted considerable research, and
the publication of W. B. Wright's Quaternary Ice Age (1914)
has provided a philosophic summary of recent glacial observations.
The most marked advance has been the general acceptance of
views in which James Geikie was one of the foremost pioneers.
Widely spread deposits of boulder-clay and plains of outwash
gravel are no longer attributed to the agency of floating ice,
but are recognized as the unmeltable residues of glaciers of the
Greenland or " continental " type, the lower layers of which
may consist of 50% of material gathered from the ground in
their advance. A glacial epoch is now regarded as due to a cooling
of the atmosphere round all the earth, and evidence of the spread
of ice in Permian times, even in tropical lands, continues to
accumulate as new areas are explored. T. G. Halle (1914) has
described the Permo-Carboniferous glacial beds of the Falkland
Is., and proposes the name Lafonian for the series marked by the
ancient " tillite " and by Glossopteris.
Regional Stratigraphy. Among the additions to knowledge
of the stratigraphy of various lands, the following may be
selected as those of most importance.
In the British Isles the former prevalence of the Upper Cretaceous
sea has received general recognition. Its deposits were easily re-
moved by denudation ; but the discovery of chalk and flints in con-
siderable abundance off the W. coast of Ireland (Geol. Surv. Ireland,
Mem. on rocks dredged from the Atlantic, 1910) and the tracing of
the probable Cenomanian sea-floor across Anglesey and Snowdonia
2l6
GEORGE V.
by E. Greenly (Geol. Sum. Gt. Britain, Geology of Anglesey, 1919)
support and even amplify the view put forward by A. Jukes-Browne
in the 3rd edition of his Building of the British Isles. Interesting Cre-
taceous relics are also recorded from the Isle of Arran. The revised
official memoirs and maps of the South Wales coal-field and of the
Edinburgh and Glasgow districts are welcome from both a scientific
and an industrial point of view. In Ayrshire, shales of Millstone Grit
age have been found to be rich in aluminium hydroxide, and thus
to indicate a climate in Britain in Carboniferous times capable of
" laterising " the surface. The Yorks. coal-field has been traced east-
ward and on into Notts, under its Permian Mesozoic cover, and it is
estimated (W. Gibson, Geol. Sum. Memoir, 1913) that 5,000 ft. of
Upper Carboniferous strata were removed from the area N.E. of
Leeds before the Permian strata were laid down. The Bovey Tracey
lignite beds have been investigated by C. and E. Reed (1910), and
are held, in agreement with Heer, to be of Upper Oligocene age. The
interbasaltic plant-beds of the county of Antrim are probably Oli-
gocene rather than Eocene. The laterites and bauxites associated
with them have been described in a recent memoir of the Geological
Survey of Ireland, and subsequent work W. of Lough Neagh indicates
that the "Lough Neagh Clays," now proved to be 1,100 ft. in thick-
ness, may have, after all, to be removed from the Pliocene and in-
cluded in the interbasaltic series. The earlier Pleistocene gravels of
the S. of England have been correlated with phases of the glacial
epoch, and have received renewed attention from the discussions on
eoliths and from the discovery of Eoanthropus Dawsoni at Piltdown,
N. of Lewes, in 1911-2. S. H. Warren's eolithic flints from beneath
the Lower Eocene in Essex (Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., 1921, vol. 66,
p. 238) dealt a sudden blow at many examples relied on.
On the borderlands of Holland, Belgium, and Germany consider-
able coal-fields have been traced by means of borings, several of which
were carried by the Netherlands Government to a depth of over 1 ,000
metres in N. Limburg. Borings for lignite in Oligocene strata N.
of Mulhouse in Alsace led to the discovery of important deposits of
sylvine, which were developed for agricultural purposes in 1909,
and will now supply France with an important mineral asset.
Under the auspices of the Geologische Reichsanstalt (now Staats-
anstalt) of Vienna, considerable additions have been made to our
knowledge of the Cretaceous as well as the older strata of Bohemia.
The " red gneiss" of the Sudetic and Eisengebirge regions, formerly
regarded as an Archaean floor, has been shown to be intrusive and
of Upper Devonian or Carboniferous age. O. Ampferer and W. Ham-
mer have published a detailed geological section of the Eastern Alps
from Algau to the Lago di Garda (Jahrbuch Geol. Reichs., vol. 61),
and regard the features seen at the surface as dependent on much
that is unseen below, the upper folds being the crests of masses that
have sunk deeply in the crust. The Dalmatian and Yugoslavia lands
have received much attention. The stratigraphy of Macedonia and
southern Serbia has been investigated by J. Cvijic (Petermanns
Geogr. Mitt.), and work in Greece may now be linked across the
Aegean with that of German authors. A. Philippson (1910) finds
that the W. of Asia Minor has been much affected by late Cainozoic
faulting, to which the E. and W. ridges and the plains of the Hermus
and Maeander may be attributed.
In Russia, J. Samojlov (C. R. Congres geol. internal., 1913) has
found that the phosphorite deposits which occur over a very wide
area range from Portland to Senonian horizons. The occurrence of
phosphatic limestone in the Upper Cretaceous of Bohemia (J. Wol-
drich, Jahrbuch Geol. Reichs., igiyjconnectsthesedeposits with those
of Belgium. This, with the Egyptian beds above the Nubian sand-
stone, seems to indicate special conditions in the Cretaceous seas,
perhaps connected with the evolution of bony fishes. Curiously
enough, the phosphatic nodules of Silurian age in Podolia have
become washed into Cretaceous strata, whence they are exploited.
F. Oswald has issued (Dulau & Co., 1914) his general geological map
of the Caucasus, and has described the post-Sarmatian folding on
the S. flank of the chain. Upper Miocene fractures allowed of the
volcanic outpourings.
For India, reference has been lightened by an index and bibliog-
raphy of " Indian geological terminology " (Mem. Geol. Surv. India,
vol 43, pt. I, 1913). G. E. Pilgrim has correlated the Cainozoic
river-deposits with those of Europe, as follows:
U. Siwalik Middle to top of Pliocene
M. Siwalik Pontian to Placentian
L. Siwalik Tortonian and Sarmatian
Murree Beds Burdigalian to Tortonian
Gaj Beds Lower Burdigalian or Upper Aquitanian.
In Mysore, W. F. Smeeth (1912) finds that the Kolar Schists are
penetrated by what was once regarded as a fundamental gneiss.
The latter has, by undermining older masses, substituted a new
foundation to the country. The existence in Pliocene (Siwalik)
times of a great river, the " Indobrahm" of E. H. Pascoe (1920),
running S. of the Himalayas from Assam to the Bay of Bengal,
may now be regarded as established. Earth-movement in the W.
probably determined the present separation of the Brahmaputra
and Indus basins. M. Blanckenhorn and a number of colleagues
have elaborately investigated the Pithecanthropus beds of Java
(Leipzig, 1911), and regard them as formed in a pluvial period of
early Pleistocene times.
In Egypt, H. J. L. Beadnell has shown that the Nubian sandstone
(Cretaceous) was deposited on crystalline rocks and penetrated by
granite, probably of Eocene age, when the mountains E. of the Nile
were elevated. In Nigeria J. D. Falconer (1911) states that the
earliest unaltered sediments are Upper Cretaceous, with an under-
lying series of schists and quartzites and granitised gneisses. The
volcanic rocks are connected with Middle Eocene and late Pliocene
earth-movements. Similar conditions (C. Guiljemain, K. preuss.
geol. Landesanstalt, 1909) seem to have prevailed in Cameroon. The
beds with giant dinosaurs discovered in what is now the Tanganyika
colony can be correlated by their marine zones, and C. Schuchert
places the lower horizon as early Jurassic and the upper horizons as
Jurassic to Cretaceous. Dinosaurs, probably Cretaceous, are re-
corded from Bushmanland in the W. of the Cape Province, S. Africa.
In Uganda, F. Oswald (1914) finds Dinotherium in Burdigalian beds.
The Karroo " system " has been traced into the S. of Nyasaland by
A. R. Andrew and T. E. G. Bailey, and into N. Rhodesia by A. J. C.
Molyneux. A. Holmes compares the intrusive gneisses of Mozam-
bique (Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., vol. 74, 1919) with the "Laurentian"
of Canada. In South Africa, A. W. Rogers has transferred the
Nieuwerust beds to the base of the Nama system, and beneath the
Malmesbury series (see 5.229). In South West Africa, P. A. Wagner,
in a comprehensive memoir (Geol. Surv. S. Africa, Mem. 7, 1916)
recognizes Dwyka, Ecca, and Stormberg beds, and compares the
older rocks also with those of the provinces to the east.
A nptable summary of North American stratigraphy is given by
Bailey Willis (U.S. Geol. Surv., Prof. Paper 71, 1912), accompanied by
a coloured map on the scale of 1 : 5,000,000. A. C. Lawson has re-
turned to Rainy Lake in the W. of Ontario (Can. Geol. Surv., Mem.
40, 1913), and notes that, while the " Laurentian " gneiss penetrates
the Coutchiching and Keewatin series, a second gneiss cuts the
Seine (Huronian) sediments. For this he proposes the name
Algoman. The work of the Canadian Survey on intrusion, absorp-
tion, and reconstruction of rocks in the Haliburton and Bancroft
areas of Ontario, and its bearing on the origin of amphibolites, has
attracted much attention, and is supported by P. P. Sustschinsky
(1914) by examples from S.W. Finland. In the United States the
influence of massive algal growths (Cryptozoon, etc.) in building
ancient limestones has been emphasized; Cryptozoon, on the other
hand, has been compared by O. Holtedahl (1921) with mineral struc-
tures in the Permian limestone of Durham. The work of C. D. Wal-
cott has greatly extended our knowledge of the Cambrian strata of the
north-west. N. L. Britten and C. P. Berkey have reported (1919)
on the geology of Porto Rico, where beds from Eocene to Miocene
rest on a volcanic series probably of Cretaceous age. J. C. Branner
(Bull. Soc. Geol. America, vol. 30, ed. 2, 1920) summarizes the geol-
ogy of Brazil, with a map of the same scale as for N. America.
The State Geological Survey of Western Australia has published a
geological map of the state (1918) on the scale of about 1 : 3,000,000.
The most productive quartz reefs of the gold-fields are metasomatic
replacements of schists along shear-planes. Lastly, the stratigraphy
of New Zealand promises to be much elucidated by the careful revi-
sion of all known fossils by the Geological Survey, especially in
regard to a delimitation of the Mesozoic and Cainozoic: systems.
(G. A. J. C.)
GEORGE V. (1865- ), King of Great Britain and Ireland
(see 11.745), succeeded to the British throne on the death of
his father King Edward VII., May 6 1910. By the Regency Act
1910 (a temporary constitutional necessity in view of the
fact that his eldest son, Prince Edward, was then not 16) his
consort Queen Mary was at once nominated to become regent in
the event of a demise of the Crown while the heir to the throne
was under age. A new Civil List for the Crown, fixed at 470,000
a year, was approved by Parliament in 1910. An important
change in the King's accession declaration was also embodied
in an Act of that year, to the satisfaction of his Roman Catholic
subjects, the following short and simple formula being sub-
stituted for the old " no popery " manifesto which had long
been resented by them:
" I do solemnly and sincerely in the presence of God profess,
testify and declare, that I am a faithful Protestant, and that I will,
according to the true intent of the enactments which secure the
Protestant succession to the Throne of my Realm, uphold and
maintain the said enactments to the best of my power according to
law."
The coronation at Westminster Abbey on June 22 1911 was
attended by representatives from all parts of the Empire and
other countries, and, in order to complete the public assumption
of royal authority throughout the United Kingdom, the King
and Queen, with the Prince of Wales (as Prince Edward was
created on June 23 1910) and Princess Mary, made State visits
to Ireland, Wales and Scotland during July. There followed
later in the year an important extension of the whole principle
GEORGE V.
217
of the recognition of Imperial sovereignty in the visit made by
their Majesties to India, and the coronation ceremonies at
the ancient capital of Delhi (Dec. 12 1911). They left England
on Nov. ii and did not return till Feb. 5 1912.
From the very first, King George and Queen Mary showed
in all their actions their earnest desire to use their royal position
in the most public-spirited manner. At the death of so active,
popular and influential a sovereign as King Edward VII., in
the midst of grave parliamentary difficulties, and conditions
of social-economic unrest and industrial conflict, the country
was fortunate in the fact that so much had already been done
to establish the Throne in the hearts of the people as a central
and unifying national and Imperial force, distinct and aloof
from sectional interests of party or class. Under King George,
the Sailor- King, whose exhortation " Wake up, England!" in
the speech he had made in 1901 at the Guildhall, when return-
ing from his colonial tour as Duke of York, had never been for-
gotten a further strengthening of this conception of the func-
tions of the Throne was steadily pursued. King George and
Queen Mary, assisted by other members of the royal family,
devoted themselves on every available occasion, public or
private, to the task of making the influence of the court a pure,
useful and kindly one in the life of the country. It may briefly
be noted that in the summer of 1912, for the first time, State
visits were paid to a London music-hall (the Palace) and to
Henley Regatta, while the King also went to Lord's on the
occasion of the test-match between Australian and South
African cricketers, and had the teams presented to him. But
the King and Queen were not content with lending themselves,
constantly though unostentatiously, to the scenic side of royalty:
they mingled graciously and sympathetically with different
classes of society, and were ever active in accepting new oppor-
tunities of service. Thus Queen Mary, after a royal visit to the
Dowlais steel works at Merthyr (June 27 1912), took tea with
a Welsh miner's wife, and during a tour through the industrial
districts of Yorks. King George went down the Elsecar colliery
(July 9 1912), and showed himself no less handy in wielding a
pick than in bringing down grouse on a Scottish moor. Such
incidents, which naturally attracted attention early in the
reign, became too familiar with the public in later years to
need chronicling in detail. The personal tastes both of King
George and Queen Mary were known to lie in characteristically
British domestic directions, while the King's well-known hobby
of stamp-collecting 1 and his long-standing reputation as one of
the best shots in the country, were typical links with popular
interests of one sort or another. Facilities were wisely extended
to the press to give contemporary publicity to the royal doings.
Enhanced confidence resulted in the British Throne and its
occupants, whose happy domestic relations were, moreover,
universally appreciated. 2
"From his midshipman days on the " Bacchante," the King had
been a keen stamp-collector, his uncle the Duke of Edinburgh having
even then been hon. president of the Philatelic Society, London, and
being succeeded in that position by King George (while Duke of
York) in 1896. The royal collection is the compietest in existence,
and in 1920 the King, in a message to the Junior Philatelic Society,
assured its members of his " unabated interest in stamp-collecting."
2 It is now purely a curious episode in the history of scandal-
mongering that, at the time when King George came to the Throne, a
story was current in various quarters that he had been secretly
married before his marriage with the Queen, and that this earlier
wife was alive, though for dynastic purposes the union was ignored.
In 1893 this cruel allegation had been privately contradicted, at
Queen Victoria's desire, by confidants of the royal family such as
Sir Theodore Martin and Canon Daltpn, in letters to various people
of influence and newspaper editors (including the present writer) ;
but it was revived, to the King's natural annoyance, and with the
danger of public misconception and ill-feeling if it were not finally
disproved, in 1910. It was hoped that the public contradictions
authoritatively given by the Dean of Norwich (Dr. Russell
Wakefield) in a speech in July 1910, by Mr. W. T. Stead in the
Review of Reviews for that month, and by Sir Arthur Bigge
(afterwards Lord Stamfordham) in Reynolds' Newspaper (Oct. 30
1910) would put an end to it; but it was repeated in a definite way
by a certain Edward Mylius in Nov. and Dec. 1910 in a " republi-
can " paper called the Liberator, published in Paris and circulated in
England under the auspices of the Indian revolutionary Krish-
The political history of the period from 1910 onwards is dealt
with in the article ENGLISH HISTORY (see also BRITISH EMPIRE).
With a less popular sovereign on the throne, the development
of the domestic political crisis which was obviously impending
when King Edward died might have created more embarrass-
ment than actually was produced in the public mind, as regards
the functioning of the Crown in relation to parliamentary
government. It was generally felt, indeed, that Mr. Asquith's
use of the royal prerogative in 1911, however justifiable on
political grounds, in securing the King's assent to the creation
of enough new peers, if necessary, for overcoming the resistance
of the House of Lords to the Parliament bill, involved a more un-
comfortably violent disclosure of the domination of the par-
liamentary executive than had ever before been regarded as
convenable in the working of English party government. But
the responsibility for the use of the royal prerogative for such a
purpose was, by common consent, put upon the Government;
and the political bearing of the incident on the constitutional
position of the Crown was effectively minimized in the con-
troversy between the parties. On the other hand, the value of
the influence of the Crown as standing above and outside domes-
tic party politics, continued to be emphasized, alike by such
incidents as the Buckingham Palace conference in 1914 on the
Irish deadlock, though unhappily abortive; by the increased
momentum given throughout the British Empire to the progress
of its conception as an Imperial Commonwealth of self-govern-
ing nations with a common sovereign; and by the events of the
World War, during which the King and the royal family in various
ways consolidated their hold on the loyal affections of the
British people.
From the opening of the World War in Aug. 1914 the King
and Queen, jointly and severally, set themselves to make the
royal influence an encouragement to every form of national
activity in aid of the fighting forces. The nation found in the
Throne, from the moment when war started, the embodiment
of its will-to-victory and of its patriotic devotion. Queen Mary
herself gave a lead to the war work of women, details of which
are given elsewhere (see WOMEN'S WAR WORK), in many no-
table directions. King George's own messages to the nation,
during the war years and afterwards, were admirably conceived
navarma. In this the writer declared that the King, when a midship-
man, had in 1890 married at Malta a daughter of Admiral Sir
Michael Culme-Seymour ; that his subsequent marriage in 1893 was
therefore bigamous and shameful, and the Church, by conniving at
it, had been guilty of subordinating its own principles to reasons of
State. Copies of the Liberator were seized by the police, and Mylius
was arrested and on Feb. I 1911 tried for criminal libel before the
Lord Chief Justice and a special jury. Evidence was given by Sir
M. Culme-Seymour and others absolutely contradicting the whole
fabrication. The admiral had no daughter whom the King could have
married in 1890; one of his daughters died unmarried in 1895 with-
out ever knowing the King, the other (Mrs. Napier) had not met him
between 1879 and 1898; the King was not at Malta between 1888 and
1901 ; the Maltese registers were produced, and contained no record
of any such marriage. Mylius refused to give evidence, his claim that
the King ought to appear as a witness to be cross-examined by him
being overruled; and the jury promptly found him guilty. He was
sentenced to the maximum penalty of a year's imprisonment; and
the attorney-general then read a statement signed by the King that
he had never been married to anyone but the Queen and that he
would have attended in person to give evidence if the law officers of
the Crown had not insisted that it would be unconstitutional for
him to do so. The whole affair caused naturally a great sensation,
but the effect was excellent, and the straightforward action taken by
the King for it was known that the Government doubted the ex-
pediency of bringing the matter into court confirmed public opinion
as to the character of the new occupant of the throne. He had
insisted on having the truth told, and was not prepared to forgo
his rights as a man simply because, as a king, he was above the law.
The exposure of this malicious libel may indeed be said to have
put an end, once for all, to all forms of personal aspersion on the
King's private character; for, coincidently, no less absurd stories had
been current that he drank too much, a charge which was utter
nonsense to all his personal friends and acquaintances, who knew him
ever to have been the most abstemious of men. Still, in spite of its
gross absurdity, the charge was made, and had been publicly de-
nounced as unfounded by the Dean of Norwich in the speech already
referred to in July 1910. After the Mylius case this calumny, too,
sank into the oblivion it merited.
218
GEORGE V.
for initiating or supporting the special efforts required from
the public from time to time in the organization of the home
front notably his messages appealing for voluntary national
service (Oct. 23 1915), compulsory military service (May 25
1916), strengthening of the volunteer forces against the risk
of invasion (Jan. 27 1917), general economy in food (May 2
1917), the observance of a special day of prayer on Sunday
Jan. 6 1918 (Nov. 7 1917), and those on the victory itself (Nov.
19 1918), on the need for subscriptions to the Victory Loan
(June 12 1919), on the signing of the Peace Treaty (June 28
1919), appealing for support to the " King's National Roll "
of employers who would take discharged soldiers into their em-
ploy (Aug. 18 1919), for the League of Nations (Oct. 13 1919),
and for the celebration of the first anniversary of Armistice Day,
by two minutes' silence on the nth hour of the nth day of the
nth month of the year (Nov. 6 1919). A collection of the King's
numerous speeches and replies to addresses, and his constant
messages to the Dominions and India, to the army and the navy,
or in such special connexions as the repatriation of prisoners
of war or the success of Tlie Times' Red Cross fund, would make
a bulky volume, and were always full of inspiration and good
cheer for those who received them. The King and Queen regularly
went in state to prorogue and open Parliament in successive
sessions, and on frequent occasions royal visits were paid during
the war to important factories and workshops at the munitions
centres throughout the country, as well as to shipbuilding
yards, hospitals and other institutions engaged in war-work of
one kind or another. The King's inspections of provincial
industrial establishments included visits to Glasgow and the
Clyde (May 1915), Coventry and Birmingham (July 1915),
Leeds and Sheffield (Sept. 1915), Nottingham (Dec. 1916),
Liverpool, Manchester, Barrow and Gretna (May 1917), New-
castle-on-Tyne, Hull and Rosyth (June 1917), Glasgow for a
third time (Sept. 1917), Bristol for a second time (Nov. 1917),
Bradford, Huddersfield and Leeds (May 1918).
The King was also constantly inspecting the forces at home,
visiting the various camps, and holding investitures for con-
ferring honours and decorations indeed the total number of
war decorations personally conferred by him from the outbreak
of war up to the end of 1919 reached the colossal figure of
50,669. Moreover, periodical visits were made by the King to
the Grand Fleet (July 8-10 1915; June 18 1916; June 27 I9i7;and
July 23 1918), and to the battle-front in France (Nov. 29-Dec. 5
1914; Oct. 2i-Nov. i 1915; Aug. 7-Aug. 15 1916; July 3-July
14 1917; March 28-30 and Aug. 5-13 1918). It was during his
visit to the front in 1915 that, on Oct. 28, King George met with
a somewhat serious accident, which laid him up for some weeks,
through his horse rearing and falling backwards on him, being
startled by the sudden cheering of a regiment whom he was
inspecting; but after being safely brought back home he made
a good recovery from his injuries. On the 1917 visit Queen
Mary accompanied the King to France, and returned with him,
but made a separate tour while there. Finally, after the Armi-
stice, the King made another visit to Paris and to the battle-fields,
Nov. 27~Dec. 10 1918, and had an enthusiastic reception in
the French capital (Nov. 28-30). On each of his last two French
visits a distance of about 860 m. was covered by motor-car.
In other directions during the war period, the King's desire
to set an example of patriotic self-abnegation was illustrated by
two specially notable actions his announcement on March
30 1915 that the serving of alcoholic liquor for his own use and
that of the royal family and household would be suspended
(as from April 6), in order to assist in the movement for in-
creased temperance and economy in wartime, and his spon-
taneous gift, on March 31 1916, of 100,000 to the Exchequer
out of the Privy Purse, to be used as the Government might
decide in relief of war expenditure. The long record of royal
attendances at notable ceremonies included such occasions as
the funeral services at St. Paul's for Lord Roberts (Nov. 19
1914) and Lord Kitchener (June 13 1916), the commemoration
service there on the entry of the United States into the war
(April 20 1917), the Albert Hall commemoration of the first
Seven Divisions (Dec. 15 1917), the thanksgiving at St. Paul's
on Their Majesties' silver wedding (July 6 1918), the presenta-
tion to the King at Buckingham Palace by the special Japanese
mission of the sword and badge of a Japanese field-marshal
(Oct. 29 1918), the U.S. navy and army baseball match at
Stamford Bridge (July 4 1918), the Drury Lane matinee of the
Shakespeare tercentenary celebration (May 2 1916), and Their
Majesties' visit to the Bank of England and the Stock Exchange
(Dec. 18 1917). On the occasion of Their Majesties' silver
wedding, the King and Queen were received at the Guildhall
(July 6 1918) and were presented with a cheque for 53,000,
subscribed by the citizens of London, to be devoted to charities
by Their Majesties' wish, together with a silver tankard once
owned by Charles II.
On July 17 1917 it was announced that King George V. had
abandoned all German titles for himself and his family. At
the same time a proclamation was issued to the effect that
henceforth the royal house of Great Britain and Ireland would
be known, not as the house of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, but as the
house of Windsor. It had previously been announced (June
20 1917) that the King had decided that those princes of his
family who were British subjects but bore German titles should
relinquish those titles in favour of British names. The following
peerages were consequently conferred: The Duke of Teck and
Prince Alexander of Teck, brothers of Queen Mary, adopted
the surname of Cambridge, in allusion to their descent from the
Duke of Cambridge, seventh son of George III., and became
respectively Marquess of Cambridge- and Earl of Athlone;
Prince Louis of Battenberg (see 3.531), brother of Queen Vic-
toria's son-in-law Prince Henry of Battenberg, adopted the sur-
name of Mountbatten, and became Marquess of Milford Haven,
his eldest son assuming the courtesy title of Earl of Medina;
while the sons of Princess Henry of Battenberg, youngest
daughter of Queen Victoria, also adopted the surname of Mount-
batten, the eldest, Prince Alexander, receiving the title of
Marquess of Carisbrooke. Princess Henry of Battenberg her-
self resumed the style of Princess Beatrice.
With the return of peace it was possible for the more normal
activities of court life to be resumed on the lines already familiar
before the war, but in the long list of later royal functions some
stand out typically as worthy of record for their special appeal
to contemporary public interest. Immediately after the Armi-
stice in 1918, the King and Queen on successive days made popular
progresses through different sections of London, and received
general ovations, in carriage drives through the city (Nov. n),
to a special thanksgiving at St. Paul's (Nov. 12), through the
East End (Nov. 13), the south (Nov. 14), the north (Nov. 15),
the north-west (Nov. 18) and the south-west (Nov. 22). On
Dec. 27 a great banquet was given in honour of President Wilson
at Buckingham Palace, where he and Mrs. Wilson were staying
with the King and Queen. During 1919, mention may also
be made of Their Majesties' visit (March 4) to Westminster
school, to witness the " tossing of the pancake " on Shrove
Tuesday; the King's presentation of a cup to the New Zealand
Rugby football team at Twickenham after their match against
a French army team (April 19); Their Majesties' presence at
the thanksgiving at St. Paul's on the signing of the Peace Treaty
(July 6), and at the river procession (sea services commemora-
tion) on the Thames (Aug. 4) ; the King's banquets at Bucking-
ham Palace to the Shah of Persia (Oct. 31), to the President of
the French Republic (Nov. io),and to the Prince of Wales on
his return from his world tour (Dec. i); and the King's visit to
the Oxford and Cambridge Rugby football match (Dec. 9). As
time went on the King's long-standing interest in sport was
indeed regularly shown by his presence at the chief popular
events, whether at race meetings, football or cricket; and
public appreciation of this royal interest in sport was enhanced
by the way in which the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York
(as the King's second son, Prince Albert, was created in 1920)
were also taking an active part in it on their own account. On
no such occasion was popular enthusiasm shown more em-
phatically than in the reception given to the King and the Duke
GEORGE I. GEORGIA
of York at Stamford Bridge on April 23 1921, when the King
presented the Football Association's cup to the Tottenham
Hotspur team on its victory over the Wolverhampton Wanderers
in the final tie. On June 21-2 1921, the King and Queen visited
Belfast, going and returning by sea, in order that His Majesty
might inaugurate the new Northern Irish Parliament under Sir
James Craig's premiership. In Dec. the engagement of Princess
Mary to Viscount Lascelles, son of the Earl of Harewood, was a
happy event in the Royal Family. (H. CH.)
GEORGE I. (1845-1913), King of Greece (see 11.746), had
all but completed the soth year of his reign and was about to
celebrate his jubilee (if we may believe his friend and biographer,
Capt. Christmas) by abdicating the throne in favour of the
Crown Prince Constantine, when he was shot down by a half-
crazed Greek, named Schinas, at Salonika on March 18 1913.
His assassination was at first attributed to Bulgarian instigation
but after the first few days Greek public opinion dismissed this
suspicion. On the other hand the crime has sometimes been
attributed to Austrian and German intrigue Austrian for
political, German for dynastic reasons. This suspicion is quite
unproved, although a certain atmosphere of mystery that
covered the examination and the subsequent " suicide " of the
assassin helped to make it popular.
It had been characteristic of King George's political acumen
that in 1900 he promptly recognized Venizelos' rare ability and
gave him his wholehearted support, overlooking the fact that
only four years before Venizelos had practically driven the
King's second son, Prince George, out of Crete, and came to
Greece in 1910 with the avowed readiness to force the King
himself to abdicate, if he persisted in his life-long policy of
laisser faire. And the King's discernment was rapidly and
amply justified. Internal politics played only a secondary
part in King George's, as in King Otho's, reign. The Panhellenic,
or " Great," idea, i.e. the hope of uniting all the Greek lands of
the Ottoman Empire with the Greek Kingdom, had absorbed
the thoughts and resources of the Greek people, ever since the
recognition of the independence of Greece. King George,
warned by Otho's example, and being of a totally different
temperament, as well as of a far superior acumen, consistently
strove, throughout his long reign, to restrain the patriotic
exuberance of his subjects on the one hand, while endeavouring,
on the other, to use his great personal influence and family
connexions abroad in favour of the aspirations of the Greek
people. As the brother-in-law of Edward VII. of England, and
of Alexander III. of Russia, the uncle of Tsar. Nicholas II.,
the friend of Francis Joseph and of Gladstone, De Freycinet
and many other British and French statesmen of his day, he
had the ear of those upon whose decisions European politics
depended; and while he was not always able to win them to his
point of view, nor to spare Greece humiliations like the blockade
of 1886 or cruel disappointments like the successive phases
of the Cretan question, yet it is beyond doubt that his personal
influence obtained for Greece, from the Great Powers, the maxi-
mum of friendly consideration consistent with their own interests
and policies. It has been said more than once that at the time
of his accession to the Greek throne he was made to undertake
a secret engagement toward the Powers to act as a check upon
the Panhellenic agitation; and in order to strengthen his hands
in this undertaking Great Britain ceded the Ionian Islands to
Greece in 1 864. Only once did King George depart from his pacific
policy in Feb. 1897, when he approved of Col. Vassos' expedi-
tion to Crete. In a proclamation to the nation he declared that
" his patience was at an end," and that, since the Great Powers
persisted in dallying with the Cretan question, he felt that the
moment had come for Greece to settle it by herself. Even in
Oct. 1912, when Greece, in alliance with the other Balkan
states, was preparing to declare war against Turkey, King
George came hurrying home from Denmark, very much opposed
to this venture. Venizelos went to meet the Royal yacht at
Corinth, and the vessel was kept at quarter-speed for four
hours between Corinth and Piraeus while Venizelos argued and
wrestled with the King to win him over to his point of view.
219
Finally the King, still unconvinced, observed that in obedience
to the constitutional principle he had no choice but to consent.
King George's violent death was thus fraught with momentous
consequences for Greece and for Europe. Greece lost a sagacious
sovereign, and the Anglo-French Entente a devoted friend. He
was succeeded by his eldest son, as Constantine I.
See Capt. Walter Christmas, King George of Greece (1914).
GEORGE, SIR ERNEST (1830- ), English architect, was
born in London June 13 1839. He began his career in the office
of S. Hewitt, and at 19 became a student at the Royal Academy,
where in the following year he was awarded the gold medal in
architecture. He started professional practice in 1861, in con-
junction with T. Vaughan, and with him carried out his earliest
large commission Rowsdon, Devonshire. On his partner's
death in 1871 he was joined by Harold Peto, and subsequently
by Alfred Yeates. During his connexion with the former of
these many of his important works were done. They were
almost wholly domestic, his public buildings being inconsiderable
in number, and his church work confined to a few small churches,
two of them in the Engadine. Amongst the houses for which
he was responsible are Buchan Hill, Sussex; Stoodleigh Court,
Tiverton; Motcombe, Dorset; Rawdon House, Herts; additions
to Welbeck Abbey; Crathorne Hall, Berks, a villa at Antibes,
and very many others. To this short list of a few only of his
country houses may be added the many town residences with
which he almost formed new quarters of London, such as those
in Mount Street, in Collingham Gardens, and in parts of Chelsea,
and an elaborately finished house in Berkeley Square. Amongst
his commercial buildings are the Royal Exchange buildings,
London, the (late) Albemarle hotel, and the interesting Venetian
design for Sotheran's bookshop in Piccadilly. Before he ceased to
take an active part in work his last design was for a great palace
for the Maharajah Holkar of Indore.
George was also a most diligent painter and water-colour
artist, and the influence of his sketching work not only in
England but especially in Belgium, Holland and France makes
itself evident in his picturesque design. He published volumes
of his etchings on the Loire, and on the Mosel and in Belgium,
Venice, etc., and was a constant exhibitor of his water-colour
drawings at various galleries. In 1896 he was awarded the gold
medal of the Royal Institute of British Architects. In 1910 he
was elected an associate of the Royal Academy, and full member
in 1917, and received a knighthood in 1911.
GEORGIA, the former province of Russia (see 11.758), in 1917,
in consequence of the collapse of the Russian Empire, recovered
an independent position, first as part of the Federal Republic of
Trans-Caucasia, and then, alone, as the republic of Georgia.
As a republic Georgia comprised the two old Russian " govern-
ments " of Tiflis and Kutais, and the "districts" of Batum and
Artvin, and was contained by the range of the Caucasus Moun-
tains in the north, the Black Sea and the Turkish frontier in the
west, and the borders of the sister republics of Erivan and Azer-
baijan in the south and east. As a whole the country lacks geo-
graphical unity. Only on the north and west are its frontiers
natural ones; in the south and east they had not yet been de-
termined in 1921, except in part. The eastern half of Georgia,
containing the old Russian " government " of Tiflis, occupies
the upper basin of the Kura, a river entering the Caspian Sea;
the western half, comprising Kutais, Batum and Artvin, is
drained by various smaller streams flowing to the Black Sea.
Much of the country where not mountainous is very fertile;
forests cover a considerable area, and the mineral wealth is
great, particularly in manganese, copper and coal.
Area and Population. The area of the republic is about 28,000
sq.m., but in addition are some 4,500 sq.m. in dispute with the
adjoining republics of Erivan and Azerbaijan. The territory of the
republic contained, by the Russian census of 1916, a pop. of 2,770,-
opo, comprising 1,620,000 Georgians, 233,000 Russians and other
Europeans, 425,000 Armenians, 249,000 Moslems, and 244,000
other elements. Territory in dispute had a pop. of about 240,000,
of whom Georgians numbered perhaps 9,000, Russians and other
Europeans 8,000, Armenians 50,000, Moslems 160,000, and other
elements 14-15,000.
22O
GEORGIA
Railway Communication. Possession of a coast line on the Black
Sea has greatly affected the course of recent Georgian history.
Owing to the configuration of sea and land in western Asia the
Georgian port of Batum is the natural port not only for Georgia,
Erivan and Azerbaijan but for wide regions of Central Asia. Rail-
road development, determined by this geographical fact, has there-
fore made Batum the gateway for a large part of the continent of
Asia. It is in the power of Georgia to keep the gate closed or open,
or to exact tolls; in fact it is in her power to penalize or favour her
inland neighbours as expediency or need, friendship or hostility
may move her. And the military importance of Batum is not less
than the political and economic. The port is in rail communica-
tion with Erivan, with Erzerum in Asia Minor, with Tabriz in
northern Persia, with Russia and with Baku in Azerbaijan; from
Baku all the coast line of the Caspian Sea lies open ; from Baku to
Krasnovodsk is a few hours' steaming, and at Krasnovodsk begins a
line of railway which runs to the Afghan frontier and the Pamirs.
Whether Georgia be a weak power or a strong it cannot avoid the
great influence exerted by Batum.
The Georgian People. The Georgian people so placed are, as a
race, the most advanced in civilization of any in Trans-Caucasia,
or indeed in Asia. They have a further advantage over their neigh-
bours in possessing a cherished tradition of comparatively recent
independence. Towards the close of the i8th century a Georgian
kingdom made a treaty of close alliance with Russia, whereby in
return for support against the Ottoman the great northern Power
guaranteed Georgian internal independence. Within 20 years,
however, the terms of the treaty were violated and Georgia was
incorporated as a Russian province. Although the lot of the coun-
try in these conditions was not unsatisfactory, the breach of faith
was never forgotten and served to keep alive the memory of past
nationhood ; Georgian national consciousness therefore centres more
in the State than in the race, though elsewhere-in Trans-Caucasia
racial consciousness predominates. Due perhaps to this wider out-
look and tradition is the distinct capacity for self-government which
the Georgian people showed during the early period of independence.
While professing and practising an advanced form of socialism in
political and economic affairs, they displayed no want of patriotic
zeal, and were opposed to Bolshevism. Indeed, the resistance this
small people had shown up to 1921 to intense Bolshevik propaganda
and efforts at corruption was remarkable.
Recent History. For the first 18 months of the World War
Georgia's part was that of any Russian province; that need for
independent action might arise was not so much as suspected.
But in the spring of 1917 distinct signs became visible in Trans-
Caucasia that a serious upheaval was fast approaching in Russia;
and that an opportunity might present itself for Georgians and
Armenians to obtain their independence and perhaps the inde-
pendence of all Trans-Caucasia. It was recognized further that
a Russian coUapse would leave the Trans-Caucasian provinces
open to Turkish invasion unless the people were prepared to
take care of themselves. From this point events in Russia moved
fast. In April the Provisional Government, established after the
abdication of the Tsar, declared for the self-determination of
peoples, and the conclusion of a permanent peace without in-
demnities. In June occurred the mutiny of the Russian Black
Sea fleet at Sevastopol; and in the same month the Russian
armies in Asia Minor, putting Bolshevik theories into practice,
left their positions and voluntarily retired behind the pre-war
Russo-Turkish frontier. Here for a time they were held together
by the great personal influence of the Grand Duke Nicholas, the
commander-in-chief. Russia became a republic on Sept. 15; the
time had come for Trans-Caucasia to dispose of its own destinies.
Preparations had already been made in this direction. Unity
of purpose existed to some extent among Georgians and Ar-
menians, but less so on the part of the Tartars of Azerbaijan;
propaganda, however, was undertaken to bring them into line
with their neighbours. Representatives of the three peoples were
elected in Aug. and met in Tiflis in Sept. as the " Council of the
Trans-Caucasian Peoples." There, on Sept. 17, they proclaimed
the Federal Republic of Trans-Caucasia.
In these events Georgian leaders, chiefly ex-members of the
Russian Duma, bore a leading part; the policy followed also had
a Georgian origin. Georgia, in fact, as the most advanced, popu-
lous and wealthy division of Trans-Caucasia, appeared to domi-
nate the Federal Republic. Jealousy between the states existed
from the first, but instead of diminishing it became more and
more acute. Each state had its own particular aspirations to
pursue; its own special difficulties to surmount; its own suscepti-
bilities to consult; each stood out for its own point of view and
seemed unable to understand the outlook of the others. Georgia
desired complete independence; Erivan was under reactionary
Russian influence and sought to retain some degree of Russian
support; Azerbaijan with its Moslem population had leanings
towards Turkey and Pan-Islamism. Both Erivan and Azerbaijan
were agreed that the Federal Republic masked a Georgian ambi-
tion to incorporate them in a Georgian State. Only on one point
were all the states in harmony, and that was to resist Bolshevism.
After Lenin and Trotsky had established themselves in power
in Russia Nov. 17 1917 the Russian armies in Trans-Caucasia
dispersed into an armed rabble, fighting for trains to return
home, and left the frontier open to Turkish invasion. The Feder-
al Government now endeavoured to organize a force to hold the
Turkish front. The old Georgian army, sent to Russia's western
campaigns in 1914, were now returning, but the men had ab-
sorbed Bolshevik principles, and refused to fight anywhere except
on Georgian territory, nor even then unless their committees
approved. Eventually a considerable force of Georgians, Ar-
menians, Russian volunteers and Assyrians were got together
and prevented or delayed a Turkish advance for a time.
The Petrograd Government, who had not surrendered hope
of retaining the Trans-Caucasian provinces, sent a chief com-
missary for the Caucasus to Tiflis in Jan. 1918. But he wielded
no real power and was soon ejected. He then retired to Baku,
and with the help of some 10,000 Armenian revolutionaries
established a Bolshevik Government there, supported further
by Bolshevik naval forces on the Caspian. This Russo-Armenian
combination expelled and massacred the Moslem Tartars of
Baku, and thus did much to estrange the Mahommedan popula-
tion of Trans-Caucasia from any alliance or common action with
Georgian or Armenian Christians.
On March 3 1918 Russia and Germany signed the Treaty of
Brest Litovsk, which contained provisions affecting Trans-
Caucasia. It awarded certain Armenian districts and the Geor-
gian province and part of Batum to Turkey; and Turkish forces
immediately advanced to occupy these areas. Batum fell into
Turkish hands on April 15; on April 23 the Federal Republic,
unable to offer any military resistance, began peace negotiations,
and at the same time made a formal declaration of independence.
But Georgia, Erivan and Azerbaijan were now alienated from
one another beyond hope of agreement. Each had no other pur-
pose than to preserve its own interests. The Azerbaijan repre-
sentatives had already withdrawn from the Federal Council, and
retired to Elizabetopol, where they established a form of govern-
ment for their own country. On May 26 1918 the Federal Govern-
ment of Trans-Caucasia was dissolved, and Georgia, Azerbaijan
and Erivan became separate republics.
In this isolated situation Georgia accepted German assistance.
German troops were already in Odessa and Sevastopol; German
delegates came to Batum 'to negotiate peace between Turkey and
Georgia; and Georgia and Germany concluded an agreement
under which German financial and military support were to be
extended to the Georgian Republic. The Turkish occupation of
Batum could not be terminated; but Germany undertook that
Georgian rights in the port should be safeguarded, and that
Georgian neutrality should not be infringed. German troops
were admitted to Georgia, and so long as Germany remained in
Trans-Caucasia she executed the terms of her agreement with
exactness, even though to the disadvantage of her Turkish ally.
The two armistices between the Allied Powers and Turkey
on Oct. 30 1918 and between the Allied Powers and Germany on
Nov. it which ended the war changed the whole position in
Trans-Caucasia. They provided for the immediate evacuation
of this region by Turkish and German troops, and their replace-
ment, for the time being, by Allied troops. In execution of these
provisions a British garrison was placed in Batum on Dec. 27,
and a British occupation of Trans-Caucasia was carried out to
ensure the evacuation by Turks and Germans.
During the British occupation Georgian administration
which proved to be efficient was left undisturbed except in the
matter of railways. These it was found necessary to put under a
British Board of Railway Control at Tiflis, owing to their interna-
GEORGIA, U.S.A.
221
tional importance, and to the increasing efforts of the Georgian
Government to use them for exerting political pressure.
In Georgia, as in the other Trans-Caucasian republics, dis-
putes upon frontiers and territorial claims became acute as soon
as Russian control had ceased. One such dispute with regard
to the district of Borchalinsk led to Georgia declaring war on
Erivan in Jan. 1919. After long negotiations with the British
general commanding in Trans-Caucasia serious hostilities were
averted, and a neutral zone established; but the matter showed
that unless the whole country were controlled by a dominant
power there would be no settlement of such disputes except by
warfare between the three republics.
At the Paris Peace Conference which opened on Jan. 18 1919
Georgian interests were represented by a delegation. For some
time it seemed that the Conference would include Trans-Cau-
casia within the scope of its settlements; but gradually this good
intention disappeared. Various ideas were considered, such as
placing the whole area under a mandatory Power; but no Power
willing to undertake such an onerous and thankless task could
be found. The question of Batum, in particular, received much
attention. The international importance of the position was
realized, and a scheme embodied in a draft of the Treaty of
Sevres making the port and district a free state under the League
of Nations, and giving Erivan and Azerbaijan definite rights in
the port and of access by rail. But this apparently reasonable
proposal was also abandoned on further consideration. The
future of Trans-Caucasia, in fact, was dominated too much by
Russia for any practical settlement to be attempted. Nothing
would be permanent to which Russia was not a party, and for the
time being no definite Russia capable of expressing herself existed.
Yet whenever a reconstituted Russia emerged she would hold
Trans-Caucasia in the hollow of her hand, and any settlement
against her interests would be worse than wasted effort. The
Peace Conference confined itself to granting de facto recognition
to the three republics; to preventing war between them; and to
embodying in the Treaty of Sevres a provision for the settlement
of the frontiers of Erivan, with Georgia and Azerbaijan. Few
will hold that wisely it could have done more.
The British occupation of Trans-Caucasia continued until the
end of Aug. 1919, and then, with the exception of a small garrison
left in Batum, the troops were withdrawn, their mission fulfilled.
During the same year the situation in Georgia was not a little
complicated by the intrigues and hostility attending Gen.
Denikin's movement against Bolshevik Russia. As early as Jan.
1919 Gen. Denikin, whose headquarters were at Ekaterinodar
in Cis-Caucasia, had collected nearly 200,000 men. At first he
met with remarkable success. In the early autumn, indeed, it
looked as if he might destroy Bolshevik rule. His armies were
successful; his navies controlled the Black Sea and the Caspian;
he had unlimited supplies. Throughout he viewed with extreme
disfavour the independence of the Trans-Caucasian provinces,
and did what he could to promote disunion and hostilities be-
tween them. He had an understanding of some kind with the
Armenians of Erivan whom he encouraged and supported against
Georgia, regarding that republic as the chief danger to future
Russian supremacy in Trans-Caucasia. He seemed to fear that
Georgia, accessible from the sea, might pass under British con-
trol and be made the foundation of a united Trans-Caucasian
state, rich in oil and minerals and powerful enough, with British
support, to maintain its position permanently. Towards Georgia,
therefore, his policy became one of almost active hostility. He
refused to recognize her flag at sea, fired on her shipping, and
attacked her frontier guards. The collapse of Gen. Denikin's
operations in the autumn of 1919 was the end of a reactionary
movement entirely incompatible with Georgian independence.
But, Denikin out of the way, Bolshevik Russia began to push
her designs in Trans-Caucasia. Propaganda and corruption on a
lavish scale prepared the ground. It was not until April 1920
that active military measures were taken; but in that month
the XI. Soviet Army from Cis-Caucasia moved on Baku, occupied
the city without fighting, overthrew the republic of Azerbaijan,
and set up a Soviet Republic. Established there, Russian troops
advanced along the railway towards Georgia, intending the
capture of Tim's, but were repulsed at the frontier and found it
necessary to suspend their operations. Having the 'Polish cam-
paign on her hands at this time Russia was unable to press her
efforts in Trans-Caucasia. She was content to wait. She signed
a treaty of peace with Georgia on May 7 a provision of which
recognized the district and port of Batum as Georgian territory.
The Supreme Council having abandoned the idea of creating
a free state at Batum, no sufficient reason existed for retaining a
British garrison there; transfer to Georgia became desirable, and
was carried out on July 7 1920. An agreement, however, was
made with Georgia by which she granted Erivan and Azerbaijan
the same port and railway rights they would have enjoyed had
Batum been under the rule of a Free State, and Erivan a special
concession for a direct line of railway to the pert.
The Batum area was peopled chiefly by Ajarians, a warlike
Mahommedan tribe with Turkish sympathies, whose readiness
in arms had previously caused Georgia considerable difficulty.
These stout hillmen were now won over by giving them a form of
autonomy under Georgian sovereignty.
In the summer of 1920 Georgia was able to regard her position
with satisfaction and some degree of hopefulness for the future.
In two years of independence she had made great national prog-
ress. Her territory was untouched by war; her internal affairs
were tranquil, her Government and administration effective for
her needs; her population was prosperous, and the large propor-
tion opposed to the theories of Bolshevism, notwithstanding
propaganda and the presence in Tiflis of a loud-voiced Bolshevik
mission, prodigal of gold. Externally, however, her outlook was
not so bright. Bolshevik Russia and Nationalist Turkey were in
league, pursuing common aims, and, in effect, seeking a common
frontier in Trans-Caucasia. Georgia did not stand geographical-
ly in the way of Russo-Turkish approach, but she could not fail
to be affected by disaster to her Armenian neighbour who did.
The difficult question for Georgia was that of support for Eri-
van in the event of a Russo-Turkish attack. It was complicated
further by Turkey not having renounced her claims to Batum.
At the end of Sept. these matters reached a crisis. A Turkish
army invaded Erivan ; a Bolshevik army threatened Erivan and
Georgia along the railway line leading from Baku to Tiflis. In
spite of Armenian resistance, which met at first with some success
Turkish troops overran Erivan; Bolshevik risings broke out in
the capital and other towns, and Erivan became a Soviet Repub-
lic nominally allied with Russia. Georgia had hesitated when the
danger first became evident; her people had strong instincts
against military operations outside their own territory; they
could not realize that their best line of defence lay not in Georgia
but in Erivan; they felt, too, that resistance would have slight
prospect of success. If aggression were directed against their own
country they would, they believed, fare better by a policy which
avoided desperate resistance than by a policy of resistance to the
uttermost. They had faith in the turnings of the wheels of time.
A Bolshevik invasion of Georgia followed immediately; and
simultaneously, in the usual Bolshevik way, risings proclaiming
Soviet rule occurred in Tiflis and various Georgian towns. No
serious resistance was attempted. The Turks reoccupied Batum;
Georgia became a Soviet Republic dependent on Russia; and
thus, in fact, if not at once in form, Russia had reestablished her-
self in Trans-Caucasia by 1921. And she took care that her vital
Trans-Caucasian seaport should not remain in Turkish hands.
She insisted that it must belong to the Soviet Republic of Geor-
gia; and the Turk gave way. (W. J. C.*)
GEORGIA, U.S.A. (see 11.751*). The pop. of Georgia in
1920 was 2,895,832 as against 2,609,121 in 1910, an increase of
11%. For the preceding decade the rate of increase was 17-7%.
During 1910-20 negroes increased from 1,431,802 to 1,689,114,
but relatively they decreased from 45-1% of the total pop. to
41 7 %. The urban pop. was 2 5- 1 % as compared with 20- 6 % in
1910. The density of pop. in 1920 was 49-3 per sq. m., as against
44-4 in 1910. The census of 1920 revealed an important move-
ment of population from the mountain counties of the northern
portion of the state and from central Georgia to south-central
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
222
GEORGIA, U.S.A.
and south-eastern Georgia. This shifting of population was due
to the presence of large areas of undeveloped and Tertile land in
the southern half of the state. The highest density of popula-
tion, however, was still to be found in the northern half.
The following are the cities of over 25.000 inhabitants with their
pop. in 1920 and 1910 and rate of increase in the decade:
Percentage
1920 1910 Increase
Atlanta 200,616 154.839 29'6
Augusta .... 52,548 41,040 28-0
Columbus .... 31,125 20,554 5i-4
Macon 52,995 40,665 30-3
Savannah .... 83,252 65,064 28-0
Agriculture. The coming of the boll weevil and the outbreak of
the World War coincided. Although scarcely perceptible in 1914,
by 1916 the boll weevil had spread over the coastal plain of Georgia,
and in the following years covered the entire state. The growing of
long-staple cotton was abandoned and the production of the short
staple was sharply curtailed, falling from 2,718,037 bales in 1914,
the largest crop in the history of the state, to an average of 30 % less
in the four years following. This situation gave a powerful impetus
to diversified farming, the movement being aided by the high prices
of food-stuffs due to the World War. The production of corn
jumped from 39,000,000 bus. in 1910 to 69,000,000 in 1920; Irish
potatoes from 886,000 bus. to 1,628,000; sweet potatoes from
7,426,000 bus. to 13,000,000; peanuts from 2,559,000 bus. to 7,616,-
ooo ; tobacco from 1,485,000 Ib. to 16,000,000. Hogs increased in
number from 1 ,945,000 in 1910 to 3,040,000 in 1919, and a number of
packing plants were established. Agricultural lands advanced in
price about 100%, and agricultural wages about 80%. The de-
pression of 1920 had a very serious effect. The sudden and drastic
deflation in the prices of agricultural products caused a practical
moratorium of debts and led to many failures.
Education. In 1910 the total enrolment in the public schools was
555,794; m I 9 2 , 723,077; the state appropriation for elementary
schools in 1910 was $2,237,000; in 1920, $4,000,000; there was
raised by local taxation in 1910, $1,307,000; in 1920, $5,693,205. The
total amount spent for educational purposes in 1910 was $5,400,000;
in 1920, $15,540,781. This last sum included all funds from all
sources. Important legislation was put upon the statute books
during the period 1910-20 looking toward the modernizing of the
educational system. A constitutional clause limiting the taxing
power of the counties to taxation for elementary' schools only was
removed (1910), thus legalizing county taxation for high schools.
The State Board of Education, which had been composed of state-
house officials, was made into a professional board (1911), and a
uniform text-book law passed, the duty of choosing the txxjks being
placed upon the board. Compulsory education dates from 1916.
The law, as amended by the new School Code of 1919, was a good
one, requiring attendance through the seventh grade and allowing
no exemptions except of a temporary character. Provision was made
for attendance officers. A training school for negro teachers was
authorized in 1917. Long strides forward resulted from the Federal
Smith-Lever Act of 1914, accepted by Georgia the same year, pro-
viding for extension work in agriculture and home economics, and
th: Federal Smith-Hughes Act of 1917, accepted the same year, for
the teaching of vocational subjects in the schools. In 1919 the
policy was adopted of setting apart one-half of the total income of
the state for the schools. In the same year a constitutional amend-
ment was adopted, by which the counties were required to levy
local taxation of not less than one mill nor more than five mills for
the support of elementary schools as a supplement to the state
appropriation. An additional five mills may be voted in districts
having independent school systems. To encourage the consolidation
of small schools, the Legislature appropriated $100,000 from which
the state offered to pay a bonus of $500 to any county which com-
bined small schools into larger ones; and where a four-year high
school was provided an additional bonus of $1,000 was authorized.
An illiteracy commission was established (1919) to make a study of
adult illiteracy, and in 1920 local taxation for the support of schools
for adult illiterates was authorized. Noteworthy progress was being
made in the eradication of illiteracy. White illiteracy declined from
7-8 % to 5-4 % ; negro from 36-5 % to 29- 1 %. Physical education was
required (1920) in all schools supported by the state. During the
15 years after 1905 the number of four-year high schools increased
from seven to 204. The progress of the elementary and high schools
was far more noteworthy than that of the higher educational institu-
tions. The latter enjoyed large increases in attendance, but very
small additions to their equipment and appropriations for main-
tenance. The total state appropriations for higher institutions,
including the academies for the deaf and blind, were, in 1910,
$436,500; in 1920, $991,671.
Government. The decade 1910-20 in Georgia was characterized
by noteworthy legislation designed to further social progress and
economic improvement. A training school for girls was established
(1913), a similar school for l>oys having already been in operation for
several years. The standard of medical education was materially
raised (1913) ; only four-year medical colleges were recognized and
the requirements for entrance were increased. A new Board of
Health was established (1914) to exercise control over the county
boards of health. Provision was made for paid sanitary commis-
sioners in all sanitary districts which consist of one or more counties.
A Vital Statistics law of 1914 provided for the registration of births
and deaths and for the publication of statistics. Juvenile courts were
established in 72 towns and cities as the result of legislation in 1915
and later. The employment of children under 14 years of age was
prohibited (1914), and factory inspectors were provided in 1916. A
Training School for Mental Defectives was established (1919); a
Community Service Commission (1919) exercises supervision over
similar county and city bodies; and a State Board of Public Welfare
(1919) was set up, charged primarily with the duty of inspecting all
institutions maintained by the state for the dependent, defective,
delinquent, and criminal classes. An Act of 1920 provided for
rehabilitation of persons disabled in industry or otherwise. This
measure included assent to the Federal Vocational Act and pledged
the state to equal appropriations made by the United States. A
State Board of Vocational Education, created by an Act of 1917,
was charged with the administration of the rehabilitation training.
In the field of economics and industry a Department of Commerce
and Labor was created (1911) in which was later (1917) included a
free employment bureau. The Department of Insurance dates from
1912. The State Highway Department (1916) was reconstituted in
1919 in order to bring the state system into harmony with national
legislation providing aid in the construction of rural post roads.
The Georgia law contemplates a state-wide system of paved high-
ways, with a total of 4,800 m., to connect all county seats. Funds
arising from the issue of motor licences (amounting in 1920 to
$1,900,000) were set aside for this purpose. A Bureau of Markets
(1917) was created to gather and disseminate information of value to
producers and consumers of agricultural products. To further the
erection of modern warehouses for the weighing, grading and storage of
lint cotton, a Warehouse Commission was authorized in 1918. A
new banking code, modelled on the National Bank Act, corrected
many defects in the old banking system and provided for adequate
inspection. An Employers' Liability Act (1920) set aside the com-
mon law defences of contributory negligence and negligence of fellow-
employees and provided for compensation for industrial accidents,
and a commission was created to administer the Act. A Legislative
Reference Library was established in 1914, and a State Department
of Archives and History in 1918.
Finances. The assessed value of the taxable property of Georgia
in 1910 was $766,000,000; in 1920, $1,181,473,000, an increase of 50%.
The yield of taxes in 1920 was $10,820,500. The principal source of
revenue was the discredited general property tax. It was estimated
that about 75 % of the taxable property of Georgia escaped taxation.
In 1913 a Tax Equalization Act was passed with the purpose of
removing inequalities as between counties and as between individ-
uals. A Tax Commission was created the same year. Improvement
resulted, but the root of the evil was not touched. An able Special
Tax Commission was appointed in 1918. It recommended the
classification of property for taxation purposes, but the Legislature
had failed to act on the report up to the summer of 1921. The bonded
indebtedness of Georgia was reduced from $6,944,000 in 1910 to
$5,818,000 in 1920. The estimated value of the Western & Atlantic
Railway, state-owned, was $20,000,000, or three and one-half times
as much as the bonded debt.
History. In politics Georgia continued throughout the period
1910-20 solidly Democratic both in state and national affairs.
The most interesting political contests were those growing out
of World War issues. U.S. Senator Hardwick stood for reelec-
tion in 1918. He had not supported the administration in a way
acceptable to President Wilson. The President threw his sup-
port to Hardwick's opponent, William J. Harris, who "was
elected. By the time of the elections of 1920 a consider-
able reaction in sentiment had occurred. Hardwick entered
the race for governor and defeated two administration candi-
dates. Thomas E. Watson, a former Populist leader and an un-
compromising opponent of President Wilson and his war poli-
cies, was elected U.S. senator over Hoke Smith and Dorsey.
The total number of soldiers furnished by the state during the
World War was 86,973. Of these 20,132 voluntarily enlisted;
66,841 were taken into the service through the selective draft.
The amounts subscribed to the Liberty and Victory Loans totalled
$179,866,850.00. The names and dates of the governors were:
Hoke Smith, 1911-2 (shortly after his inauguration Smith was
elected by the Legislature to succeed J. M. Terrell as U.S.
senator); Joseph M. Brown, 1912-3 (elected at a special election
to fill Smith's unexpired term); John M. Slaton, 1913-5; Na-
thaniel E. Harris, 1915-7; Hugh M. Dorsey, 1917-21; Thomas
W. Hardwick, 1921- . (R. P. B.)
GERARD GERMAN EAST AFRICA
223
GERARD, JAMES WATSON (1867- ), American lawyer and
diplomat, was born at Geneseo, N.Y., Aug. 25 1867. He was
educated at Columbia University (A.B. 1890; A.M. 1891)
and at the New York Law School (LL.B. 1892). He was ad-
mitted to the bar in 1892 and began to practise in New York
City. The same year he became a member of the New York
National Guard, rose to captain, and served through the Span-
ish-American War (1898) on the staff of Gen. McKoskry Butt.
From 1900 to 1904 he was quartermaster, with the rank of
major, of the ist Brigade of the New York National Guard.
In 1908 he became associate justice of the Supreme Court of
New York and served until 1913, when he resigned on being
appointed ambassador to Germany. At the outbreak of the
World War in 1914 he assumed the care of British interests in
Germany, later visiting the camps where British prisoners were
confined and doing much to alleviate their condition. His re-
sponsibilities were further increased by the fact that German
interests in France, Great Britain, and Russia were placed in the
care of the American embassies in those countries, the American
embassy in Berlin thus becoming a sort of clearing house. From
first-hand knowledge he was able to settle the question, much
disputed among the Germans themselves, as to the official
attitude of the German Government toward the violation of
Belgian neutrality. At the request of von Jagow, after the fall of
Liege, he served as intermediary for offering the Belgians peace
and indemnity if they would grant passage of German troops
through their country. On Aug. 10 1914 the Kaiser placed in his
hands a telegram addressed personally to President Wilson
declaring that Belgian neutrality " had to be violated by Ger-
many on strategical grounds." At the request of a high German
official this telegram was not made public as the Kaiser had
wished, but was sent privately to the President. After the
sinking of the " Lusitania " with many Americans on board,
on May 7 1915, the American ambassador's position became
more difficult, and finally, on Feb. 3 1917, diplomatic relations
were broken off by America and he was recalled. He was de-
tained for a time because of wild rumours that the German
ambassador in America was being mistreated and German ships
had been confiscated; but this being disproved he was allowed
to depart. While in Germany in 1914 he was Democratic nominee
in New York for the U.S. Senate, but without success. On his
return to America in 1917 he again entered the practice of
law in New York City. In 1917 he published My Four Years
in Germany and in 1918 Face to Face with Kaiserism. For his
services to England he was decorated with the G.C.B.
GERAULT-RICHARD, ALFRED LEON (1860-1911), French
journalist and politician (see 11.766), died Dec. 6 1911.
GERMAN EAST AFRICA (see 11.771). This protectorate
was conquered in 1916-7 by British and Belgian forces, and
German sovereignty over it was renounced in the Treaty of
Versailles. The six years immediately preceding the outbreak
of the World War had been a period of much administrative and
commercial activity in the protectorate, the principal achieve-
ment being the completion of the railway from the Indian
Ocean to Lake Tanganyika.
According to official returns the native inhabitants in 1913 num-
bered 7,659,898. Europeans numbered 5,336 (compared with 1,954
in 1908), of whom 4,107 were German, 411 British (including about
300 Dutch South Africans) and 336 Greeks. Coloured persons other
than natives numbered 14,898, of whom the majority were British
Indians. Of the natives some 185,000 were domestic slaves. The
Reichstag early in 1914 passed a resolution desiring that slavery
should cease by Jan. I 1920. To this policy of fixing a date for the
emancipation of the slaves both the governor (Dr. Schnee) and the
Imperial Colonial Secretary (Dr. Solf) were opposed. About 300,000
natives professed Islam ; adherents of the various Christian missions
numbered over 200,000. The principal towns were the seaports of
Dar es Salaam and Tanga which had in 1913 about 900 and 300
white inhabitants respectively Tabora, on the central plateau, and
Ujiji-Kigoma, on Lake Tanganyika.
The high price of Ceara rubber on the European markets led to a
great increase in the number of plantations, especially in the hinter-
land of Tanga, where British capital was largely interested. In 1910
rubber took first place in the exports of the protectorate. Other
industries much developed were sisal and coffee growing, while
cotton was also cultivated on a larger scale. The increased pro-
ductivity was reflected in the trade returns. In the five years 1908-
12 the value of exports rose from 543,000 to 1,570,000, and that of
imports from 1,289,000 to 2,515,000. A good deal of the exports
passed over the Uganda railway, but Tanga, as receiving the produce
of the Usambara Highlands where lived the majority of the
Europeans handled the largest proportion.
About 54% of the trade was with Germany; India, adjoining
regions of Africa, and the United Kingdom took nearly all the rest
of the trade. About 90% of the shipping was in German hands.
Labour on the plantations was obtained through licensed recruiters;
during 1911-3 the administration introduced regulations with the
object both of ensuring sufficient labour for the planter and of
proper treatment of the natives engaged. Most of the natives
employed in the Usambara Highlands came from distant parts of the
protectorate ; about 25 % of them renewed their original contracts.
Much energy was shown in developing communications. The
Northern or Usambara railway, with its sea terminus at Tanga, had
reached New Moshi, a distance of 218 m., by 1912. The Central or
Tanganyika railway, 787 m. in length, was completed in Feb. 1914.
Like the Usambara line it is of metre gauge. Kigoma, a good
natural harbour near Ujiji, was chosen as the lake terminus. The
Government bought nearly nine-tenths of the shares of the company
owning the railway. The line, running from E. to W. through the
centre of the country, and supplemented by a steamboat service on
Tanganyika with over 400 m. of navigable water afforded a
very large area of east-central Africa easy access to the sea. From
Tabora, through which the Tanganyika line passed, surveys were
completed for a railway N. to the Kagera river on the Urundi-
Ruanda border. The building of this line was begun in 1914, but
construction was stopped in 1916.
Wireless telegraphic stations were opened at Mwanza and Bukoba,
on Victoria Nyanza, in 191 1 ; a high-power station at Dar es Salaam
was completed in 1913 and another was erected at Tabora in 1914.
The administration was in the hands of a governor who had the
aid of a council consisting of three official and 15 unofficial members
elected in three districts five for Dar es Salaam and hinterland,
five for Tanga and hinterland and five for the rest of the protectorate.
This council had, however, advisory powers only. Education was
partly undertaken by the Government, but that of natives was
largely in the hands of missionary societies, prominent among them
being the Church Missionary Society and the Universities Mission.
Revenue increased from 702,000 in 1910 to 966,000 in 1912; the
chief sources of revenue were customs and a hut or poll tax of three
rupees per annum on all adult male natives. The expenses of the
civil administration were met from local receipts; an imperial sub-
sidy was received for military expenses, the grant in 1913 being
180,000. The budget of 1914-5, the last framed by the German
authorities, balanced revenue and expenditure for the civil adminis-
tration at 1,023,000, with 165,000 subsidy for military expenses.
History. The result of the adoption at the instance of Herr
B. Dernburg (then Colonial Secretary) after his visit to the
protectorate in 1907 of a policy based avowedly on a study of
British colonial methods is seen in the progress recorded above,
not least in the increase in the European population. The
demarcation of the N.W. frontier in 1910 settled a long and trou-
blesome controversy with the Belgians and British and placed
almost the whole of the important sultanate of Ruanda in Ger-
man territory. In Ruanda a military administration was estab-
lished; the authority of the sultan was impaired, not broken.
In July 1912 Dr. Albert Schnee, an official who had served in
London and in New Guinea, assumed the governorship in suc-
cession to Baron von Rechenberg. Dr. Schnee was a man of
energy and it was in part due to his efforts that the Dar es Salaam
railway was completed two years before scheduled time. la
1913 Dr. Schnee started a vigorous anti-Moslem campaign,
apparently regarding Islam as a danger to the country. He sent
a circular to all military stations asking for a report on what
could be done by means of Government servants and Government
teachers to counteract effectively the spread of Islamic prop-
aganda. " Do you consider it possible," the circular added,
" to make a regulation prohibiting Islam altogether?. . . . The
encouragement of pig-breeding among natives is recommended as
an effective means of stopping the spread of Islam. Please
consider this point also." And Dr. Schnee, by administrative
orders, considerably harassed the important Moslem community
at Dar es Salaam. This anti-Moslem attitude was dropped at
the outbreak of the World War and a violently pro-Islam attitude
substituted. By Dr. Schnee's authority a proclamation was-
widely distributed inciting the Moslems to a holy war against
the British. Schnee also later on permitted the deliberately
degrading treatment of British civilians interned at Tabora to
224
GERMAN LITERATURE
continue until, in July 1916, he realized that that place would
fall into the hands of the Belgians.
Early in 1914 Lt.-Col. von Lettow Vorbeck arrived at Dar es
Salaam and took over the command of the protectorate military
forces. He had just completed a tour of the country when the
war broke out. Up to March 1916 the civil administration
continued with little alteration, and Dr. Schnee was tenacious
of his authority up to the time when in Nov. 1917 he was com-
pelled to flee from the protectorate.
Apart from the military operations the last years of German
rule in East Africa -1914-7 were remarkable for the manner in
which the Germans, cut off by the British blockade from outside
supplies, were able to provide for their necessities. They had
indeed adventitious aid. An exhibition was to have been opened
at Dar es Salaam on Aug. 12 1914 to celebrate the completion of
the Tanganyika railway, and for the use of the many visitors
expected large quantities of European foods had been imported.
In 1914 too the natives had large stocks of corn and cattle, and
the country itself furnished milk and eggs. The abundance of
wild honey largely made up for the lack of sugar, and rhinoceros
fat was much esteemed. But all this apart, the Germans showed
much resource. They manufactured whiskey and benzine, soap,
tea, chocolate, biscuits, cigars and cigarettes, paper, calico,
boots and quinine.
The British and Belgians established their own administrative
machinery in the regions they respectively occupied, but by a
decision of the Supreme Council in May 1919 the whole of Ger-
man East Africa was assigned to Great Britain as mandatory.
Nevertheless, in virtue of an agreement reached in Sept. 1919
nearly the whole of the provinces of Urundi and Ruanda were
added to Belgian Congo. The British-governed area over
nine-tenths of the whole protectorate was renamed Tanganyika
Territory (see TANGANYIKA TERRITORY).
See a valuable report by Vice-Consul Norman King, Annual
Series, No. 5171, published by the British Foreign Office, 1913;
A Handbook oi East Africa, prepared for the British Admiralty,
1916; A. F. Calyert, German East Africa (London 1917); Gen.
Smuts, " East Africa," Geog. Jnl. vol. li. (1918) ; and the authorities
cited under EAST AFRICA: Military Operations. (F. R. C.)
GERMAN LITERATURE (see 11.783). Between 1910 and
1921 German literature, as shown in philosophy, poetry, drama
and the novel, displayed various interesting reflections of the
movements of ideas.
I. Philosophy. The World War and the Revolution, which
alike took the most unpolitical nation of Europe by surprise, were
preceded by many premonitory signs, by many preparatory
intellectual conflicts, waged in the sphere of ideas, of philosophy,
literature and art and not touching in their immediate implica-
tions the domain of actual facts. Long before the European
catastrophe there began in Germany an intellectual reaction
against the materialist view of things with its promise of power
and enjoyment. Sciences which had come to be prosecuted solely
on technical and specialized lines began to strive for a return to
philosophy, the primal mother of them all; for there was a
general longing to venerate once more something that was
absolute and beyond experimental investigation, and to establish
a new value for the life of the soul. The one-sided explanation of
the universe given by the natural sciences and by the materialism
compendiously and popularly set forth in Ernst Haeckel's
Weltraetsel was disposed of from three quarters by the Vitalists
or philosophers of the vital principle, whose forerunner was
Nietzsche, by the Marburg school of philosophers, which revived
Kant's transcendental idealism and by the so-called Baden
school, which issued from Windelband's " systematics." The
Vitalists by the mere fact of their descent from Nietzsche were a
kind of romantic school. That great rhapsodist, who was far
more of a poet and an artist than an abstract thinker, bequeathed
to his successors an idea which has often been misrepresented, the
idea of the superman, the lofty ethical ideal of the tragicman, who
in spite of his sufferings affirms life by virtue of his intellectual
power which emanates from the unconscious and ever exhausts
itself in the pursuit of the objects of consciousness. Halfway
between Nietzsche and the French Vitalist, Bergson, stands the
keen-witted analyst Georg Simmel, although he after all " turns
to the idea " and seeks above biological conceptions a meta-
physical value higher than life itself (Der Konftikt der modernen
Kultur; Lebensanschauung) . Wilhelm Dilthey, one of the most
gifted representatives of the historical method, tries to find a
bridge between the newer Vitalism and the idealism of classic
German philosophy. The living conception of the world of
history has for him become the totality in which individual values
compensate one another and form a unity of life. Karl Joel seeks
this unity beyond the limits of the biological principle in a wider
conception of the " organic " (Seele und Welt).
Eduard Spranger lays stress upon the subjective nature of
every philosophy (Weltanschauung) as a creative synthesis of the
imagination; the philosopher always arrives at a point where he
believes in himself and in nothing else. Max Scheler, a pupil of
Husserl, is the spirited representative of a new attitude in his
Philosophie des Lebens. Philosophy, he argues, must not think in
general conceptions; it must avoid relations with natural science
or with mathematics, neither of which can supply any direct
subjective experiences; it should confine itself to history, regard-
ing it as the autobiography of the human soul. With Oswald
Spengler's Untergang des Abendlandes, a fascinatingly written
book, this vitalistic view is further extended. Spengler represents
universal history as a morphology which shows the great civiliza-
tions arising upon one another to flourish and decay. They have
as little comprehension of each other as have the vegetations of
different climates and have therefore produced neither a common
nor an absolute value. Fritz Mauthner maintains a cooler scepti-
cism than the elegiac exponent of our decline. According to his
Beitrage zu einer Kritik der Sprache, men cease to understand one
another as soon as they begin to speak. In his Atheismus im
Abendlande this nihilist nevertheless acknowledges the necessity
of " a mysticism without God " in the sense of Buddhism. The
marriage of the Oriental with the European soul is celebrated by
Count Hermann Keyserlinginhis Reisetagebuch einesPhilosophen,
which, like Spengler's book, became the mode. An artist and an
enthusiast rather than a philosopher, Keyserling aims at awaken-
ing the divinely creative element in the human soul, and attempts
the conquest of selfishness, including the self-seeking of races
and nations. Encouraged by the example of Rabindranath
Tagore, he founded a " School of Wisdom " at Darmstadt (1920).
Leopold Ziegler gives the question of the significance of the
future of western man a deeper bearing in his Gestaltwandel der
Cotter. Gods are for him not merely Zeus or Jahwe but also the
conceptions by which we are swayed, endless space and time, the
law of causation or that of the conservation of energy. Ziegler
makes a penetrating analysis of the religious spirit of Europe, the
forces which sustain our intellectual and social life, and then
shows himself to be an equally able master of synthesis in his
role as a prophet of the mystery which invokes Buddha and
Nietzsche, the mystery by which we make ourselves divine without
God, the mystery ever renewed, of guilt incurred and expiated, of
sacrifice and regeneration, of creation and redemption.
Compared with these individual confessions the tendencies
of Mme. Blavatsky and Mrs. Annie Besant's occultism and
theosophy are more superficial; but it may be mentioned that
they have been distilled into an esoteric doctrine by Rudolph
Steiner in his Anthroposophical Society. Steiner likewise invoked
the idea of development as set forth by Goethe, who used to
make short work of prophets of the occultist type such as ordi-
nary people, particularly women, have sometimes been very ready
to accept. It is noteworthy in this connexion that long before the
World War the very popular travelling preacher, Johannes
Miiller, started under the motto, " Save thy Soul," a successful
campaign against materialism and intellectualism.
As at the time of the tdaircissement in the i8th century,
philosophy went down among the people in order to act directly
as a guide to the will and to teach men how to live. Abstract
philosophy naturally maintains its attitude of reserve; the
problems of the theory of knowledge which are its province are
not suitable for engaging the public directly in the debate.
But the philosophy of the universities against which Schopen-
GERMAN LITERATURE
225
hauer inveighed is no longer content with historical retrospects;
it has once more begun to think. It was precisely materialism
and positivism that gave life to the type of thought which
succeeded German classical philosophy, and which now in turn
cannot rest content with the narrow biological conception of
the universe held by the new Vitalists. It has once more un-
furled the old Kantian banner, with the legend: God, freedom,
immortality. Paul Natorp, the head of the Marburg school, no
longer confined himself to pure theory but devoted himself with
ideal enthusiasm to questions of education, proving a powerful
antagonist to the " profoundly uncultured dogmatism and
absolutism " of the mere empiricists. Ernst Cassirer, a pupil of
Hermann Cohen, the founder of this school, has written
a biography of Kant which takes an equally high place as a
scientific treatise and as a narrative. His excellent essay,
Freiheit und Form, is born of the spirit of Kant, Fichte and
Schiller. In Idee und Gestalt he succeeds, like Dilthey, in once
more bringing what is essential in literary phenomena under
broader philosophic points of view. Besides the school of
Marburg, the Baden school manifested considerable produc-
tivity; it was founded on the traditions of Kant, Fichte and
Hegel, by Wilhelm Windelband, who besides his great achieve-
ments in the sphere of history, once more displayed the Willen
zum System (the will to frame a philosophic system). His
successor, Heinrich Rickert, who was in 1921 the most powerful
German philosopher in the proper sense of the term, defends the
universality of his science with great success against the Vitalists
who followed Nietzsche and were now allied with Bergson and
with the American William James. Only the first volume of his
chief work, System der Philosophic, had appeared up to 1921; his
brilliant polemical work against the Philosophic des Lebens is of
general interest. In opposition to the Vitalists, who conceive of
thought as producing itself without concepts (unbegrcifflicli) as a
pure fact from the elemental event of life, Rickert insists on the
necessity of seeking a system. Without mastery of the contents of
thought by means of concepts there is a theoretical chaos;
life does not think; it is we who think about life, which is
neither the only nor the final value but only the prior condition.
While Rickert combats the absence of reflection in the Vitalists
and the Intuitionists, Rudolf Eucken attacks the mechanization
involved in positivism and pure psychology. Eucken's popularity
was founded upon his earlier writings, Die Grundbegri/e der
Gegenwart and Die Lebensanschauungcn der grossen Denker.
The mild humanity of his nature and the suave emotion which
characterizes his method of presentation spread the devoted
community of his disciples as far as America and Japan. In
Germany his lead was taken up by Ernst Troltsch, who began by
being a theological writer (Der Protestantismus; Die Sociallehren
der christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen). Troltsch demands of
the inner motive power of the Christian idea that it should put
itself in gear with the actual situation of the world. Christian
ethics can only persist as social ethics. The idea of the Kingdom
of God does not render the world valueless; what is beyond is the
power of what is here.
Philosophy has once more leavened all the mental sciences;
and, especially after Rickert's constructive criticism, the his-
torical materialism of Lamprecht's German History is no longer
conceivable. Political economists, too, like Werner Sombart,
and the two Heidelberg brothers, Max and Alfred Weber,
are governed no longer by mere technical or commercial points
of view. The Webers, especially Max, a courageous and warm-
hearted ethical leader of democracy, tried to impart ideal im-
pulses to German policy during the war and the revolution.
It is a significant fact that one of the greatest German in-
dustrialists, Walther Rathenau, who in 1921 became Minister of
Reconstruction, protested against the mechanization of life under
capitalism and imperialism. In his eloquent writings he calls
upon the educated youth of Germany so to act as to renounce and
abandon materialism, and to be masters who serve (Zur Kritik
der Zeit; Zur M echanik des Geistes; Von Kommenden Dingeri).
II. Poetry. The literature of the years 1910-21 followed
the same path as philosophy, although it was not always con-
scious of having had the same spiritual origin. Literature, by
adopting the label of Expressionism, brought itself into line with
the general tendency of an international development from which
it, no doubt, received impulses, but on which, in view of the plen-
tiful crop of new and talented writers, it was not dependent.
Expressionism, like philosophy, was awaiting in 1921 a final
battle against Naturalism and its legacy, Impressionism and
Symbolism; the movement signified a declaration of independence
by the creative mind, regarded as subject, against the power of
reality, the insurrection of the intelligence against nature. The
Expressionist poet does not want to detach his work of art, as an
organic creation with an individual character, from life, but,
like the Vitalist philosopher, wishes to continue to influence life by
it. A poem is a free act of the mind, an independent manifesta-
tion of the will. The ego of the poet is the only world possible
for him. The Expressionist rejects all traditions, all constraint
of the past; he looks solely to the future and works at evolving
a new race of men as part of the mystical-religious mission.
In 1910 German lyric poetry could show three poets of a
representative character, Stefan George, Rainer Maria Rilke and
Richard Dehmel. Stefan George, the strictest representative of
the principle of " art for art's sake " art raised above life to
the position of eternal form founded in profane literature a kind
of cult in which the sanctity of form alone is worshipped and is
handed down like ancient hierophantic rites. With his own chief
work, Der siebente Ring, however, he had apparently exhausted
the possibilities of this school of the sublime. Those of his
disciples who did not completely surrender themselves to an
esoteric service under the dictatorship of their master were the
best able to survive. Among those with most individuality and
robustness, Rudolph Alexander Schroder, whose productivity is
small, published a fine volume of poems, Elysium, in which, by
the frequent employment of ancient classical metres, he aspired
to the calmness and clearness of Goethe. His German Odes,
which sing the land of Diirer, Beethoven and Bach, the suffering
heart of Europe, revive the Hellenism of Holderlin, which is
characteristically German in sentiment.
Rudolph Borchardt, who never entirely belonged to George's
circle and who chivalrously gave the master notice in order to
conduct a more spirited campaign against his disciples, attained
as a lyrist, in spite of his marvellous tricks of style, no greater
reputation than that of being an eclectic of taste. His essays,
however, in his collected works show him to be the master of a
prose which promises to endure by virtue of its monumental
power of expression. Like the romantic school at the beginning
of the igth century, and indeed like every movement which is
solely governed by aesthetics, this movement culminates in a very
exquisite critical treatment of literature, in the semi-productive
activities of literary transmission and translation.
Friedrich Gundolf, whose lyric vein was soon exhausted, wrote
a book on Goethe in which he sets up his own conception of that
poet as an alternative to that of Houston Stewart Chamberlain,
and, after having revised the old translation by Tieck and
Schlegel, published his Shakespeare und der deutsche Geist.
The lyric fountain of the gifted Hugo von Hofmannsthal seemed
to have run dry; he was content to be the librettist of Richard
Strauss. Yet in the melodious tenderness of his Prosaische
Schriften there is still an echo of the lyric temperament which is
his essential endowment. The special " Viennese note " which
was said to characterize his youth is now discovered in Peter
Altenberg, who is far more detached as regards environment or
tradition, who has never, like some of his contemporaries, written
a line of poetry, and has never worn the garb of a past which was
the creation of his own enthusiasm. Was der Tag mir zutrdgt;
Wie ich es sehe these titles of his first books convey the charac-
teristics of all he has produced. This creator of numberless lyric
sketches in prose is altogether identified with the present; he is
the poet of the street and of the Vienna cafe, of all the little,
unremembered meetings with anybody whomsoever, above all
with himself; in short a self-revealer of a naivete which is ready
to face inspection at every moment; and in this surrender to the
moment it is he who perfects Impressionism.
226
GERMAN LITERATURE
The mystic lyric strain of Rainer Maria Rilke could produce
no school in the strict sense of the term. His peculiarly personal
talent, so delicate and yet so hardy, is due to an aristocratic
refinement of the nervous system, to an extreme sensibility which
seems to employ almost supernatural organs of perception and
vibrates like an Aeolian harp at the faintest breath (Buck der
Bilder; Stundenbuch; Neue Gedichte).
A single plaintive cord inspired and still vibrates in the poems
left by Georg Trakl, a poet who was an Austrian officer, and
who, in a state of mental derangement, took his own life during
the war. Apart from these, Rilke's lyric strain has found affinities
only among women writers. The insatiable longing of erotic
mysticism sustains the sensuous and super-sensuous poetry of
Else Lasker-Schiiler, who exorcised the wretchedness of her Berlin
Bohemian life by the conception of an imaginary biblical East
redolent of myrrh and pomegranate. She is the wistful child of
nature, who dances like Salome, serves like Ruth, and is ever
and again waiting with the Song of Songs for the advent of the
bridegroom (Gesichte; Mein W under).
The lyric verse of Princess Mechthild Lichnowsky, governed
as it is by stricter methods of construction as regards form, must
likewise be described as essentially religious. In the main, the
religious element has become spiritualized; it no longer devotes
itself to legend and mythology. Alfred Mombert calls himself a
" spirit of ethereal piety " (einen aetherfrommen Geist). His too
incorporeal and shadowless song is an ecstatic soaring above
the world to the stars (Dcr Sonne-Geisl; Aeon}. The more
robust Theodor Daubler, who has a great following outside
Germany as well as in it, sings, in the great pathetic rhapsody of
his Nordlicht, the man born of the light, the Aryan whom the
North perfects. Mombert and Daubler are forerunners of the
Expressionists; their bearing is hierophantic.
The real Expressionists who aim at ethical activism present
themselves as a numerous party notwithstanding their individual
differences. They are united in one task at which they all seem to
labour simultaneously. Tireless conspirators and literary sappers,
they receive their orders from the future and acknowledge no
master in even the most recent past; although Richard Dehmel
is really the giant who carries their world on his mighty shoulders.
It was only at rare intervals that Dehmel was a pure lyric poet,
for he insisted too systematically upon symbolical significance;
but it was he who developed modern German lyric poetry out of
Naturalism, who once more gave it warmth, intellectual vigour,
significance and dignity. The full tones of social grievance and
arraignment were being sounded in 1921 by the talented Franz
Werfel; but he is also a man of a metaphysical cast who in
suffering and acting seeks deliverance from the ego. His poetry
rolls on like a never-ceasing flood which tears hills and rocks
along with it. Werfel represents love in the guise of wrath even
of wrath against himself and as instinct with a moral power
which warrants a somewhat persistent expression of strong
feeling (Wir sind; Gerichtstag; Spiegelmensch). Akin to him in
moral sentiment are Georg Heym, Kurt Heyneke, Alfred
Wolffenstein and Paul Zech. They are all denizens of the great
city; they sing the proletariat, the factory, suffering, vice, crime,
and also the horrors of war, which many of these revolutionary
spirits had anticipated by presentiment. A method of greater
artistry is followed by Ernst Stadler, an Alsatian who fell in the
war. His volume of poems, Der Anbruch, shows a choice type of
technical skill and a passion for nobility of form. Another victim
of the war, a man of riper years, was Max Dauthendey, who died
of homesickness on the island of Java a quiet South German,
who, after hesitating shyly on the brink, was hurled into literature
by the eagerness of Dehmel. Dauthendey still maintained the old
link with nature that is found in the fairy tale, the pantheistic
kinship with all that grows on the earth, with the sense of wonder
that inspires earlier German lyric poetry (Das Lusamgdrtlein;
Die ewige Hochzeit). Like Dauthendey, Oskar Lorke is a lyric
poet whose verse is free from all " tendency " and who is entirely
absorbed in his own moods, abandoning himself completely to the
spirit of the moment.
It was by something of an accident that Ernst Lissauer ac-
quired the reputation of a ferocious poet by his Hassgesang auf
England (" The Hymn of Hate ") His later volume of poems,
Der inwendige Weg, manifests a great depth of intense feeling and
a strength which is derived from the earth but attains the form
which fashions thought.
A great deal of recent German verse, particularly that which
was written during the war and the revolution, is dispersed in
magazines. A small volume, Arbeiterdichtung, contains a collec-
tion of the finest and most popular poems in which men of the
people like Karl Broger, Max Barthels and Heinrich Lersch
rallied to their country in her hour of need.
///. The Drama. The German declines to regard his theatre
as a matter of convention; he asks from the stage a comprehen-
sive conception of life and from the dramatist a highly personal
confession of that which is in him. The German stage has sub-
mitted to all impulses that had any significance, whether they
came from Tolstoi, Ibsen, Maeterlinck, Strindberg or Bernard
Shaw. It has thus become at once the battlefield and the home
of all the greatest innovators. The development from Naturalism
through Symbolism to Expressionism kept the stage in a constant
ferment which was attended by the passionate interest of the
public and by a very alert criticism. Leading managers, like
Otto Brahm, Max Reinhardt, Leopold Fessner and many others,
courageously adopted those tendencies which in their general
aspects represent the transition from reality to idealism, from
nature to style, and which, naturally, have also influenced the
actor's art in the sense of the new tasks which they set him.
Gerhart Hauptmann, Germany's greatest imaginative writer,
experienced during 1910-21 a proud renaissance of his earlier
works; it was recognized late in the day that those works of his
which had been described as naturalistic were not confined to
the " art of milieu," and that they retained the freshness of
youth by virtue of their essential form. During these years
Hauptmann showed himself to be occupied with a transforma-
tion of the gods, with the clarification of ethical ideas from their
mythological representations. Far away from his Silesian home
and from German soil, he found the subject of his new plays,
Der weisse Heiland and Inipodhi, in Mexican history and in the
collision between Christianity and paganism during the epoch of
the conquistadores. His brother, Carl Hauptmann, who was a
man of high intellect but without the same poetic power of
fashioning his work, followed a parallel path to Symbolism and
to the literary drama (Stildrama). Hermann Sudermann, whom
short-sighted critics used to place on a level with Gerhart
Hauptmann, now merely satisfies the daily demands of the
stage by his technical ability.
Gerhart Hauptmann's naturalist successors, the North Ger-
mans, Max Halbe, Georg Hirschfeld, Otto Erich Hartleben, and
the South Germans, Ludwig Thoma and Josef Ruederer, had
either died or fallen silent. Moreover Thoma's literary impor-
tance rested less upon his popular comedies than upon his ex-
cellent satires, written, partly in Bavarian dialect, against
reaction in Church and State (Lausbubengeschichten; Peter
Schlemihl; Brief e eines bayrischen Abgeordneten) . His dramatic
campaigns against clericalism were continued by Heinrich
Lautensack who died young (Das Gelilbde; Die Pfarrhauskom-
odie). August Stramm, who was killed in the war, made a hope-
less attempt to let mere atmosphere instead of the spoken word
influence the audience; he thus effected a reductio ad absurdum of
Naturalism and brought it almost to the verge of Expressionism.
The Suabian Hermann Essig attempted to give Naturalism
a substratum of the fairy-tale element, but he lacked the dialec-
tical energy which inevitably turns modern drama into an in-
tellectual process. Fairy tales, legends and especially Bible
stories were frequently employed. The Rhinelander, Wilhelm
Schmidt of Bonn, held the stage for some time by presenting
unpretentious dramatic versions of the story of the Prodigal Son
and the mediaeval legend of the Graf von Glcichen.
Austrian dramatic art, which had still been flourishing in the
year 1900, fled into past phases of civilization, especially the
rococo and renaissance periods, and dallied with dreams and
raptures in clever masquerades. Hugo von Hofmannsthal never
GERMAN LITERATURE
227
recovered the seductive charm of his youth after his play about
Casanova, Der Abenteurer und die Sangerin, while Arthur
Schnitzler, the leading representative of Viennese literature
properly so called, succeeded in achieving dramatic concentra-
tion only in his one-act plays, in which there is a kind of chemical
fusion between the man of the world's sceptical analysis of souls
and a rare delicacy of dialogue. Hermann Bahr, who only writes
poetry as a secondary occupation, mainly devoted himself to
writing brilliant essays on artistic and literary subjects.
Richard Becr-Hofmann, who can claim kindred with both the
last-mentioned playwrights, created in Jadkobs Traum an es-
sentially lyric drama with a Zionist tendency. His earliest
play, Der Graf von Charolais, is of interest for English readers in
that it is founded upon Massinger's The Fatal Dowry. The
Viennese Anton Wildgans had begun in his early play Armut to
give Naturalism a literary style of its own. Other attempts at
reform had already proceeded from the school of Stefan George,
out of which a dramatic branch arose, little as that hierophantic
master occupied himself with the profane structures of the stages.
Carl Vollmoller took a subject from the Middle Ages in his
Catherina Grdfin von Armagnac, gave it a form something like
the ballad and arranged it as if it were in strophes. From the
later accretions to the Tristan legend Ernst Hardt derived his
technically ingenious drama Tantris der Narr, which won both
the Schiller Prize and a lasting success on the stage. The cul-
mination of the romantic drama was achieved by Eduard Stucken
with two mystery plays, the grail-cycle Gawan and Lamval, which
lulled the German public, but only very transiently, in an at-
mosphere of incense. All these endeavours were directed against
the supremacy of Gerhart Hauptmann, who was, from a one-sided
point of view, regarded as a mere Naturalist. Paul Ernst, ex-
cellent as an essayist, trifled with experiments in an archaic style;
Hermann Burte, Wilhelm von Scholz, Eberhard Konig, Kurt
Geucke indulged in sentimental flourishes of trumpets which
sounded particularly patriotic in ears that were not too sensitive;
but none of these could drown the calm poetic power of Gerhart
Hauptmann's voice.
Herbert Eulenberg was regarded as a hope by many as the
fulfilment of a hope; he was an absolute romanticist who turned
his face away from commonplace reality, a singer of quixotic
passions, who let the hot ferment of the blood course like a
ceaseless melody through his lyric dramas (Alles um Geld;
Alles um Liebe; Belinda). His personages are all poets and
visionaries, bewitchers or bewitched; but the morbid beauty of
his plays soon began to fade because it did not clothe any real
bones and sinews of dramatic structure.
All these exponents of a new style, all these neo-romanticists,
were displaced by Frank Wedekind, once he had won his way to
recognition. Especially after the censorship, which had been
very hostile to him, had been abolished by the revolution, he
dominated simultaneously with August Strindberg the repertory
of the German stage. Compared with Hauptmann's more passive
or more vegetative nature, the productivity of which seems al-
most unconscious, Wedekind is a real fighter, a fanatic, a satan-
ist, who exhibits with unparalleled audacity the conflict between
society and the relentlessness of sexual passion. Wedekind has
not designedly sought a style, because in this instance the man is
the style, because he habitually speaks with his own peculiar
accent of cynicism through all his personages. His world is like a
circus or a theatre of marionettes, and the most natural behaviour
for his characters is the grotesque. Next to the enduring work
of his youth, Fruhlings Erwachen, his plays Erdgeist and Die
Bilchse der Pandora and Francisca have had the greatest vogue,
and that not least because of the audacity of the subjects with
which they deal. A rival to Wedekind arose in Carl Sternheim,
who, with the intention of becoming a German Moliere, attacked
the bourgeoisie in all its exhibitions of moral and social hypocrisy.
His reliance upon the keenness of his dialectics makes him the
sworn enemy of all naturalistic portrayal of situations. Stern-
heim invented for his own use a " telegraphic style " of extraor-
dinary precision, the most laconic kind of dialogue possible (or
sometimes impossible) within the limits of German grammar, a
method by which every figure in the play caricatures itself.
His chief plays, Die Hose, Burger Schippel, Der Snob and "ip/j,"
are an unbroken series of invectives against the German bourgeoi-
sie. In them the storm of war and revolution already seems to be
discharging it's lightnings. Sternheim's satire had been exhausted
by 1921, because his method of comedy lacked the fructifying
elements of love and warmth. His Impressionism, carried as it is
to the extreme point, could only have Expressionism as its sequel.
The real battle for the new art, which at the same time meant
an entirely new view of life, was opened in 1912 by Reinhardt
Sorge's Betller, shortly followed by Walter Hasenclever's Sohn
and by Paul Kornfeld's Verfilhrung. In these plays, the last
vestiges of Naturalism have vanished; the milieu exercises no
constraint; there is no longer any psychological control; even the
law of causation, with which a dramatist can hardly dispense,
appears to be eliminated. The new generation declares war
against everything which exists. Sons kill their fathers without
hesitation in the name of life, which is the sole standard of value
and which wins its right to every kind of fulfilment. In Mcnschen
and Jenseits Hasenclever almost becomes an occultist ; youth de-
clares ecstasy to be its normal condition. Under the influence of
war and revolution, frequently in anticipation of them, this kind
of work, inspired by spiritual aspirations and by intense emotion,
includes socialist and pacifist ideas amongst those which it
absorbs. This school of drama likewise attracts a kind of talent
which, with a stronger inclination than its own for plastic art,
originates in an older tradition. Reinhardt Goring has written a
fine drama in Sccschlacht. The virile power of his band of six
sailors, who during the battle of Jutland work and die in the
turret of a battleship, substitutes concentrated lyric force for
dramatic effect. Fritz von Unruh, a playwright of great talent,
took the subject of his Prinz Louis Ferdinand from Prussian
history. In his tragedy Ein Gcschlecht all the horrors of violence
have found expression. Pacificism, communism, ethical utopian-
ism, have laid hold of this new form of dramatic art in the persons
of many of its young exponents. The motif of humanity suffering
in the mass and conducted by the poet-apostle towards a less
guilty future runs through all these plays. Politically Ernst
Toller and Paul Zech are extremists; H. J. Rehfisch, Hans Johst,
and the sympathetic Rolf Lauckner, rather seek to mediate.
This whole development, both in its ethical and in its formal
aspects, is reflected in the many-sided work of Georg Kaiser,
which elastically adapts itself to every varying mood of the times.
His is a talent which is spasmodic and always surprising, but
which lacks the tenacity of a development governed by the will
of its possessor. His dramatic method is constantly becoming
more incorporeal; it resembles a crystal in which he ever finds
new facets to polish. Kaiser's chief characteristic is a tempestu-
ous speed of action, which finds its most natural expression in
Von Morgen bis Mitternacht, the tragedy, raised to symbolic
significance, of a criminal hounded to death by his vain pursuit
of enjoyment. Koralle and Gas represent the end or the suicide of
the industrial and capitalist age. Kaiser's nature is coldly
artistic rather than ethical. The tyranny of Expressionism has
seized him and carried him away. It is in the nature of this
school that, being intelligence transmuted into will, its supreme
object is not to produce works of art about life, but by means of
art to increase the potentialities of life itself. The era of Ex-
pressionism was not yet quite over in 1921, but its cycle would be
completed if the truth were once more recognized that no art can
begin by designedly ignoring nature, least of all dramatic art, the
business of which is and remains the portrayal of men and women.
IV. The Novel. The novel in Germany during the period
1910-21 started with an imposing inheritance from the past, an
inheritance for which it had to thank talented women as regards
the greater part of its productivity. Clara Viebig represented
Naturalism, Helene Bohlau a soulful realism. Erica von Handel-
Mazzetti gave literary form to Catholic tradition, and Ricarda
Huch proved herself to be a great romanticist, distinguished
alike by the colour which pervades her visions and by the exquis-
ite art of her style. The delicate talent of Count Eduard Keyser-
ling has a temperamental element that is almost feminine; it
228
GERMAN SOUTH-WEST AFRICA
always reverts to the atmosphere of his Baltic homeland and to
the decadent race of the last scions of aristocratic houses
(Abendliche Hauser; Fiirslinnen; Wellen). The German home-
land school (a counterpart of the " Kailyard school " in Britain)
was for a time the vehicle of a propaganda directed against
literary centres in the great cities, but satisfied no one except the
critics who had sworn allegiance to it. The Hamburg pastor
Gustav Frenssen, who wrote the successful story of the peasant
farmer Jorn Uhl, left as his successors in North Germany only
the sensitive Tim Kroger and the more self-confident Hermann
Lons. If the conception of an art of the homeland be applicable
to Berlin, the elegiac sceptic Georg Hermann would deserve
mention. With adaptive sympathy he turned to account in his
Jettchen Gebert the popularity of the " Biedermeyer period "
(1830 or thereabouts) and the characteristics of the Berlin
Jewish milieu. Old Vienna supplies a better background than
the younger capital of the German Reich. Arthur Schnitzler,
in his novel Der Weg ins Freie, has brought out the tragic element
in the life of the Jews of to-day with special reference to Austrian
conditions. In his masterpiece, Casanovas letztes Abenteuer, he
fashions the elegy of the advent of old age. More important and
more fruitful than the self-conscious homeland school is that
peculiar spirit and intimate life of a countryside which German
literature has not only described in detail but has also warmed
and fructified. In particular those quiet nooks of Suabia which
are the homes of so many writers have produced an art of imagin-
ative narrative characterized by tranquil contemplation. Emil
Strauss's more important works belong to the preceding decade.
Hermann Hesse experienced a second youth as a result of his
familiarity with Dostoievsky and also under oriental influences
(Peter Camcnzind; Klingsors letzter Sommer; Dcmiari).
The German Swiss, who are the nearest kinsmen of the
Suabians, point to the increasing but not unchallenged fame of
their veteran epic poet, Carl Spitteler. The tradition of their
greatest imaginative writer, Gottfried Keller, is continued by
Jacob Schaffner, who was originally a working shoemaker. If he
had had greater power of concentration he might have become a
master in his art. His best novel, though somewhat long drawn
out, is Konrad Pilater, a genial, wise, and peculiarly German
book, instinct with cosmopolitan sympathy. Albert Steffen, in
his Bestimmung der Roheit, plunged deeply into mysticism; this
novel is a kind of modern life of a saint, a dream of the expiation
of the guilt of mankind by the divine power of the soul. The great
religious novel of the period, Emanuel Quint, der Narr in Christo,
was written by Gerhart Hauptmann. He used a legend of his
Silesian homeland in order to tell the story of a vagabond who
thinks himself Christ come back to earth. He collects like
a chronicler the contradictory reports about this remarkable
case, for which there was no psychological explanation. This
enables him to describe in a masterly fashion the religious atmos-
phere in which Messianic expectations and ecstatic visions are
possible.
Hauptmann's Silesian countryman, Hermann Stehr, sets out
by plunging his narrative art into the depths of mysticism; he is a
visionary, with special organs of perception which find their way
equally well in the fourth dimension (Geschichten aus dem
Mandelhaus; Der Heiligenhof).
With somewhat rash enthusiasm Jacob Wassermann in his
Christian Wahnschaffe sends out a scion of the modern plutocracy
among the people, in order that, like a new St. Francis of Assisi,
he may take upon himself all the sorrow and guilt of humanity.
Wassermann exhibits a more trustworthy artistic instinct in his
earlier novels, Die Geschichte der jungen Renate Fuchs, Caspar
Hauser, and in two excellent collections of stories, Der goldene
Spiegel and Drei Schwestern. His Franconian countryman,
Bernhard Kellermann, whose talent is characterized by flexi-
bility, accommodated himself, after the sensational success of his
Tunnel, to the contemporary demand for thrilling situations
with the verisimilitude of everyday life. Gustav Meyrinck
acquired his sway over the public mainly by his fanciful novels
Der Golem and Das grune Gesicht. Meyrinck made occultism and
satanism popular; he is a most enterprising manager in respect
of his stage settings and the skilful tricks by which he blends
daylight with dreams and the sensuous with the supersensuous.
The place of the novel which educates or develops was taken
by the romantic variety which preceded the expressionist type.
Thomas Mann, who so successfully told the tale of the Budden-
brooks, approximated to this type with his novel Konigliche
Hoheit, somewhat of a fairy tale in its story of the marriage of an
impoverished German prince with an intellectual dollar-princess.
A far more powerful performance is his Der Tod in Venedig, the
story of a writer who comes to a tragic end as the result of an
abnormal but platonic passion. A very symptomatic episode of
the years of the war was the keen literary feud between Thomas
Mann, who is rooted in the German tradition, and his brother,
Heinrich Mann, who, as a writer, looks for his inspiration to the
south and, as a politician, to the western democracies. His great
cycle of novels, Die Gottinnen, shows the influence of D'Annun-
zio; the one which exhibits the greatest technical skill is Die
kleine Stadt with its Italian climate, and its lifelike presentation
of men of the south. His satirical study, Der Untertan, attacking
the epoch of William II., has laid its justification open to chal-
lenge by the coarsening effect of its bad taste. Heinrich Mann's
extreme sensualism is a stage preceding Expressionism, which,
if it were consistently employed, would inevitably destroy the
art of story-telling, since, without the reproduction of the cir-
cumstantial element and without connected representations of
reality, that art must lose its substance. The natural consequence
was that the novel recurred to past epochs of history or resorted
to strange and remote scenes in order to get the desired distance
from its subject. Alfred Doblin gave his Wallenstein the highly
coloured background of the Thirty Years' War, and Max Brod
laid the action of Tycho Brakes Weg zu Gott in approximately the
same epoch of human progress.
Eduard Stucken, displaying as much knowledge as inventive
ingenuity, dealt in Die weissen Cotter with the conquest of
Mexico by Ferdinand Cortez and the reciprocal infliction of
religious cruelties entailed by the collision of two civilizations.
Casimir Edschmid, the theoretical champion of Expressionism,
likewise delights in his somewhat violent novels in the sanguinary
orgies of the age of the conquistadores. The more pacific Norbert
Jaques takes a refuge in a melancholy Robinson Crusoe story,
Piraths Insel, and in the tranquillity of the South Seas.
Narrative fiction in Germany frequently mingles with the
feuilleton, the essay, the description of travel. Waldemar
Bonsels, a writer of versatile talent, owes his early fame to his
book of travel, Indienfahrt, and to his Menschenwege, frank
confessions of a vagabond. Alfons Paquet in his sketches, Li
oder der feme Osten, shows his penetrating knowledge of East
Asia, while in his Parisian novel, Kamerad Flemming, he appears
as a socialist with international sympathies. He is an emissary
of that element in the German people which seeks its brethren
throughout the whole world. At the head of this school of
writers, who think in European rather than in national terms, is
the Alsatian Rene Schickele, a journalist of merit, a lyrist, a
writer of tales, a dramatist, and a man of uncommon intellectual
elasticity. He regards Expressionism in an aspect transcending
its literary significance and displaying it as above all an ethical
movement, a manifestation of the will the good-will which by
the fraternization of the creative minds of all nations would
prepare the way for universal peace. (A. E.)
GERMAN SOUTH-WEST AFRICA (see n.886). This pro-
tectorate was conquered in 1915 by South African forces under
Gen. Botha, and German sovereignty over it was renounced
in the Treaty of Versailles. The last ten years of German rule
were notable in the economic sphere for the development of
the mineral resources of the country, the increasing output of
copper from the Otavi and Tsumeb mines, and the exploitation
of the diamond-fields in the Luderitz Bay district.
Diamonds were first discovered in 1908 and led to an influx
of Europeans, the number of whites in the country in 1913 be-
ing 14,816, of whom 12,292 were German and 1,650 Kolonial-
englander (mostly Dutch S. Africans). In 1915 the Germans
numbered 15,298. The administration, which discouraged the
GERMAN SOUTH-WEST AFRICA
229
settlement of non-German whites, was bureaucratic, expensive
and unpopular. It spent, however, considerable sums on public
works, and made efforts to promote stock-raising (for which
large areas of the country are specially suited), agriculture,
market-gardening and forestry. Between 1908 and 1912 a
north-to-south railway, 315 m. long, was built across the central
plateau and connected the lines running from Swakopmund to
Windhuk and from Ludcritz Bay to Kectmanshoop. A railway
(62 m.) was also built along the coast south from Liideritz Bay
to serve the diamond-fields. This was not a state line.
Fully half the capital invested in mining, land and exploration
companies was, in 1913, British. In that year the mineral production
was valued at 3,406,000, the whole of this trade having sprung up
since 1906, when the copper mines were first worked. Diamonds
were the chief export, being valued at 2,890,000. The output of
diamonds increased from 483,266 carats in 1909 to 1,470,000 in
1913 ; up to Aug. 1914 the total value of the diamonds exported was
9,250,000. The yield of copper in 1913 was 50,000 tons, valued at
390,000. Apart from minerals, exports mainly animal products
were practically stationary in the period 1903-13. The total exports
increased from 1,103,000 in 1909 (the first year of diamond exports)
to 3,515,000 in 1913; in the same period imports averaged about
2,000,000 yearly.
Revenue and expenditure were divided into ordinary and ex-
traordinary, the latter category including military and certain
public works charges. Ordinary revenue for the period 1910-4 was
about 850,000 a year and was in excess of ordinary expenditure.
The extraordinary expenditure was met by grants from the Im-
perial Government, which in 1903-14 averaged 1,490,000 per annum.
History. The protectorate had a special value for Germany
as being her only overseas possession where colonization by
whites on a large scale was possible, and also as being a base in
South Africa, both for political and economic purposes. Ger-
many had cultivated close relations with the Transvaal Republic,
and since the annexation of the Boer republics by Britain
German agents had not ceased to maintain relations of a dubious
character with certain sections of the Boers. Dr. T. Seitz, who
was appointed governor of S.W. Africa in 1910, records that
in 1911 he was in touch with " politicians of Dutch descent."
In 1912 the German Government believed that the assurances
given it by certain Dutch South Africans would ensure, at the
least, the neutrality of South Africa in the event of an Anglo-
German conflict. Dr. Seitz says that he was not so sure; he
had evidence of " the mistrust by the Boers of the German race
and the German character," and thought that the S.W.
protectorate was threatened with as much danger from the
Union of South Africa as from England herself. Seitz however
continued negotiations with the Boer opponents of the British
connexion. He proposed common action with them, and when
the World War broke out he issued a proclamation that the
Germans made war " not on the Boer people as such, but on the
English and their adherents." (See SOUTH AFRICA: History.)
The opposition of a section of the South African Dutch to
the operations against the Germans did not prevent the in-
vasion and conquest of the protectorate by Gen. Botha (see
infra), the long narrow strip of the protectorate extending E.
to the Zambezi (the " Caprivi Finger ") being cleared of the
Germans by Rhodesian forces. Dr. Seitz states that the
negotiations opened with Gen. Botha in May 1915 were merely
to gain time, as he believed then that the German successes in
Russia would bring a speedy peace. But the surrender two
months later was a military necessity.
From July 1915 onwards the protectorate was governed by
the Union of South Africa, martial law, in a mild form, being
maintained until Jan. 1921. On May 7 1919 the Supreme
Council had decided that the country should be assigned to
the Union of South Africa under the mandatory system " C,"
set forth in the Covenant of the League of Nations; that is, it
might be administered as an integral part of the territory of the
mandatory. The terms of the mandate were approved by the
Council of the League at Geneva on Dec. 17 1920. The territory
was renamed the South- West Protectorate; its progress is
described under SOUTH AFRICA, South-West Protectorate.
See Dr. Seitz, Siidafrika im Weltkriege (Berlin 1920); T. Tonnesen,
" The South-West Africa Protectorate," Geog. Journ., vol. xlix. (1917).
(F. R. C.)
MILITARY OPERATIONS 1914-5
For some time before the year 1914 the close proximity of the
German Protectorate of South-West Africa, sharing a common
frontier on its southern and eastern borders with the Union of
South Africa, had been recognized by the Union Government of
South Africa as an important factor in its military arrange-
ments. The sudden outbreak of war in Aug. 1914 at once
converted a hypothetical situation for which tentative measures
had been devised into a problem calling for immediate action.
On Aug. 6 1914 the Union Government undertook to assume
all military obligations resting upon the British regular garrison
in South Africa and to replace that force by Union troops. This
offer was accepted by the Imperial Government, and the im-
perial military forces in South Africa became available else-
where. On Aug. 10 the Union Government further undertook
to send a military expedition of its own against German South-
West Africa, and the seaports of that territory and the wireless
installation at Windhuk were indicated by the British Govern-
ment as the original objectives of the enterprise.
The position of South Africa on the ocean line of communica-
tion between Europe and Asia, and the necessity for denying
friendly harbours and long-range communication to the enemy
naval squadron under Adml. von Spee in the South Atlantic
were obvious and imperative reasons for early action on the
lines suggested. This decision of the Union Government, however,
produced strong opposition on the part of a portion of the Dutch
population of South Africa, and the antagonism to the proposed
expedition culminated in open rebellion in Oct. 1914. Though
the opposition to the Government was numerically insignificant
only some 11,500 rebels took up arms the sporadic nature of
the outbreak and the extent of the territory in which it occurred
necessitated the employment of 30,000 troops (of which two-
thirds were of Dutch descent) for its suppression, and delayed
all offensive action across the border for four months.
Before the rebellion started the following preliminary move-
ments had been carried out by Union troops for the prosecution
of the campaign in South-West Africa. On Sept. 18 1914 a
force, under Col. P. S. Beves, had been landed without opposi-
tion at Liideritzbucht. On Aug. 31 a mixed force, under Brig.-
Gen. H. T. Lukin, some 2,500 strong and including the regular
mounted troops of the Union (the South African Mounted
Riflemen), had begun to disembark at Port Nolloth, and, extend-
ing inland, was eventually disposed along the western portion
of Union territory immediately adjoining the southern enemy
border, with headquarters at Steinkopf. Farther eastward this
line of observation was continued by another mixed force of
approximately 1,000 rifles under Lt.-Col. Maritz with head-
quarters at Upington, and upon Maritz's desertion with the
greater portion of his command to the enemy on Sept. 9 Col.
Brits with another force took over the task which had been so
shamefully abandoned. Col. Brits, called away to the Union,
was soon replaced by Col. van Deventer, who, on the recall of
Lukin's force on Oct. 23 to the Union, assumed sole command in
the locality. Until the end of the rebellion, which was closed by
the surrender of Kemp with his own and Maritz's rebel forces
at Upington on Feb. 3 1915, the activities of all the forces first
employed, with one exception, did not involve anything beyond
outpost and reconnaissance work. A more ambitious undertak-
ing ended in the capture of a strong advanced detachment of
the South African Mounted Riflemen with two guns at Sand-
fontein, in enemy territory, on Sept. 26.
The beginning of Feb. 1915 then may be taken as the time
of the actual commencement of offensive action by the Union
forces in and against German South-West Africa. The circum-
stances attending the problem which confronted the South
African military commanders may be briefly summarized as
follows: The greater portion of what was formerly German
South-West Africa of which the area is 322,350 sq. m., or
rather more than half as great again as that of the German
Empire in Europe is a high plateau 3,500 ft. above sea level.
From the coast and the border adjoining Union territory, until
230
GERMAN SOUTH-WEST AFRICA
the gradual ascent to the plateau begins, a barren waterless
tract 40 to 100 m. broad in the first case and 200 in the second
formed a serious obstacle to the advance of the South African
forces. Water is extremely scarce throughout the country, and
is almost entirely below the surface. The water-holes were
well known and at long intervals, and an advance was thus
restricted to several well-defined lines. The country is very
sandy and often rough, and presented formidable difficulties
for every kind of transport. The climate is in the main very
dry and healthful for man and beast, though the semi-tropical
conditions of the N. cause the usual malaria and other diseases
in the wet season. Cattle at the time of the campaign were
plentiful, 'but all other supplies, including fodder of any kind,
were scanty. The theatre of operations, badly watered, difficult
to move in, devoid of adequate supplies, and protected against
an advance from the Union side or the coast by a desolate
belt of desert, was a powerful aid to a protracted defence by a
commander falling back upon his magazines. A railway of
3 ft. 6 in. gauge ran from Luderitzbucht to Keetmanshoop in
the S., and thence N. to Windhuk, and from there westward to
Karibib, with an extension to the southern portion of the
Protectorate at Kalkfontein branching from the Luderitzbucht-
Keetmanshoop section at Seeheim: a total length of broad-
gauge line of 800 miles. From Swakopmund, the northern
port, a 2 ft. gauge railway ran to Karibib, and thence northward
to Tsumeb and Grootfontein, with a total length of 420 miles.
Much damage was done by the enemy .to these lines and their
bridges and culverts, and the Union engineers repaired 1,040 m.
of railway and laid 340 m. of new line during the campaign.
The enemy regular forces consisted of approximately 140
officers and 2,000 other ranks (artillery and mounted riflemen),
while about 7,000 European males of military age, of whom
many had military training, were also available. An efficient
camel corps proved of value, and several hundred South African
rebels were also at the enemy's disposal. His one aeroplane
was active until its collapse, and, with the arrival of some Union
aeroplanes towards the end of the campaign, the South African
troops had such advantage as was to be derived from command
of the air. Of military equipment and materiel the German
commander had abundance, and he enjoyed a substantial
numerical advantage in respect of artillery.
The Union expeditionary base was formed at Cape Town, and
from that place the Royal Navy conveyed, escorted and dis-
embarked the whole of the forces and their supplies, which pro-
ceeded from South Africa to Luderitzbucht, Walvis (Walfish)
Bay and Swakopmund without the loss of a vessel or a life.
Naval armoured cars also served during the" operations.
Gen. Louis Botha, who, on the outbreak of the rebellion,
had assumed supreme command of the forces of the Union
decided personally to direct the operations in the N., and on
Dec. 25 1914 the advance units of his force reached Walvis Bay
under the command of Col. P. C. B. Skinner, who, on Jan. 13
1915, occupied and retained the port and town of Swakopmund.
Gen. Botha reached Swakopmund, having visited the central
force at Luderitzbucht, on Feb. n. On this date the position
was as follows: The northern force of which the greater
proportion of the combatant troops was mounted, though a
strong infantry force was included occupied Walvis Bay and
Swakopmund; the enemy, here controlled mainly by their chief
command, holding an outpost line immediately outside the
latter place. The central force, considerably augmented since
its arrival in Sept. of the previous year, and now under the
command of Brig.-Gen. Sir Duncan McKenzie, was at Luderitz-
bucht on the coast, with its most advanced detachments
at Tshaukaib, 40 m. inland, in touch with the enemy under
Maj. von Bauzus on the railway line to Keetmanshoop. On the
southern border, based on Upington, and organized in four,
and later five, columns was the southern force, commanded by
Brig.-Gen. J. Van Deventer. To this force, which was mounted,
was opposed the enemy under Maj. Ritter. The eastern force,
considerably smaller than the rest it consisted of four mounted
regiments with two i2-pounder guns which was to advance on
enemy territory westwards from Kurumaii along the Kuruman
and Molopo rivers, was in process of mobilization under Col.
C. A. L. Berrange. Enemy detachments were on their eastern
border at Rietfontein and Hasuur. To the Union forces heavy
and field artillery were allotted as the supply available and the
nature of the various tasks suggested.
To clear his immediate front and gain power of reconnaissance
was Gen. Botha's first concern, and on Feb. 23 an advance in
force from Swakopmund cleared the country beyond for a
distance of 20 m., and Rossing on the railway and Husab on the
Swakop river were permanently secured. The formation of
forward supply depots was now undertaken, and, after much
labour and with considerable difficulty, a longer advance was
carried out terminating in successful engagements on March 18
at Riet and Pforte, in the Swakop valley, where the enemy were
heavily defeated and retired with a loss of 37 killed and wounded,
and 2 field guns and 9 officers and 275 other ranks captured.
The Swakop river was thus secured for a distance of 60 m., and
a garrison was placed at Riet. Railhead was pushed to Arandis,
30 m. from Swakopmund. The bulk of the forces were withdrawn,
in view of the supply difficulty, to Swakopmund, and preparations
for a similar advance were again undertaken.
The Swakop river route, recently visited by an unexpected
and most welcome flood, had been selected for the main advance
on Karibib and Windhuk. After a visit by the commander-in-
chief to Gen. McKenzie, a second advance under Gen. Botha
was made from Swakopmund and Riet on April 26, with the
result that Karibib, the junction of the northern railway, was
occupied on May 5 as the outcome of an advance from the
Swakop river aided by a wide turning movement to the right
by mounted troops, detached under Gen. Myburgh, by way of
Otyimbingwe and Wilhelmstal. A determined enem^ attack on
the railhead at Trekkoppies on April 26 was beaten off by the
garrison under Col. Skinner. The enemy opposite Gen. Botha,
having withdrawn to the N. to avoid envelopment, Windhuk
was occupied without opposition on May 12. The majority
of the enemy European women and children were left to the
care of the victors at Karibib and Windhuk.
In the meantime the central force had occupied the strong
position of Aus on March 30 without fighting. The enemy,
evidently apprehensive of the trend of events in the N., had
retired. After some preparation Gen. McKenzie pushed strong
mounted reconnaissances in the direction of Bethany (Beth-
anien), towards the Keetmanshoop- Windhuk railway, and, as
a result of fine marching and vigorous action, engaged the
only strong body of the enemy remaining in the S. at Gibeon
station on April 26, the day of the second advance by Gen.
Botha from Swakopmund. The enemy was roughly handled
and escaped with loss and difficulty. The withdrawal of this
southern enemy detachment had been prompted by the activity
of the southern and eastern forces of the Union troops.
The eastern force, having set out from Kuruman on March 6,
engaged the enemy successfully at Rietfontein and Hasuur, and
on April 20 joined hands at Kabus with a portion of the southern
force. The advance of this eastern force had only been possible
as a consequence of well-planned water arrangements.
The columns of the southern force, in their advance from
the southern border, defeated the enemy at Nabas on March 8,
at Platbeen on March 27, and again at Kabus on April 20,
when touch with the eastern force was established. These final
operations in the S. were carried out under Gen. Smuts.
With the fall of the capital the whole of the country S. of it
fell into the hands of the Union forces, and the enemy retired to
the N. retaining no town of importance and controlling less than
200 m. of narrow-gauge railway. A conference as to terms
between Gen. Botha and Gov. Seitz at Giftkuppe on May 21
proved abortive, and the final stage of the campaign against
the enemy, now wholly concentrated in the N., was begun.
A large reduction of forces, reorganization, and settlement
of the occupied territory were completed by June 17, and on the
i8th Gen. Botha started on his final advance from Karibib.
An infantry brigade, accompanied by two mounted brigades,
GERMANY
231
moved in the centre under the personal direction of the com-
mander-in-chief, while strong mounted forces operated to the E.
and W. commanded by Gens. Myburgh and Brits respectively.
The enemy, constantly outflanked, retired rapidly, and on June
27 Brits was detached to make a wide and rapid detour through
unknown country to the N.W. with orders to reach Namutoni
before the enemy and head the latter off. Myburgh was in-
structed to press the enemy in towards the main advance and
to swing in towards Tsumeb.
Each of these movements, though communication ceased
from the time of separation from the main advance, was carried
out almost to the moment, and the enemy, defeated on July i
at Otavifontein by the leading mounted brigade of the centre,
forestalled at Namutoni by Gen. Brits, and having lost Tsumeb
to Gen. Myburgh, surrendered to Gen. Botha on July 9 1915.
The campaign had been won with little loss of life 127
Union soldiers were killed in the rebellion and in German
South-West Africa but it will repay study as an instance of
the overcoming of difficulties in climate and terrain, and for the
experience which it afforded of the value of fertility of resource
and power of adaptation.
Some of the difficulties which were surmounted seemed
almost impossible to deal with, and the methods adopted in
connexion with water supply are worthy of the closest attention.
Some magnificent marching was a striking feature of all the
operations. Brits's force on the final advance marched 340 m.
in 20 days; McKenzie's mounted troops covered 200 m. in 12
days; while the infantry brigade in the centre on the final
northern advance in 16 days marched 230 miles. Finally, the
operations indicate clearly the extraordinary mobility of
mounted riflemen, who are good horsemen and horsemasters,
and whose frugal habits tend enormously to simplify the difficult
problem of supply in a barren country, when they are directed
by a master hand. (J. J. C.)
GERMANY (see 11.804). The bounds of the pre-war German
Empire, as constituted, since its foundation on Jan. 18 1871, out
of the states of the earlier North-German Confederation and the
S. German states, together with Alsace-Lorraine (annexed to
Germany by virtue of the Treaty of Frankfort), were materially
changed in the reconstitution of the new German Reich after
the World War of 1914-8. By the Treaty of Versailles in 1919
(ratified on Jan. 10 1920) Alsace and Lorraine were restored to
France; in the E. the Poles, who had been made independent,
had large stretches of German territory assigned to them ; in the
N., after a plebiscite, parts of the Prussian province of Schleswig-
Holstein went to Denmark; moreover, the town of Danzig with
its outlying districts and the district round Memel were separated
from Germany. In the S. a small strip of territory, the little
district of Hultschin, was assigned to Czechoslovakia. In the W.,
Germany lost the territories of Eupen and Malmedy to Belgium.
By the territory ceded to Poland, Germany was now split into
two parts one W. of the Polish frontier, and the other E. of the
so-called old Poland, with the Polish corridors to the Baltic,
and consisting mainly of the province of E. Prussia. By the
GERMANY
Scale I : 7.500.000
English Miles
232
GERMANY
surrender of territory in the N., Germany's northern limit was
restricted to 55 18' N. The restoration of Alsace and Lorraine
to France, however, only shifted the western frontier eastwards
to an inconsiderable extent.
By the territorial alterations effected under the Treaty of
Versailles, the extent of the German coast line, which previously
amounted to not quite one-third of the entire frontier-line of the
country, was diminished by the territories assigned to Denmark
and Poland and by the districts apportioned to the free town of
Danzig and the Memel district. In addition, the important
seaports of Danzig and Memel were lost to Germany. As
regards the frontiers dividing one country from another, the most
important differences are that, in the W., since the separation of
Alsace and Lorraine, the Rhine has become, to a great extent,
the frontier-line between France and Germany, and that in the E.,
owing to the formation of the state of Poland and the establish-
ment of the independence of the so-called border states, there is
no longer any direct connexion between Germany and Russia.
In the W., Germany is bounded by Holland, Belgium, Luxem-
burg and France; in the S., by Switzerland, Austria and Czecho-
slovakia; the eastern frontier is formed by Poland.
The extent of the reconstituted German Reich within these
borders amounts to 473,314-9 sq. km., as compared with the
540,857-5 sq. km. of the German Empire before the conclusion
of the Treaty of Versailles. The number of large towns (of over
25,000 inhabitants) had been diminished by 10, namely Strass-
burg, Metz, Miilhausen, Danzig, Posen, Bromberg, Thorn,
Graudenz, Hohensalza and Gnesen. The number of inhabitants
of the ceded territories, according to the census of Dec. 1910,
was 5, 579,912.
Of the self-contained river basins formerly belonging to the
Empire (Rhine, Ems, Weser, Elbe, Oder, Vistula, Pregel, Memel
and Danube), the basins of the Vistula and Memel, as well as the
Rhine, were affected by the Treaty of Versailles. The Vistula
was completely cut off from the waterways of the German Reich,
and practically nothing but the mouth of the Memel remained in
its possession.
Population. The pop. of the German Empire, which was 41,-
058,792 in 1871, had increased in 1910 to 64,925,993. Table I
shows the distribution of area and population at the census of Dec.
I 1910, among the 26 states:
TABLE I. States of the Empire,
State
Area
(sq. km.)
Population
Prussia ...
348,779
40,165,219
Bavaria . .
75,870
6,887,291
Saxony ...
14.992
4,806,661
Wiirttemberg
19-507
2,437.574
Baden ....
15,070
2,142,833
Hesse ....
7,688
1,282,051
Mecklenburg-Schwerin
13,126
639,958
Saxe-Weimar
3,610
417,149
Mecklenburg-Strelitz
2,929
106,442
Oldenburg ...
6,429
483,042
Brunswick ...
3,672
494.339
Saxe-Meiningen .
2,468
278,762
Saxe-Altenburg .
1,323
216,128
Saxe-Coburg-Gotha .
1,976
257,177
Anhalt ....
2,299
331,128
Schwarzburg-Sondershausen
862
89,917
Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt
941
100,702
Waldeck ...
1,121
61,707
Reuss (elder line)
316
72,769
Reuss (younger line) .
826
152,752
Schaumburg-Lippe
340
46,652
Lippe ....
1,215
150,937
Lubeck ...
297
116,599
Bremen ...
256
299,526
Hamburg ...
414
1,014,664
Alsace-Lorraine .
14,521
1,874,014
German Empire ....
540,857
64,925,993
In the middle of 1914 the pop. was estimated at 67,790,000. The
war, however, broke this tale of progress. The number of males
killed in the war during 1914-8 is estimated at 1,800,000. A de-
crease in the birth-rate became more and more marked from the
first quarter of 1915 onwards; and the death-rate of the civil popula-
tion, notably in 1918-9 in consequence of the influenza pandemic,
attained an alarming figure. By the loss of territory under the Peace
Treaty a pop. of nearly 6 millions was separated from Germany.
The result was that, in the census of Oct. 8 1919, the pop. of the
reconstituted German Reich was shown to be 60,837,579. Of these,
28,982,137 were male and 31,855,442 female. The abnormal dis-
crepancy in the relative numbers of the sexes (1,000 men to 1,099
women) was due to the war. In 1910 there had been only 1,026
women to 1,000 men.
Under the new constitution of the German Reich, the German
Republic was composed of 18 territories (Lander). The distribution
of the population over these territories at the end of 1920, according
to the 1919 census, is shown in Table II.
TABLE II. Population by Territories, 1920.
Territory
Male
Female
Total
Per
sq.km.
Prussia
18,017,360
19,647,653
37,665,013
127
Bavaria
3,394,270
3,746,063
7-140,333
93
Saxony
2,168,065
2,495,233
4,663,298
3"
Wiirtteniberg
1,195,144
1,323,629
2,518,773
129
Baden
1,051,405
1,157,098
2,208,503
146
Thuringia .
712,474
795,551
1,508,025
128
Hesse ....
616,521
674,467
1,290,988
1 68
Hamburg .
493,260
557,099
!, 050,359
2,534
Mecklenburg-Schwerin
317,400
339,930
657,330
50
Oldenburg .
250,623
267,142
517,765
80
Brunswick .
226,400
254,199
480,599
131
Anhalt
I57,7io
173,548
331,258
144
Bremen
148,466
162,800
311,266
1,214
Lippe ....
7i,"7
83,201
154,318
127
Liibeck
57,539
63,029
120,568
405
Mecklenburg-Strelitz
51,170
55,224
106,394
36
Wafdeck . .
31,065
35,367
66,432
59
Schaumburg-Lippe .
22,148
24,209
46,357
136
German Reich
28,982,137
v, 855,442
60,837,579
128
In the same area which showed, in 1920, a pop. of 60,837,579
there had been, in 1910, one of 59,346,081. The increase, therefore,
amounted to 2-5 %; but as regards males there was a decrease of I %.
During this period the growth of the population as a whole was great-
est in the towns and the industrial districts. Apart from the three
cities of Hamburg, Bremen and Lubeck, and their territories,
Saxony was in 1920 the most densely populated territory. The next
TABLE III. Principal Cities, 1920.
Town
Territory
Population
Berlin ...
Prussia
1,902,509
Hamburg
Hamburg
985,779
Cologne ...
Prussia
633,904
Munich ...
Bavaria
630,711
Leipzig ...
Saxony
604,380
Dresden ...
Saxony
529,326
Breslau ...
Prussia
528,260
Essen ...
Prussia
439,257
Frankfort-on-Main
Prussia
433,002
Diisseldorf
Prussia
407,338
Niirnberg ...
Bavaria
352,675
Charlottenburg
Prussia
322,766
Hanover ...
Prussia
310,431
Stuttgart ...
Wiirttemberg
309,197
Chemnitz
Saxony
303,775
Dortmund
Prussia
295,026
Magdeburg
Prussia
285,856
Berlin-Neukolln .
Prussia
262,127
Konigsberg
Prussia
260,895
Bremen ...
Bremen
257,923
Duisburg ...
Prussia
244,302
Stettin ...
Prussia
232,726
Mannheim . .
Baden
229,576
Kiel ....
Prussia
205,330
Halle ...
Prussia
182,326
Berlin-Schoneberg .
Prussia
175,092
Altona _.
Prussia
168,729
Gelsenkirchen .
Prussia
168,557
Cassel ...
Prussia
162,391
Elberfeld ...
Prussia
157-218
Barmen ...
Prussia
156,326
Augsburg
Bavaria
'54,555
Aix-la-Chapelle
Prussia
145,748
Berlin-Lichtenberg
Prussia
144,643
Bochum ...
Prussia
142,760
Brunswick
Brunswick
I 39,539
Berlin-Wilmersdorf
Prussia
139,406
Karlsruhe
Baden
135,952
Erfurt ...
Prussia
129,646
Miilheim-on-Ruhr .
Prussia
127,027
Crefeld ...
Prussia
124,325
Lubeck ...
Lubeck
113,071
Hamborn
Prussia
110,102
Mainz
Prussia
107,930
Plauen im Vogtland
Saxony
104,918
Miinster in Westphalia
Prussia
100,452
GERMANY
233
were Hesse and Baden. The least densely populated were the
agricultural territories (or Lander) Mecklenburg, Waldeck, Olden-
burg and Bavaria. Of the Prussian provinces, those of the Rhine-
land, Westphalia and Upper Silesia, which are mainly industrial,
were the most densely populated, whilst the least densely populated
were the agricultural provinces of W. Prussia, Posen, Pomerania
and E. Prussia.
Corresponding to this development, there was a continuous
movement between 1910 and 1920 towards the increase of the urban
population. According to the 1910 census 20,374, 127 (34-3%) of
the total pop. were residing in towns of over 20,000 inhabitants.
In 1919 this number had increased to 21,345,289 (35%).
In Table Ilia list is given of the principal cities of over 100,000
inhabitants according to the 1919 census.
The growth of individual German towns has varied greatly.
Table IV gives index-numbers for the increase shown by the pop.
in 1920, if that of 1871 is taken at 100.
TABLE IV. Growth of Town Population 1920 (1871 pop, = ioo).
Berlin
Hamburg .
Cologne
Munich
Leipzig
Dresden
Breslau
Essen
Frankfort -on-Main
Dusseldorf.
Niirnberg .
Charlottenburg
Hanover .
Stuttgart .
Chemnitz .
Dortmund
Magdeburg
Berlin-Neukolln
Konigsberg
230 Bremen .
412 Duisburg
490 Stettin
371 Mannheim
565 Kiel
299 Halle
254 Berlin-Schoneberg
852 Altona
Gelsenkirchen
Cassel
Elberfeld
Barmen .
Aix-la-Chapelle
Bochum .
Brunswick
Karlsruhe
Crefeld .
Plauen im Vogtland
311
800
35
579
646
346
3,844
227
2,154
350
220
2IO
196
673
241
371
217
449
587
424
1,653
354
337
445
664
338
. 3,226
. 232
The figures in Table IV, however, do not adequately represent the
concentration of population in the towns which took place during
1910-20. In order to form an accurate judgment of the develop-
ment of the large towns and the trend towards urban life, the in-
fluence of a large town on the communities within its immediate
neighbourhood must be considered. These neighbouring communi-
ties show a considerably higher rate of increase as compared with
communities farther removed from the town.
It was not yet possible in 1921 to ascertain whether the trend
towards the large towns was being modified by the altered conditions
arising out of the World War. There were signs that this was the
case. The pop. of Berlin (2,071,257 in 1910; 1,902,509 in 1920) had
decreased since 1910, although not to any great extent. This
retrogression, however, was likely to cease when it once more be-
came possible for German industries to make adequate provision
for their workmen. The trend towards urban life is largely identical
with the trend towards the workshop. This was especially evident
during the war years 1914-8; internal migration assumed enormous
proportions, and was directed away from those places where the
conditions of war had restricted production towards the centres of
increased production arising out of direct or indirect war require-
ments. After the signature of the Armistice there was a wide-spread
retrograde movement, still governed by prospects of production and
therefore of wage-earning. At the same time rural districts experi-
enced a not inconsiderable increase in population, and this applies
above all to the great coal-mining districts of Germany, the Ruhr
region, Upper Silesia and the lignite district in central Germany.
Emigration from Germany overseas had been steadily decreasing
after 1891; and it was almost entirely stopped during the war.
Between 1871 and 1880 the overseas emigrants had numbered 625,-
968; between 1881 and 1890, 1,342,423; 1891 to 1900, 529,875; and
1901 to 1910, 279,645. For later years the official figures were:
1911, 22,690; 1912, 18,545; 1913, 25,843; 1914, 11,803; I9I5- 528;
1916, 326; 1917, 9; 1918, none; 1919, 3,144; 1920, 8,458.
As regards foreign immigration into Germany, no recent de-
tailed statistics were available in 1921. But the census returns
showed that on Dec. I 1910 there were 1,259,873 foreigners in
Germany. More than one-half of these were Austro-Hungarians.
Holland was represented by 144,175, Russia by 137,697, Italy by
104,204, England by 8,319, France by 19,140, Switzerland by 68,257,
Denmark by 26,233, Belgium by 13,455, an d the United States by
17,572. In 1920 the number of foreigners in Germany was very
considerable, but precise figures were wanting. The number of
immigrant Russians and so-called Eastern Jews and Galicians was
particularly great. The number of Germans outside Germany greatly
increased after the war. In the ceded territories there were (accord-
ing to the census of 1910) 3,217,053 inhabitants speaking German
as their mother-tongue. These must be reckoned among the Ger-
mans resident abroad in 1920. The number of Germans abroad
before the war was estimated at over 30 millions. Of these only
a comparatively small proportion returned to Germany after 1918.
Outside Germany itself, in 1920, the countries to be reckoned more
especially as German-speaking were Austria, parts of Switzerland
and Belgium, Luxemburg, Liechtenstein, and stretches of country
in Czechoslovakia and in Hungary.
The inhabitants within the boundaries of the German Republic
speaking other languages than German as their mother-tongue are
not numerous. At the census of 1910 the question of the mother-
tongue was not raised in all the states throughout the Empire. Apart
from the territories of Prussia and Saxony, where the mother-tongue
was ascertained, there are hardly any but German-speaking in-
habitants. In Prussia in 1910 it was estimated that 3,500,621
inhabitants (8-7% of the population) spoke Polish as their mother-
tongue; that 141,510 (4%) spoke Danish; that 64,766 (0-2%) spoke
Wendish, and that 790,733 (2-0%) had some other mother-tongue
that was not German. In Saxony the census of 1910 showed that
24,009 inhabitants (0-5%) spoke Wendish, and 35,083 (0-7%) spoke
other foreign languages as their mother-tongue.
Religion. Of the pop. of Germany, 61-6% were, according to
the census of 1910, adherents of the Protestant, or, as it is designated
in Germany, the Evangelical faith; 33-7% adherents of the Roman
Catholic faith ; 0-44 % belonged to other Christian sects, and 0-95 %
were Jews. Since the census of 1890 the number of Protestant
Christians had been on the decrease, and that of Roman Catholics
on the increase. This was to be attributed, on the one hand, to
extensive immigration from Catholic countries, and, on the other,
to the fact that the Roman Catholic population increased more
rapidly than the Protestant, the creed of the former having a direct
influence on the birth-rate, while, in addition, the Catholic section
of the population contained an immensely larger proportion of the
more prolific labouring classes than the Protestant. According to
the census of occupations taken in 1907, there were 680 Catholic to
1,000 Protestant wage-earning workers, but to every 1,000 Prot-
estant salaried employees or persons engaged in occupations on their
own account, there were only 527 Catholics.
Table V shows the distribution by religion within the new
frontiers of Germany after the Treaty of Versailles, on the figures of
the 1910 census.
TABLE V. Distribution of Religions.
Territories
(1920)
Protestants
(1910)
Roman
Catholics
(1910)
aews
910)
Others
(1910)
Prussia ....
23,420,842
12,341,123
378,819
318,537
Bavaria ....
2,014,876
4,865,373
55.394
26,466
Saxony ....
4-520,835
236,052
17,587
32,187
Wiirttemberg .
1,671,183
739,995
11,982
14,414
Baden ....
826,364
1,271,015
25,896
19-558
Thuringia
1,456,075
43,102
3,820
7.54 1
Hesse ....
848,004
397-549
24,063
12,435
Hamburg
929,758
51,036
19,472
14.398
Mecklenburg-Schwerin
615,5"
21,043
-413
i,99i
Brunswick
464,175
25,888
.757
2,519
Oldenburg . ' .
371,650
107,508
.525
2,359
Anhalt ....
315,262
12,755
,383
1,728
Bremen ....
259,688
22,233
,843
15.762
Lippe ....
143-961
5,936
780
260
Liibeck ....
"1,543
3,968
623
465
Mecklenburg-Strelitz .
101,513
4-255
254
420
Waldeck
57.817
2,858
590
442
Schaumburg-Lippe
44,385
715
230
1,322
German Reich
38,173,442
20,152,404
547.431
472,804
At the census of 1919 the question of religion was not raised.
According to the new constitution of the German Reich, no one is
obliged to disclose his religious belief, unless rights or duties depend
upon it, or there is a legally authorized interrogation.
Households. The distribution of the population into households
in 1910 was as follows: Family households, 13,238,237 (with 61,-
765,065 memBers); single persons' households, 1,045,143; institu-
tions, 63,312 (with 2,115,785 members). The size of family house-
holds had steadily diminished during successive decades, from 4^70
in 1871 to 4-60 in 1900 and 4-53 in 1910. There were 6,978,324
inhabited buildings in 1910, an increase of 65,703 in the decade. With
the exception of the year 1913, there was great activity in building
during the years 1911-4, but during the war it gradually came to
almost a complete standstill. After 1919 building gradually revived,
under the stimulus of the need for providing houses for the enormous
number of immigrants and newly married couples; but, for the
most part, it was limited to the erection of barracks, emergency
dwelling-houses and small back-garden houses. This work was
chiefly carried out by public enterprise. The need for new houses
had not been by any means met by 1921. The number of those in
search of dwellings was continually on the increase. In 1918, in
order to form an estimate of the number of empty houses available
and of the extent of the housing need, a housing census for the
whole Reich was taken. It covered 3,782 communities, mostly the
largest ones, and comprised 9,176,137 houses inhabited by 32,330,-
668 persons, or 55-5% of the total civil population of Germany.
By this census it was ascertained that only in the smallest portion of
the region under examination were there more than 3 % empty
houses available. The shortage which arose after the signing of the
234
GERMANY
Armistice, due to the great number of immigrants and of persons
expelled from foreign states, and to the high marriage-rate, could
only be met in an approximate degree by the extensive adoption of a
system of house rationing and compulsory billeting.
Vital Statistics. The great increase in the population of the
German Empire up to the beginning of the 2Oth century was mainly
due to a high birth-rate. Between 1870 and 1900 the birth-rate
maintained a level of 36-9 per 1,000 of the average population dur-
ing that period. An average of 1,800,000 children were born alive
annually. The average surplus of births over deaths amounted
approximately to 600,000 annually. The comparative lowness of
the birth surplus, if the high level of the birth-rate be taken into
consideration, was due to the rather unsatisfactory death-rate. Dur-
ing the three decades 1870-1900 the death-rate fluctuated between
21-7 and 31-0 per 1,000 of the average population. From 1900
onwards the birth-rate was steadily on the decrease, and in 1914
it was only 26-8 per 1 ,000 of the average population. Simultaneously,
however, the death-rate declined, not only owing to a lower death-
rate among adults, but also because of a considerable decrease in
infant mortality. The death-rate as a whole declined from 23-2
per 1,000 in 1900 to 15-8 in 1913, and infant mortality from 207 per
1,000 infants born alive to 151. In spite of the declining birth-rate,
therefore, the surplus of births over deaths remained at the same
level as heretofore. The birth surplus did not entirely cease until
a few years before the outbreak of the World War. During the
war the birth-rate and the rate of mortality were greatly affected
by war conditions. From the middle of 1915 the birth-rate dropped
rapidly and reached its lowest point in 1917, namely 13-9 per 1,000
of the population. In this year only 912,109 children were born
alive. The rate of mortality rose during the same period. This was
due, on the one hand, to the heavy losses by casualties, and, on the
other, to the high rate of mortality among civilians, whose health
had been gre'atly weakened by the blockade. The highest death-
rate was in 1918, when, partly owing to the influenza pandemic, it
rose to 24-7. After the Armistice the birth-rate began to recover, and
from the middle of 1919 it rose with great rapidity, 1,512,162 chil-
dren being born alive in 1920 (26-3 per 1,000 of the pop.), with a
surplus of 623,367 births over deaths in that year, the death-rate
having sunk practically to the pre-war level. Infant mortality, which
in 1913 was 151 per 1,000 born alive, was 164 in 1914, 154 in 1915,
136 in 1916, 150 in 1917, 154 in 1918, 121 in 1919, and 131 in 1920.
For every 1,000 female infants born alive the number of male in-
fants was 1,053 in the year 1910, 1,055 in 1915, and 1,080 in 1919.
The reasons for this rise in the proportion of male infants have not
been fully ascertained; it may probably be attributed to the de-
crease in the number of infants born dead. The rate of stillbirths
(number born dead per 100 births) had declined from 3-1 in 1900
to 2-99 in 1919, though it rose again to 3-2 in 1920. In the case of
stillborn infants, the proportion of the sexes is approximately 100
females to 127 males. A decline in the rate of stillbirths would there-
fore result in increasing the proportion of male infants born alive.
During the three decades 1871-1900, approximately 90% of the
infants born alive were legitimate and 10% illegitimate. The
proportion of illegitimate births has been almost continuously on
the increase since 1903. During the war the increase was especially
marked. The cause of this increase is to be traced, not so much
to a rise in the number of illegitimate births as to the comparatively
larger decrease in the number of legitimate births. The number of
illegitimate infants to every 1,000 infants born was 91 in 1910, 98
in 1914, 112 in 1915, 115 in 1917, 131 in 1918, and 112 in 1919.
In 1910 the marriage-rate was 7-7 per 1,000 of the population.
During the war, the number of marriages decreased materially
(4-1 in 1915 and 1916, 4-7 in 1917, 5-4 in 1918), but there was a great
increase afterwards (13-9 in 1919, 14-8 in 1920). The number was
particularly great in the second quarter of 1920.
Divorces have increased both absolutely and relatively. In 1910
there were 23-3 divorces per 100,000 inhabitants; in 1914 the number
had risen to 26-2, and in 1919 it had reached 36-2.
Occupations. Table VI shows the division of the population
in 1920 according to occupations, on a basis corresponding to that
of the census of occupations taken in 1907.
TABLE VI. Occupation in 1920.
Total
population
Persons
whose
emolument
is derived
from their
chief occu-
pation
Members
of their
families
and their
domestic
servants
A. Agriculture and forestry
B. Industry and mining
C. Commerce and traffic;
hotel-keeping .
D. Hired labour, various
kinds; personal service
E. Public service; profes-
sions ....
A-E
F. Unemployed .
15,271,767
24,833,853
7,730,501
723,292
3,051,149
8,671,666
10,600,512
3,256,063
435,633
1,523,424
6,600,101
14,233,341
4,474,438
287,659
1,527,725
51,610,562
4,764,028
24,487,298
3,141,916
27,123,264
1,622,112
A F. Total population
56,374,590
27,629,214
28,745,3/6
As compared with the Germany of 1907, the agricultural side
had in 1920 been somewhat reduced and the industrial enlarged.
Agriculture. In 1913 an inquiry was held as to the way in which
the cultivation of the land was distributed. Table VII gives an
application of its results to the territories of the Reich as constituted
after the war.
By the cession of territory under the Peace Treaty Germany
forfeited I4.-8 % of its arable land and 24 % of its vineyards. About
one-quarter of the total land of the newly constituted Reich is
forest; approximately one-half of the total forest land consists of
privately owned forests and the other half, for the most part,
of state and communal forests. Two-thirds of the woods consist of
conifers. The pine tree is the most common of these; not more
than one-third of these coniferous woods consists of trees other than
pines. Of this third the larger proportion is formed of fir trees. Of
deciduous trees, beeches are the most numerous. One-fifth of the
timber is oak. N. Germany is not so rich in forests as central and S.
Germany. All the smaller mountain ranges, such as the Black
Forest range, the Thuringian and Oden ranges, are wooded. To
the N. there is a small stretch of land along the Baltic covered with
oaks and beeches. There are practically no forests in the N.W. ;
in that region wide stretches of peat-moor predominate.
According to the harvest statistics for Nov. 1920 the chief prod-
ucts of the arable land were cultivated over the following areas
(in hectares): wheat, 1,381,274; rye, 4,325,247; spelt and winter
spelt, 158,802; summer barley, 1,198,462; oats, 3,243,672; potatoes,
2, 459,872; grass, clover and lucerne, 7,703,535; sugar-beet, 326,974.
TABLE VII. Cultivation (in 1,000 hectares').
Houses and
Territories
Land under
tillage
and gardens
Meadow-
land
Pasturage
Fruit
Farms
Vine-
yards
Forests
and
Woods
farmyards,
waste land
and shores,
roads,
waterways
Prussia
14,440-1
2,844-8
1,689-4
14-7
2O-2
7,461-7
3,194-8
Bavaria*
3,002-3
1,323-8
247-2
3-5
21-3
2,494-3
493-5
Saxony . .
841-7
174-1
8-4.
0-6
0-3
377-6
91-3
Wiirttemberg
846-9
295-2
48-8
22-3
18-9
604-8
114-0
Baden
561-2
213-5
41-0
o-5
15-0
588-9
87-0
Thuringiaf
606-6
121-1
13-7
2-7
O-I
408-8
79-1
Hesse
365-5
93-7
7-9
3'3
14-4
242-0
42-0
Mecklenburg-Schwerin .
743-5
116-4
66-8
O-I
246-0
143-4
Mecklenburg-Strelitz
138-6
21-7
9-7
64-5
58-4
Oldenburg
191-1
95-o
120-9
O-2
66-8
168-9
Brunswick
187-3
33-1
6-8
0-4
IIO-2
27-5
Anhalt
I37-I
16-9
2-2
o-5
58-5
14-7
Waldeck
47-5
9-0
6-2
43-2
6-2
Schaumburg-Lippe
16-8
4-3
I-I
6-7
5-1
Lippe
64-7
6-8
11-7
O-I
33-o
5-2
Lubeck
15-8
2-4
2-O
4-2
5-5
Bremen
6-2
7-9
5-8
5-4
Hamburg
17-1
3-9
5-9
1-6
14-0
German Reich ,
22,230-0
5.382-6
2,295-6
48-9
91-2
12.812-8
4,556-o
' Excluding Coburg. f Including Coburg.
Rye is cultivated principally in the N. and E., while the cultivation
of wheat is more extensive in the W. and S.
During the war years agricultural production was greatly re-
duced, and even in 1920 it had not nearly regained the level of 1913.
The cause was the dearth of labour, which was most acute on the
large properties, and also, to a great extent, the lack of manures,
especially artificial manures. The decrease in production was, on
the whole, most marked where large properties predominated.
The average quantities (in tons) produced per hectare throughout
the Reich were in 1920 as follows: wheat 1-63 (average of 1909-13,
2-15); rye 1-15 (1-82) ; barley 1-50 (2-08); oats 1-50 (1-98); potatoes
11-48 (13-71); clover and lucerne 5-16 (471); grass 4-31 (4-28).
The crops throughout the Reich amounted in 1920 (in tons) to:
wheat, 2,255,055; winter spelt, 178,864; rye, 4,971,800; summer
barley, 1,799,713; oats, 4,870,126; potatoes, 28,248,765; sugar-beet,
7,964,024; clover and lucerne, 11,419,406; grass, 23,656,436.
The yield of grain and fodder is quite inadequate for the require-
ments of the population of the German Reich, and Germany is com-
pelled to import the larger proportion of both from overseas. Even
the sugar-beet crop of 1920 was insufficient for the requirements of
the country, in contrast to the years before the war when Germany
was able to export large quantities. During the years 1913 to 1920
the production of raw sugar was as follows (in 1,000 doppelzent-
ner; a do p pelzentner or double hundredweight being 220 Ib. or 100
kgm.): 1913, 27,159; 1914, 25,101; 1915, 15,153; 1916, 15,579;
1917, 15,411; 1918, 13,277; 1919,7,890; 1920, 10,633.
The cultivation of hops extended during the years before the out-
break of war over approximately 27,000 hectares. The greater
part of this, 65 to 70 %, was carried on in Bavaria, and 25 to 30 % in
Alsace-Lorraine and Wiirttemberg. During the war, the cultivation
of hops declined very considerably. In 1919 only 8,030 hectares
were under cultivation, but in 1920 the area rose again to 11,595
hectares, the crop that year amounting to 60,253 doppelzentners
(see above). Owing to the restrictions placed on brewing, the demand
for hops during the war was, of course, small.
In 1914 the number of breweries within the area in which beer
was dutiable (that is, exclusive of Bavaria, Wiirttemberg and Baden)
was 3, 602, with an output of 34,2 1 3,000 hectolitres; ; and in 1918 there
were 2,192, with an output of 10,422,000 hectolitres. From 1919
onwards the three territories already named were included in the
area in which beer was subject to duty. Within this area there were,
in 1913, 23,229 breweries with an annual output of some 70 million
hectolitres of beer. In 1919 only 11,477 breweries were at work.
In 1920 .the output of beer amounted to 23-3 million hectolitres.
The output of spirits amounted, up to 1914, to about 3-5 million
hectolitres annually. From 1914 to 1918 there was an average
annual output of 2-3 million hectolitres; and in 1919-20 the output
dropped to 0-6 million hectolitres. In 1913-4 there were 53,448
distilleries at work, and in 1918-^9 only 30,577.
The area under tobacco cultivation was 14,162 hectares in 1913
with a crop of 258,339 doppelzentners. In 1920 (partly in conse-
quence of the loss of territory through the Peace Treaty), the area
was 12,927 hectares, the crop in 1919 having fallen off to 205,836
doppelzentners. Tobacco is mainly grown in the territories of
Baden and Bavaria (1920, 7,238 hectares). The principal plantations
in the E. are to be found in the provinces of Brandenburg, Pom-
erania and E. and W. Prussia.
In 1920 the area under vine-culture in Germany amounted to
72,661 hectares, as compared with 120,207 hectares in 1906, but this
diminution includes the loss of the Alsace-Lorraine vineyards to
Germany. The output of must had fluctuated enormously from
year to year. In 1904 it amounted to 3,118,000 hectolitres, as com-
pared with 695,000 hectolitres in 1910. In 1920 the output amounted
to 2,440,000 hectolitres.
Live Stock. 4)n Dec. I 1913 it was reckoned that there were,
within the territory of the late empire, 21 million head of cattle, 5-5
million sheep, 25-7 million pigs and 3-5 million goats. During the
war live stock was seriously affected by the curtailment of fodder
supplies, and was greatly reduced both in numbers and in weight per
head. According to the census of live stock in the reconstituted area
of Germany in Dec. 1920, as compared with the same territory in
1913, the figures "were: horses, 3,581,380 (3,821,000 in 1913);
cattle, 16,789,844 (18,648,271); sheep 6,139,299 (4,991,959); pigs,
14,149,462 (22,775,120); goats, 4,451,463 (3,256,853) ; and poultry,
60,751,686. Thus the figures for 1920 had fallen far short of those
for 1913; but they cannot be viewed in their true light unless ac-
count is taken of the comparative weights of animals slaughtered.
These were as follows (in kgm.) for the year 1919-20, as compared
with pre-war averages: oxen, 155 (250); calves, 31 (40); sheep, 17
(22) ; pigs, 75 (85). These figures show that the reduction in weight
of animals slaughtered was considerable under each heading.
The distribution of live stock throughout the different territories
is very uneven. Prussia, in consequence of its great extent, has the
largest number. Horse-breeding is particularly flourishing in E.
Prussia (breeding farm at Trakehnen), Schleswig-Holstein, Mecklen-
burg, Oldenburg, Hanover, Saxony (breeding farm at Graditz), and
in Wiirttemberg and Bavaria. Bavaria is richest in cattle; in this
territory the pastures on the mountains (Alpenrevier, Algau) are
particularly favourable to cattle-rearing. But cattle-rearing is also
carried on throughout the meadowlands of the hills and valleys of
GERMANY
235
Wiirttemberg, Thuringia and Hesse. It also forms the principal
means of livelihood in the marshy lands on the Baltic, in Schleswig-
Holstein, Pomerania and Mecklenburg. Pig-breeding is most ex-
tensively practised in Central Germany, but it also flourishes in
Saxony, Westphalia and on the Lower Rhine. Sheep-breeding,
which had been steadily on the decrease before the war, developed
enormously in the later years. It is especially active in the northern
parts of Germany in the less fertile and productive districts and in
those containing large private properties. The development of
sheep-breeding has been due to the shortage of wool in Germany and
also to the lack of agricultural labour. But in spite of the increase
in sheep-breeding, the production of wool falls far short of Ger-
many's requirements. Goats and rabbits are especially numerous in
Saxony, where there was great shortage of food during the war.
Necessity forced the inhabitants of this territoiy to make up the
deficiency in food supplies to some extent by keeping small stock.
The comparatively small quantity of live stopk in Germany is
totally inadequate for the supply of the population with meat and
milk. During the war the people suffered very greatly from this
shortage. The only means of securing to every individual a small
share of meat and milk was by rationing the supply.
Fisheries. The inland waters of Germany are fairly well stocked
with fish. The fisheries on Lake Constance yielded 297 tons of fish
in 1920, as compared with 390 tons in 1913. The sea fisheries in
1920 provided a larger yield than in any year before the war, and it
was anticipated that, within the next few years, it would have
increased to such an extent that Germany would no longer require
to import fish from other countries. In 1920, 196,487 tons were
caught in the North Sea and the Baltic, as compared with 183,900
tons caught during the most favourable year before the war, 1913.
Mineral Resources. Germany, before the war, was the richest
country on the European continent in iron ore, potassium and coal.
In the last full year before the war, 1913, the raw mineral output
amounted to 323,672,400 tons, with a value of 2,674-6 million marks.
Table VIII shows the details.
TABLE VIII. Mineral Products, 1913.
Quantity
in 1,000
tons
Value in
1,000
marks
Persons
employed
Pit coal
190,109-4
2,135,978
654.017
Brown coal ....
87.233'!
191,920
58,958
Iron ore
28,607-9
II57I8
42,296
Lead, silver and zinc ores .
2,884-8
50,295
21,282
Arsenic ore ....
25-8
292
13,292
Copper ore ....
Sulphur ore ....
947-8
268-6
32,028
2,173
821
Wolfram ore ....
I5'8
181
148
Tin, cobalt, nickel and bis-
muth ores ....
34'3
568
585
Mineral oil ....
I2I-O
8,514
964
Asphalt
I5-5
792
215
Graphite
I2-I
266
313
Salt
I3,306-3
135,825
39,269
Total
323,672-4
2,674,550
832,160
During the war the output of minerals increased very considerably.
Pit coal, iron ore and asphalt were the only products showing a con-
siderable decline, the output of iron ore and coal being lowest in
1915. By the Treaty of Versailles, the German Reich lost valuable
mineral resources. The annexation by France of Alsace-Lorraine in
particular deprived Germany of its most productive sources of iron
ore. In 1913, 74% of the total output of iron ore in Germany came
from Alsace-Lorraine. The German political revolution of Nov. 1918,
moreover, seriously affected output, since the introduction of the
8-hour day and the 7-hour shift in mines resulted in a great falling-off
of production. This was accentuated by the diminished efficiency of
labour owing to malnutrition resulting from the blockade during
the war. A further economic loss to Germany arose out of the
decision of the Peace Treaty to deprive the country for 15 years of all
products from the Saar district. Hence, the total output in 1919
amounted to no more than 228,844,100 tons with a value of 77,314
million paper marks; the number of persons employed being 870,112.
The chief metals produced mainly from ores in 1913 were: iron,
16,763,800 tons, valued at 1,087,923,000 marks; lead, 188,000 tons,
valued at 77,692,000 marks; copper, 53,800 tons, valued at 67,579,-
ooo marks; bronze and brass, 3,000 tons, valued at 3,888,000 marks;
raw and refined zinc, 278,800 tons, valued at 124,403,000 marks;
tin, 12,000 tons, valued at 48,353,000 marks; nickel, 5,200 tons,
valued at 15,509,000 marks. The output of these metals had been
greatly diminished in the reconstituted Germany of 1919-20. The
output from the smelting furnaces alone had been reduced by 23 %
(as compared with 1913). In 1919 the production in Germany was
as follows: iron, 5,791,400 tons; lead, 57,600 tons; copper, 38,400
tons; raw and refinld zinc, 97,400 tons; tin, 100 tons; nickel, 500
tons.
Coal and Lignite. The coal output of Germany attained great
dimensions in the 2pth century. In 1860 the pit-coal production
amounted to 12-3 million tons and the brown-coal (lignite) produc-
tion to 4-4 million tons; the output had increased in 1900 to 109-3
2.36
GERMANY
million tons of coal and 40-5 million tons of lignite, and in 1913 the
output was 190-1 million tons of pit coal (valued at 2,136,000,000
marks) and 67-6 million tons of brown coal (valued at 191,900,000
marks). Owing to loss of territory, the introduction of the 8-hour
day and the reduced working capacity of the miners, only 140,757,000
tons of pit coal were produced in 1920, in spite of the fact that the
number of workers in every coal-mining district had increased con-
siderably. (The number increased in the Ruhr district, for in-
stance, from 390,647 at the close of 1913 to 542,598 in May 1921 ; in
Upper Silesia from 123,349 at the close of 1913 to 189,300 in Jan.
1921.) The output of brown coal (lignite), on the other hand (see
FUEL), was increased, amounting in 1920 to 11,634,000 tons.
The most important mining districts for pit coal were the Ruhr
district (11^,487,000 tons in 1913; 84,986,000 tons in 1920) and
Upper Silesia (43,435,000 tons in 1913; 31,686,000 tons in 1920).
The next in importance was the Saar district (13,217,000 tons in
1913; 9,410,000 in 1920), of whose output, however, Germany was
deprived under the Peace Treaty.
Coal is also produced, although in much smaller quantities, in
Saxony, Lower Silesia, in the neighbourhood of Aix-la-Chapelle, and
in the Wealden district near Hanover.
The most important brown-coal (lignite) mining districts are
situated to the right and left of the Elbe, namely, the Thuringia-Sax-
ony district, the districts of Lower and Upper Lausitz and the
Brunswick-Magdeburg district. The brown-coal mining district on
the Lower Rhine, near Cologne, is also very extensive. Small
deposits are also to be found in Westerwald, Upper and Lower
Hesse, and in Upper Bavaria. More than one-third of the total
output is obtained from the Thuringia-Saxony district.
The development of the coke and briquette production corre-
sponds to that of the coal output; of recent years coke production
has declined, but the production of brown-coal briquettes has con-
siderably increased, as shown more particularly in the year 1920.
In 1913, 34,630,000 tons of coke and 21,977,000 tons of brown-coal
briquettes were produced; in 1920 the production was 25,177,000
tons of coke and 24,282,000 tons of brown-coal briquettes.
Graphite is only obtained in Lower Bavaria. In 1919 the output
amounted to 30,525 tons, representing a value of 5,480,942 marks.
Asphalt quarries are found in Prussia in the province of Hanover,
and in Brunswick. The output in 1919 amounted to 12,554 tons
with a value of 273,395 marks.
Petroleum. The principal mineral-oil fields of Germany are in
the Hanoverian lowlands between the Weser mountains and the
Teutoburg forest. The large oil-field in Lower Alsace passed, with
the cession of Alsace and Lorraine, into French possession. The
production of mineral oil in 1913 amounted to 121,000 tons, with a
value of 8-5 million marks; in 1919 it was 37,442 tons.
Iron Ore. The presence of large quantities of iron ore in Germany
was the main cause of the steady expansion of the heavy goods in-
dustry and a fruitful source of the increasing wealth of the country.
Within the German customs area (including the Grand Duchy of
Luxemburg) the output in 1910 was 28,710,000 tons, valued at 106,-
800,000 marks; and in 1913, excluding Luxemburg, it amounted to
28,607,900 tons, falling, however, in 1915 to 17,709,600 tons. In
1919 the output was further diminished to 6,156,049 tons with a
value of 218,327,000 paper marks. By far the greater proportion
of the total ore output, about 75%, used to consist of minette, and
by the cession of the minette districts of Alsace-Lorraine Germany
lost the whole of her minette production. The most productive ore
districts still remaining in the possession of the German Republic
are in the Siegerland-Wieda sparry iron ore district, the district of
Peine and Salzgitter, the Nassau-Upper Hessian district and the
Vogelsberg district.
Before the war Germany ranked second to the United States in
the iron production of the world. In 1910, the production was
14,794,000 tons. In 1913 the output of pig iron in Germany, ex-
clusive of Luxemburg, amounted to 16,763,809 tons; owing to the
war it fell in 1915 to 10,154,700 and in 1919 to 5,791,433 tons.
Lead and Zi/ic. The principal lead and zinc mines are situated in
Upper Silesia and near Aix-la-Chapelle. Smaller deposits are
worked in the Upper Harz, within the Hildesheim administrative
area, in the Erz mountains near Freiberg and in the Black Forest.
The output for several years before the war was maintained at
practically the same level. In 1913 it amounted to 2,884,758 tons.
From that time up to 1915 there was a sharp decline; in 1918,
however, the output again reached 2,812,700 tons. In 1919 the
output in Upper Silesia and the Rhineland fell to 1,703,413 tons.
In 1913 the production of lead amounted to 205,400 tons and that
of zinc to 278,800; in 1919 it fell to 57,580 tons and 97,397 tons,
respectively. The principal lead-smelting works are in Saxony, in
the Harz and within the areas of Aix-la-Chapelle and Cologne ; the
largest number of zinc-smelting works are in Upper Silesia, where
the output of zinc in 1913 amounted to 60 % of the German output.
Copper. In 1913 the output of copper ore amounted 10947,757
tons and 53,852 tons of copper was produced. -The ore was chiefly
obtained from the Harz, and from the districts of Mansfeld, Lower
Silesia and Saxony. Smaller quantities were obtained from the
Rhine district and in the neighbourhood of Stadtberg. In 1919 616,-
809 tons of copper ore were obtained and 38,370 tons of copper
manufactured, but mostly not from ore.
Of tin the output in 1913 was 12,048 tons. The output in 1919
amounted to 83 tons.
Salt. The territories of Saxony and Anhalt are the richest in
salt ; here are the great rock-salt pits of Stassf urt and Leopoldshall.
In. 1913 there were 153 salt mines under exploitation, besides 72
salt pits. The principal salt pits are in the Saxony-Thuringia district.
Out of a total output of 13,306.300 tons in 1913, rock-salt repre-
sented 1,349 581 tons and potassic crude salt 11,956,528 tons. Ac-
cording to statements of the Kalisyndikat (Potash Syndicate),
7-8 million tons of potassic salt were produced in 1919, and 11-4
million tons in 1920. The total output for 1913 was valued at 135-8
million marks. In the salt works 675.903 tons of refined salt and
8,986 tons of other salts were produced; in 1919 the total production
was 296,854 tons.
Industry. Thanks to the great mineral resources of the country,
to the energy of the people, and to the organized application of
science to industry, Germany had been able to extend her industrial
activities enormously in the generation before the war.
Table IX gives the statistics for industrial occupations and the
persons employed in them, according to the census of industry in
1907, adjusted to the population represented in the restricted ter-
ritory of 1919-20.
TABLE IX. Industrial Occupations.
Industrial
Groups
No._of
principal
works
No. of
secondary
works
No. of
persons
employed
No. of
labourers
among
these
Landscape and mar-
ket gardening.
32,325
1,802
113,166
65,248
Live-stock rearing
and fisheries .
15,359
7,650
29,424
10,843
Mining and smelting
4-989
747
813,956
772,776
Stones and earth
44,532
4-476
721,280
649,652
Metal manufactures
14^776
12,886
900,432
707,758
Machines and instru-
ments
87,777
12,971
1,072,317
870,595
Chemical industry .
9,926
547
165,604
128,868
Illuminants, soaps, etc.
5,745
982
88,415
67,352
Textiles
129,619
22,948
1,005,450
785,982
Paper ....
19,182
1,376
223,702
186,779
Leather
47,028
3,965
198,571
136,462
Timber and carving-
materials
189,611
32,108
719,222
492,310
Foodstuffs and lux-
uries
288,768
47,801
1,160,506
7I547I
Clothing
640,459
45.718
1,230,046
506,409
Cleaning
117,382
",574
239,991
108,554
Building
194,574
22,405
1,454,919
1,183.293
Photography
18,008
1,199
201,384
161,951
Industrial art .
n,776
585
29,143
15,499
Commerce .
789,227
230,531
1,944,189
680,428
Insurance .
22,847
34>37
66,447
4,530
Traffic and transport
83,044
23,466
387,108
263,448
Hotel-keeping and
liquor trade .
303,033
41,215
749,240
269,971
Music, theatres, ex-
hibitions
23,742
9,426
83,866
19,223
The census of 1907 showed that the number of persons industrially
employed had constantly increased, since the corresponding census
in 1882 and 1895, in a higher ratio than the number of industrial
concerns, so that the size of these concerns had increased from one
census to the other. In 1882 the average number of persons engaged
in the principal works was estimated at 2-5, 1895 at 3-2 and in 1907
at 4-2. The number of industrially employed persons increased also
more rapidly in proportion than the total population. While the
pop. as a whole increased by 14-5% between 1882 and 1907, the
industrial pop. increased within the same period by 39-9%. A
steadily augmenting proportion of the German pop. had thus found
employment in industrial work. From 1895 to 1907 theindustries
connected with foodstuffs and luxuries and with machinery, in-
struments and apparatus, showed the greatest development of all
in this respect. The increase in the number of persons employed in
these industries and in the building trade amounted to over half a
million in each branch. In the machinery, instrument and apparatus-
making industry, the increase amounted to 92-3%, and in the build-
ing trade to 49-6%. The number of textile works decreased by 87,-
399, or 35-2%, but the number of persons employed in them increased
by 95,023, or 9-6 %. While a marked decrease took place in the num-
ber of works engaged in the metal manufactures, wooden and carved
goods and in the clothing industry, the number of persons employed
in these branches of industry increased as follows: in the metal
industry by 46-5%, in the timber and carved goods industry by
28-8 % and in the clothing industry by 6-5 %. In 1907 the building
trade employed the greatest number of persons; next came the
clothing industry, the foodstuffs and luxuries industries, the manu-
facture of machinery, instruments and apparatus and the textile
industry. As a result of the war this grouping underwent a con-
siderable alteration. In 1921 conditions were such that the building
GERMANY
237
trade had undoubtedly forfeited its leading position. The mining
and smelting industry probably assumed that place; this industry
employed only 813,956 persons in 1907, but must certainly have
given occupation to considerably more than a million persons at
the end of 1921. Similarly, the extent of the textile industry greatly
diminished. During the war and afterwards this industry suffered
particularly severely from the lack of raw materials, so that many
Factories were forced to close down. This shortage had not yet been
made good in 192 1 . The clothing industry had also certainly suffered.
On the other hand, the number of persons employed in the metal
and chemical industries, in the production of wooden and carved
goods, and in the paper industry, was proportionately far greater in
1921 than in 1907. It was impossible, however, in 1921 to obtain
definite statistics. There had been no new industrial census, and the
various branches of industry were in such a state of flux that it
might happen that an industry was at an absolute standstill one
day, so that persons engaged in it were forced to enter another, while
the next day this same industry had become a refuge for large
numbers of unemployed.
An approximate idea, however, of the decline in production may
be derived from the exports of Germany in 1920, as compared with
those of 1913, in different categories of products of the iron industry
(Table X).
TABLE X. Exports of Iron Goods.
Class of goods
Export
. 1913
(in cwt.)
Export
1920
(in cwt.)
Decrease
(-)or In-
crease (+)
per cent
Ornamental castings and other
fine castings, non-malleable,
fireplaces, ovens, etc.
811,409
675,004
-16-8
Parts of machines of non-malle-
able cast iron. Parts of en-
ginesfships, etc.
578,873
7LI95
-87-7
Tin raw, annealed, worked,
dressed, polished, cut, etc.
6,651,324
2,478,807
-62-7
Wire rolled or drawn in the
rough or finished product
4,626,586
839,079
-81-9
Tramway and railway rails,
railway sleepers, fishplates,
chairs, plate screws, etc.
6,574,144
1,520,159
-76-9
Railway axles, wheels, spokes,
mountings of railway car-
riages, etc
1,255,342
368,796
70-6
Bridges and component parts of
bridges. Iron building ma-
terials of wrought iron
1,098,710
435.886
-60-3
Locomotive and traction engine
boilers and funnels of worked
iron, combined parts of the
same, etc. ....
288,658
'IO8,'14.O
+ 6-8
Ploughs (excluding traction
O ,OT^
power ploughs), ploughshares,
harrows, etc
375,515
163,918
-56-3
Heavy forks for hay, dung, tur-
nips, coke, stones, etc. .
24,43
13.335
-45-4
Scythes, sickles, knives, straw-
cutters, picks .
38-312
27,806
-27-4
Pieces for cross-saws, hand-
saws . . .
40,264
32,727
-18-7
Files, rasps
27,672
18,611
32-7
All classes of rough cutlery with
the exception of rough knives
and shears ....
58,295
53,446
- 8-3
Scales (for weighing) except
automatic scales and scales of
precision, flat-irons, etc.
68,377
105,298
+54-0
Wire ropes and cords, barbed
wire, plaited wire, wire net-
ting, wire clamps, etc.
468,231
226,858
-SI'S
Pins, cut nails (tacks, brads,
drawing pins) ....
661,466
305,802
-53-8
House and kitchen equipment.
Cooking-utensils made of sheet
iron and several parts of these
320,891
207,590
-35'3
Building, furnishing appurten-
ances, doors, furniture (chains,
and similar component parts
of furniture, doors, ventila-
tors, etc.)
226,020
147,418
-34-8
In contradistinction to the iron industry, the German textile
industry rests only partially on indigenous production. Germany's
dependence in her textile industries on foreign markets for raw ma-
terials became very apparent during the World War, when resort
had to be made to substitutes to a large extent. The manufacture
of cloths made of nettles, and particularly of paper, was developed.
The former was, however, very expensive, and the latter produced
wares which, though fairly durable, were on the whole very uncom-
fortable to wear. Both branches greatly diminished in importance
when the import of raw materials once more became possible. How
severely the cotton industry was still suffering in 1920 is best shown
by the fact that the total imports of raw cotton in the first 10 months
of 1920 amounted to only 1,070,543 double-cwt. compared with
4,223,071 during the same period in 1913. To meet this deficiency,
92,487 double-cwt. of prepared, bleached, dyed, printed and woven
calico and embroideries had to be imported as against an export of
272,279 double cwt. in the same period of the year 1913.
The German chemical industry increased enormously during the
war years. Germany's severance from the world's markets (especially
from the supply of nitrate) compelled her to provide her own ma-
terials. Enormous works sprang up in Upper Silesia and particularly
in Thuringia for the artificial production of nitrogen.
Before the war, Germany possessed almost a world monopoly in
the production of aniline dyes. In 1907 24 establishments employing
9,071 people were engaged in this industry. In 1920, however, the
export of dyes and dyestuffs was only 40 % of the pre-war amounts.
Labour Market, Wages, Prices. German production had received
a tremendous blow through the war and the political revolution
of Nov. 1918. In a still higher degree than for the output of raw
materials does this hold good for the manufacture of finished articles.
The diminution there was due not merely to the cessions of territory,
the introduction of the 8-hour day and the diminished working
capacity of labour, but also to the increased difficulty of obtaining
raw materials and of finding markets. The result of these 'conditions
in the first years after the Armistice was a vast amount of unemploy-
ment. The statistics compiled with regard to unemployment and
applications for work give only an incomplete picture of the situa-
tion. The greater part of the unemployment was not total but partial.
The number of workers affected by short-time represents many
times the number of the totally unemployed. According to the
demobilization commissioner's figures, on Jan. 15 1920 there were
454,775 heads of households in receipt of relief, and 379,071 receiving
supplementary grants; and on June I 1921 the corresponding
figures were 357,850 and 384,003. At the different trade unions
26,144 persons reported themselves at the end of Nov. 1918 as
out of work; at the beginning of 1920, 129,972; and at the be-
ginning of 1921, 225,581. At the end of Nov. 1918, 264 applications
were made at the labour exchanges for every 100 vacant situations
for male workers; in May 1921 the figure was still high, 204. To
relieve the distress of the unemployed masses the system of doles
was introduced by ordinance in Nov. 1918.
The difficulties of the labour situation were only affected in a
comparatively small measure by the question of wages. It ;s true
that the political revolution of Nov. 1918 was accompanied by a
demand for higher wages ; but the rise was only rarely out of propor-
tion to the increase in the cost of living. What was specially notable
in the wage movement was the approximation to a uniform level
in the cost of the wages of workers who were formerly paid on
different scales. This levelling arose from the fact that the wages
of the lowest-paid classes rose comparatively far higher than those
of the classes which were formerly highly paid. For instance,
in the mining industry of the Ruhr the wages of the actual miners
(who were occupied below ground) did not rise quite 900%, while
the wages of young male workers rose by almost 1,500%. A similar
development took place in all occupations and in all social strata.
Among commercial salaried employees, for instance, between 1913
and 1921, salaries rose 500% for men over the age of 30; for men
under 20 they rose by 790 %; for females over 30 years of age salaries
rose by 830 %, and for females under 20 by 970 %.
Generally speaking, however, it may be said that, in the summer of
1921, except in a very few strata at each end of the social scale, the
standard of living was very much below that of 1913.
The rise in wages was largely governed by the cost of living. If
the average cost of normal rations for a family of five persons in
1913 be represented by 100, the following index figures emerge for
1920 and 1921:
Feb. 1920
March 1920
April 1920
May
June
July
Aug.
Sept.
Oct.
Nov.
1920
1920
1920
1920
1920
1920
1920
635
747
648
868
845
856
790
779
843
882
Dec. 1920
Jan. 1921
Feb. 1921
March 1921
April 1921
May
June
July
Aug.
1921
1921
1921
1921
934
944
901
901
894
880
896
963
1,045
In connexion with these figures it must be borne in mind that the
prices of certain classes of goods, on which the index figures are
based, were kept down by means of considerable subsidies from the
Reich. For what are called " free goods," i.e. uncontrolled commod-
ities, the rise in prices was much greater and more sudden. This
may partly be observed in the index of wholesale prices which the
Statistical Office of the Reich issued subsequently to Jan. 1921.
The index figures for the prices of these articles' were as follows
(too being taken to represent the index figure of 1913):
Ian. 1920 . . . 1,243 March 1920 . . . 1,694
Feb. 1920 . . . 1,670 April 1920 . . . 1,556
Tan. 1921
Feb. 1921
March 1921
April 1921
May 1921
}une 1921
uly 1921
1,436
1,372
1,334
1,323
1,306
1,365
1,425
238
May 1920 1,502
June 1920 1,377
uly 1920 1,363
Aug. 1920 1,446
Sept. 1920 1,495
Oct. 1920 1,462
Nov. 1920 1,506
Dec. 1920 1,437
This index, however, is also influenced by statutory prices. In free
commerce prices rose in some instances fifty- and sixty-fold. The
situation, of course, was always subject to the course of depreciation
in the value of the mark, German prices tending to rise as the
value of the mark abroad fell and vice versa.
Commerce. In 1902 an entirely new tariff law was adopted and
came into force in 1906, when certain commercial treaties expired.
By the Treaty of Versailles, however, some of the fundamental
principles of the German customs tariff system were interfered with.
Goods from regions formerly German are now duty-free or enjoy
preferential treatment. Germany's freedom to conclude commercial
treaties is restricted by the provision that most favoured treatment
granted to any country by Germany is automatically extended to the
Allied and Associated Powers. As a general rule, however, the
German arrangements which were in force before the World War
remained valid.
In accordance with the industrial development of Germany and
the necessity of exporting on a large scale, and thanks to the diligent
activities of German merchants and engineers, German foreign
trade underwent an immense expansion up to the year 1914. In
"special trade," inclusive of bullion, German imports had risen
(in millions of marks) from 9,130 in 1910 to 11,206 in 1913, and ex-
ports from 7,644 to 10,198. But on the outbreak of the WorH War
German foreign trade collapsed. The complete severance from the
world market caused by the blockade confined Germany to an ex-
tremely limited coastal trade with the northern neutral countries.
For 1919 the imports were valued officially at 32,376 million marks,
and the exports at 10,057 millions; but these amounts cannot be
compared with the statistics for former years, since the values they
give are in depreciated paper marks. Only by reducing paper
marks tp gold marks can comparable amounts be obtained. This
applies in a still greater measure to the values given for the year
1920. The exports for the year 1920 figured out at about 69-3
milliards of paper marks. No figures were issued for imports. To
form an idea of the extent of Germany's foreign trade in 1920 as
compared with that before the war a closer examination must be
made of the different kinds of goods and the quantities imported
and exported.
Imports. Germany, a country with a population much too large
in proportion to its agricultural production, and with industriesalso
too extensive by comparison with its natural resources, has, as a
natural consequence of this situation, an import trade which con-
sists principally of food-stuffs, raw materials and half-manufactured
goods. In 1913, of the total value of the imports 45-2% was raw
materials, 10-7% half-manufactured goods, and 26-3 % food-stuffs
and luxuries. The total value of the above amounted to 9,572-3
million marks. The import of finished goods was only 10-7% of
the total imports and amounted in value to 1,246-1 million marks.
In 1920 there had been no fundamental change m the relative pro-
TABLE XI. Imports and Exports of Fond (in douhle-cwt.).
GERMANY
1913
1920 (Jan.-Oct.)
Import
Export
Import
Export
Wheat
25,459,586
5,383,130
5,914,801
21,037
Rye .
Rye and wheatmeal .
Potatoes .
Fresh vegetables
Fruit and tropical
3,525,339
188,687
3,820,496
3,089,812
9,344,634
4,198,571
3,324,725
532,104
4,041,258
781,013
7,308,092
1,985,014
12,848
282,852
573,961
310,273
fruits
10,025,799
303,327
2,022,319
52,185
Wine ....
!, 303.367
208,342
865,493
Canned delicacies
7L556
8l,779
1,207,446
21,371
Rice ....
4,775,998
1,843,536
1,270,256
10,010
Beans, peas, lentils .
Barley and oats
2,119,870
37,432,455
120,295
6,677,568
1,765,431
774,486
46,376
51,018
Maize ....
9.186,553
346
4,089,317
II
Beef, veal, pork, mut-
ton, goats' flesh
549,325
16,605
1,390,352
1,017
Bacon
16,498
366
816,508
54
Lard .
1,073,869
169
1,234,132
Milk .
771,982
167,733
292,114
14,504
Butter
542,394
2,732
78,141
1,946
Cheese
262,646
7,270
228,357
784
Oil and vegetable
fats ....
Margarine and arti-
483,918
242,575
852,326
10,041-35
ficial fats
989
533,013
640,670
12,370
Sugar ....
27,670
11,262,170
982,948
68,259
Fish, fresh,
1,685,057
170,238
smoked, salted (bar.)
Tobacco
1,298,119
813,998
5,521
4,339
4,836,728
834,566
23,353
3,342
portions of these imports. The figures for food-stuffs are somewhat
more prominent, while for finished goods they are rather less. Table
XI shows the imports and exports of the principal food-stuffs for
1913 and 1920 respectively.
It is noteworthy that the import of grain (flour being reckoned in
the corresponding quantities of grain) in 1920 almost exactly corre-
sponded to the quantity required in 1913, taking into account the
diminution of territory in 1920; and further that the import of
potatoes, pulse, sugar, meat and fats had risen enormously.
Table -XII shows the imports and exports of raw materials.
TABLE XII. Imports and Exports of Raw Materials (indouble-cwt.).
1913
1920
Import
Export
Import
Export
Mineral oils .
12,943,547
334,604
4,201,901
73,279
Iron manganese .
160,151,493
27,772,847
64,504,207
1,605,200
Copper ore
Pyrites and pyritic
275,950
252,211
1,083,114
29,038
ores
10,257,321
282,141
4,785,097
26,641
Raw iron
1,243,161
7,829,108
979,994
1,259,216
Copper .
Aluminium
2,253,920
153,225
72,037
27,032
595,217
78,221
63,455
28,639
Lead
837,810
413,694
173,066
87,577
Tin ....
142,606
64,374
45,362
2,261
Zinc
559,642
1,052,435
5,268
278,776
Cotton .
5,211,280
525,834
1,498,793
6,753
Flax.
932,223
432,069
17,435
3,827
Hemp
616,966
89,434
l6 i,775
380
Jute
1,620,634
78,216
505,217
8,603
Wool
1,992,713
168,641
524,890
5,5i8
Silk ....
43,039
7,730
12,187
J-997
Hides
Rubber .
2,765,744
237,806
824,724
46,012
601,819
127,910
19,081
, 1,289
China clay
Rough wood
3,031,063
12,848,734
420,576
668,801
1,311,016
648,764
312,125
367,982
Coal
Lignite .
105,400,694
69,870,647
345,984,084
603,451
2,629,370
23,406,957
73,049,823
722,993
In the import of raw materials a great diminution is apparent in
the figures for 1920.
Exports. The fact that the expansion of Germany's exports be-
fore the war was due, not to the possession of raw materials so much
as to industrial enterprise and labour, is of decisive importance in
estimating the effects of her defeat and of the Peace of Versailles. If
the 132 milliards of gold marks which were demanded from Germany
by way of reparations were to be paid, this could only be done by
increased achievements on the part of German labour in the creation
of goods for export. Among German exports in 1913 the value of
metal goods (machinery, etc.) stood first, at more than 3 milliard
marks, or, roughly, three-tenths of the total. In 1920 they repre-
sented three-eights. The imports in this class in 1913 amounted only
to 830 million marks, leaving a large credit balance. The next highest
group of exports in point of value is that of the products of agriculture
and forestry, and other animal and vegetable products, food-stuffs,
etc., to the total of 1,728-2 million marks. It is counterbalanced,
however, by imports of the same categories to the value of 7 mil-
liards of gold marks. Only the products known as those of the
" secondary agricultural industries " show a balance in favour of
exports, particularly flour of all kinds; pearl barley, corn flour, ground-
nut oil, palm-kernel oil, coconut oil, potato starch, stiff rubber,
beet-root sugar, beer and mineral waters. In the third highest group
of exports, that of manufactured animal and vegetable fibres and
goods made of these, to the total value of 1,560-6 million marks in
1913, there was a considerable excess of exports over imports, more
than 700 million marks in all. In these exports woollen and cotton
goods took the first place. The export of woollen and cotton goods
alone amounted to almost one milliard marks in value. The situation
was equally favourable in other groups: chemical and pharma-
ceutical products; dyes and dyeing materials; leather and leather
goods; furriers' goods; catgut goods; paper and pasteboard, and
goods made therefrom; rubber goods, etc. It is only in the large
group of mineral raw materials and mineral oils that an export of
869-8 million marks in 1913 was set off by a larger amount of im-
ports, 1,087-3 million marks.
In 1920 the proportions of the different groups had considerably
altered. The second place was no longer occupied by the products
of agriculture and forestry, but by chemical products, dyes and dye-
stuffs. These are followed by textiles and mineral raw materials.
Next come agricultural and forestry products, and the other groups.
The exports of the most important goods in 1913 and 1920 (Jan.-
Oct.) are compared in Table XIII.
Before the war, the share of the different countries in Germany's
foreign trade was proportionate to their supplies of goods and raw
material and to their demand for finished goods. Russia took the
first place for imports into Germany from European countries. Ger-
man exports to Russia were correspondingly large. Great Britain,
Austria and France were the next most important sources of im-
ports. Then a long way after came Belgium, Holland and Italy;
and at the bottom of the list Sweden, Switzerland, Spain and
GERMANY
239
Denmark. Among non-European countries as sources of imports
the United States was the chief factor, with British India, the
Dutch Indies, Australia, Brazil and Chile well represented.
TABLE XIII. Principal Exports (in 1,000 double-owl.).
1913
1920
Sugar-beet seeds
296-5
I50-5
Hpps
64-9
98-1
Products of forestry . . . . .
7,885-2
10,188-7
Wood for building
3,938-4
8,521-7
Earths and stones
41,784-8
27,730-2
Coal and anthracite
345,984-i
73,049-8
Coke .
64,329-9
9,814-0
Chemical products
49,032-6
26,324-6
Salt, brine, etc
4,321-1
12,533-2
Rough salt
11,248-1
3,29i-7
Mineral manure (potash, etc.)
Sulphuric magnesia, chloride of potassium
4,608-7
5,859-4
4,952-3
l,583-7
Dyes and dyestuffs
2,620-0
1,015-4
Aniline dyes, etc
642-9
142-1
Alizarin, etc
110-4
33'3
^6-1
66-7
Fibrous textiles
OO" '
4,264-3
w i
782-7
Silk
137-1
33-7
Wool
755-2
121-7
Cotton
1,330-4
143-5
Leather
251-6
43-2
Leather goods
115-2
31-8
Furriers' goods
34-5
10-3
Rubber goods
197-1
3i-i
Wooden goods
790-0
1,050-3
Paper and paper goods
5,426-1
262-8
Books, pictures and paintings
243-0
118-7
Stone and mineral goods ....
1,881-0
3,184-1
Pottery
7,787-5
3,843-8
Glass and glass goods
2,458-1
1,184-3
Base metals and goods therefrom
68,519-4
18,478-8
Iron and iron alloys
65,024-9
17,506-0
Aluminium and aluminium alloys
83-7
84-1
Machinery
5,956-7
3,976-7
Electrotechnical goods
1,338-5
671-4
Vehicles
1,089-9
2,078-0
Watches
85-7
60- 1
Musical instruments .....
285-9
463-0
In 1920 there were no imports from Russia. The European States
which had been belligerents were sending very little ; and the largest
importing countries were the United States, Argentina, and the
European neutrals. In the import of iron ore, Lorraine and Luxem-
burg began to play a considerable part.
As regards German exports, on an average for the years 19103,
Great Britain took 14% of the total, Austria 1 1 -2%, Russia 7-9%,
United States 7-7%, Holland 6-7%, Switzerland 5-8%, Belgium
5-3 %, Italy 4-2 %, Argentina 2-9 %, Denmark 2-8 %, Sweden 2-3 %,
Brazil 1-9%, and Norway 1-6%. According to a calculation for the
first eight months of 1920, the proportionate shares of the different
countries in Germany's total export trade that year were as follows :
Holland 21-2%, Switzerland 9-2%, Sweden 7-1%, Norway 3-0%,
Denmark 6-1 %, Finland 1-7%, Spain 2-7%, Austria, Hungary and
the " succession states " 7-8%, Balkans and Turkey 1-1%, Russia
and Poland 2-5 %, Great Britain 6-4 %, France 3-0 %, Belgium 3-0 %,
other European States 5-1 %, America 7-2 %, and other non-European
countries 10-0 %. It will be observed that the United States, and in a
less degree Italy, maintained somewhat similar places in the pro-
portion taken of German exports in 1920, to those occupied in 1913.
More than half the total export (51 %) went to European countries
that had been neutral in the war. If the larger European States are
regarded under three groups (Neutral States, Entente States, East-
ern and South-eastern Europe), the distribution of German exports
in the first eight months of 1913 and 1920 respectively (Jan.-Aug.)
will be seen in Table XIV in millions of marks (i.e. gold marks in
1913, and only depreciated paper marks in 1920).
TABLE XIV. German Exports to Europe.
German
exports
Percentage of
total German
exports
Holland, Scandinavia, Switzer-
land and Spain
Great Britain, France, Belgium
and Italy
Russia, Austria-Hungary, Bal-
kans and Turkey
1920
1913
1920
1913
20,714
6,291
4,6i5
1-430
2,115
1.532
50-9%
15-4%
n-3%
21-2%
31-4%
22-8%
Railways. In 1913 the full-gauge German railway lines had at-
tained an extent of 57,481 kilometres. The lines were the property
of the several states. On April I 1920, in accordance with the inter-
state convention of April 30 1920, the German State railways were
transferred to the Reich. By the cession of territory under the
Treaty of Versailles about 7,000 km. of the former German railway
system passed to other countries, 1,436 km. of the railways of the
Saar coming under French administration. At the end of 1921 the
total length of the German railways may be reckoned at 53,797
kilometres. The amount of rolling stock (without that of Alsace
and Lorraine) was as follows: locomotives (1913) 28,111, (1920)
30,000; passenger carriages and luggage vans (1913) 79,034, (1920)
60,000; goods wagons (1913) 631,323, (1920) 546,800. Before the
war, the railways were a considerable source of income for the states.
In 1918 there was for the first time a deficit, which increased in 1919,
and in the financial year 1920 amounted to 16-4 milliard paper
marks. The cause of this deficit lay first and foremost in the in-
creased cost of working materials, partly also in the increased wages
and numbers of the railway officials, and also in the impossibility of
raising the rates for passenger and goods traffic in proportion.
A large increase of rates, intended to lower the total deficit, came into
force on June I 1921. For 1920 the total receipts were 14-9 milliard
(paper) marks and the expenses 31-3 milliards. The railway staff
numbered 740,505 in 1913 and 1,044,379 in 1920.
Postal Service. Before the war years, the imperial postal ad-
ministration did not include the states of Bavaria and Wurttem-
berg, which had their own separate services. It was only in 1919,
with the foundation of the German Republic, that the postal system
as a whole became an affair of the Reich. The German Post Office
staff (for the whole area of the Reich) numbered 334,064 in 1913 and
476,563 at the end of 1920.
International telegraphic communication by means of deep-sea
cables does not belong to the postal system properly so called.
At the beginning of the war, in 1914, Germany possessed 1 12 deep-
sea cables with a length of 43,500 km., of which 5,474 km. were
the property of the State. By the Peace Treaty of Versailles, Ger-
many was deprived of all her cables, except about 6,500 km., which
consisted for the most part of the end sections of the former great
cable lines. As Germany's means of communication with the world
was thus severed, her wireless system became of most vital impor-
tance to her. By means of her wireless stations Germany can now
communicate with the whole world. The largest is. at Nauen.
Shipping. The German mercantile marine grew from 4,658
vessels of 4,430,227 tons in 1910 to 4,935 vessels of 5,238,937 tons
in 1914. Of the 4,935 ships (including a tonnage of 4,694,190 steam
ships), 3,968 were merchant vessels proper and 621 fishing vessels.
The personnel of the German merchant service amounted to 83,898
officers and seamen. The demand for ships was supplied almost
entirely from the German shipyards. In 1913 there was launched
from the German yards a total registered tonnage of 465,000. The
war made a sharp break in this development. On the one hand,
there was no need for new shipping, as Germany's foreign trade
was interrupted by the blockade; on the other hand, the shipyards
had for the most part to be transformed for war purposes. Launches
of new ships dropped to 199,000 tons in 1915, 38,000 tons in 1917,
and 16,000 tons in 1918. In 1919 shipbuilding was practically at a
standstill, only 12,000 tons being launched. The Peace Treaty of
Versailles, with its stipulations as to the surrender of German ton-
nage, dealt German shipping a deadly blow. Of the more than 5,000,-
ooo registered tons in 1914, in the middle of 1920 there only remained
to Germany 419,000 registered tons, the rest having all had to be
handed over. Germany was also bound by the Treaty to build each
year 200,000 registered tons for the Entente.
Only a short time before the outbreak of war the great plans
embodied in the Prussian Waterways Law of April I 1905 had been
realized the Berlin-Stettin ship canal, the Rhine-Hanover canal,
the enlargement of the Bromberg canal, etc.
The central idea of future German policy as regards the water-
ways lay in 1921 in establishing connexions between the different
natural river channels, the courses of which, with the exception of
that of the Danube, generally speaking run from S. to N. The most
important Schemes for intercommunication are the Lake of Constance
and Danube canal, the Main-Danube canal, the Neckar Danube
canal, these last forming the so-called Rhine-Danube canal scheme.
There are, moreover, the North Seaports canal, the Central (Mit-
telland) canal to connect Hanover and the Elbe, and the Elbe-Oder
canal. Finally there are numerous plans for communication in the
regions of the Oder, the Netze, the Weichsel and the Pregel, ex-
tending as far as the riyer Memel. Of these projects the Central
canal and the canalization of the Upper Main, the Neckar and the
Danube below Regensburg had been already approved. The
execution of the plans for waterways is, however, extremely difficult.
The reason for this is partly the internationalization of certain
rivers, partly the lack of capital. An extension of the waterways
according to the general scheme will only be possible in combination
with the construction of great electrical works which could use the
water-power and make the waterways pay. The prospect of this,
however, is not very great in view of the slightness of the fall on
most of the German rivers.
Education. The school system in Germany is very highly de-
veloped. The number of illiterates is therefore very small, the few
, that exist being mainly foreigners who have come to Germany for
work. The whole educational system is divided into general-school
training, technical-school training, and training in higher institutes
such as universities and technical colleges. For general-school train-
240
GERMANY
ing the institutions are the national schools (Volksschuleri) , inter-
mediate schools (Mittelschiden) and higher schools (Realschulen,
Real-Gymnasien, Gymnasien). Up to 1921 the regular and peri-
odical collection of school statistics had not been resumed. The
last general statistics on the subject were compiled in 1911. At that
date there were in Germany (old boundaries) 66,037 national schools,
1,2^.9 intermediate schools, and 2,515 higher schools. In the public
national schools there were 148,217 male and 39,268 female teachers,
in the middle schools 6,278 male and 5,787 female teachers; and in
the higher establishments the numbers engaged in teaching were
35,339, of whom 21,998 had enjoyed a university education.
In 1921 there were 23 universities, II technical colleges, 7 lycees, 3
veterinary colleges, 4 agricultural colleges, 3 academies of forestry,
2 academies of mining, 4 commercial colleges, 18 colleges for com-
munal administration, art, industrial art, etc., and II of music.
The total number of male students in German universities (with
the exception of Konigsberg for which the figures could not be
obtained) was in the winter half-year 1913-4 55,614, and, besides
these, 7,848 persons were allowed to attend lectures. During the war
years the numbers at first fell, but soon rose again ; and after the end
of the war, in the winter half of 1918-9, they reached the figure of
67,644. The highest point in the winter half of 1919-20 was 79,213
students. In addition 7,794 persons were admitted to lectures. In
part this enormous rise is the result of an accumulation due to the
impossibility of completing studies in the war years. In the summer
half of 1920 there was thus a setback, the male students being
only 76,392. In the winter half, 1920-1, there was a further fall.
Female students in the winter half 1913-4 numbered 3,649, and in
addition 1,510 were admitted to lectures. In the summer half of
1920 the number of female students was 7,750, and 2,857 were ad-
mitted to lectures.
The technical colleges after the end of the war boasted an ever-
increasing attendance. In the summer of 1913 there were only 11,705
male and 62 female students at these colleges. The numbers had
risen in the summer term of 1920 to 20,505 male and 258 female
students, and the attendance was still increasing. The study of
architecture was less popular than formerly, while on the other
hand there was an increasing rush to study machine-making and
engineering, electricity, chemistry and mining and metallurgy.
(W. GR.)
GERMAN FINANCE, 1910-21
The period from about 1895 up to the outbreak of the World
War in 1914 had been one of growing economic prosperity for
Germany. From time to time the advance had been interrupted
by intervals of depression, but they were short-lived, and when
they passed the progress continued. Between 1907 and 1913,
for instance, German coal production rose from 143 million tons
to 191 million tons, or roughly by one-third; the production of
lignite from 62? to 87 million tons, or two-fifths; of pig iron from
13 to 19-3 million tons, or nearly one-half. Germany's imports
increased in this period by 2 milliards (thousand millions) of
marks * (100,000,000) and German exports by well over 3 mil-
liards of marks (150,000,000), the total foreign trade of Ger-
many increasing from 15$ milliards (775,000,000) to 20-7 mil-
liards of marks (1,035,000,000).
German imperial finance reflected economic progress only to a
small extent in its budget. Confederation had left the Empire
itself in a weak position financially by reserving the most impor-
tant sources of taxation for the individual component states.
The governing theory was that direct taxes appertained to the
states, while the Empire must rely on indirect taxation. In
spite of the general financial and economic prosperity, the im-
perial debt had risen in 1910 to 5,016 millions of marks (having
been 1,240 millions in 1890, 2,201 millions in 1895, 2,418 millions
in 1900, and 3,323 millions in 1905). German statesmanship had
been slow to adapt the needs of the imperial budget to the chang-
ing conditions. In 1909, however, an important fiscal reform was
introduced. New sources of revenue to a total amount of about
500 millions of marks were tapped; the long-continued period of
recurring deficits seemed at an end, and the hope of surplus
income appeared justified. The additional expenditure on arma-
ments, necessitated by the army estimates of 1912 and the naval
estimates of 1913, amounting to about 185 million marks, was
covered by increases in the customs duties and new property
1 Up to the outbreak of war, the German mark was practically
equal to the English shilling (see EXCHANGE, FOREIGN). Its subse-
quent depreciation in value makes it impossible to convert the
later figures for paper marks, as given in this article, into their real
money value. Only where gold marks are referred to, the pre-war
parity with sterling holds good. (Ed. E. B.)
taxes were introduced. It was proposed to cover the extraordi-
nary expenditure, estimated at about one milliard of marks, by a
single " defence tax," levied as a capital-tax on properties of
10,000 marks up to 15,000 marks at 0-15%, increasing to 1-5%
on amounts of over 5 millions, and as an income-tax, starting
with i % on incomes of 5,000 to 10,000 marks and increased to
8 % on incomes of more than 500,000 marks. This " defence
tax," levied in 1914-5, brought in 976-9 millions of marks, but,
as events turned out, it was merely swallowed up in the exigencies
of war expenditure.
The imperial budgets for 1910-3, for total revenue and
expenditure ordinary and extraordinary, showed the following
figures, in thousands of marks: 1910, revenue 2,943,419,
expenditure 3,024,260; 1911, revenue 3,057,592, expenditure
2,897,403; 1912, revenue 2,91 5,384, expenditure 2,893,337; 1913,
revenue 3,698,829, expenditure 3,698,829. There was a deficit
in 1910 of 80,841,500 marks, and in 1911 and 1912 there were
surpluses of 160,188,800 and 22,046,400 marks respectively.
War Finance. The pre-war " defence tax " was not an
organic reform. It had provided the power to attack income and
property as a source of imperial revenue, but only once. The
Empire thus entered the war with an undeveloped system of
taxation without, indeed, any large current revenue from
taxation which (like an income-tax) could easily be increased in
proportion with the enormous requirements of the war. To
introduce it during the war would not have been an easy matter,
and the view prevalent in Government circles was not in favour
of such a course. They counted on a war of short duration, and
did not wish to exacerbate the feelings of the population, greatly
distressed as it was through sacrifice of blood and life in the
field as well as through the blockade, by imposing heavy burdens
of taxation. They did not wish to interfere with the right of the
individual states to obtain their own revenue from direct taxa-
tion, and desired to make as little alteration as possible in the
existing arrangements. Therefore, the decision arrived at was
that the cost of the war should be met not out of taxation, but
by the issue of loans; only the interest on the loans issued was to
be debited to the current budget and covered by income. The
current budget itself was artificially assisted by taking out of it,
at first in part and later in full, the largest items, i.e. the current
expenses for the army and navy, and debiting them as extraor-
dinary expenses of the war. In the course of the war, other ex-
penses too, only indirectly connected with the war, such as bo-
nuses to civil servants to compensate for the rise in prices, were
debited to the war fund. On the other hand the revenue, which
it was at first quite impossible to estimate, was simply included
in the price of peace, although the most important part of it,
for instance the customs revenue, suffered an immediate and very
sharp reduction through the blockade and the resulting reduc-
tion in imports, as well as the suspension of customs duty on
corn, grains and other articles of pressing need, which took place
immediately on the outbreak of the war. It was a system
which at first seemed to lighten the burden, but afterwards made
it only heavier, and which, the longer the war continued, was
found less and less adequate.
The German system of war economics was directed by the
enormous demands of modern war on men and material on the
one side and by the blockade on the other side. Strict economy
was to be observed in all that was necessary for the war,
especially in raw material required for war purposes and the not
less important labour, while distribution was to be organized
in such a manner that everybody received at least a share of
the necessaries of life. To increase production to the utmost for
the requirements of the war, and to make the whole of the
economic system subservient to its satisfaction, was from the
first the ruling idea. This transference of all economic activity
to the needs of the war provided at the same time the financial
means of carrying on the war. As the German people were in-
creasingly, if not totally, cut off from foreign supplies, they were
more and more dependent on home produce, and the profits of
the war expenditure remained for the most part at home. The
continuance of the regular savings system, combined with the
GERMANY
241
retrenchment necessitated by the lack of opportunity for spend-
ing, liberated funds for investment in the war loans. In this
process, however, the stocks of industry and commerce were
drawn upon without being replaced; buildings, works and plant
were used more fully, without attention being possible to necessary
repairs; the agricultural land was farmed without its being in-
vigorated by proper manuring; and finally the holdings of foreign
paper and securities were liquidated as far as possible by trans-
ference to neutral countries in order to gain the means of paying
for obtainable imports. Thus there went on a continuous using-
up of the national capital, which was spent by the Government,
and became for the private possessor paper mortgage bonds of
the Empire.
At the outbreak of the war, loan-banks (Darlehnskassen) for
making advances of money were established, which granted
loans at a low rate of interest against pledged securities and goods.
At the same time, in order to safeguard the gold reserves of the
Reichsbank, its obligation to redeem its notes in gold was sus-
cended. The indirect, proportionate " covering guarantees "
of the Reichsbank were also abolished, i.e. the provision in the
Bank Law that the Reichsbank had to pay 5% per annum to
the Treasury on the amount by which the bank-note issue at any
time exceeded the cash reserve plus a sum of 550,000,000 marks,
or, on the quarterly balance, 750,000,000 marks. The Reichs-
bank was thus enabled to issue any quantity of bank-notes
without increasing the discount rate. This, on the other hand,
led to a constantly increasing deterioration of the proportion
between the bank-note issue and the means of covering it. Still,
the creation of the offices for advancing money {Darlehnskassen)
and the abolition of the restriction on the note issue enabled
Germany to dispense with a legal moratorium. A kind of sub-
stitute for a moratorium was furnished by the regulation em-
powering the law courts to grant delays, so that they could
allow payments of cash and of mortgages to be deferred in cases
of necessity. Men who were away at the front were in par-
ticular protected from proceedings for the enforcement of
judgments. Lastly, debtors unable to meet their obligations
were saved from bankruptcy and the consequent wasteful
realization of their assets by a law (Aug. 8 1914) which enabled
them to apply for an official control of their businesses (Ge-
schaftsaufsichtsgesetz). According to this law the debtor could
request the bankruptcy court to appoint a trustee to exercise
supervision over business assets and their disposal, thus avoid-
ing the personal disabilities and the effects as to property
which are the normal consequences of public bankruptcy.
These were, on general lines, the sources whence the sub-
scriptions to the war issues were derived. The Empire made
the funds necessary for the war available at the issuing bank by
discounting Treasury bills, and then appropriated in regular
intervals the accumulated cash of the population ready for
investment, by issuing war loans and funding the floating debt.
This system of war finance only succeeded completely up to
the autumn of 1916. The first four war loans, with their sub-
scriptions of 4,460 millions (autumn 1914), 9,060 millions
(spring 1915), 12,101 millions (autumn 1915) and 10,712 millions
(spring 1916), brought in sufficient to cover the Treasury bills
issued up to that time. Up to the autumn of 1915 there was even
a considerable surplus, which helped to finance the carrying-on
of the war for the succeeding months. But from the autumn of
1916 this condition of affairs was altered. The war loans issued
regularly every half-year continued to produce large amounts:
10,562 millions in the autumn of 1916; 13,112 millions and 12,
626 millions in 1917; 15,001 and 10,443 millions in 1918. But
the Treasury bills put into circulation regularly increased to a
greater extent: in the autumn of 1916, 2 milliards remained
uncovered; in the autumn of 1917 the amount had risen to 144
milliards; in the autumn of 1918 to 39 milliards; and in Nov.
1918 when the Armistice was concluded, besides the 98 milliards
in war loans there were already in circulation 50 milliards in
Treasury bills as floating debt of the Empire, this total being
subsequently still further increased.
The reason for this state of affairs was the enormous increase
in the cost of the war and the continued rise in prices. The
average cost of the war per month was estimated for the first
year of the war at 1-7 milliards of marks, in the second year 2
milliards, in the third year 3 milliards, in the fourth year 3-8
milliards, and in the last year 4-4 milliards of marks. In the
extraordinary budgets of the five years 1914-8, the general war
expenses were as follows: 1914, 6,935-7 millions of marks; 1915,
23,908-9; 1916, 24,739-3; 1017, 42,188-4; 1918, 33,928-4. In
the same years the total indebtedness of the Empire rose by
11-3, 22-1, 30-3, 36-3 and 50-9 milliards; to this must be added
13-5 milliards in obligations undertaken towards Germany's
allies. The full amounts of the actual costs of the war, however,
are not shown in these figures. Very considerable sums, as the
accounts got more and more in arrears, only became due a con-
siderable time after the war was over. These amounts and the
cost of demobilization, reaching additional milliards, burdened
for the most part the budgets of the years following.
The enormous increase of the State debt naturally resulted in
a proportionate increase in the yearly expenses for interest.
Where in 1913 the management and interest of the debt swal-
lowed 147 millions, 375-6 millions were required in 1914, 1,248-1
millions in 1915, 2,518-5 millions in 1916, 4,248 millions in 1917
and as much as 6,430-9 millions of marks in 1918. At the same
time important sections of the revenue declined. Customs,
yielding in 1913 a revenue of 679-3 million marks, provided in
1914-8 only 560-8, 359-9, 348-3, 232-7 and 133 millions, the
decline being plain evidence of the growing effect of the blockade-
In the same way the profitable enterprises of the Empire (posts
and telegraphs and railways at that time still not including
the lines belonging to the individual states) suffered under the
influence of the war, and instead of being sources of revenue
became burdens; in 1913 they showed a surplus of 140-9 million
marks, but in 1914-8 they required subventions of 53-6, 42-2,
5'5, I39'8 and 596-5 million marks. The revenue from spirits
dwindled considerably. It became therefore more and more a
pressing necessity to find funds for the war, not only by the
issue of war loans, but through taxation. In the summer of 1916
the tobacco duty, the stamp duty on freight notes, and postal
and telegraph charges were raised, but the resulting improve-
ment in returns was meagre and insufficient even to cover the
interest on the debt. In 1917 came a coal- tax and duties on
passenger and goods traffic, and in 1918 a number of taxes were
increased and new taxes introduced an increased bourse-tax, a
turnover-tax, stamp-tax on bills, taxes on sparkling wines, beer,
tea and coffee and mineral waters, etc., while the tax on spirits
was extended into a monopoly. There came also increases in the
direct taxes in the individual states, whose finances under the
influence of the war were also suffering severely.
The most important new source of taxation, however, was the
taxation of war profits. It started with the law of June 21 1916,
which covered not only the profits gained on war products but
any and all profit gained during the war from whatever source,
i.e. the difference between the taxable property of end 1916 and
end 1913, and which took from the property remaining intact a
supplementary duty, in so far as the taxable property did not
show a reduction of more than 10%. This supplementary duty
was one per mille, and the duty on the increase 5 % on the first
10,000 marks, rising to 50% on increases over 1,100,000. Then
came a tax on the surplus profits of companies, beginning with
10% on a surplus profit of 2% on the capital up to 30% on a
surplus profit of 15% on the capital, and further progressive
super-taxes based on the total rentability of the companies. In
1917 an advance of 20% was claimed on this war-tax of 1916,
and in 1918 this was further extended. The Imperial Govern-
ment proposed, besides the existing charges, a single war-tax on
income, which would hit people with an income of 20,000 marks
at the rate of 3 to 20 %. This was shelved through the traditional
objection of the states, which were still disposed to combat the
annexation of the revenue from direct taxation by the Empire.
Instead, the surplus income per head, that is the difference be-
tween the peace-time income and the war-time income, where
such difference exceeded 3,000 marks, was made the subject of a
242
GERMANY
tax calculated at 5% on the first 10,000 marks of the taxable
surplus income, up to 50% if the difference in income amounted
to over 201,000 marks. Then came the property-tax beginning
with one per mille on the first 200,000 marks, rising to 5 per mille
on a fortune of over 2 million marks. Thirdly, came a consider-
able increase of the tax on companies: it was based on a fixed
rate of 80% on the surplus profit, which obtained a reduction of
10 to 50% only when the surplus profit did not exceed a very
moderate amount or where it did not exceed a very moderate
return on the capital. The final extension of the war-profit tax
took place in 1919. It again hit the individual with a tax on the
surplus income, commencing with 5% and rising to 70% on a
surplus income of only 400,000 marks. The war-tax on com-
panies was also repeated. More particularly a tax was levied on
total increase of fortune between Dec. 31 1913 and July 30 1919
and that at an extraordinarily high rate. Exemption from the
tax was allowed only up to an increase of 5,000 marks, from
which amount the tax began with 10%, increasing to such an
extent that an increase in fortune of 376,000 marks was taken
in full and in no case could the taxpayer keep more than 172,000
marks of the increase. All that individuals gained during the war
and the first period of transition over an increase of 172,000
marks was claimed by the State under this last extension.
The revenue from the war- tax of 1919 was estimated at 12
milliards, when it became law. In the years of the war the de-
fence-tax, war-profits tax of 1916, and surplus-income tax of 1918
brought in the following amounts: 637-4 millions in 1914,
307-8 millions in 1915, 65-1 millions in 1916, 4,853-1 millions in
1917, 2,410-3 millions in 1918, and 1,136-4 million marks in 1919.
The total yield of the defence-tax was 976-9 million marks; of
the 1916 war-tax, with its increases, 5,777-1 millions; and of the
1918 war-tax 2, 686- 2 millions, a total of 9-4 milliards of marks.
Nothwithstanding these considerable amounts, and the in-
creased revenue obtained through other forms of taxation, the
German war budget was a most unfavourable one. The appended
table gives the total revenue and expenditure of the Empire for
the years 1914 to 1918, and, as already stated, a great part of the
actual war costs are not included in the expenditure, as it only
appears in the accounts for the years following:
Revenue and Expenditure 1914-8
(in millions of marks).
Revenue
Expenditure
1914 ....
1915 ....
1916 ....
1917 ....
1918 ....
2,350-8
1-735-2
2,029-4
7,830-3
6,795-0
8,653-8
25,708-4
27,740-9
52,015-4
44,030-7
The war was financed, almost entirely, by an enormous
increase in indebtedness, at first through issues of loans, and
later, in ever-growing measure, through increasing the floating
debt. The taxes and levies introduced during the war were
barely sufficient to meet the current requirements, greatly in-
creased through the interest on the debt as well as through
decrease of revenue from peace-time sources. As far as the
property and income-tax is concerned these were not perma-
nent sources of income but were only available once, and ter-
minated as soon as their result was obtained. But the expenses
remained, and necessitated imperatively the replacement of the
single levies through regular sources of revenue.
After the War. It was in this desperate situation financially
that the war came to an end. The collapse which followed it,
together with the crushing conditions of the Armistice and the
Peace Treaty, disorganized the whole economic and financial
life of the country. The effect of the war appeared after the
defeat with frightful clearness. Of the German population
1,700,000 were killed, 1,500,000 injured and thus had their
capacity to gain a livelihood impaired. And the civil population,
through the physical and moral strain of the war, showed a
greatly increased mortality; more especially, countless children
and old people were victims of the privations imposed by the
blockade. The increased mortality of the civil population in
1914-9 is estimated at 800,000 souls. A still heavier blow was
the fall iri births through the separation of the sexes in conse-
quence of the war. For the period of six years this reduction
amounted to 3,700,000. Besides, actual losses in numbers, there
was also exhaustion of those who remained alive and the de-
struction of the means of productivity.
Superficial critics have been apt to observe that Germany
itself was saved from the ravages of the war, since it was fought,
with the exception of a short incursion of the Russians in East
Prussia, outside its frontiers. Herein lies a fallacy. The German
industrial works were not indeed destroyed, but the greater part
of the machinery and plant was used up to the utmost by war
production without there being a possibility of seeing to repairs
and renewals. Similarly, the agricultural areas were exhausted.
Industry and commerce had lost the materials that were used up
in the war; cattle had gone from the stalls; transport undertak-
ings were crippled to an incredible extent. At the end of March
1920 only 45-9% of the existing locomotives were usable,
whereas at the end of July 1914 the number under repair was only
19-1%. Germany in the late autumn of 1918 was not only in a
state of military defeat and political chaos; financially and
economically it was at its last gasp. What was needed was help
from abroad, through importation of foodstuffs and raw mate-
rials, which alone could facilitate a transition from war to peace
conditions. A complete change in the direction of its productive
energies was required. During the years of war production was
solely for war requirements, the Government being the sole big
buyer, always eager for goods; when the demand for war require-
ments stopped suddenly it was necessary again to produce for
peace requirements, and to find a market for them. First and
foremost there was the task of again taking into the labour
market the millions of people released from the army and of find-
ing places for them in agricultural and industrial undertakings,
in the works and factories and offices. Elaborate plans for this
demobilization of the army had already been made during the
war. They were, as so many other schemes, rendered useless by
the destructive conditions of the Armistice. The periods fixed
for the return and release of the army were too short, and all
organization in that direction collapsed. The enormous supplies
taken for the army, the value of which was estimated at several
milliards of gold marks, and the return of whJch was imperative
for the use and nourishment of the people during the first part
of the period of transition, could not be stored in the given time.
Moreover, Germany had to deliver up to the Allies 5,000 engines
and 1 50,000 wagons, and the transport crisis already threatened
was thereby rendered complete. In accordance with the supple-
mentary conditions of March 1919 Germany had to hand over
the biggest part of its commercial snipping, and this again greatly
increased the difficulties of distribution. Worse still, the blockade
still continued for months, and thus there was the severest re-
striction of imports of necessary provisions and raw materials,
for which also only inadequate means of payment were available.
Terrible were the results of these regulations. Not only was the
political and social crisis rendered more acute, but the German
economic position was disordered to such an extent that repeat-
edly a total collapse seemed unavoidable. The result was the loss
of hundreds of thousands of lives among the civilian population,
whose weakened condition was unable to withstand the continued
privations. According to an estimate based on 375 German
towns of 15,000 inhabitants and over, as against 140 deaths per
10,000 in 1913 there were 175 deaths in 1919 and 158 in 1920.
The mortality from tuberculosis alone was increased from 15-7
in 1917 to 27-1 in 1919, and in 1920 it was still as high as 18-4.
That was not all. With the Armistice began the Allied occupation
of the left bank of the Rhine and the bridgeheads on the right
bank. A difficult economic situation was thus produced, which
again became peculiarly acute in the spring of 1921 through the
London " sanctions," for Germany lost control of her most
important customs frontier; the " hole in the west " was torn
open, and a flood of foreign goods, to the value of milliards of
marks, poured without regulation or control into the starved
country, aching for commodities of all descriptions. Whilst the
German population was without the means to satisfy its re-
GERMANY
243
quircments in absolute necessaries, the country was flooded with
foreign articles of luxury. Although masses were facing starvation,
the carrying-out of the conditions, first of the Armistice and later
of the Peace Treaty, permitted the classes which had profiteered
out of the war and the revolution to satisfy their vulgar greed.
The Peace Treaty of Versailles, as adopted by the Allies in
May 1919, and imposed on Germany by the threat of renewing
the war, completed the work of economic ruin. Germany lost
with its territories a total population of 5-3 million souls.
With Alsace-Lorraine, moreover, Germany lost nearly three-
quarters of its capacity for iron production; out of pre-war
deposits of iron ore valued at 2-3 milliards of marks in Germany
and Luxemburg (which had a customs treaty with Germany),
there remained a value of only 0-403 milliard within the new
German frontiers. Germany also lost with Alsace-Lorraine 26 %
of its potash. It lost with the transfer of the Saar valley to
France roughly 9% of its pit-coal production, and was also
obliged to agree to deliver to the Allies large quantities of coal,
fixed in Oct. 1920 in Spa at 2 million tons per month. It was
threatened with the loss of Upper Silesia, which had produced
23% of German pit-coal, 80% of zinc and 61% of raw zinc.
Germany lost, moreover, almost all its commercial shipping,
all overseas cables, its colonies, in fact all the bases of its com-
merce abroad. Germany lost in the N. and the E. of its empire
large agricultural districts which had formerly furnished about
25% of its supply of grain and potatoes, and 10 to 12% of its
cattle. And while the Peace Treaty thus raised for Germany
the crucial question whether it would be at all possible in future
to supply a population now amounting to 61 million souls with
nourishment and occupation on German soil whether indeed
within its new frontiers it was not really a case, from the economic
point of view, of "20 million souls too many" the country also
found itself burdened with external financial obligations of unex-
ampled magnitude by way of reparation payments to the Allies.
The Depreciation of the Mark. The first effect of the defeat,
the internal collapse, and the terms of the Armistice and the
Peace Treaty, was the almost total breaking-down of the Ger-
man currency system. The depreciation of the mark abroad had
pursued a progressive course already during the war. In conse-
quence of the blockade, and of increasing demands for war re-
quirements in industrial production, German exports had de-
clined much more quickly than the imports; and since the cover
formerly available for excess of imports, arising from shipping
charges, freights, etc., failed entirely and foreign investments
were largely unrealizable, it was almost impossible to obtain
credit abroad, which in normal times would have covered the
deficit. By the end of the second year of the war (summer of
1916) the exchange in Switzerland, for instance, had fallen from
a normal rate of 123-46 francs per 100 marks to 95-60 francs,
showing a loss in exchange of 22-60%. Though depreciation
still went on, in Oct. 1918 the Swiss rate was still as much as
71-50 francs and the loss in exchange not more than 42-10%.
But after the end of the war the fall became steeper. The Swiss
exchange was 623 francs per 100 marks at the end of Nov. 1918,
and the rate descended month by month to 355 francs at the end
of May 1919, and then, after a brief reaction, to 26 francs at the
end of Sept. 1919, 11-50 francs on Dec. 31 1919, and 6-15 francs
(equal to a loss of 95 %) at the end of Feb. 1920. From this point
there was again a reaction in the summer of 1920, and on May 31
1920 the Swiss rate was 14-75 francs, but in the autumn of 1920
the depreciation recommenced, and towards the end of June
1921, the Swiss exchange for 100 marks was 8-10 francs. (See
EXCHANGES, FOREIGN, for the German exchange.)
German currency depreciation during the war, as well as
afterwards, was one of the factors which restricted the possibility
of getting help from foreign capital. And though the value of
money in Germany itself declined much more slowly than the
mark exchange abroad, another result was that foreign pur-
chasers were able to buy whatever was obtainable in Germany,
stocks of goods and merchandise, town property, securities, plant
and machinery, up to complete industrial enterprises, at catas-
trophically low prices. Another consequence was an enormous
increase in German indebtedness towards foreign countries.
The German mark note became the gambling counter of the
world. The German notes went abroad in milliards at ever-
falling rates in payment for imported goods, to be bought up by
big and little speculators, down to the hotel porter and the domes-
tic servant who hoped to profit by any rise in exchange. Enor-
mous foreign holdings of mark notes resulted also from credits
given by banks in marks, also with an eye on an improvement
in the exchange. Only in this way was it possible for Germany to
pay for its large excess of imports over exports, which marked
the destruction of Germany's economic position in these years
of greatly reduced production at home. The price was a foreign
indebtedness, the yearly burden of which in interest charges was
estimated at the end of 1920 by competent judges at one milliard
gold marks and by some critics at an even larger figure.
Apart from all other difficulties attending economic recon-
struction after the war, every attempt of Germany to reach a
real internal consolidation was hampered by the monetary
instability. On the one hand it raised prices, and on the other it
depreciated the value of property and income. While, towards
the end of the war and just after, wages had often been increased
beyond the rise in prices, so that a moderate increase in real
wages resulted to the worker, it was not possible to continue
this for any length of time in view of the unhappy state of pro-
duction. Much less was it possible for people enjoying fixed
incomes, officials, civil servants, and brain-workers, to increase
their income in proportion with the reduction of money value,
and they sank lower and lower in the social scale. The worst
sufferers were people relying on incomes from rents. Every
reduction in the value of money amounted to a favouring of the
debtor at the expense of the creditor. Those who had invested
their capital in Government securities, mortgages, etc., at fixed
rates of interest, were helpless against the reduction in money
value, which reduced their capital as well as the interest to a
fraction of its former amount. Producers themselves might
be able, through the rise in prices, to obtain some compensation
for the reduction in the value of money. But any such compen-
sation could only be reached by a very small part of the popula-
tion. No doubt, as in all periods of economic revolution, some
lucky people found the means of enriching themselves to an
extraordinary extent. But the high profits nominally realized
by many German companies, if the amount were reduced to the
actual value of money, represented not only no advantage, but a
loss if compared with pre-war times. The large middle class was
hit particularly hard. This class, the main repository of national
culture, was in danger of being swallowed by the proletariat.
Such a situation was bound to influence the State finances
to a deplorable extent. Whatever services were required had to
be paid for at a nominally higher rate. It was necessary too to
spend enormous sums on subsidies for reducing the price of neces-
saries to the public, for keeping down the cost of transport, and
for the relief of the unemployed. On the other hand, uneco-
nomic State finance was itself a factor in the decline of money
values. The State had to cover its financial requirements in
default of taxation by further issues of paper money, increasing
from week to week and month to month. 1 It was itself the pro-
ducer of the artificial purchasing-power which brought in its
train the continued rise in prices. The bank-note press, in sub-
stitution for the taxation machine, created a continually growing
inflation. It was the uninterrupted use of the printing-press, as a
means of meeting the expenditure, that characterized State
finance in the first years after the collapse.
Taxation Reform, 1919-20. The National Assembly of the new
German Republic had to face the task of laying the foundations
of a new financial system and re-creating it out of chaos. The
old privileges of the separate states of the Empire, in depriving
the central Government of the benefit of the most important
sources of tax-revenues, had to go. The German Reich now had
1 On Jan. I 1919, the regular note issue amounted to 22,188 million
paper marks (as against 11,467 millions a year earlier) and the loan-
bank note issue to 10,109 millions (6,264 millions in 1918). On Jan.
i 1922 the total was about 120,000 millions.
244
GERMANY
to bear by far the largest part of the costs of the war, the interest
on the war debts, the war pensions and compensations, the
whole of the burdens of the Peace Treaty, etc. ; these swelled the
budget expenditure to such an extent that the requirements of
the individual states were left far behind. The great sources of
direct taxation had now to be made free for obtaining revenue
for the Reich. Events had made compulsory a strong centraliza-
tion in German finance. By an order of the Finance Department
of the Reich on Sept. 10 1919, the management of all fiscal levies
was handed over to the central Government. A further order, of
Dec. 13 1919, provided for the formal right of taxation. A de-
cisive step was taken in the National Taxation Law of March
22 1920, which fixed on a new basis the position of the three
great receivers of taxes, the Reich, the individual states, and the
subordinate local Governments towards each other. Whereas
the pre-war rule was that the use of certain sources of taxation
by the individual states forbade the Imperial Government to
use such sources, the new regulations reversed the position, ruling
that the use of certain sources of taxation by the Reich forbade
the collection of similar taxes by the individual states and local
communities unless expressly empowered to collect a supple-
mentary levy. Counties and municipalities kept their most
important independent tax sources the taxes on landed property
and industrial activities. They were obliged to levy an amuse-
ment-tax, and were entitled to tax the lowest incomes which
escaped the general income-tax. In principle they became pen-
sioners of the State, receiving of the revenue from Reich taxation
two-thirds, of the companies-tax also two-thirds, of the inheri-
tance-tax one-fifth, of the tax on acquistion of landed property
one-half, and of the turnover-tax 15% (i.e. 10% for the counties
and 5% for the municipalities). This was a most important
step in the direction of laying a sound basis for Reich finance.
In the place of the various tax departments of the individual
states there had to be created the gigantic machinery of a central
Finance Department for the entire Reich. It could not come
into existence without much early trouble and failure. The
new department was at first quite unable to carry out the regu-
lations, and only slowly and gradually came the introduction
and collection of new taxes. And another difficulty followed
quickly in consequence of the new regulations for financial
management. The unification of the railways in Germany had
been, like the unification of taxation, an old demand, but one
which could not be carried out in times of peace, when the
railways were a valuable source of revenue to the states, more
especially to Prussia. Now it was accomplished, and the Reich,
which previously had managed only the railways of Alsace-
Lorraine, from April i 1920 took over all the railways. But the
railways, instead of bringing in a profit, now found themselves
with a deficit. From the moment, however, that the Reich had
taken over the important sources of tax revenue, it was obliged
to take over the railways as well, since the individual states were
not able to carry their losses, and these losses now fell on the
Treasury of the Reich.
With this basic change in organization came now the extension
of the field of taxation. Between Sept. 1919 and March 1920 a
system of new taxes for the whole Reich was created. The
taxation of income was carried out in three different ways.
First comes the unified tax on income, which came into force
on April i 1920. The rate of taxation is as follows:
A mount of Income
For part or the whole of the first 24,000 marks.
For every additional (whole or part) 6,000
5.000
S.ooo
5,000
5,000
70,000
80,000
200,000
all further amounts ....
Rate per
cent
10
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
55
60
Thus, 60% of any income exceeding 400,000 marks (now paper
marks) has to be handed over as tax to the Treasury. On an
income of 30,000 marks the tax is 3,600 marks; on 50,000 marks
it is 10,000 marks; on 200,000 marks it is 81,600 marks; and on
1,000,000 marks it is 551,600 marks.
A reduction in these rates is allowed only in so far as an
existence minimum and the numbers in the family are taken
into consideration. This is arranged so that, for every person
subject to pay tax and for each member of his household not
independently taxed, the taxable amount of income is reduced
by 1 20 marks, provided the dutiable income does not exceed
60,000 marks, and by 60 marks where the income is between
60,000 and 100,000 marks. A married man subject to the tax,
with four children and an income of 24,ooomarks, will, for instance,
obtain a reduction of 720 marks. Taxation of those who receive
salaries or wages is assured by making the employer answerable
for retaining from the salary or wage a proportionate amount in
advance and paying it over to the tax collector.
To this income-tax, affecting the total income of the subject,
is added, as super-tax, a levy on income from investments, in
distinction from earned income, i.e. from dividends on shares,
etc., interest on loans and mortgages of all kinds, interest on
advances of any description, especially on deposits in banks and
savings banks, rents, etc., and discounts on bills, including
Treasury bills. The tax is 10 % on the whole return on the capital.
An exception is made only in the case of small investors over 60
years of age or incapacitated from work. These have the tax on
returns from capital included in their income-tax, as follows: on
an income of not more than 5,000 marks, the whole amount; up
to 6,000 marks 90%, the rate being reduced with every further
1,000 marks by 10%. On incomes of over 14,000 marks this
relief terminates.
The third form of taxing incomes is the companies-tax, which
operates as a super-tax on enterprises carried on by companies,
including foundations, institutions and other societies for the
management of property. This tax is 10% generally, on the
total dutiable income. For societies working for gain (companies
with shares, societies with limited liability, etc.) there is, in addi-
tion, a special tax on the distributed profit, calculated on the
proportion of the distributed amounts to the capital, so that
where the profit is only 4% on the capital the tax is 2% on the
distributed amounts, rising by i% up to 10% of the distributed
amounts if the profit on the capital is 6,8, 10, 12, 14, 16, 18%
and over. The first 3% of profit on the capital is tax-free.
The total taxation on income, from the three forms of levy,
works out as follows: Income from shares, for instance, is taxed
under each of the three forms. The company itself has to pay on
its income in proportion to its own liability; then the distributed
profit is reduced by the 10% tax on return from capital; and
finally the shareholder has to pay income-tax on his dividends.
Taxation on property (capital) was also imposed in three
forms. First of all came the war-tax (Kriegssteuer) on property
increase, which hits any increase of over 5,000 marks in the
value of property during the war and immediately after the war
(difference in property between June 30 1919 and Dec. 31 1913),
nobody keeping a larger increase than 172,000 marks. The
following table (in marks) indicates its working:
Increase in
Property
10,000
15,000
20,000
25,000
30,000
35-ooo
40,000
50,000
100,000
150,000
200,000
300,000
400,000
500,000
800,000
i ,000,000
2,000,000
4,000,000
5,000,000
10,000,000
Amount
of Tax
1,000
1,75
2,500
3.500
4.500
6,000
7.500
10,500
30,500
55,500
83,000
148,000
233,000
333.000
633,000
833,000
1,833,000
3,833,000
4,833,000
9,833,000
GERMANY
245
Through this war-tax increase in property is for the greater
part annexed. But secondly, a further tax levied for the " need
of the Reich " (Reichsnotopfer) makes a deep inroad on unin-
creased property, as calculated on Dec. 31 1919. This affects
companies, especially companies with shares, and other societies
for gain, on their net property, that is without the paid-in
capital and without reserve funds intended for general utility or
benevolent objects, at a rate of 10%. It also applies to the
property of individuals, leaving only a property of 5,000 marks
tax-free, though in the case of married couples this is increased to
10,000 marks tax-free, and, for those who have children, a
further amount of 5,000 marks tax-free is allowed for the second
and each additional child. Consideration is also extended in the
case of proprietors of industrial enterprises who are liable to be
hampered by the depletion of capital, the capital employed in
the business being calculated not to the full amount but only up
to 80% of its value.
The rate for individuals is as follows :
First 50,000 marks (in full
Next 200,000 marks . 35%
or in part)
. 10%
500,000
. 40
Next 50,000 marks
'. 12
500,000
45
100,000
15
1,000,000
50
" 200,000
. 20
2,000,000
55
" 200,000
25
' 2,000,000
. 60
" 200,000 "
3
All further amounts . . 65
This works out as set forth in the following table:
Taxable
Amount of
Taxable
Amount of
property
tax
property
tax
1,000 marks
100 marks
350,000 marks
56,000 marks
5,000
500
400,000
66,000
10,000
1,000
450,000
78-510
15,000
1,500
500,000
91,000
20,000
2,000
550,000
103,500
25,000
2,500
600,000
116,000
30,000
3,000
650,000
131,000
35-0
3.500
700,000
146,000
40,000
4,000
750,000
161,000
45,000
4-500
800,000
176,000
50,000
5,000
850,000
193,500
55,ooo
5,600
900,000
211,000
60,000
6,200
950,000
228,500
65,000
6,800
1,000,000
246,000
70,000
7,400
1,500,000
446,000
75,000
8,000
2,000,000
671,000
80,000
8,600
2,500,000
921,000
85,000
9,200
3,000,000
1,171,000
90,000
9,800
3,500,000
i ,446,000
95,000
10,400
4,000,000
1,721,000
100,000
11,000
5,000,000
2,271,000
150,000
18,500
6,000,000
2,871,000
200,000
26,000
7,000,000
3,471,000
250,000
36,000
8,000,000
4,121,000
300,000
46,000
For each additional
1,000 marks 650
marks more
The tax has to be paid in cash or in war loan, but may be paid
in yearly part payments, the unpaid amount being charged 5 %,
and it must be paid off within 26 years. If real property is given
as security, where the payment is secured by entry in the official
register 46 years are allowed for payment.
The third form of property-tax, inheritance duty, consists of a
considerable extension of the former inheritance- and gift-tax,
with the addition of a succession-tax after the pattern of the
English estate duty. Inheritance- and gift-tax are calculated
under six classes, according to the relationship of the beneficiary:
Class i Wife or husband and children, including illegitimate
children recognized by the father.
Class 2 Descendants of the children.
Class 3 Parents, brothers and sisters.
Class 4 Grandparents, descendants of first degree of brothers
and sisters, parents-in-law, step parents, children-in-law, step
children and adopted children.
Class 5 Descendants of second degree of brothers and sisters,
brothers and sisters of the parents, brothers- and sisters-in-law.
Class 6 Other beneficiaries (except as regards communities,
churches, benevolent and utilitarian societies, foundations, etc., in
which case the rate is always 10%).
The following are the rates of the tax per cent for the different
classes, an allowance, however, being made for 5,000 marks
being tax-free for the first five classes, and 500 marks for the
sixth class:
Class
I
Class
2
Class
3
Class
4
Class
5
Class
6
For first 20,000 marks tax-
able part or full
4
5
6
8
10
15
For following 30,000 marks
5
6
8
10
12
20
50,000
6
8
10
12
15
25
50,000
8
10
12
15
2O
30
50,000
10
12
15
2O
25
35
100,000
12
15
20
25
30
40
200,000
15
2O
25
30
35
45
250,000
2O
25
30
35
40
50
250,000
25
30
35
40
45
55
500,000
3
35
40
45
5
60
All further amounts .
35
4
45
50
60
70
The highest rates apply where the taxable benefit exceeds one
and a half million marks. The tax increases by i % of the amount;
that is, if the already existing property of the beneficiary is
100,000 marks but not over 200,000, for each 10,000 marks;
where the existing fortune exceeds 200,000, for each 20,000 marks.
The increase must not exceed 100% of the tax. The total of the
inheritance duty must not exceed 90% of the benefit. For a
legacy arising before April i 1935 the tax is reduced i% for
each year down to April i 1925, and for each earlier year 2%.
Reduction down to March 31 1921 is therefore 20%.
The succession duty (estate duty) is calculated solely on the
property which has been left, without reference to relationship or
number of beneficiaries; it applies to landed property, business
capital, and personal property in so far as it exceeds 50,000
marks. The tax does not apply to gifts between living persons.
The rate of tax is, for the first 200,000 marks (part or whole), i %;
for the following 300,000, 2%; for the following 500,000, 3%;
for the following 1,000,000, 4%; and for further amounts 5%.
If the value does not exceed 200,000 marks the first 20,000 marks
are tax-free.
It is necessary to consider the effect of all these taxes together
on property and income, to obtain a clear idea of what the bur-
dens mean. At the Brussels Conference of 1920, the German
Government submitted to the British delegates a statement
which gives examples in explanation:
Example No. I. A private individual with property worth on
June 30 1919 100 million marks, showing an increase of 25 millions,
dies in 1920 and leaves his property to two nephews in equal shares.
One nephew has no property, the other has property stated at one
million marks. Taxation on the 100 millions is as follows:
(1) War-tax on increase 24,828,000 marks
(2) " Need of Reich " levy, on balance of
75,172,000 marks 47,779.55 "
(3) Succession duty on property (27,392,450
marks) 1,332,622 "
(4) Inheritance duty to be paid by nephew
who has no property .... 5,032,245
(5) Inheritance-tax to be paid by nephew who
has property of 1,000,000 . . . 7,548,367
Total taxation 86,520,784 marks
There remains, of the original property of 100,000,000, only
13,479,216.
Example No. 2. A private individual has property worth 10,000,-
ooo marks of which 4,000,000 are from shares in a company for gain,
which could have paid in 1920 a dividend of 20%, if it had not been
obliged to pay companies-tax. The rest is landed property, returning
5 %. There is no increase in property. Without taxes this person
would have an income of 1,100,000 marks per annum. The ' Need
of Reich " levy exacts 5,417,750 marks, leaving 4,582,250 marks.
The untaxed income on this would be 800,000 marks from dividends
and 29,112 marks from rents, or 829,112 marks. This is reduced by
160,000 marks for companies-tax, 64,000 marks for return on capital,
and 315,160 marks for income-tax, leaving an income of 289,952
marks.
Example No. 3. A private individual has property worth
1,000,000 marks; no war profit. Property rented out brings 5%.
One-third of the " Need of Reich " levy (244,250 marks), 82,250
marks, is paid, leaving a balance of 162,000 marks, on which there is
6| % interest to pay. On the remaining property, 917,750 marks,
the income is 45,887 marks. Out of this there is to be deducted:
6j% on 162,000, 10,530 marks; return on capital-tax, 4,588 marks;
income-tax, 7,272 marks; or 22,390 marks in all, leaving the remain-
246
GERMANY
ing income at 22,497 marks. This person, who before the war, after
deduction of tax, had an income of about 45,000 marks (or say
2,250), had thus, in 1920, after deduction of taxes an income not
merely reduced by half, but, in view of the depreciation of money,
no better than that of an ordinary working-man.
The work of tax reform under the young German Republic
was not exhausted by this extension of direct taxation. There
was added a great extension of indirect and transport taxation.
Its most important item was the tax on turnover. At first it
consisted in a stamp duty of one per mille, rising in the last
year of war to five per mille, but by the National Assembly's
regulation of Dec. 24 1919, which came into force on Jan. i 1920,
it was fixed at 15%. This turnover-tax is applied also to articles
of luxury, specially mentioned, at a rate ten times "increased,
namely 15%- Further it includes a restaurant-tax, advertise-
ment-tax, cloakroom-tax, etc., etc., and covers certain kinds
of service such as letting-out furnished rooms, taking in advertise-
ments, holding in trust money, securities, valuables and furs,
letting riding horses on hire, the rate of tax being 10%. It is to be
noted that the normal rate of 15% does not represent the total
amount, which really is very much higher on the average, and
in the case of semi-manufactured and manufactured goods it
has to be paid as many times as the commodity changes hands.
The tax is therefore a real tax on consumption in the largest
sense. Similarly, the coal-tax is collected at 20% on the value
at the pit-head, and rises in proportion with the selling-rates.
Various single taxes on tobacco, matches, playing-cards and
sales of real property were also to be added, as well as repeated
increases in the charges for letters, telegrams, postal-orders,
trunk-telephone messages and railway rates.
A gigantic increase of the burden of taxation on the whole
of German national economy was the result of these reforms,
though even then they were not sufficient to balance the budget
of the Reich.
Development of Reich Finance, 1919-21. The most significant
feature of the financial position in these first years after the war
was the rapid increase in the national debt. The figures each
year were as follows, in milliards of marks:
Funded debt
(Treasury bonds
and interest-
bearing
Treasury notes)
Floating debt
(Treasury notes
without interest)
Total
March 31 1918
March 31 1919
March 31 1920
March 31 1921
71-9
92-4
92-0
78-3
33'3
63-7
91-5
176-6
105-2
156-1
I83-5
244-9
The reduction shown in the funded debt in 1921 arises from
cancellation by means of collection of War-tax and " Reich need "
levy, and by the sale of army property. Against this the in-
crease in floating debt in 1921 includes a part of the purchase
price paid by the Reich on taking over the railways from the
individual states, whilst, on the other hand, a number of other
obligations are not included. If these are taken into considera-
tion, and the Reich and the individual states are taken together,
there appears for Oct. i 1920 a total debt of 294-8 milliards of
marks, compared with 22 milliards on March 31 1914. The
large increase of debt was the result of slow returns from the new
taxation, the depreciation of money which continually caused a
greater expenditure on goods and services and repeatedly upset
the budget estimates, the subsidies given on necessaries in order
to adjust prices to the depreciation of money, the large rise in
the interest charge on the debt, the deficits on the railways and
post-office, and finally the beginning of large payments under
the provisions of the Peace Treaty.
In the regular. budget for 1919 a revenue was shown of 12,753
million marks and expenditure of 15,087 millions (of which 8,389
millions was for debt alone). The deficit was covered for the
most part through returns from the taxes on war profits. Not
so the extraordinary budget, which showed a revenue of 4,154
millions of marks and an expenditure of 39,779 millions. The
deficit of 35,625 millions had to be covered by loans. Very large
items of arrears in war expenditure were included here, and it
seemed justifiable to hope that, with the closing of such expendi-
ture, the deficit would be reduced. But the opposite came to pass.
The estimate for 1920, in which for the first time larger returns
from the new taxes were included, forecast in the ordinary budget
a revenue and expenditure of 39,891 millions, or more than three
times the revenue estimated for the previous year; and under the
expenditure 12,693 millions was included for the service of the
Reich debt, 3,967 millions for pensions and 9,405 millions for
the states and local governments as their share in the new Reich
taxes. The extraordinary expenditure was estimated at 52,579
millions, of which 3,955 millions was for the paying-off of the old
army and 41,440 millions for the execution of the Peace Treaty,
while losses on the postal, telegraph and railway management
were put down at 19,221 millions, so that there remained to be
covered by loans a total of about 70 milliards, besides 35 milliards
representing deficits in the individual states. Unfortunately
the event did not contradict these unfavourable estimates. The
revenues from direct taxation, transport duty, customs, tax on
consumption and other levies, brought in 46-10 milliards, or an
excess of 37-70 milliards compared with the previous year and
even an excess of 6-10 milliards over the estimate, largely as a
result of the " Reich need " levy, by which 9-33 milliards was
collected (the estimate having been 3^ milliards). From the new
income-tax 9-59 milliards was received (estimated at 12 mil-
liards), from the new tax on return of capital 909 millions (esti-
mated 1,300 millions), from the newly extended tax on turnover
4-2 milliards (estimated 3-65 milliards). The coal-tax brought
in 4-67 milliards, an increase of 3-32 milliards over the previous
year; the new tobacco duty brought 1-76 milliards. But the
total net revenue accruing to the Reich after deduction of the
costs of collection and the amounts transferred to the states and
local governments was only 27-7 milliards and the net expendi-
ture was 73-7 milliards, in addition to 10-4 milliards for interest
on debt and 18-2 milliards for subventions and for cost of manage-
ment of railways and post-office. There resulted a deficit of
74-9 milliards which again could be covered only by an increase
in the floating debt.
This disastrous picture was repeated in the 1921 budget. On
March 26 the provisional estimate, passed in the Reichstag,
provided for an expenditure of 46,945 millions in the ordinary
budget and 43,667 millions in the extraordinary budget. Three
months later a supplementary estimate entirely upset these
figures. Expenditure in the ordinary budget was now put at
48,459 millions, the estimated deficit of 4,250 millions on the
revenue side requiring to be covered by fresh tax proposals.
The expenditure in the extraordinary budget was placed at
59,680 millions, against which there was an estimated revenue
of 10,500 millions (of which 7,800 millions would come from the
" Reich need " levy). The subventions for post-office and rail-
ways were estimated at 18,383 millions. Here was a deficit, in
round figures, of 50 milliards of marks, apart from one. of 4j
milliards on the ordinary budget. No allowance is included here
for the reparation payments to the Allies.
As in the accounts for 1920, the liabilities under the Peace
Treaty made a considerable showing by themselves in the budget
for 1921, the estimate being 26 \ milliards. The delivery of live
animals involved three milliards; the costs of the settlement
department for the liquidation of the pre-war debts between
German subjects and those of former enemy countries were
provisionally placed at two milliards; for reparation deliveries,
apart from shipping, cables and cattle, 8,630 millions. The cost
of Allied troops of occupation on the Rhine was put down at
7,266 millions, further augmented by 757 millions for the cost of
land and buildings for their use, together with further incidental
expenses. For the Rhineland Commission itself 109 millions
was estimated, besides 1,220 millions for economic help for the
occupied territory, to which the states and local governments
had to contribute. Finally there came the reparation demand,
which put before Germany economically and -financially a prob-
lem of tragic magnitude.
The Reparation Demand. According to article 233 of the
Versailles Peace Treaty the Reparation Commission fixed on
GERMANY
247
May 5 1921 the amount of the war indemnity to be furnished
by Germany and arranged the scheme of payments. By a re-
newed threat of an ultimatum the Government of the German
Republic was forced on May 10 1921 to declare that they were
" resolved to comply with the obligations placed on them by
the Reparation Commission without reserve and without condi-
tions." The total burden to be borne by the people of Germany
was fixed at 132 milliards of gold marks, to be reduced, on
the one hand, by the sums already paid on account of repara-
tions and such sums as were to be credited to Germany according
to the Peace Treaty or by decision of the Reparations Commis-
sion, but to be increased, on the other hand, by the taking-over
by Germany of Belgium's debt to the Allies. Germany was
required to deliver bonds in three series, of which the first two,
in amounts of 1 2 to 38 milliards of gold marks, were to be issued
at latest by July i and Nov. i 1921 respectively, while the last
series of 82 milliards subject to the above-mentioned modifica-
tions was also to be issued and delivered by Nov. i 1921, but
was only to be put into circulation by the Reparations Commis-
sion so far as their bonds were secured by the German annual
payments. The interest on the bonds was to be 5 %, the yearly
sinking-fund i %. For this purpose Germany had to provide
a fixed annuity of two milliards of gold marks, besides a variable
annuity corresponding to 26% of the annual value of German
exports, or a proportionate sum to be fixed by further agree-
ments. According to the existing position shown by the amount
of German exports this meant an annual payment of 3 to 3^
milliards of gold marks, added to which were the other bur-
dens of the Peace Treaty, the cost of the occupation, payment
for liquidation of foreign claims, and similar charges. On the
basis of the current value of German money, this meant a yearly
burden of about 60 milliards of paper marks.
The financial prospects for Germany in 1921, on these calcula-
tions, might be regarded, from a German point of view, as ap-
parently only too clear. If the 1921 estimates placed the total
budget expenditure at about 108 milliards, with a revenue deficit
of about 54 milliards, both these amounts would be increased
(until means to cover the deficit had been found) by 50-60
milliards. And with this it could not be expected that the highest
point had been reached. If the depreciation of German money
went still further, as it must do if Germany was forced by finan-
cial necessity to decrease the subventions for the cheapening of
means of existence, and, in order to reduce the budget deficit,
increased the postal and railway charges as well as the price of
coal, the expenses of the Reich for official salaries, wages of
labour and other requirements must grow automatically, and
for this further cover must be found. A further increase of the
floating debt, by resorting to the help of the printing-press in
the issue of bank-notes, could only lead to a catastrophe. Only
one alternative was visible, and that was to open up new sources
of revenue for the Reich. But that would mean, in view of the
concurrent financial requirements of the states and local govern-
ments, that year by year an amount of perhaps 200 milliards of
marks would have to be drawn forcibly into the Treasury through
the power of the Government from the hands of private earners
of income and possessors of property. It remained to be seen
whether any Government, and particularly one so weakened by
national disorganization, could exercise such power.
Apart from the internal financial difficulty, there was also
the economic problem: how Germany was to make payments
abroad in such immense amounts annually. Germany in 1921
had not only a financial but also an economic deficit. Its imports
had exceeded exports annually since the end of the war by several
milliards of gold marks. Only by increasing foreign indebtedness
and by transferring abroad considerable parts of the property of
the German population had it been possible hitherto to cover
this economic deficit, and an enormous additional economic
burden had already resulted from the liability for interest on
this debt. This method of adding to the foreign debt and financ-
ing the operation by transference of the substance of the people's
wealth might be pursued still further in order to meet the de-
mand for reparation payments. But its limits were bound to
be relatively narrow. For permanent use there could only be one
really practical means of payment, by obtaining a favourable
trade balance in an excess of exports over imports. Germany
must strive to restrict internal consumption still further, and, to
increase production, it must reduce imports and increase exports
to the utmost. It was a strange piece of irony, and a contradic-
tory policy difficult for Germany to understand, that the very
Powers which were imposing the demand for reparations were
at the same time hampering and restricting German production
by economically closing up the Rhineland through the " sanc-
tions " resorted to in 1921, instead of furthering such power of
production and allowing it to develop. If they wilfully stimulated
the imports of luxuries into Germany through the " hole in the
west," although the stoppage of such imports would help to
provide reparation money for them by economies on the part
of German consumers; if they sought to render German exporta-
tion more difficult by stringent customs regulations, in spite of
the fact that an increase in German exports was the obvious
economic method of complying with the reparation demand in
spite, indeed, of the fact that, through the export index, accord-
ing to which 26% of the value of the current German export
trade was to be taken as the amount of the variable annuity,
any increase in exports would mean a rise in the yearly amount
payable the position would then become self -contradictory, and,
for Germany, more and more hopeless.
Even without such embarrassments it remained to be seen
how, on the one hand, Germany could attain the necessary in-
crease in production in the short time contemplated, and whether,
on the other hand, international commerce would be able to ad-
just itself economically to an acceptance of Germany's increased
supply of goods and services, while at the same time producers
elsewhere had to deny themselves a market in Germany owing to
its being without means to buy. 1
It must be sufficient here to indicate these problems, which
faced all parties in 1921. The German Government had in
May-July declared its fixed will to overcome them and to fulfil
to the utmost the obligations that had been undertaken. It
1 It should be observed that in the middle of Aug. 1921 it was
calculated by the Frankfurter Zeitung that the wholesale prices of
commodities had risen i6-fold in Germany since 1914. Consequently
a commodity which had cost 20 marks (then equal to i) before the
war had come to cost 320 marks, which, as it happened, was also in
mid-Aug. 1921 just about the value of l in the exchange market.
That is to say, i sterling would buy in Germany just about the
same amount of commodities at wholesale prices in mid-Aug. 1921
as before the war, in spite of the i6-fold rise. On the other hand, in
England during the same period the rise in wholesale prices repre-
sented an addition of 80%, so that in mid-Aug. 1921 it cost there
about l l6s. to buy the same amount of commodities wholesale
which could have been bought for l before the war. Consequently,
in respect of this difference at all events, German manufacturers and
traders were in a position of advantage over British in being able to
underbid them in the sale of goods. To equalize wholesale prices
of commodities in German and English currencies in mid-Aug. 1921,
either the German prices would have had to show a 29-fold, and not a
l6-fold, increase as compared with the pre-war level, or else the
mark exchange would have had to stand at 180, instead of 320,
marks to the l ; or, correspondingly, English prices would have to
be lowered. The mark, however, actually depreciated still further
in Sept. and Oct. 1921, reaching on Oct. 17 an exchange of 750 to
the i. The explanation of the relatively low prices (in sterling) of
German commodities at this time was presumably to be found in
the higher productivity of the German workman and his lower
standard of living, though the situation was also being affected by
the difference in the economic conditions generally. German wages,
though increased nominally about 8-fold as compared with the
pre-war standard, were now much lower than British. But the
fact here noted with regard to the relationship between prices and
currency in the international market was in 1921 some set-off to the
mischief done to Germany by the depreciation of the mark. The
low German exchange was, in itself, an advantage to Germany in
respect of her export trade in competition with England in the inter-
national market, so far as the German capacity for exporting goods
at all could be made effective, since it lowered the cost of German
goods to the foreign purchaser. English manufacturers in the sum-
mer of 1921 were in fact complaining that they were undersold. On
the other hand, the depreciation of the mark was a severe handicap
to Germany in buying anything abroad, including the materials
required for producing goods for sale in the international market.
(Ed. E. B.)
248
GERMANY
was engaged in perfecting its powers for doing so. A new period
of German financial and economic management had been en-
tered upon; and a new period of world economics had also begun,
to what end a later generation would have to discover.
(A. F .*)
THE REPUBLICAN CONSTITUTION
i. From the Old Reich l to the New. The German constitution
which arose out of the Prussian and German victories of 1866
and 1870 had culminated in three supreme organs the Emperor
(Kaiser), the Federal Council (Bundesrat) , and the Reichstag
(National Representative Assembly). Bismarck, by taking over
into his constitution the democratic Parliament of the Frankfort
Paulskirche (see n.866) of 1848, linked that constitution with
the democratic and national movement for unity which had
continued to live in the mind of the German people since the
Wars of Liberation against Napoleon, but which had not been
able of its own strength to carry through the political transforma-
tion of Germany in accordance with its own ideas. Although
Bismarck diverted this popular tendency into the paths of his
own policy, he had not realized its aims. The Reichstag was
linked up with the idea of 1848, but in the Federal Council the
organ of the old Federation of Sovereigns survived. And this
representation of the " Federated Governments " (die Verbiinde-
ten Regierungen) was, according to the terms of the constitution,
endowed with greater plenitude of power than the representation
of the people, the Reichstag. The status and the construction
of the Federal Council prevented the emergence of an independent
and politically responsible Government, and thus obstructed
evolution towards the parliamentary system. On the other
hand this situation made the dynasties and governments of the
individual states feel their subordination to the hegemony of
Prussia less keenly; they were able to regard this subordination
as the inevitable premium which they had to pay for mutual
insurance under the Prussian protection. Prussian hegemony
in the federally organized Empire was the natural consequence
of the fact that Prussia embraced in population and territory
four-sevenths of the whole Empire, and that she possessed
the strongest military and administrative organization. The
constitution of the Empire gave outward expression to this fact
by making the king of Prussia the German emperor. But the
real basis of the political power of Prussia in the Empire, as in
its other aspects, lay not in the emperor's prerogatives but
in the position of the Prussian Crown. The old public law of
Germany always regarded its conception of monarchy as
realized solely in territorial sovereignty. It remained, therefore,
in this instance an open question and a matter of controversy
whether the German emperor could be correctly described as
monarch of the Empire and whether imperial Germany could
be described as a monarchy. The political unification of Germany
had not in fact been accomplished as in Italy, through the
supersession of the territorial sovereignties by a national
monarchy. On the contrary, the old Federation of Sovereigns
(Fiirstenbund) had, after the expulsion of Austria, been more
firmly compacted under the leadership of that member of the
Federation which was now the strongest Prussia; and it had
been popularized and modernized by the addition of the Reichs-
tag elected by the democratic suffrages of the whole nation.
No doubt, in the course of those succeeding decades which
brought an apparently assured position of power to the Empire
in its external aspects, together with a splendid growth of eco-
nomic prosperity, there arose a natural tendency towards develop-
ment in the sense of the modern national State. Under the
influence of this tendency the centre of gravity of public life was
more and more altered in favour of the Empire; the political
influence of the Reichstag and the independence of the Govern-
1 The words " Deutsches Reich " were, before the revolution of
Nov. 1918, invariably translated " German Empire." But the word
" Reich " has, for historical reasons, been retained by the German
Republican Commonwealth as its official territorial and political
designation. " Reich " is an old Germanic word found in various
forms in Early and Middle English, and surviving in composition in
the English word " bishopric." (Ed. E. B.)
ment of the Empire were more and more strengthened. Never-
theless, this development never reached the point of giving
distinct form and substance to the powers and responsibilities
of a national Government. The extension of the political
mentality of the people did not keep pace with that of its
economic and social capacities; its political evolution could not
overcome the tenacious resistance of the old powers and the
obstruction of the old order of things. There remained an
unsolved and apparently insoluble discord between the develop-
ment that was necessary and the political dynamic forces that
had been inherited, a conflict which was one of the deeper
contributing causes of Germany's national disaster.
The military and political catastrophe with which the World
War ended threatened likewise the internal political existence
of the German people with a terrible twofold peril. Bitter
disappointment and despair brought the complete dissolution
of the national commonwealth appallingly near by producing
the criminal delusion that single portions and fragments of a
shattered Empire might be able to bear the dreadful consequences
of defeat better than the nation as a whole in firm political
unity. And at the same time the desperately bitter feeling of
large sections of the people directed itself, in view of the collapse
of all the old authorities, against the foundations of any and
every order of the state and of society, which these sections,
following the example of their neighbour, Russia, dreamed that
they could overthrow by means of a world revolution and the
dictatorship of the proletariat. The only salvation from these
two deadly perils, which menaced the political and social exist-
ence of the German people and indeed of all Europe, was to be
found, if anywhere, in the conception of a national democracy.
This idea had lived through generations in the soul of the
German people; it had survived failures and defeats, and it had
only been relegated to the background by the successes of
Bismarck's policy. What was now needed was to revive with
resolute determination this idea of national German democracy.
Not as a federation of sovereigns, nor as a federation of separate
states (now without sovereigns) under Prussian hegemony,
could the German Reich continue; it could only be perpetuated
as a national commonwealth, the outward political expression
of German national unity, by virtue of the sense of a common
nationality and by democratic self-determination. The funda-
mental idea of German national democracy had therefore
to be " grossdeulsch " * (greater German). The " kleindeulsch "
(smaller German) imperial Reich had been built upon dynastic
foundations, and had therefore been compelled to exclude the
Germans of the Habsburg Monarchy from the empire of the
Hohenzollerns. But once the empire of the Habsburgs had been
shattered to pieces in the name of the principle of nationality,
the national and democratic German Republic would neces-
sarily have been abjuring that very principle and the idea on
which it was itself based, if it had not kept the door open for the
Austrian Germans to enter and unite with their common stock.
And, further, as the democratic idea of national unity was the
only thing that could be effectively opposed to national disin-
tegration, so it was only with the idea of complete democratic
equality of rights for all members of the nation that the destruc-
tive attempts to set up a lawless class despotism of the proletariat
could be successfully encountered.
It was for Germany a piece of good fortune in the midst of
bad that social democracy, which, after the collapse of the old
authorities, had come to the top, should at this critical juncture
have taken its stand upon the platform of political democracy
and gradual social reform. The Social Democratic " Commissaries
of the People " 3 promulgated the Electoral Law of Nov. 30 1918,
which was drafted at their request by the Democratic Secretary
of State for the Interior, Dr. Preuss. In accordance with the
1 The idea of Greater Germany, i.e. of Germany including German
Austria, had been opposed since 1848 to the idea of " kleindeulsch"
i.e. Germany, excluding Austria, which was adopted and carried out
by Bismarck.
3 The first Provisional Government by six " Commissaries of the
People (Volksbeauflragte)" set up under Ebert and Haase after the
revolution of Nov. 1918.
GERMANY
249
terms of that law a Constituent National Assembly (Deutsche
Verfassungsgebende Nationalversammlung) was elected by all
German men and women over 20 years of age, and the definitive
decision with regard to the future constitution of Germany was
entrusted to this democratic National Assembly. It met on
Feb. 6 1919 at Weimar. The Secretary of State, now become
Minister of the Interior, laid before it a draft of the new constitu-
tion of the Reich, which, it is true, had been strongly modified in
a Particularist sense by the representatives of the Governments
of the individual states in the States Committee. These modifica-
tions were, however, for the most part eliminated by the National
Assembly and its Committee on the Constitution. On July 31
1919 the National Assembly adopted the new constitution of the
Reich by 262 votes, cast by the Majority Socialists, the Centre
(Catholics) and the Democrats, against a minority of 75, com-
posed of the two parties of the Right and the party of the
extreme Left. This Constitution of Weimar was promulgated by
the president of the Reich on Aug. n 1919, and thus came into
force. The fact that the young German Republic had to pass
under the terms of the Peace of Versailles simultaneously with
the establishment of its constitution prejudicially affected the
chances of the latter's becoming familiar to the popular mind,
and compromised the new order of the State in a way that was
fraught with mischief.
2. Democracy aitd Reichstag. While the old constitution
was headed by the statement of the fact that it had originated
in a federation of sovereigns under the leadership of the King
of Prussia, the new constitution is prefaced in deliberate contrast
by the declaration of the national and democratic conception
which guided its construction:
The German nation, united in its peoples (Stdmme) and inspired
by the determination to renew and to establish its Reich in freedom
and justice, to promote peace at home and abroad, and to further
social progress, has given itself this Constitution."
If Germany had possessed a national monarchy, there might
perhaps, even after terrible defeat, have been a possibility of
preserving it. But it was quite impossible, after the collapse of
the 22 dynasties and their Prussian head, to entertain the idea
of restoring monarchy. The maintenance of the political unity
of the German people was only practicable in the form of a
democratic republic. The new constitution, nevertheless,
retained the designation of " Reich " for the national common-
wealth, in spite of the danger of misapprehension which might
arise from the connexion existing between the words Reich
(Empire) and Kaiser (Emperor) in the French and English
languages. In the soul of the German people the idea of its
unity has for centuries been so intimately identified with the
name " Deutsches Reich " that there could really be no thought
of abolishing that designation at a moment when Germany's
whole destiny depended upon the vivifying power of the national
sense of unity. The German democratic republic is a Reich with-
out an emperor and without sovereigns. This is expressed by the
first article of the new constitution as follows :
The German Reich is a Republic. The powers of the State proceed
from the people.
Linking itself with the traditions of the old German democracy
which inspired the movement of 1848, yet at the same time
clinging to the memory of the economic expansion of Germany
during the last decades, Article 3 enacts:
The colours of the Reich are black, red and gold. The flag of the
mercantile marine is black, white and red l with the colours of the
Reich in the top inside corner.
While the constitution of the Reich is designed to realize at
home the democratic State based on law, it takes its stand in
its external aspects with deliberate emphasis upon the basis
of international law, for Article 4 says:
The universally recognized rules of international law are accounted
as binding constituent parts of the law of the German Reich.
The democratic principle is carried out by the constitution of
the Reich in a twofold shape; first in the forms of representative
democracy, the highest organs of the German Republic the
1 The colours of the Hohenzollern Empire.
Reichstag and the Reichsprasident being elected by the most
extensive democratic franchise; secondly, in an institution of
direct democracy the referendum, which has been introduced
alongside of the other and, according to the circumstances of
the occasion, is exercised as the vote of the people ( Volksabstim-
mung), the initiative or demand of the people ( V olksbegehreri)
and the decision of the people ( Volksentscheid) .
The suffrage for the Reichstag was universal, equal and
direct under the constitution of the Empire; the new constitution
(Art. 22) has reduced the age for the exercise of the suffrage
from 25 to 20; while for the " passive franchise," i.e. eligibility
for the Reichstag, the lowest age limit of 25 has been retained
in the Electoral Law of April 27 1920. The vote and likewise
eligibility have been conferred upon women entirely on the
same footing as upon men. The system of election by majority
in single constituencies has been replaced by the proportional
system with scrutin de liste. Finally, the election must take place
on a Sunday or public holiday. These changes correspond to the
demands which the Social Democrats had long ago put forward
in regard to these points in their political programme.
There is the same franchise for the election of the president of
the Reich as for the referendum. According to the Electoral
Law now in force, which, however, will probably one day be
altered, the whole territory of the Reich is divided into 35
electoral districts, each of which elects a large number of deputies
on the system of strictly separate and closed lists. Thus the list
is elected, not the single deputy. To every list as many seats
are allotted as the number of times by which the number of
votes cast for that list is divisible by 60,000. On this basis the
candidates are elected in the order in which their names appear
on their list. The total number of Reichstag deputies is accord-
ingly not a fixed number; it is determined by the number of
votes recorded at the election. The 35 electoral districts are
combined into 17 groups of districts, and within the limits of
each of these groups the parties may associate their lists in order
to secure that remainders of votes under 60,000 may be reckoned
conjointly. The further votes which still remain after this
process throughout the whole Reich are credited to what is
called the " Reic /is liste " of the party for which they are cast,
and a deputy is elected for every 60,000 of these remainder votes.
A remainder which exceeds 30,000 votes is counted as 60,000.
It follows that out of all the votes cast for any party throughout
the whole Reich 30,000 at the utmost can be lost as regards their
effect upon the result of the elections. In consequence of the
extent of the suffrage, which is as wide as it can possibly be, 60%
of the whole population of Germany now possess the franchise.
The census of 1919 showed the population of Germany to be
about 60,000,000. There are therefore close upon 37,000,000
persons in the German Reich who enjoy the franchise.
The old Reichstag itself used to decide disputed elections;
but the decision was frequently long delayed, often indeed until
the very end of a legislative period; and its impartiality was once
and again doubtful. In point of fact, such decisions bore essen-
tially the character of the exercise of a judicial function for which
Parliament, swayed by political parties, is little fitted. Yet so
long as a Parliament has not become absolutely sure of its
power in the State, it is wont to watch over this right as over all
its other prerogatives with jealous vigilance. Under the new
order in Germany the Reichstag is now strong enough to
dispense with this judicial function. For the investigation of dis-
puted elections the new constitution of the Reich (Art. 31) trans-
fers the decision to a court composed of judges and of members
of the Reichstag. The mixed composition of the court was
adopted in order that the deciding body might continue to have
the benefit of expert parliamentary knowledge.
The Reichstag is elected for four years. The duration of the
legislative period is a natural subject of conflict between demo-
cratic and parliamentary tendencies. Democratic tendencies
are in favour of enabling the people, the electorate, to make its
voice heard as frequently and as directly as possible, and it
therefore urged that the duration of the representative assembly
should be brief. On the other hand the efficiency of parliamentary
250
GERMANY
government depends upon allowing an adequate period to elapse
between the travail and the after-pangs of a general election for
Parliament to have time for quiet political work. The four-year
legislative period adopted in the constitution of the Reich
represents a compromise between the old legislative period of
five years and the demands for a two or three years' period.
From the point of view of reasonable parliamentary democracy
a period of four years does not seem too long, especially as there
is the- referendum ; and, moreover, the president of the Reich
can, by dissolving the Reichstag, appeal from the elected to the
electors. It is true that he can do this only once on account of
the same matter (Art. 25). This limitation was introduced in
order to prevent any attempt by an autocratic president and a
complaisant Government to weary the people by repeated dis-
solutions and thus impose their will.
The date of the meeting of the Reichstag is not subject to
the pleasure of the Government ; it has the right to convoke itself.
The first meeting of a newly elected Reichstag must take place
at latest on the thirtieth day after the elections; otherwise it
must assemble every year on the first Wednesday of November,
unless its president, on the demand of the president of the Reich
or of two-thirds of the deputies, convokes it earlier. The
Reichstag itself determines the close of its session and the date
of its reassembling (Art. 23, 24). In other respects, too, the
Reichstag enjoys the fullest rights of parliamentary autonomy,
which its president, elected by itself, officially safeguards. Its
proceedings are public; it is only on a proposal backed by 50
members and on a resolution supported by a two-thirds majority
that the publicity of the proceedings can be suspended (Art. 29).
The press cannot be called to account so long as it gives accurate
reports of the Reichstag's public proceedings (Art. 30). The
parliamentary immunity of the deputies is secured in the most
consistent fashion. This does not merely embrace inviolability
of privilege for their votes and speeches in the House and their
exemption from arrest or legal proceedings without the consent
of the House; they have also the right to refuse to give evidence
regarding persons or facts with which they become acquainted
in their quality of deputies (Art. 36-38). '
j. The Reichstag and t/ie President. According to the old
constitution the assent of the Reichstag was, no doubt, required
for laws, taxes and the budget; but its influence was decisive only
in a negative sense; it could prevent things from being done, but
it had no power of creative political action. Upon the composi-
tion of the Government and, therefore, upon the general tendency
of its policy, the Reichstag had no constitutional influence. The
political direction lay quite definitely with the federated govern-
ments represented in the Federal Council (Bundesrat), with the
Prussian Crown at their head. The new constitution of the
German Republic puts the Reichstag at the centre of the life
of the State by establishing the parliamentary system of govern-
ment on the broadest democratic foundations. This in no way
signifies unlimited autocratic sovereignty of Parliament. On
the contrary, the principle of the constitutional state, established
on the basis of law, requires the co-existence of several supreme
organs of the State between which parliamentary government
forms the elastic link; and it requires the control of independent
courts which can determine the legality of all private and public
acts. In a parliamentary monarchy the hereditary crown is
coordinate with the Houses of Parliament. In a republic an
elected head of the State is substituted. If he is elected by
Parliament his position is not coordinate with, but rather sub-
ordinate to, Parliament; he has no authority of equal standing
with that of Parliament; and he is therefore unable in critical
situations to supply any counterpoise to excessive manifestations
of the one-sided domination of party. In a democracy the only
element of equal standing and equal weight with the Parliament
is a head of the State who is likewise elected by the whole people.
Accordingly, in the democratic German Republic the President
of the Reich is elected by the whole German people. 1 He is
1 President Ebert was, however, elected by the National Constit-
uent Assembly at Weimar. He was really provisional president, a
definitive election not being considered expedient until the definitive
elected for seven years. Every German who has completed his
thirty-fifth year is eligible. A woman may be elected (Art. 41,
43, 109). The special Electoral Law of May 4 1920 enacts that
all electors for the Reichstag have a vote for the president; that
the suffrage is direct and secret; and that an absolute majority
on the first ballot is decisive. Should there, however, be no
absolute majority on the first ballot, then the result is decided
in the second ballot by relative majority. The President of
the Reich is thus as much a direct representative of the people
as is the Reichstag; he is not dependent upon the Reichstag either
for his original election or for his reelection. It is true that the
constitution gives the resolutions of the Reichstag the greater
decisive force; but, in the case of the Reichstag, the representa-
tion of the people is distributed among more than 400 deputies,
while in the case of the President of the Reich it is concentrated
in a single person. The position of this " plebiscitary " president
may present many of the features of a tribune of the people,
but the danger of degeneration into Caesarism or Bonapartism
is meant to be counteracted by the strict practice of the system
of parliamentary government, which makes every act of the
President absolutely and without exception conditional upon
the cooperation and countersignature of the Ministry of the
Reich, which, again, is dependent upon the Reichstag.
Unquestionably as a democratic republic was in the circum-
stances the only possible form of state for Germany, it might
nevertheless have been open to serious doubt whether the
parh'amentary system of government was suitable for that
country. This system, it is maintained, cannot with any prospect
of success be imposed, by rigid legal statutes. It is rather the
organic product of a long political development, which can only
be created by tradition, political training and by the self-control
of political parties, without which parliamentary party govern-
ment cannot politically subsist. This kind of tradition and the
selection of steady leaders, which depends upon it and is indis-
pensable for parliamentary government, are most naturally
created where there is a development that has started from aris-
tocratic parliamentarism, has progressively widened its bases,
and, finally, through the plutocratic parliamentarism of the middle
classes, leads to perfect democracy. In Germany historical
development did not supply these favourable conditions. The
political progress of that country lagged far behind its economic
and social evolution. And now, by means of the new constitution,
the parliamentary system and the most complete democratiza-
tion, which had become inevitable, were simultaneously intro-
duced, and that at a time when there was an entire lack of any
leadership traditional and acknowledged by the free play of
custom; at a moment, too, when the external situation was the
most unfortunate conceivable; and when a very powerful social
movement was asserting itself in the country. This is so; and
yet what was necessary had also to be rendered possible in the
midst of this decisive crisis of the destinies of the German people.
For a people of 60 millions the organization of a pure, direct
dcmotracy could not be entertained. Suggestions were made
from many quarters that, on the model of the American constitu-
tion, the executive power should be wholly entrusted to the
president elected by the people, with a ministry dependent
solely upon him and not upon Parliament. But this dualistic
system, which lays excessive stress upon the separation of
powers, has exhibited great imperfections when confronted with
the demands of modern political life. The absence of a system of
parliamentary government is, perhaps, the most serious defect
in the otherwise admirable edifice of the American constitution.
And Germany's own experiences of the unbridged dualism of
Government and Parliament under the old regime offered no
inducement to reestablish it in a republican form. In spite of all
the objections which have been mentioned, the new constitution
had therefore to decide in favour of the parliamentary system
in the confident hope that the practice of this system would
itself gradually produce the political conditions requisite for its
extent of the German Reich had been decided, e.g. by the destiny of
Upper Silesia.
GERMANY
251
success. This is the explanation of the circumstance that the
constitution contains many express rules for the conduct of the
parliamentary system, which in other countries is founded upon
custom and convention, not upon written laws.
The Chancellor and, upon his suggestion, the Ministers of the
Reich are appointed and dismissed by the President of the Reich.
(Art. 53-)
In selecting the persons whom he might appoint, the President
of the Reich is thus legally free, and is not confined, for instance,
to the members of the Reichstag for his choice. But this is
subject to precise conditions:
The Chancellor and Ministers of the Reich require for the exer-
cise of their office to possess the confidence of the Reichstag. Any
and each of them must resign if the Reichstag by an express vote
withdraws its confidence from him. (Art. 54.)
The Chancellor lays down the guiding lines of policy and bears
the responsibility for them to the Reichstag. Within these lines every
Minister of the Reich conducts the affairs of the department which
has been entrusted to him independently and on his own responsi-
bility to the Reichstag. (Art. 56.)
The President of the Reich can, therefore, only appoint a
Government which is able to obtain the support of a majority
of the Reichstag; and only so long as it commands such support
can it remain in power. The Chancellor and the Ministers form
a Cabinet (Kollegium) , at the head of which the Chancellor of
the Reich corresponds to the English Prime Minister.
The President of the Reich has in regard to foreign and
internal affairs all the prerogatives which usually belong to
the constitutional head of a State; but the declaration of war
and the conclusion of peace are effected by legislation of the
Reichstag; and political treaties concerned with matters which
form the subjects of legislation require the approval of the
Reichstag (Art. 45):
All ordinances and dispositions of the President of the Reich,
including those relating to the armed forces, require for their va-
lidity the counter-signature of the Chancellor or of the competent
Minister of the Reich. By the counter-signature responsibility is
assumed. (Art. 50.)
This likewise applies to the dissolution of the Reichstag and
to the institution by the President of the Reich of a referendum
of the people upon decisions of the Reichstag. If the Ministry,
supported by a majority of the Reichstag, refuses its counter-
signature to these acts, the President of the Reich can appoint
another Ministry, and can, with the counter-signature of this
Ministry, dissolve the Reichstag. The people finally decide
the matter by the general election.
The constitution draws a sharp distinction between political
and legal responsibility; the latter signifies responsibility for
the lawfulness, the former for the expediency and the success,
of the acts of the Government. Political responsibility is not
a legal question which could be decided by a court of justice
by means of legal proceedings in accordance with statute law;
it involves a judgment regarding political values, which is
materially influenced by the party point of view. Political
responsibility is, therefore, enforced by a vote of no confidence
on the part of the Reichstag, entailing the resignation of the
Ministry or of a minister, but involving no judgment at law.
As a general rule the political responsibility of the Ministry
covers the President of the Reich. It is only for the excep-
tional case of an intolerable conflict between the President of
the Reich and the Reichstag that, as the counterpart of the
President's prerogative of dissolution, the Reichstag is similarly
given the faculty of appealing from the elected to the electors.
The Reichstag by a resolution, which must be carried by a two-
thirds majority, can submit to the people a proposal for the
deposition of the President. If this proposal be rejected by the
popular vote, its rejection is taken to be equivalent to the re-
election of the President for a fresh term of seven years, and
it at the same time entails the dissolution of the Reichstag
(Art. 43). Legal responsibility on the other hand is the same
for the President of the Reich as for the Chancellor and the
Ministers. On the proposal of at least 100 of its members the
Reichstag can by a two-thirds majority impeach President,
Chancellor or Ministers for having culpably violated the constitu-
tion or a law of the Reich. Judgment is given after regular
proceedings at law by the Court for State Affairs (Staatsgerichls-
hof) for the German Reich, invested with the independence of
a Supreme Court of Judicature (Art. 59).
4. The Reich and the Territories. 1 Although the new con-
stitution of the Reich did not originate, like the old one, in a
federation of the separate states but in the national and demo-
cratic unity of the people, it has not abolished the existence of the
separate states. Notwithstanding the more compact organization
of the national commonwealth and a considerable extension
of its competence, the smaller commonwealths continue, although
they are no longer called " States " (Staaleri) but " Territories "
(Lander). Whether the German Republic should now be called
a federation of States (Bundesstaaf) with strong national central
authority, or a unified State (Einheitsstaat) with strong
territorial decentralization, is hardly more than a theoretical
controversy about terminology. A great obstacle in the way of
genuine federal organization and at the same time of consistent
political and administrative decentralization is the manner in
which territory is distributed among the different German
countries. This distribution arose out of the accidents of the
dynastic policy of the former reigning houses. It is in many
instances a patchwork of fragments of territory which have
no real connexion with each other; and above all there is a
vast disparity in the size of the territories. Prussia alone
embraces in territorial extent and population four-sevenths of
the whole Reich; it is therefore by one-third as large again as all
the other territories put together and some hundred of times
larger than the smallest of them. Corresponding with this
proportion was the position of hegemony which Prussia enjoyed
under the old constitution of the Reich, but which has now been
completely abolished in constitutional law. Yet this has not
solved the difficulty of treating as equals territories which are
actually so unequal, whether federative organization or the
decentralization of the functions of the Reich be the question at
issue. The necessity of giving the new constitution a proper basis
by a territorial rearrangement of the component parts of the
Reich has certainly been acknowledged; but under the pressure
of perils without and within this right idea could not for the pres-
ent be carried out. The 25 territories were therefore provisionally
taken over in their old extent; and the constitution of the
Reich merely prescribes the procedure by which a rearrangement
may be effected at some future date. Meanwhile seven of the
smallest territories have spontaneously combined to form the
single new territory of Thiiringen (Thuringia).
Within the organization of the Reich the individual ter-
ritories are not represented, like the separate states of the
American Union or like the Swiss cantons, by a separate
House of Parliament, but only by a non-parliamentary body
(Kollegium), the Council of the Reich (Reichsrat). The Reichs-
tag consists of a single House. In the American Senate
and in the Swiss Council of Estates (Standerat) there are two
representatives of each separate state, elected by that state
but representing the political opinion of their party. Not so
in the Reichsrat. That body is composed of members of the
Governments of the different territories or of substitutes ap-
pointed by them, who speak and vote in the name of those
Governments. In view of the vast disparity in the size of the
different German territories it is impossible that each of them
should have the same number of votes. Each territory has at
least one vote and the larger territories several votes, in the main
according to population. No territory, however, may have
more than two-fifths of all the votes. Without this limitation
Prussia alone would command a majority in the Reichsrat,
so that the representation of the other territories would have no
significance. Moreover, in future, half of the Prussian votes
1 The different countries and cities federated in the German Em-
pire (Reich) of 1871-1918 were called States (Bundesstaaten). In the
constitution of the new republican Reich they (e.g. Bavaria, Wiirt-
temberg, Saxony, etc.) are designated Territories (Lander), but
also in their political aspects Free States (e.g. Freistaat Sachsen,
Bayern, etc.).
252
GERMANY
are to be assigned to the provinces of Prussia, which thus for
the first time will obtain direct representation in the Reich on
the same footing as the other territories. At present there are
65 votes in the Council of the Reich; of these Prussia has 26,
of which 13 are to be assigned to her 13 provinces, including
Berlin as a province.
In composition and external aspect the Reichsrat is undeniably
the successor of the old Federal Council (Bundesrat); but its
real character and its constitutional position are essentially
different. The Federal Council was the real seat of the authority
of the Government and of the Prussian hegemony. Its President,
the Imperial Chancellor, was at the same time Prussian Minister-
President, and it was this that gave him real power; the direction
of the Empire was very intimately connected with the Govern-
ment of the Prussian State. In legislation the Federal Coun-
cil had constitutional equal rights with the Reichstag, and as it
likewise was in possession of the powers of Government, it
actually predominated over the Reichstag. The Imperial
Chancellor could not introduce any measure into the Reichstag
without the assent of the Federal Council; and no measure or
resolution passed by the Reichstag could come into force if the
Federal Council did not agree to it. This position of the Federal
Council had been the barrier against progress in the parliamen-
tary system in imperial Germany, for it rendered impossible a
Government really responsible to the Reichstag. In all these
aspects the position of the Federal Council has now been so
transformed that the path has been cleared in the German
Republic for parliamentarism. The Reichsrat is presided over
by a member of the Government of the Reich ; but that Govern-
ment is now entirely independent of the Prussian Government,
and it is also independent of the Council of the Reich. It is not
the Council but the Ministry of the Reich which conducts the
Government and administration and issues general ordinances.
Only in so far as the execution of the laws of the Reich falls
within the competence of the authorities of the territories is
the assent of the Reichsrat required for this purpose. For the
rest, the Ministers of the Reich have to keep the Council informed
regarding the conduct of the affairs of the Reich and to consult
its committees in matters of importance. The Government of the
Reich lays its bills in the first instance before the Reichsrat.
If the Council rejects them, this does not bar the way to the
Reichstag; the Government can introduce its bill together with
an exposition of the dissentient views of the Council. The
Council has the right to enter an objection to bills passed by the
Reichstag; in that case the bill goes back to the Reichstag.
If the Reichstag maintains its vote by a two-thirds majority
the objection of the Council falls to the ground, unless the
President of the Reich ordains that there shall be a popular
referendum on the subject. If, however, the Reichstag only
votes by a simple majority against the objection of the Council
the bill is dropped, unless the President of the Reich institutes
a referendum on the matter. The Reichsrat has thus a suspensory
veto; the real seat of legislation is the Reichstag.
Neither the President nor the Government of the Reich
possesses the right of veto on legislation; they must dispatch
the laws which have been constitutionally enacted and must
promulgate them within a month's time in the official Law
Gazette of the Reich (Reichsgesetzblatt). The President can,
however, submit a law passed by the Reichstag to the referendum
within the month's period. Moreover, the promulgation of a
law must be postponed for two months, if one-third of the
members of the Reichstag demand this, and if the law has not
been declared urgent by the Reichstag and the Reichsrat. If
promulgation is postponed the law must be submitted to a
referendum, if one-twentieth of the total electorate request it.
The initiative in legislation is also admissible by way of the
referendum; this is designated the popular demand ( Volksbegeh-
ren). The popular demand must be based upon a fully drafted
bill, the submission of which must have been demanded by one-
tenth of the electorate. If such a demand has been brought
forward the Governnent lays the bill, accompanied by an
expression of its own opinion, before the Reichstag; if the
Reichstag does not pass the bill without any alteration the
final decision must be taken by a referendum. On the budget,
on taxation bills and on votes for salaries the President alone
can institute a referendum. Bills and resolutions passed by
the Reichstag can be annulled by the referendum only if the
majority of the whole electorate has participated in the popular
vote. If it is a case of an alteration of the constitution for which
a popular demand has been advanced, the assent of the major-
ity of the whole electorate is requisite for the validity of the
popular decision. For the rest, decisions of the Reichstag for
alterations in the constitution can only be effected if two-thirds
of the legally qualified members are present and if at least two-
thirds of those present vote. Similarly in the Reichsrat laws for
altering the constitution require a two-thirds majority. If the
Reichstag has voted an alteration of the constitution to which
the Reichsrat objects, the President of the Reich may only pro-
mulgate the alteration if the Reichsrat does not within a period
of two weeks demand a referendum on the subject.
The referendum has hitherto been tried on a comparatively
small scale only, as in Switzerland and in individual American
states. On so large a scale and with a mass of some 37 millions
of voters it will now, under the new constitution of the German
Reich, be tried for the first time. This is an experiment which
cannot be made without some misgivings; there are circum-
stances in which it might seriously complicate legislative
procedure. In view of the situation in Germany, however, this
modification of pure parliamentarism in favour of the direct
intervention of democracy was necessary. The hope may be
entertained that it will have the effect of promoting the political
education of the masses; the precautions which have just been
enumerated will at any rate militate against its abuse.
5. Fundamental Rights. In the distribution of tasks between
the Reich and the territories the new constitution like
the old defines only the competence of the Reich, and tacitly
leaves everything else to the competence of the territories.
But the sphere of this competence of the Reich is materially
broadened and more strictly outlined as compared with the old
arrangements. The constitution of the Reich prescribes for all
the German territories the republican form of government and
popular representation based, like the Reichstag, upon equality
of franchise; upon this representation the Government of the
territory must lean. The same suffrage is also prescribed for
the communal representative bodies.
In respect of legislation the competence of the Reich ipso facto
excludes the competence of the territories for a variety of
subjects, in particular for foreign relations, questions of citizen-
ship 1 or nationality, freedom of migration within the Reich,
emigration and immigration, extradition; similarly for the
organization of the national forces and for coinage, customs,
commerce, posts and telegraphs. For a very large number of
other subjects the legislation of the Reich is also competent,
but the territories also retain their competence as regards
these subjects until the Reich exercises its prerogative. Besides
this, the Reich can, in case of need, enact uniform laws dealing
with public welfare and for the preservation of public order and
security; and it can lay down principles for dealing with religious
societies, schools, the legal status of officials, land laws, etc.
In the matter of taxation the competence of the legislation of
the Reich is almost unlimited. The law of the Reich prevails
over the law of the territory that is to say, territorial laws
which contradict laws of the Reich are of no effect. In case of
dispute the decision of the Supreme Court (Reichsgericht) may
be invoked.
In administration, too, the direct competence of the Reich
extends to the most important spheres, embracing foreign policy,
military forces and navy, communications, especially posts,
telegraphs, railways, inland navigation and waterways, customs
and, for the most part, taxation as well. For the rest the laws
of the Reich are executed by the administration of the territories,
so far as these laws do not otherwise provide. Over this part
1 A German is both a citizen of the Reich and of the German
territory or state (e.g. Prussia or Bavaria) to which he belongs.
GERMANY
253
of the activity of the authorities of the territories, however, the
Reich exercises supervision, and it can give these authorities
general directions. In cases of difference a Supreme Court decides.
If a territory does not fulfil the duties incumbent upon it
according to the constitution or the laws of the Reich, the
President of the Reich, with the aid of armed forces, can make
it do so. Similarly, if in any part of the Reich public security
and order are seriously disturbed or imperiled, the President
can adopt the measures necessary for their restoration, and he
can at the same time suspend certain of the fundamental rights.
He must without delay inform the Reichstag of all these measures,
and, if the Reichstag so demands, he must revoke them. In
the spirit of the State based upon law the constitution of the
Reich contemplates at all points the decision of disputed ques-
tions of justice by independent courts. It sets up the leading
principles for securing this independence and for the judges'
tenure of their office for life. It prohibits emergency courts,
enacts the abolition of military jurisdiction and, on the other
hand, secures the existence of courts of administration for the
protection of the individual against ordinances of the administra-
tive authorities. A Supreme Court of Administration (Reichs-
verwaltuHgsgericht) is to be established by a special law.
In addition to the part which specially deals with organization
and is entitled " Construction and Duties of the Reich " in
fact the whole scheme of government the constitution sets
up as its second part a declaration of rights entitled " Funda-
mental Rights and Duties of Germans." These rights embrace
partly statute rights which are directly applicable, but, for
the most part, the declaration lays down guiding lines for a
programme of legislation for the Reich and the separate ter-
ritories. These, in a multitude of diverse provisions, have
reference to the individual, life in communities, religion and
religious societies, education and schools, and economic life.
In contradistinction to earlier declarations of the rights of man
and of the citizen they lay stress, not merely upon the preserva-
tion of individual liberty, but above all upon the obligations
and the solidarity of society. Of special importance from the
point of view of organization is Art. 165, which declares that
the workers and salaried employees and their organizations are
to be brought into cooperation on an equal footing with the
employers in the arrangement of social and economic life. The
declaration prescribes the formation of workers' industrial
factory councils, of district economic councils, and of an
Economic Council of the Reich (Rcichswirtschaftsraf). Before
the last-mentioned Council social and economic bills of funda-
mental importance must be laid by the Government of the
Reich for its opinion. The Council can also itself propose such
measures and can have them advocated by one of its members
before the Reichstag. The constitution does not, however, give
the Economic Council of the Reich a decisive vote; the Council
is, therefore, not an actual organ of legislation.
6. The Constitution of the Free State of Prussia. From the
collapse of Nov. 1918 there did not emerge a common Revolution-
ary Government for the Reich and Prussia. Accordingly in
Jan. 1919, eight days after the elections for the German National
Assembly, a separate Prussian Constituent Assembly was
likewise elected. After many difficulties and obstacles had
been overcome this Assembly completed on Nov. 30 1920 the
republican constitution of Prussia.
For Prussia the revolution had infinitely greater significance
than for any other German state. In view of the distinctively
monarchic structure of the old Prussian State the transition
to a republic was in itself something that bore the aspect of a
prodigy. This change at the same time brought with it the
complete alteration of the position of Prussia in the Reich, a
position which had hitherto been characterized by the imperial
dignity (Kaisertum) attaching to the Prussian Crown. And not
only was this hegemony, the close connexion of the Prussian
Government with that of the Reich, abolished; important
rights and instruments of power, as, in particular, military
organization and railways, passed from Prussia to the Reich.
Finally this brought about a further change in the other direction
in the relationship between Prussia and her own provinces,
which had till then been held together by the compact centraliza-
tion of monarchy.
The contents of the Prussian constitution are determined
and influenced in a far-reaching and decisive way by the new
constitution of the Reich. The republican form of government,
the basis of the suffrage for the election of the Landtag (the
Prussian Diet or Legislative Assembly) , and a Government
supported by the confidence of the representatives of the
people, were prescribed for the constitution of this territory by
the law of the Reich. The new Prussian constitution merely
carries out these instructions. But, in its close connexion with
the constitution of the Reich, it designedly goes considerably
further; for the majority of the Prussian Constituent Assembly
desired to strengthen as much as possible the unity of the Reich.
But for the sake of this object they had to deviate in one impor-
tant particular from the pattern of the constitution of the Reich.
If they had set up a president of the Prussian State in addition
to the President of the Reich, friction of the most serious
character would have been inevitable. The Prussian Republic
has, therefore, no president. The Diet (Landtqg) is elected on
the same franchise as the Reichstag and, like it, for four years.
It elects, without debate and by an absolute majority, 1 the
Minister-President, who then appoints the rest of the Ministers.
The Minister-President and the Ministry of the state hold a
position as regards each other and as regards the Diet analogous
to that of the Chancellor and the Ministers of the Reich as
regards the Reichstag. Their political and legal responsibilities
are regulated in the same way as in the Reich. The Staatsrat
(State Council) holds a position in accordance with the Prussian
constitution similar to that of the Reichsrat in the Reich.
So long as a new territorial arrangement of the territories
(states) which compose the Reich cannot be carried out, the
attempt is being made to diminish the difficulties arising from
the disproportionate size of Prussia in comparison with the
Reich by increasing the independence of the Prussian provinces
by means of thoroughgoing decentralization and enabling them
to enter upon direct relations with the Reich. This at the same
time meets the popular desire in many districts of Prussia,
which are hardly inferior in extent, in population and in cultural
and economic importance, to any of the non-Prussian German
territories, and are, indeed, superior to most of them in these
respects. In the sense of this policy the constitution of the
Reich has conferred half the Prussian votes in the Reichsrat
to the Prussian provinces. In the same spirit the Prussian
constitution prescribes a great extension of provincial autonomy,
and has created the Staatsrat (State Council) to represent the
provinces in the legislation and administration of the state.
The Staatsrat is no more intended to be a second chamber than
the Reichsrat; the Parliament consists of one House. But, as
the Prussian provinces have no independent Governments of
their own, the Staatsrat cannot, like the Reichsrat, be composed
of the members of Governments. Its members are elected by
the different provincial Diets, which, again, are the products of
equal suffrage like the Reichstag and the Landtag. The pro-
cedure is that the members of the Staatsrat are elected on the
proportional system immediately after every general election
for the provincial Diets. They give their votes in the Staatsrat
without instructions in accordance with their own unfettered
convictions. Every province sends up at least three representa-
tives and an additional one for every half-million inhabitants.
All men and women who are citizens of the Reich, have completed
their twenty-fifth year, and have been domiciled in the province
for one year, are eligible. In the legislation of Prussia the Staats-
rat plays a part analogous to that of the Reichsrat in the
legislation of the Reich. If it raises objection to decisions of the
Diet the objection can be set aside by a repetition of the vote
of the Diet by a two-thirds majority or by a referendum which
the Diet can institute. The assent of the Staatsrat is requisite
if the Diet wishes to vote expenditure exceeding the amount
1 A candidate, in order to be elected, must have received one more
than half of the number of votes cast.
254
GERMANY
which has been proposed or approved by the Ministry. A
referendum is not admissible in this instance. In the administra-
tion the Staatsrat cooperates by giving its opinion on the
general ordinances which are to be issued by the Ministry. The
President of the Staatsrat, elected by itself, is entitled to
cooperate in the dissolution of the Diet, which, in the absence
of a President of the State, is decided upon by a body (Kollegium)
composed of the Minister-President, the President of the Diet
and the President of the Staatsrat. The Landtag can also be
dissolved by its own vote or by popular demand. For the rest
the referendum, the popular demand and the popular decision
are admissible in a form similar to, though somewhat more
restricted than, that which is prescribed for the Reich.
It is only by a gradual and tranquil development that the
immense transformations in every sphere of the State, which
find expression in the constitution of the Reich and Prussia, can
establish themselves and take firm root in the mind of the
people, in which, naturally, traditions and memories of the past
were still not obliterated in 1021. (H. P.*)
ADMINISTRATION
The business of the German Reich is conducted by the Minis-
tries of the Reich, consisting of departmental ministers and minis-
ters without portfolio. The departmental Ministries are as fol-
lows: Foreign Affairs, Interior, Finances of the Reich, National
Defence (Reichswehr) , Justice, National Economy (Rcichswrt-
schaff), Labour, Post Offices and Communications, Treasury,
Food, Reconstruction.
In Prussia affairs are conducted by the Ministry of State, com-
posed of Ministries of the Interior, Justice, Finance, Public Wel-
fare, Commerce and Industry, Agriculture, Domains and Forests,
Education and Public Worship (Kultus-Ministerium).
The Territory and Free State of Prussia is now divided into ten
provinces: Brandenburg, Pomerania, Lower Silesia, Upper Silesia,
Saxony, Schleswig-Holstein, Hanover, Westphalia, Rhein Prov-
ince, Hesse-Nassau. The municipality of Greater Berlin, cre-
ated by the law of April 27 1920, also ranks as a province, as does
the border region {Crenzmark) of Posen and West Prussia, being
the remainder of the two former Prussian provinces bearing those
names which was left to Prussia by the Treaty of Versailles. A
Prussian province is at once a Regional State Authority (Staats-
teil) and a self-governing local authority.
According to the new Prussian constitution (Art. 72), the prov-
inces are to be administered by their own administrative organs
in accordance with the terms of an Autonomy Law which is to be
enacted. This administration is concerned with (i.) matters fall-
ing within the administrative competency of the provinces, hav-
ing been either assigned to them by legislation or voluntarily
taken over by them; (ii.) delegated affairs, i.e. affairs of State
which have been transferred to the provinces.
The State authorities of the provinces are the Chief President
(Oberregierungsprasident) and the Provincial Council; the local
authorities are the Landcshauptmann (in some regions known as
the Landesdirektor) , the Provincial Diet and the Provincial Dele-
gation (Provinzialausschuss). The provinces are divided as
territorial parts of the State into districts (Regicrungsbczirke), at
the head of which is the district president. The districts are
divided into sub-districts (Kreise), which are of two kinds, urban
and rural sub-districts (Sladl- und Landkreise). These form part
of the State Government like the provinces, and are also inde-
pendent, self-governing units. The constitutions of local gov-
ernment units, i.e. the provinces, the urban and the rural sub-
districts, are determined by provincial and local statutes,
which differ for different parts of the country. The electoral sys-
tem, on the other hand, has been made uniform for the organs
of local government by a law of Dec. 3 1920. The suffrage is the
same as for the Reichstag, with proportional representation.
In the sub-districts the organs of administration are the Landrat,
the Kreistag and the sub-district delegation (Kreisausschuss). A
town with a population of more than 25,000 inhabitants may sep-
arate from the rural sub-districts to which it would otherwise belong
and form an independent urban sub-district. Rural sub-districts
are divided into communes (Cemeinden), which again are cither urban
or rural communes. The pre-war statutes as to the administration
of urban and rural communes are still in force. The organs of
State administration under the Landrat are the Amtsvorsteher
(sub-district officials) ; the organs of the communal administration
are the Gemeindevorsteher (communal officials). The larger landed
estates constitute Gutsbezirke, the administrative organs of which
are the Gutsvorstelier . In the towns there is a council of aldermen
(burgomaster and aldermen) at the head of the administration, and
there is likewise a council of elected municipal deputies. All these
administrative organs are being reformed on uniform and modern
lines. Greater Berlin has, by the law of April 27 1920, been made
into a single urban community, consisting of 8 urban communes,
59 rural communes and 27 manorial communes (Gutsbezirke). This
permanent organization replaced the union of Greater Berlin, which
had been provisionally effected for certain special purposes.
The status of officials as regards the Reich is based on Art. 128131
of the constitution. They are appointed for life except in cases
where the contrary is provided by statute. In Prussia their position
is regulated by the Prussian constitution (Art. 7779). Every
official of the Reich has to take an oath of fidelity to the constitution
of the Reich, and every Prussian official to the constitutions of the
Reich and, of Prussia. The scale of salaries has been revised for the
Reich by the laws of April 30 and-Dec. 17 1920, for Prussia by the
law of May 7 1920. According to the law of the Reich of Dec. 21
1920, the remunerations and allowances paid by the individual
states, the local authorities or by other public corporations to their
officials and the teachers in their schools must not be higher than the
salaries paid to the officials of the Reich who occupy corresponding
positions (Beamtensperrgeselz) . In Prussia a maximum age limit has
been introduced by the law of Dec. 15 1920. For officials directly
employed by the State and for national-school teachers it is 65;
for judges, teachers in universities and. higher technical colleges, 68.
Socialization. According to the new constitution of the Reich
(Art. 156) the Reich may convert into property of the community
all enterprises which are suitable for socialization. The Reich may
associate itself, the individual states or the communes, with the
administration of such enterprises, and it may out of separate in-
dustrial undertakings form self-governing cooperative bodies. The
Socialization Law of March 23 1919 had been promulgated before
the constitution was enacted. According to this law the Reich had
the power (i.) to socialize all suitable enterprises, especially those
occupied with the extraction of minerals and with the exploitation
of natural sources of power; 1 (ii.) in case of urgent necessity to
regulate by means of administration in the public interest the
production and distribution of economic products. A Socialization
Commission was set up whose business it is to make proposals for
laws for carrying out the Socialization Law.
The rules for the working of the Statute of March 23 1919 dealing
with the coal industry were promulgated Aug. 20 1919. At the
head of the coal administration is the Coal Council of the Reich
(Reichskohlenrat) , under which is the Coal Association (Reichs-
kohlenverband). The latter supervises the main lines laid down by the
Coal Council for dealing with the whole industry in fuel. Germany
is divided into II mining districts; all the collieries of each district
are united into a syndicate. Similarly all gas-works in the district
are united in one Gas Coke Syndicate. The Chancellor, and, under
him, the coal commissaries of the Reich, exercise supervision over
distribution of all the coal which is produced in Germany.
The potash industry is regulated by the law of the Reich of April
24 1919. The chief control is in the hands of the Potash Council.
This body is competent to give its assent to the conclusion of syndi-
cate contracts and to business regulations for the potash industry.
It may forbid the opening of new potash-fields and may close down
existing works. It fixes the price at which potash may be sold in
Germany and also the average wage to be paid in the industry.
Wage bureaux of first and second instance have been instituted for
the latter purposes. All producers of potash are united in one
obligatory syndicate, which has the sole right to sell and to import
potash products. The potash control office supervises the execution
of the instructions of the Potash Council of the Reich. It fixes the
extent to which each of the potash-works is to participate in the
general production. An application for revision of its decisions may
be made to the Potash Board of Appeal.
Socialization of electricity has been initiated by the law of
Dec. 31 1919. Associations are to be formed for the production and
distribution of electrical power in all districts where there are elec-
trical works. In the case of larger works the Reich has the right to
take them over.
Settlement and Housing. By the Settlement Law of Aug. 8 1919
the individual states are obliged to establish settlement associations
in the public interest for the creation of small independent settle-
ments. These associations have the right of preemption for all
properties over 25 hectares in extent unless they pass into the
possession of a husband or wife or near relations of the owner. In
settlement districts where more than 10% of the agricultural land
is in properties exceeding 100 hectares in extent the properties form
a land supply association with cooperative rights. This association
'A great development of water-power was in progress in 1921,
especially in Bavaria.
GERMANY
255
has to place at the disposal of a settlement association lands for
settlement up to one-third of the agricultural area as it existed in
1907 on the properties concerned.
According to the Small Holdings Law of May 10 1920 the Reich,
the individual states and the communes may assign small holdings
for the erection qt dwelling-houses and for cultivation by a small
holder. The holding may not be partitioned or mortgaged without
permission of the authority which has assigned it. The assigning
authority has the first right to purchase, except where property
passes to a husband or wife or near relation of the owner, and it also
has a claim to the reversion of the holding if the small holder manages
the place badly or does not properly look after it.
The housing difficulty has since 1918 necessitated measures of
compulsion. In accordance with the proclamation of Sept. 9 1920
the communes may prohibit the demolition of buildings and the
use of living-rooms for purposes other than habitation; they may
also demand the notification of rooms which are not in use. In
districts where there is an actual housing crisis the commune can
also be empowered to issue further regulations for such purposes as
sequestration of houses and rooms for compulsory billeting. Prof-
iteering by house agencies is forbidden and is punishable. For
increases of rent a certain percentage in addition to the peace-time
rent of July I 1914 may be fixed as a maximum.
Courts of Law. The principal courts of justice in their order
from the lowest to the highest are: the Local Courts (Amtsgerichte),
Provincial Courts (Landgerichte), Superior Provincial Courts (Ober-
landesgerichte) and the Reichsgericht at Leipzig. The Reichsgericht
is the only court which is maintained by the Reich ; all the others
are courts of the individual states. The judgments of the courts
are issued in accordance with the new constitution of the Reich,
under the heading " In the Name of the People." ' All the courts act
as civil courts, as criminal courts and as courts having jurisdiction
in norf-contentious matters.
The Amtsgerichte are, according to the Statute of March 1 1
1921, declared to be competent in all actions involving values up to
3,000 marks, and as regards some classes of actions (such as claims
for maintenance, purchase of cattle, suits relating to rents and trans-
port, etc.) without regard to the value of the object. The Amts-
richter sits as sole judge. An appeal from his judgment to the
Landgericht may be made, but only when the value of the object is
more than 300 marks.
The Landgericht sits in divisions consisting of 3 judges in civil
actions and of 5 judges in the case of the more important criminal
trials. In the more important districts the Landgericht has also a
commercial division with one professional judge and two lay judges
taken from the commercial classes. From a judgment of a civil or
commercial division an appeal lies to the Oberlandesgericht, sitting
in senates of which each is composed of 5 judges. From the judgment
of this court there is again an appeal on pure questions of law to the
Reichsgericht, sitting in senates of which each is composed of 7
judges; such appeals only lie where the value of the object exceeds
4,000 marks, or in special classes of action (e.g. matrimonial suits,
claims against the State, etc.).
Minor criminal cases are tried by the courts of first instance,
Sclwffengerichte, which are presided over by the Amtsrichter and are
composed of him and two lay judges. From the judgment of the
Amtsgericht an appeal lies to a Strafkammer (Criminal Division of
the Landgericht), and on points of pure law there is a further
appeal to a criminal division of the Oberlandesgericht, in which 5
professional judges sit. Criminal cases of medium gravity are tried
before a Strafkammer of the Landgericht as a court of first in-
stance. An appeal lies from its judgment, not on questions of fact
but only on the ground of misapplication of the law, in most
cases to the Reichsgericht at Leipzig, but in some classes of cases
this appeal goes to the Oberlandesgericht.
The gravest crimes are tried before a court composed of 3 judges
sitting with a jury; the jury consists, as in England, of 12 persons.
There is an appeal to the Reichsgericht against the judgment of a
court sitting with a jury, but only on the ground of faulty procedure.
The Reichsgericht at Leipzig, in addition to being the court of
revision in civil and criminal matters, is also competent, as a court
of first and final instance, for the trkl of cases of high treason,
ordinary treason and military crimes. In order to obviate the ex-
tradition of the Germans accused of war crimes (as provided for in
Art. 228 seq. of the Treaty of Versailles), the Reichsgericht was de-
clared by a Law of Dec. 18 1919 to be competent for the trial of war
crimes and offences.
Amtsgerichte, Landgerichte, Oberlandesgerichte and the Reichs-
gericht are designated as regular (Ordentliclie) courts. There are, in
addition, special courts (Sondergerichte) ; for example, industrial and
commercial courts for disputes between employers and employed.
In these there is a permanent president with assessors consisting of
employers and employed in equal numbers. There are courts dealing
with profiteering (Ordinance of Nov. 27 1919). There is further the
Reichswirtschaftgericht (Ordinance of May n 1920), or economic
court of the Reich for dealing with certain kinds of disputes arising
out of the war and the conclusion of peace. Other special courts are
1 In the monarchical states the heading was " In the name of the
King " or of the Grand Duke, Duke or other Sovereign.
the extraordinary tribunals with expedited procedure, such as those
which the President of the Reich, acting by virtue of emergency
powers conferred on him in Art. 48 of the constitution, set up to
deal with cases arising out of the communist disorders. These courts
are presided over by 3 professional judges; there is no appeal.
Legislation for Carrying Out the Treaty of Versailles. The Peace
of Versailles was signed on June 28 1919, and accepted by the
Reichstag by the Law of July 16 1919. According to the concluding
article of the Treaty it was to come into force so soon as Germany
and the three leading Powers had ratified it, and a " First Protocol "
regarding the deposition of the Acts of Ratification had been drawn
up. This was done on Jan. 10 1920. That day is, therefore, to be
regarded as the day of the conclusion of peace for Germany in her
relations with those States which had at once signed this protocol.
Germany had previously promulgated two laws of Aug. 31 1919:
a law for the execution of the Treaty of Peace, and an Expropriation
Law for the purposes of the Peace Treaty. According to the former,
the settlement of claims and debts arising from transactions entered
upon before the war between Germans and enemy nationals could
as a rule be effected only by means of official investigation and
through clearing offices (Treaty of Peace, Art. 72, 296) ; but where
an enemy Power had not, according to Art. 2966, given notice to
Germany, within a month's time after its ratification of the Treaty,
of its intention to adopt the clearing-office system, direct negotia-
tions were permitted. On April 24 1920 a statute was formed setting
up a central clearing office of the Reich in Berlin, with 15 branch
offices in the more important towns.
Up to May I 1920 the following States had declared their par-
ticipation in the clearing-house system: Great Britain, France,
Italy, Belgium, Siam, Haiti. The following States had so far de-
cided for direct negotiations: Brazil, Japan, Bolivia, Guatemala,
Peru, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Uruguay, the British Union of South
Africa and the British Protectorate of Egypt, Yugoslavia, Cuba,
Portugal, Liberia, Rumania, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama.
The law for executing the Treaty further authorized the Govern-
ment of the Reich to requisition, subject to compensation, the serv-
ice of agricultural, forest, industrial and mercantile enterprises,
for the purpose of fulfilling the obligations arising out of the Treaty.
The Expropriation Law of Aug. 31 1919 empowered the Reich to
confiscate and expropriate provisionally by summary order without
legal procedure objects which were to be transferred to the Entente.
For the execution of the Peace Treaty a special commissariat of
the Reich for works of reconstruction was instituted in the Ministry
for Reconstruction, and also a commission for restoring machines
and material to the enemy. According to the Law of the Reich of
May 3 1920 information must be given to the authorities regarding
all property rights and interests of German nationals in the terri-
tories of the Entente States.
Compensation for services and supplies to the enemy forces in
occupied regions was provided for by the Law of March 2 1920.
Military and Naval System.- By the new constitution of the
Reich, and under pressure of the Treaty of Peace, the military
system of the German Reich was completely transformed. Accord-
ing to Art. 173 of the Treaty of Versailles universal service was
abolished in Germany, and the German army might be recruited
and vacancies filled solely by voluntary enlistment. According to
Art. 160 and 183 of the Treaty, the whole peace strength of the
German army might not exceed 100,000 men, while that of the naval
forces was limited to 15,000 men in both cases including officers.
In execution of these provisions the Law " for the abolition of
universal service and for the regulation of the obligation to serve for
a long period " was promulgated on Aug. 21 1920. A provisional
Reichswehr (army of the Reich and navy of the Reich) had at first
been created by the laws of March 6 and April 16 1919; the Reichs-
wehr Law of March 23 1921 was issued, and according to this law
the armed force of the German Republic is the Reichswehr.
Those who enter the army or navy as soldiers or sailors undertake
the obligation of serving for 12 years. After that period, unless
three months' notice to leave is given, the contract is prolonged for
an additional year. During the period of service either party may
dissolve the contract on special grounds. Every member of the army
or navy can be promoted to the highest posts in accordance with
capacities and services.
The career of an officer is intended to be for life. A candidate,
before he is appointed to the position, has to contract a written
obligation to serve uninterruptedly for 25 years. This contract,
however, like that of the men, can be annulled on special grounds
before it expires. The electoral rights of officers and men as citizens
remain in abeyance during their period of service (Electoral Law of
the Reich of May 27 1920, 2).
Provision is made by law for soldiers who have left the service
and for the surviving dependents of soldiers and sailors. Provision
for those officers of the former German army and those non-com-
missioned officers under contract to serve for a long period (Kapi-
tulanten), who were not taken over into the new army of the Reich,
was made by the Officers' Compensation Law and the Non-com-
missioned Officers' (under contract) Law, both promulgated on Sept.
13 1919. Officers of the different reserves, the men, and the military
officials (i.e. those belonging to the Reserve, the Landwehr and the
Landsturm) were released from all military obligation by an ordi-
256
GERMANY
nance of the President of the Reich and the Reichswehr Ministry
dated Jan. 21 1920. The settlement of the amount of pension or
provision to which they might be able to lay claim was reserved.
In accordance with the new constitution of the Reich (Art. 105)
the former Military Courts of Honour were abolished, as was the
whole system of military jurisdiction, apart from penal proceedings
in time of war and on warships in commission. Apart from these
courts-martial on land in time of war and in general on sea, criminal
cases against members of the army and navy can be tried by the
civil courts.
A law of the Reich of May 12 1920 deals with provision for former
members of the German forces on land and sea, and with surviving
dependents of such in cases where injury or death was incurred in
the service. This law applies to claims for pensions or payments
arising out of the war. The provision which is made, apart from
medical treatment and social aid by means of gratuitous training in a
trade or occupation, usually consists in a pension (Rente), the amount
of which is regulated in accordance with the disability of the recipient
to pursue his calling, and in accordance with the nature of his
occupation, the numbers of his family and the place of his residence.
The pension for surviving dependents in case of the death of a mem-
ber of the army or navy in consequence of injuries received on
service takes the form of a pension for widows, orphans and parents.
Persons who are entitled to receive support may obtain instead of a
pension a capital sum for the purchase of land, or for the economic
amelioration of land which is their property.
In execution of Art. 173 seq. of the Treaty of Versailles the dis-
armament of the German population was undertaken in accordance
with the Disarmament Law of Aug. 7 1920,' under the direction of a
commissary of the Reich with an advisory council of 15 members
chosen by the Reichstag. By the Law of the Reich for executing Art.
177 and 178 of the Peace Treaty participation in unauthorized
military associations was made punishable by a fine not exceeding
50,000 marks, or by incarceration in a fortress or imprisonment for
a period not exceeding 3 months.
According to Art. 228 of the Treaty of Peace the Powers of the
Entente were entitled to bring before their military courts Germans
who were accused of offences against the law and customs of war,
and the German Government had undertaken to extradite all Ger-
mans demanded by the Entente and described as war criminals an
undertaking which was contrary to an express prohibition in the
German penal code. The Entente ultimately intimated its assent
to the arrangement that the German nationals whom it accused of
these offences should be tried by German courts.
For the purpose of carrying out this arrangement a special law
was promulgated on Dec. 18 1919 (amended March 24 1920 and
May 12 1921). This law declared the Reichsgericht at Leipzig to be
competent for trying and judging, as a court of sole instance, cases
of crimes or offences against enemy nationals or enemy property
committed by .Germans at home or abroad up to June 28 1919, and
punishable according to the law of the place where they were com-
mitted. Amnesties, proscription by lapse of time or the pronounce-
ment of judgment at a previous trial formed, according to these
laws, no bar to a new prosecution. Proceedings were to be instituted
by the Oberreichsa.maa.lt (chief public prosecutor) before the Su-
preme Court of the Reich ; but even when that court found no ground
for an indictment, the public prosecutor could demand that the
decision should be given in open court after pleadings as to whether
the proceedings were to be stayed or continued.
Railways. During the war the Reichstag proposed that prepara-
tions should be made for bringing all German railways of any
importance into the possession of the Empire. The Governments
of the separate states resisted this scheme; they endeavoured by
mutual arrangements (the so-called Heidelberg programme) to
remove the chief causes of complaint arising out of the coexistence
of so many railway systems. When the constitution of the new re-
publican Reich was under consideration the unification of the rail-
way system was assumed to be the aim in view. Art. 89 of the con-
stitution of Aug. II 1919 enacts that " it is the business of the Reich
to acquire possession of the railways which subserve general traffic
and to administer them as a unified system of communications."
According to Art. 171 the railways of the German states were to
be transferred to the possession of the Reich by April I 1921 at
latest. This transfer was actually effected on April I 1920. In
accordance with the treaty of March 31 1920, between the Govern-
ment of the Reich on the one part and the states which owned the
state railways Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, Wnrttemberg, Baden,
Hesse, Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Oldenburg on the other, the rail-
ways of the states which were parties to it passed as a whole, with
everything connected with them and all rights and obligations in-
volved, into the possession of the Reich. The Reich indemnifies
each state in one of two ways according to the option of the particular
state. It either hands over the amount of capital invested in the
railways of the state calculated on March 31 1920, or it pays the
amount calculated to be the average between that amount and
'Another law was passed in March 1921 for the disarmament
and dissolution of forces like the Bavarian Einwohnerwehr and
Orgesch (Organisation Escherich), the object of which was to organize
various voluntary service formations throughout the country.
the capital value computed on the basis of the returns for the financial
years 1909-13. In addition, the states are compensated in all
cases for deficits which arose between April I 1914 and March 31
1920, during the war and the period of the revolution. The total
indemnification will burden the Reich with some 40 milliard marks.
The Reich thus took over (according to the situation on March 31
1919) the following kilometric extent of state railways including
narrow-gauge lines: Prussia and Hesse, 40,312; Bavaria, 8,545;
Saxony, 3,367; Wurttemberg, 2,153; Baden, 1,859; Mecklenburg-
Schwerin, 1,095; Oldenburg, 673 km. The total number of persons
employed on the German state railways in 4920 was 1,030,000,
including some 365,000 officials.
The Treaty of Versailles inflicted a heavy blow upon the German
railway system ; according to Art. 67 the German state railways of
Alsace-Lorraine passed into the possession of France without any
payment, whereas when Germany took possession of Alsace-Lorraine
under the Peace of Frankfort (1871) the then French railway lines
in those provinces were paid for by the German Empire with a sum
of 250,000,000 francs. According to Art. 40 of the Treaty, Germany
had further to renounce all her rights with regard to the working of
railways in Luxemburg (the Wilhelm-Luxemburg railway). Accord-
ing to Art. 256 the state railways in the ceded portions of German
territory passed into the possession of the states which acquired
these territories; these states have, however, to pay the value of the
railways as ascertained by the Reparations Commissions.
The whole organization of the railway system is under the Minis-
try of Communications. Subject to that Ministry the rights hitherto
exercised by the Prussian Ministry of Public Works, the Prusso-
Hessian central office, and the railway central office in Berlin, as
well as the Bavarian central office in Munich, were maintained.
The authorities for regional administration are the regional railway
officials of management (Eisenbahndirektionen), and, subject to
them, for local administration the offices for traffic, construction,
machines and workshops.
Postal, Telegraph and Telephone System. The unification of the
whole German postal system, and its transference to the Reich, was
effected by the terms of the new constitution of the Reich of Aug. 1 1
1919. Art. 88 provides that the posts and telegraphs, together with
the telephone system, are exclusively the concern of the Reich.
According to Art. 170 the posts and telegraphs administrations of
Bavaria and Wtirttemberg were to pass to the Reich on April I
1921 at latest. The transfer, however, took place on April I 1920,
in accordance with a law of the Reich and treaties which had been
previously concluded. Bavaria received an indemnification of 620,-
000,000 marks and Wurttemberg 250,000,000 marks.
The secrecy of the posts, telegraphs and telephone is safeguarded
by Art. 1 17 of the new constitution of the Reich. The German post-
office, in addition to conveying letters and parcels, conducts business
in the nature of banking, such as the issue of postal orders, the collec-
tion of the price of goods on delivery or by means of postal mandates,
and all payments resulting from the national insurance schemes
(excepting sick pay). The post-office also performs the functions of a
public recording official. It procures acceptances of bills, serves
process in civil and criminal cases, collects and protests bills and
cheques in case of dishonour; but its functions respecting bills and
cheques do not extend to sums above 1,000 marks. Certain franking
privileges which had previously existed were abolished by a law
of April 29 1920. Postal tariffs have in many respects been increased
by a law of March 22 1921. The postal cheque system is based upon
the Postal Cheque Law of March 22 1921 and the postal cheque
regulations of April 7 1921. In 1918 there were 300,562 persons who
used postal cheques to the amount of 1-2 milliard marks. The whole
turnover of the post-office amounted to 151 milliard marks, of which
115-5 milliards were paid without the use of currency. The adminis-
tration of the telegraphs and telephone is under the supreme control
of the Ministry of Posts for the Reich, subject to whom are 45
higher post directories for district administration, and under the
latter are post-offices of the first, second and third class, railway
post-offices and postal agencies.
Waterways. According to Art. 97 of the new constitution it is the
business of the Reich to take over into its own possession and ad-
ministration the waterways which subserve general traffic. The
waterways and sea-marks were transferred to the Reich on April I
1921. in accordance with Art. 171 of the constitution. The keenly
debated scheme for a Prussian central canal for establishing a con-
nexion by water between the Vistula, the Elbe, the Weser and the
Rhine, has been extended by laws of Dec. 4 1920 and Jan. 14 1921,
sanctioning further expenditure of 436,000,000 and 740,000,000
marks (Weser and Elbe canal). The administration of the water-
ways by the Reich is conducted through the section for waterways
in the Ministry of Communications.
By Art. 331 of the Treaty of Versailles the sovereignty of the
State over the five great rivers the Rhine, the Elbe, the Oder, the
Memel and the Danube which flow through German territory,
has been considerably restricted. They are " internationalized."
Air Traffic. By an order of the Council of the Commissaries of
the People of Nov. 26 1918, an air-traffic office of the Reich was in-
stituted in connexion with the Ministry of the Interior until a law
should be issued for the regulation of air traffic. An ordinance for
the provisional regulation of air traffic was issued on April 30 1920;
GERMANY
257
dirigible aircraft travelling outside the boundaries of an aircraft
station without a licence for themselves and their pilots from the
Office of the Reich for Air and Motor Craft may be declared con-
fiscated by the Reich. (E. H.)
THE POST-WAR ARMY
In the chaos which followed the signing of the Armistice of
Nov. ii 1918, the 228 divisions which then constituted the Ger-
man army as known during the World War (see ARMY) either
demobilized themselves or placed their services at the disposal
of the more popular officers. In this way, the German Govern-
ment was able to raise troops to oppose the Poles and to put down
the Spartacist rising in Jan. 1919. The forces raised at first con-
sisted of the following two categories: (i.) In the E., volunteer
formations were raised for " Grenzschutz Ost " (frontier guard E.)
in addition to the retention with the colours of the 4 youngest
classes, (ii.) In the interior, the 1918 class and men of old army
units who had no civil employment were combined into so-called
Sicherheitstruppen formed from the old army units. In addition
certain volunteer units of pronounced republican tendency were
raised in Berlin.
The forces named under (ii.) proved so untrustworthy that the
Government had to fall back on volunteer formations, which were
raised during Jan. and Feb. 1919 by the personal exertions of well-
known officers of the old army. These volunteer formations, differ-
ing largely in military value, organization, methods of pay and
recruiting, could only be regarded as a stop-gap, and in March the
Reichswehrminister Noske obtained the consent of the National
Assembly to the formation of a provisional Reichswehr, with linked
Volkswehr units to be raised from the existing volunteer formations
in the interior. The scheme for this new provisional army was
promulgated in army orders of April 4, and was put into execution
throughout the interior of Germany during April and May. The
original scheme provided for 6 brigades on the higher and 12 on the
lower establishment, giving a total of 177,000 men of the Reichswehr
and linked Volkswehr in the interior; the main body of this force
was organized from the volunteer formations stationed around
Berlin under Gen. von Luttwitz and formed the Luttwitz Group.
The Sicherheitstruppen in the interior were disbanded or absorbed
into the Reichswehr, and the remaining men of the younger classes
were demobilized. Pay and organization of the various volunteer
units and formations were regularized ; gradually the scattered volun-
teer units and formations were transformed into Reichswehr bri-
gades, and the former system of independent recruiting by units or
commanders was transferred to the territorial army-corps districts.
The troops of Grenzschutz Ost, who were commanded by Hinden-
burg, were at first not affected by this new reorganization, but from
mid-May 1919 the volunteer formations in Grenzschutz Ost were
gradually absorbed into the Reichswehr. All men of the younger
classes retained compulsorily in Grenzschutz Ost were discharged by
July 31 1919. By Sept. 1919 the German Reichswehr consisted of
43 mixed Reichswehr brigades. In addition, there were still some
volunteer formations in the eastern provinces. The total strength
was then about 320,000 men. After the ratification of the Peace
Treaty on Jan. 10 1920, the period allowed for the reduction of the
Reichswehr to 200,000 men was 3 months. Up to the time of the Spa
Conference (June 21 1920), however, the German army still con-
siderably exceeded this figure. By the terms of the agreement at Spa,
Germany was obliged to reduce the Reichswehr to 150,000 men by
Oct. I 1920 and to 100,000 men by Jan. I 1921.
Although the German forces were reduced to the figures laid
down in the Peace Treaty, with a few minor exceptions, by Jan. I
1921, it was not until March 23 1921 that the law known as " Wehr-
gesetz " was promulgated by the Federal President, abolishing
universal military service in Germany and definitely fixing the estab-
lishment of the new German army. By the terms of the new German
Military Law the defence force (Wehrmacht) of the German Re-
public is the Reichswehr. It consists of the Reichsheer and the
Reichsmarine, which are composed of, and recruited from, volunteer
soldiers and non-combatant military Beamten (officials).
The army (Reichsheer) consists of 100,000 men, including 4,000
officers and military officials of officer's rank. In addition to these
there are 300 medical and 200 veterinary officers. The Federal
President is the commander-in-chief of the Reichsheer. The ad-
ministration of the Reichsheer is exercised by the parliamentary
Reichswehrminister, assisted by the Reichswehr Ministry. The total
number of officers employed in the Reichswehr Ministry in accord-
ance with the Treaty of Versailles must not exceed 300. Under the
Reichswehrminister the executive military command is exercised by
a general, who is chief of the army command (Chef der Heeresleitung) ,
a title for which there is no British equivalent, 1 and the military ad-
ministration is carried out by the chief of the army command,
1 The term " general staff," under the conditions of the Peace
Treaty, is abolished. Practically, the chief of the army command
exercises the functions of the former chief of the general staff.
corresponding practically to the quartermaster-general of the
British army system. The quartermaster-general ranks as Under-
secretary of State. The executive military command is carried out
through two Gruppen Kommandos (Command Staffs) who are
directly responsible to the chief of the army command. The ad-
ministrative services of the divisions, however, are under the control
of the Q.M.G. Each State of the German Federation may choose a
Landeskommandant from amongst the commanders available in the
State. The Landeskommandant is then confirmed in his position by
the Federal President and is directly under the Reichswehrminister.
The principal mission of the Landeskommandant is liaison between
the Federal States and the Reichswehr Ministry. The German Reich
is subdivided into 7 divisional districts. Each divisional district
comprises 2 or more of the former army-corps districts. Each in-
fantry division is commanded by a general officer, assisted by the
commander of the infantry (Inf. Filhrer) and, by the commander of
the artillery (Art. Fiihrer) and their staffs.
The composition of each infantry division is as follows: head-
quarters; infantry H.Q. and 3 regiments of infantry; artillery H.Q.
and one regiment of artillery; and, as divisional troops, one squadron
of cavalry, one battalion of pioneers, one signal detachment (2
companies), one mechanical transport detachment (3 companies),
one horse-transport detachment (4 companies), and one medical.
There are 3 infantry regiments in each division. Infantry regi-
ments are numbered from I to 21, and are each composed of 3 bat-
talions, one trench-mortar company, one depot battalion. The bat-
talion has 3 infantry companies and one machine-gun company.
There is one artillery regiment in each division. Artillery regi-
ments are numbered from I to 7, and consist each of 3 groups (of
3 batteries each). The pioneer battalion is composed of 2 pioneer
companies, one pontoon detachment and one searchlight section.
Each cavalry division is commanded by a general officer, assisted
by a divisional staff; the composition of the cavalry division is 6
cavalry regiments and one horse-artillery group (3 batteries).
The cavalry regiment consists of 4 squadrons and one depot squad-
ron. Cavalry regiments are numbered I to 18.
The divisional troops in each branch are numbered from I to 7
according to the division to which they belong.
Armaments and Equipment. According to the conditions of the
Treaty of Versailles and subsequent decisions by the Commission
of Control in Berlin, the following scale of arms was authorized for
the Reichsheer: Rifles (1898 pattern), 156,080; carbines, 18,000;
short pistols, 50,000; machine-guns (light), 1,418; machine-guns
(heavy), 828; field guns, 7-7-cm., 204; light field howitzers, lo-5-cm.,
84. An arsenal reserve of 4 % on the above figures was allowed by
the Peace Treaty.
Military Schools. According to the Treaty of Versailles the
Reichsheer is allowed to maintain one military school per arm. These
schools were in 1921 located as follows : Infantry, Munich; Cavalry,
Hanover; Artillery, Jilterbog; Pioneers, Munich; Farriers, Hanover.
Physical training and sports receive special attention and encourage-
ment in the Reichsheer.
The uniform of the Reichsheer is the standard field-grey uniform.
The tunic is universal ; breeches are worn by the infantry with ankle
boots and puttees, and by mounted troops with knee boots. The
head-dress is, for field service, a steel helmet or a grey field-service
cap with cloth cockade and soft peak; otherwise a stiff service cap
with cockade of the Reich surrounded by a wreath of oak leaves,
above which is placed a cockade of the state to which the unit be-
longs. (The helmet and shako of the imperial army have been abol-
ished.) The colour of the piping on the collar of the tunic and on
the cap and the colour of the piping and of the numerals on the
shoulder strap denote the arm to which the individual belongs:
infantry, white; cavalry, yellow; artillery, red; pioneers, black;
signal troops, brown; trains, light blue. The former badges of rank
of the imperial army, worn on the shoulder straps, have been restored
to the officers of the Reichsheer, but the latter are now of dull and
silver lace for junior officers, of intertwined gold and silver for field
officers, and of gold lace for general officers. (X.)
THE NAVY
The German navy law of 1900 proposed that the navy should
consist of: (i) the battle fleet, composed of 2 fleet flagships, 4
squadrons of 8 battleships each, 5 armoured cruisers, 24 light
cruisers; (2) ships for foreign waters, comprising 3 armoured
cruisers, 10 light cruisers; (3) and, as reserve ships, 4 battle-
ships, 3 armoured cruisers, 4 light cruisers. Torpedo-boats and
vessels for special purposes were to be added to the establishment
year by year as necessity should arise. The Reichstag passed
the law, except for the omission of the ships for foreign waters.
During the succeeding years, in compliance with this Drogramme,
new ships were constructed, obsolete types replaced, dockyards,
harbours and coast defences built, the Kiel canal widened and
deepened, the personnel increased, the organization of the higher
commands extended, etc. The Navy Law was afterwards sup-
plemented as regards particular points, to meet the requirements
258
GERMANY
of new developments. In 1906 the 6 armoured cruisers which
had been cut out were reinstated, and, following the example of
England, battleships and armoured cruisers were transformed
into dreadnoughts and battle cruisers; the number of torpedo-
boats was also increased. The North Sea naval bases Wilhelms-
haven, Heligoland, Cuxhaven were strongly fortified, and sub-
marine construction was energetically carried out. In 1912 a
fifth squadron was established, the number of battleships raised
by 3 to 41, the reserve ships being incorporated and the main-
tenance of a reserve abandoned; the number of light cruisers
was raised from 38 to 40.
The naval budget increased from 21,700,00x2 in 1910 to
28,800,000 in 1914; and during these years the personnel of the
navy increased from 57,070 to 79,070.
In the article SHIP AND SHIPBUILDING an account is given of
the new warships built for Germany in these years. (See also
NAVAL HISTORY or THE WAR.) At the outbreak of the World War
the fleet included 15 first-class battleships, 5 first-class battle
cruisers, 22 older battleships, 7 older armoured cruisers, 29 light
cruisers, 100 torpedo-boats, 14 mine-layers, 106 mine-sweepers,
27 submarines, 3 naval airships, 6 seaplanes and 6 aeroplanes.
By Nov. 1918 it included 19 first-class battleships, 6 first-class
battle cruisers, 5 older battleships, 2 older armoured cruisers, 18
light cruisers, 188 torpedo-boats, 6 mine-layers, 394 mine-sweep-
ers, 3 seaplane-carriers, 206 submarines, 9 airships, 879 seaplanes,
and 360 aeroplanes.
The losses during the war comprised one battle cruiser
(" Liitzow "), one older battleship (" Pommern "), 6 older large
cruisers (" Scharnhorst," " Gneisenau," " Bliicher," " Prinz
Adalbert," " Yorck," " Friedrich Karl"), 18 light cruisers
("Magdeburg," "Ariadne," "Mainz," " Koln," "Hela,"
" Konigsberg," " Emden," "Leipzig," " Niirnberg," "Dres-
den," " Undine," " Bremen," " Wiesbaden," " Elbing," " Ros-
tock," "Frauenlob," " Breslau," "Karlsruhe"), 98 torpedo-
boats, 3 mine-layers, 71 mine-sweepers, 55 airships, 194 sub-
marines, and 128 other vessels.
After the War. Under the revolution the inner organization of
the navy was severely strained but not destroyed. Order was
gradually restored. The authority vested in heads of staff and ad-
ministration was revived as the Government grew stronger and the
liquidation of the war could be begun. The surrender of the ships
composing the High Seas Fleet took place on Nov. 21 1918. In the
interest of historical truth it must be recorded that the German
crews, who had received the news of the surrender with shouts of
joy, proceeded with the ships to the Firth of Forth in the firm belief
that it was a question only of a temporary internment and not of the
complete surrender of the fleet. The German officers acted from a
strict sense of duty and under the same conviction. It is only fair
to say that it was when it became known to them that in this ex-
pectation they had been deceived, that the officers and crews sank
their ships in Scapa Flow on June 21 1919.
Side by side with the fulfilment of the Peace Treaty went the
reestablishment of discipline. In particular the 2 naval brigades,
formed from volunteers, and a few cruisers and torpedo-boats set
an example of military obedience and loyalty to duty. From the
example set by them grew the restoration of the moral and organiza-
tion of the navy, which was seriously but transiently disturbed once
more by the Kapp " Putsch " on March 13 1920.
In 1921 the navy was organized as follows: The control of the
navy was, like the control ofthe army, incorporated in the Ministry
of the Defence of the Reich (Reichswehrministerium) in Berlin and
was subordinated to the political minister at the head of that de-
partment. It includes the functions of the former Admiralty staff,
Naval Cabinet and Admiralty, and therefore embraces the com-
mand and the administrative authorities. Subject to the head of
the control of the navy are: the Navy Command Department
(including the defence department, for organization, training, and
welfare, and the fleet department, for military dispositions, develop-
ments in fighting material, strategic and tactical questions) ; the
General Navy Department (including the dockyards section, con-
struction department, armament section, nautical section, and
water transport section); and the Navy Administrative Office
(naval stores, accounts, pay). In addition there are the central de-
partment, the financial department, and the medical department;
and further, for both army and navy, the legal department and the
intelligence department.
The naval forces were: Baltic Station: the battleships " Han-
over," " Hessen," and " Schleswig-Holstein " ; the cruisers " Medu-
sa," "Thetis," and "Berlin." North Sea Station: the battleships
" Braunschweig," " Elsass," and " Schlesien " ; the cruisers " Ham-
burg," " Arcona," and "Amazone"; together with two flotillas
of torpedo-boats (each of 6 larger and 6 smaller boats), and 4 gun-
boats (" Drache," " Hai," " Fuchs," " Delphin "). Also there were
several mine-sweeping flotillas. It was intended to replace obsolete
ships, and a vote for the construction of a new cruiser was passed in
1920-1. The naval dockyard in Kiel had been made over to a private
company, the navy retaining only the smaller portion of it as an
arsenal. The Wilnelmshaven dockyard was greatly diminished in
extent. In that part which was given up there is now a fishing
harbour. The shipbuilding yards are used for merchant vessels and
steam trawlers.
In accordance with the peace terms the naval personnel numbers
15,000, of whom 1,500 are officers. Compulsory service is abolished.
Every volunteer agrees to serve 12 years, and every officer to serve
25 years, or until the age of 45.
The legal basis of the navy is embodied in the Law of April 16
1919 and the National Defence Law of March 19 1921. To these
must be added the Pay Law and the Pensions Law. The estimates
are fixed annually; for 1921 they were for 652,000,000 marks.
REFORM OF THE SCHOOL SYSTEM
Under the Empire, education had been regulated by the
separate states and was left outside the imperial jurisdiction.
But the new republican constitution of the Reich laid down in its
section on first principles those which should regulate education
in the different territories. A positive step was thus taken in the
direction of the movement first started about 1848, and supported
by German educationists, particularly at the teachers' conference
at Dortmund in 1908, by the Social Democrats at their party
congress at Mannheim in 1906, and in the debates of the Reichs-
tag from 1912 to 1914, for introducing imperial legislation based
on one universal and secular school system. An Imperial Schools
Commission or Board had been in existence since 1871, but its
functions were of a very limited character.
During the discussions of the committee for drafting the new
constitution it was especially the Social Democrats, the Indepen-
dents and the Democrats, but also the Catholic Centre party and
the Volkspartei (formerly the National Liberals), who worked
for a new organization of the schools system directly under the
Reich. The movement encountered various hindrances: the
signing of the treaty; the withdrawal of the Democrats from the
Government; the first educational compromise between the
Catholic Centre and the Social Democrats which gave local op-
tion to individual parishes to choose between denominational,
bidenominational, and secular schools; and the final educational
compromise of July 31 1919, whereby bidenominational (Catholic
and Protestant) schools became the norm, purely denominational
and secular schools being, however, expressly recognized by law
as exceptions to the rule. But in spite of these hindrances a
number of principles were accepted and laid down in section 4
(Arts. 142-50) of the constitution which came into force on Aug.
ii 1919. These principles were that educational institutions
should be public, that teachers should be uniformly trained, that
there should be State inspection, and that there should be a
standard type of school, the concessions for private schools being
limited, while private schools for preparing pupils for the national
schools should be abolished. It was also laid down that there
should be instruction in citizenship, handicrafts and religion.
The application of these constitutional principles took place
not through any grand general law of the Reich but by means of
measures of a transitional character or measures dealing with
parts of the subject, but all based upon the main plan. The first
step was the law of the Reich dated April 28 1920, dealing with
elementary schools and abolishing preparatory schools (Art.
146, i). The elementary school, which is compulsory for every-
one, covers the first four years' work of the preparatory school
(Vorschule). The date for the final abolition of public prepara-
tory schools was fixed for the financial year 1924-5, that of pri-
vate preparatory schools for the year 1929-30. The Ministry of
the Interior explained that the passing of this measure before
the expert opinion of the National Teachers' Conference had
been heard was due to the pressing necessity for settling the
question of the elementary schools with all speed. It was only in
March 1921 that the Prussian Ministry of Education could issue
instructions for the carrying-out of the law, and for the curriculum
of the elementary schools in Prussia.
GERMANY
259
Further, in order to give effect to the educational compromise,
a bill for carrying out Art. 146, 2, of the constitution was laid
before the Reichstag. It sets up as the standard type a more
comprehensive school than the bidenominational type (Simul-
tanschule) hitherto recognized as the standard. It recognizes
Protestant and Catholic schools, purely secular schools, and also
schools based on some particular philosophic conception or doc-
trine (Weltanschauungssclnde), such as positivism, in order to
give every class of opinion its rights. There was sharp contention
about the definition of this comprehensive standard school
(Gemeinschaftsschule). The non-Socialist Democrats regarded it
as a further development of the existing bidenominational school;
the parties of the Right and the Catholic Centre as the continua-
tion of the older bidenominational schools, which were on a
Christian basis, and of former denominational schools; the Social-
ist parties of the Left conceived it as a frankly secular school.
Beyond the scope of these school laws is the law on the Reli-
gious Education of Children (July 4 1921), regulating the reli-
gious education of children of mixed marriages. It was voted
unanimously. Finally, a bill was introduced to deal with special
aspects of the welfare of the young and in particular with the
education of abnormal children, of those who are subject to
prejudicial moral surroundings, and of orphans, etc. Radical
changes in the relations between parents and the school were ef-
fected by the Prussian ordinance of Nov. 5 1919 on the forma-
tion of Parents' Advisory Councils in connexion with schools.
(F. B.*)
SOCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL LEGISLATION
I. The Pre-War Period, 1911 to 1914. -Workmen's insurance
against sickness, old age and invalidity, which had been intro-
duced by Prince Bismarck in the years 1884-9, and had been
extended by repeated amendment laws, underwent, after lengthy
preparation and debate, a reform which was finally completed in
the system of insurance for the Reich of July 19 1911. Funda-
mentally the law remained the same, but the ranks of the insured
were extended. The interrelation between the different forms of
insurance and their administrations were more clearly defined,
and in addition provision was made for the widows and orphans
of insured persons. Miners were not included, as they retained
their old insurance system under the mutual system of the
Knappschafl (Miners' Association).
The law of Dec. 20 1911 introduced special insurance for
salaried employees in commerce, industry and shipping; for per-
sons employed in theatres and orchestras; for teachers, tutors and
governesses; it gave medical treatment and an allowance during
invalidity and also to all insured persons over 65 years of age.
The means were supplied by contributions from employers and
employed, without subvention from the State. The free mutual-
aid societies, which existed side by side with the legalized State
insurance system, were placed under the control of the State
department which supervised private insurance.
As regards the protection of workers, one of the darker sides
of the economic life of the people was touched by an attempt to
regulate home industries by the law of Dec. 20 1911, which came
into force on April i 1912. It included registration of workers
employed in home crafts, the introduction of wages books, pub-
lic exhibition of wages tables, regulations for the protection of
children and young persons, prophylactic hygienic measures, and
the establishment of committees with equal representation of
employers and employed for the regulation of conditions of work,
but without the right to fix a legally binding minimum wage.
A limitation and modification of the law, prohibiting assistants
from taking employment in works of a similar character to those
which they left, was brought about by the Act of July 10 1914.
The duration of this " prohibition of unfair competition," as the
law was called, was limited to 2 years, an important matter for
minors and for assistants receiving low salaries. During the
period of the prohibition the employer had to pay compensation
for unemployment.
In contrast to these advances in social insurance and the protec-
tion of workers, the legal rights of labour were not only neglected
during these years but actually diminished. This was not the
result of actual legislation, but was brought about through the
administration of justice and by the police. The trade unions,
contrary to the Associations Law of 1908, were treated as political
unions, and this greatly hampered their activity. The cry for the
limitation of the right of combination (the prohibition of picket-
ing and protection of blacklegs) grew steadily louder. A legal
regulation of the wages contracts and the methods of settling dis-
putes was expressly rejected by the Government. A halt was
called in the whole course of social political legislation. Slackness
in matters of social policy was succeeded by frank reaction. The
outbreak of the World War at once created a new atmosphere
affecting opinion and practice rather than legislative activity.
II. The War Period, 1914 to Nov. 1918. The necessities ot
war-time, which demanded that substitutes should be found for
the workingmen who were called to the colours, entailed a tem-
porary suspension (Aug. 4 1914) of the regulations for the pro-
tection of women and young workers (to-hour day, night rest,
prohibition of unsuitable employment) ; but official warnings to
be careful in these matters were repeatedly issued (Dec. n 1916
and Aug. n 1917). The prohibition of night work in bakeries
(Jan. 15 1915) and of the use of white lead for painting (Oct. 25
1915), as well as ordinances concerning 7-o'clock closing for shops
and the raising of the amount of wages exempted from seques-
tration for debt (Dec. 13 1917), also remained in force throughout
the period of the war. The policy adopted in regard to wages by
the military authorities was of especial importance in that it
insisted on sufficient payment for army contracts carried out by
home industries, and in some districts even made a minimum
wage legally obligatory.
In order to maintain workers' insurance during the war, the
Federal Council decreed by an ordinance of Aug. 4 1914 that the
necessary measures should be taken for this purpose especially
in regard to the sickness-fund organization. In the course of the
next few years several reforms of lasting value were carried out:
Maternity benefit (Wochenhilfc) was provided (Dec. 3 1914),
giving monetary aid during and after childbirth, and while the
child was being nursed by the mother; the age at which an old-age
pension became payable was lowered from 70 to 65 (1916); ill-
nesses commonly contracted in particular industries were in-
cluded in the accidents insurance scheme (Oct. 12 1917) ; repeated
increases were made in the benefits from sickness and disable-
ment insurance and insurance in the interests of survivors, and
the wages at which insurance became compulsory were scaled up.
The labour exchanges were made more uniform, and surveys
of the whole labour market were published at short intervals,
vacancies being grouped locally; but in spite of petitions from
trade unions and resolutions of the Reichstag (1915) there was
no thoroughgoing legislative systematization in the matter of
unemployment.
In Feb. 1918 the Government laid a bill before the Reichstag,
concerning the establishment of Labour Chambers (Arbeitskam-
merii) in which employers and employed were to be associated
on the basis of different trades for joint discussion of their affairs,
but owing to sharp differences of opinion it was not passed.
On the other hand, the trade unions at last had their rights
acknowledged. They were no longer persecuted by the police and
the administration of justice on the plea that they were " politi-
cal "; the authorities recognized their assistance in public work
as indispensable, and the consequences of this acknowledgment
found expression in legislation. The Associations Law was
altered (Aug. 1916) in so far as trade unions were expressly
exempted from the restrictions imposed upon political unions, and
the prohibition of the use of foreign languages in meetings was
abolished (April 1917). The law of May 22 1918 suspended Art.
153 of the body of regulations affecting industrial occupations
(Gewerbeordnung), which had for 50 years placed under special
and vindictive legal provisions workers who had been guilty of
offences during strikes and lockouts.
The most important act of social legislation during the war was
the law concerning war- work (Vaterlandischer Hilfsdienst) of
Dec. 6 1916. It obliged every male between the ages of 17 and
60 who was not serving in the army to work at war industries,
26O
GERMANY
at agriculture, in hospitals or in the work of securing food sup-
plies for the nation. In order to settle disputes arising from this
compulsory labour as, for instance, whether an industry fell
under the head of war-work, whether the worker was capable of
complying with the regulations, or whether he might change his
place of work conciliation boards were established, composed
half of employers and half of employees, under official guidance.
They had the right of giving arbitral decisions. With the object
also of cultivating good relations between employers, workers
and salaried employees, workers' boards were compulsorily estab-
lished in the various industries. The execution of the law rested
with the Minister of War, with whom a committee of the Reichs-
tag was associated for this purpose. The last act of social legis-
lation during the war was the establishment of a Ministry of
Labour for the Empire, with a leading trade unionist as Minister
(Oct. 4 1918). This dealt with matters of social policy which had
previously appertained to the Department of the Secretary of
State for the Interior, or the Department of National Economy.
III. After the Revolution. After the Armistice supreme author-
ity passed into the hands of the Commissaries of the People. One
of their first edicts (Nov. 12 1918) contained important acts of
industrial legislation; the right of forming associations and hold-
ing meetings was freed from all restriction; the law concerning
war-work was suspended, except that the conciliation boards
remained; the regulations concerning domestic servants were
repealed, as were also the special laws which bore hardly upon
agricultural labourers. The provisions for the protection of
workers, which had been suspended at the outbreak of the war,
were again put into force. Apart from these ordinances, which
had the effect of laws, it was announced that the 8-hour day for
workers would come into force by Jan. i 1919, at the latest.
On Nov. 18 1918, the Commissaries of the People, by official
decree, gave the status of law to an agreement which had been
concluded by the great employers' unions and the trade unions.
This agreement covered the following points: Recognition of the
trade unions as the elected representatives of the workers; free
right of association; no support to " yellow " unions; reemploy-
ment of ex-service workers; supply of raw materials and placing
of orders; equal distribution of work; regulation of terms of
labour by collective agreements (wages contracts) ; establishment
of workers' boards, conciliation boards and boards of arbitration;
introduction of an 8-hour day; and the establishment of a central
committee to carry out these measures.
On this basis the ordinance for the regulation of hours of work
for industrial workers (Nov. 23 1918) was framed, which fixed the
length of the working day in all industrial concerns. The same
was done for the transport services by the ordinances for railways
and the post (Nov. 24 1918), and for salaried employees (March
18 1919), as well as for bakeries (Nov. 23 1918), in the case of
which night-work between the hours of 10 P.M. and 6 A.M. was
forbidden. Finally a provisional ordinance of Jan. 24 1919 fixed
the hours of work for agricultural labourers at 8, 10 and n hours
during 3 periods of 4 months respectively, overtime being per-
missible. In April 1919 the miners in the Ruhr district were
granted a 7-hour day, including the time spent in descent and
ascent. The hours of Sunday rest in commercial establishments,
shops and offices were extended (Feb. 5 1919). All these regu-
lations, as was expressly stated, were only intended as provisional
measures, especially for the period of demobilization.
Demobilization in its social, political and economic aspects,
and the regulation of the labour market, demanded a special
organization, in view of the vastness of the task of finding work
for the millions who were returning from 'the fronts, and the
change from the economics of war to those of peace-time. As
early as Nov. 12 1918 a Government office for demobilization
was established. Among its numerous ordinances and measures
the following were of particular importance for the legal rights
of labour: Regulation for the engagement and dismissal of work-
ers and salaried employees (Feb. 12 1920) ; for making places free
for workers (April 25 1920); for remedying the scarcity of labour
in agriculture (March 16 1919); for the enforced employment of
seriously injured ex-service men (April 4 1920); for the stricter
regulation of distribution of work (Dec. 9 1918); for the carrying-
out of measures of relief for the unemployed, partly by means of
monetary support, partly by finding work through the collective
efforts of the Reich, the state and the commune. The Government
office for demobilization was abolished on April 26 1919. Its
duties were taken up by the respective ministries of the Reich;
and the demobilization commissioners and committees were, for
the most part, abolished in April 1921.
The legal position of labour underwent an important develop-
ment in three directions during the period of transition, by means
of the ordinance of Dec. 23 1919, which was subsequently en-
dowed with the force of law. The wages contract was declared to
be universally binding. All concerns with 50 or more employees
must institute workers' committees for the safeguarding of
workers' rights. The war-time conciliation boards were regular-
ized and firmly established. The committees for the different
occupations, which had been contemplated in the Home Employ-
ments Law of 1911, but had not yet been put in force, were called
into being on Jan. 13 1919 and given extended powers. In the
beginning of May 1919 an expert committee was formed in the
Ministry of Labour in order to frame a uniform system of labour
law. The decisive turn in labour legislation, however, was taken
by the Factory Councils Law (Betriebsrategeselz) of Feb. 4 1920,
which entrusted the representatives of the employees, who now
replaced the former workers' committees, with the task of up-
holding the common economic interests of workers and salaried
employees in their relations with the employers. This law is
described fully in the separate section below.
IV. International Labour Laws. Germany, which for 30 years
had striven both officially and by the efforts of independent
organizations after an international coordination of legislation
in the matters of social policy, declared in the constitution of the
Reich of Aug. n 1919:
" The Reich advocates a regulation by agreement between differ-
ent states of the legal position of workers, so as to win, for working
classes of mankind, a universal minimum of social rights."
Without being a member of the League of Nations, Germany
was admitted to the International Labour Organization by decis-
ion of the General Conference of Washington (Oct. 31 1919) ; she
had two seats in the Administrative Council of the International
Labour Office, and took part in the annual conferences.
The main principles for the development of German labour
legislation are laid down in the constitution of the Reich. The
economic life of the nation must be ordered in accordance with
social justice and must aim at securing for all an existence worthy
of human beings. Within these limits the economic liberty of the
individual is to be assured (Art. 151). Labour is under the
special protection of the State; the Reich will frame a uniform
body of labour laws (Art. 157). The right of association for
the purpose of guarding and improving the economic and
industrial conditions of work is guaranteed to everyone and to
all occupations. All agreements and measures which aim at re-
stricting or diminishing these liberties are illegal (Art. 159).
For the maintenance of health and ability to work, for the pro-
tection of motherhood and for securing provision for the eco-
nomic consequences of old age, ill- health and the accidents of
life, the Reich has created a comprehensive system of insurance,
in which the insured persons play a decisive part (Art. 161).
Without any infringement of his personal liberty, it is the
moral duty of every German to employ his intellectual and
physical powers in such a manner as is demanded by the wel-
fare of the whole community. Every German shall be given
the opportunity of earning his living by economically produc-
tive work (Art. 163). Workers and salaried employees have the
right to cooperate on equal terms with the employers in regu-
lating the conditions of wages and work, as well as in the
entire economic development of the means of production. The
organizations of both parties and the agreements effected by
them are recognized (Art. 161, i).
Besides the industrial councils, an Economic Council of the
Reich was established in June 1920 as an advisory body; regional
economic councils were in preparation in 1921, and a thorough-
GERMANY
261
going reform of the whole system of social insurance was being
undertaken. A Government Labour Exchange Department for
the Reich supervises and regulates the labour market. The
Reichsarbeitsblalt (Labour Gazette of the Reich) reports all that
goes on in connexion with labour legislation. (E. F.*).
THE FACTORY COUNCILS LAW
The idea of securing representation for workers in the conduct
of the establishments in which they work is not new. It was
bound to arise from the special character of modern great indus-
trial enterprises, in which the majority of the employees have a
common interest in their position as regards their employer.
The idea of such representation was confronted by obstacles
such as a claim of the employer to authority and his determina-
tion to be " master in his own house," and, on the other hand,
the legal conception that contract alone determined the relations
between the two parties, so that the employer had only to do with
the individual employee. The instances in which the employer
voluntarily recognized the right of his workers as a body were
rare; exceptions, such as were made by philanthropic employers
like Abbe and Freese, the former at the well-known Karl Zeiss
works at Jena, were very rarely imitated. There were extreme-
ly few cases before the World War in which a collective wages
tariff was set up. It is true that wages-tariff contracts had suc-
ceeded in finding a foothold in workshops (Handwerksbetriebe)
and industrial establishments of medium size, and that the
extension of the principle of collective-wages contracts was being
vigorously advocated among the working classes. The great
German employers of industry, however, declined to have any
dealing with the workmen's organizations. It was for this reason
that the method of wages-tariff contracts was comparatively sel-
dom the means of establishing representation of workers in the
concerns in which they worked. Legislation continued to avoid
the subject. It is true that the industrial regulations for the
German Empire recognized committees of workers; but these
were not obligatory and they had no decisive rights or functions.
The one exception was the mining industry. In this instance,
after fierce struggles, the introduction of obligatory committees
of workers had been secured, particularly in Prussia. The rights
of these committees were no doubt extremely limited. Never-
theless, an instrument for negotiations had been constructed for
the miners, and with it at least opportunity for the regular ex-
change of views had been secured.
The war undermined in Germany the old conception of the
position of the " masters." The desire to preserve social peace
during the war became, as in all countries, a national anxiety.
The employers were accordingly urged to conclude wages-tariff
contracts. These contracts set up representation of the workers
for the separate industrial establishments; a representation which,
it is true, was invested with only limited rights. But more than
anything else it was the War Emergency Law for securing Aux-
iliary Service (Hilfsdienstgesetz), imposing upon all able-bodied
men the legal duty to work, which promoted the conception of
the establishment by legislation of representative bodies of work-
ers. The employee, according to the terms of the Hilfsdienstge-
setz, could no longer exchange his employment for another with-
out a special certificate (Abkchrschein). There had thus been
instituted an obligation to continue to work in a particular estab-
lishment, or in other words a legal restriction of liberty for which
some counterbalancing advantage had to be secured for the other
party. If the employee was chained to the establishment in
which he worked, it was only right that he should obtain influence
upon the conduct of that establishment. The Hilfsdienstgesetz
accordingly set up, in the form of obligatory workers' and sala-
ried employees' committees, organs of the employees in each
industrial establishment, and these representative bodies had
above all the right, in disputes where all the workers were
involved, to appeal to the services of a Board of Settlement, thus
making the matters in dispute between the employers and em-
ployed more or less matters of public interest.
Such was the situation with which the so-called " Councils
Movement," following upon the Revolution, was confronted.
There were several tendencies which converged in that move-
ment. In the first stage, when in all the larger towns great pla-
cards were exhibited bearing the words " All power to the Work-
men's and Soldiers' Councils," the Councils Movement appeared
to be merely an imitation of what had taken place in Russia. But
it was an elemental impulse which drove the masses into the
streets. It was an instinctive revolt against the mechanical appa-
ratus of the authority in control of industrial establishments.
The old authority of the State had collapsed. The idea of liberty
seemed to know no bounds. What could appear more natural
to the masses, whose powers of endurance had been totally ex-
hausted by war and privations, than to demand the control of
the establishments in which they worked? This instinctive move-
ment, regarded historically, was a relapse into the earliest stages
of the development of socialism. Just as the masses had formerly
attempted in blind despair to destroy the machines to which they
attributed their distress, so now they directed their attacks
against the great citadels of the factories, which they regarded as
the source of the merciless exploitation of their minds and bodies.
If it be further borne in mind that Germany at that time was in
the trough of the sea and that there seemed no glimmer of hope
that she could again recover in the ordinary way, it will be
understood why this movement possessed such a mighty force
and why it actually threatened to swallow Germany up. The
newly established State was confronted with the task of adopt-
ing the legitimate and practical demands of the movement and
giving them form and shape. The outcome of this policy is
embodied in Art. 165 of the constitution of the Reich, which was
framed after great strikes and as the issue of bitter conflicts and
prolonged debates at the Congresses of the Councils in Berlin.
The text of Art. 165 is as follows:
" Workers and salaried employees are entitled to cooperate on
equal terms with the employers in the settlement of the conditions
of wages and work, and also in the whole economic development of
the processes of production. The organizations of the parties on both
sides and their mutual agreements shall be recognized.
" For the furtherance of their social and economic interests workers
and salaried employees shall have legal representation by means of
Industrial or Factory Workers' Councils (Betriebsarbeiterrate) , and
also by District Industrial Councils (Bezirksarbeiterrale) distributed
according to industrial regions, and by an Industrial Council for the
whole Reich (Reichsarbeiteramt) .
" With the object of fulfilling the whole of their economic tasks
and of cooperating in the execution of the Socialization Laws, the
District Workers' Councils and the Workers' Council of the Reich
shall meet the representatives of the employers and of any other
interested sections of the population through the medium of District
Economic Councils and the Economic Council pf the Reich. These
District Economic Councils and the Economic 'Council of the Reich
shall be so constituted that all the leading industrial occupations are
represented in them in accordance with their respective economic and
social importance.
" Social or economic bills of fundamental importance shall be
laid by the Government before the Economic Council of the Reich
for its opinion before being tabled in the Reichstag. The Economic
Council of the Reich shall itself have the right to propose the in-
troduction of bills of this nature. Should the Government not
agree to a bill proposed by the Economic Council, the bill must never-
theless be submitted to the Reichstag. The Economic Council of
the Reich may have the proposed bill submitted to the Reichstag
by a member of the Council.
" Powers of control and administration may be conferred upon the
Workers' and the Economic Councils in the spheres assigned to them.
" The development of the Workers' and Economic Councils and
the functions to be assigned to them, as well as their relations with
other self-administering bodies occupied with questions of social
policy, fall exclusively within the province of the Reich."
Article 165 of the constitution of the Reich, containing the
general programme for prospective German legislation concern-
ing the Councils, is based upon four main principles.
The first principle is the idea of a separate economic constitu-
tion within the State, side by side with the political constitution.
Within the last 30 or 40 years the powers of the State have been
enormously increased; it has been increasingly empowered to
intervene in social and, more particularly, in economic matters
and to regulate them. In the present generation this tendency
will be strengthened, for the idea of " economic freedom " is
receding and every kind of economic activity is being subjected
262
GERMANY
more and more to the tendencies of organization. The idea is
steadily gaining ground that the economic activities of a people
form one great organism, and that for this reason a general
economic administration is necessary in order to put production
on a rational basis and to promote social justice. But how can
the State perform the tasks of general industrial administration,
seeing that it is overwhelmed by other duties? The methods of
the State are political methods, but the management of economic
enterprises requires special technical knowledge and business
methods. The idea of a general management of economic enter-
prises is therefore inseparable from the idea of a special economic
constitution with independent machinery to enable it, on behalf
of the State, to fulfil these general economic functions. The
machinery of a separate economic constitution of this nature is
to consist of the Councils referred to in Art. 165 of the constitu-
tion of the Reich.
The second principle is the ideal of an economic democracy.
Up to the present time economic enterprise has been the private
affair of the persons engaged in it. They were the creators of the
industries and to them alone the products of labour belonged.
They alone were responsible for what took place in the economy
of the enterprise; the employees were not regarded as cooperating
with them, but merely as their assistants who could act only in
accordance with the wishes of those conducting the business.
They received their wages; the method of conducting the busi-
ness was no concern of theirs. They had no voice in framing the
regulations affecting relations between employer and employed;
they had nothing to do with the way in which the enterprise was
conducted. " Industry," " commerce," and " agriculture " were
alike represented, not by employers and employees, but solely
by employers. Economic democracy, however, calls upon the
employee to join in determining not only the conditions on
which labour is hired but also questions concerning the manage-
ment of the business. Such questions are to be regarded as the
concern both of employer and of employed. The employee must
not only concern himself with his own particular task, but he
must also consider the object of all labour, which is to provide
the whole community with economic products. Hitherto Ger-
mans have been living in a period of economic autocracy; now a
constitution had to be framed which should give the employee
the right of cooperating in the sphere of business management
and social welfare. This was implied in the first paragraph of
Art. 165, by which the workers and salaried employees are entitled
to " cooperate on equal terms with the employers in regulating
conditions of work and wages and also in the whole economic
development of productive capacity."
The third principle is the construction of a system of represen-
tation of labour in accordance with the principles of association
and of community of interests. Social life is comprised in two
manifestations of the human will. In the one man is opposed to
man, group to group, interest to interest. The struggle for exist-
ence is the essence of it. In the other, connexions are formed
between individuals and between groups, which are subordinated
to a higher unity in order to achieve a common object. In this
manifestation the guiding principle is that of mutual aid. If this
two-fold object of the forms of social life be applied to the organ-
ization of labour, the legislator finds himself confronted by two
distinct tasks. On the one side he must institute organs of repre-
sentation by means of which labour may look after its own special
interests in the face of interests which conflict with them. On
the other hand he must institute for labour such means of repre-
sentation as may enable it to cooperate with, and to have a say-
ing in, the decisions of other organizations for their mutual bene-
fit. It will be seen, therefore, that, according to Art. 165 of the
constitution of the Reich, two kinds of councils have to be insti-
tuted. In the one kind the workers and salaried employees ob-
tain, " for the protection of their social and economic interests,
legal representation on Industrial Factory Councils and also on
Regional Workers' Councils and in a Workers' Council for the
whole Reich." In the other kind the District Workers' Councils
and the State Workers' Council, " in order to fulfil their economic
tasks as a whole and to cooperate in the execution of socialization
laws, shall meet the employers' representatives and delegates
from other sections of the people concerned in District Economic
Councils and in an Economic Council for the whole Reich. These
District Economic Councils and the Economic Council for the
Reich shall be so constituted that all the leading groups of trades
are represented on them in accordance with their economic and
social importance."
The fourth principle is concerned with the future relations of
these councils with other forms of organization by which employ-
ers and employed have hitherto managed their mutual affairs.
Economic and social life is not organized by the State alone; it
organizes itself in various forms. One of the most important is
the collective-wages tariff. Since the end of the war another form
of self-determination has arisen, that of joint labour organizations,
in the shape of unions of employees' and employers' associations
(Arbeitsgemeinschaften) for the purpose of dealing with questions
connected with particular trades which affect both parties, more
particularly economic questions. There are joint organizations
of this kind for industry, commerce and agriculture. Collective-
wages contracts and joint labour organizations constitute the
voluntary bodies for self-administration in the constitution,
which was the object of the legislation in regard to councils. The
councils legislation does not aim at suppressing the activities of
this social self-determination, but at maintaining it, and at link-
ing it up with the economic structure as a whole. This is the
meaning of the second sub-section in Sect, i of Art. 165 of the
constitution of the Reich by which the organizations of both
parties and the agreements between them are " recognized," and
of the final sentence of this article in which the adjustment of
the relations between the statutory councils and these social
autonomous bodies is regarded as the business of the Reich.
Up to the autumn of 1921 the Factory Councils Law of Feb.
4 1920 (Reichsgesetzblatt, p. 147) had been the only piece of legis-
lation enacted to carry out Art. 165 of the constitution; the
Economic Council of the Reich had been instituted provisionally;
its functions had not yet been defined in detail. Arrangements
for the formation of the District Economic Councils were still
proceeding; they were bound up with more extensive plans for
administrative organizations, in particular with the question of
the formation of so-called industrial provinces. The main lines
of the Factory Councils Law are as follows:
Factory councils are to be established in all factories employing
as a rule a minimum of 20 workers. These councils deal with the
conjoint economic interests of the employees (wage-earning workers
and salaried employees) in their relations with the employer, and are
to assist him in carrying out the objects of the industrial enterprise
in which they are engaged. For the protection of the particular
economic interests of the workers and salaried employees in their
relations with the employer, separate workers' councils and salaried
employees' councils shall be established in all factories where
factory councils exist in which workers and salaried employees are
represented. Public officials and candidates for official posts are not
regarded as employees. Home workers who, in the main, work for the
same factory and do not themselves employ others have a special
council in those factories where a minimum of 20 home workers are
employed. The establishment of special industrial councils for those
who are employed in maritime and inland navigation is contem-
plated. By the term " factories " (Betriebe) is understood all fac-
tories, businesses, and managements both publicly and privately
owned that is to say, not households, but State and communal
factories, in so far as workers and salaried employees not officials
are employed. The factory council consists of at least 3 and at most
of 30 members, according to the size of the factory. Those members
of the factory council wno, as workers and salaried employees, are
also members of the workers' or the salaried employees' council are
chosen by direct and secret vote on the system of proportional
representation; they are elected for a period of one year, and are
eligible for reelection.
All male and female workers over 1 8 years of age who enjoy full
civil rights have the right to vote. Electors over 24 years of age who
are citizens of the Reich, who have passed the stage of apprentice-
ship, and who on the day of election have been employed in the
factory or business for at least 6 months, and have been engaged in
that particular branch of industry or occupation for at least 3
years, are eligible for election. The members of the factory council
and their representatives are to fulfil the duties of their office with-
out payment and as honorary officials. In factories where, as a rule,
less than 20, but more than 5, workers having the right to vote are
employed, of whom at least 3 are eligible for election, a factory
GERMANY
263
steward (Obmann) must be elected. Apart from a few details the
factory steward has the same rights as the factory council or the
workers' and salaried employees' councils.
The factory council is the organ of the whole of the workers in a
factory, but it is also an official body (Amt).
As an organ of the workers the factory council safeguards their
collective interests and also the interests of individual workers. The
interests of the workers collectively are concerned with matters
connected with labour and factory management. These two sub-
jects must be carefully distinguished. In so far as the factory coun-
cil is concerned with matters affecting conditions of labour, it only
represents a considerable advance along the lines on which the wage-
earners' and salaried employees' committees under the old legalized
system had already started. In so far as it deals with questions
affecting the business management of the factory it is taking the
first step in a new development, the essential principle of which lies
in the fact that the worker is henceforth to have a direct interest,
not only in matters connected with his work but also in matters
connected with the management of the factory, and that the workers
collectively are to be entitled to exercise influence requisite for this
purpose. The interests of individual members of the whole working
staff are protected by the factory council more particularly in cases
coining under Sect. 34 of the Statute, according to which, in the case
of notice of dismissal being given on the part of the employer, the
worker, within 5 days after such notice, may enter a protest by
appealing to the workers' or salaried employees' council. This
council, if there is reason to believe that the notice of dismissal was
unwarranted, may then intervene with the employer on behalf of the
worker, or, if an agreement is not reached within one week, it may
appeal after a further interval of 5 days to the Conciliation Board.
The factory council exercises the functions of a department of the
public service (A ml) in those cases in which duties appertaining to the
State are assigned to it, the State having invoked its assistance. Such
duties comprise, above all, the vindication of the legal rights and
the protection of the interests of the workers. Thus, the factory
council must see that, in matters concerning the work of the fac-
tory, the decisions of a Conciliation Board, or of any other body to
which by consent differences have been submitted, are carried out,
and that the statutory regulations and other measures which have
been enacted for the benefit of the workers are observed. The council
must also devote its attention to the prevention or removal of con-
ditions in the factory which involve the danger of accident or are
prejudicial to health. It must give its assistance to factory inspectors
and other officials occupied with these matters, and must offer
suggestion, advice, and information. It must also see to it that police
regulations in regard to industrial occupations and regulations
framed to prevent accidents are carried out ; and it must appoint
one of its members to be present at inquiries into accidents which may
be instituted by the employer or by the factory inspector or other
competent authority.
In addition to the exercise of these statutory powers the factory
council may, in particular cases, exercise special functions by virtue
of a mandate conferred upon 'it by the ^persons concerned. Thus,
individual workers in a factory may ask the council to act for them.
In that case the council acts as the representative of the interested
party in the ordinary legal sense of the term. A factory council may
also have conferred upon it by a wages contract functions for which
the Factory Councils Law did not provide. A way is thus left open
for the adaptation of the council to special circumstances and needs.
In no case may the statutory powers of this representative body in a
factory be withdrawn from it by private agreement between the par-
ties concerned.
The workers' demand for a voice in the management of factories
arose in the first place from a vague but intense longing for emancipa-
tion from the lifeless mechanism of factory routine. The worker
wanted to be in a position to shape the conditions of his or her
occupation, a thing which had become impossible in the mechanized
system and the division of labour which prevails in factories on a
large scale. This longing soon took shape in the demand that the
assent of a factory council invested with equal rights should be
requisite for all dispositions made by the employers. The law as it
now stands has accepted the fundamental idea of this councils
movement, but has by no means met the demand in full.
A voice in shaping decisions is only possible where right of acting
together with the employer is conferred upon the factory council.
The council has this right in regard to the issue of regulations re-
garding the work, the framing of factory by-laws, the fixing of wages
and other conditions of labour. It also has the right of cooperation
in laying down the lines to be followed in regard to the engagement
of workers, the fixing of penalties and the decisions of the Board of
Supervision ' (Aufsichtsrat) to which the factory council has the
right to send delegates. It has further the same right to a voice in
the case of the dismissal of a member of the representative body of
the factory, which can only take place with the consent of the mem-
bers of that body. The working regulations of the factory must be
mutually agreed upon in all factories employing 20 or more workers,
1 Every limited-liability company in Germany has in addition to
the directorate a smaller board of expert business men which ex-
ercises control or supervision over the directorate.
whereas formerly these regulations were issued by the authority of
the employers alone. Should no agreement be arrived at the matter
must be settled by the irrevocable decision of the Conciliation Board.
The same applies to the fixing of penalties and the dismissal of
members of the representative body of the factory. A voice in
the decisions becomes illusory where the representative body of the
factory is only able to exercise an influence upon the will of the em-
ployer. This influence may be exercised in two ways: in the first
place by the workers' right to be heard (A udienzrecht) , which means
that, in certain cases, the representative body has the right to de-
mand that the employer shall listen to what they have to say. In
other cases this right may extend still further and enable the repre-
sentative body to demand that the employer shall enter into negotia-
tions with them, as, for instance, in the case of the engagement of
workers and notices of dismissal. Finally, the right to be heard may
take the more precise form of a claim to receive information from
the employer, so that the latter is obliged to give particulars of any-
thing that occurs which may affect the workers' contracts or their
general activities. Similarly, the employer may be required to
produce the wages books and the necessary proofs that existing wages
contracts have been carried out. He may be required to furnish
quarterly a report on the position and progress of the business and
on the state of the industry in general; further, on the output of the
factory and, more particularly, on the labour likely to be needed for
it. The employer must likewise, on demand, produce for inspection
a balance sheet and a statement of the profit and loss on the factory.
The will of the employers can also be influenced by the right of the
factory council to bring the employer before a court. The representa-
tive body may, in the case of differences, appeal to the Conciliation
Board or to any conciliation or arbitration court which may be
agreed upon. This right enjoyed by the representative body implies
an obligation on the part of the employer to appear before the
Conciliation Board. There is no obligation to negotiate, but a
verdict may be pronounced, even if the other party has not appeared
| or has not negotiated. It is true that the verdict of the Conciliation
Board, except in the cases mentioned above (working regulations,
etc.), is not binding. The method of arbitration to be observed in
the case of engagement of workers and notices of dismissal will be
dealt with more particularly below, but it may be remarked here
that, in accordance with a legal practice, generally adopted though
not unchallenged, the demobilization commissioner is considered
to be within his rights in declaring, by means of an administrative
order, such arbitral decisions to be of binding force as would other-
wise, according to law, not be obligatory.
The right to a voice in decisions affecting the engagement of
workers and notices of dismissal requires special consideration.
Legislation on this point encountered peculiar difficulties. The work-
ing classes pressed for unrestricted cooperation in all decisions con-
cerning engagements and notices of dismissal. Serious strikes, more
particularly of salaried employees and above all of bank clerks, oc-
curred in connexion with this question. The employers fought for
the maintenance of their absolute freedom as regards the engagement
and dismissal of their staffs. The law is based on a compromise
between these two demands.
In the first place, as regards the engagement of workers, the em-
ployer remains, as hitherto, unrestricted in the choice of his em-
ployees. But the Factory Councils Law provides that, as men-
tioned above, certain main lines for the engagement of workers
may be agreed upon and that the employer shall be bound by them.
At the same time the employer is not under any obligation to agree
to such lines of action; so that this provision of the law may be
rendered nugatory by him, unless the balance of power is such as to
compel him to agree to accept general guiding lines for his action. If
certain lines have been agreed upon the employer must observe
them. If he deviates from them the representative body of the fac-
tory may appeal to the Conciliation Board. The Conciliation Board
may issue a binding order that, in case of a departure from the
course of action agreed upon, the contract of the employee with the
employer shall terminate as soon as the decision has come into force,
subject to the observance of the legal term of notice.
Of greater and more far-reaching significance than this coopera-
tion of the workers' representative_ body in regard to the engagement
of workers is the cooperation of this body in cases of dismissal. Sect.
84 of the Factory Councils Law directs that in all industrial estab-
lishments having a factory council, the individual worker, in case of
dismissal by the employer, has the right to enter a claim within 5
days of the notice of dismissal by appealing to the workers' or
salaried employees' council, " (l) if there is ground for the suspicion
that the dismissal is due to the worker's sex, to his or her political,
military or (religious) denominational activities or to his or her ac-
tivities as a trade unionist, or to the fact that he or she does not be-
long to some particular political, religious or industrial association,
or to some military society ; (2) if notice of dismissal has been given
without any reasons being assigned ; (3) if the notice has been given
because the worker has refused to undertake permanently other
work than that for which he or she was originally engaged ; (4) if the
dismissal appears to be an act of unwarrantable severity not justified
by the behaviour of the worker or the conditions in the factory."
When an employee has entered a protest with the workers' or
employees' council against his dismissal, the council shall endeavour,
264
GERMANY
if they consider the objection justified, to come to an agreement with
the employer by negotiation. Should no agreement be arrived at
within one week the council may appeal to the Conciliation Board
after a further period of 5 days. The individual worker who has
received notice of dismissal enjoys the same right of appeal. Should
the Conciliation Board consider the appeal against dismissal to be
justified, and should the employer nevertheless refuse to continue to
employ the worker in question, the committee shall then impose on
the employer the obligation to give him compensation. The com-
pensation shall be proportionate to the total number of years during
which the worker has been employed in the factory, and may be
reckoned for each year up to a maximum of one-twelfth of the
amount of wages earned during the last year of employment. The
total, however, must not exceed six-twelfths of that amount. In
making this calculation the economic position of the worker and
also the financial capacity of the employer must be considered.
The principle of the factory council was not accepted forthwith
by the socialist sections of the community and by the trade unions.
It is intelligible that the employer, who had been accustomed to
autocratic position, would not feel well-disposed towards the
institution of factory councils from which he apprehended unwar-
rantable interference in his affairs. But the fact that the zealous
advocacy of factory councils met with opposition from the advanced
sections of the labouring classes calls for explanation. The idea of
factory councils was connected in Germany, as in other countries,
with a wave of syndicalism. At first it seemed as though, by means
of the factory councils, industries would be brought under the control
of the workers, so that, in this way, industrial property might be
transformed into the property of labour. A demand of this sort has
always been contrary to the fundamental principles of socialism,
according to which the socialization of industry should be effected
not by and for separate industrial establishments, but by means
of an economic community of the entire nation, which should
control all the separate industrial enterprises. The syndicalist de-
mand, moreover, was really contrary to the fundamental principles
for which the trade unions had fought. They had always been or-
ganized on the basis of whole trades. They were united in a central
organization, and their whole system was based on the perception of
the fact that the regulation of wages and of conditions of labour
depended on the state of the labour market, and that the labour mar-
ket could be regulated for the benefit of labour only through trades
unions on a large scale. The trades unions could not but fear that, if
the real representation of labour became concentrated in the factory
councils, the methods hitherto employed by the unions would be
altogether superseded. And, indeed, the tendencies of the councils
movement were in direct conflict with those of the trades unions.
It may now (1921) be asserted that these conflicting tendencies
in Germany have been reconciled, although under certain circum-
stances the old differences might be revived. The view has prevailed
that it is the business of the factory councils not only to safeguard
the interests of particular factories, but also to be responsible for
safeguarding the interests of the whole industrial economy. More-
over, the factory councils, as things have actually developed, have
more and more become instruments of the trades-unions movement
in the factories, so that the great impulses of the social movement
continue, as before, to emanate from the trades unions. They have,
in particular, kept a firm control of regulation of conditions of labour.
The Factory Councils Law paved the way for this development.
The factory council, from its whole structure, -is intended to be not
merely a representative body for the workers in a particular in-
dustrial undertaking. This, it is true, would be the historical de-
velopment of the factory council from the fundamental ideas of the
councils movement as described above. The factory council,
however, is also to be conceived as an official institution designed to
safeguard the interests of the whole industrial economy. This is
expressly laid down in Sect. 68 of the Factory Councils Law, which
says: " The factory council in carrying out its functions must en-
deavour to see that neither party puts forward demands or adopts
measures which would be prejudicial to the general interest." As
regards the relative position of the trades unions, the Factory
Councils Law is carefully framed so that in all cases of dispute the
precedence of the trades unions shall be recognized. For this
reason the wages contract takes priority of any other agreements
between the factory council and the employer. For the same reason
the representatives of the trades unions have the right to attend the
meetings of the factory council and to take part in the general meet-
ings of the factory workers. More especially, the right of the trades
unions to represent the workers in negotiations with the employer
is not affected by the right of representation enjoyed by the factory
council. This point is determined by Sect. 8 of the Factory Councils
Law, which says: " The right of economic associations of workers
and salaried employees to represent the interests of their members
is not affected by the provisions of this law."
What is the significance of the German factory council in the
social movement of labour? That the rights of labour have been
extended by the factory council is beyond all doubt. Where
factory councils are in existence arbitrary conduct on the part of
the employer in regard to matters fundamentally affecting con-
ditions of labour is rendered impossible, and the legal position of
the worker in the industry is firmly established. Rights hitherto
exercised by the employer without any restriction such as, for
instance, the right to issue factory regulations, to fix penalties
and to give notice of dismissal at will have been limited. The
worker's sense of his own personality has thus been raised. But,
above all, the worker's sphere of influence has been extended to a
province from which he was hitherto excluded. This province is
the conduct of the business. It is true that the powers of the
factory council in this sphere are not so far-reaching as in the
sphere of the regulation of conditions of work. The actual right
to a voice in business decisions has nowhere been conceded to the
factory council. The employer, however, is obliged to answer
questions put to him with regard to these matters; he must dis-
cuss them and must lay facts and figures before the council.
Nevertheless, in forming an opinion on the right of the workers
to a voice in the business conduct of an enterprise, it must be
remembered that the precise limits within which the law permits
such cooperation are of comparatively small significance. The
manner in which the right is exercised by the workers is of far
greater importance.
It is no mere coincidence that, since the institution of factory
councils, a new educational movement on the part of the labour-
ing classes has developed in Germany. This movement is con-
nected with the fact that new functions have been assigned to the
factory councils, functions which can only be performed by those
who possess the necessary expert knowledge. So-called " courses
of instruction for councils " (Ralekurse) are being instituted all
over Germany with the object of enabling the working classes to
acquire the knowledge and capacity requisite for the fulfilment
of their new duties. This educational movement is becoming
more and more systematic and conscious of its own significance.
At the university of Frankfort-on-Main an " Academy of
Labour " has been founded, to the support of which trades
unions of all kinds are contributing large sums. The object of
the " Academy of Labour " is to produce a new class of leaders
for the new tasks of the labour movement by means of a com-
prehensive scheme of education.
In this intellectual side of social politics to which the Factory
Councils Law has given birth there lie the seeds of a highly impor-
tant development. For social questions are not merely questions
of power. The supremacy of capital over labour has not been
due solely to the ownership of the instruments of production; it
was, above all, based on intellectual capacity for business man-
agement and leadership. The labour movement, by striving
with purpose and system to obtain the intellectual equipment
which is requisite, not only for acquiring the instruments of pro-
duction, but also for managing them in the way that will be most
beneficial to the entire community, is taking a step forward which
may be of greater significance to the economic life of the nation
than any laws and schemes for socialization. It is an undoubted
fact that this intellectual movement, bound up as it is with the
new rights of the factory councils and with the general and fun-
damental principles of the councils movement, is a preliminary
step in the socialistic transformation of economic life which is
taking place before our eyes, although many of us may not be
aware of it, or may not wish to become aware of it.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Information on the general questions involved
is given by Anschiitz in Die Reichsverfassung (zu Art. 165; 1921);
by Sinzheimer in Das Rdtesystem. Eine Einfuhrung in den Rdte-
gedanken (1920); Proceedings of the Constitution Committee of the
National Assembly (1919-20). For particular information concern-
ing the Factory Councils Law the Commentaries on the law should
be consulted, especially those of Dersch (1920), Flatow (1921),
Feig and Sitzler (1921). (H. Si.)
POLITICAL HISTORY
From IQIO to Outbreak of World War. The question of reform
in imperial financial system, which in 1009 led to the resigna-
tion of Prince Billow and the appointment of Bethmann Holl-
weg as Chancellor, continued to exercise a predominant influence
in German domestic politics until the Reichstag elections of
Jan. 1912. Against the so-called "black and blue bloc" (the
Catholic Centre and the Conservatives) which had carried the
GERMANY
265
financial reforms through the Reichstag, and of which Bethmann
Hollweg was considered to be the representative, the hitherto
divided Liberal Left (Freisinnige Vereinigung, Freisinnige and
Deutsche V olksparlei) at the beginning of 1910 united to form
the Progressive People's party (Fortschrittliche V olksparlei),
which held its first party congress in March of that year. In the
electoral contest of 1912 the question of Prussian suffrage reform
played an important part. It was a question which was really
of the first importance for the policy of the Empire on account
of the predominant position of Prussia. In accordance with an
undertaking which had been given in Jan. 1908 by Prince
Biilow, as Prussian Minister-President, Bethmann Hollweg intro-
duced a Government bill on Feb. 4 1910 in the Prussian Diet.
This bill, however, did not provide, as had been desired in many
quarters, for the application of the suffrage of the Reichstag to
Prussia; on the contrary it retained the antiquated original elec-
toral districts and the division of the electorate into three classes
according to the amount of their income-tax assessments. Certain
provisions of the bill were, it is true, intended to effect altera-
tions in the distribution in the three classes of electors, and the
direct method of election was to have been substituted for
the system of choosing electoral colleges. After various vicissi-
tudes, the bill was rejected by the Diet on May 27 1910. The
question nevertheless continued to form a constant subject of
public discussion during the ensuing years, and franchise reform
constituted one of the chief demands of the parties of the Left,
more especially the Social Democrats, after the World War
started. The rejection of the suffrage bill led to a change of
ministers in Prussia; the chief president of the province of
Silesia, Dallwitz (afterwards Statthalter of Alsace-Lorraine),
became Minister of the Interior, and Baron von Schorlemer-
Lieser Minister of Agriculture, while the chief burgomaster of
Magdeburg, Lenze, took over the Ministry of Finance. About
the same time the Imperial Secretary for the Colonies, Dernburg,
retired, and the under-secretary von Lindequist was appointed in
his stead. Dernburg had been attacked for the favour he was
alleged to have shown to the great capitalists in the exploitation
of the S.W. African diamond fields, yet to him undoubtedly
belongs the credit of having been the first to awaken the active
interest of the nation in its colonial possessions. Shortly after-
wards there was also a change in the secretaryship for Foreign
Affairs, Kiderlen-Wachter having been appointed in succession
to Baron von Schon, who was sent as ambassador to Paris. The
St. Borromeo Encyclical of the Pope against the Reformation,
which was felt in Protestant circles to involve great danger for
the religious peace of Germany, threatened to cause difficulties
in internal politics. A crisis was averted, hdwever, by the Pope's
disavowal of any thought of offending the non-Catholic popula-
tion of Germany or the German Protestant sovereigns.
The person of the Emperor repeatedly became a central sub-
ject of discussion in the course of 1910. Excessive importance
was attached to an incident of a not very serious character
caused by the Conservative deputy Oldenburg- Januschau, in the
Reichstag. Tha't deputy declared in a debate on military dis-
cipline that the German Emperor must always be in a position
to say to a lieutenant : " Take ten men and close the Reichstag."
Although this unfortunate utterance did not deserve to be taken
so seriously as it was in the press and in several of the German par-
liaments, it nevertheless showed the complete opposition which
eight years before the revolution of 1918 existed in Germany
between the different conceptions of the monarch's position.
An extraordinary sensation was produced by a speech of the
Emperor, who at Konigsberg claimed in the following words that
he held his office by the grace of God: ,
" Here in Konigsberg my grandfather set the crown of Prussia on
his head in his own right, 1 distinctly asserting once more that it was
1 Only two of the Prussian Kings had been crowned: Frederick I.,
on Jan. 18 1701, and William I., on Oct. 18 1861. Both crowned
themselves at Konigsberg, the first because, as Duke, and subsequently
King, of Prussia, he could assert in his eastern possessions, which
were outside the Holy Roman Empire, his absolute independence
of the Emperor, from whom, nevertheless, he had received permission
to assume the royal dignity.
bestowed upon him solely by the grace of God and not by parlia-
ments, popular assemblies or popular resolutions, and that he thus
regarded himself as a chosen instrument of Heaven and as such ful-
filled his duties, first as Regent, and afterwards as Sovereign.
Regarding myself as the instrument of the Lord, without paying
attention to views and opinions of the hour, I go my own way, which
is dedicated simply and solely to the well-being of the peaceful
development of our country."
The Emperor, it is true, modified this utterance in a speech
delivered shortly afterwards at Marienburg, declaring that the
cross on the robes of the Teutonic Order, which meant its sub-
jection to the will of Heaven, illustrated what he had said at
Konigsberg. " As my lamented grandfather and I," he contin-
ued. " both represented ourselves as working under the supreme
protection and with the supreme permission of our Lord God, I
assume the same to be true of every honest Christian whoever
he be." Nevertheless an interpellation was moved in the Reichs-
tag in Nov. on the subject of these speeches. There was also
in this connexion the additional fact that the Social Democrats
at their congress at Magdeburg had laid strong emphasis upon
their republicanism. The Socialist party, moreover, succeeded
at this congress in composing dissensions which had arisen among
them on the question of voting the budget in Prussia, and they
were able to maintain the unity of the party. While criticism
of the Government on various matters that arose became more
and more severe, an understanding with regard to the elections
was effected between the National Liberals and the new Pro-
gressive People's party. It was about this time, too, that the
catchword, " the bloc from Bassermann to Bebel," was coined.
The Bethmann Hollweg Government had managed in spite of
this opposition to carry two highly important measures. One was
the law coordinating the social insurance system of the Empire
passed by the Reichstag on May 3 1911. By this law a work
of social policy was completed which became a model for many
countries. The new law extended the system of sickness and
accident insurance, and further developed the insurance of
invalids and surviving dependents. It granted a subvention to
widows and orphans (Reliktenversicherung) , the annual amount
of which was estimated at 60,000,000 marks. Among the in-
sured were included some 7,000,000 additional workers employed
in home industries, in agriculture and in domestic service. A
proposed reduction of the pension age from 70 to 65 was not
carried at this time on account of the cost, which would have
meant a fresh expenditure of 9,000,000 marks per annum; this
reform had to wait until after the revolution of Nov. 1918, when
various other bills amending the national system of insurance
were carried, and the contributions, pensions, etc., were in-
creased in accordance with the depreciation of the currency. A
fundamental reconstruction of the insurance laws was contem-
plated for the year 1922.
Another measure of great significance was the bill for giving
a constitution to Alsace-Lorraine, introduced on Sept. 23 1910,
and passed, together with a complementary Franchise bill, on
May 26 1911. According to this measure, the Emperor had
the right to nominate, without consulting the Federal Council,
the Statthalter for the Reichsland and 19 members of the First
Chamber. The other half of the members took their seats
partly ex officio, partly as the representatives of the estates of
the country. Alsace-Lorraine was given three votes in the Fed-
eral Council, and its representatives on that body received their
instructions from the Statthalter. In order, however, to prevent
a too great preponderance of Prussia in the Federal Council, the
provision was added that the three Alsatian votes should not
count in cases where a Prussian proposal could not be carried
without them. It was evident that, since the Emperor, who
was also King of Prussia, appointed the Statthalter, and the
Statthalter gave the Alsatian members their instructions, the
Alsatian votes in the Federal Council in reality meant Prussian
votes. For the Second Chamber of the Reichsland Parliament,
universal, equal, direct and secret suffrage was granted, although
it continued to be withheld from Prussia; and the anomaly was
witnessed of the Prussian Minister-President, Bethmann Holl-
weg, advocating in the Reichstag, as Imperial Chancellor, this
266
GERMANY
suffrage for Alsace-Lorraine. When the bill was being debated,
there was a revival in Conservative circles of the old demand
for the incorporation of Alsace-Lorraine with Prussia. The
Chancellor met this demand by pointing out that the avowed ob-
ject of Bismarck's policy was to give the people of Alsace-Lorraine
a country of their own, as nearly as possible on an equal footing
with the other German states and under the protection of the
whole Empire. The constitution came into force on Sept. i 1911.
The first and only elections to a German Parliament of the
Reichsland took place on Oct. 22 1911 and resulted in a Clerical
majority. There were, nevertheless, in the sequel repeated inci-
dents in Alsace-Lorraine, some of them in the Parliament itself.
A good deal of excitement was caused in Nov. 1913 by the so-
called Zabern affair, when young Lt. von Forstner who after-
wards fell in the war employed a local term of abuse, " Wackes,"
to characterize the Alsatians. The consequence was that
German officers were insulted by the population, and, as the
civil authorities did not interfere, the regimental commander
governing the garrison, Colonel von Reuter, had arrests
made on his own responsibility. This incident made a very bad
impression among the anti-militarist parties in the Reichstag,
and led to excited debates, which were followed on April 1914
by the resignation of the Statthalter, Count Wedel. This had
been preceded on Jan. 29 by the retirement of the Secretary of
State of the Reichsland, Zorn von Bulach, and also of two under-
secretaries. The Prussian Minister of the Interior, von Dall-
witz, was appointed Statthalter. It is noteworthy that in the
course of the Reichstag debates on this subject a vote of no con-
fidence in the Chancellor was passed for the first time in German
parliamentary history. The official view of parliamentary
responsibility, which was strongly held by the Emperor, pre-
vented the vote from having any further consequences.
On June 18 1911 the German nation celebrated the fortieth
anniversary of the foundation of the Empire. In the course of
the same year the despatch of the gunboat " Panther " to Agadir
caused a highly strained European situation, attended by the
greatest excitement in Germany. The so-called " gesle of
'Agadir " was at first joyfully greeted by the whole of the parties
of the Right, and more particularly by the Pan-German members,
as a sign that Germany was determined to assert her position in
the world. When, however, the Government appeared to be
abandoning German interests in Morocco in exchange for com-
pensations in the French Congo, the Secretary of State, Kiderlen-
Wachter, and the minister responsible for the conduct of German
policy, the Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg, were subjected -to
very violent attacks, with which even some of the deputies of the
Left associated themselves. In the midst of this excitement the
speeches of Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Asquith in England were
regarded as wounding to Germany. When the details of the
Franco-German Morocco-Congo Convention, signed on Nov. 4
1911, were published, they had a calming effect upon public
sentiment. Only the Pan-German newspapers continued to
speak of the " disgrace " of Agadir. The Secretary of State in
the Colonial Office, von Lindequist, resigned because he could
not approve of the agreement. He was succeeded by Dr. Solf,
who had been governor of Samoa. There was a debate in the
Reichstag, lasting several days, upon the Morocco negotiations,
and the Imperial Chancellor took up an attitude of vigorous
opposition to the ideas of the Conservative leader, von Heyde-
brand. A great sensation was caused by the action of the Crown
Prince, who appeared in uniform in the Court Gallery and de-
monstratively applauded von Heydebrand. This incident led
to further parliamentary discussion. In one of the speeches
which the Chancellor delivered, he declared that Bismarck's
principle never to wage a "preventive" war had continued to
guide the Government in the Morocco 'crisis. For himself he
had to bear the responsibility, and it was his duty so to conduct
affairs that any war which was avoidable and was not necessitated
by Germany's honour should be avoided. In another speech
Bethmann Hollweg expressed his regret that von Heydebrand
had used language with regard to German relations with Great
Britain such as might be useful at an election meeting but was
not customary in a Parliament alive to its responsibility. With
these proceedings the legislative period of the Reichstag which
had been elected in 1907 closed.
On Jan. 12 1912, the new Reichstag elections took place, and
resulted, as had been expected, in showing that the " black and
blue bloc " (Conservatives and Catholic Centre) no longer com-
manded an effective majority. Although most of the by-elections
in the previous year had revealed a strong movement toward
the Left, the extent of the success 'of the Social Democrats
proved extraordinary. They were sent back to the Reichstag
with no deputies, which made them the strongest party in the '
House. The " black and blue b/oc " lost 45 seats. This change
in the parliamentary situation did not, under the German polit-
ical system of those days, entail a reconstruction of the Govern-
ment; its effects, however, were manifested at the election of the
president and the vice-presidents of the Reichstag. These,
according to parliamentary custom, had to be elected twice
over. At the first election the veteran Socialist leader, Bebel,
only missed being elected president by n votes, while for the
first time in German political history a Socialist, Scheidemann,
was elected vice-president. At the second election the Progressist
(bourgeois Democrat) Kampf was elected president, while Schei-
demann was defeated by the National Liberal, Dr. Paasche. The
times were not ripe for placing Social Democrats in positions
which entailed personal relations with the Court. The new
Reichstag the Reichstag which lasted throughout the war and
proved to be the last under the old Imperial regime was ulti-
mately swept away together with the Bismarckian constitution
by the revolution of Nov. 1918.
In Bavaria, the second largest German Federal state, elec-
tions had almost simultaneously taken place for the Diet. Their
result was signalized by the appointment of the leader of the
Catholic Centre in the Empire, Baron von Hertling (who after-
wards became Imperial Chancellor), to the presidency of the
Bavarian Ministry. An ordinance issued by this Government,
permitting certain limited activities in Bavaria to the Jesuits,
who had been expelled from Germany since 1872, led to much
discussion, which was also taken up in the Reichstag. In conse-
quence of the decision of the Federal Council, Bavaria with-
drew this Jesuit ordinance in Nov. 1912. New army and navy
bills, providing for the establishment of two new army corps
at Allenstein and Saarbrucken and contemplating the comple-
tion of the third squadron of battleships for the fighting line,
involved measures for meeting fresh expenditure, in connexion
with which the Secretary of State of the Imperial Treasury,
Wermuth, resigned. He was succeeded by the under-secretary
Kuhn, and was elected a few months afterwards to the office of
chief burgomaster of Berlin. As a presage of what was after-
wards to take place it may be noted here that there was already a
Social Democratic majority in the Diet of the smallest of the
federated states, Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt.
On Dec. 12 1912, the Prince Regent Leopold of Bavaria died
at the age of 92. He had governed in place of the incurably
insane King Otto since 1886. He was succeeded as regent by
his son Prince Louis (Lud wig), and in the following year (1913)
the Hertling Ministry introduced an amendment to the consti-
tution providing that if the king was unable, owing to bodily or
mental infirmity, to exercise his office, and if, after a period of 10
years, there was no prospect of his recovery, the regent should
declare the throne vacant. The Bavarian Diet agreed on Oct.
30 1913 to this alteration of the constitution, and the regent
assumed the Bavarian crown as King Louis (Ludwig) III. In
another state of the confederation, Brunswick, the regency
which had lasted for many years was also terminated in 1913.
The legitimate heir was the Duke of Cumberland, son of the King
George of Hanover who had been deposed in consequence of the
events of 1866. The Duke of Cumberland had expressly refused
in 1884 to renounce his right to succession to the throne of
Hanover. By decisions of the Federal Council in 1885 and 1907
he was accordingly debarred from taking up the succession to
the ducal throne of Brunswick. It was only the marriage of his
sole surviving son, Prince Ernest Augustus, with the daughter
GERMANY
267
the German Emperor, Princess Victoria Louise, that put an
. to these difficulties. The marriage was celebrated at Berlin
on May 24 1913 with great splendour, and a large number of
European sovereigns and princes were present. Among them
were the King and Queen of England and the Tsar of Russia.
Prince Ernest Augustus, who had previously entered the Prussian
army, had on April 20 addressed a letter to the Imperial Chancel-
lor intimating that his father had transferred to him his rights
to Brunswick; further, that his marriage with Princess Victoria
Louise and his entrance into the Prussian army would, in his
view, justify a reversal of the former decision of the Federal
Council concerning the Brunswick succession. On the proposal
of Prussia the Federal Council then declared (Oct. 27) that it
agreed to the prince's accession to the throne of Brunswick.
The young Duke and Duchess of Brunswick were, therefore, able
to make their state entry into Brunswick on Nov. 3. The fact
nevertheless had a sequel. Attacks were made in the Reichstag
on the Federal Council because it had given its consent to the
accession of Prince Ernest Augustus without the renunciation
of the throne of Hanover by his father, the Duke of Cumberland,
which it had demanded in the year 1907. The German Crown
Prince in a correspondence with the Imperial Chancellor asso-
ciated himself with this protest, a proceeding which caused some
transient annoyance. Meanwhile, the Hanoverian Guelphs
turned the settlement of the Brunswick succession to account by
advancing in the most uncompromising manner demands, which
since 1866 they had never abandoned, for the reestablishment
of the Guclph kingdom of Hanover.
The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, von Kiderlen-
Wachter, suddenly died on Jan. 2 1913. He was succeeded by
the ambassador in Rome, Gottlieb von Jagow. On Jan. 29 the
chief in command of the High Seas Fleet, Adml. von Holtzen-
dorff , was placed on the retired list and was succeeded by Adml.
von Ingenohl. The danger of war, which had again overshad-
owed Europe, and more especially Germany's ally, Austria, in
consequence of the Balkan War and the Russo- Austrian tension,
caused the German Government to introduce the great Army
Bill of 1913, to meet the cost of which a non-recurring war con-
tribution (Wehrbeitrag) was to be levied upon the well-to-do
sections of the nation. The Imperial Chancellor introduced the
bill on April 7 in a great speech, in which he referred to the change
in the military and political situation resulting from the issue of
the Balkan War. " If ever," he said, " there should be a Euro-
pean conflagration in which Slavs and Germans were opposed, a
disadvantage for the Germans would lie in the fact that the
place in the balance of power hitherto occupied by European
Turkey would now to some extent be occupied by the South
Slav states." After alluding to the growth of Pan-Slavic ten-
dencies, to the literature of Chauvinism in France, and to the fact
that in Germany, as contrasted with France, the idea of univer-
sal service was no longer completely carried out, the Chancellor
declared: " We are not bringing in this bill because we want
war, but because we want peace, and because, if war comes, we
desire to be the victors." The bill raised the strength of the
German army, as from Oct. i 1913, from 544,271 men to 661,176.
It passed the third reading in the Reichstag on June 30 1913.
The financial measure accompanying it, defraying the proposed
expenditure to the amount of more than one milliard marks by
a non-recurring war contribution levied upon personal fortunes,
was passed at the same time. The bill for this impost, which in
the ensuing years indeed for the most part in the first year
was paid up without any disturbance of the economic life of
Germany, was the work of the Secretary of State for the Treasury,
Kiihn. The sovereigns of the German Confederation renounced
their privilege of exemption from taxation and paid their share
of this contribution on behalf of the national defences. As
regards the construction of warships, the Secretary of State for
the Navy, von Tirpitz, had stated in the Reichstag on Feb. 7 '
that he had no objection to the proportion of 10 to 16 between
the numbers of the German and the English battleships, as
proposed by the British First Lord of the Admiralty.
The remarkable progress of the German nation up to 1913-4
was advertised in a striking way by the great celebrations of
1913, the centenary of the War of Liberation, and the twenty-
fifth anniversary of the accession of William II. All the German
sovereigns assembled to take part in a ceremony in the hall built
at Kehlheim to commemorate the national liberation, and in the
dedication of the monument erected at Leipzig in memory of the
" Battle of the Nations " (VolkerscUacht). On the occasion of
the fetes celebrating the Kaiser's accession, there were many
references to the industrial, economic and financial prosperity
which had been achieved. Dr. Helfferich calculated that the
national wealth of Germany amounted at that date to something
like 300 milliard marks (about 15,000,000,000). The popula-
tion, according to the census of 1910, was 64,896,881. Never-
theless, Germany had one constitutional weakness which was a
flaw in its prosperity. The World War came upon it at a stage
of its internal political development when it had not yet suc-
ceeded in readjusting the rights and duties of the various factors
in the life of the state, in the sense of a compromise, such as
the times demanded, between monarchy and parliamentary
democracy. In the very centre of this political struggle, which
had been going on for many years, stood the question of the
suffrage for the Prussian Diet. The Social Democrats, almost
exactly one year before the outbreak of the World War, lost on
Aug. 13 1913 by the death of August Bebel their veteran leader
in the struggle for the democratization of Germany. His suc-
cessor in the presidency of the party organization was the man
who was destined subsequently to be the first president of the
Republican Reich, Ebert. (O. B.)
The War Period. The prosperous development which Ger-
many had experienced for more than 40 years of peace had been
both politically and economically a mighty one; and there had
arisen in the German people a profound sense of their strength,
based in great part upon the absolute confidence which they felt
in their military power. This confidence continued to influence
popular feeling during the first years of the war. The events
which led up to it, the crime of Sarajevo, the Austrian ultima-
tum to Serbia, the preparations for war in Russia, were followed
throughout the country with earnest attention, but until the
end of July 1914 there was scarcely any sign of satisfaction
among the German people at large at the prospect of war. It
was only when it became known that there was no hope of
avoiding the conflict that any national enthusiasm for war
suddenly broke out and communicated itself to all sections of the
people. It found expression in lively demonstrations. Char-
acteristic of the state of public feeling were the words which the
Emperor addressed from the balcony of Berlin Castle to the
assembled masses below: "I no longer know any parties among
my people; there are only Germans." The necessity of setting
aside all party strife was felt from the extreme Right far into
those working-class circles which, as belonging to the Social
Democratic party, had hitherto been opposed on principle to
war. On Aug. i 1914 the Socialist leaders had issued a manifesto
exhorting their followers to persist in their confidence that the
future, in spite of everything, belonged to Socialism as the great
bond between the nations. Indeed, if the Social Democrats had
frankly taken up an attitude of opposition to the war, the masses,
even those who belonged to the party, would in their patriotic
enthusiasm have declined to follow their lead. The appeal by
the Kaiser to his people on Aug. 6, the manifestos of the different
German sovereigns, the Emperor's speech from the throne on
Aug. 4, and the speech of the Imperial Chancellor Bethmann-
Hollweg on the same day, awakened an accordant response from
the nation. On Aug. 4 the Social Democrats joined with the
rest of the parties in the Reichstag in voting the first war credit
of 10 milliard marks. A united front of all parties was established.
And now the events of the war followed each other in rapid
succession. The overrunning of Belgium by the German troops
and the victory of Hindenburg over the Russians at Allenstein
produced a whirlwind of victorious exultation. On Sept. 9 the
Socialist leaders published a protest against the anti-German
attitude of the International Socialist Bureau, and thus drew a
clear line of cleavage between the German Social Democracy and
268
GERMANY
that of enemy countries. On Dec. i a second war credit was
voted by the Reichstag. In this instance the express assent of
the Social Democrats was given, and their then leader, Haase,
explained in a long speech the reasons for their attitude. The
feeling in Germany was everywhere the same; victory was be-
lieved to be certain; even the unfavourable issue of the battle
of the Marne, the fall of Tsing-tau and the destruction of the
German cruiser flotilla off the Falkland Is. did nothing to
impair this conviction. Although the participation of England
in the war was keenly felt, the unquestionably great military
successes of Germany in 1914 dispelled any apprehensions that
the nation might not be strong enough to face its enemies.
The beginning of 1915 brought no alteration in this respect.
In March the Social Democrats, by the mouth of their leader,
Haase. expressed in the Reichstag the gratitude of the country
to the German troops for their valour. At the same time the
Government did its best to meet the Social Democrats halfway
by fulfilling demands which that party had hitherto preferred
in vain. The Secretary of State for the Interior, Dr. Klemens
Delbriick, indicated in the Reichstag that new lines of policy
were to be adopted; the question must be considered to what
extent the great events which were taking place confronted the
Empire with the necessity of meeting legitimate desires of the
Left. In Aug. the president of the Reichstag, Dr. Kampf, in-
timated that the Government had abandoned its opposition to the
proposal to place the inscription " To the German People " on
the place long reserved for it on the Reichstag building.
In May Italy entered the war, an event which had long been
foreseen and therefore did not exercise any very depressing
influence. In certain circles a feeling nevertheless began to
gain ground that, in view of the steady increase in the number of
Germany's foes, the prospect of victory was becoming more
doubtful. The Government did its best to repress this feeling.
On Aug. 19 1915, the Chancellor, Bethmann Hollweg, delivered
a speech in the Reichstag directed chiefly against England, and
culminating in the prediction that the numbers, the powers, the
wealth and the malice of Germany's enemies would be. shattered
against the iron determination of the German race. Once more
the Reichstag, including the Social Democrats, voted a war
credit, but this time one Socialist vote, that of Dr. Liebknecht,
was recorded against it. Gradually, however, the Social Dem-
ocrats began to give expression to aspirations for peace. As
early as Nov. 1915 the Social Democratic leader, Scheidemann,
addressed a question to the Government regarding the possibil-
ity of concluding peace. And now for the first time a Socialist
group of 18 deputies, under the leadership of the deputy for
Leipzig, Geyer, voted against a fresh war credit, although the
Socialist Dr. Landsberg still protested in the most emphatic
manner against any surrender of German territory. A division
in the ranks of Social Democracy began. A sensation was caused
by the publication of a peace manifesto issued by the German
Social Democratic minority in the Paris newspaper HumanM.
This was vigorously repudiated by the Socialist majority.
On July 19 Haase, Bernstein and Kautsky published in the
Leipziger Volkszeitung, under the title " A Necessity of the
Hour," a declaration in favour of the early conclusion of peace.
The official leaders of the Social Democratic party issued, it
is true, a counter-declaration, but in this document it was ac-
knowledged for the first time that the Government must be
ready for peace negotiations if a suitable opportunity offered.
The chief party organ, Vonvarts, which published this coun-
ter-declaration, was temporarily suppressed by the Govern-
ment. Thus there arose between the Social Democrats and
the Government a discordancy which gradually extended among
the masses. All the non-Socialist parties identified them-
selves in this instance with the attitude of the Government.
Another element in the situation was that in Prussia there was
a campaign going on for the refqrm of the suffrage, demanded
by the Social Democrats but somewhat peremptorily refused by
the Prussian Ministry. The bombing of Freiburg in Baden by
enemy airmen, causing the death of eight persons, and the simi-
lar fate of Karlsruhe, where 27 persons were killed and 57
wounded, helped, no doubt, to revive popular feeling against
the Entente and against the idea of peace. Nevertheless, a
sense of war-weariness became more and more apparent and
began to spread even in non-Socialist circles.
This change of feeling was above all due to the increasing diffi-
culties in providing the masses with food. The severance of all
communications between Germany and foreign countries pre-
vented the importation of raw materials and foodstuffs of every
kind. Although, at first, raw materials, sometimes in large
quantities, could be imported through Holland, Switzerland
and Sweden, these supplies gradually diminished as scarcity
began to be felt in those countries. As far back as the beginning
of 1915 the German Government was compelled to adopt meas-
ures for securing a supply of food for the whole population. All
grain and flour were sequestrated on Feb. i 1915. A system of
bread cards was introduced for a ration of 200 grammes of bread
per head of the population. It was further decreed that the
bread should be baked with an admixture of substances like
potato-flour. On June 29 1915 a Grain Office for the Empire
was instituted and took over the whole traffic in grain; and on
July 23 a similar department was set up for providing fodder for
animals. A prohibition was issued against feeding cattle with
rye or wheat. As it was at first impossible to enforce this pro-
hibition by a system of minute surveillance, an order was issued
that one-third of all the swine should be slaughtered. The lack
of petroleum made itself felt, especially in the rural districts
which had no other means of lighting. Illicit traffic in the kinds
of goods that were under Government control began to spread,
and profiteers raised prices far above real values. The Govern-
ment was, therefore, compelled to adopt measures for preventing
profiteering on the necessities of life. Maximum prices for
petroleum were fixed in July 1916, and in Oct. of the same year
for butter and potatoes. On May 22 1916 a War Food Office
was established, with the former chief president of E. Prussia,
von Batocki, at its head. The bread card was supplemented on
Oct. 2 by a meat card allowing 250 grammes of meat weekly
per head of population.
From Nov. i 1916 onwards meat might be obtained only on
Tuesdays and Fridays. Milk was also rationed, in order to
assure a supply for infants and young children. The munici-
palities and communes made arrangements for supplying food
to indigent persons; in the large towns popular kitchens were
established which provided a meal at a low cost. The pupils in
the schools were instructed to collect remnants of food and
kitchen-refuse to supplement the fodder for cattle. The older
pupils volunteered to go into the country and bear a hand in the
harvest. Materials for clothing gradually began to be scarce.
In July 1916 a Clothing Office for the Empire was instituted,
and everyone who wanted to buy an article of wearing apparel
had to apply to it for a permit; without the production of this
purchase certificate no article of wearing apparel could be sold.
German scientific experts were meanwhile doing their best to
devise substitutes for articles of which there was a scarcity, and
these efforts led to many new inventions.
The provision of financial resources for the prosecution of the
war and for other public requirements presented a special prob-
lem. While Great Britain met her war expenditure in the main
by increasing the tax revenue and issuing short-dated loans,
Germany adopted from the first the method of issuing long-
dated war loans. At the beginning of the war the Secretary of
State Kiihn was in charge of the finances of the Empire; he
resigned in Jan. 1915 and was succeeded by Dr. Helfferich, who
at a later date became the leader of the German National party
(the Conservative Right). In May 1916 Dr. Helfferich suc-
ceeded Dr. Klemens Delbriick as Secretary of State for the Inte-
rior, and was himself succeeded in the Department of Finance
by Count Rodern, hitherto Secretary of State in Alsace-Lorraine.
The method of providing money remained the same throughout
the war. The loans were employed not merely for meeting ex-
penditure but also for meeting interest due upon previous loans.
The result was a very rapid increase of the public debt, which
by 1918 had reached the amount of nearly 102 milliard marks.
GERMANY
269
Altogether nine war loans were issued. The first (Sept. 1914,
issue price 97-5%) produced 4,491,861,000 marks; the second
(March 1915, issue price 98-5%) 9,106,394,700; the third (Sept.
1915, issue price 99%) 12,161,630,100 marks; the fourth (March
1916, issue price 95%) 10,767,598,000 marks; the fifth (Oct.
1916, issue price 95%) 10,651,726,200 marks; the sixth (April
1917, issue price 95%) 13,122,000,000 marks; the seventh (Sept.
1917, issue price 95%) 12,626,000,000 marks; the eighth (April
1918, issue price 95%) 15,001,000,000 marks; the ninth (Nov.
1918, issue price 95 %) 10,443,000,000 marks. Beginning with the
sixth war loan a system of periodical drawings was introduced in
order to attract subscriptions. This method of meeting financial
necessities was maintained until almost the end of the war,
when it became manifest that the increased burden of interest
was becoming gigantic. It is true that in 1916 and 1917 new
measures of taxation were passed by the Reichstag, but the
yield of this taxation was inconsiderable. By 1918 the estimates
had grown to over 7j milliard marks, or almost 3 milliards more
than in the previous year. The necessity of imposing fresh taxa-
tion was manifest, and the Reichstag adopted measures for this
purpose in April 1916. The new taxes were estimated to pro-
duce a revenue of 3,179,000,000 marks. They were as follows:
a monopoly in spirits, to be administered by a Central Spirit
Office, to which all the spirit manufactured by the distillers
was to be delivered; an increase in the duty on beer; an increase
in the duty on wine, amounting to an additional 20% of its
value; an increase in the duty on sparkling .wine of three marks
per bottle; a duty on mineral waters and manufactured non-
alcoholic drinks; a duty on coffee of 130 marks per lookgm.; a
duty on tea of 230 marks, and on cacao and chocolate of 140
marks per too kgm.; an increase in the postal and telegraph
tariffs; a war duty ranging from 10% to 50% on increased prof-
its of companies; a stamp duty of four-tenths per thousand for
ordinary stock, two-tenths on war loan and seven-tenths on
foreign stock; further an increase of the duty on bills of exchange
and money transactions (Geldumsatzen) ; a duty of 5 per mille on
sales; a luxury tax on precious metals, jewels, works of art,
antiquities, carpets, furs, pianos, fire-arms and motor vehicles.
Simultaneously a law dealing with the evasion of these as well
as previous forms of taxation, and imposing severe penalties,
was passed. Further, a tax upon excess of income beyond
the amount of the last pre-war assessment was enacted, with
the object of confiscating a considerable part of war profits.
These new measures of taxation did not succeed in putting the
finances of the Empire upon a sound basis, as they could no
longer be properly administered. After the close of the war,
in consequence of the Revolution and the reparation payments
imposed upon Germany, the national finances fell more and
more into a state of complete disorder.
From the beginning of the year 1916 war- weariness was be-
coming more and more prevalent among the people, and the
attempts of the Government and the press of the Right to
fight it were unsuccessful.
A conflict arose between the navy administration and the
Government of the Empire regarding the adoption of an intensi-
fied form of the U-boat warfare, and this conflict cast its shadow
upon the whole of political life and formed the subject of violent
debate in the press. In March 1916 the two conservative parties
in the Reichstag tabled a resolution to the effect that complete
freedom in the use of the U-boat weapon should be reserved in
any negotiations with other Powers. Ultimately a compromise
was effected in favour of another resolution, which declared:
" Seeing that the U-boat has proved an effective weapon against
the British method of waging war with the object of reducing
Germany to starvation, the Reichstag expresses its conviction
that it is imperative to make such use of the U-boats as will
assure the achievement of a peace giving security for the future
of Germany." The Social Democrats voted in favour of this reso-
lution with the exception of the Minority group of 18 deputies, to
whom it gave the signal for separating themselves from the
Social Democratic party in Parliament and forming a separate
party under the name of Sozialdemokratische Arbeitsgemein-
schaft. It was out of this group that at a later date the party of
the Independent Socialists sprang.
On April 5 1916 the Imperial Chancellor delivered a speech in
the Reichstag describing peace negotiations as out of the ques-
tion so long as on the British side the object of the war continued
to be the destruction of Germany. In describing the objects of
Germany the Chancellor said that peace could only be concluded
on the basis of the results of the war. Poland therefore could
not be handed over again to Russia; the Polish question must be
solved conjointly by Germany and Austria. On the German
eastern frontier securities must be demanded against any repeti-
tion of the Russian attack. Belgium must not become a British
vassal state, and must be economically joined up with Germany.
In the Reichstag the speech was received with strong demon-
strations of approval. It did not, however, succeed in uniting
the nation afresh in a vigorous determination to prosecute the
war to a successful conclusion. A similar fate attended later
speeches which the Chancellor delivered in the Reichstag in
Sept. and Nov., and in which, among other things, he said:
" A statesman who hesitated to employ against the enemy any
effective instrument of warfare which is really calculated to
shorten the war would deserve to be hanged." The dissensions
between the Right and Bethmann-Hollweg became more and
more acute. He was reproached with watering down the war
aims and of having too little backbone when confronted with
the pressure of the Left for a democratization of the Govern-
ment. The Social Democrats on the other hand, and gradually
also the bourgeois Democrats and the Catholic Centre, demanded
from the Chancellor unequivocal assurances that the Imperial
Government was prepared to conclude peace on an acceptable
basis, and in particular to renounce all annexations and war
indemnities. The Chancellor himself was inclined to yield to
this pressure, but he encountered vigorous opposition from the
Chief Command of the army, where General Ludendorff in
particular advocated the principle that Germany could not con-
clude a peace which did not compensate her in the fullest degree
by annexations and indemnities for the sacrifices she had made
in the war. The Chief Command even went so far as to try to
influence the policy of the Government, and Bethmann-Hollweg
was not the kind of man resolutely to repel these endeavours.
There gradually arose a situation in which the Chief Command
actually acquired a real influence on the policy of the Empire.
The result was that the Chancellor found himself in an ambig-
uous position in dealing with the demand of the Majority of the
Reichstag for an unequivocal demonstration of the German
desire to make peace. At this stage the Catholic Centre deputy
Erzberger became more and more prominent as the champion
of the views of the Majority, so that ultimately two strongly
contrasted groups were formed, the Minority on the Right
which represented the views of the Chief Command, and the
Majority, composed of the Catholic Centre, the bourgeois Demo-
crats and the Social Democrats, who pressed for an acceptable
peace. In addition to these there arose on the extreme Left
a small but very active group which put itself in the most
uncompromising opposition to the Imperial Government and
from 1916 onwards voted against all war credit. The leaders
were the deputies Haase (the former president of the Social
Democratic party), Dittmann, Geyer and Ledebour. As already
mentioned, 18 deputies of this colour seceded on Jan. 12 1916
from the Social Democratic party. The deputies Liebknecht
and Ruhle, who were still further to the Left, did not join this
new extremist group, because it did not go far enough for them.
In Sept. 1916 the Congress of the Social Democratic party of the
whole Empire adopted a resolution which, while laying stress
on the duty of defence, rejected the idea of a war of conquest
and advocated reestablishment of international relations.
The position of the Chancellor was rendered still more difficult
by fresh and much more violent attacks upon him from the
Right. He found it necessary to repel these attacks in very
strong language in a speech which he delivered in the Reichs-
tag. The worst of these attacks was a pamphlet directed against
the Chancellor, which was published under the nom de guerre of
270
GERMANY
" Junius Alter " and had a large circulation. About the same
time the director of the E. Prussian Credit Institute, Kapp
(destined in 1920 to become celebrated as the perpetrator of the
" Kapp Putsch "), published a denunciation of Bethmann Holl-
weg under the title of Die Nationalen Kreise und der Reichs-
kanzler. The Chancellor's language in the Reichstag was so
vigorous and contemptuous that Kapp sent him a challenge to a
duel, which the Chancellor did not accept. There were a number
of other similar incidents. Prof. Cossmann of Munich published
violent attacks against Prof. Valentin of Freiburg, whom he
charged with having obtained by theft material which he had
used for an article on the number of vessels which had been sunk
by the U-boats. Grand Adml. von Tirpitz intervened in this
controversy. On June 28 1916 the Reichstag deputy Liebknecht
was condemned to two-and-a-half years' penal servitude for
having caused a popular demonstration in the Potsdamerplatz
in Berlin, by a violent speech against the prolongation of the
war. The constantly increasing influence which the Social Dem-
ocrats were acquiring was shown by the action of the Govern-
ment in conceding two of their demands: the prohibition of the
use of foreign languages at political meetings was abolished,
and the participation of young persons in assemblies arranged
by the trade unions was now permitted.
The food situation had become considerably worse in the course
of 1916. In Jan. of that year further restrictions had to be
imposed upon traffic in winter corn and in groats for fodder.
Maximum prices were fixed for artificial manures. Restrictions
were placed upon the use of barley for brewing. In the following
April the State took possession of coffee, tea and the substitutes
(Ersatz) for them. Soap was rationed 600 grammes monthly
per person. The consumption of meat in restaurants was re-
stricted. In Feb. all materials for clothing and all ready-made
clothes were seized by the Government. In Dec. the boot and
shoe trade was subjected to the authority of the Department
for Wearing Apparel. In April 1917 an order of the Federal
Council limited the supply of paper for printing. In conse-
quence of the bad harvest a great part of the milch-cows had
to be slaughtered by order. The employment of substitutes
(Ersatzmittel), the artificial production of albuminous foods, the
manufacture of textile fabrics from nettle fibre and so forth,
failed to make up for the deficiency in the real articles. On Nov.
25 Gen. Greener was entrusted with the charge of a department
for providing for the efficiency of the economic and industrial
equipment of Germany. A special law (das Hilfsdienstgesetz)
enacted that all males between the ages of 17 and 60 should be
compelled to work. Field-Marshal von Hindenburg issued an
appeal for providing the munition workers with a better supply
of food fats, whereupon the agricultural interest started a
" Hindenburg Donation " movement for the purpose.
The opposition, which had gradually been gathering strength
duringi9i6, was intensified early in 1917. On Feb. i, Bethmann
Hollweg announced to the Central Committee of the Reichstag
the intention to prosecute the unrestricted submarine offensive,
and, in view of the attitude of the United States of America,
he defended this policy in a further detailed statement at a full
session of the Reichstag on Feb. 27. The naval administration
laid before the Reichstag certain calculations on the strength of
which it was asserted that England would only be able to hold
out against the submarine warfare for a few months. The
Reichstag did not take up any definite standpoint in regard to
the question, although the members of the different parties who
spoke did not oppose the submarine warfare. Among the Social
Democrats, the Democrats and the Catholic Centre party, how-
ever, a feeling was gradually gaining ground that tended more
and more to emphasize the necessity for peace, and Bethmann
Hollweg was reproached with being under the influence of the
Supreme Military Command and with cooperating in the lat-
ter's war policy. On May 15 this feeling culminated in an im-
portant debate in the Reichstag on the subject of Germany's
war aims. In a speech which gave rise to lengthy discussions,
the Chancellor summarized these to the effect that a binding
statement in detail of Germany's war aims would be injurious to
the interests of the nation at that moment; that he would not
permit himself to be influenced by any party, but would be
guided solely by the consideration of the interests of the whole
nation; that if Russia the Tsar's Government having been
overthrown on March 16 by the Russian Revolution wished
to conclude peace with Germany, Germany would make no
demands incompatible with the liberty and welfare of the nations.
In the course of the debate which followed, Scheidemann, the
leader of the Social Democrats, vigorously attacked the war aims
of the Pan-Germans, and said that if the Government continued
to pursue such aims Germany itself would soon be faced by
revolution. The speaker on behalf of the Central party, Dr.
Spahn, also voiced the longing of the German people for peace,
and emphasized the necessity of sincere cooperation between the
Kaiser and his people. The Reichstag was then adjourned until
July 6. When it reassembled on that day the strength of the
feeling against Bethmann Hollweg had become more ominous
than ever. The predictions in regard to the submarine warfare
had not been fulfilled. America had entered the war, and the
prospects for Germany were constantly becoming more and
more gloomy. Deputy Erzberger had constituted himself leader
of the opposition against the Chancellor, and on July 6, at a meet-
ing of the Central Committee of the Reichstag, he disputed
the possibility of bringing the enemy to terms by means of sub-
marine warfare. Erzberger demanded the immediate initia-
tion of negotiations for peace, on the ground that Germany's
military situation would not be so favourable at a later date and
that it was still possible to make an offer for peace which would
have the prospect of obtaining a result favourable to Germany.
The Social Democrats and the Democrats supported Erzberger,
the former mainly with the object of demanding guarantees
that would safeguard the influence of Parliament on the develop-
ment of the political situation. Long and continuous confer-
ences between the Chancellor and the party leaders ensued.
Hindenburg and Ludendorff came to Berlin in order to intervene,
but Bethmann Hollweg succeeded in preventing their being
received by the Kaiser. The Crown Prince also came to Berlin
and had consultations with members of the Reichstag. The
Conservatives declared that they did not consider Bethmann
Hollweg to be the right man to conduct German policy at this
crisis. The Catholic Centre, the Democrats and the Social
Democrats were united in working for his fall; and finally, Dr.
Stresemann, who, owing to the severe illness of the leader of the
National Liberals, Bassermann, was at the head of that party,
declared that the National Liberals also had no further interest
in his continuance in office. Bethmann Hollweg, however, did
everything in his power to retain his position. He even persuaded
the Kaiser to issue a declaration on July n in which a promise
was made to carry out the franchise reform in Prussia which had
long been demanded by the Left, and to conduct the next
Prussian general election on the basis of this reform; the declar-
ation entrusted the execution of these measures to the Chancellor.
But this final attempt to regain the support of the Left also
failed. On the same day, July 1 1 , the Bavarian minister-president,
Count Hertling, was summoned to Berlin, and negotiations were
conducted with him regarding his succession to the Chancellor-
ship. Hertling, it is true, declined. Nevertheless, Bethmann
Hollweg's day was over. On July 14 he tendered to the Kaiser
the resignation of the Cabinet, and that resignation was accepted.
Dr. Michaelis, who was at that time commissioner of state at the
Food Department of the Empire, and who was regarded as an
extremely capable official but had hitherto played no part in
political life, was appointed as his successor. Michaelis was in
general sympathy with the Conservative party. The press
received the news of his appointment with marked reserve,
as did also the Reichstag.
The new Chancellor was at once confronted with a difficult
situation. The Catholic Centre party, the People's party and
the Social Democratic party had agreed among themselves on a
resolution in favour of peace, which they brought before the
Reichstag on July 19 1917. This resolution proposed that a
declaration be issued by the Reichstag to the effect that it
Hoc
GERMANY
271
desired to bring about a peace by agreement, which should be
incompatible with acquisition of territory by force and with
political, economic or financial measures of coercion. The declar-
ation further condemned economic blockades and the crea-
tion of enmity between nations, and demanded that the " free-
dom of the seas " should be secured, and that the readiness of Ger-
many to promote the organization of international law should be
manifested. So long as the enemy Governments refused to
entertain a peace of this kind the German people would resolutely
stand together like one man and fight for their right of existence
and development. The new Chancellor, Dr. Michaelis, declared,
on the subject of this peace resolution, that Germany had only
gone to war under compulsion, and that she would not continue
to fight a day longer merely for the sake of making conquests by
force of arms. He hoped to be able to achieve the aims of
Germany within the four corners of the Peace Resolution " as he
understood it." The Chancellor further expressed his readiness
to appoint men who enjoyed the confidence of the principal
parties to leading positions in the Government. His words,
" As I understand the resolution," gave rise to lively discus-
sions in the press and contributed to the immediate creation of a
hostile feeling against Dr. Michaelis among the parties of the
Left. The Chancellor himself modified the effect of his saving
clause by stating that, in using it, he had had no intention
of putting himself in opposition to the Peace Resolution of the
Reichstag. The Resolution was passed by 216 votes against the
1 26 votes of the Right and the Independent Socialists, who were
joined by a few members of the Catholic Centre party. Mich-
aelis arranged for the Kaiser to meet a number of members of
the Reichstag. This meeting took place at a social gathering at
the official residence of the Secretary of State Helfferich, at
which the Kaiser was present. This was doubtless the first
occasion on which the Emperor William came into personal
contact with the leaders of the Social Democratic party; among
those present were Ebert, David and Scheidemann.
On August 5th Michaelis's new Cabinet was formed. Dr.
Helfferich became Vice-Chancellor, vacating the Secretaryship
of the Interior. A new economic department was detached from
the Department of the Interior and entrusted to the burgomaster
of Strassburg, Schwander. The chief burgomaster of Cologne,
Wallraf, became Secretary of State for the Interior. The chief
government president of Pomcrania, von Waldo w, was placed
at the head of the War Food Department, with the Social
Democratic trades union leader, August Miiller of Hamburg,
as his under-secretary. Von Krause became Secretary of State
for the Department of Justice, and von Kiihlmann, at that time
ambassador at Constantinople, became Secretary for Foreign
Affairs. The National Liberal deputy Schiffer, was appointed
under-secretary of state to the Treasury. Maj.-Gen. Scheuch
was made head of the War Ministry in the place ^of Groner.
Simultaneously with the reconstitution of the Cabinet of the
Empire, that of the Prussian Government took place, from which
the Ministers von Lobell, Bescler, von Trott zu Solz, von Schor-
lemer and Lentze, who were opposed to the introduction of uni-
versal suffrage, had resigned. The leader of the Catholic Centre,
Dr. Spahn, was appointed Minister of Justice; Dr. Schmidt, up
to that time ministerial director in the Ministry of Public Wor-
ship and Education, became Minister; the Minister of Agricul-
ture was Landeshauptmann von Eisenhart-Rothe; Minister of
Finance, Government President Dr. Hergt.
From the first the parties of the Left severely criticized these
appointments on the ground that the desired parliamentariza-
tion of the Government had not been sufficiently carried out by
them. The Social Democrats in particular immediately disso-
ciated themselves in the most vigorous terms from Dr. Michaelis,
and he found but few supporters either in the Progressist or the
Catholic Centre parties. The adjournment of the Reichstag,
however, gave Dr. Michaelis some respite. No actual crisis oc-
curred until Oct. when the Reichstag reassembled. Early in 1917
there had been a case of mutiny in the navy. In the course of an
inquiry into this case it had transpired that the mutineers had,
previously, had dealings with the deputies Haase and Dittmann,
members of the Independent Socialist, party, and that these
politicians had advised them " to be extremely prudent."
Michaelis mentioned the matter in his speech in the Reichstag
on Oct. 9, making it the text for a bitter attack on the Inde-
pendents in the Reichstag, who, he said, had overstepped all
permissible bounds because their aims were such as to endanger
the existence of the Empire. The Secretary of State for the
Navy, von Capelle, seconded the Chancellor's attacks. This
parliamentary action against the Independent Socialists, which
had not been very skilfully managed by Michaelis, as there
existed no definite material for the prosecution of the deputies
Haase and Dittmann, created an unfavourable impression among
the Right also, as deputies on that side of the House considered
that the disclosure of the fact of the mutiny had seriously dam-
aged the prestige of the German navy. Michaelis himself ulti-
mately realized that, under such circumstances as these, he
could no longer remain in office, and he resigned.
On Nov. 2 the President of the Bavarian Ministry, Count
Herding, for many years leader of the Catholic Centre in the
Reichstag, was appointed as successor. Hertling, who was over
70 years of age, was regarded as a man of diplomatic talent; his
long parliamentary experience was in his favour, so that he
entered upon his new duties with good prospects of success. He
at once discussed the Government programme in detail with the
different political parties and agreed to undertake the further
development of the parliamentary system. He immediately con-
firmed this promise by appointing the leader of the Progressist
People's party, von Payer, to replace Dr. Helfferich, who had
retired as Vice-Chancellor. The leader of the National Liberal
party in the Prussian Diet, Professor Dr. Friedberg, was simi-
larly appointed vice-president of the Prussian Ministry. At the
end of Nov. the Secretary of State of the Economic Department,
Schwander, retired, and the under-secretary, Stein, was appointed
in his stead. Hertling further made a number of concessions to
the Social Democrats, such as the institution of Chambers of
Labour and an extension of the trade-union right of combina-
tion to political associations. On Nov. 29 Hertling laid his pro-
gramme before the Reichstag. He emphasized the fact that
Germany's war aims were confined to defending the Fatherland,
preserving her territories intact, and maintaining the freedom
and independence of her economic existence. He gave proof of
his endeavours to obtain peace by referring to the answer given
to the Pope on November ipth in reply to his transmission of an
alleged overture for peace, a reply in which Germany's readiness
to enter upon peace negotiations was expressed. Hertling
closed with the exhortation: " Wait, endure and persevere."
He managed to avoid any collision with the various political
parties, so that he soon gained their confidence, and by the end
of 1917 stable conditions had once more been established in the
Government of the Empire.
On July 24 1917 there died Ernst Bassermann, for many years
the leader of the National Liberal party. On Sept. 2 a number
of leading personalities founded the German Valerlandspartei,
with Duke Johann Albrecht of Mecklenburg as hon. president
and Adml. von Tirpitz in charge of the practical conduct of the
party. The programme of this party was to stand above all
parties and to unite within itself members of any of them. Its
purpose was to strengthen the resolution of the people and to
leave nothing undone in order to create the conditions necessary
for perseverance to the bitter end. Internal politics were not
to be its business: nevertheless it was precisely in this sphere
that it was destined soon to exercise a determining influence. It
became the centre of all those who attempted to infuse into the
people a spirit of victory and to oppose in the most resolute
manner all thoughts of a disadvantageous peace. At first cer-
tain members of the Social Democratic party had joined the
Vaterlandspartei; but soon the Social Democrat press opened
the most vigorous campaign against it, charging it with wrecking
every chance of peace. Then developed a bitter struggle which
soon played a large part in the various German Parliaments and
in the widest public circles. The Vaterlandspartei had large
funds at its disposal, conducted far-reaching propaganda, and
272
GERMANY
soon had vast numbers ^of members. Its activities produced no
solid results in political life, but rather had the effect of further
embittering internal struggles.
During 1917 food difficulties increased to an almost incalcu-
lable extent. Even rye for making bread became scarce. War
bread steadily deteriorated in quality through the admixture of
substitutes. Gradually a state of insufficient nutrition became
prevalent among the entire populace and caused particular
suffering to children and the aged. The winter of 1917-8 was
popularly called the " swede winter," for lack of potatoes and
meat made swedes a chief article of diet. In all the great cities
soup-kitchens were established, partly from communal and
partly from charitable funds, in order to offer to the poorer
classes at least the possibility of obtaining meals which were
at all adequate. Popular anger was directed especially against
food profiteering, which assumed great dimensions. All legisla-
tive attempts to remedy this evil failed, because the cunning of
the profiteer found ever new ways and means of evading the
meshes of the law. In many places there were food riots, which
were also directed against certain parts of the agricultural popula-
tion, who tried to sell food at the highest possible prices. Reg-
ular centres of the profiteering trade arose, in which everything
that was wanted could be obtained, though at enormously high
prices; while trainloads of food and other necessaries were
diverted or even stolen in transit in order to find the articles for
this illegal traffic. It was in vain that specially instituted war-
profiteering offices strove everywhere to put a stop to this trade;
it remained impossible to eradicate it. The whole community of
swindlers, too, profited by this state of affairs. The prosecution
of a certain Frau Meta Kupfer, which came before the courts at
Berlin in July, was a characteristic example. This woman had
obtained loans all over the town, for which she often paid 100
per cent or more, alleging that she made enormous profits with
these sums in the (illegal) food traffic. In reality she spent the
money on a life of luxury, and paid interest out of fresh loans
which she raised. _ She accumulated many millions of marks
before the edifice of fraud which she had erected collapsed. The
lack of food caused particular suffering to the labouring classes.
Following an appeal by Field-Marshal Hindenburg in Sept. for
a new economic and military armament of Germany, a " Hinden-
burg dole " was created in Oct. which was primarily intended for
the benefit of soldiers disabled in the war. Maximum prices
were fixed for a fresh series of commodities. In the spring of
1917 the consumption of bread had to be reduced to 170 grammes
per head per diem, and even this quantity could not in some
instances be supplied. All these circumstances materially con-
tributed to create a feeling of longing for the end of the war;
and this feeling, at the same time, was directed against the Gov-
ernment, which was considered responsible for such conditions.
Strikes also began even among the munition workers. In order
to make possible the continued production of munitions, great
increases of wages had to be conceded.
At the very beginning of 1918, the fight for peace began with
fresh violence. The main question was whether Pros. Wilson's
Fourteen Points could form the basis for a peace. On Jan. 25,
the Chancellor Count von Herding announced his attitude to
the Fourteen Points in the Main Committee of the Reichstag.
He declared himself satisfied with them on the whole, with this
restriction, that the peace must satisfy the rightful claims of
Austria-Hungary, and secure the inviolability of Turkey. The
nation began gradually to split into two parties, of which one
rejected any disadvantageous peace, while the other conducted
vigorous propaganda for peace even with concessions on the
part of Germany. The deputy Erzberger became more and
more prominent as the champion of this latter view. He en-
tered into relations with Vienna, where the need for peace was
even more urgent. In his endeavours Erzberger worked hand
in glove with the Social Democratic party. The conclusion of
peace with Russia furnished fresh material for the agitation
of the advocates of peace. It was objected that this peace was
not of such a nature as to enable Germany to hope for any con-
ciliatory response from her enemies in the West. On Oct. 8,
Erzberger laid down, in the Main Committee of the Reichstag,
principles for Germany's Eastern policy, which could only
betoken a declaration of war against the Hertling Cabinet.
The Centre party, far from siding with Erzberger, actually
published a declaration to the effect that the Government
enjoyed the full confidence of the party; but the difference be-
tween Erzberger and Count Hertling was not thereby removed;
and Hertling declined to receive Erzberger any longer.
In the spring of 1918, great attention was also aroused by a
document published the previous year by the former German
ambassador in London, Count Lichnowsky, who asserted in it
that the German Government was responsible for the outbreak of
war, while Sir Edward Grey on his side had done everything to pre-
vent it. Lichnowsky in this connexion referred to a meeting of
the Crown Council at Potsdam on July 5 1914, which was alleged
to have been held with the Kaiser presiding, and which, accord-
ing to Lichnowsky, adopted at that early date the decisions
regarding the commencement of the war. The Vice-Chancellor,
von Payer, declared on March 10 1918, in the Main Committee of
the Reichstag, that these assertions were not in accordance
with the facts, and denied that the alleged meeting of the Crown
Council referred to had ever taken place. The controversy about
this Crown Council was continued after the war. It was asserted
again and again that it had taken place, as for instance after the
Revolution by the then Bavarian Minister-President Eisner.
Persons who were supposed to have been present at the Council,
such as the Secretary of State von Jagow, repeatedly asserted,
however, that the story of a meeting of the Crown Council on
July 5 1914 was a fable (see EUROPE, section War Period).
As regards internal policy the Hertling Cabinet was the author
of a number of new laws complying with some of the Social
Democratic demands. Thus on June 8 the Reichstag passed a
law for broadening the basis of the Reichstag. By this law the
larger municipal and rural constituencies having more than
300,000 electors had alarger number of deputies assigned to them,
and these were to be elected on the principle of proportional
representation and scrutin de lisle. On June 6 the salaries of
members of the Reichstag were raised from 3,000 marks to 5,000.
In May the president of the Reichstag, Kampf, a member of
the Progressive People's party, died. Fehrenbach, a member of
the Catholic Centre party, succeeded him. Dr. Scheidemann
and Dr. Paasche Progressist Social Democrat and National
Liberal respectively became vice-presidents. Although the
relations between the Chancellor Hertling and the Reichstag
remained tolerable, dissatisfaction with several of the members
of the Cabinet began to arise in the Reichstag. This applied
especially to Kuhlmann, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
who was accused by the Left of having made a policy of annexa-
tion the guiding principle in concluding peace with Russia.
Further, the Deutsche Tagcszeilung, an organ of the Extreme
Right, raised charges regarding Kiihlmann's personal conduct
during his stay at Bucharest. On June 21 Kuhlmann made a
very remarkable speech in the Reichstag, in which he stated
among other things that an end of the war could no longer be
reached by purely military decisions. The Chancellor, Count
Hertling, considered it necessary in the next sitting to contradict
this assertion by pointing out that there could actually be no
question of any diminution of German confidence in victory.
Herr von Kuhlmann thereupon resigned, July 9. Adml. von
Hintze, hitherto German minister at Christiania, was appointed
his successor.
Meanwhile the Social Democrats clamoured for further prog-
ress in the direction of parliamentary Government. In Sept.
they presented a series of minimum demands as the price of their
continued support of the Government (demands which were very
far-reaching) in internal affairs, and at the same time asked for
the restitution of Belgium, liberation of all territories still under
occupation, and the abandonment of the treaties of Brest-
Litovsk and Bucharest. On Sept. 2 1 it was reported that Bulgaria
had asked for an armistice. The Social Democrats now adopted
a still firmer tone against the Government, demanding a true
parliamentarism as the condition of their further collaboration.
GERMANY
273
Count Hertling did not see his way to complying. But the
Catholic Centre and the Democrats adopted a similar basis for
their demands in the Main Committee of the Reichstag, and
on Sept. 30 Count Hertling asked to be relieved of his office.
The parties had already selected his successor, this being the
first time a purely parliamentary choice had been made. They
chose Prince Max of Baden, heir-apparent to the grand ducal
throne of that state, who was considered to be a man of thor-
oughly democratic principle. His programme was the intro-
duction of a radical parliamentary system, the restriction of the
Kaiser's powers, and the acceptance of President Wilson's Four-
teen Points. As Prince Max subsequently stated in the Preus-
sisclte Jahrbiicher, he did not intend to ask for an armistice, but
merely wished to make an appeal to President Wilson in order
to explain to him that he accepted his war aims and that Germany
was ready to make heavy sacrifices in order to get peace. But
Prince Max did not get the chance of putting his aims into
practice. He succeeded indeed in making a few alterations,
chiefly in regard to the appointment of Secretaries of State taken
from the ranks of Parliament and invested with far-reaching
powers. The opportunity for any further activities was denied
to Prince Max of Baden's Cabinet. At the beginning of Oct.
General Headquarters had already demanded that an immediate
application should be made for an armistice. Meanwhile naval
mutinies began in Kiel and Wilhelmshaven. In Munich the
Republic was proclaimed, and the Social Democrats threatened
the Imperial Government with action of a very thoroughgoing
character. Accordingly Prince Max retired on Nov. 9 1918, hav-
ing first appointed the Social Democrat Ebert to be his successor,
and now the period of revolution began for Germany.
( C. K.*)
The Revolution. The official birthday of the German Revolu-
tion is Nov. 9 1918. Its real beginning lay much further back.
The war-years, with the burdens and the hardships which they
imposed upon the people, had aroused feelings and had created
conditions which in the political as in other spheres were big
with the elements of a volcanic outbreak. A wise and skilful
government might perhaps have been able to control the whole
movement and to divert it into calmer channels, either by meet-
ing the demands of the masses and effecting reforms of the con-
stitution in time, or by fighting the movement with ruthless
determination by every means at its command. The Govern-
ment had neither the resolution nor the strength to adopt
either of these courses. It vacillated between concession and
resistance, ajid it drifted with the stream of circumstance into
a situation where events simply crushed it out of existence. The
last Imperial Chancellor of the old regime, Prince Max of
Baden, had attempted at the last moment to stem the course
of events by concessions. But he only did so when it was too
late, and did it in a way which exhibited the characteristics of
weakness too patently to have any real influence upon the course
of events. It has already been mentioned that Prince Max
desired to carry out a programme which would have placed the
constitution of the Empire upon a new and far more liberal
basis, and which in its broad lines would have embodied the
principle of an Imperial Democracy (Volkskaiscrtum). The
authoritative posts in his Cabinet were entrusted by Prince
Max to Secretaries of State taken from the ranks of Parlia-
ment. The appointments were Grober and Erzberger of the
Catholic Centre party, Haussmann of the Progressive party (cor-
responding to the post-Revolution bourgeois Democrats) and
Scheidemann of the Social Democracy. The Imperial Home
Office was also given to a member of Parliament, the Catholic
Centre deputy Trimborn, while the Department of Public
Economics (Wirtschaftsamt) was given to the Social Democrat
Bauer, with the Catholic Centre deputy and prominent trade
unionist Giesberts as under-secretary. At the head of the
Foreign Office was placed the former Colonial Secretary, Dr.
Solf, with the Social Democrat David as under-secretary. The
Prussian War Minister, von Stein, was replaced by General
Scheuch, who was reputed to have Liberal views. In the speech
which Prince Max delivered in the Reichstag on Oct. 5 1918,
he set forth a government programme containing a decisive pro-
fession of democracy, and other points asserting as an article of
faith the right of nationalities to determine their own political
destinies. He likewise declared himself in favour of the evacua-
tion of Belgium, and even offered compensation. This declara-
tion of policy was immediately followed, on Oct. 28 1918, by a
number of measures intended to make the constitution demo-
cratic and curtailing the prerogative of the Emperor. The Secre-
taries of State, who were members of Parliament, were accorded
far-reaching powers. The military authorities were in future to
issue instructions only with the assent of the civil administra-
tion. For the Imperial Chancellor in the exercise of his office
the confidence of the Reichstag was to be requisite. Appoint-
ments, transfers, promotions and dismissals of officers could
take place only with the counter-signature of the Imperial
Chancellor or of the War Minister, whereas they had hitherto
been effected by Imperial Cabinet order. 1 The Emperor issued
an edict, published on Nov. 2, referring to this democratization
of the constitution, and containing the sentence " the office of
Kaiser is service for the people." But, as has been pointed
out, all these measures were useless, because, before effect could
be given to them, they were anticipated by the Revolution and
all that it entailed.
The Revolution started in Kiel. A rumour had spread among
the sailors that the fleet was at last going to be staked in battle.
The result was that the crews Tioisted the red flag on the ships
and arrested the officers, or even, when they resisted, murdered
them. The mutiny spread from Kiel to Travemiinde, Hamburg
and Wilhelmshaven. On Nov. 8 the Republic was likewise pro-
claimed at Munich. The Imperial Chancellor, Prince Max, did
not know what to do when confronted by these events; his atti-
tude was one of helplessness. The Social Democrats urged him
to compel the Emperor to abdicate. Prince Max considered
that he must yield to this demand, so he sent plenipotentiaries
to Grand Headquarters at Spa, who pressed the Emperor to
renounce the throne. The Emperor at first refused; and it has
never been definitely ascertained how far there was a misunder-
standing about this. What is certain is that, at the moment
when Prince Max announced on the morning of Nov. 9 that the
Emperor had resolved to renounce the throne and that there had
been a corresponding renunciation on the part of the German
Crown Prince, no renunciation either by the Emperor or by the
Crown Prince was actually in his possession. He may have
hoped by proclaiming such a renunciation to be able at least to
save the throne for the House of Hohenzollern. But in that
case he entirely failed to realize how far matters had already gone.
On Nov. 9 the Revolution had already commenced in Berlin.
For Prince Max no other course was now open but to retire at
once together with his Cabinet. He vanished from Berlin and
betook himself to his home in Baden.
Meanwhile the final events were taking place on the western
front the German request for an armistice, the negotiations
with Foch, and the agreements which were concluded with him.
The Emperor William left the front on Nov. 10 on the advice of
those about him, because they believed that they could no
more guarantee his personal safety. He betook himself to
Holland, where, to begin with, he claimed the hospitality of
Count Bentinck at Amerongen Castle. He was followed by the
German Crown Prince, who was interned on the island of
Wieringen in the Zuyder Zee. On Nov. 28 the Empress left
Germany and joined her husband in Holland. The actual
abdication of the Emperor did not take place till Nov. 28, the
day of the Empress's arrival at Amerongen Castle. The
Emperor signed on that day the abdication document which
was laid before him by a deputation sent to Amerongen by the
new Revolutionary Government. The Crown Prince renounced
the succession on Dec. 5.
In the Republican Reich (formerly the German Empire) mat-
1 The Emperor had three " Cabinets " or offices of his household
a civil, a military and a naval Cabinet, through which and occasion-
ally on whose advice he had directly exercised his military and civil
prerogatives. (Ed. E.B.)
274
GERMANY
ters were now en train. In all the states of the Confederation
the sovereigns had been compelled to abdicate; nowhere had
there been any fighting or bloodshed in connexion with these
particular events. In Berlin the Revolution wore a theatrical
rather than a dramatic aspect. The bourgeoisie there as else-
where had been systematically kept by the Imperial Govern-
ment in ignorance of ominous symptoms and incidents. The
press had not been allowed to make the slightest disclosure of
these things. Thus the citizens of Berlin and the same holds
true of the whole Reich were absolutely taken by surprise
when on the afternoon of Nov. 9 motor-lorries suddenly appeared
in the streets all over the city, full of armed workmen, mostly
youths, carrying red flags. They delivered speeches from the
lorries and asserted that the Government had fallen. The only
other thing that they did was to tear the black-white-and-red
cockades from the caps of officers and soldiers whom they met
in the streets, and to cut the epaulettes from the officers' coats.
The outward beginning of the Revolution in Berlin was a pro-
cession of workmen which made its way into the city from the
working-class quarter in the north and started by attempting
to storm the barracks situated at the north end of the Fried-
richstrasse. The guard fired upon them. Then the command
arrived not to fire upon masses of workmen. This command
was issued to all the military posts. From whom it came was
never definitely ascertained. In these circumstances the only
thing that the military could do* was to surrender to the insur-
gents without a blow. In a number of instances sections of the
troops joined the insurgents. There was therefore no bloodshed
on the day of the Revolution or on the succeeding days. In
fact one or two battalions would have sufficed to nip the whole
business in the bud. Here and there shooting occurred at the
Castle, for example, where a search was being made for officers
reported to be armed, and in the neighbourhood of the Castle;
but these incidents rather provided amusement for the revolu-
tionary bands, largely composed of youths.
The Revolution had been systematically prepared by mem-
bers of the Independent Socialist party. The deputy Ledebour
afterwards publicly boasted that he had been working at these
preparations since 1916. Earth and Daumig made similar
statements. The Independent Socialist Cohn is understood
indeed he subsequently admitted it to have received large
sums of money from Russia for the purposes of the Revolution;
they were said to have amounted to about 125 million marks.
Bands of picked men (Stosstruppen), lavishly provided with
rifles and machine-guns, had everywhere been formed. The
" majority " (or governmental) Social Democratic party did not
officially participate in these schemes. But when the Revolu-
tion began on Nov. 9, they associated themselves with the revo-
lutionaries, and it was perhaps due to them that the Revolution
did not take the course which it took in Russia, and that by
persistent efforts order was gradually restored. The bourgeoisie
was absolutely helpless in the days of the Revolution. It took
things as they came and did not lift a finger to prevent them.
Many sections of this class even thought that the time had come
to go over with flying colours into the revolutionary camp of the
Social Democracy, in order to participate in the advantages
which the Revolution promised to secure for those who pro-
fessed extreme opinions.
The Social Democrat Scheidemann, who had been in the Cab-
inet of Prince Max of Baden as a Parliamentary Secretary of
State, had announced his resignation on Nov. 8. Prince Max,
when he withdrew on Nov. 9, installed the Socialist leader Ebert
as Imperial Chancellor. Ebert issued on the same day an appeal
" to German citizens," inviting them to cooperate in the new
order of things, even if they felt difficulty in doing so; on no
account must there be any breakdown in that hour of trial.
The Social Democrats then opened negotiations with the Inde-
pendent Socialists, and a Council of Commissioners of the
People (Volksbeauftragteri) was set up as the supreme revolu-
tionary authority, the two parties each being represented on it
by three of their leading men. Ebert, Scheidemann and Lands-
berg were the three Social Democratic commissioners; Haase,
Dittmann and Earth were the three Independents. The bureau-
cracy, with few exceptions, declared its readiness to continue
its work provisionally under the new revolutionary regime. All
the officials of the ministries, for example, remained at their
posts, and tried their best, amid the confusion which at first
reigned, to go on with their work upon the old lines.
The Council of Commissioners of the People had first of
all to form a new Cabinet. It is noteworthy that this Cabinet
consisted almost entirely of non-Socialists (Bilrgerliche). The
Prussian War Minister, Scheuch, and the Secretary of State for
the Navy, von Mann, remained at their posts, and so did Dr.
Solf at the Foreign Office, and Erzberger as a Parliamentary
Secretary of State. The National Liberal deputy, Schiffer, be-
came Finance Secretary, and the Progressist (non-Socialist
Democrat) Professor Preuss was made Secretary of State for the
Interior. It was only at the Food Department of the Reich that
a Social Democrat, the deputy Wurm, was appointed. The first
legislative order, which was issued in the form of an " ordinance
having the force of law," swept away a number of pre-re volu-
tion enactments. Thus it raised the state of siege, abolished
the restrictions upon the right of association and public meeting,
decreed freedom of the press, proclaimed an amnesty for political
offenders, repealed the wartime law which made patriotic auxil-
iary service obligatory, abrogated the regulations applying to
domestic service and the special provisions regarding the obli-
gation of agricultural labourers to work, while it enacted that
private property should be protected. Further, it was at this
early stage announced that elections would be held for a Con-
stituent National Assembly, and that all men and women who
had attained the age of 20 should be entitled to vote. At first,
it is true, the new revolutionary Government was unable to
evolve order out of the turbulent situation which had arisen
with the Revolution. In all the towns and the larger villages
Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils were formed and took over
the administration, doing as they pleased with the money that
was at their disposal, and in many instances issuing absolutely
ridiculous and absurd orders. A central authority that could
in any way intervene did not exist, so that each Workmen's
and Soldiers' Council did as it pleased. Gradually the Berlin
Workmen's and Soldiers' Council attempted to introduce a
certain degree of order into the situation by assuming the part
of the authoritative and supreme body placed over all the Work-
men's and Soldiers' Councils of Germany, although it by no
means succeeded in getting itself recognized by all the rest of the
Councils. There was even a movement in the Berlin Workmen's
and Soldiers' Council to get the powers of the Government
permanently into its hands and to prevent the elections for a
National Assembly. In the other parts of Germany, especially
in the south, the most violent opposition arose against this arbi-
trary action of the Berlin Workmen's and Soldiers' Council.
The Social Democratic party likewise published a declaration of
its fundamental conviction that a reign of terror by an arbitrary
Parliament of Councils was not in accordance with democratic
principles such as it considered to be authoritative for the con-
struction of the new Republic. The Soldiers' Councils now dis-
sociated themselves from the Workmen's Councils and turned
against them, accusing them of gross mismanagement of the
finances and of squandering war material and food. Mean-
while the Berlin Workmen's Council had elected an Executive
Board as its supreme authority, and this new body was claiming
for itself the management of the whole business of the Reich
and representing itself as the body which was entitled to exer-
cise supreme authority and surveillance over the Government.
The constant attacks which were being made by the various
Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils upon officers caused the War
Minister, Scheuch, to resign office on Dec. 15. Colonel Rein-
hardt was appointed his successor. The Government now con-
voked for Dec. 16 a congress of delegates of all the Workmen's
and Soldiers' Councils of Germany to meet in Berlin. At this
congress there were wild scenes of conflict between the Extrem-
ists and the Moderates. The latter, however, were throughout
in the majority, so that the Congress conferred executive and
GERMANY
275
legislative powers upon the six Commissioners of the People,
fixing the date of the elections for the National Assembly for
Jan. 19 1919- The Berlin Executive Board was thus put out of
action. It continued, indeed, to make attempts to get into
power again, but without success.
Meanwhile the Extremist group on the left wing of the Inde-
pendent Socialists had seceded and had formed a party of their
own called the Spartacus League, the more prominent leaders
of which were Dr. Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, and Daumig.
This Spartacus League rejected the principle of democracy, and
advocated a " dictatorship of the proletariat " in the form of a
Soviet Republic on the Russian model. The Russian Bolshevik,
Radek, was present at the meeting at which the League was
founded, and was welcomed as the representative of Bolshe-
vik Russia. The League at once organized a violent cam-
paign conducted by every conceivable method against the
Council of Commissioners of the People, preaching a second
revolution against them. Already on Dec. 5 there had been
collisions between a mass demonstration of the Spartacists
and some military detachments. On Dec. 24 a regular battle
began for the possession of the imperial castle, occupied by the
Spartacists, and for the neighbouring imperial stables, which
they also held. The Government sent troops against the in-
surgents, who chiefly consisted of former members of the Sailors'
Division, formed during the first days of the Revolution in
Berlin. The castle and the stables were stormed by the troops
after a sanguinary struggle; there were heavy losses on both
sides. The sailors were finally compelled to lay down their arms
on a promise of immunity from punishment.
The Independent Socialist members of the Council of Com-
missioners of the People, Barth, Dittmann and Haase, had
during the fighting adopted a very ambiguous attitude. After
the capitulation of the insurgents they resigned office on the
ground that the revolutionary Government ought not to have
employed troops against the rebels. Their places in the Council
of Commissioners were taken by the Majority Socialists Noske
and Wissel, the first-mentioned of whom had done very good
service in putting a stop to the naval mutiny at Kiel at the be-
ginning of the Revolution. On Dec. 20 Dr. Solf resigned his
post as Secretary of State at the Foreign Office, and was replaced
by the minister at Copenhagen, Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau.
In Prussia, too, the Revolution had resulted in upsetting the
central organization of that state. On Nov. 12 a Prussian Min-
istry, composed of Social Democrats and Independent Social-
ists, was formed. It took the curious form of a kind of dyarchy
running through the whole of the departments, one minister
being presumably appointed to watch and check the other. The
presidency was held conjointly by the Social Democrat Hirsch
and the Independent Socialist Strobel, with equal rights. The
Upper House and the Chamber of Deputies were dissolved.
The only minister of the old regime who remained in office was
the Minister for Railways, Breitenbach, but he retired on Nov.
26 and was succeeded by the ministerial director of that depart-
ment. The Minister of Justice, Spahn, was replaced by a couple
of Socialist lawyers, Rosenfeld and the highly cultured and
gifted Wolfgang Heine; the Majority Socialist Dr. Sudekum
was made Minister of Finance. The maddest appointment was
that which was made to the Ministry of Public Worship and
Education, where, alongside of the moderate Majority Socialist
Haenisch, the Independent Socialist Adolf Hoffmann was in-
stalled, a man known by the nickname " Ten Commandments
Hoffmann," because he was fond of introducing in his speeches
passages from the Bible, although he had left the Church and
did not profess any religion. Hoffmann was not proficient either
in speaking or in writing the German language; he could neither
open his lips nor take up his pen without perpetrating solecisms
and grammatical blunders, to say nothing of the fact that he
had not the slightest idea of the administration of schools or
churches. His action was in keeping with his qualifications and
was absolutely reckless; he never even informed his Majority
Socialist colleague Haenisch of the autocratic ordinances which
he issued. He straightway abolished the contribution of the
State to the expenditure of the Church, and decreed that in-
struction in history should henceforth only be given from Social
Democratic text books. He likewise abolished all religious
instruction. There was soon a storm of indignation against
Hoffmann in all scholastic circles, so that his colleague Haenisch
had to revoke all Hoffmann's decrees. Irritated at this, Hoffmann
resigned, after having taken care to draw his salary from the
funds of the Ministry for several months in advance. There
was a still worse state of things in the former duchy of Brunswick,
where the president of the state was a tailor named Merges,
while the Minister of Public Worship was a washerwoman.
The year 1919 opened with sanguinary disturbances. The
Spartacus League under the leadership of Dr. Liebknecht had
made elaborate preparations for a fresh insurrection. In the
first days of January, mass demonstrations of the Spartacus
League began in Berlin with the participation of large numbers
of the Independent Socialists. The Majority Socialists called
upon their adherents to assemble for counter-demonstrations in
the Wilhelmstrasse and the Wilhelmsplatz, the quarter in which
the Government offices were situated. Collisions at once took
place in this district, but there was no bloodshed. It was not
till Jan. 5 that the real rising commenced. The adherents of the
Spartacus League, who were amply provided with rifles and
machine-guns, first occupied the so-called " newspaper quarter "
of Berlin, in particular the offices of the great non-Socialist
journals, and also the great building of the Majority Socialist
organ Vorwarts. They then tried to force their way into the
Wilhelmstrasse. The Government had at its disposal only a
small and diminishing number of troops. If the Spartacists
had pressed their attack home with greater energy, it would have
been easy for them to occupy the Government offices and to
expel the Government. They were, however, intimidated by the
sight of a handful of soldiers, who had occupied the approaches
to the Wilhelmstrasse with machine-guns, and although there
were various shooting affrays they did not venture upon any
real assault. The Cabinet now entrusted one of its members,
Noske, who had taken over the Ministry of National Defence
(Reichswehrministerium), with the task of procuring troops.
Noske, with the assistance of Gen. von Luttwitz, collected in the
western suburbs of Berlin all the troops that were available
in the neighbourhood of the capital. Some new formations were
also organized; they were mostly recruited from officers of the
former German army. With these troops Gen. von Luttwitz
marched into Berlin, and a bloody struggle began, which lasted
several days and finally resulted in the defeat of the Spartacists.
Some of the newspaper offices had to be besieged for days and
even bombarded with artillery, before the Spartacists who were
holding them would surrender. There was a great deal of isolated
fighting, and frequently there was firing from the roofs of the
houses. A warrant for the arrest of Liebknecht and Rosa
Luxemburg, who were at the head of the insurrection, was is-
sued. Liebknecht was arrested on Jan. 16 in a Berlin suburb
where he was in hiding, and was taken to the Eden hotel, where
Gen. von Luttwitz had established his headquarters. When
the prisoner was being transported from the hotel to Moabit
prison, he was shot by his military guards as he was making an
attempt to escape. 1
His associate, Rosa Luxemburg, had a similar fate. She, too,
was arrested, and was conducted to the Eden hotel. When she
was about to be transported thence to prison, she was felled by a
soldier with the butt end of his rifle. Seriously injured and
unconscious, she was placed in a motor-car, where another
soldier shot her through the head. The motor-car rapidly con-
veyed her body to the neighbouring Landwehr Canal, into which
it was flung. Several weeks elapsed before the body was found
Her funeral, like Liebknecht's, was attended by large crowds of
their Spartacist followers. The murderer of Rosa Luxemburg
was subsequently brought to trial, and was condemned and
sentenced to a term of imprisonment. Altogether there were
1 The Independent Socialists and the Communists afterwards
persisted in maintaining, on the ground of some contradictory medi-
cal evidence, that Liebknecht was shot in cold blood.
276
GERMANY
several hundred lives lost in the Spartacist rising of Jan. 1919.
In Stuttgart, as also in Bremen, Munich and other towns,
there were sanguinary struggles, until the insurrection could be
regarded as having been everywhere suppressed.
The elections for the National Assembly had taken place on
Jan. 19. They resulted in a Socialist majority. The Majority
Socialists won 163 seats, the Independents 22. As against these
185 Socialists there was a non-Socialist (btirgerlich} majority of
236, of whom 42 belonged to the German National People's
party (the former Conservatives), 21 to the German People's
party (formerly the National Liberals), 88 to the Christian
People's party (formerly known as the Centre) and 75 to the
Democratic party (formerly the Progressists); while 10 non-
Socialist deputies did not adhere to any party. The total num-
bers of the votes recorded for the different parties were 11,509,-
048 for the Social Democrats, 2,317,290 for the Independent
Socialists, 5,980,216 for the Christian People's party, 5,641,825
for the Democrats, 3,121,479 for the German National People's
party, and 1,345,838 for the German People's parjy. It is
noteworthy that the non-Socialist parties had all assumed new
popular designations. In course of time, however, their old
names came again into use, except in the case of the Democrats,
whose new designation was more generally convenient.
The National Assembly was convoked to meet, not in Berlin,
where constant disturbances were probable, but in Weimar in
Thuringia, where it assembled on Feb. 6 1919. The Berlin
Spartacists the party afterwards known under the more com-
prehensive designation of Communists made a fresh attempt
at the beginning of March to abolish the National Assembly
and to set up a Dictatorship of the Councils. It decreed a general
strike for the whole of Germany, but the strike attained consid-
erable dimensions only in Berlin. Once more it was the Marine
Division which had recourse to acts of violence. It occupied the
suburb of Lichtenberg, whence it attempted to force its way into
the centre of Berlin. There were again sanguinary struggles in
which more than 1,000 persons were killed. Among these were
29 members of the Sailors' Division, whom First Lieut. Marloh
caused to be shot, after they had been arrested by the troops,
when they had unsuspectingly come to fetch their pay. Proceed-
ings were instituted against Marloh, but he was acquitted. The
March rising of the Spartacists was completely quelled. Local
risings in different places had the same fate, at Halle, for exam-
ple; at Stuttgart and at various other places in Wurttemberg;
at Munich (where on April 7 a Soviet Republic was pro-
claimed) ; at Dresden (where on April 1 2 the Saxon War Minister
Neuring, a Social Democrat, was thrown into the Elbe by the
mob and perished) ; at Leipzig, at Hamburg, and so forth. In
many of these local risings hundreds of people lost their lives.
The Constituent National Assembly sat at Weimar from Feb.
1919 onwards, meeting in the Weimar theatre, which was spe-
cially reconstructed. The Majority Socialist David was almost
unanimously elected President. A matter of first concern was
to get together a majority upon which a responsible Govern-
ment could be based. Negotiations between the Majority
Socialists and the Independents failed, because the two parties
together were not sufficiently numerous to form a majority in
the House, while the Independents refused to enter a coali-
tion with any of the non-Socialist parties. The Catholic Centre
and the Democrats, on the other hand, were prepared to renew
the connexion which had united them with the Social Demo-
crats in the old Reichstag since the date of the " Peace Resolu-
tion." Thus there arose a coalition of the Catholic Centre, the
Democrats and the Social Democrats, who undertook to form a
Cabinet. On Feb. n the National Assembly elected the Social
Democrat Ebert to the presidency of the Reich by 277 votes
against 102. Ebert entrusted the formation of a Cabinet to the
Social Democrat Scheidemann, who assumed the office of Min-
ister-President. The Democrat Schiffer was appointed Vice-
President of the Ministry. The other members of the Cabi-
net were Count Brockdorff-Rantzau (Foreign Affairs), Preuss
(Interior), Schiffer (Finance) all these three belonged to the
Democratic party Giesberts (Post Office), Bell (Colonies)
both members of the Catholic Centre Landsberg (Justice),
Noske (National Defence), Bauer (Labour), Wissel (Ministry of
Economics), Robert Schmidt (Ministry of Food), all these being
Social Democrats. Erzberger, of the Catholic Centre, the
Democrat Gothein and the Social Democrat David were mem-
bers of the Cabinet but without portfolio. Fehrenbach replaced
David as President of the National Assembly. The Right, i.e.
the German National party and the German People's party
(formerly Conservatives and National Liberals respectively), at
once placed themselves in the most pronounced opposition to
the new Cabinet, and on the extreme Left the Independent
Socialists did the same. The whole session of the National
Assembly at Weimar was characterized by controversies on
these lines, which frequently assumed an extremely violent
character. This was particularly the case during the debates
on the new Constitution, for which Prof. Dr. Preuss had drafted
a scheme. There were particularly stormy scenes when the
questions of the socialization of industries and the new colours
of the Reich were being discussed. A compromise on the second
of these questions was proposed by the Catholic Centre and the
Social Democrats, and it was finally agreed that the colours of
the Reich should be black, red and gold, while the flag of the
mercantile marine should be black, white and red, the colours of
Imperial Germany, with black, red and gold in the upper canton
next the staff. This was carried by 211 votes against 89.
The first grave ordeal which the new Coalition had to undergo
was the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles. Up to the end
of June the House, with the exception, perhaps, of the extreme
Left, was unanimously of the opinion that a peace such as that
which had been dictated by Germany's adversaries could not
in any circumstances be accepted. The Minister-President
Scheidemann declared in the House, amid tremendous applause:
" Let the hand which signs this peace wither!" On June 22
the debates on the question of accepting or rejecting the Treaty
of Versailles began. Scheidemann's Cabinet, which had com-
mitted itself to rejection, had resigned on June 21; it wished to
leave the National Assembly perfectly free in its decision. The
formation of the new Cabinet was effected under the greatest
difficulties; it was finally undertaken by Bauer, who had hitherto
been Minister of Labour. The Democratic party, the majority
of whom were against signing the Treaty, declined to enter the
new Cabinet. The Catholic Centre, too, was at first against
accepting the Treaty, and it required great efforts and all the
parliamentary diplomacy of Erzberger to bring about a change
of opinion in the majority of his party. Finally the Bauer
Ministry was formed for the purpose of signing the Treaty;
the only parties represented in it were the Social Democrats
and the Catholic Centre. Members of it who may be mentioned
here were Miiller (Foreign Affairs), Noske (National Defence),
Erzberger (Finance) and Bell (Colonies) the last-mentioned
being, so to speak, a minister in partibus, as Germany no longer
had any colonies. Each of the parties in the Assembly made
only a short formal statement; the vote resulted in the accept-
ance of the Treaty of Peace by 237 against 138, while 5 deputies
refrained from voting. The majority consisted of the Catholic
Centre with the exception of its 13 Bavarian members, the
Social Democrats and the Independent Socialists, together
with 7 of the Democrats. The resolution adopted was in the
following terms: " The National Assembly approves of the atti-
tude of the Government in the question of the signature of the
Treaty of Peace." The Government now sent word to Paris
that it was prepared to sign the Peace, but that it rejected the
passage in the preamble which dictated a confession of Germany's
guilty responsibility for starting the war, and further, that it
rejected the extradition of the army leaders and of those who
were characterized by Germany's enemies as war criminals.
The reply having come from Paris that the Peace must be signed
unconditionally, the National Assembly gave the Government
on June 23, by the same majority as before, full power to sig
even in these circumstances. The signature accordingly took
place at Versailles on June 28 by the hands of the German
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Hermann Muller, and the Minister
GERMANY
277
for the Colonies, Bell. On July o the National Assembly, by
208 votes to 115, gave its assent to the signature.
The most active member of the Bauer Ministry turned out
to be the representative of the Catholic Centre, Erzberger,
who gradually gave the whole Ministry its characteristic colour.
He was always in the forefront when the Opposition had to be
met. He replied to the attacks of the Right with still sharper
counter-attacks. The question of responsibility for the war
took a leading place in these encounters. Erzberger charged the
Right and those who had been behind it with having destroyed
all chance of concluding peace before it was too late. The Right,
on the other hand, reproached Erzberger with having prema-
turely published the news of the Pope's attempt at mediation
in Aug. 1917, with the result that the Vatican was compelled to
abandon its efforts, so that the effect of Erzberger's action had
really been to prevent peace. Erzberger's chief opponent in
these controversies was the former Secretary of State for the
Imperial Finances, Dr. Helfferich, who was now a deputy be-
longing to the German National (Conservative) party. A news-
paper feud between Erzberger and Helfferich ensued, and led
to an action for libel by Erzberger against Helfferich, the issue of
which was delayed until March 1920. These controversies were
again and again fought out on every possible occasion in Parlia-
ment, and filled columns of the press for many months.
The deliberations on the new Constitution were concluded
on July 31 1919, and the final vote was taken upon the project
as a whole. The Constitution was carried by 262 votes against
75, the minority consisting of the German National (Conserva-
tive) and the German People's (National Liberal) parties.
On Aug. 1 1 the formal signature of the Constitution took place,
and on Aug. 21 the Provisional President of the Reich, Ebert,
solemnly took the oath of fidelity to the Constitution. Accord-
ing to the terms of the new Constitution (Art. 41) the President
of the republican Reich must be elected by the whole of the
Germans who possess the franchise; but, as the future extent
of German territory had not yet been settled in accordance with
the Treaty of Versailles, seeing that plebiscites had still to be
taken in various regions, the first President, Ebert, was elected
provisionally. The Minister-President Bauer now assumed the
title of Chancellor of the Reich in accordance with Art. 52 of
the Constitution. The National Assembly then adjourned till
Sept., and decided to return to Berlin, where the situation had
meanwhile become calmer, so that there was no longer be-
lieved to be any danger of interruption by demonstrations.
When Parliament resumed its session in Berlin at the end of
Sept. negotiations were at once opened by the Government
parties the Catholic Centre and the Social Democrats with
the non-Socialist Democrats, with a view to the reentry of the
latter into the Coalition. The result was that the Democrats
Schiffer and Koch became members of the Cabinet, Schiffer at
the Ministry of Justice and Koch at the Ministry of the Inte-
rior. Shortly afterwards the Bavarian Democrat Gessler, chief
burgomaster of Niirnberg, was appointed to a new office, that
of Ministry of Reconstruction. On Oct. n the Ministry for the
Colonies was abolished, as there were no longer any colonies to
administer. The Right now started a campaign in favour of
having a general election at an early date for the Reichstag, on
the ground that the National Assembly had finished its task by
passing the Constitution. This demand was extremely unwel-
come to the Left, which did not expect to be successful in new
elections and wanted to carry with the existing majority a num-
ber of laws in fulfilment of its own legislative programme. Per-
haps the most important of these measures was the Factory (or
Industrial Councils) bill, which contemplated the formation of
councils in factories and other industrial and commercial es-
tablishments, giving the workers and salaried employees rep-
resentative boards as well as a certain influence upon the manage-
ment of the business in which they were engaged. Another
important bill which was ultimately passed was the Socializa-
tion Law, laying down in general terms the principle that the
whole mining industry should be transferred to the ownership of
the State. The controversies on these matters were conducted
by the interested parties throughout the country as well as in
Parliament. The Factory Bill was not passed until 1920.
Particular difficulties were caused by the necessity of opening
up new sources of revenue for the State. The public debt had
increased to about 220 milliards of marks; the budget had
reached the figure of 15 milliard marks of ordinary expenditure
and 41 milliard marks of extraordinary expenditure. On June
28 the Minister of Finance, Erzberger, submitted to the National
Assembly a number of minor taxation proposals, the most im-
portant of which was the War Contribution bill, which contem-
plated a levy rising to 50% upon the excess of incomes during the
war over peace incomes. Similarly the greater part of capital
increases during the war was to be appropriated by taxation,
and the taxation of tobacco, sugar, matches, etc., was to be
raised. On July 8 Erzberger developed a detailed financial
programme in which he announced proposals for the so-called
Emergency Contribution for the Reich (Reichsnotopfer) , con-
templating the sequestration of a considerable percentage of all
personal fortunes. He advocated at the same time the transfer-
ence of the administration of all state taxation from the ter-
ritories (states) to the Reich. On Nov. 27 the National As-
sembly accepted this principle by passing a bill for regulating
contributions by the states to the finances of the Reich. On
Nov. 17 1919 the law enacting the Emergency Contribution to
the Reich was carried by 238 votes against a minority of 43.
On Nov. 7 the leader of the Independent Socialists, Haase, died
from wounds which had been inflicted upon him by an insane
assassin some days earlier as he was entering the Reichstag
building. Other noted parliamentarians who died in the second
half of 1919 were the leader of the Catholic Centre Grober
(Sept. 19) and Friedrich Naumann, leader of the Democratic
party and author of the celebrated book Mitteleuropa (1915).
(C. K.*)
After the Revolution. On Jan. 10 1920 the Treaty of Ver-
sailles came into- force. On that day the representatives of
Germany, von Simson and Lersner, signed the protocol of rati-
fication at the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs in presence
of representatives of the principal Allied Powers. America
was not represented. From this date the time-limits for the
fulfilment of the obligations contemplated by the Treaty and
for the plebiscites began to run; and the whole course of German
politics in 1920 was dominated by the anxieties over these
problems. In a New Year's message the President of the Reich,
Ebert, said: " Under the pressure of ruthless coercion a Peace
Treaty had to be concluded which threatened to place the
honour of our nation, its prosperity and the fruits of its past
and future toil, at the mercy of foreigners." On the day of the
ratification of the Peace, the Government of the Reich addressed
a message of farewell to the " hundreds and thousands of mem-
bers of the German nation " who were being separated under
the Treaty from the Reich. In the occupied Rhineland, at
Flensburg, at Malmedy, in the Saar region, in Upper Silesia, in
the Memel district, at Bromberg, a foreign sway, which was in
some cases to be temporary and in others permanent, came into
force in accordance with the terms of the Treaty. In Jan. and
Feb. the German prisoners-of-war in France were at last sent
home. On Feb. 10 1920 the first of the plebiscites took place,
and resulted in the transfer of a strip of territory in northern
Schleswig, including Hadersleben, Apenrade and Tondern, to
Denmark. The vote in the second Schleswig zone took place on
March 14 and resulted in a German majority. A serious eco-
nomic consequence of the conclusion of peace was that an even
greater quantity of luxuries flooded Germany through the cus-
toms " gap in the west " (Loch im Westen) than had been the
case in 1919. The consequence was that the exchange value of
the mark continued to fall, so that it constantly became more
difficult to import the food-stuffs, textile fabrics and raw mate-
rials that were urgently needed. Not until March or April was
it possible to get the " gap in the west " partially closed by
agreements with the Allied Powers.
The German National Assembly resumed its session on June
30 1920. On the orders of the day was the third reading of the
2 7 8
GERMANY
Factory Councils bill, the provisions of which did not go far
enough to satisfy the extreme Left, the Independent Socialists.
In consequence of the agitation conducted by that party, a
crowd numbering close upon 100,000 persons assembled in the
vast square in front of the Reichstag building and ultimately
attempted to force their way into the National Assembly. The
armed police were compelled to fire upon them, 40 persons
being killed and over 100 wounded. The bill was finally passed
on Jan. 18. The Taxation bill was then discussed the income
tax for the Reich, a special tax of 10% on incomes from invested
capital (Kapitalertragsteuer) and the taxation of companies.
Erzberger continued to be the leading spokesman of the Govern-
ment in the advocacy of these proposals. He was at the same
time occupying public attention in consequence of the action
for libel which he had brought against the Conservative leader
and former Secretary of State, Helfferich, who had accused
Erzberger of combining with his political activity the advocacy
of private commercial interests, and had also charged him with
untruthfulness. The trial lasted seven weeks and resulted in the
condemnation of Helfferich to a fine of 300 marks for libel or
insult (Beleidigung), although the court animadverted upon
Erzberger's conduct in terms which led his party, the Catholic
Centre, to recommend his withdrawal for a time from public
life. He had previously resigned the Ministry of Finance.
During the trial an attempt had been made on Erzberger's life
by a young officer named von Hirschfeld, who succeeded in
wounding him.
Immediately after the conclusion of peace the Allied Powers
demanded from Holland the extradition of the German Emperor.
Holland persisted in declining to comply with this demand,
but undertook to subject the ex-Kaiser to strict surveillance.
Although the ex- Kaiser now enjoyed little popularity in Germany,
the demand for his extradition was regarded as a national
humiliation, and this feeling was intensified in the highest degree
by the subsequent demand for the extradition of the so-called
war criminals, seeing that the original French list contained the
names of almost all the military leaders, including Hindenburg,
Ludendorff and Tirpitz, and further the former Imperial Chancel-
lor Bethmann Hollweg, several German sovereigns and heirs to
German thrones, as well as 895 persons of different military
ranks belonging to all classes of the German people. The list,
moreover, was very imperfect and inaccurate in its designation
of the persons whose extradition was demanded. Some of them
were dead. The president of the German Peace Commission in
Paris, Baron von Lersner, accordingly declined to receive the
list which Millerand handed to him on Feb. 4 1920. The list
was then presented in Berlin, and was followed by an exchange
of notes and finally by a decision of the Supreme Council on
Feb. 14 to the effect that certain alleged war criminals should be
tried by the German Supreme Court at Leipzig. A list con-
taining the names of 45 persons was presented to the German
Government on May 7 1920. The trials were delayed by the
fact that the Allied Powers took a long time to furnish the
German public prosecutor with the names and the evidence of
the witnesses for which he had asked. Some 15 cases were
tried in the summer of 1921, some of them ending with a ver-
dict of guilty and a sentence, others with an acquittal. In the
army the excitement over the demand for the extradition of the
military leaders was especially strong. Among the soldiers, as
among the police, there was a determination to refuse to coop-
erate in any way in fulfilling this demand. Another cause of
discontent was that the members of the small -new army re-
mained in complete uncertainty regarding their personal future.
According to the Treaty, the German army, which in peace
times had numbered about 700,000 men and during war had
risen to 12,000,000, had now to be reduced to 100,000. This
reduction had to take place within three months of the ratifica-
tion of the Treaty. At Germany's request, however, the Supreme
Council agreed on Feb. 18 1920 to extend the period for reduc-
tion to July 10. Until April 10 a strength of 200,000 men was
to be permitted. In Spa, in July 1920, it was decided that the
new army (Wehrmacht) should have a strength of 150,000 until
the following Oct., but should be reduced to 100,000 by Jan. r
1921. This decision was carried out by Germany.
The army reduction originally determined for April 10 was
one of the direct causes of the military Putsch on March 13.
There were two bodies of troops, the Ehrhardt Marine Brigade
and the Lowenfeld Brigade, which refused to be disbanded.
The political grounds for the insurrection, known as the " Kapp
Putsch," may be explained as follows. In Jan. 1920 the text
of the electoral bill for the first republican Reichstag and for the
election of the President of the Reich had been published. It
seemed that the date for the general election could not be long
delayed. Yet the National Assembly rejected on March 9 a
Conservative proposal for the dissolution of the National
Assembly on May i. On the Right the view was held that the
mandate of the National Assembly had been fulfilled when it
had constructed a new Constitution and concluded peace. It
presently became known that the Social Democrats intended to
propose that the President of the Reich should be elected by the
Reichstag instead of, as the bill provided, by the whole nation.
The feeling against the Government and Parliament created
by this prospect was utilized by Kapp (see KAPP, WOLFGANG) of
Konigsberg and by Gen. von Luttwitz, and on the morning of
March 13 1920 they seized power in Berlin with the aid of
the marine brigades quartered at Doberitz. The Government
offices in the Wilhelmstrasse were occupied. Kapp assumed the
Chancellorship and Luttwitz the office of Minister of National
Defence, and the constitutional Government was declared to
be deposed. A new Government of " order, liberty and ac-
tion " was described in a proclamation as having been instituted.
The National Assembly and the Prussian Constituent Assembly
were declared to have been dissolved. A Committee of the
Social Democratic party replied by the proclamation of a gen-
eral strike, an appeal to which the names of the President of the
Reich and the Socialist ministers were attached. The Govern-
ment and the President of the Reich fled to Dresden to prevent
civil war and bloodshed. The Kapp movement was, however,
confined to parts of north Germany and collapsed in a few days.
Kapp and Luttwitz threw up the game on March 17 and fled.
Warrants for their arrest and for that of their leading accom-
plices on the charge of high treason were issued. Among these
accomplices were Col. Bauer (a right-hand man of Ludendorff),
Capt. Ehrhardt and the former Berlin prefect of police, von
Jagow, who for a few days during the Putsch had played the part
of Minister of the Interior. The National Assembly met on
March 18 in Stuttgart, whither the Government had removed,
and denounced the Putsch as a monstrous crime against the
German nation. In the sequel disciplinary measures were
taken, and a number of officers and officials were dismissed.
The rank and file of the participators in the movement, how-
ever, were let alone. The prosecution of the chief conspirators
was ultimately fixed to take place at the end of 1921.
The Kapp enterprise had been started with an incredible
degree of political ignorance, and must be regarded as having
amounted to an attempt at a monarchist revolution. It may be
asserted, however, that none of the parties represented in the
Parliament, including the Deulschnalionalen (Conservative)
party, participated in the movement. During the Putsch days
there were sanguinary collisions in various towns between work-
men and those bodies of troops which had declared for Kapp.
Nine officers were murdered at Schoneberg, a suburb of Berlin,
and a number of persons were shot on the departure of the
so-called Baltic Corps at the Brandenburg Gate. In con-
sequence of these events there was a new outbreak of the
extreme revolutionary movement. In the Ruhr region in partic-
ular there were regular warlike operations by the Red Army,
while at the same time the Communist free-lance, Max Holz,
overran the Saxon Vogtland and burned and plundered. A
Bolshevist " terror " reigned for some days in the Ruhr region,
where the extremists considered the moment to have arrived for
setting up a Soviet republic, for which they had long been mak-
ing preparations. There was a good deal of intimidation and
raiding of banks and other commercial establishments, and
GERMANY
279
vernment troops were being attacked and surrounded. The
Government, however, hesitated for a time to intervene. In
Berlin the general strike was with difficulty brought to a close.
After negotiations with the trade unions, which demanded
greater influence upon the formation of the Government and the
conduct of affairs, a new Cabinet was formed under the presi-
dency of the Social Democratic Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Hermann Miiller. The Minister of National Defence, Noske,
whom the Independent Socialists and also a section of the Major-
ity Socialists made responsible for the revival of the " militarist
reaction," had previously resigned and was replaced by the
Bavarian Democrat Gessler. Dr. Wirth of the Catholic Centre
was appointed Minister of Finance. There were also ministerial
changes in Prussia, the Social Democrat Braun becoming Min-
ister-President, and Severing, also a Social Democrat, being
appointed to the Ministry of the Interior a post of the first
importance in times of internal disturbance. Severing had come
to terms with the Ruhr insurgents on March 25 at Bielefeld,
and the Government had undertaken that if the conditions were
fulfilled the regular troops (Reickswehr) would not be sent into
the region. The truce was not maintained, and on April 3
troops marched into the Ruhr region from the north and the
east. This action had an unfortunate effect upon the policy of
France. The French seized the occasion to occupy Frankfort-
on-Main and the Maingau. The Ruhr district formed part of
a neutral zone, 50 km. broad, which was to have been denuded of
all German troops in accordance with Art. 43 of the Treaty of
Versailles. By a special agreement of Aug. 8 1919, however,
Germany was permitted to keep a small garrison of regulars
within the region. This garrison proved too weak to suppress
the insurrection, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Hermann
Miiller, asked for permission to reenforce these troops. France
refused. When German troops were nevertheless sent into the
Ruhr region in consequence of desperate appeals from part of the
population, and when Hermann Miiller asked the Allied Powers
to give their retrospective assent to these measures, the French
Government gave orders to its troops to occupy the Maingau
on April 6 as a guarantee. Germany appealed to the League of
Nations without result. At a conference of the Supreme Council
at San Remo (in April 1920) it was decided as appeared from
a subsequent declaration of Millerand in the French Chamber
that the evacuation of the Maingau should take place so soon
as the numbers of the German troops in the Ruhr region were
reduced to the figure permitted in the special agreement of 1919.
The French evacuation accordingly took place on May 17, but
not before six Germans had been killed and over 30 wounded in
a collision with a detachment of black troops who were occupying
the chief guardhouse at Frankfort.
The Social Democrat Dr. Adolf Koster, a journalist, succeeded
Hermann Miiller as Minister for Foreign Affairs on April 14.
The National Assembly, after voting a bill for transferring to the
Reich those railways which had hitherto been the property of the
separate German states, and after having voted the sum of
one milliard marks as compensation for damage caused during
the civil disturbances, closed its session on May 21 1920. On
June 6 the elections for the first German republican Reichstag
were held and resulted in a distinct disavowal of the Coalition
Ministry. The Democratic party suffered most seriously of all,
while a great increase of seats was achieved by the Independent
Socialists and by the two parties of the Right (the Conserva-
tives and the National Liberals, to call them by their old names).
The Democrats were reduced from 74 to 45, the Social Demo-
crats from 163 to 112. On the other hand the Deutsche Volks-
parlei (National Liberals) were increased from 22 to 62, the
Dcutschnationale Volkspartei (Conservative Right) from 42 to
66, and the Independent Socialists (extreme Left) from 22 to
81. In view of these changes, the formation of a new Govern-
ment presented the greatest difficulty. The President of the
Reich had ultimately to entrust the task to the Catholic Centre
deputy Fehrenbach, who succeeded in forming a Cabinet on
June 26. This Cabinet no longer contained any Social Demo-
crats, but, for the first time since the revolution, representatives
of the Deutsche Volkspartei (National Liberals) were in the
Government. Dr. Simons, who had been director of the legal
department of the German Foreign Office but had resigned in
1919 with other members of the German delegation at Versailles,
was appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was soon the
leading spirit in the new Cabinet, which to some extent fulfilled
the demand of the Deutsche Volkspartei (National Liberals) for
experts in ministerial posts. After the first republican German
Reichstag had elected its presidential bureau from the different
sections of the House, the Social Democrat Lobe being chosen
president, the provisional President of the Reich, Ebert, ad-
dressed a communication to the Chancellor on June 25 asking
the Reichstag to fix the date for the presidential election. The
Cabinet, however, decided that the definitive election of the
President of the Reich should not take place until after the
plebiscite in Upper Silesia.
The formation of this Government took place under politi-
cal pressure from abroad. The Supreme Council had determined
at San Remo on April 18 1920 to discuss, in immediate confer-
ence with the German Government, certain outstanding ques-
tions arising out of the Treaty of Peace. At Hythe Mr. Lloyd
George and M. Millerand had agreed that this conference was to
be postponed until the new German Government had been
formed. After a further conference at Boulogne on June 23 had
produced three Notes complaining of the lack of goodwill on
Germany's part to carry out the Treaty, German ministers sat
for the first time at the same table with leading representatives
of the Allies at Spa from July 5-16, in order to discuss with them
questions connected with the execution of the Treaty. On the
German side these negotiations were conducted by Dr. Simons
and the Chancellor Fehrenbach, but there were moments when
almost the whole Cabinet was at Spa. Under threat of the occu-
pation of the Ruhr district the following points were arranged:
(i) the disarmament of the German army and its reduction to
the strength of 150,0500 men by Oct. i and to the strength of
100,000 men by Jan. 1920; (2) the reduction of the monthly
deliveries of coal from 2,400,000 to 2,000,000 tons, with a reser-
vation on behalf of the German share of Upper Silesian coal.
In the negotiations on this point considerable impression was
created by the appearance of the German coal and iron magnate
Hugo Stinnes, accompanied by the miners' leader, Hue, both
advocating the same view. The final arrangements for the
payment of all the reparations due by Germany were adjourned,
pending a further conference at Geneva.
While the Spa conference was still sitting a disagreeable inci-
dent took place in Berlin. On July 14, the day of the French
national fete, a German workman hauled down the French flag
on the embassy in Berlin. On Aug. 26 there was a further inci-
dent at Breslau, where a crowd of people who had been excited
by the arrival of German fugitives from Upper Silesia forced
their way into the Polish and French consulates. The satis-
faction which was demanded was given by saluting the French
flag and by an apology conveyed by the Minister for Foreign
Affairs to the French ambassador.
On July 1 1 the second of the plebiscites was held on the borders
of East and West Prussia and resulted in a distinct German
success, some 95% of the inhabitants having voted for remain-
ing German. Soon afterwards East Prussia was threatened by
the backwash of the Russo- Polish war, and Germany asked to be
permitted to send troops into the region which was still under the
administration of the Plebiscite Commission. Both Poles and
Bolsheviks were crossing the frontier into East Prussia at this
time and were being disarmed and interned. In accordance with
the German declaration of neutrality the transit of arms and
munitions to Poland was being prevented, and this led in
some cases to an excessive display of zeal by the German rail-
way men, some of whom were in sympathy with Soviet Russia,
so that regular Allied transports, e.g. the troops in Upper
Silesia, were here and there held up.
The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference on the East
Prussian plebiscite gave Poland only a narrow strip of territory
on the right bank of the Vistula. Eupen and Malrn6dy went
280
GERMANY
by the plebiscite of July 24 to Belgium. In the summer of 1920
ambassadors from the Powers which had been at war with
Germany were once more sent to Berlin, the business of
their embassies having meanwhile been conducted by charges
d'affaires. On July i the French Ambassador Laurent, on July 2
the British Ambassador Lord d' Abernon, and on July 3 1 the Italian
Ambassador Martino presented their credentials to the Presi-
dent of the Reich. Germany had, for her part, sent in Jan. 1920
the Catholic Centre deputy, Dr. Mayer, to Paris, the Hamburg
senator, Dr. Sthamer, to London, and the former Minister for
Foreign Affairs, Dr. Self, to Tokyo. The newly instituted Papal
nunciature to the Reich was taken over by the Papal Nuncio
at Munich, Mgr. Pacelli.
The next business of the Reichstag was to give effect to the
Spa decisions. On July 30 universal and compulsory military
service, which had existed for more than 100 years, was abol-
ished, and also military jurisdiction. On July 31 the law on the
disarmament of the civil population was passed. It was carried
out in the autumn by Secretary of State Peters, a process which
included the surrender and destruction of over 2,000,000 rifles.
In this connexion the much-canvassed " Orgesch " (Organiza-
tion Escherich) instituted by the Bavarian Director of Woods and
Forests, Escherich, for the protection of the citizens in the event
of a renewal of Bolshevist disturbances an organization char-
acterized by certain extreme reactionary tendencies was for-
bidden in Prussia. After the London Conference of May 1921
it had to be dissolved, together with the Bavarian Eimuohner-
wehr (voluntary military organization for citizens' defence).
The movement for the socialization of industry, which had
reached its zenith during the period of the revolution, had in
course of time become concentrated upon schemes for the social-
ization of the mining industry. A Socialization Commission
had been appointed, and in Sept. 1920 it presented two alterna-
tive schemes. The one scheme was for the immediate and
complete socialization of the mining industry, with ^compen-
sation for the mine-owners. The other, of which Walther
Rathenau, afterwards Minister for Reconstruction, was the
author, contemplated a State monopoly of the wholesale coal
trade, with still more ample compensation for the mine-owners.
Meanwhile a new and novel kind of parliament had been estab-
lished (June 30). This was the so-called provisional Economic
Council of the Reich (Reichswirtschaflsral), a non-political,
purely economic parliament with 326 members. A joint com-
mittee of this Economic Council and the Coal Council of the
Reich (Reichskohlenrat) discussed the two socialization schemes.
Its verdict, of which Hugo Stinnes was doubtless the father, was
in favour of a proposal that the coal-miners and workmen should
participate in the capital and the profits of the industry by
means of small shares. The miners, however, rejected this pro-
posal, and in the course of a debate in the Reichstag the Minis-
ter for Economics, Dr. Scholz, declared that the question was
not yet ripe and could be decided only on economic grounds.
About this time fundamental changes took place in the group-
ing of the Socialist parties. The Independent Socialists had
applied at Moscow to be received into the fold of the Third In-
ternational, whereupon the Third International had set up 21
conditions of admission, among them the exclusion from the
party of all leading members who professed any kind of democ-
racy or were infected with any kind of " social patriotism."
At the Independent Socialist party congress held at Halle these
conditions were accepted, after a speech by the Russian Bolshe-
vik Zinoviev, on Oct. 16 1920, against a strong minority vote.
The minority, the right wing of the Independents under the
leadership of Crispien, thereupon separated from the New Com-
munists, whose leaders were Daumig and Stocker. The latter
united in Berlin on Nov. i with the Communist party (led by
Dr. Levi) and formed the " United Communist party of Germany,
Section of the Third International." In the preceding spring
a still more extreme group, the Communist Workers' party, had
seceded from Dr. Levi's organization. 1 This group eschewed all
1 In German books and newspapers the first of these groups was
frequently designated by the letters K. P. D. (Kommunistische
participation in elections or parliamentary work. The Majority
Socialists (i.e. the governmental or moderate Socialist party)
renewed in Aug. 1920 at Geneva their adhesion to the Second
(the Amsterdam-London) International, and, in the presence
of their foreign associates, made confession of their own and
Germany's responsibility for the German war policy.
The United Communist party instigated in March 1921 in
central Germany, in the region between Halle and Eisleben, an
insurrection, the chief object of which doubtless was to demon-
strate their revolutionary character to their masters at Moscow.
The Chief President of the Prussian province of Saxony, Horsing,
had had recourse to the services of the armed police (Schutzpoli-
zei) in consequence of the intolerable situation in several great
factories, where thefts, intimidation and strikes were the order
of the day. The Rote Fahne, the organ of the K.P.D. (the Com-
munist party of Germany), thereupon called a general strike
and exhorted the whole of the workmen to take up arms. Many
of the workmen of central Germany accordingly rose. What
might be called the military conduct of the insurrection was
assumed by the locksmith Max Holz, who extorted money from
" the bourgeoisie " for his Red Army and set their houses on
fire. Attempts were made to wreck railway bridges and stations,
post-offices and banks. In the great Leuna nitrogen works near
Merseburg, the centre of the movement, all authority was for
some weeks, on the Russian model, in the hands of the workmen.
The Prussian Government, which at that time was predomi-
nantly Socialist, considered it politically expedient not to em-
ploy the regular army (Reichswchr) against the insurgent work-
men, but to use only the armed police (Schutzpolizei). This
police liberated the central region of Germany after hard fight-
ing. The violent agitation conducted by the central committee
of the K.P.D. in Berlin had meanwhile succeeded in causing the
insurrection to spread to other towns, particularly Hamburg.
The movement altogether cost the lives of several thousands
of workmen and armed police. Dr. Levi and Klara Zetkin had
shortly before this Putsch been compelled to retire from the
leadership of the central committee of the Communists, in order
to make room for people who would blindly obey the orders of
Noske. The failure of the insurrection led to further discipli-
nary measures and splits within the Communist party in the
Reichstag and also at the Communist party congress. Holz was
tried and condemned to penal servitude for life. The insurrec-
tion had nevertheless proved that by far the greater part of the
Socialist working classes were no longer inclined to be driven
into hopeless enterprises by irresponsible agitators.
In Prussia the elections for the Diet took place in Feb. 1921.
Their result, like that of the elections for the Reichstag six
months earlier, was that the old coalition was weakened and that
the Social Democrats left the Government. A new Government
was formed, after difficult negotiations, by the leader of the
Christian trade unions, Stegerwald, a member of the Catholic
Centre party; it was composed of Catholic Centre men and
Democrats. The Fehrenbach-Simons Government fell in May
over the Reparations question. The Allies, after a number of
preliminary meetings, had settled at their Paris Conference in Jan.
1921 that the total amount to be paid by Germany should be
226 milliards of gold marks and an ad valorem tax of 12% on
German exports. The German Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Dr. Simons, stated on Feb. i in the Reichstag that these pro-
posals did not give the German Government any possible basis
for an arrangement. At the Reparations Conference in London
(March 1-7) he submitted a German counter-proposal which
was summarily rejected by the Allies. A memorandum, which
was submitted by German experts, pointed out that the result
of accepting the Paris decisions would be to compel the German
workman to work 14 hours a day, and German industry and
commerce to dump German goods on the markets of the world.
The negotiations were finally broken off, and Dr. Simons left
with the German delegation. The Allied Powers now imposed
their so-called " sanctions." Diisseldorf, Duisburg and Ruhrort
Partei Deutschlands), the second by the letters K. A. P. D. (Kom-
munistische Arbeiler-Partei Deutschlands).
GHENT
281
were occupied, a customs frontier was set up on the Rhine, and
German exports were penalized by a 50% duty. On April 24
1921 Germany, after the President of the United States of
America had declined to act as arbitrator, addressed a fresh
request to America asking her to mediate in the Reparations
question. At the third and last conference in London (May 1-5)
the Allies addressed to Germany, in the form of an ultimatum
which had to be accepted by May 12, the following demands:
The whole indebtedness of Germany for Reparations was to be
132 milliards of gold marks (6,600,000,000), of which 50
milliards were to be rapidly paid off; a fixed annual payment of
not less than three milliards of gold marks was to be made, con-
sisting of a direct fixed payment of two milliards and a varying
impost of 25% or 26% on German exports. The Reichstag
accepted the ultimatum on May 10 after debates characterized
by exceptional violence. A new Government, composed of
Social Democrats, members of the Catholic Centre and Demo-
crats, with Dr. Wirth (hitherto Finance Minister) as Chancellor,
was formed, and was prepared to hazard the attempt to fulfil
these colossal demands. Dr. Bauer (a former republican
Chancellor) took the office of Vice-Chancellor; the Social Demo-
crat Dr. Gradnauer was the new Minister of the Interior; while
Dr. Walther Rathenau, managing director of the Allgemeine
Elektrizitatsgesellschaft, took the Ministry of Reconstruction.
Dr. Rosen, an experienced diplomatist, hitherto German Min-
ister at The Hague, became Minister for Foreign Affairs. The
first milliard of gold marks for the year 1921 was punctually
paid by Germany by Aug. 31. On Oct. 6 and 7 the Minister for
Reconstruction, Rathenau, concluded at Wiesbaden a conven-
tion with the French Minister for Reconstruction, Loucheur,
regarding German payments in kind for restoring the devastated
regions of northern France. The value of the contemplated de-
liveries of material was not to exceed seven milliards of gold
marks up to May i 1926. Associations of German industrial
contractors were to be formed to carry out the deliveries.
The effect of the gigantic Government purchases of foreign
bills for the Reparations payments was a heavy fall in the mark,
which assumed a disastrous character in Oct. 1921 in con-
sequence of the recommendations of the Council of the League
of Nations regarding the partition of Upper Silesia. Upper
Silesia had voted in the plebiscite of March 20 by a two-thirds
majority for remaining German. At innumerable public meet-
ings and demonstrations the German people had urged that
the region ought to remain in the Reich; the Reichstag had
voted a bill at the close of 1920 giving it autonomy. Another
Polish insurrection instigated by Korfanty in the spring of 1921
had caused great suffering and damage. In spite of the protests
of the whole German nation and of the great majority of Upper
Silesians, including a good number of Poles, the portions of the
region which were the most important for German commerce
and industry, and therefore for the payment of the Reparations,
were assigned to Poland in Oct. 1921 by the Allied Council of
Ambassadors in accordance with the decision of the Council
of the League of Nations. The result was a political crisis in
Berlin and the resignation of the Wirth Ministry. But Dr.
Wirth was indispensable at this stage, and in a few days he
resumed office.
The negotiations between the Government of the Reich and
Bavaria regarding the disarmament and the disbandment of the
Bavarian Einwohnerwehr entailed difficult discussions. Both
demands were, however, finally fulfilled by Bavaria. The Bava-
rian Minister-President, von Kahr, resigned in Sept. 1921 be-
cause he found himself unable to agree to the demand of the
Government of the Reich that the state of siege in Bavaria should
be raised. In Oct. the ex-kings of Wurttemberg and Bavaria
died within a very short time of each other. The assassination
of Erzberger on Aug. 26 1921 had caused great indignation and
excitement among the parties of the Left and the Catholic
Centre, and led to measures being taken by the Government of
J the Reich against press organs of the Right. The Reichstag
after the autumn recess was engaged through the party leaders
in negotiations that lasted for weeks in an endeavour to broaden
the basis of the Coalition by making it include all the parties
from the Deutsche Volkspartei (the old National Liberals) on
the Right to the Social Democrats on the Left, with a view to
securing a more stable basis for the economic life of the country
and also in the interest of the Reparations payments, as the
National Liberals largely represent industrial capitalism.
While, during the first years of the Revolution, all attempts to
introduce any degree of order into the confusion which reigned
in Germany seemed almost hopeless, it was nevertheless found
possible, in course of time, to bring about a more tolerable state
of things in both political and economic life. Until well into the
year 1920 insurrections and disturbances, sometimes of a very
ominous character, were constantly recurring in different parts
of Germany. The insurrectionary movement then began to
subside, and unrest became confined to a strike movement,
which was, no doubt, very extensive and successively affected
all kinds of workers and salaried employees. This movement,
however, although it partially undermined the economic life
of the country, ceased to constitute a real danger for the State.
Events like the rising in central Germany and the earlier san-
guinary disturbance in Berlin, in which the then prefect of
police, Eichhorn, an Independent Socialist, played a very dubious
part, and other dangerous incidents of the kind, were scarcely to
be apprehended at the end of 1921. One great reason was that
Communism, which was transplanted from Russia at the time of
the Revolution, became more and more weakened in Germany.
While in the year immediately following the Revolution strike
movements bore a thoroughly political character, this was no
more the case after the middle of 1920. In 1921 the whole
nation was again systematically at work; it was only the con-
stant rise in prices of the necessaries of life that exercised a
powerful pressure upon the poorer sections of the population and
incited them to frequent demands for higher wages and con-
sequently to strikes. It was found impossible to maintain State
control of traffic in the necessities of life. In particular the
State could not permanently burden its finances by a standing
subvention for the purpose of reducing the retail cost of articles
of food. The system of control was therefore gradually replaced
by internal free trade. This, it is true, was attended by an
increase in food prices, which were further sent up by constant
deterioration of the mark exchange to Germany's disadvantage.
Not only the working classes, but also, in an especial degree, the
officials suffered, and the latter class was reduced to a condition
which more and more tended to herd them socially into the
ranks of the proletariat. The same applied to intellectual
workers and salaried employees. The constant recurrence of
strikes with the object of maintaining the standard of living
constituted a danger for the economic future of the country, es-
pecially as every increase of wages automatically led to an in-
crease in the price of commodities. In the financial situation in
which Germany found herself at the end of 1921, and in view of
the vast payments which she had to make in consequence of the
Reparations imposed upon her, the end of these unsound condi-
tions was not yet in view. The financial demands of the State,
too, were constantly increasing taxation. Germany was willing to
work, but it was considered that the possibility of economically
fruitful work could be secured only if Germany's creditors did
not make excessive demands upon her and if they gave her
time and means for carrying out those obligations of labour and
payment which she had undertaken. (O. B.)
GHENT (see 11.919*). Pop. (1914) 169,473, .or, including
suburbs (1910), nearly 250,000. The city measures 26 km. in
circumference, much space being taken up by nurseries and
gardens, Ghent having become a most important horticultural
centre, especially for the cultivation of azaleas, rhododendrons,
begonias, orchids, etc., under glass. Linen-weaving has greatly
developed as a main industry and schools of industry and me-
chanics have been established. In 1913 1,363 vessels of over
one million tonnage entered the port, and transport by smaller
river craft represented an equal tonnage.
The original panels of the famous " Worship of the Lamb "
by Hubert and Jan van Eyck, which had been dispersed since
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
282
GIBB GINER DE LOS RIOS
1816, were brought together again in 1920 in pursuance of the
terms of the Treaty of Versailles. The cast-iron steeple of the
Belfry was removed in 1912. In 1913 a Great International
Exhibition was held.
From Oct. 9-11 1914 Ghent was the headquarters of the
British 7th Div. of the IV. Army Corps. On Oct. 12 the Ger-
mans entered the city and held it until Armistice Day, the Bel-
gian army in following up the German retreat having reached
the outskirts on Oct. 24 1918. During the occupation the Ger-
mans published the Vlaamsche Post, an organ professing Flemish
sympathies and advocating the partition of Belgium. Intrigues
on the part of the Germans to transform the university of Ghent
into a purely Flemish institution (an aim long desired by the
Flemish Nationalists) were resisted by the professors, some of
whom were deported in consequence. The western suburbs
suffered some damage in the final war operations.
See V. Fris, Histoire de Gand (1913), and Bibliographic de I'Histoire
de Gand, 2 vols. (1907-21).
GIBB, SIR GEORGE STEGMANN (1850- ), British railway
administrator, was born at Aberdeen April 30 1850. He was
educated at Aberdeen grammar school and university, and in
1872 entered a solicitor's office as an articled clerk. In 1877 he
became assistant in the office of the solicitor to the Great Western
Railway, and from 1880 to 1882 practised his profession in
London. In 1882 he became solicitor to the North-Eastern
Railway, and in 1897 acted as arbitrator for that company on
the question of wages before Lord James of Hereford. From
1891 to 1906 he was general manager and from 1906-10 director
of the North-Eastern Railway, and in 1906 became managing
director of the Underground Electric Railways Co. and chair-
man of the Metropolitan District Railway. In 1904 he was
knighted. He served on the War Office Reorganization Com-
mittee in 1901, and the London Traffic Commission in 1903,
and from 1910-9 was chairman of the Road -Board. In 1915 he
was appointed a member of the Committee on Production,
and became its chairman in 1918.
GIBBONS, JAMES (1834-1921), American Roman Catholic
cardinal (see 11.936), celebrated his golden jubilee as a bishop
Oct. 20 1918. In 1917 he published A Retrospect of Fifty Years.
He died in Baltimore March 24 1921.
GIBSON, MARGARET DUNLOP (1843-1920), and LEWIS,
AGNES SMITH (1843- ), British orientalists, were twin daugh-
ters of John Smith, solicitor, of Irvine, Ayrshire. They were
born at Irvine Jan. n 1843 and educated at private schools and
by private tuition, principally in classics and oriental and modern
languages. In 1883 Margaret married the Rev. James Young
Gibson (d. 1886), the translator of Cervantes, and in 1887
Agnes married the Rev. Samuel Savage Lewis, fellow of Corpus
Christi College, Cambridge (d. 1891). The two sisters made
together several journeys to Syria and Palestine, visiting
Sinai six times, and in 1892 they discovered and photographed
the Syro-Antiochene, or Sinaitic palimpsest, the most ancient
known MS. of the four Gospels in Syriac. Four years later they
brought to England the first leaf of the Hebrew Ecdesiasticus.
In 1897 they founded and endowed the Westminster Theo-
logical College at Cambridge. In 1915 both were made gold
medallists of the Royal Asiatic Society; they also received hon-
orary degrees from St. Andrew's, Dublin, Halle and Heidelberg
universities. They published numerous works on Syriac, and
especially Sinaitic, MSS., on Arabic Christian MSS. and other
ancient literatures. Mrs. Lewis also, before her marriage,
published- travel books and stories. In 1892 she wrote a Memoir
of her husband and late in life published a volume of poems
(1917). Mrs. Gibson died at Cambridge Jan. n 1920.
GILBERT, CASS (1850- ), American architect, was born
at Zanesville, .O., Nov. 24 1859. He was educated in the schools
of Zanesville and later of St. Paul, Minn., to which his parents
moved in 1868, and at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
In 1883 he began the practice of architecture in St. Paul but
subsequently moved to New York. He is perhaps most widely
known as the architect of the Woolworth building in New York,
57 storeys, 760 ft. high, and, excepting the Eiffel Tower in Paris,
the tallest structure in the world. Other buildings designed by him
include the Minnesota State Capitol, St. Paul; the Endicott
building, the Dayton Ave. church, and St. Clement's Episcopal
church, in St. Paul; the U.S. Custom House and the Union Club,
New York; the Brazer building, and the Suffolk Savings Bank,
Boston; Art building and Festival Hall (for the Louisiana
Purchase Exposition), and the Central Public Library, St. Louis;
Ives Memorial Library, New Haven, Conn.; Public Library,
Detroit. He also drew the plans for the university of Minnesota
and for the university of Texas. He was appointed by President
Roosevelt a member of the Council of the Fine Arts; and by
President Taft a member of the National Commission of Fine
Arts, and was reappointed by President Wilson. He was a
member of the National Jury of Fine Arts at the Chicago Ex-
position (1893) and a member of the National Jury for Archi-
tecture at the Paris Exposition (1900). He was made a member
of the National Academy in 1908 and of the American Academy
of Arts and Letters in 1914. He was elected president of the
American Institute of Architects in 1908, of the Architectural
League of New York in 1913, and of the National Institute of
Arts and Letters in 1919.
GILBERT, GROVE KARL (1843-1918), American geologist
(see 12.7), died at Jackson, Mich., May i 1918. Among his
latest writings were The Transportation of Debris by Running
Water (1914) and Hydrartlic Mining in the Sierra Nevada (1917).
GILBERT, SIR WILLIAM SCHWENK (1836-1911), English
playwright and humorist (see 12.9), was drowned at Harrow
Weald, Middlesex, May 29 1911 in an effort to save a lady in
his own grounds. His play The Hooligan was produced on the
variety stage a short time before his death.
GILBEY, SIR WALTER, isx BART. (1831-1914), English
wine merchant (see 12.11), died at Elsenham Hall, Essex, Nov.
12 1914.
GILL, SIR DAVID (1843-1914), British astronomer, was born
in Aberdeenshire June 12 1843 and educated at the university
of Aberdeen. From 1868 to 1873 he was in charge of a private
observatory at Aberdeen, and from 1873-6 of Lord Crawford's
observatory at Dunecht, organizing from there the expeditions
to Mauritius to observe the transit of Venus in 1874 and to
Ascension I. to determine the solar parallax by observations of
Mars in 1877. He became Astronomer Royal in Cape Colony
in 1879 and- retained that post till 1902. There he observed the
transit of Venus of 1882 and photographed the great comet of
that year. He did much to advance stellar photography and its
use in cataloguing the stars, and he was responsible for the
geodetic surveys of Natal and Cape Colony, British Bechuana-
land, German S.-W. Africa and Rhodesia. He was the recipient
of many medals and honorary degrees and was created K.C.B. in
1900. In 1907 he was president of the British Association. He
died in London Jan. 24 1914.
See David Gill, Man and Astronomer, by George Forbes (1916).
GILLETT, FREDERICK HUNTINGTON (1851- ), American
politician, was born at Westfield, Mass., Oct. 16 1851. He was
educated at Amherst (A.B. 1874; A.M. 1877) and at the
Harvard Law School (LL.B. 1877). In 1877 he began to practise
law in Springfield, Mass. From 1879 to 1882 he was assistant
attorney-general of Mass., and in 1890 was elected to the Mass.
House of Representatives, serving two terms. In 1893 he was
elected U.S. congressman and thereafter repeatedly reelected
to serve through 1923. He was a member of the Appropriations
Committee and chairman of the Committee on Civil Service
Reform. In 1914 he favoured the Panama Canal Tolls Repeal
bill but opposed the administration's Mexican policy. In an
address before the Pan-American Commercial Congress, 1919,
certain of his remarks about Mexico brought protest to the
State Department from the Mexican charge d'affaires and led the
Mexican Government to withdraw its delegates. In May 1919
he superseded Champ Clark (Democrat) as Speaker of the
House, and in 1920 was a delegate-at-large to the Republican
National Convention.
GINER DE LOS RIOS, FRANCISCO (1840- ), Spanish
philosopher and lawyer, was born in Ronda (Andalusia) in 1840,
GINSBU RG GLASGOW
283
of a middle-class family, connected on his mother's side with an
illustrious political family. He graduated in Granada, and
very early in life came to the university of Madrid as a pro-
fessor of jurisprudence. He there felt the influence of Prof.
Sanz del Rio, Krause's famous disciple. Twice he resigned his
chair, together with several of his colleagues, in a brave stand
for liberty of thought in the university against a reactionary
Government, and twice he was reinstated. He was one of the
founders of the Institucion Libre de Ensenanza, an educational
institution which did much to improve teaching methods in
Spain and, when, created, was well in advance of its time, not
only for Spain but even for Europe in general. He many times
refused election to the Cortes, and in 1873 declined a post in
the Government. His greatest influence was personal and direct,
for he was a born teacher, a man of refined sensibility, pure in
his life as in his ideals.
He published several volumes of essays literary, educational,
philosophical and religious as well as Lecciones Sumarias de Psi-
cologia (1871); La Idea, del Derecho (trans, from the German of
Roder, 1885); Resumen de Filosofia del Derecho (1898) and other
works. A complete edition of his works was undertaken in 1916.
GINSBURG, CHRISTIAN DAVID (1831-1914), British Hebrew
scholar (see 12.29), died in London March 7 1914.
GIOLITTI, GIOVANNI (1842- ), Italian statesman (see
12.31). The elections of 1909 returned a strong Giolittian
majority, but the Premier found himself faced with the necessity
for renewing the steamship conventions which were about to
lapse. The bill presented by his Cabinet on this subject .vas
open to much criticism, having been designed to conciliate con-
flicting political interests rather than to solve the actual problem.
The vigorous attacks of the Opposition, led by Baron Sonnino,
induced Giolitti to adjourn the debate until the autumn, when,
the Cabinet having been defeated on a point of procedure, he
resigned (Dec. 2). But he continued to play an active and in
fact dominant part in Parliamentary politics, for the majority
of the Chamber and of the Senate being thoroughly Giolittian,
the Sonnino Ministry and that of Sig. Luzzatti which succeeded
it only remained in power at his discretion. When in March
1911 the latter resigned in consequence of the hostile vote of
the Radicals and the resignation of its two Radical members,
Giolitti was again called upon to form a Government (March
31)* The chief event of his fourth Cabinet was the Libyan War.
Personally he was not enthusiastic over the African enterprise,
as it introduced new and, to him, unaccustomed and unwelcome
values into Italian political life; but he realized that public
opinion demanded it and he did not care to run counter to the
current. He was criticised by the vestals of constitutional
tradition for having declared war without consulting Parliament
and for not having summoned it until several months later.
His conduct of the Government during the campaign was also
severely blamed, as Ke acted as though the war were merely an
affair of internal politics and party combinations. When peace
was concluded fresh elections were held- on the new franchise
law introduced by the Cabinet, which raised the electorate from
3,000,000 to 8,000,000 votes (Oct. 26 -Nov. 2 1913); although
a Giolittian majority was again returned, his opponents, not
only among the Socialists but also among the constitutional
parties, were now more numerous, and he felt that opposition
to his rule was growing in the country at large even more than
in Parliament. The various awkward problems which now faced
the Government, and the divisions among its own supporters,
induced him to seize the opportunity of a hostile vote by the
Radical group to resign (March 10 1914). When the World War
' broke out his attitude was favourable to the absolute neutrality
of Italy, believing that his country's interests lay in not siding
with either group of belligerents, and on the eve of Italian
intervention he made an attempt, by using his personal hold
over the Parliamentary majority, to upset the Salandra Cabinet,
but it was frustrated by an uprising of public opinion in favour
of war. During the progress of the campaign he kept away from
public affairs, although he assumed a Cassandra-like attitude
in all his utterances, and his henchmen in the press were frankly
" defeatist." He consequently lost his influence over public
opinion, and in many quarters was regarded as little better than
a traitor. But after the Armistice the unsatisfactory con-
sequences of the peace negotiations, the heavy burden of suffer-
ing and loss caused by the war, and, above all, the intolerable
internal policy of the Nitti Cabinet, which seemed prepared
to hand the country over to the Bolshevist Socialists, brought
about the return of Giolitti to the sphere of practical politics
once more. When Nitti was forced by the impossibility of
governing the country to resign for the third and last time on
May 20 1920, the return of Giolitti was the inevitable alternative.
He succeeded in forming a Cabinet which comprised a number of
non-Giolittians of all parties, but only a few of his own " old
guard," so that he won the support of a considerable part of
the Chamber, although the Socialists and the Popolari (Catholics)
rendered his hold somewhat precarious. His policy during the
occupation of the factories by the workmen organized by
Bolshevist leaders in Sept. 1920 provoked the indignation not
only of the manufacturers but of all the middle-class. But he
appears to have acted under the impression that the Socialists
were much stronger than they really were, and therefore gave
them a free hand with the object of avoiding bloodshed, and also
perhaps with that of proving to the workmen that they could
not run industry without the capitalists and the technical
experts. When he realized the strength of the national reaction,
he allowed the patriotic fascisti free rein to reestablish order and
practically exercise many functions of Government, while he
assumed an attitude of Olympic calm and posed as being au
dessus de la melee, so as to avoid compromising himself with any
party. In foreign affairs he succeeded in achieving as satis-
factory a solution of the Adriatic problem as was possible under
the circumstances. In view of the annexation of new provinces
under the peace treaties and of the altered state of public
opinion on internal policy, he dissolved the Chamber on April
7 1921, and was confirmed in power by the elections on May 15.
But he resigned with his Cabinet at the end of June, being
succeeded as Premier by Signer Bonomi.
GIRL SCOUTS: see BOY SCOUTS.
GLADDEN, WASHINGTON (1836-1918), American Congre-
gational divine (see 12.63), died at Columbus, O., July 2 1918.
His latest publications included The Labor Question (1911);
Present-Day Theology (1913) and Live and Learn (1913).
GLASGOW (see 12.80). By the Glasgow Municipal Bounda-
ries Act (1912), Glasgow again became in population the second
city of the British Empire. The burghs of Govan, Partick and
Pollokshaws, and several suburban districts, including Shettles-
ton and Tollcross in Lanarkshire and Cathcart and Newlands
in Renfrewshire, were brought within the municipal boundary,
increasing the area of the city from 12,975 to 19,183 acres. The
pop. of the annexed areas was 226,309 by the 1911 census, and
the pop. of the unextended city in 1911 was 784,496. The
estimated pop. in 1920 was 1,121,842.
The valuation of the burgh for 1911-2 was 5,977,249, for 1913-4
7,473,325, and in 1920 9,200,000. The number of municipal
wards was increased in 1912 from 26 to 37, and the membership
of the Corporation from 80 to 113 three representatives of each
ward and two ex-offi,cio members (the Dean of Guild and the Deacon
Convener of the Trades). By the Representation of the People Act
(1918) the city sends 15 members to the House of Commons, the
Parliamentary divisions being Bridgeton, Camlachie, Cathcart,
Central, Gorbals, Govan, Hillhead, Kelvingrove, Maryhill, Partick,
Pollok., St. Rollox, Shettleston, Springburn and Tradeston. The Act
increased the number of voters in Glasgow from 242,000 to 526,000.
An extension of the municipal buildings was in progress before the
World War, and the memorial stone was laid by the King on July 7
1914. The Mitchell library, the largest of the Glasgow public libra-
ries, was removed in 1911 from Miller St. to a spacious building in
North St., erected at a cost of 100,000, and opened on Sept. 28 1911
by Lord Rosebery. The Corporation which, under a series of
municipal acts has power to levy an assessment of 3d. per for
library purposes, established 17 district libraries throughout the
city. In 1915 the Corporation purchased for 30,000 the Balloch
Castle estate, of which 200 ac. were converted into a public park
known as the Loch Lomond Park. Other purchases were the Linn
Park (1919) covering 180 ac., and the Ruchazie and Frankfield Park
(1920) covering 300 ac. The Newlands Park was given in 1913, the
284
GLASS, CARTER GLASS
Glenconner Park in 1914, and the Dawsholm Park in 1920. In 1911,
121 ac. of the grounds of Pollok House were given to the Corpora-
tion for use as a public park for a period of ten years. Statues of
Lord Kelvin (1913), Lord Roberts (1916) and Thomas Carlyle
(1916) have been erected in the Kelvingrove Park.
The increase of population has led to some anxiety about the
water supply. An additional supply from Loch Arkjet came into use
in 1914, but in the same year a bill to secure additional water from
Loch Voil and Loch Doine was rejected by a committee of the
House of Lords. A Glasgow Water Order was, however, obtained
in 1915 giving power to impound the waters of the river Turk in
Glenfinlas and to convey the water thus obtained by a tunnel to
Loch Katrine. The commencement of the necessary work was
delayed by the war, and immediate relief was obtained by a Pro-
visional Order (1919) enabling the Corporation to raise the level of
Loch Katrine. In 1919 the Corporation purchased 24,110 ac. in the
watershed areas of Loch Katrine and Loch Arkjet at a cost of
71 ,850. The average daily quantity of water sent into the city was
in 1920 79,147,673 gallons.
Important developments of the municipal undertakings (gas,
electric light and power, tramways and slaughter-houses) were
delayed by the war. A Housing Committee of the Corporation
reported that a total of 57,000 houses of 3, 4, or 5 rooms was urgently
required, and it was hoped to build 7,000 by the summer of 1922 ;
plans and schedules for nearly 4,500 had been prepared, and 300
timber houses had been completed by the end of 1920. The esti-
mated cost of 4,443 permanent houses, including streets and sewers,
was 4,763,686. A new justiciary building was opened by Lord
Dunedin on July 7 1913.
During the period of voluntary recruiting for service in the
World War the total enlistments in the city of Glasgow numbered
178,000 (inclusive of recruits from areas outside the boundaries).
The amount invested in the various forms of War Loan was
approximately 83,500,000, and subscriptions for benevolent
purposes connected with the war reached a total of 5,000,000.
GLASS, CARTER (1858- ), American politician, was born
atLynchburg, Va., Jan. 4 1858. He studied in the schools of his
native town; learned the printer's trade, which he followed
several years; and became proprietor of the Daily News and the
Daily Advance, the morning and evening papers of Lynchburg.
He was elected to the Virginia State Senate for two terms
(1890-1903) and was a member of the State Constitutional
Convention in 1901. He was elected to the national House of
Representatives to fill the unexpired term (1902-3) of P. J.
Otey, deceased, and was continuously reflected thereafter to
serve through 1919. As chairman of the House Banking Com-
mittee he was active in framing and passing the Federal Reserve
Bank Law. In 1918 he resigned from the House to enter the
Cabinet of President Wilson as Secretary of the Treasury,
succeeding William G. McAdoo. Under his guidance the fifth
Liberty Loan was floated in April 1919. In Nov. 1919 he was
appointed by Governor Davis of Virginia to serve in the U.S.
Senate for the unexpired term (1910-25) of Thomas S. Martin,
deceased, and he resigned as Secretary of the Treasury. He was
chairman of the Committee on Resolutions at the National
Democratic Convention in 1920.
GLASS (see 12.86). During 1910-20, and more especially
during the period of the World War, very considerable develop-
ments in the glass industry occurred, both in the glass produced
and in the varieties of glass manufactured. In the following
article attention is, of necessity, given to the British glass
industry. In certain respects the art of glass-making has for
long been at a very high level in Great Britain. The products
of leading manufacturers in the London, Stourbridge and
Manchester districts, so far as table-ware, ornamental glassware
and coloured glasses for windows are concerned, have, for many
years, been of as fine a quality as any obtainable elsewhere.
Indeed some of the ornamental glassware made in England has
long been unrivalled. There is no need to amplify what has
been said in the earlier article on these matters. When the
war drew attention to the British position in respect of glass
generally, it was in the direction of scientific glassware and
special glass for certain industries, that the deficiencies were
realized. Glass for scientific purposes may be taken to include
optical glass and all glassware used in laboratories.
Laboratory Glass. To deal with laboratory glassware in the
first place. Before the war it may be said that nearly all the
glass and glass apparatus used in laboratories throughout the
United Kingdom was obtained from abroad. The main kinds
of glass required for laboratory purposes may be grouped
thus: Soft glass for tubing, and for a number of articles and
vessels where the highest resistance to chemical action is not
required, glass highly resistant to chemical action; very hard
glass for combustion tubing; glass for thermometers.
Soft Glass. Such a glass must be soft enough to be readily
worked in a flame, and must stand prolonged heating without
showing the changes in appearance and working qualities
generally described as devitrification. Before chemical glassware
of foreign origin became practically universal in laboratories,
vessels and apparatus in great variety were made from lead
glass. Many examples have survived long and continued usage.
Their appearance at the present time shows how good this glass
was in respect of its general resistance to chemical change, and
their survival probably is to be ascribed largely to the property
of such glass, when well made, of withstanding changes of
temperature. Lead glass for chemical use has certain disadvan-
tages. It may contaminate solutions with lead, and some varieties
of it are specially prone to show surface darkening when exposed
to solutions of alkaline sulphides. Again, in working lead glass
in the flame, the care needed to avoid reduction of the lead with
consequent blackening made the introduction of a workable
glass free from lead a very welcome change to those who had
not mastered the art of working lead glass. Experience has
shown that the many advantages claimed for non-lead glass
as a material for laboratory apparatus have been proved, and
there is no likelihood of a return, nor adequate reason for a
return, to lead glass. Common custom has, however, directed
the attention of laboratory workers so markedly away from
lead glass that it may be worth mentioning here that this glass
can be made of such high resistance to the action of water, and
of many solutions which also abstract alkali from glass, that in
some special cases vessels made from it are only surpassed by
silica in resistance to chemical change. As one instance,
certain colloidal preparations can be kept far longer in vessels
made from a suitable lead glass than is found to be possible
with any of the chemical resistance glasses of the non-lead type.
The durability of well-made lead glass is a matter of common
experience in table glassware, many examples of which have
been in constant or occasional use for years, exposed to variable
atmospheres and all the processes incidental to cleaning, without
showing any noticeable disintegration or discoloration of their
surfaces. It is hot intended here to advocate the use of lead
glass for general scientific other than optical .purposes, but only
to suggest that it has certain properties which are useful, and
which might advantageously be more fully considered than has
been the custom in dealing with glasses for laboratory use.
In the early days of the war it was recognized that there
would be a serious shortage of laboratory vessels. A simple
sodium-calcium-silicate glass was known to be unsuitable
since the readiness with which it devitrifies in a flame makes
it impossible to produce from it any articles which have to be
lamp-blown, and tubing made from it is practically useless to
workers in laboratories. The immediate advance made was the
addition of alumina, either as such, or preferably in the form of
felspar. The use of alumina for retarding devitrification and
for rendering a glass workable in the flame was known in
Great Britain, and at least three British manufacturers had for
some years produced glasses containing various percentages
of alumina up to about 10%.
It is unnecessary to go in detail through the stages of development
of the so-called soft soda glass, but one or two points may be men-
tioned. Quite early in the production of thjs kind of glass it was
recognized that a sodium-potassium-calcium-aluminium-silicate
type of glass had most satisfactory general properties, that arsenic
was not permissible, and that the only constituent other than those
indicated which might be added was a small amount of manganese
dioxide, to disguise the green colour due to the presence of iron in the
material used. The formula given here shows the approximate com-
position of a batch mixture expressed in percentages of silica and
oxides of the metals in the various ingredients of the batch : SiOj,
68; A1 2 O 3) 4; CaO, 7; K 2 O, 6-5; Na 2 O, 14-5. Manufacturers vary
GLASS
285
the proportions somewhat, either to suit their furnaces or through
preference for some particular set of proportions, but the formula
given is an example of one yielding a good glass, soft enough for
flame-working while possessing good durability.
Glass of this type was made in the early part of the war, and would
have been continued, as one meeting many scientific and industrial
requirements, had it not been for the necessity of conserving supplies
of potassium compounds, of which the amounts that could be ap-
portioned for use in glass manufacture were sufficient only for the
production of certain optical glasses. Without potassium compounds
these optical glasses could not be made having the constants required
by the optical industry. Manufacturers of other scientific glass-
ware had, therefore, to search for methods of producing soft work-
able glasses without employing quantitites of manufactured po-
tassium compounds. To some extent nitre was available and was
used. Potash felspar, which for long had been an ingredient in
certain glasses, was a convenient form of aluminium compound for
introducing alumina. The amounts of this material employed varied
between wide limits, and glasses of good working qualities were ob-
tained. Good examples of potash felspar contained about 10% of
KO. If in the above formula all the alumina be introduced in the
form of such felspar, about 2 % of K 2 O is also introduced into the
glass. Glasses having many good qualities were made with enough
felspar to yield from 3 to 4 % of K 2 O in the resulting glass, but the
amount of alumina introduced rendered the glass too stiff, and liable
also to give a roughened surface if long worked in the blowpipe
flame. Such roughening could be removed by heating to a higher
temperature, but its occurrence was a decided objection, and, more-
over, flame-workers were placed at some disadvantage in respect
of the time occupied in the production of blown vessels and ap-
paratus. To remedy these defects varying proportions of borax
were employed, and in this way sodium-potassium-calcium-alumin-
ium-bpro-silicate glasses of good working qualities and of marked
durability were produced, which met many of the requirements of
laboratory workers. Some investigators and manufacturers of
scientific glassware, however, looked upon these glasses as temporary
expedients, and only awaited supplies of potassium compounds to
return to the earlier type.
It is not found convenient by glass-makers to have to produce a
very great variety of glasses. Unless a glass is generally suitable for
the needs of laboratories and of industries where ready and kindly
working in a flame, along with good durability, is required of it, the
glass fails to fulfil the requirements it may reasonably be expected
to meet. For example, the boro-silicate glass referred to possessed
many desirable properties, and articles made from it in the flame,
and also by blowing into moulds, left little to be desired when the
glass was well made and the necessary technical skill had been
acquired. It failed, however, when used for X-ray tubes. Good and
workable bulbs and tubing could be made from it, but experience
showed that X-ray tubes of this glass took longer to exhaust, and
that there was a lack of stability in the vacua obtained. Investiga-
tion left little doubt that the glass parted with water vapour under
electrical bombardment, and the results of numerous experiments
proved that borax was an undesirable ingredient in glass intended
for X-ray work. A glass of the general type indicated in the formula
above is quite suitable for such work, and hence X-ray bulbs and
tubing can be made from it in the course of working a pot for a
variety of other articles. It may be mentioned here that, unless
manganese in small quantity be present in the glass, an X-ray tube
in use does not exhibit the green phosphorescence with which
workers with X-rays appear to have become accustomed. As
manganese dioxide is generally added as a so-called decolorizer, only
one type of glass need be made for practically all the scientific pur-
poses and many of the industrial purposes to which a comparatively
soft glass is put. Experience so far appears to show that the best
type is on the lines of the formula given, and that the presence of
notable proportions of the oxides of aluminium and potassium are
essential. It is unnecessary to go into details about the form in
which each ingredient of the glass is introduced in the batch mixture.
Potash felspar has been mentioned as a convenient source of alumina,
and part of the alkalies may be usefully added as nitrates. In
general, all the materials of the batch mixture should be as pure as
can be obtained commercially, so that the composition of the glass
may depart as little as possible from that which it is intended to
have, and which has been proved to give satisfactory results.
Before proceeding to other types of scientific glassware which
were called for during the war, one or two remarks which are
relevant for almost all glasses may be made here.
As far as it is possible to obtain and to store them, all the sub-
stances for a batch mixture should be free from water. In several
instances it has been shown that a glass made from anhydrous ma-
terials differs from one calculated to give the same composition
finally, but produced from a wet batch, or from one containing an
ingredient having a notable proportion of combined water. In addi-
tion to some lack of general stability, the glass from a wet batch
may show, and in many instances has shown, a greater tendency to
devitrification when heated in a flame or by radiation. The amount
of water left in a glass may be very small, but it has been shown to
be sufficient to affect the behaviour of the glass. The only reserva-
tion to the statement that to produce the best glasses the materials
should be dry is that the action of water to effect change in glasses
either during their production or on subsequently heating them is,
if not imperative, at least an advantage in respect of the production
of certain coloured glasses and apparently of some opal glasses.
The other remark is about homogeneity. Apart from optical
glasses, which must have the same composition throughout, all
glasses for laboratory use should be made in such a way as to secure
the greatest possible homogeneity. It is a matter of experience that
glass which has been kept heated for some time, even after it is ap-
parently " fined " and ready for working, is more resistant to heat
changes and is also more generally stable than the same glass less
well founded. Attempts to secure the thorough incorporation of all
the ingredients by making the glass at a very high temperature were
not altogether satisfactory, since there was greater attack of the pot,
and, in many cases, too much loss of some of the more volatile con-
stituents. Some glasses require very high temperatures, and prob-
lems connected with them led to investigations on materials for
pots and furnaces to improve their refractory nature and so to make
the production of such glasses possible. The remark about long
heating applies to these glasses as well, but the attempt to substitute
heating through a relatively short period of time at a very high tem-
perature, for long-founding of glasses which only needed a mod-
erately high temperature, led to uncertainty of composition and
failed to secure the homogeneity aimed at. It is perhaps unwise to
dogmatize on this matter, having in mind certain exceptions, but
as a general rule it may be said that in the present state of our knowl-
edge the long-founding so much insisted upon by many experienced
glass manufacturers cannot be dispensed with if the nicest possible
refinements of a good glass are to be realized.
Stirring to secure homogeneity is a necessary operation in making
optical glass. It is not customary to stir glass for laboratory use,
but this is not to say that such glass would not be improved by being
stirred if it were economically possible to do so. Although it is out-
side the range of scientific glasses, the opportunity may be taken
here of drawing attention to an instance in which perfect homo-
geneity in glass does not appear to all eyes as an advantage. The
instance is that of coloured glasses used for decorative purposes,
such as windows. Some of the charm of old glass seems to be asso-
ciated with a marked lack of identity of composition, and, therefore,
of regularity of optical properties throughout the glass. From a
glass-maker's point of view it was an imperfect manufacture, but
those who find depth and life in the less perfect production may ask,
" Would it be imperfect manufacture to take advantage of the pos-
sibilities in a glass-melting to secure a more perfect fitness and
suitability for the purposes for which such a glass is designed?"
Certainly the control which modern manufacturers have over glass,
and the knowledge and experience which they possess, would make
it possible to secure a great variety of pleasing results.
The subject of annealing has, in recent years, been given much
attention, and several investigations have been carried out. Results
of much interest and importance have been obtained, dealing with
the conditions for removing strain in glass and with the problem of
annealing, both from the theoretical and a practical point of view.
Consideration of these results serve to emphasize the importance of
thoroughly annealing any glass articles which are required to with-
stand marked changes of temperature, and of arranging that any
vessels, etc., which in the course of production are re-heated locally,
shall be re-annealed. Tubing is not customarily annealed as part
of the process of manufacture, but for certain purposes, notably
with tubes which are to be ground, it is an advantage to anneal them.
" Resistance " Glass. Laboratory glassware, to deserve this
description, must possess great stability, and must part with
only minute traces of any of its ingredients when it is exposed
to the action of the majority of solutions and liquids used in a
chemical laboratory. In the early days of the war the production
of such glassware was undertaken by British manufacturers.
The chief varieties made can be included in two types: one
containing compounds of zinc and the other free from this metal.
In neither type is the inclusion of arsenic or antimony considered
to be permissible.
The following formulae, illustrative of these two types, give ap-
proximate proportions for batch mixtures expressed in percentages
of the oxides contained in the various ingredients of a batch:
(A) SiO 2 66 (B) SiO 2 66
B 2 O 3 8 B 2 O 3 9
A1 2 O 3 9 A1 2 O 3 2-5
CaO 5 ZnO 8
MgO i MgO 5
Na 2 O 8 Na 2 O . . 9^5
K 2 3
It is to be understood that adjustments of the proportions given
can be made to suit different furnaces and also to fit in with the
amount of broken-up glass from previous meltings (cullet), which is
incorporated in the batch. The addition of cullet is customary on
286
GLASS
economical grounds, and also because it is a matter of experience
that, with a number of glasses, the desirable properties are more
easily realized when notable proportions of cullet are used. Of
these two types of resistance glass (A) requires a rather higher
temperature in the making and on the whole presents more difficul-
ties than (B). It has also a somewhat higher coefficient of expansion,
and on that ground is less liable to withstand sudden changes of
temperature. Previous remarks on the influence of long-founding
for securing homogeneity and stability apply in a marked manner
to such a glass as (A), and this type has been made of very high
chemical resistance and of satisfactory behaviour when quickly
heated or cooled through a greater range of temperature than it
would usually be exposed to in a laboratory. In comparison with
glass (B) it is generally more reliable for working in a flame. Several
examples of the type (B) tend to show reduction of zinc in a blow-
pipe flame, but glasses of type (B) can be, and have been, made by
British manufacturers, which exhibit none of this reduction even in
a very hot flame. The general resistance of glass (B) to chemical
action is good, but with hot strong solutions of caustic alkalies it does
part with some zinc, and, to a very small extent, this is true of its
behaviour with strong acids. Good examples of glass (A) are more
resistant in the sense that they are less soluble in such reagents, but
the slight action which does occur causes a roughening of the sur-
face of the glass which is noticeable, while in the case of glass (B)
. the surface is left polished even though the solvent action on it may
have been much greater.
Balancing the evidence of the advantages and disadvantages of
the two types in their general applications to laboratory work, it is
probably fair to give preference, on the whole, to glass of type (B).
It is inherently more capable of withstanding sudden changes of
temperature, and because it is the easier glass to make, there is less
likelihood with vessels made from it of mishaps due to imperfect
manufacture of the glass. Whichever class of glass is chosen, all
vessels and apparatus made from it need thorough annealing.
Combustion Tubing. Tubing of very hard glass is essential
for many laboratory experiments, and since it is largely used
in the analysis of carbon compounds by combustion it has
come to be known specially in this connexion, but in tubing
of various diameters it is required for a number of other pur-
poses. Most of these preclude the use of any compounds of
arsenic or antimony in the composition of batch mixtures for
making the glass. Before the introduction of a new type of tubing
from Jena, combustions and other operations at high temperature
were carried out in a potassium-calcium-silicate glass, the best-
known form of which was Kavalier's combustion tubing. The
general composition of this glass is indicated by the following
percentages to the nearest whole numbers: SiO 2 , 78; CaO, 8;
K 2 O, 12; Na 2 O, 2. Glass of this kind served many useful pur-
poses in laboratories, but it was difficult to use in a blowpipe
flame, considerable skill being needed to work it quickly enough
to avoid devitrification to an extent sufficient to roughen the
surface and bring about a pasty condition which prevented the
glass from flowing under heat. The Jena glass which took its
place possessed greater plasticity over a longer range of
temperature, and was stiff enough to allow of tubing being
usable at a temperature at which the older kind tended some-
what suddenly to collapse. During the war very hard glass
tubing was much needed, and as the result of experiments on a
laboratory scale and in glass works, tubing of a type similar to
the Jena combustion tubing was produced fully equal to any
obtained before the war. With regard to hardness and suitability
for working in the flame it fulfils its purpose most satisfactorily.
It differs advantageously in one respect from the pre-war glass,
in that it does not show anything like the same tendency to
become opal when heated for a long time. The following is
the composition for a batch mixture, given as for other glasses
in the percentage of oxides: SiO 2 , 68-5; B 2 O 3 , 5-5; A1 2 O 3 ,
6; CaO, 8; BaO, 6-8; Na 2 O, 3-2; K 2 O, 2. Remarks made about
formulae for batch mixtures of glasses previously mentioned
apply to this formula in respect of adjustments for addition of
cullet and for some modifications to suit different furnaces.
With this glass, however, there is not much latitude allowable
if the full hardness of the glass is to be realized and difficulties
in manufacture are to be avoided. The glass is one requiring
a high temperature for its successful production, and is another
example of the need for such glasses calling for investigation of
refractories in order to make their production possible.
Thermometer Glass. The manufacture of thermometers of
all kinds has been carried on in Great Britain for many years,
and British capillary tubing of high quality and technical perfec-
tion has long been available for their production. The tubing
has been made both from lead glass and from various other
types of glass, and has been in constant demand-. An ideal glass
for thermometers, in addition to being a good durable and
workable glass, must be of such a nature that bulbs blown from
it are constant, in that after being heated they rapidly return
to their original volume. Thermometers made from such a
glass would not show any change in their zero points after use..
Jena thermometer tubing has gained a high reputation for close
approximation to this ideal, and large quantities of it have been
used by British thermometer makers. Mention should be made
of the fact that at least one British glass manufacturer produced
tubing also near to this ideal some years before the war. During
the war very great numbers of thermometers were called for,
the greater proportion being for medical purposes, but many
also for scientific and industrial use. The production of these
drew attention to the subject of glass for thermometers generally.
Guided by their own knowledge and experiments, and assisted,
in some instances, by other investigations, manufacturers of
glass produced tubing to meet the demand, not only in lead
glass, for the production of which they were ready and pre-
eminent, but also in other varieties of glass having properties
closely similar to two Jena glasses of high reputation. One of
these can be used for thermometers, capable of standing high
temperatures up to about 500 C., and the other is for more
general application. The following formulae, given as for other
glasses in percentages of oxides arid with similar reservations,
indicate the nature of batch mixtures for these types of glass :
High Temperatures
SiO, 73-5
B 2 O 3 97
Al.,0, 5-8
Na 2 O n-o
Ordinary Temperatures
SiO 2
B 2 3
A1 2 0,
CaO
ZnO
Na 2 O
67-0
2-5
2-7
6'5
6-7
14-6
Vessels and Apparatus. If we turn from the character of the
glasses themselves to the vessels and apparatus made from them,
scientific glassware may be broadly classified as furnace-made
and as lamp-blown. The former is for the most part produced by
blowing into moulds molten glass gathered from the furnace on
a blowing-iron. When the variety in shapes and sizes of flasks,
beakers and other apparatus used in laboratories is considered,
it will be realized how great a development had taken place in
this direction after the war in a British industry in which, for
several years, practically none of this type of apparatus had been
made. So also in the lamp-blown apparatus had there been a
remarkable extension in development. Before the war, lamp
workers for laboratory apparatus were few in number in Great
Britain and were chiefly engaged either in making a compara-
tively small amount of apparatus to special design or in repair
work. During the war numbers of workers of both sexes were
trained in lamp-blowing generally, and in 1921 those making
scientific glassware were producing practically all the varieties
of this kind of apparatus needed in laboratories, the best ex-
amples comparing favourably with any obtained in the past
from abroad. Glass for such apparatus is supplied to the lamp
blower in the form of tubing, in the production of which, there-
fore, there had also been a great development.
The production of scientific glassware arising out of the
needs of the war was one of the most noteworthy extensions of
glass manufacture in Great Britain. Since so little of this kind
of glassware had been made there for such a long time, the
manufacturers were not, in the majority of instances, equipped
with the knowledge and experience necessary to start at once.
The deserved reputation of most of the scientific glassware of
foreign origin made it natural at first to attack the problem of
its reproduction. It is only justice to foreign manufacturers to
acknowledge indebtedness to them for a number of types to
work to. At the same time it would be injustice to British manu-
facturers of glass to give the impression that, among the great
GLASS
287
number of varieties which they had to make during the war for
all kinds of purposes, there were not very many which were
produced de now, as the result of the work of a number of
investigations outside, as well as inside, the industry, and of
ready enterprise on the part of the manufacturers. For several
of the glasses needed there were no available data to go upon,
and the knowledge and experience required for guidance in the
earlier stages of their production had to be gained by research.
The best examples of glasses for scientific purposes, of British
manufacture, are now fully equal to any pre-war glass, and some
are superior. The glasses already mentioned are the chief ones
required for the production of laboratory apparatus, but they
do not, by a long way, exhaust the list of glasses called for during
the war for special scientific use or for industrial purposes.
Examples are here briefly referred to.
For glass for minors' lamps, a glass withstanding rapid changes
of temperature exceptionally well was necessary, since the lamp
glasses are thick and the flame of the lamp niay often touch them.
There was an urgent demand for them early in the war. It was suc-
cessfully met, and such glasses of British make are now produced
in large quantities. Another glass on similar lines, but differing
somewhat in composition, was prepared for the production of chim-
neys for incandescent and high-pressure gas illumination, paraffin
lamps, etc. In addition to withstanding heat changes well such a
glass must be markedly resistant to the chemical action of hot prod-
ucts of combustion. Both these glasses consist chiefly of alkaline
boro-silicates having a high percentage of boric anhydride. They
need a high temperature for their successful production in a homo-
geneous state. When well founded their low coefficients of ex-
pansion render articles made from them highly resistant to sudden
variations in temperature over a long range.
Glass rods for half-watt electric lamps were required, to hold the
thicker tungsten wires which support the filament of this metal.
They had to be made specially, since no existing glass of British
make capable of withstanding heat changes was also sufficiently
reliable in respect of not cracking round the sealed-in wires. This
glass in most cases involved also the production of special rods
to join with it and with the stem of the lamp.
Other glasses were needed which, while making safe joints with
ordinary laboratory tubing, etc., would hold platinum, copper, iron
or nickel wires. Such glasses are often described as sealing-in
enamels. Several of these have been made, and, generally speaking,
they are of the type either of a soft glass containing a high percentage
of lead, or of one free from lead and containing a notable proportion
of a fluoride, such as cryolite. The coefficient of expansion of the
glass, in relation to that of the metal wire used, has to be taken into
account, but it is not the only factor, as may be just indicated here
by the mention of a sealing-in enamel which is successful with
platinum and copper but cracks with iron, nickel or tungsten.
Other glasses, and glassware from them, which had to be made
during the war will be mentioned very briefly. They were of
great importance, but, generally speaking, they were familiar to
British manufacturers, and their manufacture did not need the
extensive preliminary investigations and trials which the
production of most of the foregoing glasses involved.
Bulbs for Making Ordinary Electric Lamps. Before the war some-
what less than a quarter of our requirements of these was made by
British manufacture. A very great extension of this part of the
industry during the war was urgent. In 1918 bulbs were being made
at the rate of about 1,000,000 per week.
Jars for Preserving Fruit and Meat. Though numbers of these had
long been made in Great Britain, about 80% of the total number
used had been obtained from abroad. Great increase in the pro-
duction of these vessels was required to meet the needs, enhanced
as they were by the war. Bottles for a great variety of purposes
had always been made by British manufacturers, but not in the
great quantities which were required when sources of supplies from
abroad were cut off or were inadequate. The extension of this part
of the glass industry was very great even on the older lines of
manufacture, but the necessity for more economic production led
to a review of methods and to the adoption of new machinery.
Glassware for Medical Purposes. Some of this has for many
years been made in Great Britain, but not in sufficient quantities
to supply the demand, and much of it was obtained from abroad.
The war caused a great increase in the demand, and very large
quantities of vials, tubes, syringes, graduated measures, etc., had
to be made. Most of these could be produced from glass, and by
methods familiar to manufacturers, but some requirements had to
be met by investigation and experiment before suitable glass was
produced. In connexion with medical glassware, artificial human
eyes may be mentioned. For their production there are required
opal glasses to suit variations in the tint of the sclerotic; bright
clear glass for the lens; black glass for the pupil, and a great variety
of coloured glasses for the iris; a clear glass containing fine embedded
threads of opal used for imitating the irregularly radiated appearance
of the iris, and a red glass for the veins of the eye. Artificial eyes
had for many years been made in Great Britain, but many were im-
ported. Most British makers of them are used to working in lead
glasses, and many of their products will bear comparison with the
best of foreign origin, which, as a rule, are made from glasses free
from lead. Experiments for the production of such glasses as the
latter furnished the data for their manufacture.
There was considerable increase during the war in the production
of coloured glasses, e.g. for spectacles to protect the eyes of the great
numbers of men working at steel furnaces. Coloured glasses in
considerable variety were also wanted for other purposes, but in
comparatively small amounts. Some of them needed investigation
and a number of experiments before the conditions for their pro-
duction could be determined.
From what has been stated already it may be gathered that a
great advance had to be made in glass manufacture through
needs arising out of the war, and sufficient has, perhaps, been
said to indicate that the knowledge and experience gained in
meeting them had placed the British glass industry in this
respect in 1921 in a very different position from that of 1911.
Optical Glass. Of none of the glasses already mentioned can
it be said there was more imperative need for their production
than for the variety of glasses required to make the numerous
optical instruments used during the war. Early in it there was
no doubt that the supplies of optical glass existing in England
would soon be exhausted. For about three quarters of a century,
Messrs. Chance Brothers of Birmingham had produced optical
glass. They were enabled greatly to extend their facilities for
production, in order to meet the demands which rapidly arose
and were very urgent. The change which was brought about in
the production of optical glass in England will be gathered
from the following comparative figures. For a year or two before
the war, out of the total amount of optical glass used in Great
Britain, approximately 60% was imported from Germany, 30%
from France, and 10% was of English manufacture. In 1916
81% was English and 19% was obtained from France, while
the total quantity supplied by Messrs. Chance Brothers was
about 1 8 times as much as they sent out in 1913 and over three
times as much as the total quantity of optical glass from all
sources used in Great Britain in that year. About the middle
of 1917 the Derby Crown Glass Co., which was formed in the
autumn of 1916 for the manufacture of optical glass, was sup-
plying it. Figures for the first quarter of 1918 show that 96% of
the optical glass used in Great Britain was made at home, while
France supplied only 4% of the British requirements. In that
first quarter the output of optical glass made in England was
about nine times as much as the total quantity of English
manufacture produced in the whole of 1913, and it was being
made at the rate of an annual production of more than six
times the total quantity of optical glass from all sources used
by British optical instrument manufacturers in 1913. This
great increase in production was due entirely to the war, since
during it very little optical glass was used for purposes other
than the manufacture of instruments for the fighting services.
The compulsory extension of manufacture called mostly for
development in quantity production rather than increase in the
number of types manufactured. A few types not hitherto made
in England have been produced; but Messrs. Chance Brothers
for some years have manufactured a number of glasses having
properties similar to several types of Jena optical glass. Both
this firm and the Derby Crown Glass Co. have been called upon
for glasses having pre-determined optical constants, and the
meeting of these demands has involved a considerable amount of
investigation and experiment. No completely new type of
optical glass has been manufactured; but in some instances the
requirements of the optician have necessitated a departure so
marked as to constitute an extreme variety very like one.
It is not easy to suggest a strict definition of " type " as
applied to optical glass. The two types of earlier days were
" flint " and " crown " the former containing lead oxide and the
latter calcium oxide along with alkalies and silica. The names
are convenient, as their connotations are understood and they
have become conventional; but a glass free from lead may be
288
GLASS
used as the flint, and one containing lead may be employed as
the crown, in some optical combinations of lenses. For practi-
cally all the optical glasses other than the old flints and crowns
the optical industry is indebted in the first instance to the re-
searches and manufacture carried out at Jena. Many substances
not used before in the production of glass enter into their
composition, and it would seem preferable to restrict the
expression types to such glasses as have markedly different
chemical compositions. It is not necessary to elaborate this
point here. It is mentioned only to indicate a distinction between
the comparatively few distinct types of optical glasses which
have been made and the large number of varieties of them which
are needed to provide for the many differences in optical con-
stants asked for by opticians.
Investigation and experience have enabled the English manu-
facturers of optical glass to go far in satisfying the demands of
the manufacturers of optical instruments of all kinds; but
there is still room for much experimental research for glasses
and transparent media nearer to the ideals present in the minds
of designers of optical systems.
With regard to homogeneity, freedom from colour and
durability, optical glasses made in England have reached a high
level. During the war, in spite of the fact that production had
to be so largely increased, the good qualities of the glass generally
were not only maintained, but in many instances of glasses
somewhat difficult to make a high quality was reached, at least
equal to the very best which was available before the war.
With the experience gained in recent years improvements of
manufacture are possible which point to a greater percentage
of yield of high-quality glass than has hitherto been obtained
from any melting. The use of more efficient mechanical means
for handling pots of glass, the production of pots more highly
resistant to the chemical action of molten glass, increase of the
durability of some of the less stable glasses, ready production
of large homogeneous masses of glass, and the production of
new glasses, are the lines along which future progress may be
expected, and are the developments indicated during the great
activity in the British optical industry owing to the war.
No attempt can be made here to discuss the compositions of
the various glasses which have been produced, or to deal in any
detail with the range of optical constants now available. Before
leaving the subject, however, the relevancy of- the problems
connected with optical glass to the production of some other
glasses may be mentioned. It is a matter of experience that the
numerous researches required for the production of various types
of optical glass have a considerable value, not only in arriving
at the immediate end in view, but also because the knowledge
obtained of the properties of glasses of very varied chemical
composition is of the highest importance in pointing the way
for designing many glasses for other scientific purposes, and
also for certain industrial use. This applies not only to the
actual glass, but also to several considerations in respect of
furnaces and refractories.
Acknowledgment must be made here of the work organized in
England during the war by the Department of Scientific and In-
dustrial Research; of work and investigations carried out by the
National Physical Laboratory; of the practical investigations by a
committee of the Institute of Chemistry; of the work and investiga-
tions undertaken by the glass technology department of the univer-
sity of Sheffield, and of the guidance and stimulus given by the de-
partment of the Ministry of Munitions, which, concerned at first
with optical glass only, soon became responsible for supplies of glass
and glassware of all descriptions.
Progress in the Use of Machinery. It is probable that between
1910-21 the greatest advance in the economic production of
certain types of glassware was in the direction of the introduction
of machinery and minor labour-saving devices in substitution of
the older hand methods employed in production. Naturally
this substitution was only rendered practicable by concurrent
improvements in the means for assuring a continuous supply of
molten glass in a suitable condition to permit of the machines
being run continuously. It will, therefore, be understood that
whereas the common practice in the past has been to found the
glass in pots in direct -fired furnaces, there has been a gradual
tendency for tanks, some of them being of very large capacity,
holding as much as 300 tons of molten glass, to take the place
of the older pot furnaces. It is scarcely possible that the pot
furnace will entirely disappear from practice, inasmuch as those
glasses which are only required in comparatively small quantities
or of absolute purity, as in the case of optical glass, certain
coloured glasses, and those liable to contamination from furnace
gases, will still have to be pot -founded.
The development of machinery in glass manufacture has
been by gradual evolution. In general the earlier efforts were
directed towards imitating by mechanical means the sequence
of the operations performed by the skilled glass worker;
and we find, therefore, that skilled labour was not suddenly
displaced. The earlier machines were partly automatic or
semi-automatic, and required a gatherer, a human link between
the furnace and the machine, and also a boy to take and trans-
port the finished article from the machine to the annealing lehr.
The human links have now been dispensed with in many
American factories; neither the raw materials nor the glass is
handled at any stage during the progress of manufacture.
Conveyors transfer the raw material from the trucks to the
storage bin; automatic weighers discharge the requisite quantity
of material from the storage bin to a rotary mixer mounted on
a trolley; another conveyor transfers the mixed batch to the
batch storage bin in close proximity to the charging end of the
tank, for the ready release of the batch down a chute at periodic
intervals into the tank.
Although machinery has entered so largely into glassware
production, there are still some few operations where man has
not been displaced. This is more particularly in evidence in
the production of many types of chemical glassware produced
by the glass-blower with the aid of a blowpipe, the beautiful
specimens of cut table-ware, the handiwork of the craftsman
skilled in the use of the grinding wheel and polishing pads,
and other ornamental ware.
The types of machines may be conveniently divided into
the following groups: pressing machines for the production
of tumblers, meat and jelly jars, bull's-eye lenses, tableware and
pavement lights; press and blow machines for all types of bottles,
and many kinds of food containers; blow machines for electric
lamp bulbs, lamp chimneys and similar articles; rolling machines
for plate glass, figured and ribbed glass and reinforced sheet
for sheet and window glass, and for drawing tubes and rods.
In addition to the glass-forming machines there are many
other types for miscellaneous purposes, including cracking-off
machines for severing the fashioned article from the waste
glass, employing multiple fine jets of flame which impinge on
the line of severance. This line is usually started by a short
diamond cut at the predetermined point. Calibrating machines
for accurately dividing measuring devices such as thermometers,
burettes, pipettes and cylinders; grinding and polishing machines
for preparing and finishing the surface of plate glass; machines
for forming the stoppers of bottles and for grinding the seating
in the neck of the bottle; flowing devices and feeding machines,
to take the place of the gatherer and his operation of withdrawing
from the pot or tank, by means of a gathering-iron, a sufficient
quantity of molten glass to make the article required.
It will be readily appreciated that in common with certain
other industries the development of glass manufacture has made
remarkable strides on the engineering side. The advance is
the more marked, inasmuch as the progress made in other essen-
tials has not beeji commensurate with mechanical progress.
Press Machines. No very marked advance has been made in
recent years in this type of machine so far as principle of operation
is concerned, but there has been constant improvement in detail.
It will be appreciated that a very limited number of types of article
can be made with a solid mould. Only such as haye both an internal
and external taper, the diameter being reduced in the direction of
the movement of the plunger, are suitable. In all other cases where
the ware has external shoulders or ornament, the mould must be
hinged. In the semi-automatic and fully automatic machines the
movements of the plunger and mould are operated by compressed
GLASS
289
air. It is in the control valves and mechanism for operating the
moulds that improvements have been effected. In the earlier press
machines the plunger was directly connected with the piston, result-
ing in an equal pressure throughout the stroke. The later types in
vhich the power is transmitted through toggles are much more
efficient, since a slower motion and increased press. ire are obtained
as the plunger nears the end of its stroke. This arrangement con-
forms to what has been found to be the best practice in using the
hand-lever press 1 . If too much glass be fed into the mould, less pres-
sure is required to form the article than if there is a comparative
shortage of glass when a heavy pull is required on the lever. The
toggle machine, therefore, is adapted to compensate for variations
in the quantity of glass fed into the mould.
In another type of press machine a series of moulds is arranged on
a rotating plate, and by means of air pressure the mo ild containing
the molten glass, when it reaches a point immediately beneath the
plunger, is forced upwards to meet the fixed plunger. This type of
machine is employed in making deep pressed ware such as tumblers
and is usually adapted only to solid moulds. Press machines natu-
rally vary very much in size according to the ware to be produced.
Probably the largest of its kind is one operated i:i America for the
production of glass burial caskets, which measure up to 6 ft. 3 in.
in length. The machine weighs about 6 tons, and is capable of de-
veloping a pressure of about 700 tons.
Press and Blow Machines. This type of machine is used in greater
numbers and of more varied forms than any other class of glass
machinery. It is essentially the bottle machine. It may be interesting
to note that the first attempt to produce a machine for making
bottles was the work of an English nan, although it is to American
skill and enterprise that the successful development of this complex
machine is due. A press and blow machine is designed to perfonn
two distinct operations. In the first the neck of the bottle is formed
by pressure in what is known as the pirison mould, and in the
second the body is blown and finished in the blow mould. In general
the machine consists of two circular plates, either disposed one above
the other and capable of a step by step rotation abo.it a central
pillar, or arranged side by side, the second being driven fro/n the
first by an intermediate pinion or gearing also by a step by step
motion. At regular intervals near the periphery of one plate (the
upper one in the first case) are situated the parison moulds for form-
ing the neck, and on the other plate similarly situated are the blow
moulds for forming the body. All the necessary movements, includ-
ing the rotation of the plate, the actuation of the plunger, the
automatic opening and closing of the moulds, and the transfer of
the blank from the parison mould to the blow mould are performed
by air pressure. In certain types of machine the last-mentioned
operation is not performed automatically, but by hand.
The sequence of operations in making a bottle on such a machine
is as follows. A supply of molten glass is fed into the blank mould,
either by one of the various types of automatic feed or by a gatherer
using the usual form of punty rod. A blowing head then makes con-
tact with the mould and blows the glass down on to the plunger,
thus forming the neck of the bottle. The plunger is withdrawn, and
the table advanced to the next position. A puff of air is blown into
the orifice, to blow the glass to the full size of the blank mould. Again
the table advances, and at the third position the mould opens and
the glass blank is transferred to the blow mould situated on the second
table. This mould closes round the glass, and the blowing head
takes up the correct position to supply the necessary air pressure to
blow the bottle to the required shape. The mould again advances
and opens at the next position when the finished bottle is removed
and transferred to the annealing lehr. Considerable difficulty was
experienced in producing satisfactorily small narrow-necked bottles,
but within the last few years the di (iculties have been overcome
and satisfactory results have been obtained on fully autonatic and
semi-automatic machines. Naturally the speed of production de-
pends on the type of machine and the size of the ware being pro-
duced, but the capacity of some of the later types of machine may
be gathered trom the fact that eight or nine bottles of one quart
capacity can be produced in one minute, and smaller even faster.
Blow Machines. The use of this type of machine is not nearly
so common as that of the press and blow machine. They are princi-
pally used in the production of electric lamp bulbs, la up chimneys,
tumblers and similar light hollow ware. The main difference and
special feature of these machines is that the moulds are coated
internally with carbonized material, and the article is rotated in the
mould during the period of blowing. It is therefore obvious that
ware produced in such a mould must have a smooth regular surface,
and any kind of figuring or ornamentation is out of the question.
These machines may be semi-automatic, in which case a gatherer is
necessary to feed the required quantity of glass to the machine, or
they may be fully automatic, in which case the machine sucks up
the molten glass from the tank. The former type of machine com-
prises generally four vertical frames mounted on a cast-iron base
frame. A horizontal shaft carrying four circular discs runs in suitable
bearings situated at the head of the vertical frames. Mounted
loosely on the shaft and close to the discs are four arms, which, by
means of suitable cams and tripping devices, can be rotated between
a horizontal and vertical position. Each arm is provided with a small
air pump at its extremity. On a level with the arm when in the
horizontal position is a small disc, which serves the purpose of a
marverer. This disc, mounted in a bearing attached to the back
of the frame receives its motion from the vertical disc. A suitable
mould disposed at the base of each vertical frame is mounted on a
horizontal spindle capable of movement through 90. When in the
horizontal position, the mould is submerged in a trough of water
situated in the base casting. The moulds are hinged, and the opening
and closing movements are effected by a rod at the back.
The sequence of operations in making an electric bulb is as follows :
A gatherer having withdrawn from the pot or tank a mass of glass
on his blowpipe secures the latter in contact with a rubber washer,
forming part of the air pump at the end of the machine arm when the
arm is in a horizontal position. The mass of glass on the end of the
blowpipe, which is slowly rotating, comes into contact with the
marverer, which is also rotating in the same direction. After a short
period a cam comes into operation, causing a slight puff of air to be
given to the glass through the blowing iron. The arm now assumes
a vertical position with the glass at the bottom, and at the same time
the mould takes up a vertical position, and the operator by pulling
a lever causes the moull to close over the glass. Whilst the glass
still attached to the end of the blowpipe is kept rotating in the
mould, a puff of air is admitted through the blowpipe and expands
the glass into the desired bulb. The operator then opens the mould,
withdraws the blowing iron from the machine, and places it in an
adjacent stand, when another operator severs the bulb from the
iron with shears; the iron is cleaned off and is again ready for use.
A brief description of the other type of machine, which is fully
automatic, is as follows: The machine rotates by a step by step
mov2 rient about a vertical axis at the rate of about two revolutions
per minute, and is provided with six double arms actuated by cams
disposed on a vertical drum. The first operation is the projection of
the cantilever head into the furnace, when glass sufficient for two
bulbs is sucked up by vacuum into the blank moulds; the cantilever
head then withdraws and the glass blanks are released and deposited
in cups. The cantilever heads are capable of being rotated about a
horizontal axis, and the cups are in their top position when receiving
the glass. At this point a rod is forced up into the glass to form a
hale for the blowing operation. The machine is rotated to the next
position and the head moves into the horizontal plane when the
gliss blank receives the first puff of air; at the next rotation of the
machine the head assumes a vertical position with the partly formed
b.ilb hanging downwards. At this stage either a reciprocating or a
swinging motion is imparted to the head in imitation of a hand-
worker's movements. The mould is then raised, and closes over the
partly formed bulb, and a final puff of air is given. The next rotary
movement of the machine opens and lowers away the mould, and
the finished bulb is removed by hand. From the time that the glass
is fed into the cups of the head until the bulb is blown the glass is kept
rotating. Before the mould is again brought into operation it passes
through a mixture of soap and water.
Sheet or Window Glass Machinery. The earlier attempts to
manufacture window glass by machinery better illustrate the
tendency to imitate the methods which had proved by long practice
to be best suited to production by hand. The objective of all the
earlier machines was the production of as perfect a cylinder of glass
as possible. Patents and improvements related rather to modification
of detail than variation of first principles. The general method em-
ployed in this type of machine is to bring a ring or circular bait
of metal into contact with the molten glass, to raise the bait by
mechanical means, and at the same time supply air under a low but
increasing pressure into the cylinder of glass so formed.
The following will give in brief the outline of a machine which is
being successfully worked at the present time: A pot or receptacle
about 3! ft. in diameter, and of a denth sufficient to hold the quantity
of glass required in making a cylinder is charged by means of a
ladle with molten glass taken from a tank furnace. A structure
alongside the pot is so arranged as to permit of a bait being raised
vertically by means of a motor to the full height of the cylinder to be
drawn. The bait, which consists of a short hollow cylinder about
I ft. in diameter, furnished with an internal lip at its lower end, is
lowered into the molten glass contained in the pot, which has been
left standing for a short time until the glass has attained the correct
drawing temperature. As the bait is lowered the glass flows over the
lip and solidifies, thus forming a starting point for the cylinder. An
operator standing on a platform well above the pot level starts the
motor, which raises the bait, and at the same time air under pres-
sure is admitted through the top of the bait. The cylinder of g'ass
quickly increases in diameter, and the pressure of air is arranged to
give the desired dimension. In order to ensure a uniform thickness
of wall, both the speed of drawing and the pressure and volume of
air are increased to counteract the increased viscosity of the glass
due to falling temperature. When the full cylinder, 40 ft. long
and weighing about 1,000 lb., has been drawn, it is cracked off from
the pot; the lower portion is swung out and the cylinder lowered
into a horizontal position ; the top portion or cap is cracked off and
the remainder is divided into convenient lengths for handling ; these
are usually about 5 ft. long. The remaining processes of slitting and
flattening are similar to those followed in hand-made cylinders.
In a later, and not yet so widely used, type of machine the sheet
is drawn directly from the tank and requires no subsequent flatten-
290
GLASS
ing treatment. The tank is furnished with an extension at the re-
fining end into which the glass flows and cools sufficiently to be
drawn. When in a proper condition, an iron bait in the form of a
narrow iron plate is lowered into the molten glass, which welds to it.
By means of a hand-actuated device the bait is raised ; the sheet of
glass following it is drawn through a pair of narrow water-coojed
rollers arranged at each side of the sheet, which assist in maintaining
its width, and then over a hard and highly polished roller situated
about 30 in. above the drawing pot. Here the glass assumes a hori-
zontal position. In the neighbourhood of the bending roller, addi-
tional heat is applied to the sheet to prevent any possibility of crack-
ing ; the sheet of glass then passes over a flattening plate and enters
the annealing lehr. At this point a caterpillar drive pulls the sheet
along and furnishes the power for the automatic drawing of the sheet.
It will be seen, therefore, that the process is continuous so long as a
supply of glass is available. By this process sheet-glass can be
produced which may be of any predetermined thickness within wide
limits, the governing factors being the speed of drawing and the
temperature of the glass in the draw pot. The width of the sheet is
about 6 ft., and the speed of drawing for the thin variety is about
2 ft. 6 in. per minute. At first there was a tendency for the glass
manufactured by this process to be somewhat cordy, probably due
to the surface cooling in the drawing chamber, but this has been
overcome and the product is now of very good quality.
In the Belgian method of drawing sheet-glass the space above the
glass in the tank is divided into two parts by means of a brick
curtain which depends from the roof to a short distance below the
surface of the glass; by this means the flame and hot gases are re-
stricted to the melting end. Subsidiary ports are provided in the
refining end to regulate temperature. In the refining end of the
furnace two further similar brick curtains are arranged parallel and
comparatively close together; between them floats a debiteuse, a
hollow vessel made of fireclay or similar refractory material, rect-
angular in plan and with rectangular ends, but having a section to
within a short distance of each end somewhat like an inverted M
with the apex of the central angle cut off, thus leaving a long narrow
slit giving access from the outside to the inside of the receptacle.
This device has a specific gravity slightly less than that of glass;
it floats, therefore, in such a position that the narrow central slit is
just below the surface of the glass. Above the refining or drawing end
of the tank, an erection in the form of a square tower about 13 or 14
ft. high, made of sheet iron lined with refractory material, is pro-
vided. On opposite sides of this tower are sets of double resilient
rollers disposed vertically, and so arranged that when the sheet of
glass is being drawn the edges of the sheet will pass between, and be
gripped by, the rollers. The rollers on one side are driven by suitable
gearing from an electric motor.
In drawing a sheet of glass a bait consisting of a narrow flat woven
iron sheet of a length equal to the length of the slit in the debiteuse
is lowered within the lips forming the slit. When the glass has
welded to the bait the latter is raised, lifting with it a sheet of glass.
By means of a water-circulating system the glass is chilled sufficiently
to retain its form and then passes up between the rollers. When
once gripped by the rollers the upward draw is continuous so long
as the motive power is applied to the rollers. The bait is removed
when the sheet reaches the top of the tower. The tower is provided
with a series of inclined iron diaphragms, the upper part of each of
which is flush with the rollers. These diaphragms serve the double
purpose of preventing broken glass from falling into the tank, and
of preventing the heat from the tank ascending the tower. By this
means a rough annealing is performed, since the ascending sheet of
glass is subject to a gradually falling temperature. When the sheet
reaches the top of the tower it is cut to size and packed.
Plate Glass. No special innovations have been introduced in
recent years in the methods of manufacturing plate glass, with the
exception of the means for annealing the plates. In the older
method the plates are placed on the floor of a kiln when the latter
is at a dull red heat; the opening is then built up and luted with
fireclay. The heat is shut off, and the kiln allowed to cool gradually
over a long period. Recently, however, a plant has been installed
in the United States for annealing the plates in a continuous lehr,
and it is claimed that the glass is equally well annealed as in the old
process. The time saved is considerable, being five hours as against
three days by the kiln method.
After the glass has been melted in a pot, the latter is taken bodily
from the furnace, and the glass poured on to the rolling table, about
28 teet x 16 feet. This consists of a large cast-iron bed, usually made
up in segments, carefully bolted together so as to give an even
smooth surface and cooled by a water circulating system. A large
roller extending the full width of the table, and weighing from 5 to 6
tons, is mechanically driven forward and spreads the glass out into
a sheet. Guides are provided at each side of the table upon which the
roller bears; the height of the guides governs the thickness of the
sheet formed. The plate having been rolled is moved forward into
the first section of the lehr, which is maintained at a temperature of
about 600 C., and then progresses by an intermittent motion through
the other sections of the lehr. The floor of the first sections of the
lehr is made up of fireclay slabs, and, in the cooler sections, the glass
moves forward on wooden slats or battens, the total length of the
lehr being about 400 feet. As a fresh plate is rolled about every
ten minutes, this fixes the period during which a plate remains in
any one section of the lehr. After leaving the lehr the plates are
carried by a travelling crane to the grinding and polishing shop.
Tube Drawing Machine. There are two types of machine, the
semi-automatic and the fully automatic. In the semi-automatic
machine the mass of glass on the blowing iron is prepared as in
the case of drawing by hand. The drawing machine is installed in a
tower about 170 ft. high, in the basement of which is a motor-driven
winding drum. A steel wire rope connected to the drum runs straight
to a fixed pulley at the top of the tower and down again to the blow-
pipe carriage. The carriage is therefore raised or lowered when the
drum is operated. The carriage is provided with means for securing
the blowpipe, and also with four rollers which permit it to move
freely between vertical guides. The glass having been prepared on
the blowing iron, a punty is secured to a socket between the vertical
guides; the glass, still on the blowing iron, is lowered on to the upper
face of the punty and adheres to it ; the blowing iron is then locked
in its carriage and the motor started. The speed of the draw governs
the size of the tube, which may be regulated by means of a variable
speed on the motor. The tube having been drawn, it is parted from
the punty, and by means of a band brake gradually lowered and cut
up into lengths. Practically any type of tubing can be drawn on this
machine, inasmuch as the finished product depends upon the form
imposed upon the glass by marvering and blowing prior to being
put into the machine.
In the case of the fully automatic machine only tubing having a
circular section can be drawn. Glass is ladled from the melting
furnace into a specially constructed pot, heated by a system of
burners and provided with a baffle extending from the top of the
pot down into the glass, and also with an orifice from which the glass
flows regularly into a rectangular clav trough. From a small opening
in the trough, the size of which can be controlled, the glass flows, in
the form of a ribbon, on to a revolving cone. The cone is hollow
and made of fireclay, and varies in size according to the tube to be
drawn. Longitudinally through the centre of the cone is a steel
tube with a nicrome steel cap. This tube is for supplying air to the
interior of the glass tube being drawn, and also serves as a means for
rotating the cone. The speed of revolution can be governed by the
motor. The axis of the cone is inclined so that the apex is depressed.
The ribbon of glass from the pot flowing on to the larger diameter of
the cone tends to flow by gravity towards the apex, and soon after
starting the whole cone is covered with molten glass; the flow con-
tinues beyond the end of the cone and maintains its form of a hollow
cylinder owing to the air under pressure which is admitted to the
central tube. At this stage the glass tube is much larger in diameter
than the finished tube, but by the time it has reached a series of
pulleys in line the diameter has been reduced to the desired size,
and it has cooled sufficiently to retain its form. It continues to pass
over the series of pulleys until at about 150 ft. from the pot the tube
passes between, and is gripped by, two endless chain belts faced
with asbestos sheet pads. As soon as the tube is gripped by the belts
a steady pull is maintained. The speed at which the belts travel,
combined with the temperature of the glass at the cone, determines
the size of the tube. After passing the belts the tube is cut into
lengths automatically; they fall into a tray of a rotary conveyor,
where they are automatically sorted into separate racks.
Automatic Flowing and Feeding Devices. Various forms of feeds
have been devised for delivering a pre-determined quantity of molten
glass from a tank furnace to the glass-forming machine. In all of
these it is essential that the supply of glass should be maintained at a
constant level, and it follows, therefore, that these devices have
been applied either to tank furnaces or subsidiary containers which
are constantly replenished.
The most primitive form of feed consisted of a simple overflow
from a spout or lip with a stream of glass cut at periodical intervals
by means of a pair of blades actuated automatically and water-
cooled, and an improvement on this form of feed provides for the
substitution of one of the blades by a series of cup-like devices
fixed at the ends of radial arms rotating from a common centre, in
such a way as to bring the cups in succession under the stream of glass.
Each of these cups rotates about its own horizontal axis.
At the moment when a mould has been sufficiently charged the
edge of a cup meets the moving blade, scissor fashion, in the line
of the stream of glass. The glass now falls into the cup which is
gradually rotating about its axis. During this part of the operation
a new mould has taken up its correct position, the cup continues to
rotate and pours the accumulated glass into the mould, into which
the now unimpeded stream of glass also falls. The next following
cup again intercepts the stream and so completes the cycle.
In another type of feed a spout is provided at the working end
of the furnace. On the under-side of the spout there is a hole capable
of being varied in size. A pair of shears automaticallv cuts off the
glass as it flows from the hole, after which a timing device retards
the flow of glass. This governs the quantity of glass delivered.
In another type of feed the glass is delivered by a reciprocating
paddle working in a specially devised extension to the tank. The
mass of glass which is forced over the lip of the receptacle by the
paddle is severed by suitably actuated blades. The mass of glass
falls on to an inclined chute, water lubricated, and is delivered into
the glass-forming machine.
"GOEBEN" AND "BRESLAU"
291
Refractories and Pots. With the introduction of more efficient
pot furnaces and tanks in which higher temperatures were reached
{t soon became evident that the question of refractories would have
to be investigated in order that the pots, tank blocks and furnace
parts, would stand up to the increased strain which was being put
upon them. During the war a large amount of experimental and
practical work was undertaken with a view to improvement in this
direction. As a result of some of these investigations a provisional
specification was drawn up for the help of users and makers of
refractories, and it was hoped by this means to standardize the types
of clay, percentage and size of grog, porosity, shrinkage and other
factors necessary in production of the refractory articles used.
Evidence would appear to point to the fact that in so far as con-
cerns the majority of types of optical glass, and, if it were an econom-
ical proposition, for other glasses also, pots of a porcelain nature or
of a composition approximating in relative proportions of alumina
and silica to kaolinite have given the most satisfactory results. In
connexion with the manufacture of optical glass in America for war
purposes it was found as a result of considerable experiment that a
pot of the porcelain type was the best suited to their purpose.
In other directions considerable experimental work has been devoted
to the production of pots by the ordinary casting and by the vacuum
casting processes, and also of pots from osmose clay. In each case
results of great promise have been obtained.
Furnaces. There is no doubt that the exigencies of the war in
relation to glass production caused British manufacturers to con-
sider very seriously the equipment at their command in respect of its
efficiency and quality of output. Although in some instances a
reasonably efficient type of furnace had been installed, the general
run of furnaces, although satisfying the type of work performed
in Great Britain before the war, were unable to attain' or maintain
the necessary temperatures for producing certain essential kinds of
glass for the supply of which the British consumer had previously
relied on foreign sources. In factories existing at the outbreak of
war the more efficient furnaces were of the regenerative type, but
in the recently erected pot furnaces the tendency has been to adopt
the recuperative principle. In this type of furnace there are two
sets of channels or passages, one for the air supply and the other to
carry away the hot products of combustion; the temperature of the
air is raised due to interchange of heat by conduction through the
common party wall of the channels. As the flow of the secondary
air and hot flue gases are constant in direction, there are, therefore,
no reversing valves to be operated as is the case in the regenerative
type, and it is claimed that the furnace can be maintained at a more
even temperature in the former than in the latter.
The recuperative type of furnace is producer-gas-fired. The
furnaces, according to the designer, differ in respect of the disposition
of their elements; in one type both the producer and recuperators
are situated immediately below the furnace, and both the air pas-
sages and hot flue gas passages are disposed horizontally, whereas in
another type the recuperators are at the sides, and the air passages
are vertical whilst the flue gas passages are horizontal. It is claimed
for the latter type that glass from a broken pot can be more easily
dealt with and is not likely to cause so much damage.
Oil Fired Furnaces. Oil firing has not been installed to any extent
in the glass industry in England and in very few, if any, cases has
the furnace been designed specifically for oil fuel. But the coal
strike in 1921 and consequent high price and irregular supplies of
coal caused attention to be more particularly directed to oil as a
fuel, and during the first half of 1921 some optical glass furnaces in
England were fired with heavy oil.
From experience gained so far it would appear that better results
were obtained with the heavier grades of oil, and that tank furnaces
lend themselves more readily to this type of fuel. In the case of pot
furnaces the objection is raised that the pots are liable to suffer on
account of the irregular heating due to localized combustion.
The prospect of increased consumption of oil as fuel has led
naturally to efforts being made to improve the existing types of oil
burners in the direction of better efficiency, etc. Several oil burners
are now on the market, in some of which atomization is effected by
steam under pressure. In others mechanical means and air pressure
are utilized. Although more complete atomization is obtained by
the former means, yet it appears to be generally admitted that the
burner utilizing air pressure with some mechanical means for assist-
ing atomization gives more complete combustion and higher tem-
peratures. The virtue in this method of firing is increased cleanliness
and the absence of discolouration or deterioration of the glass, due
to the effects of the flame coming into contact with it. Moreover,
with oil fuel the temperatures can be more easily controlled.
Annealing. Prior to the war a very wide gulf separated the
methods in use for annealing optical glass from those practised by
the makers of other types of glassware. In the former an efficient
system of well-lagged electrically heated towers ensured a satis-
factory result. In the latter, however, a primitive, straight-through
tunnel (usually coke heated) formed the lehr. It was open to the
objection that it was exceedingly draughty and the glass was hurried
through in all too short a time. During the war, however, when new
types of ware had to be produced in which the annealing needed to
be above suspicion, close attention was devoted to the subject, of
improved lehrs. In many of the factories considerable care was ex-
ercised to ensure efficiency in this operation. The site was well
chosen, the system of heating was considered in relation to the
necessity of a variation in the maximum temperature according
to the class of ware being annealed, and of a gradual fall in tempera-
ture after passing the hottest zone. Precautions were taken to pre-
vent draughts sweeping through the lehr and so defeating the object
of the operation. (H. JN.; S. W. M.)
" GOEBEN " AND " BRESLAU." The '" Goeben' and 'Bres-
lau' incident " forms an interesting part of the naval history of
the World War, since the escape of the German battle-cruiser
" Goeben " from Messina on Aug. 6 1914 enabled it to proceed
to Constantinople and to exercise a powerful influence on
Turkey and the outcome of the war.
When the war broke out the British forces in the Mediter-
ranean under the commander-in-chief Vice-Adml. Sir A.
Berkeley Milne consisted of three battle-cruisers: the " Inflex-
ible " (flag.), "Indomitable" and "Indefatigable" (each
eight i2-in. guns, 23 knots); the ist Cruiser Squadron (under
Rear-Adml. E. C. Troubridge): "Defence" (four 9-2-in., ten
7-S-in.), "Black Prince," "Duke of Edinburgh," "Warrior"
(each six 9-2-in., ten 6-in.); the four light cruisers, " Chatham,"
" Dublin," " Gloucester," " Weymouth," and the sth De-
SARDINIA
C Spartiutnto
C.Bon
INFLEXIBLE
INDOMITABLE
INDEFATIGABLE
TROUBRIDGE
&.
I'-'C.S.
DEFENCE
WARRIOR
BLACK PRINCE
DUKE OF EDINBURGH
GOEBEN & BRESLAU 6.10p.m.
J
f
^
Zantt
.-> DUBLIN
t.10 p.m.
GOEBEN & BRESLAU
Aug 6-h 6.10p.m.
"GOEBEN" AND "BRESLAU"
stroyer Flotilla of 16 destroyers. The French forces under Vice-
Adml. Boue de Lapeyrere numbered one Dreadnought (the
" Courbet," twelve i2-in.), six " Dantons " (Lord Nelson type),
.nine older battleships, six armoured cruisers and 24 destroyers.
The German forces under Vice-Adml. Souchon consisted of the
battle-cruiser " Goeben " (ten n-in., 26 knots) and the light
cruiser " Breslau."
The original British war orders for the Mediterranean were
to concentrate at Malta and watch the entrance of the Adriatic;
these would have met the circumstances of the case, but they
were modified by a series of Admiralty telegrams. The British
fleet was at Malta on July 29. On the 3oth the Admiral re-
ceived instructions that his first task was to aid the French in
their transport and bring the " Goeben " to action if it attempt-
ed to interfere. These instructions were apparently sent without
the concurrence or knowledge of the French commander-in-
chief, who had not asked for British assistance. On Aug. i
news came of the " Goeben " and " Breslau " at Brindisi and
they proceeded to Messina unknown to the British commander-
in-chief. On Aug. 2 about. 2:45 P.M. he received orders to shadow
the " Goeben," watch the approach to the Adriatic and remain
near Malta himself. He accordingly took up his station off
Malta and sent Troubridge with the "Indomitable," "Inde-
fatigable," the ist Cruiser Squadron and four destroyers to
watch the entrance to the Adriatic. About 8 P.M. he was told
he could get in touch with the French commander-in-chief
for combined action, but was unable to establish communication
and remained ignorant of the French plans. Early in the morn-
ing of Aug. 3 the commander-in-chief, in answer to a question
on the subject, was told that he was to maintain his watch on
the Adriatic but the " Goeben " was his objective and was to
be followed and shadowed wherever she went.
The " Chatham " had looked into Messina on Aug. 3 at 7
A.M. but there was no sign of the " Goeben " there (she had left
to bombard the Tunisian coast), and the commander-in-chief
accordingly recalled the " Indomitable " and " Indefatigable "
on their way to the Adriatic and sent them to the W. to look
for the " Goeben." He was very much handicapped by his
ignorance of the French dispositions and the Admiralty sup-
plied no information on this point. The Admiralty now became
anxious about the Atlantic trade routes and at 8:30 P.M. an
order arrived for the " Indomitable " and " Indefatigable " to
proceed to Gibraltar at high speed and they went off at 21
knots. The " Goeben " and " Breslau " had been bombarding
Philippeville and -Bona, and, by a stroke of good luck, the
" Indomitable " and " Indefatigable " on their way to Gibraltar
ran right into them returning to Messina 40 m. N. of Bona on
Aug. 4 at 10:32 A.M. The British battle-cruisers turned to the
E. and followed at 11,000 yards. The day was misty, the " Goe-
hen " 3 knots faster, and by 4:35 P.M. she was out of sight.
Meanwhile the commander-in-chief had received news of
Italian neutrality during the afternoon and an order not to
approach within 6 m. of the Italian coast. This was a very
exceptional restriction, far in excess of the requirements of
international law, and was cancelled on Aug. 6 at 7 -.46 P.M. after
the " Goeben " had escaped. It seems to have arisen from some
confusion of ideas regarding the committal of acts of hostility
within neutral waters, but its effect was to debar Adml. Milne
from the use of Messina Straits and hinder the immediate con-
centration of any forces stationed at the two entrances.
Meanwhile the " Indomitable " and " Indefatigable " were
following E. on the track of the " Goeben " and were between
Sardinia and Sicily when at 6: 50 P.M. (Aug. 4) they received orders
from the commander-in-chief to steer W. and go slow, which
meant turning round and abandoning the pursuit. In giving
this order the commander-in-chief seems to have been influenced
partly by the idea of covering the French transport route,
strengthened by the report of a German collier at Majorca, and
partly by the Admiralty injunction against approaching the
Italian coast. He now decided on the same grounds to establish
a patrol to the W. of Sicily, and when hostilities commenced at
midnight on Aug. 4 the " Inflexible " was in Malta Channel
steering W. to join the " Indomitable " and " Indefatigable '
in order to do so. The " Goeben " was just returning to Messina
Troubridge with the ist Cruiser Squadron was about 60 m. W.
of Zante. The " Gloucester " was watching the S. entrance
Messina. The " Goeben " had arrived at Messina early in the
morning of the sth and started coaling, but there were difficu
ties in her way and the work was slow. News of her arriva
only reached London at 6 P.M. and did not reach the Britis
commander-in-chief till 4 A.M. on Aug. 6, though the " Glouce
ter," on the strength of wireless indications, had reported she
must be there. A still more important piece of news neve
reached the commander-in-chief, namely that the Italian
authorities had given her 24 hours to leave the port. During
the night of the sth the commander-in-chief continued to
patrol with the " Inflexible " and " Indefatigable " in what is
now seen to be an absurd position between Bizerta and Sardinia,
while the " Indomitable " was coaling at Bizerta. At 6:10
P.M. on Aug. 6 he was 15 m. off Cape S. Vito (the N.W. point of
Sicily; see map) when the " Gloucester's " wireless began to
sound. The " Goeben " and " Breslau " were leaving Messina
to the south.
The commander-in-chief did not display any great haste
following her to the East Mediterranean. He seems to have
known very little of the ticklish state of affairs in Turkey, and
had merely been told that the Turks were mining the Dar-
danelles. He proceeded at a moderate speed (is knots) to
Malta, arriving there with the battle-cruisers at noon on Aug. 7
just as the " Goeben " was approaching Cape Matapan. Adml.
Souchon had been left at liberty to act as he might see fit and
on leaving Messina it was his intention to proceed to the Dar-
danelles. He made a feint of steering N. till about n P.M.
but the " Gloucester " followed and signalled his every move.
Rear-Adml. Troubridge was off Cephalonia at 6 P.M. on the
6th (see map) and, thinking he was making for the Adriatic,
steered with the ist Cruiser Squadron for Fano I., but, conclud-
ing at midnight that the first course was a feint, altered course
and proceeded S. at full speed. He had already informed the
commander-in-chief that he would not risk his squadron in a
daylight action with the " Goeben," and had been told by
the commander-in-chief that the circumstances would not
arise. From the position signalled by the " Gloucester "
found he could not intercept them before daylight, and accord-
ingly abandoned the pursuit and altered course for Zante at
3:50 A.M. Like the commander-in-chief, he saw no immediate
danger in the " Goeben's " eastward course. Its vast con-
sequences were beyond their ken. At 4 P.M. Aug. 7 the " Goe-
ben " was off Cape Matapan with the gallant little " Gloucester"
(Capt. William A. H. Kelly) still clinging doggedly behind.
She had engaged the " Breslau " at 1:35 P.M., but had received
orders not to follow beyond Cape Matapan and turned back at
4 P.M. The battle-cruisers were still at Malta, 400 m. behind.
There the "Inflexible" and "Indefatigable" coaled and at
12:30 A.M. on the Sth, 12 hours after their arrival, left for the
Aegean in chase. There was still time to do something, for
difficulties had arisen as to entering Constantinople and the
" Goeben " was cruising and coaling in the Aegean all the Sth
and gth. But again an unlucky mischance occurred. The
Admiralty sent out a false alarm of war with Austria at noon
on the Sth. The commander-in-chief received it at i :3O P.M.,
when he was half-way between Malta and Greece, and decided
to concentrate with Troubridge off the Adriatic. The telegram
was cancelled a couple of hours later, but on being informed
that the situation was critical he continued to close Troubridge.
At noon on the gth the " Inflexible " was 40 m. W. of Zante
and it was not till 2:50 P.M. that the Admiralty ordered him to
resume the chase.
He had lost 24 hours and did not enter the Aegean till 3 A.M.
on Aug. 10. At 5:18 A.M. he passed Belo Pulo Light just as the
" Goeben," 120 m. to the E., was finishing coaling off Denusa, a
small island near Naxos. She had received orders by wireless
to proceed to Constantinople and shaped course at 5:45 A.M.
for the Dardanelles. It was too late to cut her off, nor had
GOETHALS GOLD
293
be commander-in-chief information of her whereabouts. All
hat day he was searching for her in the Aegean. At 5 P.M. the
" Goeben " was off Cape Helles, and at 16 minutes past 5
entered the Dardanelles, starting a train of events which exer-
cised a momentous influence on the war. Adml. Milne received
the news at noon on Aug. 1 1 and was ordered to watch the exit.
At the beginning of the chapter of accidents lay the unhappy
telegram ordering him to protect French transports which did
not need protection. (A. C. D.)
GOETHALS, GEORGE WASHINGTON (1858- ), American
army engineer, was born in Brooklyn, N.Y., June 29 1858. He
entered the College of the City of New York in 1876, but at the
end of three years went to West Point, where he graduated in
1880, receiving a commission as second lieutenant of engineers.
In 1882 he became first lieutenant and was stationed at Cin-
cinnati, where he was engaged in improving the channel of the
Ohio river. Later he taught engineering at West Point for
several years, but returned to Cincinnati in 1889. Afterwards
he was in charge of the construction of the Muscle Shoals Canal
on the Tennessee river and of another canal near Chattanooga,
Tenn. In 1891 he was made captain. On the outbreak of the
Spanish-American War in 1898 he was commissioned lieutenant-
colonel of volunteers and appointed chief engineer of the First
Army Corps. In 1900 he was commissioned major in the regular
army and three years later was engaged in planning fortifica-
tions in the neighbourhood of Newport, R.I. He was then
made a member of the General Staff in Washington, and in 1905
graduated from the Army War College. In 1907 he was ap-
pointed by President Roosevelt a member of the Isthmian Canal
Commission, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and soon
afterwards was made its chairman and chief engineer. Two
years later he was promoted colonel. His arrival in Panama
marked a new era in the construction of the canal. Hitherto
the work had been in charge of high-salaried civilian engineers
who dwelt at a distance. The work, as reorganized, was directed
by army engineers subject to the control of the President of the
United States. Several changes of plan, such as widening the
canal, were now inaugurated. Col. Goethals favoured the lock
form of canal, chosen by Congress in 1906, instead of the sea-
level type. There was considerable opposition to his view but
a special commission after inspection gave him support. He
took up his abode on the spot, came into close contact with
the labourers, won their admiration and confidence, and after
seven years' labour brought his task to a successful issue. On
May 15 1914 the canal was officially opened to barges, and on
Aug. 15 following was declared open to world commerce. Col.
Goethals was appointed the first civil governor of the Canal
Zone by President Wilson in 1914 and the following year was
made major-general. He favoured complete sovereignty of the
United States over the Canal Zone. He resigned the governor-
ship in 1916 and was appointed chairman of the board con-
stituted to report on the Adamson Eight-Hour law. In 1917
he was appointed state engineer of New Jersey, but after
America's entrance into the World War he was released to serve
as manager of the Emergency Fleet Corporation. He had little
faith in the plan for a wooden fleet and after three months
resigned. Toward the close of 1917 he was appointed acting
quartermaster-general, U.S. Army, and his " especially meri-
torious and conspicuous service " brought him the D.S.M.
the following year. In 1918 he was appointed chief of the
division of purchase, storage and traffic, and he was also a
member of the War Industries Board. At his request he was
relieved from active service in March 1919. He subsequently
became the head of a business organization engaged in engineer-
ing and construction work.
GOKHALE, GOPAL KRISHNA (1866-1915), Indian con-
stitutional leader, was born at Kolhapur in 1866 of a humble
Chitpavan Brahman family. Graduating in arts at the Elphin-
stone College, Bombay, in 1884, he joined as professor of
history and political economy the group of teachers at the
Fergusson College, Poona, pledged to serve for 20 years on a
merely nominal salary. He remained on the staff, finally as
principal, until 1902. Becoming actively identified with the
National Congress movement, he was for -some years the joint
secretary and in 1905 president at the Benares session. After
two years on the Bombay Legislature, he was elected in 1902
to represent the non-official members thereof in the Viceregal
Legislature. His persuasive eloquence, close reasoning, accurate
knowledge of the subjects discussed, and instincts of states-
manship won him the Indian leadership, and Lord Curzon
recognized his earnest patriotism by nominating him for the
C.I.E. (1904). A few months before his death he declined
promotion to knighthood of the order. Consulting him freely
in reference to his projected constitutional reforms, Lord Morley
wrote of him to the Viceroy as appreciating executive responsibil-
ity and having an eye for the tactics of common sense (Recol-
lections, vol. ii., p. 181). He was fiercely assailed by the ex-
tremist section, which never succeeded in his lifetime in captur-
ing the Congress machinery. In 1905 he founded his Servants of
India Society, whose members take vows of poverty and lifelong
service of their country in a religious spirit. Under the leader-
ship of his successor, Mr. Srinivasa Sastri, the society is exerting
a powerful influence in social and economic amelioration. In
the enlarged Viceregal Legislature elected in 1910 Gokhale pro-
moted measures for compulsory education on a basis of local
option, but did not survive to see this principle introduced
from 1918 onwards in most of the provinces. Though his last
years were clouded by illness, he was a powerful member of
the Indian Public Services Commission 1912-5. His death at
Poona Feb. 19 1915 was a severe blow to the constitutional
party at a critical moment in India's political history. His
last political testament, entrusted on his deathbed to the Aga
Khan, was published in Aug. 1917 and outlined plans of reform
based on the principle of provincial autonomy, so substantially
recognized in the Government of India Act 1919.
Gokhale's speeches down to 1908 were published in Madras and
there are many small memoirs, but no authoritative life has been
written. (F. H. BR.)
GOLD (see 12.192). The world's production of gold in-
creasdd rapidly as a result of the Californian and Australian
discoveries of 1848 and 1851 from the 5,000,000 or 6,000,000
per annum of 1845-7 to 30,700,000 in 1853, and as these fields
showed the decline natural to alluvial gold, the total dropped
until it reached 19,600,000 in 1883. From then, and largely as
a result of the discovery of the Witwatersrand district of the
Transvaal, the output advanced almost annually (except for the
Boer War period, 1899-1902) to 96,400,000 in 1915. Sub-
sequently there was a marked decline.
TABLE I. Gold Production 1909-20 (in fine oz.).
(Estimates of the Bureau of the U.S. Mint.)
Year
Africa
Austral-
asia
Canada
India
United
States
World
1909
8,271,575
3,435,007
453,865
501,097
4,821,701
21,965,111
1910
8,474,809
3,167,140
493,707
518,502
4,657,017
22,022,180
1911
9,265,672
2,911,410
472,241
534,744
4,687,053
22,348,313
1912
10,248,276
2,636,894
611,885
534,822
4,520,719
22,549,335
1913
10,024,816
2,569,3"
802,973
589,109
4,299,784
22,249,596
1914
9,771,597
2,301,162
773,178
550,432
4,572,976
21,240,416
1915
10,538,588
2,369,800
918,056
557,399
4,887,604
22,674,568
1916
10,785,153
1,958,017
930.495
542,H5
4,479,051
21,970,788
1917
10,366,972
1,664,011
738,831
523,069
4,051,440
20,289,546
1918
9.532,243
1,490,554
699,681
485,236
3,320,784
18,556,520
1919
9,374,140
1,263,177
767,167
507,260
2,918,628
17,664,910
From Table I it will be seen that Africa and Canada reached
their highest in 1916, the United States in 1915, and India in
1913, while Australasia steadily declined during the entire period.
In the period 1848-75 nine-tenths of the output was won from
alluvial and one-tenth from quartz reefs or lodes, but by the end of
that period the proportion had already changed to two-thirds and
one-third. Taking the 1919 output of 75,000,000, about 10,000,-
ooo, or 13 %, was obtained from alluvial ; about 30,000,000, or 40 %,
from lodes; and about 35,000,000, or 47 %, from the quartz conglom-
erate called " banket," found as a gold producer almost exclusively
in the Witwatersrand district. In totals per annum the production
from alluvial is about one-third of what it was at its best, and the
production from lodes about two-thirds, while the banket' output is
still only one-eighth below its highest.
294
GOLD
The decline in later years was almost general, every producing
country of any importance showing a set-back. By reason of its
greater steadiness of output the Transvaal, which had 40 % of the
1915 world's output to its credit, claimed 49% of the 1920 total,
while the British Empire in the same period advanced from 63 % to
69%, and foreign countriesdroppedfrom37%to3l %. Thisisshown
by Table II.
TABLE II. The Decline in Gold Production after 1915.
(In millions of pounds at 845. n^d. per fine oz.)
Year
Trans-
vaal
The rest
of the
Empire
Brit-
ish
Em-
pire
For-
eign
Coun-
tries
World
Drop as compared
with 1915
Trans-
vaal
British
Empire
World
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
38-7
39-5
38-3
35-8
35-4
34-6
22-0
20-1
17-8
!5-2
14-6
13-4
60-7
59-6
56-1
Sl-o
50-0
48-0
35-7
33-9
30-2
28-0
25-0
22-O
96-4
93-5
86-3
79-0
75-o
70-0
I %
7i%
81%
iot%
a %
7t%
16 %
i7i%
21 %
3 %
ioj%
18 %
22 %
27*%
6 yrs.
Propor-
tions
222-3
44%
103-1
21%
325-4
6,5%
174-8
3.5 %
500-2
100%
A decrease of 27 J % in the world's production is a serious matter.
Its cause is doubtless to be found mainly in the exhaustion of the
mines, but it has also been materially contributed to by the excep-
tionally heavy working costs resulting from conditions produced by
the World War. For a long time the gold mines did not, as did
practically all other industries, obtain any relief from their increased
expenses in a higher price for their product, but from 1919 such
of the mines as are in the British Empire (i.e. the majority) benefited
from the premium on gold, to which reference will be made later.
As working costs might, after 1920, be expected to be appreciably
ameliorated, the relief should find its effect in a recovery of produc-
tion, though the output is hardly to be expected to recover to more
than about 80,000,000 a year, assuming of course that there are no
new discoveries of importance. There has been no such discovery
since that of the Witwatersrand in 1886, and this was altogether
exceptional by reason of the unique character of the deposits, their
extent and their proximity to coal-fields. It is true that the Klondike-
Yukon field dates from as recently as 1896, but like other alluvial
finds (California in 1848, Victoria, Australia, in 1851, and British
Columbia in 1858), it reached its zenith within five years of its dis-
covery, and in its best year contributed only a few million pounds
to the world's total.
The earth's surface is rapidly becoming better known, and the
more it is overrun the less is it likely that any potential gold-field
will be found. It is, moreover, to be noted that the recent rapid
growth of the gold output was due not only to new finds but to
improved metallurgy, especially the cyanide process of treating tail-
ings, so that while not very long ago only some 60 % of gold in the
ore was recovered, the proportion has been raised to 90 or 95 %.
It has already been pointed out that the Transvaal contributes
almost half of the world's present output, and nearly the whole of
that colony's production is derived from the banket formation of
the Witwatersrand district from a stretch of ground some 55 m.
long and usually hardly more than 2 m. wide.
If one splits up this 55 m. by separating off the eastern and more
recently developed 10 m., one gets a division into Old and New Rand,
one showing distinct signs of decline, while the other has for the
present all the symptoms of healthy growth. Thus :
TABLE III. Yield of Old and New Rand compared.
(In millions of pounds at 845. n\d. per fine oz.)
Year
Old Rand
New Rand
Whole Rand
Total to
1907
179,697,000
7,217,000
186,914,000
1908
26,992,000
1,818,000
28,810,000
1909
28,037,000
1,863,000
29,900,000
1910
28,552,000
2,152,000
30,704,000
1911
30,732,000
2,811,000
33,543,ooo
1912
32,664,000
4,519,000
37,183,000
1913
31,197,000
4,616,000
35,813,000
1914
28,670,000
5,454,000
34,124,000
1915
29,723,000
7,542,000
37,265,000
1916
29,529,000
8,579,000
38,108,000
1917
26,313,000
10,705,000
37,018,000
1918
23,288,000
n,535,ooo
34,823,000
1919
22,277,000
12,177,000
34,454,000
1920
21,072,000
12,696,000
33,768,000
538,743,000
93,684,000
632,427,000
Thus the Old Rand's production has dropped 35!% since high-
water mark was reached in 1912, while the New Rand has shown
an increase every year to date. Moreover, the yield on Old Rand
ore has declined from 315. 9d. per ton in 1908 to 245. 8d. at the normal
price of gold in 1920; and the profit of 133. 3d. per ton in 1908 would
to-day be represented by a loss at that normal price. The New
Rand on the contrary has improved its yield and maintained its
profit per ton. The result is that the total working profit of the
Old Rand, which was 11,224,000 in 1908, is now represented only
by the gold premium, while the New Rand has advanced in the
same period from 787,000 to nearly 5,000,000 per annum. The
latter field, therefore, affords the one instance of real importance of a
rapidly increasing output. Incidentally one sees in the above table
the result of the efforts put forth to increase the output in the earlier
part of the World War, especially noticeable in 1915 and 1916. The
fact that so many mines are now being kept going by the gold
premium indicates that their production is likely to be severely
diminished when the premium disappears. The New Rand is not
likely to reach its zenith until about 1930, but the Witwatersrand
district as a whole on the present outlook will show a continuance of
the fall experienced since 1916, though its life, on a constantly
diminishing output, is not likely to end until after 1960.
Gold and Currency. While the producers of other com-
modities were able to secure higher prices for their products as
the World War went on, and so were able to counteract the rise
in working costs, gold-mining companies were not in that happy
position. In the Rand district the annual average costs were
173. 6d., 173. iod., i8s. 7d., ips. 8d., 215. nd., 233. id. and 255.
7d. per ton for the years 1914 to 1920, and the normal value of
the gold won was but 263. 6d., 263. 3d., 265. gd., 275. 2d., 273.
i id., 283. 7d. and 283. for the same years, so that the margin of
profit on that normal value was reduced every year from ps.
per ton in 1914 to 2s. sd. in 1920. Throughout the war the
mines had only one outlet for their gold owing to the system
of prohibitions of import and export, the Bank of England taking
it at the normal price of 773. pd. per standard ounce. This
arrangement was satisfactory so long as costs were not materially
higher and so long as the currency received was felt to be worth
par. But when it became clear that payment was being made
in terms of depreciated paper, and that the Imperial Govern-
ment was benefiting by selling the production abroad free of
depreciation, the mining companies became restive. In their
report of Aug. 15 1918, Lord Cunliffe's Committee on Cur-
rency and Foreign Exchanges after the war (see Cd., 9182)
had recognized the position, though British currency was not
then openly quoted at a discount:
" It is not possible to judge to what extent legal tender currency
may in fact be depreciated in terms of bullion. But it is practically
certain that there has been some depreciation, and to this extent
therefore the gold standard has ceased to be effective."
In July 1918, a committee representing the gold producers of
the British Empire approached the British Government and
pointed out the rise in working costs, the decrease in output
and the fact that the gold was paid for in depreciated currency,
and they suggested a special grant in some form during the
abnormal times to meet the abnormal conditions. The Gold
Production Committee (chairman, Lord Inchcape) was ap-
pointed by the Government, reported on Nov. 29 1918, and
flatly refused the proposal:
" To give more for an ounce of gold than it is worth in currency
appears to us out of the question. . . . We are not prepared to
recommend any bounty or subsidy for the purpose of stimulating the
jold output of the Empire; gold being the standard of value no more
can properly be paid for it than its value in currency."
Thus the Committee, three of whose four members had joined
in the Currency Committee's report of three months before,
completely ignored the undoubted depreciation in the currency
and refused to give the mines the premium in paper which
that condition of things justified. The gold producers, however,
did not abandon their attitude, and the real depreciation of
the currency became apparent when the N.Y. exchange, which
bad been artificially maintained at $4.76! to the throughout
the war, was " unpegged " in March 1919, and by the end of
July had dropped to $4.35. The first to benefit were the Aus-
tralian mines, the Australian Government agreeing to remove
the embargo on the export of gold for a trial period of three
months from Feb. 1919, a period which was subsequently ex-
iended from time to time. These mines, in the 16 months to
June 1920, produced 1,324,000 fine oz. and sold 1,170,000 fine
GOLD
295
oz., largely in Shanghai, Hong-Kong and New York, at a net
premium of 1,388,319, or 233. 8d. per oz. Therefore, they se-
cured an average of io8s. 8d. per fine oz. for gold whose " value
in currency " was but 855. On July 24 1919, with the assent of
the Imperial Government, the gold producers of the African
colonies entered into an agreement with the Bank of England
under which they agreed to send all their gold to the Bank of
England on condition of their being then allowed to sell it in
the open market and receiving a licence to reexport it at any
time within five weeks of its arrival at the Bank. Under this
arrangement gold first arrived in Aug. 1919, after which time
there was a market for gold in London, but merely for current
production and not for stocks already there. From then to the
end of the year the price varied from g6s. 8d. to ins. sd. per
fine oz. and averaged icis. zod. as against the normal or Bank
price of 843. iod., the average premium being 20%. In 1920
the price of gold varied between 1273. 4d. in Feb. and 1023. iod.
in June and averaged 1123. 6d., representing a premium of
325%. The premium was hardly a premium at all. It merely
meant that as long as the United States maintained an open
mint, gold could be handed to that mint at the normal price
of $20.66 per fine oz., and the resulting dollars could then be
realized in London at a price based on the rate of exchange. The
gold in fact was sold at gold par, but the resulting British cur-
rency obtained for it represented a premium in paper, simply
because that paper was depreciated. A recovery of the N.Y.
exchange to par would mean the reduction of the London
price for gold to the normal 845. iod. per fine oz.
The gold of South Africa, Rhodesia and West Africa was sold
under this arrangement to buyers all over the world, and at
first the East was a heavy purchaser, but whether there was a
demand for it or not the mines had always the U.S. mint to fall
back upon, and in practice such of the gold as was not bought
by others was sent to that mint as a matter of course. And as
a matter of course also, the price was always based upon and
closely followed the N.Y. exchange, which if it were, for example,
$4.00 instead of $4.87, meant a premium in London of 215%
or a price of 1033. per fine oz., and so on.
During the period Aug. 1919 to March 1921, 14,311,000 fine
oz. reached London and were sold under the Bank of England
agreement already mentioned. Of this 3,928,000 oz. were
taken by India and 954,000 oz. by the Straits Settlements, the
East thus accounting for 34-1%. South Africa took i,o2i;ooo
oz., or 7-1%, affording the strange spectacle of the South
African banks buying sovereigns in London at 253. gd. apiece
in order to replace sovereigns handed over their counters in
the colony at 205. to be smuggled to the East. South America
took 6-8%, other countries 1-6% and the jewellery trade 5-6%,
leaving 44-8% to go to the N.Y. mint. In 1919 60% of the out-
put of these mines went to the East and only 10% to New
York, but in the six months to March 1921, only 25% went to
India and as much as 965% to New York, reflecting the tem-
porarily changed conditions of the world, India and the newer
countries showing a strong reversal of trade. The gold taken
by India was bought by the India Government up to June of
1920 (private importation of gold being prohibited except under
licence until that time), and was resold by it at a considerable
'profit on the bazaars. The price it paid to the producers plus
transport, etc., charges averaged about nos. per oz. and the
price of resale on the bazaars was probably between 1353.
and 1453., a difference of about 6,000,000. After free im-
portation of gold was permitted the bazaar price approximated
to the world (i.e. New York) price.
This sale of gold at a considerable premium in currency
brings to mind the parallel of 1813 during the Napoleonic wars,
when gold commanded 1203. per oz. in paper.
The consumption of gold, or rather the destination of the output,
is perhaps best shown in mass figures (Table IV.).
The figures of the last quinquennium were of course markedly
affected by the World War. Prior to 1915 the industrial arts and
India, with variations attuned to trade cycles, were rapidly increas-
ing their demands, and as soon as normal conditions are restored
they are likely to reassert themselves. The recent absorption of
TABLE IV. Consumption of Gold iSpg-ipiQ in Quinquennia.
(In millions of pounds at 845. u\d. per fine oz.)
1895-99
1900-4
1905-9
1910-4
I9I5-9
Industrial consump-
tion of Europe and
America .
India's absorption
(years to March 31
following)
Egypt's absorption .
China's absorption .
World's gold produc-
tion ....
Available as money .
Aggregate stock of
gold money (exclud-
ing India, China and
Egypt) at end of
period
Aggregate stock of
gold money per
head of the world's
population
65
24
8
o
79
32
15
2
95
50
ii
2
121
96
4
3
90
Si
i
17
97
253
128
306
158
431
224
470
157
430
156
958
I.STfl.
I 7 8
1,136
I72d.
273
1,409
204d.
246
1-655
2291!.
273
1-927
258d.
China is abnormal and may not persist in the near future, for it is to
be expected that that country will, like tne India of decades ago,
first show a greater appetite for silver. The amount shown as
available as money after the demands of these first claimants have
been satisfied has been sufficiently large to permit of a marked
increase in the world's stock per head, which before the war resulted
in a considerable rise in the prices of commodities, but the table
hardly reflects the recent considerable decrease in the gold production
already referred to, and it is to be expected that in the future the
balance available as money will shrink so as to maintain the per-
head figure for some time in the near neighbourhood of the 258d.
shown for 1919.
As a result of the war gold has become largely demonetized partly
by being collected by Governments and partly by being hoarded,
and most countries have prohibited its export. The result has been
that the new production available and a further part of the existing
stock has flowed into the State Banks and Treasuries of the world.
The following is an attempt to show the position:
Dec. 1913
i>
June 1920
Xi
Change
i>
Held by the U.S.
Treasury .
Held by State
Banks and other
Treasuries .
In private banks,
in circulation
and hoarded
World's stock of
gold money (ex-
cluding India,
China and
Egypt) . .
266,000,000
749,000,000
445,000,000
1,075,000,000
179,000,000
326,000,000
1,015,000,000
572,000,000
1,520,000,000
420,000,000
505,000,000
152,000,000
1,587,000,000
i ,940,000,000
353,000,000
Thus the United States had increased its proportion of the
world's stock from 17 % to 23 % (and the whole of the United States
from 245% to 28^%), and State Banks and other Treasuries from
47 % to 55 j %, while the remainder in private banks, in circulation
and hoarded, had dropped from 36% to 21 J%.
In the IO years before the World War the net coinage of gold in
Europe and America was about 677,000,000, or 68,000,000 per
annum, and of this amount 171,000,000 was issued from the Royal
Mint in London, 103,000,000 in Australia, 183,000,000 in the
United States and 220,000,000 in other countries. The effect of the
war was to reduce the total to probably under 15,000,000 per
annum for 1916 to 1919, the United Kingdom and United States
coinage tailing off to nil, and the total being mainly contributed to
by Australia and Mexico. In the latter country, as a consequence
of its disturbed conditions, the note issues were made inconvertible
and gold and silver coins disappeared, in accordance with Gresham's
law. In due course of time the notes became waste paper, and in
1919 gold and silver were again minted and declared the only legal
currency, so that Mexico has returned to a metallic basis. This
transition from hard money plus notes to inconvertible notes which
rapidly became of little value, and then to hard money again, all
took place within the few war years, and in it can be seen the
probable programme (when they can afford it) of the more hardly
hit Continental countries. In the United Kingdom the policy was
to revert to an effective gold standard, and as a preliminary the Cur-
rency Committee's recommendation that 150,000,000 of gold should
be concentrated in the central institution had already been carried
296
GOLD COAST
out by 1920. When gold remonetisation occurs there is likely to
be a shortage of the metal, and its appearance in actual circula-
tion may be long delayed. It will probably first be used, as far as
money is concerned, for international transactions and as a cover
for notes. (J. K.)
GOLD COAST, WEST AFRICA (see 12.203). In spite of the fact
that the Gold Coast forms a British Crown colony (to which
Ashanti and the Northern Territories are the adjoining protec-
torate) it consists (1921) of an agglomeration of small self-
contained and mutually independent native states, each of which
is under the immediate management of its own tribal organiza-
tion. This consists of a paramount chief, variously called Omane-
hene by the Akans and by the people who have come under the
Akan influence, Manchi by the Gas and all kindred peoples,
Konor by the Krobos and Fia by the Ewe-speaking folk in the
neighbourhood of and beyond the Volta. These paramount
chiefs are in each case chosen for the offices they fill by the tribes-
men concerned, the candidates belonging to one or more families
from among whose members alone a chief can be selected. The
Akans trace descent exclusively through the female line and
among them a chief can only be succeeded by the son of a female
relative and never by one of his own sons. The non-Akan peoples
of the Gold Coast recognize descent through the male line;
but with Akans and non-Akans alike, men are selected to fill the
office of chief, nominally by popular suffrage, in reality by the
principal sub-chiefs, counsellors and elders of the tribe or section
of the tribe concerned, care being taken to choose the most
suitable of the eligible candidates. All chiefs are liable to " de-
stoolment " at the decree of their people if they fail to give
satisfaction. Every paramount chief is the occupant of a stool,
which is reputed to be the seat of office of the original founder or
leader of the tribe; and in this often fragmentary wooden relic
the spirits of his ancestors are believed to abide, and to them,
through it, sacrifices are offered, and libations of blood (formerly
human, to-day that of fowls or goats) are poured over it on all
ceremonial occasions. Each paramount chief is assisted in his
office by a number of sub-chiefs of varying rank, whose jurisdiction,
until quite recently, was personal rather than territorial. These
sub-chiefs, with certain counsellors and elders of the tribe, jointly
deliberate with the paramount chief upon all matters of impor-
tance. All evidence is given before them in public; but all in
authority retire to consider their verdict, which is subsequently
announced to the tribesmen by the Linguist, who is the mouth-
piece of the paramount chief on all formal occasions. The bulk
of the population, no matter what their age, are collectively
classed as " young men " and, in spite of the democratic prin-
ciples upon which the tribal organization is theoretically based,
they ordinarily have very little voice in public affairs.
Until the spread of permanent, as opposed to shifting, cultiva-
tion was brought about by the extensive planting of cocoa, the
territorial limits of the numerous tribal areas were very roughly
denned, but as the value of land has appreciated, boundary
questions have come into ever greater prominence and have
given rise to interminable litigation, the cost of which has well-
nigh ruined several of the tribes concerned. The judicial powers
of the chiefs of all ranks are defined by the Native Jurisdiction
Ordinance, appeals lying to the provincial and supreme courts,
and ultimately to the Privy Council.
So far as it is possible to trace local history prior to the incursion
of Europeans, it would appear that the Twi- or Tschi-speaking people,
who to-day form the predominant native race, and to which the
Akan tribes of the colony, and Fantis and the Ashantis alike belong,
were expelled from the open country of the upper Volta valley by
Arab or Fulani Mahommedan invaders, probably about the loth or
nth century A.D., and were forced to seek a new home in the
tsetse-fly infested forest country, whither their mounted assailants
could not follow them. The country which is now Ashanti and the
Gold Coast colony appears at that time to have been inhabited by a
number of negro tribes possessing a culture far more primitive than
that of the Twi-speaking folk, who it is probable were in some in-
stances still in the neolithic stage. The newcomers rapidly overran
the forest country, subdued 'or absorbed the autochthonous inhabi-
tants, and established mutually independent tribal units alike on
the coast and in the interior. It is probable that the original invasion
of the forest area was undertaken almost simultaneously by a number
of separate bands of fugitives; and that, as these communities suc-
cessively outgrew the food-supply yielded by the lands which
they had occupied, further emigrations took place, the section of a
tribe separating itself from the rest sometimes electing to form a
wholly distinct political unit, and sometimes continuing to recognize
an actual allegiance to the tribal organization under which it had
once lived, or at any rate a perpetual alliance with it. In many cases,
no doubt, the aborigines were exterminated, but in others they sur-
vive to this day, the Efutu tribe in the central and the Gwangs and
Cherepongs in the eastern province of the colony, for instance, still
retaining their identity, their languages and some traces of a dis-
tinct tribal organization. In the western parts of the Gold Coast the
aborigines appear to have come under Akan influence, but to have
avoided actual conquest; while on the eastern side the Akan in-
vaders came into contact with such people as the Gas, the Krobos
and the Ewe-speaking people beyond the Volta, all of whom, it is
probable, are descendants of invaders who pushed westward into
these coastal dfstricts from the neighbourhood of the Niger estu-
ary. In quite recent times one Akan tribe, the Akwamus, established
themselves in lands which they still occupy on both banks of the Volta,
at a point some 60 m. from its mouth; but with this exception, the
Akan or Twi-speaking peoples of Ashanti and the colony form a dis-
tinct ethnological wedge sandwiched between different stocks.
Sir William Brandford Griffith was British governor of the
Gold Coast from 1886 to 1895, in which year he was succeeded
by Sir William Maxwell, Colonial Secretary of the Straits Settle-
ments, who first started the colony upon an upward grade. Under
his administration some very important boundary disputes were
settled with the French; Kumasi was occupied by an expedition-
ary force, which met with no resistance, and Prempeh, the
Ashanti king, was deported, first to Sierra Leone and subse-
quently to the Seychelles. On Sir William Maxwell's premature
death he was succeeded by Sir Frederick Hodgson, under whose
administration a search for the " golden stool " the throne of
the Ashanti kings caused an extensive rebellion in Ashanti,
which led to the final conquest of the country. Sir Matthew
Nathan succeeded to the governorship in 1900, and under his
administration Sekondi was converted from an insignificant
fishing village into an important seaport, and the railway from
that place to Kumasi was constructed. In 1904 Sir John Rodger
became governor and held the post till his death in 1910. During
his term the waterworks both at Accra and Sekondi were inaug-
urated, though he did not live to see them completed. He was
succeeded by Mr. Thorburn, the Colonial Secretary of Southern
Nigeria, formerly a member of the Ceylon civil service, who in
1912 was followed by Sir Hugh Clifford, the Colonial Secretary
of Ceylon. During his administration, which lasted till July
igfg, the railway extension from Mangoase via Koforidua to
Tafo was completed, and the whole line from that place to Kumasi
was surveyed and demarcated. Numerous public works of
importance were constructed, in spite of the World War, e.g.
the up-to-date railway workshops at Sekondi, with the electrical
installation which supplies lighting for the town; the Govern-
ment offices, general post office and headquarters police barracks
at Accra; a very large number of bungalows of modern type which,
with the segregation areas in which they arc situated, have rev-
olutionized the living conditions of the official population in
most of the principal centres alike in the colony and in Ashanti;
and some 600 m. of motor-road. Sir Hugh Clifford was succeeded
by Brig.-Gen. F. G. Guggisberg in Sept. 1919. By him extensive
harbour works at Sekondi were projected and an extension of
the railway from Tafo to Kumasi was being made in 1921.
On the outbreak of the World War the adjoining colony of
Togoland was invaded by the Gold Coast Regt. under the
command of Lt.-Col. Bryant. Lome, the capital, was abandoned
without a struggle, the enemy retiring up the Lome-Atakpame
railway in the direction of Kamina, the place in the interior
where a gigantic wireless installation had been completed in the
preceding July. On Aug. 28 the German force, after destroying
the wireless installation, was compelled to surrender, their defeat
being accomplished by the Gold Coast Regt., which had been
joined a few days earlier by a platoon of French native troops.
A larger French force arrived at Kamina a few days later. A
provisional agreement for the immediate partition of Togoland
between Great Britain and France was negotiated by Sir Hugh
Clifford and by M. Nouffland, the lieutenant-governor of
Dahomey, at Lome on Aug. 30, and was confirmed by their
GOLDMARK GOMME
297
respective Governments. Under it slightly more than half the
geographical area of the country was placed under the French,
the remainder which however included Lome, the only port of
entry and the terminus of the three railway lines being ad-
ministered on behalf of Great Britain by the Government of the
Gold Coast, which bore all the charges connected with the con-
quest and the subsequent occupation of the country. The net
revenue derived from customs and from the railway, though
collected by the British, was divided equally between them and
the French. Under British rule the western districts of Togoland
prospered exceedingly, it being calculated that within two years
the areas under cultivation exceeded by 33% those which had
been tilled in German times. The work of administration was
carried on by a handful of British officers, selected for that
purpose from the Gold Coast, under Maj. Rew, the officer
commanding in Togoland, who exercised both military and
civil functions under the guidance of the governor of the Gold
Coast. By an agreement concluded in Paris in July 1919, the
greater part of the territory hitherto occupied by the British,
including Lome, was surrendered to the French, only a few
frontier districts remaining under the Gold Coast.
After its conquest of Togoland the Gold Coast Regt, leaving
a small force to garrison the occupied territory, took part in the
Cameroon campaign and did not return to Kumasi until May
1916. In the following July the bulk of the regiment embarked
for East Africa, where it took a distinguished part in the cam-
paign both in German and Portuguese territory, returning to
the Gold Coast in Sept. 1918. During this time it was regularly
supplied with drafts of men recruited in the Gold Coast and
trained at depots established throughout its dependencies,
including the occupied area in Togoland, and at the time of
the Armistice the regiment had expanded into a brigade, com-
manded by Brig.-Gen. R. A. de B. Rose.
Since 1890 a great social and economic revolution, which even
the war was powerless materially to affect, has been wrought in the
Gold Coast, and latterly in Ashanti also, through the spread of cocoa-
cultivation. In 1891 a parcel of cocoa weighing 80 Ib. and valued
at 4 was exported from the Gold Coast. In 1901 cocoa weighing
960 tons and valued at 42,827 was exported; and by 1911 the ex-
port had expanded to 35,261 tons, valued at 1,613,448. During the
last year before the war 50,554 tons of cocoa were exported, equiva-
lent at that time to about one-third of the total cocoa crop of the
world. In spite of the war these figures during the succeeding years
were not only maintained, but exceeded, the annual exports of cocoa
from 1914 to 1919 being 52,888; 77,278; 72,161; 80,374; 66,343;
and 176,176 tons. The decline in 1916 was due to the tightening
of the blockade into Germany via Holland, and the recovery in the
following year to the opening-up of direct trade with the United
States. The serious falling-off in 1918 was due to the shortage of
shipping, and a large part of the enormous exports in 1919 consisted
of cocoa that should have been shipped during the preceding year.
The exports for 1919 were valaed at 6,481,569. The cocoa indus-
try has throughout been entirely a native enterprise, Europeans
acting only as carriers, purchasers and shippers ; and the introduction
of this permanent form of cultivation has created private property in
real estate, which is not contemplated by local custom, under which all
lands are communal. Apart from this, the spread of the cocoa indus-
try has brought great wealth to the African population, which has
been utilized by them to improve the character and material of
their houses, their clothing, their diet meat being now consumed
in large quantities throughout the country and generally to raise
their standards of comfort. Their increased expenditure upon im-
ported spirits was comparatively trilling ; but under an international
agreement the importation of such spirits was prohibited, with
effect from Feb. 1919. Owing to the very high duties imposed upon
these articles the revenue they yielded was large, and the sudden
cessation of this source of income was making itself acutely felt in
1921, with the return of more normal trade. Cocoa cultivation,
moreover, is such light toil that it disinclines the natives to work
their palms or to undertake similar comparatively heavy tasks; and
kola-nuts, of which more than 16 million tons were exported during
1919, are the only other export with a steady tendency to increase.
The revenue and expenditure of the Gold Coast and its dependen-
cies and the value of the trade of the country for various periods are
shown in the following table :
Year
Revenue
Expenditure
Imports
Exports
1910
1913
1916
1919
1,006,633
1,301,566
1,835,989
2,601,359
924,862
1,230,850
1,465,946
1,781,170
3,439,831
4,952,494
5,999,746
7,946,981
2,697,706
5,427,106
5,8i6,527
10,814,175
Owing to the shortage of silver, notes having face values of i,
IDS., 2s. and is. were introduced in 1918, the shilling notes proving
most unpopular among the natives. In 1920 silver coins of the same
quality as the new issue in Great Britain were put into circulation,
and later in the year token coins, resembling in every way the 3d.,
6d. and is. pieces issued by the West African Currency Board, which
was established in 1912-3, but minted from an alloy, were put
upon the market. These were gradually replacing the paper money
of low denomination, but were not regarded with much favour by the
natives of the Gold Coast.
REFERENCES. Lady Clifford, Our Days on the Gold Coast (i<)i<)) ;
The Red Book of West Africa, ed. by Allister (1920) ; Sir Charles
Lucas, The Gold Coast and the War (1920) ; W. W. Claridge, History
of the Gold Coast and Ashanti (1915); Sir Hugh Clifford, The Gold
Coast Regiment in the East African Campaign (1920). (H. CL.)
GOLDMARK, KARL (1832-1915), Austrian composer (see
12.212), whose most successful opera, Die Konigin von Saba,
was produced by the Carl Rosa opera company in Manchester
in 1910, died at Vienna Jan. i 1915.
GOLF: see SPORTS AND GAMES.
GOLLANCZ, SIR ISRAEL (1863- ), British man of letters,
of Jewish family, was born in London July 13 1863. He was
educated at the City of London school and afterwards at
University College, London, and Christ's College, Cambridge.
From 1892 to 1895 he was Quain student and lecturer in English
at University College, London, and in 1896 was appointed uni-
versity lecturer in English at Cambridge, becoming in 1906
university professor of English language and literature at
King's College, London. He became secretary of the British
Academy on its foundation in 1903. He was general editor of
the Temple Classics and King's Library series and of the Book
of Homage to Shakespeare which appeared in 1916. His pub-
lished works include Cyncwulf's Christ (1892); an edition of
Lamb's Specimens of Elizabethan Dramatists (1893); Exeter
Book of Anglo-Saxon Poetry (1895) and Hamlet in Iceland (1898).
GOLTZ, COLMAR, BARON VON DER (1843-1916), Prussian
general, military writer and organizer of the Turkish army (see
12.227). Gen. von der Goltz was made a field-marshal in 1911
and retired in 1913. In Aug. 1914 he was appointed governor-
general of Belgium, then occupied by German forces. In Nov.
of the same year he was attached to the Turkish headquarters
as aide-de-camp-general to the Sultan. In April 1915 he was
placed in the chief command of the I. Turkish army in Mesopo-
tamia, and succeeded in investing Gen. Townshend's British
forces at Kut-el-Amara on April 19 1916. He died at Bagdad
and was said to have been poisoned by the Young Turks.
His latest work was Kricgsgeschichte Deutschlands im igten
Jahrhundert (1910-4, 2 vols.).
GOLTZ, KARL, COUNT VON DER (1864- ), German
lieutenant-general, was born at Briihl June 28 1864. He com-
manded a division of the Landwehr at the battle of the Masurian
Lakes in Feb. 1915. In the spring of 1918 he led the Baltic Div.
(Ostsee Div.) into Finland and was appointed chief-in-command in
the Baltic countries in Nov. 1918. In the following year his
position became anomalous. He was leading a volunteer army
professedly against the Bolshevists, but his recall was demanded
by the Allied and Associated Powers. His removal was effected
only with great difficulty by the Berlin Government, as he had
taken the bit in his teeth. He was suspected of cherishing designs
for leading his Baltic volunteers back at some suitable moment
into Germany in order to place them as an instrument at the
disposal of the royalist and reactionary movement. Sections
of them (Das Baltikum) actually took part in the military
occupation of Berlin which attended the Kapp coup in March
1920, and great difficulty was afterwards experienced in dis-
banding them. Count von der Goltz wrote Meine Sendung in
Finnland und im Baltikum (1920), describing his experiences in
the Baltic countries in 1918-9.
GOLUCHOWSKI, AGENOR, COUNT (1849-1921), Austrian
statesman (see 12.227), died at Lemberg March 29 1921.
GOMME, SIR GEORGE LAURENCE (1853-1916), English
archaeologist, was born in London Dec. 17 1853 and educated
at the City of London school. As a boy he entered the service
of the Metropolitan Board of Works; but in 1891 he was ap-
298
GOMPERS GOSSE
pointed statistical officer to the London County Council, be-
coming in 1900 clerk to the Council. He was founder of the
Folklore Society and editor successively of the Antiquary, the
Archaeological Review and the Folklore Journal, and few men
have ever possessed a more profound knowledge of the past
and present history of London (see 16.957). He married Alice
Bertha Merck, authoress of Traditional Games of Great Britain.
ID 1911 he was knighted. He died at Long Crendon, Bucks,
Feb. 25 1916.
Amongst his numerous publications were Primitive Folk-Moots
(1880); Folklore Relics of Early Village Life (1883); The Village
Community (1889); Folklore as a Historical Science (1908); etc.
GOMPERS, SAMUEL (1850- ), American labour leader
(see 12.230), was convicted in 1907 and sentenced to 12 months
imprisonment for contempt of court in disobeying an injunction
restraining him from printing the name of the Buck Stove and
Range Co. in the " black list " of The Federationist (the organ
of the A. F. of L.). He appealed, and after seven years of litiga-
tion he won his case, the U.S. Supreme Court deciding in 1914
that action was barred by the statute of limitations. Although
in theory opposed to all war, after the outbreak of the World
War he resisted any tendency in labour unions to favour peace
at any price, and declared himself in favour of voluntary mili-
tary training. After America's entrance into the World War
he was appointed a member of the Advisory Commission of the
Council of National Defense in 1917; the same year he was
elected president of the American Alliance of Labor and De-
mocracy, which was organized, with the approval of President
Wilson, for combating disloyal propaganda among workmen.
He represented the A. F. of L. at the Peace Conference in Paris
1918-9, and was appointed chairman of the International Com-
mittee on Labour Legislation. He was also chairman of the
American labour delegates at the convention of the Inter-
national Federation of Trades Unions at Amsterdam in 1919.
He consistently opposed socialistic movements among the unions
and favoured collective bargaining. He opposed compulsory
arbitration in labour disputes and urged that labour unions
be exempt from the anti-trust law. He urged the ratification
of the Peace Treaty. In 1921 he was elected president of the
A. F. of L. for the fortieth time.
GOMPERZ, THEODOR (1832-1912), German scholar (see
12.230), died at Baden, near Vienna, Aug. 29 1912.
GOODWIN, NAT(HANIEL) CARL (1857-1919), American
actor (see 12.239), died in New York Jan. 31 1919.
GOODWIN, WILLIAM WATSON (1831-1912), American scholar
(see 12.240), died in Cambridge, Mass., June 16 1912.
GORE, CHARLES (1853- ), English divine (see 12.254),
was in 1911 translated from the see of Birmingham to that of
Oxford. In 1919 he resigned his bishopric and settled in London,
where he continued to identify himself with those social and
economic tendencies which are known as Christian Socialist.
His recent works include New Theology and Old Religion (1908);
Orders and Unity (1910); The Question of Divorce (1911) and
The Religion of the Church (1916).
GORELL, JOHN GORELL BARNES, IST BARON (1848-1913),
English judge, was born at Liverpool May 16 1848, the son of
Henry Barnes, a shipowner. He was educated at Peterhouse,
Cambridge, where he took his degree in 1868. He began work as
a solicitor, but was called to the bar in 1876, becoming Q.C. in
1888. He was well known as an expert in Admiralty cases, and
in 1892 was made a judge of the Probate, Divorce and Admiralty
division, becoming its president in 1905 on the retirement of
Sir Francis Jeune (Lord St. Helier). He was made a privy
councillor in 1905, and in 1909 was raised to the peerage. In
1909 he became chairman of the royal commission on divorce.
Lord Gorell, who married in 1881 Mary, daughter of Thomas
Mitchell, died at Mentone April 22 1913.
He was succeeded by his son, HENRY GORELL BARNES (1882-
1917), who was born Jan. 21 1882, and educated at Winchester,
Trinity College, Oxford, and Harvard. He was called to the
bar in 1906, and acted as secretary to his father during the
latter's later years on the bench and also during his presidency
of the divorce commission. He served during the World War
and was awarded the D.S.O. He was killed in action Jan. 16
1917, and was succeeded as 3rd baron by his brother, the Hon.
Ronald Gorell Barnes (b. 1884).
See 1. E. G. de Montmorency, John Gorell Barnes, first Lord
Gorell (1920).
GORGAS, WILLIAM CRAWFORD (1854-1920), American
army surgeon, was born at Mobile, Ala., Oct. 3 1854. His father
was brigadier-general and chief of ordnance in the Confederate
army during the Civil War. He was educated at the university
of the South, Sewanee, Tenn. (A.B. 1875), and Bellevue Hos-
pital Medical College, New York (M.D. 1879). He was an
interne at Bellevue hospital from 1878 to 1880 and in the latter
year entered the Medical Corps of the U.S. army. In 1885 he
became captain. During the Spanish-American War he served
as major (Medical Corps), being sent, after the Santiago expedi-
tion, to Havana where he assumed care of yellow-fever patients.
From 1898 to 1902, as chief sanitary officer he was in charge
of the sanitation measures carried out in Havana. The city
was thoroughly cleaned and many experiments were con-
ducted in connexion with the recent discovery that yellow fever
was transmitted by the mosquito. Because of his success in
eliminating yellow fever at Havana he was made assistant
surgeon-general, U.S. army, with the rank of colonel, by a
special Act of Congress in 1903. In 1904 he was sent as chief
sanitary officer to Panama, where two of the main obstacles to
success in building the Canal were yellow fever and malaria.
Here again his methods were so efficient that by the close of
1906 he had eliminated yellow fever from the Canal region.
Malaria also was eventually brought under control and the Canal
Zone converted into a healthful spot. In 1907 he was appointed
a member of the Isthmian Canal Commission by President
Roosevelt, and the following year was U.S. delegate to the first
Pan-American Medical Congress, held at Santiago, Chile. He
was president of the American Medical Association 1908-9. In
1913 he was called to the Rand Gold Mines in South Africa to
suggest means for combating the frequent epidemics of pneu-
monia (influenza). This he found was largely due to crowding
the labourers together in barracks, and he recommended that
they be placed with their families in separate abodes. In 1914
he was made surgeon-general, U.S. army, with the rank of
brigadier-general. The same year he was awarded the degree
of D.Sc. by the university of Oxford and received the Seaman
medal from the American Museum of Safety and a gold medal
from the American Medical Association. In 1916 he was made
major-general, U.S. army, and in 1918 was retired. He then
assumed the permanent directorship of the yellow-fever work
of the International Health Board of the Rockefeller Foundation.
He went to Central America to make a survey, and under his
direction investigation of yellow fever was made at Guayaquil,
Ecuador, and in Guatemala. In 1919 he accepted a contract
with the Government of Peru to carry out a sanitary programme
in that country. He received many marks of recognition at home
and abroad. He was awarded the D.S.M. (U.S.), and made
Commander of the Legion of Honour (France) and K.C.M.G.
(Great Britain). He died in London July 4 1920 and was buried
in the Arlington National Cemetery in Washington, D.C.
GORGEI, ARTHUR (1818-1916), Hungarian soldier (see
12.256), died in May 1916.
GORST, SIR JOHN ELDON (1835-1916), British politician
(see 12.261), died in London April 4 1916. His son, SIR J.
ELDON GORST, died at Castle Combe, Wilts., July 12 1911.
GOSSE, EDMUND (1849- ), English man of letters (see
12.268), was the recipient Sept. 21 1919, his 7oth birthday,
of an address of congratulation signed by a large body of
Englishmen of note in art or letters, in recognition of his long
and distinguished service to literary criticism. This was followed
up by the presentation to him on their behalf of a portrait bust,
Nov. 9 1920. His more recent publications include Portraits
and Studies (1912); Collected Essays (1912); Inter Arma (1916);
The Life of A. C. Swinburne (1917); Three French Moralists
(1918); Some Diversions of a Man of Letters (1919).
GOUDY GOW
299
GOUDY, HENRY (1848-1921), English jurist, was born in
the north of Ireland Sept. 16 1848, the son of the Rev. A. P.
Goudy, D.D., of Strabane, co. Tyrone. He was educated at
the universities of Glasgow, Edinburgh and Konigsberg, obtain-
ing thus special advantages for the study of Roman law, in
which he became a leading authority. He was called to the
Scottish bar and published a work on the Scottish law of bank-
ruptcy in 1886. In 1889 he was appointed professor of civil
law at Edinburgh University and in 1893 regius professor of
civil law at Oxford which chair he occupied until 1919, being also
fellow of All Soul's College in right of his professorship. He was
joint author of a Manual on Local Government in Scotland (1880),
edited Muirhead's Private Law of Rome (1898), translated and
annotated Jhering's Jurisprudens des taglichen Lcbens (1904),
and published a short treatise on Trichotomy in Roman Law
(1910), as well as a lecture on the Fate of the Roman Law north
and south of the Tweed (1894) and various articles for the E.B.
He was editor of the Juridical Review from its foundation in 1889
until 1893, and he was one of the founders of the Society of
Public Teachers of Law and of the Grotius Society, instituted
in 1915 during the World War, for the advancement of inter-
national law. He died at Bath March 3 1921.
COUGH, SIR HUBERT DE LA POER (1870- ), British
general, was born on Aug. 12 1870, son of Gen. Sir C. Gough.
He joined the i6th Lancers in 1889 and served in the Tirah
campaign. In 1899 he was sent out to South Africa on special
service, and he commanded a mounted infantry regiment with
distinction for nearly two years, being promoted brevet lieuten-
ant-colonel for his services. He held staff appointments after re-
turning home. Promoted colonel in 1906, he in 1911 became
brigadier-general commanding the 3rd Cavalry Brigade at the
Curragh, where his attitude with regard to Ulster and the use
of the troops in 1914 caused a grave political crisis (see ENGLISH
HISTORY). He took his brigade to France in Aug. of that year,
succeeded to the command of the and Cavalry Div. in Sept.,
and was promoted major-general for distinguished service in
Oct. He was in April 1915 transferred to the 7th Div., and
was in July given charge of the ist Army Corps, a position which
he held until the spring of 1916, when he was given command,
first of a reserve force, and afterwards of the newly constituted
5th Army; with this he played an important part in the battle
of the Somme, and he was given the K.C.B. He was pro-
moted lieutenant-general at the beginning of 1917 and in that
year he was for some time in charge of the Flanders offensive.
Then, early in 1918, it fell to the lot of his army to be on the
right wing, next to the French, and to take over from them a
considerable front on both sides of the Oise, for which his
forces were inadequate. The brunt of the. great German offen-
sive of March fell in the first place on -his troops, who were
unable to withstand the pressure and fell back with heavy loss
in personnel and material. Cough's dispositions under cir-
cumstances of the utmost difficulty were appropriate, and
responsibility for the disaster did not rest with him; neverthe-
less he was deprived of his command by the Government and
was ordered home. He was afterwards for some months head of
the British Mission to the Baltic States in 1919, and he was
in that year given the G.C.M.G. On his return, influenced no
doubt by his experiences in the Baltic States, Gen. Gough came
forward as a prominent advocate of a world-settlement based
upon consent and goodwill, and especially as a supporter of such
a settlement of the Irish question.
His younger brother, JOHN EDMUND GOUGH (1871-1915), who
had joined the army in 1892, was also a distinguished soldier.
He served in central Africa in 1896-7 and in the South African
War, and in the Somali campaign of 1902-3, where he won the
V.C. and was promoted brevet lieutenant-colonel. He reached
the rank of colonel in 1906 and commanded the troops in Som-
aliland from 1908 to 1910. He afterwards held appointments
on the staff and he went out to France in 1914 as brigadier-
general, general staff, of the ist Army Corps. When the ex-
peditionary force was divided into two armies, he became head
of the general staff of the ist Army, but shortly afterwards he
was severely wounded, and on Feb. 21 1915 he died of his
wounds. He was the author of a study of the Fredericksburg and
Chancellorsville campaigns (1913) and of several remarkable
essays on military subjects.
GOUIN, SIR LOMER (1861- ), Canadian statesman,
was born at Grondines, Quebec, in 1861 and was educated at
Laval and McGill Universities. He was called to the Canadian
bar in 1884, and became Q.C. in 1900, being elected Batonnier-
General of the Quebec bar in 1910. He was a member of the
Quebec Legislature from 1897; and, after holding minor offices,
in 1905-20 was Prime Minister and Attorney-General in the
province of Quebec. Attempts were made by Sir Robert Borden
to get him to join his Coalition Ministry, but these failed, and
subsequently Sir Lomer declared his allegiance to the Liberal
Opposition. He derived considerable importance from the fact
that he was the Quebec representative on the boards of large
Canadian financial institutions. He was knighted in 1908, and
received the K.C.M.G. in 1913. His first wife (d. 1904) was a
daughter of Honore Mercier, a former Premier of Quebec. On
the Liberal victory in Dec. 1921 he was included in the new
Cabinet of Mr. Mackenzie King.
GOURAUD, HENRI JOSEPH EUGENE (1867- ), French
general, was born at Paris on Nov. 17 1867. He entered St.
Cyr in 1888, and was commissioned to the infantry in 1890.
Two years later he was promoted lieutenant. In 1894 he was
seconded for duty under the colonial administration; and there-
after he gained much experience of active service in the French
Sudan, in which he served almost continuously for two years.
In 1904 he was promoted lieutenant-colonel and made com-
mandant of the Chan (Congo) territory. In the same year he
was made an Officer of the Legion of Honour he had already
won the cross of Chevalier for distinguished service. In 1907 he
was promoted colonel. He next served in Morocco, where he
remained until the outbreak of the World War. On Sept. 17
1914 he was promoted temporary general of division, and the
following Jan. was appointed commander of the Colonial Army
Corps. On Feb. 15 1915 he was made a substantive general
of division. In May he replaced D'Amade as commander of
the Corps Expeditionnaire d'Orient in the Gallipoli theatre,
where he was so badly wounded that his right arm had to be
amputated. He was awarded the medaille militaire on July 10
1915. On recovering from his wound he went to Italy in charge
of a mission, and then in Dec. 191 5 he was appointed to command
the IV. Army. A year later he was sent temporarily, as com-
missioner-general, to Morocco; but he again took command of
the IV. Army in June 1917. From 1915 to the summer of 1918
the part of the IV. Army was relatively quiet, save for one
moment in the spring of 1917 in which it was drawn into the
ambit of Nivelle's offensive on the Aisne. At that time Gouraud
was in Morocco. Thus, when on July 15 1918. the Germans
launched their last offensive on the Champagne front, Gouraud
had had little executive experience as an army commander in
battle, and before the " zero " day Petain had had some dif-
ficulty in convincing him of the necessity of a " coil spring "
defence. But when the time came Gouraud carried out its
principles admirably, and brought the Germans' last effort to a
standstill in his battle-zone. The counter-attacks far to the west
followed three days later, and the tide was turned for good. In
turn the IV. Army, acting in conjunction with the Americans
between Meuse and Argonne, assumed the offensive in Sept.,
and by Nov. n it had reached the Meuse between Sedan and
Mezieres. Gouraud was awarded the Grand Cross of the Legion
of Honour on Dec. 28 1918. In Oct. 1919 he became high com-
missioner in Syria and commander-in-chief in the Levant.
GOW, ANDREW CARRICK (1848-1920), British painter,
was born in London June 15 1848. He studied at Heatherley's
art school, London, and first exhibited at the Royal Academy in
1869, a picture of his henceforward appearing there every year
till his death. He was elected A.R.A. in 1881, and R.A. ten
years later. In 1911 he became keeper of the Royal Academy.
He died at Burlington House, London, Feb. i 1920. Gow was
best known as a historical painter. His works include " The
300
GRACE, W. G. GREECE
Relief of Leyden" (1876); "The Last Days of Edward VI."
(1880); " Cromwell at Dunbar " (1886, bought by the Chantrey
Fund); "Queen Mary's Farewell to Scotland" (1892) and
" The Queen's Diamond Jubilee at St. Paul's " (1897, painted
for the Corporation).
GRACE, WILLIAM GILBERT (1848-1913), English cricketer
(see 12.308), died at Eltham, Kent, Oct. 23 1915. His elder
brother EDWARD MILLS GRACE (1841-1911), who was born Nov.
28 1841, died at Thornbury, Glos., May 28 1911.
See Lord Hawke and others, The Memorial Biography of Dr.
W. G. Grace (1919); W. C. Grace, Cricketer (1916); and F. S. A.
Cooper, Edward Mills Grace, Cricketer (1916).
GRAF, ARTURO (1848-1913), Italian poet and critic (see
12.315), published in 1911 L 'Anglomania e I'injlusso inglese in
Italia nel secolo XVIII. He died at Turin May 29 1913. Poesie,
a collection of his best poems, appeared in 1915.
See Sartori Treves, Arluro Graf, romanziere e poela (1904).
GRANTHAM, SIR WILLIAM (1835-1911), English judge, was
born at Lewes Oct. 23 1835. He came of an old Sussex family,
and inherited property in the county. After a successful career
at the bar and in Parliament, where he represented East Surrey
in the Conservative interest from 1874-85, he was appointed
in 1885 judge of the Queen's Bench division of the High Court.
He was never at pains to conceal his own views on politics, and
after 1906, when he was on the rota of judges for election peti-
tions, his decisions were sharply criticized as biassed against
the Liberal party, notably in the Great Yarmouth case, which
led to a motion of censure in the House of Commons in July
1906. But in certain criminal cases he gained considerable
credit, and in the Adolf Beck trial he was one of the first to
suspect the mistake as to the prisoner's identity (see 14.287).
He was chairman of the East Sussex quarter sessions, and as a
landlord took a practical interest in the housing of the rural
labourers. He died in London Nov. 30 1911.
GRANVILLE-BARKER, HARLEY (1877- ), English play-
wright, producer and actor-manager, son of Albert James
Barker, of Hereford, and Mary E. Bozzi-Granville, was born in
London Nov. 25 1877. Educated privately, at the age of 13
he was sent to the Theatre Royal, Margate, then a stock com-
pany's theatre and a dramatic school. A year later he made
his first stage appearance at Harrogate in Wilks's Ben the Bos'un,
and he first appeared in London at the Comedy theatre the
following year in The Poet and the Puppets. After playing in a
diversity of dramas he became interested in the work of the
Stage Society and especially in the plays of G. Bernard Shaw.
In 1904 he joined J. E. Vedrenne in the management of the
Court theatre, London, and there produced and acted in many
of these plays, as well as in those of St. John Hankin, John
Galsworthy, Ibsen, Masefield and his own play, The Voysey
Inheritance (1005). His later play, Waste, forbidden public
performance by the Censor, was played by the Stage Society
in 1907, as was also The Marrying of Ann Leete (1901). The
Madras House was produced by the Frohman repertory com-
pany at the Duke of York's theatre in 1910. In 1913-4 he
produced Shakespearean dramas in an original manner at
the Savoy theatre. He wrote Souls on Fifth, a fantastic story,
and The Red Cross in France, both in 1916, published a volume
of three short plays (1917), and a play, The Harlequinade, with
D. C. Calthrop (1918). In 1921 he was appointed public lecturer
on the art of the theatre by the university of Liverpool. He
married first (1906) LILLAH MCCARTHY, herself a distinguished
actress in Shaw's plays and in English versions of Greek drama.
She made a special success as Anne Whitefield in Shaw's Man
and Superman and Jennifer in his The Doctor's Dilemma. She was
also Jocasta in Reinhardt's production of Oedipus Rex at Covent
Garden in 1912, and Nan in Masefield's play of that name, as
well as playing tne name part in his translation of Jensen's
The Witch, both first produced at the Court theatre in 1911 and
repeated at the Savoy theatre in 1913. Miss McCarthy ob-
tained a divorce in 1917, and in 1920 she married Prof. Frederick
W. KeeWe (b. 1870), of Oxford. Granville-Barker in 1918 mar-
ried Helen Gates Huntingdon of New York.
GREECE (see 12.425). Old Greece had up to 1912 an area
of about 25,014 sq. miles. The Balkan wars of 1912-3 added to
the kingdom New Greece, consisting of Macedonia, Epirus,
Crete and a number of islands in the Aegean extending over
16,919 sq. m., making the area of the country 41,933 sq. m. in
all, in 1914. After the World War, Greece, with the consent of
the Allied and Associated Powers, occupied part of Western
Thrace and of the vilayet of Aidin in Asia Minor and retained
all the islands for the time being. According to the Treaty of
Sevres (Aug. 10 1920) Greece was to receive practically the
whole of European Turkey W. of the Chatalja lines, and the
Dodecanese islands were ceded by Italy when the treaty was
signed. The war between Greece and Turkey left the situation
as regards Asia Minor still uncertain during 1921.
The numerous changes make it impossible to present statistical
returns in comparative form, but the available official figures are
given in the tables. Table I shows the population at the dates
given, for the departments ac in 1914.
TABLE i. POPULATION
Department,
1914
Area in
sq. kms.
Census of
1907 or 1913
Censusof 1920
(uncorrected)
Attica and Boeotia
5,997-6
407,063 (1907
581,829
Salonika
15,023-6
506,571 (1913
398,240
Achaia and Elis .
5,507-i
254,728 (1907
271,672
Larissa ....
8,073-2
197,808 (1907
2^9.^28
Messenia
3,267-9
218,514 (1907)
Jrt to*- w
226,066
Fiorina . . . .
3,3io-8
142,336 (1913)
2OO,866
Aetolia-Acarnania
7,671-6
188,597 (1907)
195,571
Trikkala
5,823-9
183,489 (1907)
186,476
Kozani . . . .
6,376
206,307 (1913)
175,577
Janina (Yannina)
6,732-4
214,621 (1913)
167,644
Drama . . . .
5,727-2
204,404 (1913)
161,890
Argolis and Corinthia
5,221-8
153,172 (1907)
158,528
Arcadia ....
4-257-9
162,324 (1907)
155,833
Lesbos (Mytilene)
2,175
182,167 (1913)
146,852
Laconia ....
4,114-8
148,628 (1907)
137,456
Euboea .
4,093-2
116,903 (1907)
127,876
Corfu .
635-6
140,757 (1907)
123,371
Cyclades
2,629
130,378 (1907)
120,292
Phthiotis and Phocis .
6,133-3
174,574 (1907)
119,215
Heraclion (Crete)
2,563-2
110,015 (1913)
118,101
Serres ....
3,851-6
135,284 (1913)
113,620
Canea (Crete)
1, 800
97,141 (1913)
97,175
Pella (Macedonia)
(This prefecture was formerly
included in that of Salonika) 94,117
Rethymno (Crete)
1,876-8
66,384 (1913)
68,715
Samos .
491
68,946 (1913)
65-756
Cephalonia
1,180-4
71,235 (1907)
64,775
Chios
858
73,230 (1913)
61,873
Lasithion (Crete)
2,948-8
62,611 (1913)
61,158
Arta
1,793
41,280 (1907)
52,578
Preveza
i,59i-6
30,997 (1913)
45,632
Zante
409-5
42,502 (1907)
39,098
Totals
122,135-8
4,732,966
4,776,380
Table 2 shows the annexed provinces, and the departments
formed with population in 1920. It should be noted that in 1921
Thrace was being administered under a governor-general at Ad-
rianople, and Ionia (subject to military operations in progress)
under a high commissioner at Smyrna.
TABLE 2. NEW TERRITORY ACQUIRED AFTER THE WORLD WAR
Province
Area in sq.
kilometres
Department
Population
1920
Thrace
34,984
Adrianople
Kirk-Kiiisse
Gallipoli
Rodosto
Enos
Rhodope
145,490
134-359
53,568
143,801
92,050
100,429
Dodecanese
(with Tenedos and
I mbros)
1,459
121,800
Northern Epirus
4,921
200,000
Ionia ....
17-500
Aivali
Sanjak of
Smyrna
Magnesia-
(Manisa)
Kassaba
66,000
754,000
140,000
It will be seen that, altogether, the New Greece had 1 an area
GREECE
301
of 180,999.8 sq. km., and a pop. of 6,727,877. Table 3 shows
the principal towns of Greece (including Thrace and Ionia).
TABLE 3. PRINCIPAL TOWNS
Athens (1920)
300,462
Trikkala (1907)
18,995
Salonika (1915)
158,139
Larissa (1907)
18,939
Piraeus (1920)
130,082
Mytilene (1915)
18,705
Adrianople (1911)
65,454
Kalamata (1907)
18,510
Patras (1920)
46,500
Chios (1915)
18,000
Corfu (1907)
30,585
Yannina (1915)
17,331
Candia (1915)
25,185
Zante (1907)
15,035
Canea 1915)
24,399
Ionia:
Volo 1907)
23,563
Smyrna (1915)
225,000
Kavalla 1915)
23,378
Manisa (1915)
35.000
Syra 1907)
21,342
Aivali (1915)
25,000
Serres 1915)
19,468
Kassaba (1915)
23,000
In 1921 there were 219,000 Greeks in the island of Cyprus; and
it was estimated that there were about 800,000 in Asia Minor outside
Ionia (Pontus and Anatolia), 225,000 in other Balkan states, 150,000
in southern Russia, and 100,000 in Egypt; besides the Greek colo-
nists, many of them naturalized in foreign countries, who were
estimated to amount to 20,000 in western Europe, 6,000 in India,
Africa, etc., and 250,000 in the United States of America.
Emigration to the United States continued unabated after 1910.
In 1914 45,881 emigrants from Greece entered the United States,
and from 1915-20 the annual average was 26,500, or nearly 45,000,
if all emigrants of Greek origin (from Egypt, Turkey and the
Caucasus) are included. Between 1910 and 1920 the number of
repatriated emigrants was about 6,000 a year. The number of
Greek emigrants permanently established in N. America is said
to approximate 500,000. Their remittances home were said in 1917
to amount to nearly 2,000,000 annually.
Finance. Between 1898 and the end of 1913 new loans raised the
Public Debt to 1,216,480,000 drachmae. In every succeeding year
this was further increased, and on May I 1921, the total Public
Debt amounted to 6,208,264,000 drachmae. This vast growth was
due to the successive deficits in the budget since the Balkan wars
(which cost approximately 682,523,000 drachmae); to the prepara-
tions for entering the World War (1914-6), 570,000,030; to the war
itself (war expenses Oct. I9i6-Dec. 1918, 760,000,000, not in-
cluding the value of war material supplied by the Allies) ; finally
and especially to the war in Asia Minor, which up to Aug. 1921
must already have cost nearly 3,000,000,000 drachmae. Table 4
shows the revenue and expenditure 1910-20, deficits being due almost
entirely to extraordinary war expenditure.
TABLE 4. REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE
Revenue
Expenditure
Drachmae
Drachmae
1910
129,500,000
140,500,000
1911
137,800,000
175,700,000
1912
127,200,000
207,900,000
1913
122,200,000
423,800,000
1914
221,000,000
555,000,000
1915
232,000,000
477,000,000
1916
230,000,000
363,000,000
1917
263,000,000
440,000,000
1918
288,000,000
824,000,000
1919-20 (Budget)
469,690,000
1,554,357,000
1920-1 (Budget) .
597,011,000
2,005,304,000
The bank-notes in circulation increased from 310,604,185 dr. in
1914 to 1,856,173,000 in Nov. 1920, and approximately to 2,500,-
000,000 in May 1921. Table 5 shows the yield of taxes in millions
of drachmae.
TABLE 5. TAXATION RECEIPTS
1911
1912
1916
1917
1918
Direct
Indirect
Monopolies
23-5
62
13-2
24
56
13
50-4
89-2
18-4
49-9
68-1
18-4
50-8
95-2
20-9
The deposits in the banks of the country, on Sept. 10 1918, were
1,162,312,912 dr., of which 607,845,414 were at the National Bank of
Greece and 184,445,821 at the Ionian Bank.
Trade. Table 6 shows (in francs) the value of imports and ex-
ports, 1914-20.
TABLE 6. IMPORTS AND EXPORTS
Imports
Exports
Total
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
318,846,472
289,390,294
399,438,840
223,075,496
733,907,099
1,608,323,928
2,131,038,321
178,564,362
218,356,354
154,841,815
112,626,577
296,860,251
726,533,168
664,112,647
497,410,834
507,746,648
554,280,655
335,702,073
1,030,767,350
2,334,857,096
2,795,150,968
Shipping. The merchant shipping of Greece in 1920 comprised a
tonnage of 298,903, with 228 steamers and 1,048 sailing vessels. Of
these, three were transatlantic liners of a total tonnage of 11,085
tons, and 23 others, between 2,000 and 5,000 tons, of a total tonnage
of 59,282 tons. To this list should be added 54 steamers and eight
sailing vessels bought in 1919 but not yet registered, representing a
tonnage of 68,572 and 1,947 respectively. Greek river boats and
tugs in foreign waters raised the total of the Greek merchant navy
in 1920 to 1,697 vessels of 464,635 tons. These figures do not
include about 10,000 vessels of less than 30 tons, registering alto-
gether about 83,000 tons. The Greek merchant fleet suffered very
severely during the war. Greece lost 299 ships of 718,000 tons, thus
losing 64-6 % of her pre-war tonnage.
Communications. The total length of Greek railways in 1919
was 2,307-5 km., including the important section 88 km. in length
from Papoula to Platy, by which the line from Piraeus to Demerli
(the Greco-Turkish frontier of 1912) was joined up to the line from
Belgrade to Salonika, thus putting Athens in direct railway connexion
with VV. Europe; this line was completed in 1916. To this total must
be added a further section, nearly 700 km. in length, of the line
from Salonika to Constantinople. The section from Salonika to the
Greco-Bulgarian frontier of 1913, 340 km. in length, was acquired by
convention of March 16 1919; the new section extends from the
Greco-Bulgarian frontier of 1913 to the new Greco-Turkish frontier
defined by the Treaty of Sevres.
The construction of various new lines of about 970 km. (103
km. in old Greece, 863 in Epirus, Crete, etc.) was in 1921 under con-
sideration ; and the concession for a new line from Kavalla to Drama
had already been obtained by a French company.
There are in Old Greece 3,286 km. of main roads, constructed be-
fore 1892, and 2,300 km. constructed between 1892 and 1920. In
Crete, Macedonia and Epirus there are 2,538 km. New roads of
3,775 km. in length were projected, and about 600 km. were ac-
tually under construction in Nov. 1920.
Though commercial aviation had not yet been established in
Greece in 1921, it should be noted that Athens is the natural centre
of Mediterranean communications, and is situated at an almost
exactly equal distance from Corfu, from the Greco-Serbian frontier,
from Kavalla, from Gallipoli, from the Greco-Turkish frontier east
of Smyrna and from the eastern shores of Crete.
Agriculture. In 1918 the area under cultivation (within the
frontiers of 1914) was given as 1,415,633 hectares, and produced
18,927,226 metric quintals (of 100 kg.) of various crops, of a total
value of 1,591,526,024 drachmae. In 1920 the annual production, in
quintals of the chief crops, was given as follows: wheat 3,318,709,
maize 2,320,723, must 1,816,793, barley 1,529,651, olive oil 1,410,-
918, currants 995,530, oats 579,953, rye 333,914, tobacco 310,864.
The progress of agriculture has been delayed by the small size
of the holdings in most parts of the country; but this obstacle has
been to some extent overcome by the law of 1915 on agricultural
cooperative associations. In 1918 there were already 730 of these
associations in existence with a membership of 27,051; more than
half of these were loan associations to which the National Bank was
authorized to advance up to 25,000,000 drachmae. Greece however
still depends on foreign imports for her cereals. The average annual
consumption per head is 180 okes (one oke = 2-832 Ib. avoir.) while
the average home production is 126 okes. The annexation of
Thrace and (provisionally) of Ionia should remedy this defect.
Meanwhile in other parts of the country, where estates are too
large, as in Thessaly, and the metayer system prevails (the cultivator
paying to the proprietor one-third or one-half of the gross produce),
these estates are being broken up by the application of Law 1,072
on expropriation drafted by M. Michalakopoulos, in the Govern-
ment of Venizelos. An agricultural bank to cover Crete, Macedonia
and the islands, was being established in 1921, and agricultural
instruction seriously organized. The agricultural population of Old
Greece (1911) constituted 61 % of the total population, and it is
estimated that this proportion was raised to 65% by the annexation
of Macedonia. The use of chemical manures is rapidly growing:
in 1910 only 611,780 kg. were used, while the figure had risen in
1914 to 6,592,785 kilogrammes.
Forests. The area under forests in 1914 was 1,600,000 hectares,
half in Old Greece and the rest in the provinces acquired in 1913.
They were valued at 320,000,000 drachmae, and the gross revenue
estimated at 38,000,000 (19,300,000 in Old Greece).
Fisheries. The annual produce of Greek fisheries was estimated
in 1920 at 28,700,000 okes, of which 23,700,000 were the produce of
State waters. In 1918 the yield was valued at 1,544,120 drachmae.
In Sept. 1919 there were 1,941 fishing vessels registered at 84 ports,
with total crews of 7,689 men.
Manufactures. In 1920 there were 2,211 factories employing 36,-
124 workpeople, with plants valued at 260,518,437 dr. and an out-
put at 871,494,508 drachmae. Of these 2,211 factories, 1,870 used
power (40,000 H.P. in all), 570 steam, 283 oil, 383 electricity, 308
gas and 326 water-power. Water-power is used in flour-mills and
macaroni factories (1,662 H.P.), oil refineries (202 H.P.), chemical
industries (1,095 H.P.), textile industries (3,288 H.P.), tanneries
(10 H.P.) and wood-work (15 H.P.). The development of water-
power, in which Macedonia is remarkably rich, !s expected to be of
great importance in the future. The lake of Oslro.-o alone, with the
river Voda, is said to be capable of giving a force of 34,000 H.P.,
besides the rivers Vardar (4,000 H.P.), Vistritsa (3,000 H.P.) and
302
GREECE
Struma (3,500 H.P.), and the falls of Niausta (4,000 H.P.) and
Verria (Kara Feria) (2,000 H.P.). '
Mines. The output of iron fell (in thousands of metric tons)
from 377 in 1912 to 68 in 1918, of lead from 175 to 18, of zinc from
40 to 4$. On the other hand the production of lignite rose from 20 in
1914 to 214. The gross output of the mines fell from 806 to 408
thousand metric tons. In 1918 the output of gross ores sold was
valued at 20,920,000 fr., of roasted and dressed ores at 5,124,000 fr.,
the output of quarries at 7,715,000 fr. ; and the net profits (for Old
Greece only) amounted to 5,533,000 fr. ; 8,350 men were employed
and 852 women, including 4,424 underground workers (all men).
There were 65 accidents. The enterprises that made the largest
net profits in 1918 were the Societe financiere de Grece (lignite)
with 2,425,592 dr.; the Compagnie francais des Mines de Laurium
(various) 776,945 dr. ; L. Depian, N. Raphael (magnesite) 676,883
dr. ; Apostolides Brothers (chrome) 304,998 dr. ; and the Anglo-
Greek Magnesite Co., Ltd., 260,728 drachmae.
Labour. Greece only became conscious of a labour question within
comparatively recent years. In 1917 and 1918 a certain amount of
unrest was met by the Government with temporary measures. In
1919 the Government succeeded in settling in a friendly manner
more than 200 strikes. Labour conditions at the ports have been
improved by the organization of the workers in cooperative associa-
tions dispensing with the intervention of contractors. At the Piraeus
alone three such associations handled in 1919 work estimated to
exceed 10,000,000 drachmae. In 1920 the discontent was less pro-
nounced ; but the working population, except to some extent at the
Piraeus, voted against the Government of M. Venizelos at the elec-
tions, as a protest against the suspension of popular liberties during
the war. (On June 18 1921 the leaders of the Communist party,
MM. Demetratos and Sideres, with two others were arrested and
imprisoned for printing and publishing certain Tolstoyan pamphlets.)
At the end of 1918 there were 918 cooperative associations of various
sorts, with 45,070 members; 820 of these associations were agricul-
tural, with 32,648 members.
Greece was the first state to ratify the resolutions of the Inter-
national Labour Conference held at Washington after the war (with
regard to the 8-hour day, unemployment, employment of women and
children, etc.). In 191 1 a department of labour and social welfare had
already been established at the Ministry of National Economy; in
1912 an inspectorate of labour and in 1915 a Superior Council of
Labour. The employment of women and children was elaborately
regulated in 1913 by legislation which was extended in 1915 to the
new provinces. A series of laws provided for the health and security
of workmen, especially in mines, bakeries and printing shops. A
law of 1914 regulated compensation for accidents; another dealt
with wage disputes (1911); and a law of 1918 secured for workmen
in private employment that they should keep their places when called
up for military service. Further legislation established special relief
funds for miners and regulated the hours of labour; sea labourers
also have their own pension fund. The employment of children under
12 years of age is forbidden, and the maximum day of six hours is
fixed for children between 12 and 14 years of age. The employment
of women and children in mines and quarries is forbidden; and a
compulsory leave of eight weeks is accorded to women workers
during maternity. Women workers (employed in currant packing
and mills) organized themselves as a union and on Sept. 27 1920 de-
manded a uniform wage of 10 drachmae.
TABLE 7. AVERAGE PRICES IN DRACHMAE OF CHIEF COMMODITIES,
1914-20
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
Wheat
(100 kilos.).
32-11
49-82
71-76
175-94
133-06
105-2
iti-54
Flour
(100 kilos.).
38-90
55-77
67-32
Bread
(the kilo.) .
38
5i
60
-76
99
88
98
Potatoes
23
30
5
96
1-19
96
81
Beef
1-41
i-55
1-97
3-45
5-7i
5-5
5-91
Fish (fine)
2-57
2-76
3-64
5-69
8-00
6-89
7-06
Butter (cow)
3-92
3-99
5-32
9-04
14-76
I3-76
14-14
Butter (sheep)
4-13
4'23
5-12
9-35
14-84
13-40
14-40
Oil
1-18
1-38
i -60
2-27
3'8i
4-19
5-66
Milk
51
54
70
1-05
i-Si
1-35
1-47
Cheese .
1-61
1-67
2-26
3-35
5-02
4'43
4-81
Olives .
-69
.76
97
1-36
1-83
1-98
2-57
Coffee .
2-68
2-81
3-10
4-34
5-26
5-14
5-38
Sugar
85
I-IO
1-65
2-58
2-84
2-67
4-19
Rice
76
93
1-18
1-89
1-96
2-15
3-15
Charcoal
(the metric
quintal) .
16-12
15-50
21-57
30-18
45-75
50-26
50-58
Cost of Living. From Table 7 it will be noted that oil, olives and
charcoal rose in price without intermission in 191420 to an extent
of between 300 and 400%. Bread, beef, fish, butter, milk and cheese,
after attaining their maximum prices in 1918 (from 300 to 380%
above those of 1914) fell in 1919 only to rise again in 1920, beef
rising 420%. Wheat attained its maximum price in 1917, and
potatoes in 1918. In June 1920 prices were between three and four
times greater than those of the pre-war period; and in June 1921
the cost of living was estimated to have been five times what it
was in 1914. This increase after the war was mainly due to the fall
in the foreign exchange value of the drachma.
Economic Conditions. In 1910-12 there was a marked economic
improvement throughout the country largely due to good harvests,
better relations with neighbouring states and the stability of the
exchange (drachma at par), due to reforms in the administration,
and resulting in extension of trade, increased railway traffic and
development of the merchant navy. This general improvement was
interrupted by the war period, which began in Greece in 1912 and
continued practically without intermission up to 1921. Greece
suffered very severely from the Allied blockade of 1916-7 and
the prolonged mobilization; but the many large fortunes accumulated
during the war period by Greek ship-owners enabled the country
to begin a quick recovery in 1919. Already in 1918 the annual
returns of the wealth of the country were estimated at more than
1, 600 million drachmae (agriculture 628; forests 38; industry 825;
minerals 49; merchant navy 60 millions). The national capital was
at the same time valued at nearly 3 milliards of drachmae (capital
value of agricultural productions, 1,756,000,000; of forests, 320,-
000,000 ; of industrial enterprises, 341 ,000,000 ; of mining enterprises,
69,000,000; of merchant navy, 218,000,000; total 2,704,000,000).
This is manifestly a very incomplete inventory; and, if the potential
wealth of Thrace and Ionia be taken into consideration, it is clear
that, with a progressive administration capable of ensuring peace
at home and abroad, the country might expect a period of great
prosperity. Unfortunately, the recovery begun in 1919 was again
interrupted at the end of 1920 by the revolutionary restoration of
King Constantino, resulting in the " economic blockade," the sus-
pension of credits in the Allied countries and the consequent inter-
ruption of trade. There were large issues of paper money, and the
drachma fell rapidly to 60 and finally (May 1921) to too, after
which the Government, by restricting all transactions to a syndicate
or " consortium " of leading banks, artificially fixed the rate of ex-
change at between 60 and 70 drachmae to the pound sterling.
POLITICAL HISTORY, 1910-21
First Venizelos Ministry. In Jan. 1910 the Military League,
embarrassed at the completeness of their success, had called
Venizelos from Crete as their political adviser, and Venizelos,
immediately assuming the effective leadership, had by the end
of March arranged for the dissolution of the revolutionary league
on the convocation of a National Assembly, which should
conciliate the necessary reforms with the usual procedure of
constitutional government. When the National Assembly met
on Sept. 21, Venizelos, who having himself been elected a member
had in deference to the protests of Turkey resigned his position
in Crete, again took the less revolutionary course, and insisted
that it must be only a revisionary and not a constituent body.
The dispute led to the resignation of the premier Dragoumes,
and on Oct. 18 King George asked Venizelos, who had won the
enthusiastic support of the Athenian populace, to succeed him
in the Government. The old party leaders, more alarmed by the
rise of a new and popular man than by the proposals of the
revolutionary officers, now combined to leave him without a
quorum; thereupon Venizelos dissolved the Assembly and ap-
pealed to the people. New elections were held (Dec. n), and
without the help of any party organization he was returned
with a tremendous majority, winning 300 seats against 64
retained by his opponents.
The second revisionary National Assembly met on Jan. 22
1911, and inaugurated a period of energetic reform. The
administration was freed from corruption, partly by the hard
work of Venizelos, and partly through the fact that his electoral
triumph had shattered the old party machinery in the provinces.
By the beginning of June the Assembly had settled the following
revisions of the constitution: foreign officers were made eligible
for service of State, and accordingly foreign missions were at
once summoned to Athens to reorganize the services English
officers for the navy, Italians for the gendarmerie and French
for the army, in which the Crown Prince was reinstated as
Inspector-General. Elementary education was to be free and
compulsory. The official language was declared to be that of the
constitution, without prejudice however to literature, while,
after a violent recrudescence of the agitation " to defend the
purity of the language " under the leadership of a certain
Professor Mistriotes, who finally had to be suppressed by the
GREECE
303
Government, the translation of the Scriptures was forbidden
without the consent of the Church. Expropriation was denned,
thus enabling Venizelos to settle (April 2) on a basis of voluntary
sale an agitation among the peasant cultivators of Thessaly
against speculative landlords who had bought up the estates of
Turkish feudal beys after the annexation of 1881. No soldiers,
mayors or other public servants were to be eligible for the Cham-
ber, the quorum of which was to be one-third of the total number
of deputies. The Council of State (instituted in 1864 and abol-
ished in the following year) was revived; and security of tenure
was enjoined for judges and other public officials (in order to
put an end to the " spoils " system, which however was still
prevalent in 1921). In March diplomatic relations, suspended
since 1905, were resumed with Rumania; and better relations
of the Christian communities in Macedonia, where their " dis-
armament " had been carried out with great severity since 1910
by Shevket Torgut Pasha, led to an Easter visit of 300 Bulgarian
students to Athens, and enabled Venizelos to put forward in
April the first suggestions of a defensive alliance against Turkey
which on Sept. 29 became involved in war with Italy.
On Jan. 3 1912 the National Assembly was dissolved, and at
the elections for an ordinary Chamber on March 25 Venizelos
won 150 seats out of 181. To this Chamber 69 members were
elected by a Cretan revolutionary assembly, which, assuming
the government of the island on the outbreak of Turkey's war
with Italy, had already tried to send a number of deputies to the
National Assembly; these had been arrested by the international
forces (Dec. 15 1911) and detained at Suda Bay till the dis-
solution. Of the 69 Cretans elected to the new Chamber 19 were
arrested by H.M.S. " Minerva " and detained at Suda (April
28-June 6 1912) ; others made their way to Athens and attempted
to take their seats on June i. Venizelos however, by troops and
persuasion, succeeded in excluding them from the opening
sitting and then adjourned the Chamber, thus avoiding an inop-
portune and premature provocation of Turkey.
Meanwhile more definite and official approaches had been
made to Bulgarian friendship. The Crown Prince had visited
Sofia on Feb. 2 for the coming of age of Prince Boris. The
Serbo-Bulgarian Treaty of Alliance had been signed at Sofia on
March 13. On May 29 a secret treaty of alliance between
Greece and Bulgaria was signed at Sofia, by which the two Powers
bound themselves to act together " with all their armed forces "
for the defence and preservation of equal rights and privileges
for their nationals in the Turkish Empire. A special clause
however declared that the stipulations of the Treaty should
not be binding in case of an outbreak of war between Greece
and Turkey in consequence of the admission of Cretan deputies
to the Greek Chamber. The military convention annexed
to this Treaty was not signed till Oct. 5. During the summer
the condition of the Macedonian races had become desperate.
A revolt had broken out in Albania; the Turkish troops had
mutinied at Monastir; and bombs thrown at Kochana had
succeeded in provoking them to massacre. On Sept. 30 the
Balkan States, beginning to mobilize, made an united demarche
at Constantinople, in the nature of an ultimatum, demanding
immediate reforms in Macedonia. On Oct. 8 1912, the Powers,
who with the exception of Russia had remained unaware of
the new grouping in the Balkans, addressed to Sofia, Belgrade
and Athens a severe warning, promising that they themselves,
" relying on Article 23 of the Treaty of Berlin, would take in
hand the restoration of administrative reforms in European
Turkey, in the interest of the populations concerned, on the
understanding that such reforms should not infringe the sov-
ereignty of the Ottoman Empire." But on the same day King
Nicolas of Montenegro declared war against Turkey. On Oct. 14
the Greek Chamber met, and the Cretan deputies were admitted,
an act which denoted the formal annexation of the island, to
which the ex-premier S. Dragoumes was sent as governor.
Balkan War. Turkey declared war on the following day
against Bulgaria, Serbia and Montenegro, but not against
Greece, who was offered the island of Crete and the long-refused
permission for the construction of the railway between Salonika
and the Thessalian frontier which should connect Athens with
Europe, if she would remain neutral. The offer is said to have
tempted King George. But Venizelos, who before making the
arrangement with Bulgaria had done all that was possible to
arrive at a friendly settlement with the Turks, actually offering
to pay a small tribute and acknowledge Turkish sovereignty
over Crete if the Porte would recognize the right of the Cretan
deputies to sit in the Greek Chamber, realized that it was now
of supreme importance that Greece should not be left out of
the new grouping; and he proved his country's loyalty to the
Balkan Alliance by declaring war against Turkey (Oct. 18).
The Greek forces immediately crossed the frontier, and on
Oct. 22 sharply defeated the Turkish army, which made a
first serious attempt to resist the invasion at Sarandoporon.
After occupying southern Macedonia the Crown Prince, who
was in command, intended to march towards Monastir, but
was diverted by urgent instructions from the Government that
for political reasons the primary objective of his army must
be Salonika. He accordingly wheeled his forces towards the
north-east and fought another two days' battle at Yenitsa.
Three days later, on Nov. 8, the feast of its patron saint
Demetrius, the town of Salonika, after negotiations inaugurated
by the foreign consuls, surrendered to him with the whole
Turkish garrison of 30,000 men. Four days afterwards the
Greek army again turned westward in order to clear western
Macedonia of the Turkish forces which had been threatening
their left flank, and on Nov. 20 at Fiorina they joined hands
with the Serbians who had now taken Monastir. The successes
of the army gave the Greek people a new self-confidence. But
a delicate situation arose when, two days after the occupation
of Salonika, a Bulgarian army, after a forced march over the
mountains, entered the town, claimed a sort of condominium,
displaying an increasing hostility towards the Greek authorities.
Meanwhile the Bulgarians had swept through Thrace and
invaded Adrianople but had been held up by the lines of Chatalja.
By the end of the month the Turks, holding nothing in Europe,
outside those lines, but the fortified towns of Adrianople, Scutari
and Yannina, signed an armistice (Dec. 3) with Bulgaria, Serbia
and Montenegro, but not with the Greeks, who were thus
enabled to maintain the blockade of the Dardanelles and to
transfer their major activity to Epirus, where an army under
General Sapundzakes had driven the Turks into Yannina.
The Greeks took part, however, in the conference which met
in London on Dec. 16, when the Balkan allies met the Turks
and demanded the surrender of all that they held, together
with the fortresses invested. Under pressure of a note from the
Powers the Grand Council at Constantinople (Jan. 22 1913)
had finally decided to accept these terms, when the extreme
Nationalists under Enver Bey expelled the Grand Vizier Kiamil
Pasha and murdered Nazim Pasha, the commander-in-chief.
Hostilities were resumed on Feb. 3. The Greek army in Epirus,
now heavily reinforced and under the immediate command of
the Crown Prince, carried Yannina by storm (March 6); and 12
days later the victor acceded to the throne as King Constantine,
his father having been assassinated at Salonika.
Bulgarians and Serbians stormed Adrianople at the end of the
month, and on April 22 Scutari surrendered to Montenegro.
Negotiations between the belligerents were reopened in London
on May 20, and by the Treaty of London (May 30) Turkey
ceded collectively to the Balkan allies all her European territory
west of a line drawn from Enos on the Aegean to Midia on the
Black Sea, leaving the questions of Albania and the Aegean
islands (except Crete, which was at last to be definitely annexed
to Greece) to be settled by the Powers. Unlike Bulgaria's treaty
with Serbia, the Greco-Bulgarian Treaty contained no ter-
ritorial provisions. A friendly division of the surrendered
territory, however, could probably have been arranged between
the three allies, had not England been induced, with the object
of setting up an independent kingdom of Albania, to support the
Austrian proposal to exclude Serbia from the Adriatic. This
unexpected exclusion caused Serbia to reconsider the provisional
partition of Macedonia arranged in the treaty with Bulgaria;
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GREECE
while Bulgaria adopted such a threatening and aggressive
attitude'to both her allies that, on June 2, Greeks and Serbians
signed a defensive alliance, intended primarily to prevent
Bulgarian hegemony in the Balkans, but clearly drafted so as
to be binding in case of attack by any third power. Bulgaria,
hoping to rush Salonika and anticipate the result of further
negotiation or arbitration, attacked the Greek and Serbian
lines on June 29, but was heavily defeated at Kilkish (July 4) and
compelled to retire fighting towards the Bulgarian frontier.
Seeing the Bulgarians punished, Rumania intervened to claim
territorial concessions in the Dobruja. On July 20 the Turks
reoccupied Adrianople. Neither the Powers nor the two sur-
viving partners of the Balkan Alliance protested against this
violation at Bulgaria's expense of the Treaty of London.
Peace of Bucharest. The Rumanian intervention brought
the belligerents to terms, and peace was signed at Bucharest
on Aug. 10. The frontier of Greek Macedonia was carried
eastwards as far as the river Mesta (Kara Su), thus excluding
Bulgaria from the coveted Aegean port of Kavalla, and north-
wards as far as Fiorina and Doiran. Venizelos had no hope
of mitigating Bulgarian enmity and restoring the shattered
alliance by any further concessions, and was driven to base
Lis policy on a balance of power, hoping to immobilize Bulgarian
ambitions by the stanc'ing threat of the alliance with Serbia
and the new friendship with Rumania.
Northern Epirus. The Greek frontier in Northern Epirus de-
pended on the delimitation by the conference of the Powers in
London of the new principality of Albania, and the decision of the
international commission appointed for this purpose was subject to
Italy's refusal to allow Greece to hold any of the Adriatic littoral
north of Corfu. When the decision of this commission was pro-
mulgated (Florence, March 1914), Greece obediently withdrew her
troops to the south of the new frontier, but the inhabitants of the
evacuated district, which included Chimara, Argyrokastro, and
Koritsa, were so thoroughly Greek in sentiment that they immediately
proclaimed a provisional government, and finally obtained from
the Albanian Government, subject to the international commission
of control, certain rights of autonomy with which they were pro-
visionally satisfied (Corfu, May 17 1914). In Oct. 1914, after the
departure from Albania of Prince William of Wied, Greece was
authorized by the Entente with the consent of Italy to reoccupy this
district of northern Epirus with her troops in order to preserve order,
on the express understanding that the question should be finally
settled by the Peace Congress. Greek forces were obliged to hand
over these districts to Italian occupation in 1916, but were au-
thorized to reoccupy them after the war (Dec. 1919). The Italians
accordingly evacuated Epirus and French troops the Koritsa district
in April and May 1920. Subsequently Chimara and other of the
disputed districts were restored by the Greek authorities to Albania
(June I 1921), who appealed to the League of Nations against the
frontier claimed by Greece. The Council of the League of Nations,
however, relying on the declaration of the Powers in 1914 decided
June 28 1921 that only the Supreme Council of the Allies (then
represented by the Ambassadors' Conference in Paris) was com-
petent to determine the Albanian frontiers.
The Dodecanese. Greece also awaited the decision of the Powers
with regard to the islands of the Aegean; and in the solution of
this question it happened again that Italy was the Power responsil.le
for checking Greek aspirations. Italy had occupied during her
Tripolitan war with Turkey the twelve islands of the southern Spo-
rades, known as the Dodecanese, all of which, except Rhodes and
Kos, were barren rocks inhabited by Greek sponge fishers, and by
the Treaty of Lausanne (Oct. 18 1912) had retained them only as
security for the evacuation of Tripoli by the Turkish troops. During
the Balkan War the Italian occupation had naturally protected
these islands from attack by the Greek fleet which had successfully
seized from Turkey all the other islands of the Aegean. Sir Edward
Grey declared on Aug. 12 1913 that " Italy had never allowed
England for one moment to doubt that it was her intention to com-
plete that part of the Treaty of Lausanne with regard to these islands
and retire from these islands when Turkey had completed her part;
England had complete confidence in her good faith." On Feb. 13
1914 the Powers recognized Greek sovereignty over all the islands
seized by the Greeks during the war, with the exception of Tenedos
and Imbros, which were supposed to command the entrance to the
Dardanelles; but still the Italians gave no sign that their occupation
of the Dodecanese was either conditional or temporary. It remained
for Venizelos after the World War to negotiate with Signor Tittoni
an agreement (July 29 1919) by which all the outstanding questions
between Italy and Greece were compromised, and all the islands
were to revert to Greece, with the exception of Rhodes, the cession
of which was to be dependent on the result of a plebiscite to be held
within 15 years of England's cession of Cyprus; and Venizelos re-
fused to sign the Treaty of Sevres in Aug. 1920 until the official
and obligatory character of this agreement had been recognized by
the Supreme Council. The islands of Tenedos and Imbros to-
gether with the island of Lemhos were occupied during the World
War by the British fleet; and the British forces under Gen. Fin-
layson handed the three islands over to the Greek authorities in
accordance with the Treaty of Sevres on June 25 1921.
The decision of the Powers after the Peace of Bucharest,
assigning to Greece sovereignty over the Aegean islands, was
not recognized by the Turks, who commenced a boycott of
Greek shipping and an organized persecution of Greeks in
Asia Minor. Fortified by the opportunity of buying two battle-
ships which would have secured for their fleet the supremacy of
the Aegean, Turkey plainly threatened to reopen the war.
In June 1914 the situation was indeed so alarming that Venizelos
appealed for Serbian support. The Serbs in their reply did not
hesitate to recognize the obligations of the Greco-Serbian
alliance; and after pointing out that their immediate participa-
tion in a third war was for obvious military and financial reasons
extremely undesirable, if not impossible, they proceeded to
address a strongly worded protest to the Grand Vizier at
Constantinople, with the result that he felt that they were
quite prepared to declare war in defence of Greek interests.
They also requested the other Powers to use all possible pressure
to restrain Turkish provocation. They showed such goodwill
in the exercise of these diplomatic measures that on June 22 1914,
M. Streit, then Foreign Minister in the Government of Venizelos
and subsequently King Constantine's private adviser, telegraphed
to Belgrade " the lively gratitude of the Greek Government
for the Serbian demarche at Constantinople on the subject
of the persecution of the Greeks in Turkey, a demarche which
has proved once again the solidarity of our alliance and the
bonds of affection which unite the two peoples." Meanwhile
Venizelos, having sounded the other Powers and learned that,
owing to Germany's refusal to take part, there was no chance of
a naval demonstration by the Great Powers in order to coir pel
the Turks to respect the decision of the London conference with
reference to the Aegean islands, succeeded (July 8 1914) in
buying for immediate delivery two American battleships, which
deprived the Turks of any chance of challenging the superiority
of the Greek fleet. Turkey at last consented to negotiate, 1 and
Venizelos was on his way to meet the Grand Vizier at a neutral
capital, when at Munich he learnt of the outbreak of the World
War. There also he received the question from the Serbian
premier as to the attitude Greece would adopt in view of the
Austrian invasion. Venizelos declared at once (Aug. 2) that
" with regard to the war with Austria he must await fuller
information and consultation with his colleagues in the Govern-
ment before he could determine the answer to be given; but that
with regard to the possibility of a Bulgarian attack the place
of Greece would be at the side of her Serbian ally in order to
keep their common enemy at a respectful distance, and ensure
the maintenance of the Treaty of Bucharest." This declaration
was officially renewed on his return to Athens.
The World War. On Aug. 4 1914 Germany informed Greece
both officially and by private telegram from the Kaiser to
King Constantino that she had concluded alliances with Turkey
and Bulgaria, and invited Greece to join the Germanic powers
in a united campaign against a Slav domination in the Balkans.
This invitation was declined by King Constantine in terms of
warm personal friendship. Venizelos, on behalf of the Greek
Government (Aug. 8), supplemented the King's rather regretful
reference to the impossibility of Greek cooperation with Germany
owing to the Mediterranean supremacy of the British and
French fleets, by suggesting the renewal of a Balkan federation
to include Bulgaria for the maintenance of neutrality. The
hostile attitude of Turkey, however, now once more strengthened
by the entry into the Dardanelles of the German cruisers
" Goeben " and " Breslau," gave little hope of preventing the
war from spreading in the Near East; and on Aug. 23 Venizelos
officially declared with full authority that " Greece, not merely
'These negotiations were subsequently resumed, and resulted
(Nov. 14 1914) in an agreement known as the Treaty of Athens.
GREECE
305
in consciousness of her indebtedness to the great guaranteeing
Powers, but from a clear perception of her vital interests as a
nation, understood that her place was at the side of the Powers
of the Entente; and that whereas in the war that was being waged
it was not possible for her to take a military part, since she
could not, owing to the danger from Bulgaria, reinforce the
Serbians, much less send an expeditionary force to France,
nevertheless she thought it her duty to declare to the Powers
of the Entente that, if Turkey went to war against them, she
placed all her forces naval and military at their disposal for the
war against Turkey, always presupposing that she was to be
guaranteed against the Bulgarian danger." 1 The results of this
voluntary declaration, made at a time when the Germans were
advancing triumphantly towards Paris, won an assurance from
the British Government that the Turkish fleet would not be
allowed to leave the Dardanelles, the consent of the three
Powers and of Italy to the provisional reoccupation of northern
Epirus by the Greek army, and a cordial telegram from King
George V. of England to King Constantine. But shortly after-
wards Admiral Mark Kerr, instructed by the British Admiralty
to concert plans with the Greek staff for a possible occupation
of Gallipoli, was surprised to be told by King Constantine that
he had no intention in any circumstances of declaring war
against Turkey unless Turkey first attacked Greece. Venizelos
in a memorandum to the King (Sept. 7) explained the reasons
for forestalling an inevitable Turkish attack, Turkey in her
persecutions of the Greek element in Asia Minor " having long
been waging a war which had never been declared ";he protested
against the King's excessive fear of offending Germany; and
finally offered to resign. He was induced to remain in office, but
insisted on the resignation from the Government (Sept. 28) of
M. Streit, Minister for Foreign Affairs, who was understood to
have advised the King without the knowledge of his colleagues;
Streit indeed continued to be the private political counsellor at
the Palace. A month later Turkey entered the war.
In Jan. 1915 England on behalf of the Allies once more
invited Greek assistance, not against Turkey but for the relief
of Serbia, by a well-meaning attempt to reconstitute the nascent
Balkan federation of 1912. Serbia, in the hope of eventually
reaching the Adriatic, was to secure Bulgarian cooperation by
certain concessions in Macedonia; and if Greece would facilitate
these concessions the three Powers would gladly acknowledge
" the right of Greece to very considerable compensations on the
coast of Asia Minor" (Jan. 24 1915). Venizelos, whose own
policy had always tended whenever possible towards a Balkan
federation, explained to King Constantine in a memorandum of
Jan. ii the necessity of securing the cooperation not only of
Rumania but of Bulgaria as well, and declared that in exchange
for Bulgaria's active cooperation in a war which must result in
" the creation of a real Magna Graeda " he would not hesitate
to sacrifice Kavalla (the port in western Macedonia chiefly
coveted by Bulgaria); and in a third memorandum (Jan. 17)
he defined the territory in Asia Minor " a province of 125,000
sq. km. as large as and no less rich than the whole kingdom of
Greece and containing 800,000 Greek inhabitants " which
might be secured in exchange for the 2,000 sq. km. of the Kavalla
district, the population of which need not necessarily be lost
to Greece. These negotiations were frustrated primarily by the
attitude of Bulgaria.
On Feb. 19, at the time of the preliminary attack by the
British fleet on the Dardanelles, Venizelos, realizing that a
landing force would be required, took up again the question of
Greek cooperation. By a fourth memorandum (unpublished)
he believed that he had succeeded in gaining the King's assent
to the mobilization of one army corps to join in the Allied
attack on Turkey, but he was checked by the immediate resigna-
tion of Col. John Metaxas, chief of the general staff. He there-
fore called a Crown Council of former premiers, under the
presidency of the King (March 5), at which his proposal was
favourably received by the leaders of all parties, including the
1 The exact terms of this declaration have never been published ;
the text is taken from a speech of Venizelos in Aug. 1917.
ex-premiers Ralli and Dragoumes. At the suggestion of the
ex-premier Theotokes a second Crown Council was held (March
6) in order to hear the reasons for the continued opposition of
the general staff. At this meeting Venizelos, influenced by
information from Constantinople (Feb. 29) that the Turks were
already preparing to evacuate their still unfortified capital,
attempted to meet the arguments of the general staff (against
the denudation of the frontier of troops which might be required
in view of the possibility of a Bulgarian attack), by proposing
that not an army corps but only one division should be sent
to the Dardanelles. This proposal was unanimously adopted
by the Crown Council and even the ex-premier Theotokes, who
never wavered in his personal preference for neutrality, advised
the King that it was his dutyto follow the advice of the Govern-
ment of Venizelos without further hesitation. Nevertheless,
King Constantine refused, demanded the resignation of Venizelos
(March 6), and dissolved the Chamber (April 10).
Venizelos in Conflict with the King. A new Government was
formed on March 10 by D. Gounares, who declared that the
basis of Greek policy in loyalty to Serbia would remain unaf-
fected by the change of Government; and in the following month,
when Bulgarian " irregulars " raided the Nish-Salonika railway,
associated Greece with the Serbian protest at Sofia. The
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Zografos, " honestly adopted all
that was possible of the Liberal policy, the foundation of which
was a very benevolent neutrality towards the Entente with a
firm determination never to allow a Bulgarian attack on Serbia " ;
he continued for some weeks to negotiate with the Governments
of the Entente, who on April 11 specifically offered the vilayet
of Smyrna, but his sincere proposals were overtaken by the
extravagant stipulations attached to them by the general staff.
In the following month further offers of Greek cooperation
were made through less formal channels, such as the suggestion
(May 2) that Greece would lend the assistance of her fleet if
guaranteed against Bulgarian attack. But the P'rench Govern-
ment, to which at this period most of these offers were addressed,
replied that all proposals of assistance must be unconditional.
Other offers were left unanswered by the French and British
Governments, which were convinced of the insincerity of these
proposals; not only because the Government of Gounares had
taken office on the specific programme of maintaining Greek
neutrality, and was believed to be putting forward these sugges-
tions (as ex-President Poincare subsequently stated on Dec. 9
1920) as a manoeuvre directed against the Liberal party on the
eve of the elections; but also because the real government of
the country had been taken over by the King, who from this
time forward assumed the right of negotiating directly with
foreign Powers either through their ministers in Athens or
through his brothers, one of whom would be sent from time to
time on a tour of the western courts.
King Constantine was at the beginning of the war honestly
neutral, but his mind was overwhelmingly impressed by German
military prestige, and influenced by the German training of
some of the most capable officers of the general staff. He was
convinced by sentiment and environment, in spite of the logic
of Venizelos, that Germany was going to win. The German
press propaganda, well organized under Baron Schenck, was
meanwhile very active, and as Germany had nothing to hope for
from Greece beyond her neutrality, it directed all its efforts not
only to strengthen the politicians opposed to Venizelos but also
to popularize the King's own person and policy. At the elections
which were finally held on June 13 the voters were definitely
told that a vote cast against Venizelos, against the Liberal
party, meant a vote for their King and a vote for peace. It is
therefore somewhat remarkable that although Venizelos himself
took no part in the elections, his party, with a programme of
intervention, won a majority of 58 seats in a house of 310.
(In Old Greece alone they won 123 seats out of 184, but lost
heavily in Macedonia.) .
In spite of this result Gounares remained in office. As the
King had fallen ill, Gounares insisted that this precluded him
from considering any change of policy that mighl; be necessitated
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GREECE
by a change of Government; and the interval was used by the
German propaganda which had now obtained a firm hold on a
certain section of the press, in conjunction with the counsellors
of German sentiment within the palace, to wean public opinion
from the ideas of confidence in Venizelos and loyalty to Serbia.
In July an agreement was signed between Turkey and Bulgaria,
an agreement which was declared by The Times correspondent
in the Balkans Quly 15) to be " of no political importance."
The Greek press, less credulous, perceived the danger, and on
Aug. 2 Gounares officially declared that " a Bulgarian attack
on Serbia could not leave us indifferent, and the Turco-Bulgarian
agreement will only strengthen the bonds between Greece and
Serbia." Yet it is significant that on July 30 the Greek minister
at Bucharest was informed by his English colleague that Germany
had formally promised Bulgaria that Greek neutrality was
definitely assured even in face of a Bulgarian attack on Serbia.
At last on Aug. 23 Venizelos was recalled to office. He had
to face a strong opposition, composed of jealous party leaders,
great provincial families, and local politicians whose positions
had been endangered by the reforms of 1910-1; and this oppo-
sition of personal hostility to Venizelos was cleverly utilized
by the German propaganda, which had only to identify the
policy of loyalty to Serbia and to the protecting Powers with
the figure of Venizelos in order to make this mixed opposition
into a compact body of opinion working in effect if not in inten-
tion for Germany. The first act of Venizelos on taking office
was to inform Serbia as well as Germany and the protecting
Powers that his policy was to preserve Serbia from Bulgarian
attack, and his dispatch to the German Government expressed
the hope that Germany " would not fail to exercise all her influence
in order to restrain Bulgaria from attacking Serbia, and would
thus ensure the preservation of peace on the Greek frontiers."
Germany and Bulgaria, however, had received information from
other quarters to a very different effect. Bulgaria mobilized
on Sept. 23, and three days later the Bulgarian premier publicly
reassured his followers on the subject of Greek and Rumanian
neutrality. Venizelos accordingly ordered a counter-mobilization,
and was then reminded at the Palace that, as the King did not
want to fight Germany, this must be regarded only as a " precau-
tionary measure"; he agreed, and, having received an assurance
from Sofia that Bulgaria had no intention of attacking either
Greece or Serbia, explained in the Chamber (Sept. 29) that in
spite of Bulgaria's declared intention of maintaining an " armed
neutrality " the situation was grave, and suggested that it
might be easily improved by a simultaneous demobilization.
At this time the opposition press began to develop for the first
time the suggestion, which proceeded from the general staff,
that Serbia was not in a position to carry out her obligation,
under the military convention annexed to the Greco-Serbian
Treaty, to put 150,000 men into the field for the operations
against Bulgaria. And Venizelos, in the course of his discussions
with the King, who at this time disputed neither the validity
of the Greco-Serbian Treaty nor the authority of his prime
minister as head of a constitutionally elected Government, but
could only repeat that he did not want to fight Germany, was
authorized to meet the arguments of the general staff by asking
France and England to supply in place of Serbia the 150,000
bayonets stipulated by the military convention. The King
subsequently changed his mind, but the invitation had already
been sent. On Oct. 2 a note from the French Minister announced
the arrival at Salonika of the first French troops " in order to 1
assist Serbia," France and England assuming " that Greece . . .
will not oppose measures taken in the interests of Serbia who is
her ally." At this the King pointed out that the troops must
not land until Bulgaria attacked Serbia; for the Treaty would
not come into force until Bulgaria declared war, and until that
moment the landing of foreign troops would be a violation of
Greek neutrality; and Venizelos accordingly himself formally
protested against the disembarkation, which would, however,
it was understood, be facilitated in every possible manner. On
Oct. 4 Venizelos explained in the Greek Chamber his intention
of respecting the Greco-Serbian Treaty and using the Greek
army to protect the Serbian flank: " Greece has no immediate
quarrel with Germany and Austria: but if in the course of
events in the Balkan peninsula she should find herself faced by
other Powers, she will act as her honour demands. Such is
the policy of the present Government. I would add that it has
been approved by the Greek nation at the recent elections."
In the debate that followed M. Gounares declared for the first
time his view that the Treaty with Serbia was only applicable
to a purely Balkan war. Venizelos received the confidence of
the Chamber by a majority of 46. On the following morning
he was dismissed from office by the King, who entrusted the
formation of a Government to M. Zaimes.
M. Zaimes announced a policy of "armed neutrality," and in
replying on Oct. n to a Serbian appeal for assistance (which
England supported with the offer to cede Cyprus, an offer
withdrawn on Oct. 22), he developed the argument that the
Treaty had a " purely Balkan character," and applied only
to a " war between one of the Allied States and a single other
Power." He added the remarkable sophism that " even in the
course of the European War, Greece was ready to face the
Bulgarian danger. . . ." But Greece anticipated a Bulgarian
attack undertaken separately even though in conjunction with
other hostilities directed against Serbia. The hypothesis of a
combined attack with other Powers was outside the question.
The Venizelist majority in the Chamber continued to support
the new Government, on the understanding that Greek neutral-
ity, as announced by M. Zaimes, was not less " benevolent "
than before, until Nov. 3 when an incident produced by Gen.
Giannakitsas, the Minister for War, provoked Venizelos to
defeat the Government by 33 votes. On the following day Gen.
Giannakitsas was given an appointment at court. The King
dismissed the Chamber (Nov. 6), and a Government was formed
by M. Skouloudes, a wealthy old man of good repute but weak
character, who elaborated the now usual declaration (Nov. 9)
of " very benevolent neutrality " towards the Entente.
The elections for the new Chamber were held on Dec. 19.
Venizelos and the Liberal party decided to abstain from the
polls, as a protest against what they regarded as an unconstitu-
tional use of the King's authority in this second dissolution of
the Chamber. The Liberals had the barren satisfaction of
noting that only 230,000 votes were polled as against 720,000
recorded in the previous June. M. Skouloudes, now wholly
under the influence of the Palace and the general staff, soon
found that the practice of " very benevolent neutrality " was less
easy than the profession. He was driven to admit that there
were only two sorts of neutrality, voluntary and involuntary.
In April he refused permission for the use of Greek railways for
the transport of the Serbian army overland from Corfu to Salon-
ika; and the manner of his refusal gave further offence to France.
On May 23 he received from the German minister a notifica-
tion that For,t Rupel, a key position of great importance in the
passes entering eastern Macedonia, would shortly be occupied
as a " purely defensive " measure and without prejudice to
Greek sovereignty. Two days later the fortress and its contents
were duly surrendered by the Greek garrison to German and
Bulgarian troops. M. Skouloudes possibly argued that if he
was to remain neutral he could not refuse to Germany facilities
which he had granted to the Allied forces at Salonika. Unfortu-
nately he denied all knowledge of the incident when questioned
in the Chamber on June 6, and his attitude was the beginning
of a period of almost open hostility between the Greek Gov-
ernment and the Allies. " By adopting a passive attitude in
face of an invasion which might weaken the position of the
Allies, Greece appeared to be abandoning her policy of benevo-
lent neutrality," telegraphed the Greek charge d'affaires from
Paris. The incident led to violent attacks on King Constantine;
he was as violently defended by the German propaganda and
by his own supporters in Athens; and now, embittered by
these attacks, it must be assumed that he began definitely to
desire a German victory.
On June 3 Gen. Sarrail proclaimed martial law at Salonika
On June 21 the Allied ministers presented a note, drafted a
GREECE
307
the British Legation, in which they demanded in the name of the
three guaranteeing Powers (Puissances garanties) the demobiliza-
tion of the army, a general election, the formation of a non-
political or " business " ministry to carry out these changes,
and the replacement of certain police officials who were supposed
to be in close relations with the German propaganda. M.
Skouloudes resigned, and M. Zaimes again took office (June 23)
in order to accept performance of the note. Demobilization
was at last begun on June 29. The army had been kept mobilized
at great expense to the State for nine months, and as the Govern-
ment had had no intention of entering the war, the only reason
for keeping it on a war footing had been in order to increase the
political power of the general staff. In order to continue this
influence the demobilized men were now organized into " leagues
of reservists " pledged to impose what was now definitely
known as the King's policy in opposition to that of the Liberal
party, and to form in practice centres of German propaganda
' and of active hostility to the Allies. In July and Aug. the Bul-
garians advanced, and occupied almost the whole of eastern Mace-
donia, including the port of Kavalla, the Greek garrison of
which, amounting to 8,000 men, was instructed to surrender to
the invaders (Aug. 28) and was subsequently deported and in-
terned at Gorlitz in Germany. The Bulgarian invasion of Mace-
donia greatly embittered the feelings of the Entente Powers and
of Greek Liberals against King Constantine; and when the inva-
sion extended to western Macedonia it also led to the abandon-
ment (very unfortunately) of the proposed election, the Liberals
not caring to insist on carrying through an election without the
Macedonian constituencies. The Chamber was not dissolved
but adjourned (June 29), and was recalled on Nov. 13.
The evident sincerity of M. Zaimes, however, produced a
temporary improvement of the relations between the Allies
and the Greek Government. Venizelos promised to give his
unconditional support to any government that would follow
a policy of intervention; and King Constantine, in order to calm
the popular excitement produced by Rumania's decision to enter
the war and by the Bulgarian invasion of Macedonia, let it be
known that he had authorized M. Zaimes to reopen negotiations
with the Entente. On the eve of Rumania's declaration of war
(Aug. 27) Venizelos at a mass meeting of his supporters made
a final appeal to the Government and to the King to take this
opportunity of associating Greece with the Allies before it was
too late. King Constantine refused to receive a deputation
elected by this meeting. On Sept. i a revolutionary movement
was started by some of Venizelos's most prominent supporters
at Salonika (P. Argyropoulos and Col. Zymbrakakes), who
established a Committee of National Defence with the object
of reenforcing the Allies with such troops as they could gather
and helping them to drive the Bulgarians from Greek soil. On
Sept. 2 a further Entente note, supported by the presence of
the Allied fleet at the Piraeus, demanded the control of the
posts and telegraphs and the expulsion of certain enemy agents
who under the protection of the Palace were thought to be
endangering the plans of the Allied forces at Salonika; and
on Sept. ir Zaimes resigned, finding it impossible, owing to
the action of the Palace, honestly to satisfy the Allies by stop-
ping the hostile tendencies in the capital.
A new Government was not formed till Sept. 16, when M.
Kalogeropoulos took office but was not recognized by the Allied
ministers, whom he was unable to satisfy as to his capacity to
restore a more tranquil atmosphere. On Sept. 25 Venizelos left
Athens, and, being joined in Crete by Admiral Kountouriotes
and Gen. Dankles, proclaimed a revolutionary movement,
intended not to displace the throne and the central Government
but to force their hands by concentrating and displaying the
strength of the Liberal and interventionist parties. This
triumvirate, after gathering supporters by a tour of the Aegean
islands (Samos, Mytilene and Chios), landed two days later at
Salonika and, absorbing the Committee of National Defence,
organized a Provisional Government which took on all the
functions of a sovereign administration in alliance with the
Allied forces, raised a Greek " Army of National Defence,"
and a month later declared war against Germany and Bulgaria.
It was not, however, officially recognized by the Allied Powers.
" Whenever we find part of the Greek community which is in
fact under the Government of M.^Venizelos," said Lord Robert
Cecil after an Allied conference at Boulogne (Oct. 20), " where
the majority of the population recognize him as their Govern-
ment we recognize it as de facto the ruler of that portion of
Greece." This cautious attitude contributed to the prestige
still enjoyed by King Constantine at Athens, and enabled his
League of Reservists to terrorize the ordinary population
throughout the country. The report was spread that Venizelists
were fomenting a revolution in Athens, and it was suggested
that anyone who favoured the Allies was a dangerous rebel.
On Oct. 10 a new government had been formed by Prof. S.
Lambros, who obeyed the Palace and the general staff.
On Nov. 19, at 48 hours' notice, the French Adml. Dartige
du Fournet, in command of the Allied fleet, expelled from Athens
the ministers of the enemy Powers, Gen. Sarrail, who had just
reoccupied Monastir, being now seriously alarmed about the
safety of his left flank owing to the continual communications
which were said to be passing between the Palace at Athens
and the headquarters of the Central Powers, and owing to the
appearance of Greek irregular bands in the neutral zone which
had been established in Macedonia between the spheres of the
Athens and Salonika Governments. On Nov. 24 the Admiral
demanded the surrender of a considerable part of the Greek
army's artillery ;' this demand was the result of a private interview
between the King and a French deputy, M. Benazet, who had
visited Athens at the end of Oct. and understood that the King
would willingly comply. Two days later some detachments of
French troops were landed, followed on Dec. i, the day on
which the time limit accorded by the Admiral expired, by 2,500
French and British marines, the Admiral being confident that no
resistance would be offered and that only a show of force was
needed. The troops were approaching Athens when they were
attacked with machine-gun fire by Greek troops posted in
prepared positions. Many were killed and wounded, and the
remainder were escorted as prisoners back to their ships, while
the Admiral himself was a prisoner in the Zappeion gardens,
which he had made his headquarters, until the Allied fleet
dropped a few shells in the gardens of the Palace. The French
and British ministers retired to their warships and for two days
the capital was given over to the excesses of the troops and
reservists, who, excited by reports of a Venizelist plot to dethrone
the King, hunted down as rebels and traitors all prominent
citizens suspected of Venizelist tendencies. On Dec. 7 the Allied
fleet began a close blockade of the Greek coasts. A week later
a note from the Three Powers and Italy demanded reparation,
and the withdrawal of all troops and arms to the Peloponnesus;
and on Dec. 19 England officially recognized the " Provisional
Government of National Defence," and sent Lord Granville to
Salonika as British envoy. On Dec. 31 a further note from the
Protecting Powers demanded a reduction of armed forces, the
transfer of all armament to the Peloponnesus, the cessation of
Reservists' meetings and of the arming of civilians, the re-
establishment of the control officers (who had been expelled
from the telegraphs, etc., on Dec. i), the release of political
prisoners, and apologies; and on Jan. 8, after an Allied Conference
at Rome, a further note gave the Royal Government a week for
the acceptance of these demands, but assured it that the
Provisional Government of Salonika should not be permitted
to extend its power or threaten the capital.
On Jan. 16 the Government accepted these terms, and by way
of apology the flags of the Allies were formally saluted by Greek
troops at the Zappeion. The blockade was, however, maintained,
as King Constantine and his Queen were holding out in expecta-
tion of a German offensive in Macedonia, and, while organizing
Greek irregulars in the Thessalian neutral zone, were sending
frantic wireless messages to Berlin, one of which, for example,
addressed to the German Emperor, prayed " that God grant you
1 Eighteen field batteries, 6 mountain batteries, 4,000 rifles, 140
machine-guns, with ammunition, etc.
3 o8
GREECE
very soon a glorious victory over all your infamous enemies."
Once more, however, the tension died down; King Constantine
probably realized that the prospects of a German offensive on
a large scale in Macedonia were very remote; his confidence
must have been shaken by America's entry into the war (April) ;
and, although the Russian revolution in March had deprived him
of some diplomatic support, there were still influences abroad
which enabled him to reopen relations of " friendly neutrality "
when the French and British ministers returned to their lega-
tions in March. At the end of the month one or two of the
Venizelist hewspapers, whose presses had all been broken up in
Dec. by the Royalist mob, ventured to reappear. On the other
hand the replacement of the French Government of M. Briand
by that of M. Ribot probably disposed France for a more drastic
policy. The King's less truculent attitude, reflected in the
reappearance of M. Zaimes as prime minister (May 3), was
now confronted by more firmness in the councils of the Allies.
Deposition of Constantine. At the end of May the Allies
were at last agreed that the professed neutrality of King
Constantine was not genuine enough to be respected. On June 6
M. Jonnart, a French senator, arrived in Greece as commissioner
of the Three Powers, and, after conferences at Salonika, returned
to Salamis and on June n presented the Greek Government with
a note which demanded the abdication of King Constantine,
" who would himself choose, in accord with the Protecting
Powers, a successor among his heirs." The Greek Government,
required to give an answer within 24 hours, was also informed
that the Crown Prince would be excluded from the succession
(on account of his German sentiments) and that the King, after
his departure and subject to his good behaviour, would be
guaranteed a pension of 20,000. On the following morning
(June 12) M. Zaimes informed the High Commissioner that
the King, " anxious as always for the welfare of Greece, had
decided to leave the country together with the Prince Royal,
and had chosen as his successor Prince Alexander " (his second
son, born Aug. I 1893); and the same night King Constantine
left Athens and made his way to Switzerland, with his family
and suite, which included his chief political adviser, M. Streit.
General Dousmanes and other officers of the general staff, with
M. Gounares and other politicians notorious for their German
sentiments, were deported to Corsica; and with them M. Ion
Dragoumes, a brilliant and rising writer, diplomatist and
politician, who while not hostile to the Allies was regarded as
dangerous owing to the extravagance of his hatred of Venizelos.
On June 26 Venizelos himself returned to Athens and with
the members of his Government, after the resignation of M.
Zaimes, took the oath of allegiance to King Alexander. French
troops had been landed in Athens on M. Jonnart's arrival, and
had also advanced into Thessaly to secure the harvest. Venizelos
had repeatedly asked the Allies to suspend the neutral zone
and allow the Salonika Government to advance into Thessaly and
also to march against the Athenian Government, which could
have offered very little resistance; for at the time the Salonika
Government had raised an army of 60,000 men, " well organized
in three divisions, with a fourth division, that of the Cyclades and
Ionian islands, ready for immediate equipment." The Allies
had refused the request, not wishing to permit any outbreak
of civil war, however brief. They quite naturally preferred
to effect the purgation of the Athenian state without bloodshed;
but .the presence of French troops in Athens during the month
of June exposed Venizelos to the charge of having been restored
to power by " foreign bayonets."
Greece in the War. On June 29 the reunited Greek Govern-
ment declared war against the Central Powers. The Chamber
of June 13 1915, which King Constantine had dissolved on
Nov. 6 1915, was recalled, and in a great speech (Aug. 26 1917)
Venizelos explained to the legally elected representatives of
the Greek people the causes of his policy from the beginning
of the war and of two conflicts with King Constantine. Of 198
deputies present 188 voted for the resolution of plenary con-
fidence in the Government. Yet the passions aroused by these
conflicts and by the respective propagandas were not easily
stilled. A large number of officers who refused to disavow their
allegiance to King Constantine were cashiered, and many civil
servants who refused to acknowledge the authority of the new
Government were also removed. Of the civil servants all but
about 400 (out of a civil service amounting to some 30,000
persons) had been reinstated at their own request by May 1920,
in spite of the difficulties created by the duplication of staff
effected by the Salonika administration; and of these 400 many
remained unemployed, not for political reasons but on account
of their official incompetence. But the reinstatement of officers
was less easy owing to questions of seniority involved, and the
Loyalist officers remained as an element of irreconcilable
discontent to be exploited by a sedulous propaganda conducted
by the ex-King Constantine from his exile in Switzerland.
Several mutinies occurred during the mobilization of the army,
which were quickly suppressed; but the shooting of the ring-
leaders, inevitable in a state of war, left a painful impression.
In Nov. 1917 Venizelos \isite I Paris and London, where he was
entertained at the Mansion House, and secured supplies of food,
all stocks having been exhausted c uring the Allied blockade, as
well as munitions and equipment for the Greek army. By April
1918 the mobilization was complete. The Greek forces, which
were successfully tested in a preliminary action at Skra di Legen
(May 30), amounted in July to 10 divisions, about 250,000 men,
and gave the Allies for the first time a definite superiority on
the Macedonian front. The Allies were thus enabled to plan
in Aug. the great offensive which was opened in the following
month and culminated, after the Greek troops had distinguished
themselves with the British at the storming of the Doiran
heights (Sept. 22), in the capitulation of Bulgaria (Sept. 30).
After the War. Venizelos arrived in Paris at the end of the
year and soon became one of the leading figures at the Peace
Conference, which opened in Jan. 1919. The Greek delegation
signed before the Supreme Council of the Allies the Greek claims
for the annexation of northern Epirus, Thrace, Smyrna with a
large portion of the western littoral of Asia Minor, and the
Dodecanese; and for the internationalization of Constantinople.
Meanwhile Greek troops had taken part in the unfortunate
French expedition to south Russia, and the Greek army and fleet
had been represented in the Allied occupation of Constantinople.
But the number of statistical factors involved, the tendency of
the Council of Ten, not less than that of the subsequent Supreme
Council of Four, to postpone difficult problems, and the con-
flicting ambitions and policies of the Great Powers in the Near
East, combined to keep the future of Greece in suspense for
two years after the conclusion of hostilities. As affecting
Bulgaria the Greek claims were settled by the Treaty of Neuilly,
to which was annexed a Greco-Bulgarian convention for the
protection of racial minorities, etc. (Nov. 27 1919), by which
Bulgaria was cut off from the Aegean. But the Turkish problem
in which all the Powers were interested remained to be dealt
with in the following year. The armistice concluded with Turkey
(Oct. 30 1918) had unfortunately made very incomplete provision
for the disarmament of the Turkish forces, and it was partly in
order to restore order in Asia Minor and protect the Christian
populations that Venizelos, after a first presentation of his
Turkish argument, obtained an authorization for Greek troops
to occupy Smyrna (May 14 1919). Unfortunately, owing to the
defective arrangements of the Greek authorities, the landing was
followed by a disturbance in which the Greek troops and local
population got out of hand and about 20 Turks were shot down in
the streets. The Greek Government immediately set up a court-
martial which passed severe sentences on 48 Greeks (three of
whom were executed), 13 Turks, 12 Armenians and one Jew
involved in the riots. Subsequently an Inter-Allied Commission
of British, French, American and Italian officers was sent out to
investigate, but its report was never published as by an over-
sight the decision of the Supreme Council, that a Greek officer
should be present at the investigations, had been ignored. In
Sept. leading British residents of Smyrna testified to the admira-
ble impartiality of the new Greek commissioner M. Sterghiades.
But the suppression of this report, as well as similar incidents said
GREECE
309
to have occurred at the end of June at Aidin, where the Turks
had burned the Greek quarter and murdered many of the
inhabitants, gave rise in ensuing discussions of the Turkish
solution to very severe criticisms of Greek capacity for ruling
a mixed population. When the Supreme Council met in London
in Feb. 1920 the presentation of the Greek case was opposed
by a strong Moslem propaganda, while the Turkish irregular
armed forces in Asia Minor, retreating beyond the limits set
by the Supreme Council to the Greek army of occupation, were
developed by Mustafa Kemal Pasha into a Turkish Nationalist
movement definitely hostile to the Allies; and after the Supreme
Council had announced (Feb. 21) their decision to allow the
Sultan to remain in Constantinople, where -he would be more
amenable to Allied persuasion, the Turkish authorities professed
to be unable to control Kemal, who declared his independence
and established an Anatolian Government at Angora.
At a further conference at San Remo the Allies completed the
draft of the treaty and handed it to the Turkish delegates (May
n), and at the beginning of July at another conference at Spa
Venizelos received from the Supreme Council a mandate for the
Greek army to restore order in the whole north-western district
of Asia Minor, beyond the frontiers of the Smyrna district, as
well as in Thrace, where similar disorders had arisen. The Greek
army occupied Thrace and entered Adrianople on July 25.
" Venizelos -expressed the opinion," said Mr. Lloyd George in
the House of Commons (July 21), " that he would be able to
clear up the whole neighbourhood between Smyrna and the
Dardanelles in 15 days. . . . The Greek troops, well organized
and admirably led . . . did so in 10 days."
Treaty of Sevres. The business-like way in which the Greek
army carried out this mandate was held to justify the terms of
the Treaty of Sevres, finally signed on Aug. 19, by which the
whole of Turkish Thrace from Adrianople up to Chatalja and
Derkos, within 20 m. of Constantinople, including Gallipoli
and the northern shore of the sea of Marmora (subject to an
International C6mmission which was to control the zone of
the Straits), was definitely ceded to Greece; together with the
islands of Tenedos and Imbros and all the Aegean islands already
in Greek occupation; the Smyrna district with its hinterland
was placed under Greek administration, with provision for the
exhibition of a nominal symbol of Turkish sovereignty, and
subject to the rule of a local parliament, elected by prjportional
representation, on the demand of which after five years the
territory might be definitely incorporated in the Greek kingdom;
while Rhodes and the other islands of the Dodecanese were
ceded to Italy, but transferred to Greece by a Greco-Italian
convention signed on the same day and incorporating the terms
of the Venizelos-Tittoni agreement.
After thus concluding his diplomatic labours Venizelos was
leaving Paris (Aug. 12 1920) when an attempt to assassinate him
was made by two ex-officers of the Greek navy (Tserepes and
Kyriakos). The crime was reasonably suspected to have been
instigated by King Constantine's propaganda; it was extolled as
a glorious tyrannicide by the Royalist press. When the news
reached Athens the mob broke loose and looted the houses
of many anti-Venizelist politicians, with the connivance of the
police, who were also responsible for the brutal murder, after
his precautionary arrest, of M. Ion Dragoumes; and although
Venizelos telegraphed his horror at the crime he failed, after
his return to Athens, publicly to censure the Government for
their negligence.
Fall of Venizelos, During his absence from the country
Venizelos had left as vice-president of the Council his Minister
of the Interior, M. Repoules. With the growing pressure of
public affairs, however, Venizelos had become separated from
any healthy contact with the community at home. Often, too,
he was unfortunate in his choice of administrative subordinates.
A mendacious propaganda was kept up by King Constantine's
agents that the people were being persecuted and oppressed;
and their attempts to stir up seditions and conspiracies made it
impossible to relax any of the stringent measures of censorship
which gave colour to the tale. Venizelos had attempted in May to
repeal some of the provisions of martial law, retaining only
those measures strictly necessitated by the state of war in Asia
Minor, but had quickly been obliged to revoke the concession.
Meanwhile, the country districts suffered even more severely than
the towns under the burden of mobilization, from which they
had known little release since 1912. When Venizelos returned
to Greece, and presented to the Chamber (Sept. 7) the three
treaties with Turkey, Bulgaria and Italy, he was, indeed,
unanimously thanked as the saviour of his country, and was able
to announce that on the imminent dissolution of the Chamber all
restrictions of civil liberty would be abolished, so that the
elections in the autumn should be held under constitutional
conditions. He only made the condition that the return of King
Constantine should not become an issue. The opposition,
whose strength Venizelos unduly neglected, consisted of a
coalition of prominent politicians united only by their hatred of
himself. The situation was changed by the death of King
Alexander, from the bite of a monkey, on Oct. 25. At a special
session (Oct. 28) of the Chamber dissolved on Sept. 23, the
Government advised the election as regent of Adml. Koun-
touriotes and the offer of the crown to Prince Paul, Con-
stantine's third son, whom they regarded as the only consti-
tutional successor. Prince Paul replied that " the Throne does
not belong to me; it belongs to my august father King Con-
stantine and constitutionally my eldest brother is his suc-
cessor. Neither of them has ever renounced his rights. . . .
I would only ascend the Throne if the Hellenic people were to
decide that it did not want the return of my august father, and
were to exclude the Crown Prince George from his right of
succession"; and then it became clear that the restoration of
Constantine must be the real issue at the general election fixed
for Nov. 14. The Opposition jumped at the heaven-sent election
cry, while Venizelos was content to announce that if defeated
he would retire from public life. The result came as a surprise
to both parties. Only 120 Liberals were elected as against 246
members of the Opposition (and four Independents); and
although the result failed to represent the real strength of the
Venizelists in the country (it was calculated that proportional
representation would have returned 200 Venizelists) and they
still remained the larger single party in the Chamber, it was
impossible to minimize the catastrophic nature of their downfall.
Venizelos immediately resigned, and with many of his ministers
and officials left the country, and a Government was formed by
the aged Demetrius Ralli, which entrusted the regency to the
Dowager Queen Olga (who had come to Athens for the funeral).
Return of Constantine. On Dec. 5 a plebiscite was held on
the question of the return of King Constantine, from which the
Liberals decided to abstain, announcing that they were content
loyally to abide by the result of the election. The British,
French and Italian Governments issued a proclamation re-
minding the Greek people that the actions of King Constantine
had been hostile to the Allies and " reserving to themselves
complete liberty in dealing with the situation "if he were re-
called. Nevertheless, 999,954 votes out of 1,013,724 were said to
have been cast in favour of the King's return. King Con-
stantine, with his Queen and retainers, returned triumphantly
to Athens on Dec. 19 and was received with enthusiasm.
The Allied Powers refused, however, to recognize him, and with-
drew the financial assistance which Greece had been receiving.
The withdrawal of Allied support was serious. Mustafa Kemal's
Anatolian movement was still gaining in strength; he had estab-
lished a Nationalist " Parliament " at Angora which entirely
repudiated the Treaty of Sevres, and had also established
communications with Russia; thus vitalized, he was threatening
the French occupation in Cilicia and endangering the whole
Allied arrangement in the Levant. Accordingly a strong section
of Allied opinion, especially in France, seeking a quick and
economic settlement, thought that Kemal should be pacified
by negotiation and by concessions in Asia Minor; and that the
restoration of King Constantine was an excellent pretext for
revising the whole treaty (which, though signed, had not been
ratified) in Turkey's favour and at the expense of Greece.
310
Accordingly' a conference of the three Powers (England, France
and Italy) met in London on Feb. 21 1921, and was attended by
two Turkish delegations from Constantinople and Angora,
while Greece was represented by M. Kalogeropoulos, who had
become prime minister on Feb. 7. The two Turkish delegations
coalesced with dignity, the Constantinople delegate retiring to
bed and leaving the Turkish case in the hands of the Nationalist
delegate from Angora. M. Kalogeropoulos, on the other hand,
violently rejected semi-official attempts to persuade him to
cooperate in defending the treaty with M. Venizelos, who had
come to London in order to plead in his private capacity against
the penalization of the Greek people. The Supreme Council
first proposed that an Inter-Allied Commission of Inquiry
should be sent out to investigate the racial and other problems
involved in the questions of Thrace and Smyrna. This proposal
having been rejected by Greece, the Conference (March 12)
submitted to the delegates its own proposals for modifying the
treaty. These, while leaving the Greeks undisturbed in Thrace,
strengthened the Turkish position in Constantinople and made
certain financial concessions to the Turks; while for Smyrna they
proposed a complicated regime of which the principal provisions
were the following: the vilayet of Smyrna was to remain under
Turkish sovereignty; a Greek garrison would remain in Smyrna,
but elsewhere order was to be maintained by a gendarmerie
under Allied officers and recruited in proportion to the numbers
and distribution of the population in each district as reported by
an Inter- Allied Commission; the same proportional arrangement
would apply to the administration; and a Christian governor
would be appointed by the League of Nations with an elective
assembly and council. No definite replies to these proposed
modifications of the treaty were received from either party;
but on March 24 the Greeks opened an offensive against the
Nationalist position, and before the end of the month had seized
the important railway junctions of Afiun Kara Hissar and Eski-
shehr on the line to Angora. North-west of Eskishehr, however,
they were heavily defeated (April 2), and after losing 4,000
killed and wounded were compelled to retreat all along the
line to their old positions. The reverse was not surprising,
as on the eve of the offensive the Government had removed
from their commands all the higher officers of Venizelist senti-
ments and replaced them by Royalists. On April 7 Gounares,
who had visited London and Paris during the last days of the
Conference, became prime minister. At the same time the
centenary of the independence of the Greek kingdom was
rather gloomily celebrated (April 7) and was marked by the can-
onization of the Patriarch Gregory V.
The new Chamber, which had met on Feb. i and declared
itself a national constituent assembly, was a very representative
collection of all the reactionary elements which had been swept
out of Greek politics in 1910; indeed, some of the most prominent
figures in it had not been heard of since 1897. After voting a
large increase in the King's civil list as well as all the arrears of
the pension promised him in 1917 it spent most of its time in
denouncing such traces as were left of the Venizelist " tyranny,"
including the introduction into the national schools of the popular
or demotic language. M. Gounares had on his programme many
ambitious proposals for the revision of the constitution provid-
ing for women's votes; for an industrial council of not more than
200 representatives of legally organized trades to advise the
Legislature on social and economic questions and draw up bills
for submission to the Government and Chamber; for a plebiscite
to be held under certain conditions on the demand of king,
Chamber or a fixed number of citizens; for a " service " Govern-
ment of permanent civil servants, etc., to carry out elections after
a dissolution, etc. He was also said to be contemplating decen-
tralization in local government in the direction of provincial
(monarchical) autonomy. But at the end of May the National
Assembly was still discussing generous proposals for the com-
pensation of all those who had suffered for political reasons since
1917. The Treasury was empty; but the spirits of the populace,
who had begun to get uneasy at the continual postponement of
the new offensive, the depreciation of the exchange and the rise
GREELY, A. W.
in the cost of living, were maintained by a mendacious propa-
ganda, one of the favourite legends of which was that England
was secretly helping King Constantine in his war against Turkey
with supplies of money, and munitions, and even with army
and fleet. On May 20 the British, French and Italian High
Commissioners in Constantinople proclaimed the strict neutral-
ity during the Greco-Turkish " state of war " of all districts
in their military occupation (i.e. the " Zone of the Straits ").
But some colour was lent to these Athenian rumours at the
beginning of June when British relations with the Nationalists
of Angora were severely strained; and on June n (anniversary
of the fall of Constantinople and death of Constantine
Palaeologus in 1453) King Constantine left for the Smyrna front
amid a frenzy of hysterical flattery, hailed by the Government
press as emperor designate of Constantinople and as commander
of the Anglo-Greek forces in the Near East.
Soon afterwards the Powers made another attempt to tran-
quillize Asia Minor before the Greek offensive should open. On
June 21 the ministers of the three Powers handed the Greek
Government a note in which they offered their " friendly
services to prevent the reopening of hostilities in the Near East
and to secure an honourable and lasting peace." Four days later
the Greek Government, after consultations with the King at
Smyrna, replied that Greece, while thanking " her great Allies "
for their offer of mediation, could not postpone the offensive
as by imposing the terms of the Treaty of Sevres she was only
continuing the task undertaken in conjunction with " her great
Allies " during the war, and that the Turkish question could only
be solved by force of arms. On June 28 the Greek forces evacu-
ated Nikomeeia (Izmid), and the offensive finally opened on
July 19. After a few days the Greek army had again seized
Eskishehr and Afiun Kara Hissar as well as Kutahia. A month
later they had reached Sivri Hissar, within 60 m. of Angora,
but a check came at the end of August, and in September both
sides had fought themselves to a standstill.
AUTHORITIES. I. General: Kenneth Brown, Constantine, King
and Traitor (1917); D. J. Cassavetti, Hellas and the Balkan Wars
(1914); S. B. Chester, Life of Venizelos (1921); Walter Christmas,
King George of Greece (1914); L. Maccas, Ainsi Parla Venizelos
(1917) and other works; J. A. R. Marriott, The Eastern Question
(1918) ; P. F. Martin, Greece of the Twentieth Century (1913) ; William
Miller, The Ottoman Empire 1801-1913 (1913) ; H. Morgenthau, Secrets
of the Bosphorus (1919) ; R. Rankin, The Inner History of the Balkan
Wars (1914); Arnold J. Toynbee, Greece (1915); E. Venizelos and
others (speeches by), Vindication of Greek National Policy (1919).
Handbooks prepared under the direction of the Historical Section
of the Foreign Office on Greece, Macedonia and The Eastern Question
(1920); Handbook on Greece prepared by the Geographical Section
of the Naval Intelligence Division at the Admiralty (1920) ; Greek
" White Books " (AtirXajjuarmA "Eyypa<t>a, 2 vols., 1917). II.
Economic: A. Andreades, Les Finances de la Grece (1915), Les
Progres economiques de la Grece (1919); H. Lefeuvre-Meaulle, La
Grece economique et financiere (1916); Th. Lekatsas, Les Finances
de la Grece pendant la guerre (1919); P. Papageorgiou, Agricultural
Greece (1905) ; E. Tsouderos, Le Relevement economique de la Grece
(1919). Diplomatic and consular reports issued by H.M. Stationery
Office; annual and monthly Statistical Bulletins issued by the
Greek Ministries of Finance, National Economy and Agriculture.
(J. N. M.*)
GREELY, ADOLPHUS WASHINGTON (1844- ), American
soldier, was born at Newburyport, Mass., March 27 1844.
He graduated from the Newburyport high school in 1860 and on
the outbreak of the Civil War entered the army as a private,
rising to major of volunteers. In 1867 he was appointed second
lieutenant in the regular army and the following year became
associated with the Signal Service. In 1873 he became first
lieutenant. In 1881 he was chosen by President Garfield to
establish in Lady Franklin Bay one of the 13 circumpolar
stations recommended by the International Geographical Con-
gress held in Hamburg in 1879. Setting out in the summer of
1881 with a party of 25, he penetrated farther north than had any
previous explorer, reaching 83 24' N. and 42 45' W. in 1882.
Two relief expeditions failed to reach his party, which returned
south to Cape Sabine in dire straits. Only seven were alive when
finally rescued in the summer of 1884 by a third expedition
under Capt. Winfield Scott Schley. Lt. Greely received medals
GREGORY, AUGUSTA GRENADES
from the Royal Geographical Society and the French Geographic
Society. In 1886 he was made captain and in 1887 was given
an unusual promotion to brigadier-general, being appointed
chief signal officer U.S.A. by President Cleveland. From
1898 to 1902 he supervised the construction of telegraph lines
in Cuba, Porto Rico and China, and of a very elaborate system
in the Philippine Islands. He was likewise in charge of con-
structing means of communication in Alaska. In 1904 he was
made a member of the board to regulate wireless telegraphy
in the United States, and the following year appointed to the
board to report on coast defences. At the time of the San
Francisco earthquake in 1906, as commander of the Pacific
Division, he was in charge of relieving the sufferers. In 1908
he was retired by operation of law. In 1911 he represented the
United States in London at the coronation of King George V.
He wrote Three Years of Arctic Service (1886); Handbook of
Arctic Discoveries (1897) and Handbook of Alaska (1909).
GREGORY, AUGUSTA, LADY (1852-' ), Irish folklorist,
playwright and author, was born March 5 1852, the youngest
daughter of Dudley Persse of Roxborough, co. Galway. She
married in 1881 Sir William Gregory, a well-known Irish M.P.
and ex-governor of Ceylon (d. 1892), whose autobiography
she afterwards edited in 1894. A prolific writer upon Irish sub-
jects, she produced many plays, essays, volumes of folklore,
and popularized versions of ancient sagas and romances con-
cerning the early Irish heroes. She always lived in close rapport
with the people, and identified herself with their sufferings and
aspirations, as in The Jail Gate, the Rising of the Moon, and
other plays. It was she who chiefly popularized the Anglo-Irish
dialect of English as spoken in the west, which had been first
employed in the Love Songs of Connacht. She translated for the
Abbey theatre several of Moliere's plays into this dialect under
the title of The Kiltartan Moliere (1910). Hence this form of
idiom has by some been christened " Kiltartanese " after the
name of her district in Galway. She made Cuchulain the
greatest hero of pre-christian Ireland known to thousands
through her re-telling of the ancient tales, which she wove with
great restraint and ability into a consistent whole. She did the
same for Finn MacCumhail and other heroes of the old sagas.
Her work as playwright, and director, in association with W. B.
Yeats, of the Abbey theatre, was enormously fruitful. Over a
hundred new plays had been produced there by 1921, and scores
of actors had been developed and trained. This theatre was
opened in 1904, and she told its story in her volume Our Irish
Theatre (1913). Her only son, a distinguished airman and artist,
was killed in the World War; and Sir Hugh Lane, whose life
she wrote (1920), was her nephew.
Lady Gregory's chief works are: Cuchulain of Muirthemne
(1902) ; Poets and Dreamers (1903) ; Gods and Fighting Men (1904) ;
A Book of Saints and Wonders (1907); Seven Short Plays (1909);
The Kiltartan History Book (1909) ; The Kiltartan Moliere (1910) ;
The Image (1910); Irish Folk History Plays (1912); New Comedies
(1913); Our Irish Theatre (1913); The Kiltartan Wonder Book;
The Golden Apple (1916); The Kiltartan Poetry Book (1919); The
Dragon (1920); Visions and Beliefs in the West of Ireland (1920);
Hugh Lane's Life and Achievement (1921).
GREGORY, ROBERT (1819-1911), English divine, was born
at Nottingham Feb. 9 1819. He was first intended for business,
but subsequently went to Corpus Christi College, Oxford,
and was ordained in 1843. In 1851 he became curate of Lambeth
parish church, and from 1853-73 was rector of St. Mary's,
Lambeth, becoming a canon of St. Paul's in 1868. In 1890 he
became dean of St. Paul's. A member of the first London
School Board, he was a champion of church schools and of
religious education. He died in London Aug. 2 1911.
GRENADES (see 12.578). The revival of the hand grenade
in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5 resulted in new designs for
weapons of this class being worked out in several countries, not
only for hand grenades with a time fuze, but also for percussion
grenades and for grenades fired from a rifle. In the World War
the advent of trench warfare on the largest possible scale pro-
duced a sudden demand for grenades in enormous quantities
and as pre-war and war-time designs were successively exposed
to the test of active service conditions, while at the same time
the needs of quantity production constantly imposed checks of
another kind, grenade design passed through a rapid evolution
from 1914 up to 1917 after which warfare became more open
and the rifle and light machine-gun asserted themselves as the
prime infantry weapons. It is proposed here to indicate the
course of this evolution by describing representative patterns of
grenade employed successively in the British and other armies.
During the course of the war, both hand and rifle grenades
(especially the latter) were used as containers for gas and smoke
compositions, as well as for illuminating and light-signalling
purposes. These special grenades, as grenades, presented fewer
problems of design than the explosive grenade, and the safety
and ignition devices employed with them were simple adapta-
tions of those used with the explosive grenade. They do not,
therefore, require special treatment in the present connexion, and
the following account will deal with the explosive grenade only.
Hand Grenades. Perhaps the dominating characteristic of trench
warfare as practised in 1914 and 1915 was the inability of the deeply
entrenched infantry on each side to inflict damage upon the other
otherwise than by high angle fire. Within the infantry arm itself,
this high angle fire could at first be provided only by hand grenades.
But as no one had foreseen the use of this weapon by infantry on a
large scale, the available patterns in Great Britain and elsewhere
(designed for use by skilled sappers in siege warfare) were of a
somewhat complicated design. Thus, at the outbreak of the World
War, the only grenade available in the British service was the
"No. I," evolved after the Russo-Japanese War, and the only
immediate means of supplementing it was a stock of " Hale's "
grenades which had been manufactured for the Mexican Govern-
ment. These two, in very small quantities, formed the only armoury
of the bomber in the early days of 1915, and soon the troops in the
field began to improvise grenades out of jam tins and other recep-
tacles, using any explosive and any form of igniter which was at hand.
At the same time other types were worked out by the engineer
branch of the War Office, and both then and afterwards countless
inventors set to work to produce weapons of this class and sub-
mitted them to the military authorities, who sifted them, tested
the more promising both on the experimental ground and in the
trenches, and finally, where the advantages of a proposed new
design outweighed the very serious drawbacks attendant upon
manufacturing a new type and training the army to its use ^con-
siderations which ruled out many designs that were intrinsically
very good it was adopted as a service store. So far as concerns
British grenades, only service stores will be dealt with in this article.
Thus, towards the end of 1915 or the spring of 1916 the types in
use and in prospect were very numerous, and most of them were
open to objections, either in point of safety to the user, or of trust-
worthiness in trench conditions, or of manufacture.
Considering them collectively, these grenades may be classified
in two ways: according to their effect and according to their method
of explosion. As regards the former, a distinction arose between
those designed for concussion effect and those designed for frag-
mentation. From the same dual need of localized effect and of
distributed effect which produced the two main classes of artillery
shell, came " concussion " grenades which contained a maximum
of explosive, contained in the thinnest possible case, and " frag-
mentation " grenades with heavy iron cases, provided only with
the explosive necessary to impart wounding energy to the frag-
ments, and having the iron prepared for the desired fragmentation
by criss-cross weakening grooves. Each of these had the defects of
its qualities; thus, the concussion grenade was only effective within
a narrow radius from the point of burst, and the fragmentation
grenade was liable when used in the open to kill the thrower himself
with splinters coming back. Examples of each class will be found
below, and it should be added that special grenades such as those
used for smoke, for light and for gas, were in the intermediate posi-
tion, having thin walls, so as to contain a maximum of composition
and a small explosive charge sufficient merely to open the casing.
The second basis of classification, which from the designer's point
of view was the more important, was the method of bursting the
charge. In all grenades filled with H.E. 1 as in all shell so filled, a.
small charge of sensitive explosive is required to detonate the rela-
tively inert main charge. This element is contained in a copper
tube called a detonator and it is in the means of igniting this
detonator and the safeties provided against its premature action
that the whole art of grenade design resides. Many of the risks,
indeed, only became evident as the result of active service expe-
riencefor instance, the risk that a man would be shot after putting
the safety device out of action but before he could throw the grenade.
At the outset, the standard patterns of hand grenade had per-
cussion ignition that is, they were arranged to explode on contact
1 Certain German grenades were filled wholly or in part with black
powder and needed no detonator.
312
GRENADES
with the ground or the target. Such grenades were " armed " and
dangerous as they lay in the bomber's hand ready for throwing,
since, whereas in an artillery shell or a rifle grenade the shock of
discharge is available as a force for arming the ignition, in a hand
grenade this has to be done by the bomber himself. They were,
further, intrinsically more sensitive than artillery fuzes in that
they had to act at very low striking velocities and even on soft
ground. A very little experience of existing types, therefore,
sufficed to turn the current of opinion in favour of time grenades,
not because of any special utility and function such as those pos-
sessed by the time fuze of artillery but purely because a delay
between ignition and explosion was the best practical form of
safety. Five seconds was as a rule adopted as a standard interval,
and this gave time in case of accident to throw the grenade to a
safe distance, or to take cover or lie down. Later, in perfected
designs, the percussion grenades came to the fore again, but only
towards the end of the war, and these new types were never actually
used by the British army in the field.
Apart from the question of safety, the percussion grenade at least
in all patterns previous to those embodying an all-ways fuze had
to be designed so as to fall on its nose. The usual method of ensur-
ing this was by an air-drag in the form of streamers, attached to the
tail or handle. Time grenades would of course act whatever the
position in which they fell.
With percussion grenades the ignition device was simply armed
by, or before, the act of throwing, but in all time grenades of course
positive ignition was necessary. Many ignition devices were used
and many others proposed; in general, they may be classified as
friction lighters and striker-and-cap combinations. In either case,
the actual ignition was done by the bomber. In many designs he
ignited the grenade before throwing it. In some a cord, attached to
his wrist and to the grenade, suddenly tightens when the grenade
has travelled to the end of its tether (a few feet) and the parting
jerk fires the ignition device. In others, which are the best known
and most successful, ignition takes place automatically as (or
shortly after) the grenade leaves his hand.
The charge employed in grenades naturally varies according to
the intention of the design. In fragmentation grenades, as above
mentioned, it is kept small (in the Mills grenade described below
it is 2j~3 oz. only, in a total weight of I Ib. 8 oz.), whereas in concus-
sion grenades notably in the heavy tin-cased concussion grenades
used in the earlier days of the war for wire cutting and demolition
effect it is at a maximum (3 Ib. 9 oz. out of a total weight of 5 Ib.
in the Russian " obstacle " grenade). The permitted weights
of hand grenades have also varied considerably. In 1915 heavy
grenades intended to be thrown by trench engines (see BOMB-
THROWERS) were in frequent use, but these were superseded
by trench mortar bombs, just as their throwing engines were dis-
placed by light trench mortars. The special grenades used with
certain explosive-propellant throwers were also frequently of this
heavy class. But for the hand grenade an upper limit was fixed
when the ranges required on service and the throwing powers of
the average bomber had been ascertained by experience. This
limit was about 2 Ib. in Germany and l| Ib. in Great Britain and
France. To qualify as a bomber, a British soldier was required to
pitch half of his (\\ Ib.) bombs into a trench target measuring 10
ft. longitudinally and 4 ft. laterally at a range of 30 yd., but specially
expert men were capable of much lonrer throws. Another considera-
tion limiting the size of hand rrenades was that of ammunition sup-
ply in the very difficult conditions of trench fighting.
These two requirements, range and supply in the trenches, com-
bined from 1916 onward to bring into use a much lighter form of
grenade, colloquially called the "egg," which weighed only 1112
oz. and could be thrown 50 yd. by an average bomber. At the same
time the grenade of the 1 1 Ib. class began to be adapted for firing
from a rifle, and thus to take the place of the rifle grenade, though
it also remained in use as a hand grenade to the close of the war.
Safety Pin (
Creep Spring
FIG. la
A representative percussison grenade of the earlier type is the
British " No. 2 " or Mexican Hale (figs. I and la). Though light
(i Ib.) it is of the fragmenting class, for while the casing itself is
thin, it is surrounded by a heavy iron collar prepared by grooves
for fragmentation. The streamers and the presence of this collar
well up on the head ensure a nose-first fall. In the interior is a
central tube, the upper portion of which takes the detonator, the
middle a creepspring and the lower a pellet with pointed striker.
The pellet is held firmly by a safety-pin which is only withdrawn
at the last moment. When thrown, the parts retain their relative
positions, but on impact inertia causes the striker pellet to fly for-
ward, overcoming the creepspring, and its needle pierces the detona-
tor and the grenade is exploded. It will be noted that, once the
safety-pin is removed, the only safety device operating consists of
a creepspring which is necessarily kept very weak.
An ingeniously designed French grenade
which was much used in 1915, but later
shared the fate of all percussion grenades, is
shown in figs. 2 and 2a. It is pear-shaped
and fragmenting but weighs hardly more
than I Ib. complete. Essentially its igni-
tion arrangements consist in a lever with a
weighted cord, a striker and a creepspring.
Until the moment before throwing, the
lever 7 is held in place by a string, which
the bomber breaks with his left hand while
firmly gripping the lever with his right.
When the grenade is thrown, the lever flies
up under the impulse of the spring 9 and
the striker 5 is now held off the cap only by
the creepspring 6. The lever 7 with the
weighted cord 1 1 act as an air-drag to en-
sure nose-first impact. The head of the
lever 10 is pivoted eccentrically and its
underside is formed to a curve which gives
an initial leverage against the action of the
spring 9, and therefore acts as a safety device.
FIG. 2
"'/^....Safety Pi"
_ Safety PeH<*
.. Striker Pellet
.Shell
- Charge
4 Pointed Star
BrassTub
Detonator
Detonator-*
Screwed Plug
FIG.3
The German " disc " percussion grenade (fig. 3) is designed so
as to act in any position of fall. IL has internally six radial chan-
nels, of which four are provided with striker pellets carrying caps,
one contains the detonator, and the sixth has a safety pellet. In
the centre is a fixed star, offering four striker points to the four
striker pellets. These points are masked by arms or prongs on the
safety pellet uritil the latter falls out of the grenade during flight
and leaves them exposed. Then, whichever portion of the disc
edge strikes the ground, the opposite striker pellet sets forward,
dashing its cap on to the corresponding point of the star and so
firing the detonator. A disc percussion grenade was also used with
the Minucciani bombthrower described under BOMBTHROWERS.
It will be noted that in both these cases the ignition arrangements
constitute what is called in artillery language a " graze fuze," that
is, the active element (the striker pellet) sets forward when the
motion of the body of the grenade is checked on impact or graze.
In other patterns, on the contrary, the ignition is of the "direct
action " class, the pellet projecting from the head of the grenade
GRENADES
and being forced back on to the detonator when the object is struck.
To ensure this action, in the case of grenades, the outer end of the
pellet is usually formed with a large disc or mushroom head which
augments the surface of impact and therefore the resistance which
tends to drive in the pellet.
FIG. 4
A simple grenade of this kind is the " Japanese " grenade as
employed by the Russian army in the World War (fig. 4). This is
a heavy-bodied fragmentation grenade with a hood bound on by
cord wrapping instead of streamers. It will be seen from the draw-
ing that when the safety ring 6 is removed nothing holds the striker
5 away from the detonator cap except the tightness of fit of .the
striker rod in the india-rubber block 8. On impact the mushroom
head 9 forces the striker in and the grenade is fired. This was a
rather light grenade weighing about I Ib. 4 oz. and ranged, in expert
hands, to about 45 yards. It could not be used in the open, as frag-
ments came back as far as 200 yards. It had no handle, being
grasped by the body.
Time grenades, as already explained, possess the advantages of
intrinsic safety and of being able to act in any position of fall,
though in other respects inferior to percussion. The types described
below have been selected (a) to show the variety of ignition devices
employed and (6) to indicate the evolution of design generally
during the war period.
The type of grenade shown in figs. 5 and 5a is a Russian pre-war
design, based no doubt on Port Arthur experience. The model
shown was brought out in 1914 to replace an earlier and heavier
engine of similar design.
Between the detonator and the cap is a column of slow-burning
composition 21 connected to the cap 19 by strands of quickmatch
25. As in almost all patterns of grenade, the detonator element is
transported separately. In this case the parts which render the
grenade " live " are assembled in a U-shaped body 18 which is
dropped into position with the cap over the striker 6 and the detona-
tor 22 in a cavity in the exploder 23, and clipped there by the
fastener 20. The action is as follows: the bomber grips the handle,
pressing on the lever 12, and thus by means of the sear a cocking
the striker-spring 8 and striker 6. His fingers encircle the safety-
ring 15 (which has hitherto held the lever) in such a way that in
throwing the grenade the ring will remain in his hand. He then
withdraws the safety-pin II which limits the forward movement of
the striker. When he throws the grenade, the spring 14 forces out
the lever 12 and the striker 6, released from the sear a, flies forward
under the influence of its spring and fires the cap. This, through a
flash along the quickmatch 25, starts the slow-burning composition
which in due course fires the detonator, exploder, and main charge.
Though primarily a thin-walled " concussion " grenade, this pat-
tern has the casing lined with metal rings 17 prepared for fragmenta-
FIG. 5
5, FIG. 5a
tion. 1 It will be noticed that the handle portion as well as the body
proper is filled with explosive. Carrying nearly I Ib. of H.E., this
was a very formidable concussion grenade, serviceable and not too
difficult to manufacture (in spite of its apparent complexity), and
could safely be used in fighting in_the open.
10
FIG. 6
In marked contrast to this grenade are the more or less impro-
vised time grenades of 1915 of which the British " cricket ball,"
the French " Fl " and some German specimens may be taken as
representatives. The British " cricket ball " (fig. 6) and its variant
the " lemon " was a plain iron, spherical or ovoid shell into which
was screwed a plate carrying a detonator sleeve. In preparing for
action the detonator was placed in the sleeve and secured by wire.
Crimped into the mouth of the detonator was a 5-seconds length of
Bickford safety fuze, the other end of which was prepared with a
patch of composition such as is used for safety matches. The pro-
tective cap 8 being pulled off, the grenade was ignited by rubbing
the head against a strip of matchbox composition (tied on the
bomber's sleeve), and thrown. The weight of this grenade in its
cricket-ball form was ij Ib.
The French " defensive " (i.e. fragmenting) grenade " Fl " weighed
Ij Ib. As shown in fig. 7 it was ignited by a blow. The cover 10
being removed, a sharp blow on the cardboard inner tube 4 (carry-
ing the cap) forced the cap down on the striker, igniting the time-
fuze length 8.
The German 2-lb. ball grenade (fig. 8), unlike most, was powder-
filled and, as it could therefore be fired by a flash, needed no sensi-
1 The earlier (2j-lb.) pattern had a large amount of " langridge "
(i.e. small pieces of metal) packed round the explosive charge.
GRENADES
10
FIG. 7
tive detonator. Its ignition arrangement was somewhat similar to
the familiar friction tube of artillery, viz. a roughened bar which
was inserted in a tube coated with match composition. A cord
FIG. 8
attached to the bomber's wrist, tightening when the bomb reached
the end of its tether, jerked out this roughene'd bar and so effected
ignition.
-
The German H.E. cylindrical grenade (fig. 9) had also a friction-
tube igniter, but the bomber fired this by a pull on the attached
wire before throwing. This was essentially a concussion or " offen-
sive " grenade and remained in use throughout the war. It was
provided with a handle and with a hook whereby to attach it to
the waistbelt. In another type of cylindrical handled grenade, part
of the H.E. charge was replaced by langridge ' and the ignition was
by a spring striker as in the " hairbrush " described below.
Another form of handled time grenade used by the Germans and
then copied by the British was the " hairbrush." The German
Section
Safety fin
'-I-
Elevation
Tin Case..
Safety Pin
c
e Lighter
Wax'
o
1
FIG. 10
pattern (figs. 10 and loa) had a spring igniter of a simple character.
In a tube (fig. loa) inserted in the rear end of the detonator and
time-fuze tube was a striker, striker spring and cap. A collar on the
striker rod kept the spring in compression so long as the tail end of
the rod was held by the safety-pin. As soon as this was withdrawn
the spring reasserted itself and the striker flew forward, firing the
cap and igniting the time fuze.
Grenade with a 3J" rod
screwed into base plug.
FIG.
Neater in design, more trustworthy in action, and far more pop-
ular with the troops than other British types, the Mills grenade
requires a more extended description (fig. n). If the number sup-
plied, and the steadiness with which the type maintained its hold
on opinion be a test, this grenade was the most important of all
those used in the World War.
As its name implies, it was patented by Mr. William Mills, of
Birmingham, but the idea was of Belgian origin; although it is fair
to add that the original Belgian design differed very considerably
from that which is now so familiar as the "Mills" grenade.
The No. 5 grenade, which was the first of several British service
patterns of the Mills type, consisted of a barrel-shaped iron casting,
fitted ^ internally with an aluminium tube known as the "centre
piece." Adjoining the centre tube, and communicating with it at
the bottom end of the grenade was a cylindrical chamber for the
reception of the detonator to which was attached a 5-second fuze,
terminating in a rim-fire percussion cap, which was inserted in the
end of the central tube. The lower end of the grenade was closed
with a screwed plug, known as the " base plug," made in aluminium,
1 Some of the grenades improvised in the field by the British
army were also partly filled with langridge or so-called " shrapnel."
GRENADES
brass, or a soft alloy, and which secured in position the detonating
apparatus, and also formed a firm base to receive the shock of the
striker when released from the lever. The high-explosive filling
was introduced through an opening situated near the top of the
grenade, closed with a brass screw, which, after filling, was care-
Fully cemented into position. The cap was fired by means of a steel
plunger, known as the " striker " which was operated by a pow-
erful spring. The striker was held off the plug by means of an
external lever provided close to one end, with small trunnions
which rested in seatings formed on the head of the grenade. The
shorter end of the lever was forked, the prongs of the fork engaging
the projecting head of the striker. Thus, while the long end of the
lever (which was bent to conform to the outer shape of the grenade)
continued to be held in the thrower's hand or to be pinned down
by the safety-pin the spring remained compressed and unable to
drive the striker down on to the cap, but as soon as the lever was
freed, the spring asserted itself, forcing the lever up (and out of its
seatings) and the striker fired the cap. Modifications of the No. 5
were made later from time to time with the object of increasing its
safety and efficiency, but its main features remained unaltered.
Originally the " Mills " grenade was intended purely and simply
as a hand grenade, but it was found that its usefulness could be
materially increased if means were adopted for projecting it from a
rifle. This idea was considered and ultimately accomplished by
substituting for the aluminium base plug one of steel, to the centre
of which was attached a short steel rod 5j in. long. The rod, when
inserted in the barrel of a rifle, enabled the grenade to be projected
by the firing of a 35 gr. cordite blank cartridge, later replaced by the
43 gr. blank cartridge used for firing all rodded grenades.
In order to hold the lever in its correct position in relation to
the grenade, and secure the striker until the moment of discharge
from the rifle, a special appliance, known as a "rifle cup," was
designed to fit on to the barrel of the rifle, and was secured to the
barrel by the bayonet. The rifle cup consisted substantially of a
flat steel ring slightly larger in diameter than the grenade, and
projecting beyond the barrel of the rifle about 2j in., the ring
Being fixed concentrically with the rifle barrel. It will thus be seen
that at whatever angle in relation to the horizontal plane, the gren-
ade was inserted in the rifle cup, the lever was prevented from rising
and thus releasing the striker until the grenade had been discharged,
although the safety-pin had been previously withdrawn, leaving
the lever otherwise free to act (fig. lia).
This device had the effect of increasing the range of the grenade
by about 50 yards. In this form the grenade was known by the
description of " No. 23 Mark I " and perhaps attained its maxi-
mum of usefulness. Later developments of the Mills as a rifle gren-
ade are dealt with below.
The " egg " class of hand grenades, alluded to earlier in this
article, embody no novel technical devices and, therefore, need not
be further described here. (C. F. A.)
Rifle Grenades. The desire to obtain increased range in a con-
venient way had already before the World War broke out led to the
design of rifle grenades, which were, essentially, percussion gren-
ades fitted with a steel tail-rod that was inserted in the bore of the
service rifle and propelled by the force of a blank cartridge. In
these rifle grenades, two forces became available to the designer
which were not so in the case of hand grenades, viz. high velocity
and therefore the possibility of causing and utilizing rotation, and
the shock of discharge. Both these forces greatly facilitated the
design of percussion grenades, as also did the fact that (given a
suitable charge and conditions of firing) the tail rod ensured a nose-
first fall. The development of the rodded rifle grenade in the war
period was therefore steadier and more consistent than that of
hand grenades.
For most of the patterns used by the British army in the war,
the original " No. 3 " or " Kale's rifle grenade " (fig. 12) may be
taken as representative in point of principle. It was a fragmenta-
tion grenade, as were all explosive rifle grenades, since the range
eliminated danger from blowing back of fragments.
To the lower end of the body was fitted a base-piece of brass,
which was bored out to receive a striker-rod and its needle. The out-
side of this base-piece was machined to receive a wind-vane, the
boss of which held in position two safety bolts situated in the base-
piece and preventing forward movement of the striker rod. Below
the boss of the vane was a sleeve-like safety socket securing the boss
above mentioned against premature rotation, so machined and slit
that it clipped over the lower portion of the base-piece, this also
being suitably machined. Into the lower end of the base-piece was
screwed a steel rod, 10 in. long and of the calibre of the rifle, viz.
303 in. (In this and certain of the patterns which succeeded it a
clip was fitted to the base-piece which was sprung over the
muzzle of the rifle in order to secure the grenade in position.)
The grenade body itself was traversed by a central tube, in the
forward portion of which was secured the detonator in its sleeve,
the middle portion containing a creepspring and the lower the point
of the striker rod.
When the rifle was fired (a special 43 gr. blank cartridge was
used) the safety socket set back, releasing the wind-vane which
presently, under the action of the air, began to revolve and so to
unscrew itself; in turn, this released the safety bolts which flew
out, and thenceforward nothing but a light creepspring kept the
detonator off the needle, which flew forward on graze and exploded
the detonator and the bursting charge.
{^-Neddie Pel/er
\ . -Retaining Bolts
Wind Vont
He/easing Socket
10 Rod
FIG. 12
While the general principle of this grenade was maintained with-
out change, certain defects of detail and other reasons for modifi-
cation soon appeared. Thus, the difficulty of so much machining
in a store which was required urgently and in enormous numbers,
and the difficulty of keeping the wind-vane and its screw clean in
trench conditions, led to the design of the vaneless " No. 20 " in
which the safety socket alone controlled the safety bolts, and con-
siderations of manufacture, especially of filling conditions, led to
further modifications in the types No. 24 and No. 35. These need
not be dealt with in detail here. It should be mentioned, however,
that the substitution of a service-rifle cartridge case (with its cap)
for special detonator holders brought about a marked improvement
in the direction of simplicity of manufacture.
Another British rifle grenade, known as the " Newton Pippin "
or No. 22, was an improvised design by Capt. H. Newton, which
was manufactured in the workshops of the army in the field. Its
ignition arrangements were of the direct -action type, the mushroom-
headed striker being forced back on impact. Other features of the
grenade were the use of the service cartridge case as a detonator
holder (a practice which, as has just been remarked, became general) ;
the length of the rod (15 in.); and the provision of a gas-check on
the end of the rod, a device used fairly frequently in other armies
but not accepted in regulation British grenades. Ordinarily, the
rod of the grenade does not seal the bore of the rifle, as it does not
enter the grooves, and a proportion of the propellant force of the
gas is therefore lost by escape round the rod. A gas-check, expand-
ing into the grooves and then sealing them, obviates this, though
of course the higher efficiency is obtained at the cost of an increased
strain on the rifle.
Two other British types of rodded rifle grenade may be men-
tioned the Sangster and the Steuart, distinguished by the num-
bers 25 and 39. In the former, which was of the direct-action class,
a wind-vane attached to the striker screwed it down in flight until
it left the screw thread and became sensitive. Owing to the careful
design of the body and the use of a l^-in. rod, very long ranges
were obtained with this grenade, but it was never adopted as a
standard pattern owing to the same considerations of difficulty in
manufacture and of service rough usage as those which had mili-
tated against earlier vaned patterns. The characteristic of the
Steuart pattern was a safety device consisting in a sleeve which was
slit across in manufacture so as to leave only a narrow web of
metal ; this sleeve was placed on the striker roof in such a way as to
hold it firmly till the shock of discharge occurred, when the rod
set back and a shearing blade fixed to it cut through the remaining
metal of the sleeve. The striker rod was thus freed. The Steuart
was a direct -action grenade. Experience had proved that, in spite
of the relatively low velocity of rifle grenades, the conditions of
grenade practice were similar to those of artillery in that graze
fuzes, having a slight delay inherent in their design, were liable to
act only after the projectile had more or less buried itself. It is
preferable, therefore, that the ignition arrangements of a rifle
3i6
GRENADES
grenade should resemble in principle the artillery " instantaneous "
fuze so as to ensure a burst above ground.
In the rodded rifle grenades used by foreign armies, the same gen-
eral arrangements are, as a rule, found, and a catalogue of the minor
variations which are found would be of no interest to the non-techni-
cal reader. As France (and America) did not employ rodded rifle
grenades at all in the World War, interest centres practically on
German and Russian designs. These are not numerous. Both direct-
action and graze types are found, and a gas-check is almost invari-
ably fitted to the rod. A tin saucer is sometimes fitted to graze
types to prevent the grenade from burying itself in soft ground.
Both German types, model 1913 and model 1914, are complicated,
especially the latter, which is organized with all the elaboration
characteristic of German artillery fuzes of the period. Russian
types are usually simpler, and reflect the lessons of active service
experience in demanding little or no expertness in the user. Whereas
elsewhere it is the almost invariable practice to keep the detonator
element separate in transport, and to assemble it in the field, Rus-
sian rifle grenades have the detonators (which are rather exploder-
gaines than detonators in the British sense of the word) buried in
the interior of the body. The usual length of rod was 15^ in.,
which in a long rifle gives the same length of propellant chamber
as a lo-in. rod in the short rifle.
One Russian type, however, merits a 'full description as it has
several unique features. This is the Mgebrov, illustrated in fig. 13.
Against its complexity and evident difficulty of manufacture must
be set the positive and " fool-proof " character of its safeties which
are such that the bomber is not even called upon to withdraw a
safety-pin.
The outer casing I is thick (for fragmentation) and inside this
outer casing is a separate thin-walled explosive container 2 which
is capable of a slight forward movement. The bottom of this con-
tainer is formed with an incurving lip 14, and it is traversed from
end to end by a central tube 13, longer than itself. In this central
tube are an extended spring and the pellet containing cap and
detonator 12, 15, 17. The spring is attached to the top socket of
the tube and to the cap-holder of the pellet. The striker-rod with
its needle 16 (which is fixed to the outer shell and not to the con-
tainer) projects into this central tube. The tendency of the spring
therefore is to pull the cap on to the needle. The premature occur-
rence of this is prevented by two sets of safety devices in which
reside, as usual, the ingenuity and the complication of the design.
Under the base of the detonator pellet is formed a detent a con-
sisting of a short stem with a barbed end. This end is buried in a
block of fusible alloy, which is itself in a cup that is nearly sur-
rounded by thermit 18. The thermit chamber has holes to provide
air for combustion and communicates by a channel with the hollow
tail-rod 3, which is filled with powder composition 19. All these
elements are rigidly attached to the outer case and tail-rod and the
detonator pellet is therefore solidlj^ fixed both during transport and
when fired. Moreover, the spring m the central tube tends to bind
the unattached explosive container to its supporting platform 6,
thus avoiding any shock due to set-back on discharge.
On firing, the flash ignites the powder in the tail-rod which burns
through to the thermit chamber and ignites the thermit. This
instantly develops so high a temperature that the fusible alloy in
its cup melts away, freeing the barb of the detent a and therefore
the detonator pellet. This takes place after four seconds, and the
detonator pellet is now gently pulled forward by the spring. There-
upon the second set of safeties comes into play. This consists in two
pivoted catches 7, the lower ends of which bear (through slots in
the central tube) on the sides of the detonator pellet, and are held
there by small springs 8. The pivots of these catches lie in the rigid
platform 6 which supports the explosive container, and their upper
ends engage in the annular lip 14 formed on its underside.
On graze, the explosive container sets forward, and its under-lip
actuates the two catches so that their lower ends no longer bite on
the detonator pellet ; this latter is then quite free and, under the
combined influence of inertia and of its contracting spring, moves
violently forward in the central tube, dashes its cap on to the
needle and explodes the grenade.
To complete this survey of rodded rifle grenades it remains to
mention the British Nos. 44 and 45 anti-tank grenades. These,
having often to be fired almost at point blank, had short rods (8 in.)
and a calico vane to ensure front contact. Unlike all the types
above described, they were designed purely for concussion, having
tin bodies and a maximum explosive content. The ignition was of
the graze-fuze type. These engines gave a very efficient shattering
effect on the hard steel of British tanks and seriously bulged the
mild steel of German tanks, besides producing marked shock effects.
(C. E. W. B.; C. F. A.)
Discharger-Cup Grenades. It has already been mentioned that
the French army never adopted the rodded rifle grenade. The
objections to the rod are indeed serious, quite apart from the fact
that it is awkward to handle and requires careful treatment. The
rifle tends to bulge and eventually to split in the barrel, especially
with the shorter rods, since the propellant gases impinge upon the
end of the rod at high velocity and set up wave pressure at the
point of contact. This is true, however accurately straight the rods
may be. If they are not so, they buckle in the bore and the barrel
bursts, probably with fatal results to the firer; in this case it is
obviously the longer rod which is the more dangerous. Further, the
general strain of firing rodded grenades shakes the rifle to pieces
after some time, especially with long-rodded grenades in which
heavy recoil is accepted for the sake of obtaining high muzzle velo-
city and ranging power.
In the latter part of the World War, therefore, we find a general
tendency to discard rodded grenades in favour of the discharger-cup
or tromblon. In Great Britain this tendency began to show itself
after the fitting of the muzzle attachment above described for the
Mills grenade. This was not a true discharger-cup since the grenade
was rodded and the cup was merely intended to hold down the Mills
lever before firing, but its success established the principle that hand
and rifle grenades should be as nearly as possible interchangeable,
and this requirement was bound in the long run to lead to the dis-
charger-cup in some form.
The pioneers in developing the discharger-cup were the French,
whose Viven-Bessieres or " V.B." grenade (fig. 14) became as
famous in war as the Mills hand grenade. This was a cylindrical
fragmentation grenade with a hollow passage through its middle.
The ignition arrangement was peculiar. The detonator and time
composition were mounted in a tube parallel and adjacent to the
central passage, and at the head of this tube, at right angles to
its axis, was a small cap-cartridge. A flat spring called the palette,
carrying a pointed striker, was mounted in such a way as to pro-
trude into the central passage. The space in the grenade cylinder
not taken up by the central passage and the detonator and fuze
tube was of course filled with explosive. To the muzzle of the rille
was attached, by a sleeve, the " tromblon " (an old word for blun-
derbuss) or discharger-cup which was cylindrical for the greater
part of its length and coned for the rest. When the grenade was
placed in this, the axis of the central passage was in line with the
axis of the bore of the rille. An ordinary bulleted service cartridge
was employed.
When the rifle was fired, the bullet, on leaving the muzzle, passed
through the central passage of the grenade giving a sharp inward
blow to the palette and thus firing the cap. At the same time the
expanding gases from the bore filled the conical space in the cup and
propelled the grenade.
This combination of cup and grenade proved very serviceable,
its chief defect being shortness of range (180 metres) as compared
with the rodded grenade. For longer ranges a different discharger
was employed known as the D.R. In this, the cup (called a " man-
drin ") was externally cylindrical and internally coned (fig. 15), and
the grenade had a sleeve with external vanes (cf. the grenades of
the German Granatwerfer described under BOMBTHROWERS. A
blank cartridge was employed. The sleeve of the grenade was slid
over the outside of the cup as far down as the regulating pin allowed
it to go, the function of this pin being to regulate the volume of the
gas expansion chamber and therefore the range. The body of the
GRETNA GREY, EARL
<jrenade was arranged for fragmentation and it had a direct-action
Ignition system. The maximum range was nearly 400 yards.
ifety Pin
Body ofGrenadt
Special Cartridgi
Sleeve with
Vanes
Wad
Etpamion
Chamber
Discharger
Barrel
Attachment
Regulating
Pin
FIG.15
The German discharger-cup grenade, introduced m 1918 to replace
rodded grenades, was in all but details a copy of the French V.B.
It ranged to 150 metres. The ignition arrangement was simpler
than in the French archetype.
The Russians also used a discharger-cup grenade in addition to
their rodded rifle grenades. The grenade for this fuze had an
adjustable time ring. (C. F. A.)
The Grenade of the Future. In Great Britain, a reconsideration
of grenade problems in the middle of 1917 led to several modifica-
tions in the Mills grenade as such (the new pattern being designated
No. 36) and in particular to the design of a discharger-cup for it.
The rod was abandoned, and replaced by a steel disc 2 5 m. in
diameter attached to the base plug. This fitted accurately into
the cylindrical portion of the cup, and the whole of the escaping
propellant gas was therefore usefully employed. This cup was
used on active service in the last months of the war.
Meantime, research had again been directed to the percussion
hand grenade. Various types had been tried but, owing chiefly
to the fact that the Mills had become thoroughly familiar and was
trusted by the army, none was actually adopted.
The fusion of hand and rifle grenades, however, was not imminent,
and amongst the conditions laid down for the " grenade of the
future " were that it was to be (i) a percussion grenade, but one
that would act in any position of impact or fall without the necessity
of any form of air-drag; (2) capable of use either as a hand grenade
or as a rifle grenade; (3) safe (a) during the first 10 yd. of flight and
(ft) if dropped or accidentally knocked prior to throwing, but sensi-
tive beyond 10 yd., even should it fall in soft mud; capable also of
being picked up and thrown away when lying on the ground with
all safeties removed ; (4) weatherproof and mudproof ; (5) simple to
manufacture, to assemble in the field, and to use.
The last two conditions are obvious necessities in a service gren-
ade required in vast quantities. The other three, however, involve
technical questions of design and are largely interdependent. Thus,
requirement (i) might be met by rotating the grenade by grooves
in the discharger-cup and ridges on the grenade or vice versa (thus
ensuring nose-first impact) were it not for_requirement (2), and in
requirement (3) the significance to the designer of the lo-yd. fron-
tier between " safe " and " sensitive " is different according as a
hand-throw or an explosive propulsion is in prospect. A discussion
of these requirements in detail, the technical elements available for
meeting them, and the experimental patterns which have been
evolved in accordance with this schedule of conditions lies outside
the scope of this article. It must suffice to say that the problem
thus set is one of great difficulty, but that, with the harvest of expe-
rience gained in grenade design during the war period, it is by no
means insoluble. One or two questions of a general character should
however, be mentioned in conclusion.
The range and weight of the grenade of the future will depend
undoubtedly on the final interpretation of the lessons of the war.
The tendency to increase range will be checked at some upper limit
fixed by the capacity of the infantryman's standard weapon to
endure the strain. Beyond that limit a special weapon will be
rench mortar, but in either case its projectile will cease to be a
grenade in the ordinary acceptation of the term. On the other hand
he lower limit of weight of projectile remains fixed by the necessity
of producing adequate effect on explosion. Under existing condi-
tions it may be stated, as a rough indication, that the lower limit
of weight compatible with effect is hardly, if at all, below I lb., and
hat 300-350 yd. represents the upper limit of weight for if-lJ-
b. bombs fired from a discharger-cup fitted to the ordinary rifle.
Another question of importance is the means used for varying
the range. As a hand-thrown weapon of course the grenade is
wrought on to its target by the skilled eye and hand of the thrower,
aut as a rifle grenade it requires mechanical adjustment. During
:he war, special rifle-grenade stands were designed, into which the
rifle was clamped, but such devices may be considered as proper
to trench warfare only, and the problem of the present day is to
find a means of varying the trajectory of the grenade which is
adaptable to the individual rifle. Two solutions have offered them-
selves. One is varying the pressure of the propellant gas by vary-
ing the position of the grenade in the cup, as in the French D.R.
grenade and mandrin, the discharger-cup used in the last months
of the war for the Mills grenade, and other types. Opinion is
divided on the merits of this method, which, though attractive in
other respects, is open to criticism because it does not legislate for
wind a specially important factor in shooting with a large object
of low velocity such as the grenade, and also because such an adjust-
ment may easily be forgotten or mis-set in battle conditions. The
alternative is to provide a simple form of clinometer or elevation
indicator on the rifle. (C. E. W. B.)
GRETNA (see 12.583*). A new association was given to the
village of Gretna in 1915, when the Ministry of Munitions pur-
chased a site for the erection of a large propellants factory and
for houses to accommodate munition workers. The strip of
land taken for the purpose was roughly 9 m. long by i m. broad,
and extended from the village of Dornock on the west to Long-
town on the east. The factory was erected to make the ex-
plosive known as cordite R.D.B., which had been recently
invented by the Research Department and was made without
the use of acetone, of which supplies were short.
An area of 7,715 ac. of lightly farmed arable and pasture land
was taken under the Defence of the Realm Act in July 1915, and
was subsequently increased by 1,399 additional ac. in order that
the factory might convert into cordite both its own nitro-cellulose
and also that produced by a factory at Queensferry. One factory
was divided into separate areas for the successive processes of
manufacture, and materials were carried by an elaborate system
of specially constructed railway lines. The full output of 800 tons of
cordite per week was attained in the beginning of 1917, and the total
amount of cordite produced was 56,876 tons. The maximum number
of construction and operating workers employed together was 24,700,
but the number of operating workers had been reduced by the date
of the Armistice from 20,000 to 1 1,000. The proportion of female to
male labour was about seven to three. For the accommodation of
this large staff, factory townships were erected; the two largest
of these were Gretna, with an area of 431 ac., and Eastriggs, near
Dornock, with an area of 173 ac. The total number of dwellings
erected included 670 timber huts, 54 timber hostels, 310 brick or
stone houses, and 134 brick hostels, accommodation being provided
for 13,485 persons. -The villages contained shops, halls, cinemas,
recreation grounds, schools and churches, and excellent supplies of
water (from the river Esk) and of electric power were provided, both
for industrial and for domestic use. Surplus land was cultivated and
provided large supplies of oats, potatoes, garden produce and hay.
The townships were administered by a town manager who controlled
housing and public services, and the factory was made a sp2cial
police area. The health of the factory was very satisfactory; the
total number of deaths was 145. When the factory was gradually
closed down after the Armistice many of the workers were allowed
to remain in the houses, though they had to find employment else-
where or in the repair of railway wagons, which was introduced to
relieve unemployment in the area. At the end of 1920 there were
still some 600 operatives employed in the maintenance of the build-
ings or in some other work connected with the factory ; but, after
considerable hesitation, it was decided not to retain it for national
purposes and it was offered for sale in the autumn of 1921.
GREY, ALBERT HENRY GEORGE GREY, 4 EARL (1851-
1917), British statesman, was the son of Gen. Charles Grey,
Queen Victoria's private secretary, and grandson of the 2nd
Earl, the Whig Prime Minister who passed the Reform bill of
1832. Born Nov. 20 1851, he was educated at Harrow and at
Trinity College, Cambridge, where he graduated with a first-
class in the law and history tripos, 1873. As his uncle the 3rd
Earl had no children, Albert Grey was the heir-presumptive to
the earldom, and he endeavoured to win a seat in Parliament as a
Liberal, when a by-election occurred in S. Northumberland in
.,..^.1*. ^..~ *
required, and this will either compete with or fuze with the light
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
GREY OF FALLODON
the spring of 1878. It was at first announced that he had been
returned by two votes; but a scrutiny eventually seated his
Conservative opponent, who became afterwards Mr. Justice
Ridley. However, he won the seat by a large majority at the
General Election in 1880 and, after the Reform bill of 1884 had
altered the constituency, sat for Tyneside for a few months in
1885-6. The Liberalism which he displayed as a member of
Parliament and developed greatly in a crowded after-life was
unlike the conventional Radicalism of the period. He was an
enthusiastic social reformer, and a passionate imperialist. It was
inevitable that he should follow Hartington rather than Glad-
stone over Irish Home Rule. He was one of the 93 dissentient
Liberals who by voting against the Liberal Government decided
the fate of the Home Rule bill of 1886.
Standing as a Liberal Unionist, he lost his seat at the General
Election of that year, and did not reappear in Parliament till he
succeeded his uncle in the earldom in 1894. The interval had
been largely filled with travel chiefly along the byways of the
British Empire. He was in S. Africa when his uncle died, and his
knowledge of, and interest in, that country led to his appoint-
ment in 1895, after the Jameson raid, as administrator of
Rhodesia in succession to Dr. Jameson. His difficulties were
great. The settlers were still few and scattered, and were re-
garded with jealousy and mistrust by their neighbours, the Trans-
vaal Boers. In 1896 there came the second Matabele War, only
brought to a close by Cecil Rhodes's personal intervention.
Racial, administrative, and economic problems of an intricate
kind pressed upon him and were not always wisely decided;
and it says much for his personal charm that he carried away
with him on his retirement the warm affection of the Rhodesians.
He had become himself a close friend and ardent admirer of
Cecil Rhodes; and it was natural that on returning to England
he should join the board of the Chartered Co. in 1899, a director-
ship which he held until he went to Canada. He visited Lord
Milner in S. Africa after the Boer War; and returned once more
in 1912 to unveil the Rhodes memorial on Table Mountain.
Canada, however, where he went as governor-general in 1904,
was the part of the British Empire to hold the first place in
his affections. He was no stranger there, but had visited the
dominion twice already, being a brother-in-law of his predecessor,
Lord Minto. His enthusiasm for the land and the people, his
idealistic outlook, his bright but simple manner, his utter lack
of conventionality and stiffness, his fondness for travelling
and nature and sport captivated the Canadian heart. He formed
a firm and cordial friendship with the Prime Minister, Sir
Wilfrid Laurier; but that did not prevent him from welcoming
and winning the attachment of Sir Wilfrid's successor, Sir Robert
Borden. Similarly he was able to celebrate worthily, in the
presence of the then Prince of Wales, the acquisition by Quebec
of the Plains of Abraham for public purposes, without hurting
the susceptibilities of the French-Canadians. His term of office
was twice prolonged; but Canada was loth to see him go in Oct.
1911, even though his successor was to be the Duke of Connaught.
Never much of a party man, he was still less so after his return
to public life in England. He devoted himself to the causes
which appealed to him. Of these, the federation of the Empire
was the first, and he would only contemplate Irish Home Rule as
part of a Federal scheme. State liquor control was another of his
pet ideas; and he helped greatly towards licensing reform by the
institution of the Public House Trust, in which he took a leading
part. He worked hard also for Proportional Representation.
Perhaps the good of agriculture came next in his affections to the
claims of empire; and he forwarded all promising schemes for
its betterment and organization. He died at Howick, after a
serious operation, on Aug. 29, 1917.
Lord Grey married Alice, daughter of Robert Stayner Holford,
and had, besides daughters, a son who succeeded him in the
earldom and who married the daughter of the and Earl of
Selborne. (G. E. B.)
GREY OF FALLODON, EDWARD GREY, IST VISCOUNT
(1862- ), British statesman (see 12.588), had given public
notification, in a speech in the City of London in Oct. 1905,
that if, as seemed probable, the Liberal party regained power in
the near future, they would maintain the national foreign policy
pursued by Mr. Balfour and Lord Lansdowne. He mentioned
as the three cardinal points of British policy: (i) friendship
with the United States; (2) the alliance with Japan; and (3)
the Entente with France; all three were matters, he said, of
cordial congratulation. Could British relations with Russia
and Germany be improved ? As to Russia, he held that the
roots of estrangement lay solely in the past, and that it should
be the business of both Governments to encourage the growth
of mutual confidence. As to Germany, it must be a condition
of any improvement in relations between her and Britain that
the relations of Germany with France on all matters coming
under the Anglo-French Entente should be fair and good also.
The programme thus laid down in advance was faithfully
observed by Sir Edward Grey (as he then was) during a tenure
of the Foreign Office which lasted exactly n years, from Dec.
1905 to Dec. 1916. He had great hesitation originally in accept-
ing office under Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman; but after a
short interval of negotiations he was included in the new Liberal
Cabinet. In office the relations of the two men were cordial,
and the Prime Minister gave his Foreign Secretary steady
backing. It was needed at the very outset. During the general
election of 1906, as Sir Edward told the House of Commons in
his famous speech on 'Aug. 3 1914, Germany was pressing
France about Morocco, and he was asked by France if, should
a Franco-German war break out, Britain would give her assist-
ance in arms. He replied that he could promise nothing which
would not be fully endorsed by public opinion, but that, if war
were forced on France through the Entente respecting Morocco,
British public opinion would rally to her support. The French
Government then suggested conversations between naval and
military experts. After consulting the Prime Minister, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer and the War Secretary, he agreed,
on the understanding that such conversations should in no way
bind the British Government. The Algeciras Conference on
Morocco followed in the spring of 1906, and the constant support
which, on his instructions, the British representatives accorded
to the French helped to produce a satisfactory result, and to
strengthen the Anglo-French Entente. He had also in this first
year to take a firm attitude towards Turkey, who was making
difficulties about the delimitation of the Turco-Egyptian fron-
tier. In 1907 he forwarded Anglo-American friendship by send-
ing a distinguished public man, Mr. (afterwards Lord) Bryce, tc
Washington as British ambassador; and, it may be added, he
succeeded, during Mr. Bryce's term, in settling the outstanding
questions of difference between England and America. He
concluded an agreement in 1907 with Spain, which pledged both
Powers to maintain the status quo in the waters adjacent to
southern Spain and north-western Africa, and which incidentally
involved Spanish recognition for the first time of the British
position and rights at Gibraltar. In that year he also fulfilled
his hope of coming to an understanding with Russia. He con-
cluded a convention with her about Persia, in which both Govern-
ments recited their desire to maintain the integrity of that
country, but stated that in certain parts of it Russia and Britain
had special interests. Accordingly Britain recognized Russia's
rights and interests in the northern zone and Russia recognized
British rights and interests in the southern zone, the central
zone being treated as neutral ground. Sir E. Grey asserted,
and the Russians did not deny, the special rights of Britain in
the Persian Gulf. Other questions which pressed on him in
these early years of his foreign secretaryship were the state of
Macedonia and of the Congo. He disappointed the humani-
tarians -by declining to pose as a knight-errant. His prudence
led him to be chary of burning words, but to promote interna-
tional action to benefit Macedonia, and to forward the trans-
ference of the Congo State from King Leopold to Belgium.
In 1908 the year in which Mr. Asquith, an intimate friend
of Sir E. Grey, became Prime Minister the European situation
was considerably modified by several striking events. First
came the Young Turk revolution, which Sir E. Grey, no wiser
| than the rest of the western world, welcomed as a most beneficent
I change. Then, in October, came, almost simultaneously, the
assertion by Prince Ferdinand of the independence of Bulgaria
and his assumption of the title of king or tsar, and the annexa-
tion by Austria-Hungary of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which she
had administered under the Treaty of Berlin. These strokes of
policy moved the indignation of both the Russian people and the
Russian Government; but the German Emperor announced that
he would stand by his Austrian ally in " shining armour "; and
Sir E. Grey, though he protested against the infraction of the
public law of Europe, was naturally unable to promise Russia
anything more than diplomatic support. The action of the
Central Powers must have confirmed him in the view that it
was from them that came the principal danger to European
peace; but he kept on friendly terms with them, and resisted all
suggestions that the Anglo-French Entente and the Anglo-Rus-
sian agreement constituted in any sense a hostile encirclement of
Germany. On the other hand he emphatically declared in
Parliament that, if Germany persisted in her naval preparations,
Britain could not give up the competition.
The labours of the Foreign Office, coupled with . member-
ship of the House of Commons, left Sir Edward little leisure for
forwarding the domestic policy of the Government. But he made
two or three speeches in 1009 on behalf of Mr. Lloyd George's
famous budget, maintaining that it was not revolution that
Britain had to dread, but undue slowness to move with the times.
He also took his share in the campaign against the House of
Lords, but protested that he was in favour of a two-chamber
system, with the Commons predominant, and declared the
Parliament Act, after its passing, to be a cumbrous and not a
final measure. He showed himself a convinced supporter of
Irish Home Rule, but was forward in the autumn of 1913 to
obtain an agreed settlement, suggesting " Home Rule within-
Home Rule" as the proper method of meeting Ulster's fears.
He was a strong advocate of woman suffrage; and he defended
the Declaration of London as conforming the British naval code
to that which the United States and the continent of Europe
would agree to enforce in war.
Meanwhile British relations with Germany were his main
preoccupation. Germany gave dramatic notice of her dissatis-
faction with the spread of French arms and influence in Morocco
by despatching, at the beginning of July 1911, the gunboat
"Panther" to the N.W. African coast at Agadir, to protect, it
was alleged, German interests (a step which perhaps hastened
the action of Italy, later in the year, in seizing Tripoli before
her German ally could develop an interest in it). In view of
this further attempt to test, and if possible loosen, the Entente,
the British Foreign Office issued a warning, through the mouth
of Mr. Lloyd George speaking at the Mansion House, that
Britain intended at all hazards to maintain her place among the
Great Powers. The warning sufficed to make Germany lower
her tone, and Sir E. Grey helped forward a reasonable agreement
between her and France. In November he explained to Parlia-
ment that the foreign policy of the Government was a contin-
uance of Lord Lansdowne's, and had got rid of the constant
trouble with France and Russia; that British friendship with
these Powers afforded a guarantee that neither would pursue an
aggressive or provocative policy towards Germany, while the
strength of Germany was a guarantee that no country would
pick a quarrel with her; but that, when a nation had the biggest
army and was increasing its already big navy, it was natural
that other Powers should be apprehensive. On this occasion, as
always, the Opposition, represented now by Mr. Bonar Law,
supported Sir Edward; but many Radicals and Labour men, as
throughout his tenure of office, were full of suspicions, disliking
any agreement with autocratically governed Russia, and anxious
for better relations with Germany at almost any cost. But
public opinion in general supported Sir Edward, and was pleased
when in the following year his memorable services to his country
as Foreign Minister in difficult times were marked by the very
unusual distinction, for a commoner, of the Order of the Garter.
In the beginning of 1912 he was a party to sending Lord
GREY OF FALLODON
Haldane on an informal mission to Berlin to reassure the Em-
peror and his Government as to the pacific intentions of Britain
and to probe the intentions of Germany. The Cabinet formally
notified the German Government that Britain would neither
make, nor join in, any unprovoked attack on Germany. But
nothing would content the German Government but an absolute
pledge by Britain of neutrality if Germany were engaged in war
a pledge which Sir E. Grey naturally could not give. Largely in
consequence of this ominous rebuff, he exchanged letters on
Nov. 22 1912 with the French ambassador, agreeing that, if
either Britain or France had grave reason to expect an attack by
a third Power or a menace to the general peace, both Govern-
ments would consult whether they should cooperate and what
measures they should take in common. Still he found himself
able to work in general harmony with the German Government
in the efforts made by the Powers, in conference in London, to
bring a settled peace to the Balkans. In those regions, in the
years 1912 and 1913, a Balkan League of Bulgaria, Serbia and
Greece had, first of all, severely defeated Turkey, and had then
split up, Bulgaria's treachery in turning on Serbia and Greece,
in order to obtain the largest share of the booty, being overcome,
after barbarous fighting on the part of Bulgarians, Serbians and
Greeks alike, by the final intervention of Rumania. He joined
the other Powers in creating an independent Albania, under a
German prince; and seems to have had his suspicions lulled for
the time by the apparent reasonableness of German diplomacy
and by the straightforward attitude of the new German ambas-
sador in London, Prince Lichnowsky, who was not, it subse-
quently appeared, in the confidence of his own Government.
Accordingly he was taken aback by the unyielding attitude
of Germany in the negotiations arising out of the Austro-Serbian
dispute. As soon as he heard of the Austrian ultimatum delivered
at Belgrade on July 23 1914, he realized at once that Russia
could not allow Serbia to be crushed, and exerted himself in
the most strenuous fashion to save Europe from the threatened
catastrophe of a war in which four Great Powers at least, Aus-
tria, Russia, Germany and France, would be involved. In
conjunction with Russia he urged upon Austria the extension
of the alarmingly short time-limit of 48 hours, and he pleaded
unavailingly with Germany to do the same. Next he proposed
that England, France, Germany and Italy should work together
at Vienna and St. Petersburg for conciliation a proposal to
which Germany had no objection, but which produced no result.
Thirdly, in conjunction with France and Russia, he advised
Serbia to go as far as possible to meet Austria; and in fact,
Serbia accepted almost the whole of the Austrian demands; but
Austria would be content with nothing less than complete
submission, and on the expiry of the time-limit declared war
on Serbia. Sir Edward proposed a conference in London between
himself and the French, German and Italian ambassadors, to
discuss the best means of a settlement. Germany boggled at
the conference, but accepted in principle mediation between
Austria and Russia by the four Powers; and he asked her to
suggest any other form of mediation than the proposed confer-
ence. At this point, on July 29, Germany, declaring war to be
inevitable if Russia attacked Austria, endeavoured to purchase
the neutrality of England by undertaking, if England remained
neutral, to make no territorial acquisitions at the expense of
France an undertaking which did not extend to the French
colonies and by promising to respect Belgian integrity, after
the war, if Belgium had not sided against Germany. Sir E.
Grey next day absolutely refused to make any bargain of the
sort at the expense of France and Belgium. But, in a final
effort for peace, he offered, if through the cooperation of Germany
with England the peace of Europe should be preserved, to
endeavour to promote some arrangement, to which Germany
would be a party, by which she and her allies could be assured
against any aggression or hostile policy on the part of France,
Russia or Great Britain. This suggestion met with no response.
In view of the apparent threat to Belgium, Sir Edward asked
France and Germany whether they were prepared to respect
Belgian neutrality provided it was not violated, and he asked
3 2
GREY OF FALLODON
Belgium whether she would remain neutral. France and Bel-
gium both replied affirmatively, while Germany temporized.
Hopeful negotiations which had been begun directly between
Russia and Austria were wrecked by a German ultimatum to
Russia to countermand her mobilization; and on Saturday
Aug. i Germany declared war on France.
The moment for decision had come for Great Britain. Russia
had asked her to declare herself against Germany and so give
the German General Staff pause; France had asked her to co-
operate, as Germany was about to invade French territory.
The Cabinet had hitherto been divided, a strong section press-
ing for the preservation of neutrality, and so Sir Edward had
been unable to reply favourably to either Russia or France. But
now Germany had declared war on France, and was apparently
about to disregard the neutrality of Belgium. The Opposition,
through Mr. Bonar Law, tendered support for active measures
to aid France and Russia; and Sir Edward with a Cabinet
rallying, with slight exceptions, to his view, was able to make
an appeal in the House of Commons on Aug. 3 for the support
of public and parliamentary opinion to a policy of action. Un-
conditional neutrality, he said, was precluded by the commit-
ment to France and the consideration of Belgium. The forces
of the Crown were never more efficient; the Government had
striven for peace till the last moment; and the country when it
realized the situation would support them. The speech finally
decided a wavering public opinion; with the exception of some
Radicals and extremist Labour men, all parties, including the
Irish Nationalists, accepted the necessity of war. Sir Edward
demanded next day that Germany should respect the neutrality
of Belgium, and on the German refusal, England went to war.
Great Britain found herself at once associated, in the war
against the Central Powers, with France, Russia, Belgium and
Serbia, to whom Japan, in virtue of her relations to Great Brit-
ain, was added in the course of August. One of Sir Edward's
first tasks was to turn this assotiation into an alliance, which
should bind its members to fight in common and make peace in
common. In the course of the negotiations for this purpose, both
with the Powers who were fighting Germany from the beginning
and with those who, like Italy and smaller Powers, joined after-
wards in the struggle, he did not hesitate to guarantee the sup-
port of Great Britain for the attainment of long-cherished
national objects, provided that these did not conflict with
the aims of liberation and self-development common to the
Allies the most striking case being the promise, after Turkey
entered the war on the side of the Central Powers, that Russia
should have Constantinople.
Much of Sir Edward's time and attention during the first
half of the war was occupied by difficult questions arising out of
the blockade of Germany and the consequent interference with
the trade of neutrals. Public opinion in Great Britain constantly
complained that the blockade was not enforced with sufficient
strictness, that the policy enunciated of preventing goods from
either entering or leaving Germany was very far from being
realized in fact; while the United States, as the principal neutral,
harassed the British Government by repeated notes, denouncing
the methods of the British navy, in the search of neutral ships
and in the seizure of goods, as unnecessarily prejudicial to Amer-
ican trade and contrary to international law. He was perhaps
more successful in his answers to the Americans than in his
justification to the British public; and a large body of opinion
in America accepted his explanations as reasonable. He pointed
out, as was indeed notorious, that American exports to neutral
countries adjacent to Germany had enormously increased since
the war began; that there was a serious danger lest these coun-
tries might become in consequence bases of supplies and arsenals
for the enemy on an unprecedented scale; that there were
neutral ports in the neighbourhood of Germany that were neu-
tral only in name and really did a thriving trade in contraband;
and that Britain was only exercising the right claimed by the
United States in their Civil War of expanding the practices of
international law to meet emergencies not hitherto contemplated.
He further demonstrated that the assertion of the United States
that the immense modern ships could be adequately searched at
sea, at a period when submarine warfare was being vigorously
prosecuted, and that it was unjustifiable to take them into port
for the purpose, could not be seriously maintained. He claimed
also that the British practice caused the least discomfort to
neutrals; and contrasted with it the German practice of sinking
ships, regardless of human life.
The tenure of the Foreign Office by a statesman so high-
minded, sincere and experienced as Sir Edward Grey was every-
where regarded as such a valuable asset for Great Britain that
it appeared only natural and fitting for Mr. Asquith, when con-
templating the formation of a Coalition Government in May
1915, to lay down, as one of the essential conditions, that there
should be no change in the office of Foreign Secretary. No one
could refute with such authority the intermittent assertions of
the German Chancellor that it was England and not Germany
that was responsible both for the origin and for the continuance
of the war. Sir Edward pointed out, in a letter to the press on
Aug. 25 1915, that the reason why the Anglo-German negotia-
tions of 1912 broke down was that Germany wished to retain her
freedom to wage war while binding Britain to absolute neutrality.
What she was really fighting for now was supremacy and tribute.
When the pacifists called for negotiations in May 1916, he
showed that when the Germans professed a readiness for peace it
was only for a peace on the basis that Germany had won 'and the
Allies were beaten; but the Allies were not beaten, and tHe first
step towards peace would be taken when Germany began to
recognize that fact. In Oct. 1916 he laid it down that, as the
war was forced by Germany on Europe, it was the Allies who
must have guarantees for the future. The peace must ensure
that Europe should be free from Prussian militarism.
Credit must be given to Sir Edward for facilitating, in the
early summer of 1915, the entry of Italy till May 3 a member
of the Triple Alliance into the war against the Central Powers.
It was, however, a grave disappointment to him that he was
unable to prevent Bulgaria, in the autumn of 1915, from taking
the field against the Allies. He had worked for a Balkan agree-
ment founded on mutual concessions, but naturally Greece and
Serbia would not make concessions unless Bulgaria joined the
Allies; and Bulgaria was seduced by the promise of the Central
Powers, who had not to consider the feelings of her neighbours.
He warned Bulgaria that, if she joined the enemy, Britain would
give her own friends in the Balkans all the support in her power
in conjunction with her Allies, without reserve and without
qualification. In fulfilment of this promise Allied troops were
sent to Salonika, and he offered Cyprus to Greece in order to
induce her to carry out her treaty obligations and go to Serbia's
aid against Bulgaria. But on this issue King Constantino won
the support of his people against M. Venizelos; and Serbia was
crushed before help could reach her.
Sir Edward made strenuous efforts, with a certain measure of
success, on behalf of British prisoners in Germany and British
civilians interned at Ruhleben. The course of the war compelled
him, in July 1916, after long hesitation, to abandon that Declara-
tion of London in regard to naval warfare which he had strongly
supported in peace-time. He took part, it may be added, in the
first tentative experiments to obtain full cooperation of all the
Allies in war, by attending Allied Conferences in Paris in Nov.
1915 and March 1916.
In July 1916 an affection of the eyes, which had been giving
him increasing trouble, made it advisable that he should have
as much relief from work as possible, and he accepted a peerage.
It was announced that he had been created an earl a rank which
his public services thoroughly warranted. But he wished to keep
his own name, and yet not to enter into any competition with
the head of his family, his cousin Earl Grey. Accordingly at his
own request he was gazetted a viscount and not an earl Vis-
count Grey of Fallodon. When a few months later, in Decem-
ber, his friend and chief Mr. Asquith was succeeded in the pre-
miership by Mr. Lloyd George, failing eyesight and political
comradeship both united to determine him to bring his tenure
of the Foreign Office to a close. He had served for a longer con-
GRIERSON GUAM
321
secutive period than any predecessor, exceeding by a year the
10 years' tenure of Grenville (1791-1801), Pitt's colleague
in the first war against republican France, and of Castlereagh
(1812-22), the Foreign Secretary under whom Waterloo was
won and the Treaty of Vienna signed. In his official methods he
carried out his own precept that foreign policy required not
striking effects nor bold strokes but careful steering. An ardent
lover of peace, he had been driven, through no fault of his, to
lead Great Britain into the World War; he left a tradition in
his office of steady work, a resolute will, and a clear head, and
of that straightforwardness, sportsmanship, and courtesy which
istinguish the best type of English gentleman.
After his resignation Viscount Grey took no part in public
: e for more than a couple of years. Happily, rest and quiet
orked a decided improvement in his eyesight, and in the au-
,n of 1919 he felt himself well enough to comply with the wish
Mr. Lloyd George's Government that, pending the appoint-
ient of a permanent ambassador after Sir Cecil Spring-Rice's
premature death,. he should go on a mission to Washington to
deal with questions arising out of the peace. He only remained
there three months; while his sympathetic personality made
numerous friends for himself and for his country, the
quarrel in progress between the Senate and President Wilson
over the Treaty of Versailles hampered him seriously in ful-
filling the charge entrusted to him. His public appearances in
England in the years immediately following the war were very
few; but he showed a keen interest in the League of Nations;
and he took a leading part at the foundation, in July 1920, of a
British Institute of International Affairs in order to promote
among Englishmen international thinking.
He published in 1899 a book on Fly-Fishing, his favourite
recreation. In 1885 he married Dorothy, daughter of Shellcross
F. Widdrington, of Newton Hall, Northumberland. She was
killed in a carriage accident in 1906; there were no children of
the marriage. (G. E. B.)
GRIERSON, SIR JAMES MONCRIEFF (1859-1914), British
general, was born Jan. 27 1859 and joined the Royal Artillery
in 1877. Noted from the outset as an exceptionally keen
student of his profession, he served on the staff in the Egyp-
tian Expedition of 1882 and the Suakin Expedition of 1885,
and again, having in the meantime passed through the Staff
College, in the Hazara Expedition of 1888 (for the latter cam-
paign he was in 1895 promoted brevet lieutenant-colonel). From
1896 to 1900 he was military attache at B.erlin. As a colonel he
was with Lord Roberts during the advance from Bloemfontein
into the Transvaal; but he was then transferred to China to
act as British military representative on the staff of Field-
Marshal Count Waldersee, commander-in-chief of the Allied
forces against the Boxers. For his services he was given the C.B.
In 1904 he was appointed Director of Military Operations
and promoted major-general, and he held command of the ist
Div. at Aldershot from 1906-10. Promoted lieutenant-general
in 1910 and made a K.C.B. in 1911, he was in 1912 put in charge
of the Eastern Command. On the outbreak of the World War
Sir J. Grierson was selected for the command of the II. Army
Corps. He proceeded to France, but died suddenly on Aug. 17
while his troops were still assembling in the area of operations.
A good linguist and unusually well acquainted with most of
the European armies, Grierson had taken full advantage of his
varied military experience, and had shown himself well fitted
for high command in the field.
GRIFFITH, SIR SAMUEL WALKER (1845-1920), Australian
lawyer and statesman, was born at Merthyr Tydvil June 21
1845, the son of the Rev. Edward Griffith, afterwards of Bris-
bane. He was educated at the university of Sydney, graduating
in 1863 and winning a travelling fellowship two years later. In
1867 he was called to the Queensland bar, and was also called
in New South Wales and Victoria. He became Q.C. in 1876.
He entered the Legislative Assembly of Queensland (1872),
was Attorney-General 1874-8 and again 1890-3, was Minister
for Public Instruction 1876-9 and 1883-4 and for Public Works
1878-9, and was Premier of Queensland from 1883-8 and again
from 1890-3. From 1893 to 1903 he was Chief Justice of Queens-
land and from 1899 to 1903 also Lieutenar.t-Governor. In 1903
he became the first Chief Justice of the Australian Common-
wealth and held that office until 1919. He was the chief bulwark
of the Conservative cause in Australia and his cold, clear
intellect, never deflected by passion and rarely by sympathy,
has left a deep stamp on Australian national life. His early
draft of a constitution for the Federation was rejected because
it was not " popular " enough, but its one essential check re-
mained in the later " popular " constitution that of a High
Court with supreme power over the Executive and the Legis-
lature. He published The Queensland Criminal Code, as well
as a translation of Dante's Divina Corn-media (1912). He died
at Brisbane Aug. 9 1920.
GROENER, WILHELM (1867- ), German general, was
born Nov. 22 1867 at Ludwigsburg, Wiirttemberg. In 1912 he
was a sectional chief of the railway section of the German army
with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. During mobilization in 1914
he was at the head of the German field railway service. In 1915
he was promoted to the rank of major-general, and from May 27
1916 to Aug. 1917 he was at the head of the War Office and a
member of the directorate of the War Food Supply Office. He
subsequently returned to the front as divisional commander and
leader of an army corps, and in 1918 was chief of staff of the
army group under the command of Linsingen and afterwards of
Eichhorn. From Nov. 1918 to Sept. 1919 he was the successor
of Ludendorff in the position of quartermaster-general. He
retired as a protest against the signature of the Treaty of Ver-
sailles. During his tenure of office at the Ministry of War Gen.
Groener was instrumental in maintaining, in spite of strikes and
other difficulties, the cooperation of the German trade unions in
securing a steady supply of munitions.
GROSSMITH, GEORGE (1847-1912), English comedian (see
12.619), died at Folkestone March i 1912.
His son, GEORGE GROSSMITH (1874- ), English comedian
and third of the name, who made his first appearance at the
Shaftesbury theatre in an operetta by his father, became a
well-known figure in musical comedy, especially at the Gaiety
theatre, London. He was the author, or part author, of many
musical plays, songs and revues, and took a leading part in
popularizing revue in London. Together with Edward Laurillard
he became lessee and manager of several London theatres.
During the World War he served as lieutenant in the R.N.V.R.
GROSSMITH, WEEDON (1853-1919), English comedian,
brother of the second George Grossmith, was born in London
June 9 1853. He was educated as a painter and exhibited at
the Academy and the Grosvenor Gallery; but in 1885 he joined
Rosina Vokes's theatrical company and went on tour in the
provinces and in America. He first appeared in London at the
Gaiety theatre in 1887 as Woodcock in Woodcock's Little Game;
but his earliest notable success was made in A Pantomime
Rehearsal. He played with Irving at the Lyceum theatre,
with Tree at the Haymarket and with Mrs. John Wood at the
Court theatre. In 1894 he entered into management on his
own account at Terry's theatre and produced a play of his own,
The Night of the Party. His gift of quiet humour brought him
much success, and among his best impersonations may be
mentioned Archibald Bennick in The New Boy, Jimmy Jinks in
Baby Mine, the Earl of Tweenwayes in The Amazons, " Boney "
in The Misleading Lady and the Judge in Stopping the Breach,
this being the last role he ever played (1917). In 1913 he pub-
lished his autobiography, From Studio to Stage. He married
Miss May Palfrey, who was also an actress. He died in London
June 14 1919.
GRUNDY, SYDNEY (1848-1914), English dramatist (see
12.640), died in London July 4 1914. His last play, A Fearful
Joy, was published in 1908.
GUAM (see 12.648). The population of the island on July i
1920 was 14,724, of whom the natives numbered 13,698; foreign-
born, 548; personnel of the naval station, 478. In shape the
island, which has an estimated area of 225 sq. m., bears a
resemblance to the sole of a human foot. Apra harbour, with
322
GUATEMALA
proper improvements, could easily shelter a large fleet. Dis-
tances from Apra are approximately: Yap, 458 m.; Manila,
1,506 m.; Yokohama, 1,353 ni.; Sydney, 3,067 m.; Honolulu,
3,337 m.; San Francisco (direct), 5,053 m.; Panama, 7,988 m.
The mean average temperature is 81 F., with a mean maximum
of 88 F. and a mean minimum of 72 F., but the heat is min-
imized, especially during the hottest months, by a constant
breeze. The chief products are copra (the only export), maize or
Indian corn (introduced from Mexico many years ago and the
chief food crop), rice, taro, yams and sweet potatoes, bread-
fruit, plantains and bananas.
Education is in charge of a naval officer, who is assisted by a
superintendent and district superintendent, as well as by 13 teachers
furnished by the Federal Government. In 1920 there were 1,894
pupils of school age, 345 pupils over school age, an average daily
attendance of 1,769; total number of teachers and substitutes 67,
and of schools 14. The total cost of the schools to the island Govern-
ment (exclusive of cost of upkeep and of four Guam Government
students in the United States) was $14,500. Congress makes no
appropriation directly for education purposes, but the naval station
meets a part of the expenses. Instruction is in English. Consider-
able advance has been made in health and sanitation work. Guam
has no private physicians, and the navy furnishes all medical
assistance through a corps of eight medical officers, two dental
surgeons, three pharmacists, eight navy nurses, and 30 hospital
corps men. The disfiguring disease gangosa is being stamped out and
its effects are no longer seen except among persons over thirty. All
lepers have been sent to the island of Culion, the Philippine leper
colony. Intestinal parasites, tuberculosis, and various skin diseases
form the greatest menace to health, while hookworms abound.
The work inaugurated by the Rockefeller Institute has resulted
in an improvement of sanitary conditions.
Congress has never legislated for Guam. The governor, who is
also the commandant of the naval station, combines in himself all
functions of government, even some judicial authority, for an appeal
lies to him in almost all cases. Most of the other Government officials
belong to the naval station. The law in effect is the old Spanish law
as changed by the Acts of the governor. The laws are in a chaotic
state and badly in need of revision. There is no legislature, but for
several years there has been a so-called congress with only advisory
powers. The police department is wholly native with the exception
of the chief and assistant chief, who are marines. The Insular
Patrol, formed of marines, has certain constabulary duties, acts as
fire wardens, and aids and advises the natives in their farming and in
other ways. Of the able-bodied male natives between 16 and 60,
numbering approximately 3,000, some 600 are employed by the
Federal or island Government, while about 400 are employed in
various town occupations, leaving about 2,000 for agricultural work.
An effort is being made to introduce modern agricultural methods,
so that the island may become self-sustaining. Since 1916 an effort
has been made to exterminate the pest of rats, and about 1,750,000
of these rodents were destroyed in 29 months. The Commercial
Cable Company has a cable station with connexions to Manila,
Yokohama, Midway, and Yap. In Nov. 1917 the Navy Department
opened a high-power radio station. Imports for 1920 were valued at
$408,263.88, and exports at $34,132.94. The United States furnished
$313,212.65 of the imports and took $15,148.59 of the exports. In
1920 imported foodstuffs were valued at $147,870.74. Government
receipts in 1920, $155,209.06; and expenditures, $137,205.60.
In 1914 the German raider " Cormoran " was interned in Apra
harbour, and after the United States declared war on Germany was
blown up by the crew. The latter were captured and interned in
camps in the United States, being the first German prisoners taken
by U.S. troops. All the able-bodied young men in Guam enlisted
in the militia formed for the protection of the island. In July 1918
a disastrous typhoon struck the island, and in three hours destroyed
all the crops and ruined many of the coconut trees. Aid was ren-
dered by the American Red Cross. Since 1899 there have been 22
governors and acting governors, all naval officers.
See William Edwin Saffron, Guam (1912); L. M. Cox and others:
The Island of Guam (U.S. Government Printing Office, 1917);
Guam Agricultural Experiment Station (annual reports beginning
with that for the year, 1910-1) ; Annual Report, Governor of Guam,
1920; Census of Guam (U.S. Government Printing Office, 1921).
(J. A. Ro.)
GUATEMALA (see 12.661). Manuel Estrada Cabrera's last
election as president occurred in 1917, when he was chosen
to succeed himself for the period ending in 1923. He controlled
the republic for 22 years through a military dictatorship which
depended upon the dense ignorance of the masses and the
bitter factional strife among the upper classes. He maintained
his sway by a standing army, a police force, and a secret service
which suppressed and persecuted opposition. The revolt which
unseated him began in 1920 with the press, which severely
criticized his monetary and administrative systems. The
Government seemed impotent to repair the damage caused by
the 1917 earthquake, and the press attacked the Government
for its inadequacy. Bishop Pinol began to lead the people to
think on social and political topics. Then the Unionist party
arose, at first composed of less than a dozen intellectuals and
business men, who organized in Guatemala City in Dec. 1919.
Its policy was to effect by quiet means and legally a change in
the system of government. Soon the party was supported by
many thousands. The demand grew for the elimination of
Estrada Cabrera, for strict observance of the constitution, and
for restoration of popular political rights. The National Assem-
bly took up the movement, which the President tried to check by
force. Many were imprisoned, and reforms in elections and
exercise of civic rights were denied. The reformers abstained
from the use of weapons, but they increased in numbers and
influence until finally Estrada Cabrera took refuge at his coun-
try home and determined to shell the capital. The army went
over to the opposition, and the President resigned in April 1920
in favour of Carlos Herrera, the primer designado, or vice-
president. The Congress confirmed Herrera in the executive
power. At the subsequent election he had two opponents, but
was overwhelmingly elected for the term expiring March 1923.
President Herrera, a member of a prominent family, was then
about 55 years of age. He had travelled widely in Europe and
the United States, and had been in 1915 a member of the Pan-
American Financial Congress. He controlled an agricultural
estate of over a million acres, half of which was utilized, and em-
ploying modern methods and machinery. With his brothers,
he was interested in banking and commerce. His governmental
aims were said to include the reduplication in Guatemala of the
democratic institutions of the United States. His administra-
tion welcomed foreign capital, favoured immigration, and as-
sisted in the development of all natural resources. The Herrera
Government was promptly recognized by the leading Powers
of America and Europe. It interested itself in repairing the
earthquake damages, in erecting government buildings, hospitals,
a national theatre, a national institute, and other needed
work. The Unionist party of Guatemala favoured the Central
American Union, the pact for which was signed at San Jose de
Costa Rica Jan. 20 1921. The Union was declared on Oct. 10
1921, and was composed of Guatemala, Honduras and Salvador.
Nicaragua refused to sign the pact. Costa Rica signed but this
action was later rejected by the National Assembly. On Dec. 6
1921 a revolutionary coup d'etat overthrew Herrera and his
Government; and the former president surrendered his powers to
a Provisional Government headed by General Lima and General
Orellana.
During the early period of the World War there was a great
influx of German emissaries from Mexico, who attempted to
keep Guatemala from joining the Allies. In spite of their activ-
ities the republic broke off diplomatic relations with Ger-
many April 27 1917, and this action was considered subsequently
by Estrada Cabrera to be tantamount to a declaration of war.
The territorial waters, ports, and railways of the country were
offered to the United States for war uses in the common defence.
Peace was declared with Germany Oct. 3 1919.
Economic and Social Conditions. The estimated pop. in 1912
was 2,119,000; in 1914 the estimate was 2,003,579, but in that year
the births were said to number 76,551 and the deaths 40,878, leaving
a surplus of 35,673. The estimates for the total pop. 1912 and the
total pop. for 1914 are therefore probably not exact. The for-
eign pop. in 1912 was estimated at 12,000. The total expenditures
for education in 1916 were 34,074. In 1917 there were 1,942 govern-
ment schools with 54,479 pupils in attendance. The Government
established the Universidad Estrada Cabrera, opened Sept. 15 1918.
For 1918-9 the national revenues amounted to 110,937,325 paper
dollars and the expenditures to 77,666,023 paper dollars. In Dec.
1918 the total external debt with interest was 2,301,563. The
internal debt in Dec. 1916 was 135,799,843 paper dollars and 1,091,-
702 gold dollars. The British claims were adjusted in 1913 after a
warship had been sent to Guatemalan waters, and an appeal by
Guatemala had been made to the United States for assistance.
The largest crop was coffee. There were 1,500 plantations, cover-
ing 96,000,000 sq. yd. and containing 450,000,000 coffee-trees. In
GUBERNATIS GUIANA
323
1918 the crop amounted to 110,000,000 Ib. of which between 50%
and 60% was German-owned. In 1918 coffee exports were worth
$8,562,715. Sugar ranked second in importance. In 1918 there were
produced 42,000,000 pounds. In 1916 the banana and plantain crop
was 9,351 ,485 bunches ; and 6,1 10,900 quintals of corn were produced.
The cattle production in 1915 amounted to 1,470,200 head of all
varieties. The total imports in 1918 were worth 1,326,800, and the
exports 2,263,800. By far the greater part of the commerce was
with the United States. The British trade showed in 1919 292,521
exports from Guatemala and 396,182 imports. This was a marked
increase over the trade of the war period. In the same year 601
vessels entered Guatemalan ports, 175 being American and 129
British. In Dec. 1915 the State took over all the ore lands in the
country, ordaining that they might be exploited only under leasehold.
The International railway of Central America, incorporated in
1912, was a consolidation of the Guatemala railway (195 m.), the
Guatemala Central (139 m.), the Occidental railway (51 m.), and the
Ocos railway (22 miles). The main lines at the close of 1920 ran
from Puerto Barrios on the Caribbean to Guatemala City, 194-5 m -.
and thence to San Jose de Guatemala on the Pacific, 74 miles. A
Salvadorean division 40 m. long was separately operated. In 1914
the International railway bought a 6o-m. line from Santa Maria to
Las Cruces and continued it 45 m. to Ayutla on the Mexican border.
Through service began Oct. I 1916. A line was also projected from
Santa Maria to Santa Ana in Salvador. The plan was to provide
continuous service from Vera Cruz, Mexico, to Panama along
the western portion of Central America. Telegraph lines in 1917
amounted to 4,337 m., and telephone lines to 531 miles.
The Banco Nacional Privilegiado, established April II 1918, made
agricultural loans, and assisted in rehabilitating earthquake-de-
stroyed areas and transacted commercial business. Its capital was
owned by the Government and by native and foreign capitalists.
There were four other established banks, antedating 1910, whose
paper money in circulation in 1916 was 183,000,000 paper pesos.
(H. I. P.)
GUBERNATIS, AN6ELO DE, COUNT (1840-1913), Italian man
of letters (see 12.667), published in his later years a series of
lectures on Italian poetry (1907), and a Dictionnaire inter-
nationals des ecrivains du monde latin (1905-6). He died at Rome
Feb. 26 1913.
GUCHKOV, ALEXANDER (1862- ), Russian politician,
was born in Moscow in 1862. His father was a factory owner of
some means, whose family came from a stock of Old Believers,
who had acknowledged the authority of the Russian Orthodox
Church while keeping the ancient ritual for which their fore-
fathers had endured persecution since the days of Patriarch
Nikon. Guchkov's mother was French. He studied history and
humanities at the university of Moscow, and, after having gone
through his military training in a grenadier regiment, left for
Germany where he read political economy in Berlin under Prof.
Schmoller. Academic studies were, however, not suited to his
active and adventurous character. He gave them up and started
travelling. He rode alone on horseback through Mongolia to
western Siberia, and narrowly escaped being slaughtered by a
mob. During the Boer War 1899-1902 he volunteered for service
against the English and joined Gen. Smuts's commando. He was
shot in the leg, picked up by the English, and successfully
treated, although he remained slightly lame. He was elected by
the Moscow municipal Duma to be a member of the executive
(Uprava), and took active part in the self-government of the
city. During the Russo-Japanese War he served in the Red
Cross and in the Municipal Union for the organization of hospi-
tals; he was left to take care of the Russian wounded after the
battle of Moukden, and showed much dignity and efficiency in
the performance of his arduous duties. When the first Russian
revolutionary movement developed in 1905 he took part in the
meetings of Zemstvo representatives, but did not join the Cadets,
whom he considered to be too doctrinaire and cosmopolitan.
Together with D. Shipov, E. Trubetzkoy and N. Lvov, he
founded the Octobrist party, in the hope that the Tsar's Govern-
ment would recognize the necessity of great reforms and work
with the moderate Liberals of the Zemstvos while safeguarding
the monarchical principle. Stolypin was for some time in sym-
pathy with that programme, and even contemplated the forma-
tion of a Ministry strengthened by leaders of public opinion, of
whom Guchkov, Count Heyden and N. Lvov would have been
prominent members. When this project came to grief, Guchkov
continued to support Stolypin. In the third Duma, elected on a
restricted franchise, the Octobrists assumed the leading role.
After Khomiakov's resignation in 1910 Guchkov was elected
speaker. He attacked with patriotic eloquence the " irresponsible
influences " at Court and the shortcomings of the Ministry of
War in preparing for the inevitable conflict with Germany. As
Stolypin became more and more violent and reactionary, the
Octobrists lost their standing ground, and Guchkov eventually
resigned the presidentship of the. Duma. In the elections to the
fourth Duma he failed to secure a seat. He came again into
prominence, however, during the World War. He was put in
charge of the Red Cross organization on the German front, and
it fell to him to search for the corpse of the unfortunate Samsonov.
When the campaign of 1915 had disclosed the incredible in-
efficiency and corruption of the Russian War Office, Guchkov
threw his whole energy into the work of refitting the army on
the technical side. He was one of the principal workers and
leaders of the mixed committees for the defence of the country,
formed with the help of the Zemstvos and towns. He was not
content with laying the blame at the door of the effete War Office,
but deplored the apathetic way in which the Tsar passed the time
at headquarters, without any clear political plan, holding on
supinely to formalism and routine, yielding to the spasmodic
interference of the Empress.
When the March Revolution of 1917 broke out Guchkov
was called in to take charge of the Ministry of War. Together
with Shulguin, he submitted the Act of Abdication for signature
to Nicholas II. He was powerless against the mounting flood
of desertion and demoralization in the army, and he was the
first of the ministers to resign in despair. In the "emigration" he
found himself without proper place and influence. He would
have liked to organize a big move against the Bolsheviks from
the west, but such a move could not be made while the Entente
Powers were resolved to keep Germany out, and while they
sympathized with all the new organizations hostile to Russia
Esthonia, Latvia and Poland. Later he took refuge in Paris,
where he pleaded for a national reunion of all parties against
the Red tyrants. (P. Vi.)
GUERRINI, OLINDO (1845-1916), Italian poet (see 12.672),
died at Bologna Oct. 21 1916.
GUIANA. (For BRITISH GUIANA see WEST INDIES, vol. 32.)
DUTCH GUIANA (see 12.680). The pop. of Dutch Guiana,
excluding the Indians and negroes of the interior, was in 1910,
86,233; in 1918, 92,284; and on Dec. 31 1919, 109,810, including
Dutch, British, Hindus, Javanese and Chinese; 1,109 were
Europeans. In 1910 the pop. of Paramaribo, the chief city,
was 35,346; in 1919 it was 36,038.
The country grants full religious liberty and in 1918 there were
24,624 Moravian Brethren, 20,850 Hindus, 19,698 Roman Catholics,
12,489 Mohammedans, 9,733 Reformed and Lutherans and 847
Jews. In 1910 there were 25 public schools with 2,889 pupils and 38
private schools with 6,016 pupils; in 1918 there were 30 public
schools with 3,806 pupils and 43 private schools with 6,724 pupils.
The chief agricultural products are sngar, rice, cacao, maize, coffee
and bananas. Of these sugar is the most important. Rum and
molasses are produced in large quantities. The following table shows
production :
Sugar
Rice
Cacao
Maize
Coffee
Bananas .
Rum ....
Molasses .
1910
26,433,220 Ib.
4,386,140 Ib.
3,702,600 Ib.
2,911,260 Ib.
445,060 Ib.
462,200 bunches
210,779 gal.
43.356 gal.
1918
26,588,509 Ib.
8,260,560 Ib.
4,152,940 Ib.
4,121,920 Ib.
4,076,600 Ib.
733,800 bunches
294.805 gal.
3,709 gal.
In 1910 the gold production was 18,745 oz. ;in 1917, 25,869 ounces.
In 1910 the production of balata, a species of gutta-percha, was
I .495>34 2 Ib. ; in 1917 it was 1,952,643 pounds. The country's exports
and imports were valued as follows:
1910 1917
Exports 692,700 732,216
Imports 614,121 632,442
In 1910 there entered 240 vessels of 210,998 tons and cleared 243
vessels of 215,391 tons. In 1917 there entered 133 vessels of 182,788
tons and cleared 133 vessels of 185,562 tons. The local revenues are
not sufficient to meet expenditures, and the Dutch Government
makes up the annual deficit by subventions.
324
GUILD SOCIALISM
1910
1920
1921 (est.)
Expenditures
Local revenues
Subvention
555,899
479,786
76,113
425,040
296,753
128,287
691,067
261,560
174,125
In 1920 there was only one railway, extending from Paramaribo
to Macami, about 90 m. in length. At that time, in addition to
papers published in Dutch, there was an English weekly, The New
Paramaribo Times. The Dutch force in the country averages some
250 officers and men.
FRENCH GUIANA (see 12.681). The pop. of French Guiana,
excluding Indians and negroes, was, in 1911, 49,009; in 1918
it was only 26,325. In addition the country has many convicts
deported from France; those in 1918 in the penal settlement
numbered about 9,000. Cayenne, the chief city, had, in 1911,
13,527 inhabitants; in 1919 the population was 13,609. The
prevailing religion was Roman Catholic.
In 1910 there were 24 primary schools with 2,230 pupils; in 1918
there were the same number of primary schools but with 2,003 pupils.
In the latter year there were also in the penal settlement 4 schools
with 163 pupils. The country produced few agricultural products,
the total cultivated area being in 1919 only about 8,800 acres.
Sugar, coffee, cacao, maize, potatoes and bananas were produced in
small quantities. Rosewood extract and balata were among the
exports. The most important industry was gold-mining, for which
concessions are granted by the Government. In 1910 there were
produced 123,16802., and in 1918, 80,477 ounces. Of exports France
takes the largest part, averaging 66%, Switzerland 30%, Great
Britain 2 %, and the United States I %. Of imports France and her
colonies send about 70%, Great Britain and her colonies 17%,
and the United States 7%. Of exports gold averages 90%. The
value of exports and imports was as follows:
Exports ....
Imports ....
1910
11,567,168 fr.
12,213,420 fr.
1918
15,32 1, 697 fr.
15,308,526 fr.
The local revenues do not as a rule equal expenditures and the
home country makes up the deficit. In 1911 France's expenditure
on the colony was 6,497,394 f r -, including 5,884,000 fr. for the penal
settlement. In 1920 the chief towns were connected by telephone
and telegraph line between Cayenne and the Maroni, and the
Compagnie Francaise des Cables Telegraphiques owned lines to
Paramaribo, the Antilles and Para. In 1920, besides small railway
lines to the gold-mines, there was a line from St. Laurent du Maroni
to St. Jean. In 1919 the French military force in the country con-
sisted of 150 officers and men.
GUILD SOCIALISM, the name given to a school of socialist
thought which originated in England early in the zoth century,
and has since spread to other parts of the world, particularly
to the English-speaking countries the United States, Australia,
New Zealand and South Africa and to Japan. As its name im-
plies, it had, in the minds of those who originated it, a definite
relation to the forms of industrial organization which existed
throughout the mediaeval world, and it was an attempt to apply
to the solution of modern industrial problems certain of the
principles which were in active operation in the economic
organization of mediaeval society. This does not mean that
Guild Socialism is an attempt to restore the mediaeval guild
system, or that it has any necessary relation to the restoration
of a system of hand craft in place of the modern system of
machine production. In harking back to the mediaeval organiza-
tion of industry, Guild Sociah'sts for the most part have in mind
not the forms of production which prevailed in the Middle
Ages, but the mediaeval principle of industrial self-government.
The origin of the Guild Socialist movement is to be found
in The Restoration of the Gild System (1906), a book written
by A. J. Penty, the well-known architect and craftsman, and in
an article published at about the same time in the Contemporary
Review by A. R. Orage, editor of the New Age, which was, dur-
ing the following decade, very closely associated with the guild
propaganda. In both these articles Guild Socialism appeared
in an essentially preliminary form, and the emphasis was laid,
far more than by the more recent guild writers, on an actual
restoration of the mediaeval system. Mr. A. J. Penty, who has
perhaps the best claim to be regarded as the originator of the
modern guild movement in this form, took the craftsman's
point of view and set himself in direct hostility to the modern
systems of large-scale production and trading.
From 1906 to 1912 the guild idea developed gradually and
almost unnoticed in the columns of the New Age; but during this
period a gradual transformation of the theory was taking place,
and the emphasis was coming to lie, not upon the return to craft
organization or the restoration of a system closely similar to
that of the Middle Ages, but upon the utilization of the modern
trade-union and working-class movement as the basis for a
system of industrial self-government, directly related to modern
conditions and to large-scale production. During this stage
the propaganda for the " restoration of the gild system " was
developing into the propaganda of National Guilds, the em-
phasis on the word " National " indicating the necessity for a
different kind of guild system corresponding to the " National
Economy " of modern times.
This transition was made definite, and the first attempt
to expound the new guild theory as a complete system of social-
ism began to be made in the New Age in 1912, when a series of
articles, subsequently reprinted in the volume, National Guilds,
which was written by S. G. Hobson, and edited by A. R. Orage,
was published week by week. It was with the publication of
these articles that the guild theory first became a definite force
in the British socialist movement.
While this process of theoretical development was going on the
situation in the British industrial world was rapidly changing.
The earlier years of the 2oth century were years of comparative
industrial tranquillity, during which the main attention of the
working-class movement was concentrated on political questions
and on the building-up of the Labour party. From 1909 and
1910 onwards, however, a big wave of industrial unrest passed
over the country. Big strikes broke out in a number of the
most important industries, and a great stimulus was given to
the movement for wider industrial combination. This in-
dustrial ferment also served to arouse a corresponding ferment
in the realm of ideas. New socialist theories, based mainly on
the working-class industrial organizations, sprang rapidly into
prominence, and in particular the " Industrial Unionist "
ideas, which had entered Great Britain from America a few years
earlier, and the syndicalist ideas derived from contemporary
developments in the French labour movement, gained for a time
a large number of adherents and excited vigorous controversy.
It was in the midst of this controversy and of this industrial
ferment that the guild idea developed from a " Utopian " plan
for the restoration of mediaeval conditions into the outline
of a practical policy of industrial self-government, appealing
particularly to the British organized working-class movement.
The transition, however, was not fully completed with the
publication of the " National Guilds " series of articles in the
New Age; for the influence of the New Age, although it was
during these years steadily growing, reached only a com-
paratively narrow circle of intellectuals in the middle and
working classes. It was when a group of the younger men
took up, from 1913 onwards, the wider dissemination of these
ideas, particularly through the then newly founded Labour
paper, the Daily Herald, that the movement began to exercise
an influence over larger circles. This wide appeal, moreover, also
resulted to some extent in a transformation of the Guild Socialist
theory itself. The theory became steadily less Utopian and
remote; and its advocates applied themselves more and more to
a study of actual, pressing trade-union problems, and to the
working-out of proposals for the " next steps " to be taken.
Up to this point the guild movement had remained entirely
unorganized, save for the small degree of cohesion secured
through the medium of the New Age. It was in 1914 that the
idea of creating an organization for the propaganda and study
of Guild Socialism in England first took shape at a private
conference of the younger Guild Socialists. This led, at Easter
1915, to the formation of the National Guilds League, which
immediately set on foot an active propaganda in the working-
class and professional movement. There is no doubt that this
propaganda was largely helped by the conditions of war-time
industry. Workshop problems were constantly arising owing
to the operation of dilution and to war-time changes in the
GUILD SOCIALISM
325
methods and forms of production. This situation served to
awaken a critical spirit in the workers, and made them more
ready to listen to plans for a change in the industrial system.
It is legitimate to say that by 1921 the guild propaganda, while
it had not made any direct appeal to the larger masses of the
workers in Great Britain or other countries, had come to exercise
a powerful influence over a steadily growing number of the
younger local and national leaders of the Labour movement
and in the professions. This influence could be seen in the
changing policies and programmes both of trade unions and
professional associations and of socialist societies. For example,
the Miners' Federation, which before the war advocated a
measure of nationalization of the mines which would have
placed them under direct State administration, laid before the
Coal Industry Commission, in 1919, a scheme which was in
substance an adoption of the Guild Socialist proposals for in-
dustrial self-government. Similar influences have been at work
in other industries, notably in the post-office, on the railways
and in the building industry. The influence of the Guild Social-
ist propaganda has also been considerable in the professions,
and especially in the teaching world; while in the sphere of
socialist organization the policy and programme of the Inde-
pendent Labour party, the Labour party and other organiza-
tions have been largely changed so as to incorporate the idea
of control of industry by the workers more or less on the lines
advocated by the Guild Socialists.
The National Guilds League, which is the only organization
directly representing the Guild Socialist movement in Great
Britain, defines its objects in the following terms: " The
abolition of the Wage System, and the establishment by the
workers of Self-Government in Industry through a democratic
system of National Guilds, working in conjunction with other
democratic functional organizations in the community." An
examination of this definition will serve to indicate clearly the
main ideas upon which Guild Socialism is based.
The central idea, undoubtedly, is that of self-government in
industry. The guild propaganda is above all connected with the
advocacy of a change in the system of industrial administration
which would result in placing the power and responsibility of
administration in the hands of the workers engaged in each
particular industry or service. Guild Socialists have always
stressed the point that by " workers " they mean not simply
the manual workers engaged in industry, but the whole necessary
personnel. Indeed, the oft-used phrase " workers by hand
and brain " seems to have been coined by the Guild Socialists,
and was used by them from the beginning of their propaganda.
They have stressed, moreover, not only the need for common
action by all the workers " by hand and brain," but also the
need for the recognition, in any form of democratic industrial
organization, of vital functional differences between one grade
of workers and another. The democracy which they have
advocated has been not the government of industry by in-
discriminate mass voting, but a system in which power and
responsibility would be definitely related to the particular
function which each individual or group of individuals is called
upon to fulfil in the service of the community.
The central idea of Guild Socialism is thus the idea of func-
tional democracy, or, in other words, the application of demo-
cratic principles to the organization of all forms of industry and
public service. This advocacy is closely combined in Guild
Socialist propaganda with a critique of the current conceptions
of democracy. Guildsmen are fond of pointing out that the pres-
ent forms of democratic organization, which may be called, for
short, " parliamentary democracy based on universal suffrage,"
are not in reality democracy at all, and do not in fact provide
for the direction of the affairs of the community by the posi-
tive wills of its members. They urge that it is useless to look
for effective democracy in the political sphere as long as the
principle on which industry, which so largely dominates men's
b'ves in modern communities, is organized is the principle of
autocracy, or, at best, of fundamental class divisions. In this
aspect their teaching may be regarded as a precise application
of the Marxian " materialist conception of history " to the
criticism of modern parliamentary democracy. If industry is
democratically organized, they hold that real democracy in the
political sphere will follow almost as a matter of course; but, as
long as men, in their daily work, are compelled to submit to
external dictation and have no recognized voice in the ordering
of their service, these class conditions, they hold, will inevitably
reproduce themselves in the political sphere. Guildsmen say
that " economic power precedes political power."
The central object, then, of the Guild Socialists is to establish
democracy in the sphere of industry, and thereby to secure
that it shall be applied throughout the whole sphere of social
organization. In advocating such a change they recognize
that their hope of success rests on relating their ideal definitely
to actual movements existing within the world of capitalism,
but capable of being so transformed as to supplant capitalism
and replace it in the organization of industries and services.
They have therefore always based their propaganda directly
upon the organizations which the manual and professional
workers have created for the purpose of protecting their interests
and improving their position under the wage system, and they
have sought to persuade these organizations to accept the
principle of industrial self-government, and to work for the
realization of it by endeavouring, in proportion as their power
increases, to extend their actual control over capitalist in-
dustrialism. Mention has been made above of the transforma-
tion which has taken place in the programmes of many trade
unions and other working-class bodies, largely under the in-
fluence of Guild Socialist ideas. The members of these bodies,
from regarding the purpose for which their organizations are
built up as limited to the protection of their members' interests
under the wage system in face of those by whom they are em-
ployed or the securing of useful legislation, are gradually broad-
ening their conception of the function of these organizations so
as to include the assumption of direct " control " and respon-
sibility for the organization of industry. Nor is this influence
manifest only in the changing programmes of the working-
class organizations, but also in their positive policy and action.
It was particularly plain in the " shop stewards' movement "
in the British engineering and kindred industries, which, during
the war, endeavoured to establish in the workshops a wider
measure of direct trade-union " control of industry." It is also
manifest in the widening of the range of industrial disputes, and
in the putting forward by the unions of claims which involve
the recognition of their right to interfere and negotiate on
behalf of their members in connexion with questions of " dis-
cipline " and " management." It appears further in demands
that foremen and supervisory workers should be members of
the trade unions, and even that they should be appointed by,
and responsible to, those who have to work under them.
The most remarkable outcome of the guild propaganda, and
also the only important practical experiment which the Guild
Socialists have so far been able to make, is to be found in Eng-
land in the Building Guild movement. Towards the end of
1919 a movement arose, largely fostered by the local branch of
the National Guilds League, among the building operatives in
the Manchester area, for the formation of a guild which would be
prepared directly to undertake work, especially on behalf of the
public authorities, in the sphere of house-building. A local
Building Guild organization, governed by representatives from
the local management committees of the various building-
trade unions, was set up in the Manchester area, and the move-
ment spread very rapidly throughout the country, so that
during the following year something like a hundred local Build-
ing Guild committees, linked up in a central organization, were
brought into being. These guild organizations proceeded to
make tenders to the local authorities for the carrying-out of
the housing schemes which were then being brought forward
in most parts of the country, and after some difficulty the
Ministry of Health was induced to sanction a limited number
of contracts on an experimental basis. In March 1921 work was
already proceeding on about 20 such contracts.
326
GUILD SOCIALISM
Some of the difficulties which arose in the starting of the
Building Guild movement serve to illustrate very clearly certain
of the fundamental principles underlying the Guild Socialist
movement. When the Building Guilds first tendered for con-
tracts they were asked by the local authorities and by the Minis-
try of Health, as a private contractor would have been asked,
what " financial guarantees " they were willing and able to
give. They replied that they would give no financial guarantee,
even if they were in a position to do so, since their intention
was not to produce for profit, but to produce for the public
absolutely at cost price. There is in the constitution of the
Building Guilds not only no provision for capital or for interest
or profits, but a definite clause which prohibits the distribution,
under any circumstances, of any form of dividend or bonus or
profit to the workers. This is one of the features which clearly
differentiate the Building Guild movement from the move-
ment for " Cooperative Production " with which it is some-
times confused. In their refusal to give financial guarantees
the Building Guilds stressed the fact that they were in a position,
as a private contractor was not, to give a " labour guarantee,"
i.e. a guarantee that they could and would supply all the labour,
including technical and supervising ability, necessary for the
execution of the job. Stress has been laid, throughout the guild
propaganda, on the idea that the power of the workers is based
on their possession of a " monopoly of labour," and the Building
Guild movement itself is based on this monopoly, largely pos-
sessed by the trade unions which control the Building Guilds.
In the second place, difficulties arose because the Building
Guilds firmly insisted that all workers employed by them
must have security against unemployment, and must receive
full-time wages irrespective of bad-weather conditions which
so often cause an interruption of building work, of sickness, and
of the other factors which serve to make the wages of the worker,
especially in the building industry, vary so largely from week
to week, and thus throw him into a position of permanent in-
security. This condition was accepted in the contracts actually
signed by the Building Guilds and endorsed by the Ministry
of Health; but considerable trouble subsequently arose over it
in consequence of the opposition of the building-trade em-
ployers, who regarded it as " preferential treatment."
This point is very important, and is fundamental to the whole
guild theory. In the statement of objects of the National
Guilds League quoted above, it will be noticed that the Guild
Socialists set out first of all to secure the " Abolition of the Wage
System." A part of what they mean by this is that the con-
ditions under which the workers at present receive wages in-
volve permanent insecurity and are therefore degrading, and
such as to place the worker at the mercy of the " governing
class in industry." Guildsmen, therefore, have always made the
principle of " continuous pay," or, as it is sometimes called,
" industrial maintenance," a fundamental part of their propa-
ganda. They have insisted that all those who are willing to do
service for the community have a right to continuous pay in
return for that willingness to serve, and that the maintenance
of the " reserve of labour " is a necessary and legitimate charge
upon the various industries, and forms a real part of their costs
of production. This principle of " industrial maintenance "
has undoubtedly been one of the most favourably received and
influential aspects of the Guild Socialist policy.
Guildsmen thus claim the recognition, not only of the prin-
ciple that the responsibility for industrial administration should
be placed in the workers' hands, but also of the principle of
economic security for every worker in the widest sense. They
recognize fully that this involves changes far more fundamental
than any mere alteration of the machinery of industrial admin-
istration. They are not simply Guildsmen: they are also
Socialists. They are in agreement with other schools of socialist
thought in holding that it is necessary to transfer the means of
production and distribution and exchange from private hands
to some form of communal ownership. They are, however,
strongly hostile to the older schools of collectivism or " State "
Socialism, which contemplate the nationalization of industry in
a sense which would involve its direct administration, after trans-
ference to public ownership, by the governmental organization
of the political State. Guildsmen have always laid great stress
in their propaganda on the evils of bureaucracy and political
control in industry; and their system of direct workers' control
is put forward as an alternative to State administration.
This, however, does not mean that they hold that the entire
control of the various industries and services ought to pass into
the hands of the workers organized as producers. They have
always contemplated the exercise of direct producers' control
over administration in close conjunction with a control over
policy in which the representatives of the organized citizen-
consumers would have an effective voice. This is what they
mean when they say that self-government in industry will be
exercised through guilds " working in conjunction with other
democratic functional organizations in the community."
Guildsmen differ in their conception of the precise changes
which are required in order to give effect to this principle.
They are united in recognizing that the working-class co-
operative movement is destined to play an important part as
the representative of the organized domestic consumers in the
society to which they look forward. But there is much difference
of opinion amongst them concerning the character and role of
the State. The majority in the National Guilds League has taken
a view concerning the State which is closely similar to that of the
Marxians. They regard the State as a form of capitalistic
organization " an Executive Committee for administering
the affairs of the whole capitalist class " and they look forward
to its supersession " by forms of organization created by and
directly expressing the will of the workers themselves. . . .
It (the N.G.L.) holds, however, that the exact form of organ-
ization required in any country cannot be determined in advance
of the situation which calls it into being." There is a minority,
however, in the Guild Socialist movement which holds that
the State is capable of adaptation to the function of acting as the
political representative of the community in a state of society
in which economic organization is based on the Guild Socialist
principle of industrial self-government.
The Guild Socialist theory concerning the precise forms of
socialist organization which would replace the present machinery
of industry and the capitalist State is still in the making, or rather,
to some extent, in the unmaking. Different Guild Socialist writ-
ers have put forward different views on this question; and on
the whole the recent tendency of the Guild Socialist move-
ment has been towards the abandonment of any attempt to
define at all precisely the structure of the future society, and
towards a concentration rather upon the principles and policies
which are to guide the transition to it, preserving only in general
outline a common conception of the character of the future
organization. The movement has undoubtedly been influenced,
as it has been sharply divided, by events in Russia from 1917
onwards. The National Guilds League in England has affirmed
its " solidarity with the Russian Soviet Republic," but has
refused to commit itself as an organization to Communist prin-
ciples, or to declare for the adoption, in Great Britain, of methods
similar to those which the Communists have applied in Russia.
It is important to point out that the Guild Socialists and their
organization, the National Guilds League, must not be regarded
as a party or group at all parallel to other socialist organizations
such as the Independent Labour party or the Communist
party. Guild Socialists in many cases belong to, and work
within, one or other of the socialist parties; and they are held
together not so much by a common attitude on the question
of socialist political policy, as by a common belief as to the
principles which must guide the making of the new society
principles which are compatible with varying views as to the
policy which it may be necessary to pursue in the political field.
Differences on this question of method have not prevented the
guildsmen from working together in their endeavour to promote
in the trade-union world, and to a less extent in the cooperative
movement, a policy designed to strengthen the demand for work-
ers' control, and to bring about substantial encroachments by the
GUILLAUMAT, M. L. A.
327
workers on the capitalist control of industry, even while the
capitalist system as a whole remains in being. Mention has been
made before of the development of the Building Guild organiza-
tion. Side by side with this practical object-lesson, guildsmen
have worked out policies for adoption in those industries in which
it is not possible at present to establish guild organizations in
rivalry with the existing capitalist system. They have sup-
ported, in the case of the railways, the mines and certain other
industries, demands for nationalization, always, however,
coupling their support with the demand that nationalization
must be accompanied by a large measure of democratic control
over administration. At the same time they have pressed, in
industry generally, the policy known as " encroaching control."
" Encroaching control " means the attempt by the trade unions,
while not at once overthrowing capitalism or dispossessing the
present owners of the means of production, to transfer into the
hands of the organized workers as many as possible of the func-
tions of control which are at present exercised by employers or
their representatives. The two outstanding forms of this propa-
ganda of " encroaching control " are to be found: (a) in the de-
mand put forward by the guildsmen for the election of foremen
and supervisors by the rank-and-file workers; and (6) in the
policy known as " collective contract."
(a) Guildsmen are never weary of urging that in place of
the present system, under which the foremen and industrial
supervisors are appointed by the employers, usually from the
ranks of the manual workers, the workers, through their trade
unions, should take into their hands the right to appoint their
own foremen and supervisors. This demand has not at present
been conceded save in an insignificant number of instances ; but
the trade unions have taken certain steps towards it by securing,
in numerous instances, the dismissal of foremen to whom their
members have taken objection. The carrying-through of this
policy of democratic election of foremen is closely bound up with
the policy of " collective contract."
(6) By " collective contract " is meant a scheme capable of
assuming a number of different forms, under which the whole
of the workers in a particular shop, factory or department would
make with their employer a single agreement as to their terms
of service, the amount and character of their output, and the
payment for it. Instead of the present system, under which the
employer engages and pays each worker individually, and
appoints his own representatives to exercise discipline in the
workshop, the trade unions themselves, under this system,
would make a contract with the employer to supply the neces-
sary labour, including workshop supervision, and to carry out
the work required, and would thus control engagements and dis-
missals as well as workshop discipline. The employer, instead
of paying each worker individually, would pay to the union, or
to the works committee on its behalf, a lump sum, which the
workers would then distribute amongst themselves in such a
way as they might agree upon. By this arrangement, it is con-
tended, the employer would be directly excluded from a certain
sphere in which he now exercises control. The workers would
thus not only get a valuable lesson and experience in the work of
controlling industry, but would also greatly strengthen their
position for a subsequent further assumption of power, which
'would involve the winning of industrial control over a wider
area, including commercial as well as purely productive opera-
tions. This system, too, has not yet been adopted anywhere in
full; but certain approximations to it have been made.
The guildsmen stress, in the whole of their propaganda, the
need for an appeal to a new motive in industry if men are to
be persuaded to put out their best efforts, and to do their best
work in the service of the community. They claim that in the
past, since the coming of large-scale industry, production has
been secured mainly by the operation of two motives fear
(of unemployment and starvation) and greed (for higher re-
muneration secured, e.g. by " payment by results "). They
contend that these two motives are showing themselves more and
more inadequate to secure the continuance of production, and
that this is shown both by the increasing frequency and severity
of industrial disputes, and by the diminished willingness on the
part of the workers to do their best. They maintain that a
different spirit can be made to prevail in industry only if two
conditions are satisfied. The first of these conditions is that the
worker must have a sense that, in putting his best into his
work, he is serving, not the private interest of any individual,
but the whole community, and that his work is being directed
to that end which will most conduce to the common benefit;
the second condition is that the responsibility for doing his
best must be placed upon the worker himself, and that he must
be given freedom, in the form of self-government, in the organiza-
tion of his work. These two ideas are often put together in the
phrase " free communal service," which is regarded by guilds-
men as the condition of the creation of reasonable industrial
order. It is recognized that such an order would make higher
demands upon the will and good-will of the mass of the people
than the capitalist system; but guildsmen contend that, if the
right appeal is made and the above conditions satisfied, the
workers will rise to the occasion and will be prepared to do their
best in the service of the public, because they will feel that
they " count," and that the responsibility for the good con-
duct of industry rests directly upon them. Guild Socialists
always insist that the power which goes with responsibility
must be diffused to the widest possible extent among the whole
mass of the people, and that this is the necessary condition of
democratic efficiency and healthy social organization.
REFERENCES. There is a large and growing literature dealing
with Guild Socialism. See National Guilds, by S. G. Hobson;
Guild Socialism Re-stated, by G. D. H. Cole; The Meaning of National
Guilds, by M. B. Reckitt and C. E. Bechhofer; Old Worlds for New,
by A. j. Penty; Self-Government in Industry, by G. D. H. Cole; other
works by Hobson, Cole and Penty; and the various publications of
the National Guilds League (39 Cursitor St., London, E. C. 4.).
For hostile criticism see Guild Socialism, by G. C. Field; Our Social
Heritage, by Graham Wallas; and The Case for Capitalism, by
Hartley Withers. For the social theory of Guild Socialism see Social
Theory, by G. D. H. Cole; Authority, Liberty and Function, by
Ramiro de Maeztu; The Sickness of an Acquisitive Society, by R. H.
Tawney; and Roads to Freedom, by Bertrand Russell. For its
industrial policy see Chaos and Order in Industry, by G. D. H. Cole;
The Nationalization of the Mines, by Frank Hodges, and the evidence
volumes of the Coal Industry Commission, 1919 (evidence of Cole,
Straker, Slesser, and others). The National Guilds League publishes
a monthly journal, The Guildsman, in which questions of Guild
Socialist and trade-union policy are regularly dealt with, and news
given of the movement in various countries. (G. D. H. C.)
GUILLAUMAT, MARIE LOUIS ADOLPHE (1863- ), French
general, was born at Bancqneuf (Charente Inferieure) on Jan. 4
1863. He entered the Ecole de St. Cyr on Oct. 31 1882 and was
appointed a sub-lieutenant of infantry on Oct. i 1884. Four
years later he was promoted lieutenant. In Nov. 1893 he became
a captain and was transferred to the I47th infantry regiment.
In 1903 he was appointed professor of military history at
St. Cyr, and later became lecturer on infantry tactics at the
Ecole de Guerre. He was promoted lieutenant-colonel in 1907
and colonel in 1910. In Jan. 1913 he became director of infantry
at the Ministry of War, and on Oct. 8 of the same year was made
a general of brigade, continuing to hold his appointment. On
June 14 1914 he became chef de cabinet when M. Messimy was
War Minister, but on the outbreak of the World War he was
placed at the disposal of General Joffre. On Sept. 2 1914 he was
given command of the 33rd Division, becoming, in the following
Dec., a temporary general of division. On Feb. 25 1915 he took
part in the defence of Verdun, in the operations attending the
German offensive of Feb. 1916, and in the French (Somme)
offensive of the same year. He was confirmed in his rank as a
general of division on Dec. 23 1915. In Dec. 1916 he took over
command of the II. Army from General Nivelle when that
officer was appointed commander-in-chief. Twelve months later
(Dec. 14 1917) he succeeded General Sarrail as commander-in-
chief in Salonika. In this capacity he had the difficult task of
restoring the moral of a heterogeneous force that had become
disorganized through inaction, and of reconciling the divergent
military interests of the Allies in this theatre. He drew up the
offensive plan which Franchet d'Esperey afterwards carried out
so brilliantly, but in June 1918 was suddenly brought back to
328
GUISE, BATTLE OF
Paris to act as military governor when the German summer
offensives threatened to reproduce the conditions of the Marne.
When the tide turned he actively supported the proposed
Salonika advance by pressing its advantages on the War Council,
and it was with his aid that Franchet d 'Esperey obtained author-
ity to advance. In Oct. 1918 he was given command of the V.
Army. He was awarded the Grand Cross of the Legion of Hon-
our on July 10 1918 and the medaille militaire on Oct. 3 1918.
On Jan. 30 1920 he was appointed to the Superior War Council.
GUISE, BATTLE OF. The name of the battle of Guise is
given to the battle fought by the French V. Army on Aug. 29
1914, during the first Allied retreat, with the object of delaying
the advancing Germans so as to take pressure off the British
and to gain time for the debouchment of the newly formed French
VI. Army.
By Aug. 25 the succession of battles fought in Lorraine, the
Ardennes and on the Sambre had produced an atmosphere of
optimism at German general headquarters. The Supreme Com-
mand was, however, led astray by the magic of imagination and
mistook the shadow of victory for the reality, although it is
true that the Germans were somewhat in advance of their time-
table. Gen. von Moltke considered that the great decisive battle
in the W. had been fought and ended in Germany's favour, and
that the moment had arrived when forces might safely .be sent
to the eastern front. It was decided to send two corps from
France to reinforce the VIII. Army in East Prussia. Gen. von
Moltke's first intention had been to take these reinforcements
from his left wing, but both the VI. and VII. Armies reported
that they were opposed by superior numbers, and it was there-
fore decided to send two corps from the right. Accordingly the
XI. and Guard Reserve Corps and a cavalry division received
orders early on the 26th to proceed to the eastern front.
The bracing atmosphere of optimism breathed by Supreme
Headquarters in their peaceful hotel at Coblentz, some 200 m.
from the battlefield, had at least one rarefied " pocket " in the
front line. On Aug. 26 Gen. von Billow, the commander of the
II. Army, was bewailing the fact that the III. Army on his left
was not conforming to the south-westerly wheel of the II.
Army, and that there was an awkward gap between the two.
Further, on the 27th, the I. Army (which since Aug. 20 had been
under Gen. von Billow's orders) was suddenly removed from
the control of the II. Army by order of the Supreme Command,
thereby making the cooperation of the three right-wing armies
still more difficult. On the side of the Allies, neither far behind
the fighting nor in the front line was there any optimism, and
indeed there was little to suggest a roseate view of the situation.
Failure had dogged their early efforts, and the whole left and
centre were being forced back. This circumstance, however, was
not without its advantages, for it ensured that the Allied com-
manders-in-chief were in far closer touch with their forces than
was the case on the German side. Far from attempting to deal
with the situation from a couple of hundred m. in rear, Gen.
Joffre and Field-Marshal Sir John French were on Aug. 26
deliberating within sound of the guns, and with the assistance
of the French army commander most nearly concerned. The
meeting took place in the billiard room of the house at St. Quentin
which was serving as the headquarters of the British commander-
in-chief. The moment was one of particular anxiety for Sir John
French, for while awaiting the arrival of Gen. Joffre and Gen.
Lanrezac the commander of the French V. Army the British
field-marshal received the news that his II. Corps had not been
able to comply with his orders to fall back from the line Cam-
brai-Le Cateau, and was now committed, and alone, to a battle.
Staff officers were sent to Gen. Smith-Dorrien with peremptory
orders to break off the fight and to resume the retreat forthwith.
It was now nearly eleven o'clock, and shortly afterwards Gen.
Joffre arrived with his chief-of-staff. He was followed by the
commander of the French V. Army, and a discussion of the
situation immediately began.
During the night which had preceded the conference Gen.
Joffre had issued a new directive, to the effect that, the offensive
which he had projected having proved incapable of realization,
" further operations would be carried out with a view to forming
a mass of manoeuvre on the left flank to carry out an offensive."
This mass of manoeuvre was to be made up of the French IV. and
V. Armies and the British, plus a new army the VI. to be
made up of units moved by rail from other sectors, chiefly from
the right. In theory these orders formed the basis of the dis-
cussions at the conference, though, as it happened, the rapid
march of events had prevented orders being thoroughly assimi-
lated by some of the recipients. Nothing very definite indeed
seems to have been decided at the meeting beyond the under-
standing that the retreat was to be continued as slowly and
deliberately as possible, until the Allies should find themselves in
a favourable position to make a firm stand and take the offensive.
Immediately after the conference Sir John French set out to
ascertain the fate of his II. Corps, and, having learnt of the hard
fighting which it had experienced at Le Cateau (see FRONTIERS,
BATTLES OF: Sec. 5), he issued orders for the British army to fall
back to the line La Fere-Noyon, and during the evening shifted
his headquarters to the latter town.
From the evidence of his own published account it is clear
that Sir John French felt strongly on two matters. The first
was the action of the French V. Army on his right. He considered
that the British had been placed in a position of isolation both
at Mons and immediately afterwards " by the very sudden
change of plan and headlong retirement of the V. Army." He
had indeed pointed this out to Gen. Joffre, in the presence of
Gen. Lanrezac, at the conference at St. Quentin. The other
factor on which he had formed decided views was " the shattered
condition of the troops which had fought at Le Cateau." In a
further interview between the two commanders-in-chief on
Aug. 27 Gen. Joffre showed himself most sympathetic and
" understanding " in reference to the special position of the
British, and promised that the French V. Army would be directed
to take energetic action to take the pressure off it.
It was now the forenoon of the 2yth, and the French V. Army,
in accordance with Gen. Joffre's directive of the 25th, was retiring
over the Oise above Guise; and orders had actually been drafted
for the continuance of the retirement next day to the line Mont-
cornet-Marles-Ribemont. Shortly before one o'clock on the 27th,
however, an officer arrived from French general headquarters
with verbal instructions to the effect that Gen. Lanrezac was
at once to attack towards St. Quentin with vigour, " sans s'oc-
cuper des Anglais." As the V. Army was retiring almost due S.,
and in several columns, it would necessarily take some time to
effect the change of front required for the offensive ordered, and
this was pointed out to the envoy. The envoy made an irritating
innuendo; a discussion of rather a tart nature ensued; Gen.
Lanrezac's exasperation triumphed over his prudence, and he
expressed himself rather freely on what he considered the in-
different work of French general headquarters.
Nightfall of the 27th found the French V. Army behind the
Oise and Thon, with its left below Guise and its right about
Rumigny, facing north-east. Before the offensive against
St. Quentin could be carried out it was necessary to transfer
the bulk of the army below Guise and to establish it opposite
its objective; that is to say, facing west. This preliminary move-
ment, which would entail a flank march within range of the
enemy, and was further complicated by a change of front of
more than a right angle, was undoubtedly a most delicate opera-
tion. A further difficulty was added by the fact that the Oise
would give only a limited protection to the movement, inasmuch
as it was not a serious obstacle above Guise. Again, the more
the V. Army closed in to its left the wider would become the gap
between it and the IV. Army on its right. These factors ruled
out of court any prospect of an offensive before the igth.
On the 28th the headquarters of the V. Army were at Marie,
and there about noon Gen. Joffre came to see Gen. Lanrezac.
The latter described to his chief the dispositions he was making,
pointing out at the same time the exposed situation in which his
right flank would find itself while his main body was committed
to the offensive against St. Quentin. These observations do not
appear to have been taken in good part by the commander-in-
GUISE, BATTLE OF (1914)
GUISE, BATTLE OF
329
chief, who became very angry. He peremptorily ordered the
V. Army commander to proceed with the offensive against
St. Qucntin; and menafa le general Lanrezac de lui enlever son
commandcment.
Before discussing the battle of Guise from the tactical point
of view it is necessary to have a clear idea of the position of the
forces engaged on either side. On the evening of the syth the
front of the V. Army from right to left was generally on the line
Rumigny-Etreaupont-Guise-Origny St. Benoite. The main body,
consisting of the I., X., III. and XVIII. Corps (in this order from
right to left), lay between Aubenton and Guise, covered on the
right by the reserve division of Gen. Bouttegourdand the cavalry
of Gen. Abonneau, the latter being between Rumigny and Rozoy.
On the left were two reserve divisions under Gen. Valabregue
holding the passages over the Oise at Guise and below that town.
To bring about the transfer of strength to the left, and to effect
the change of front required for the offensive ordered, orders
were given for the following movements to take place on the 28th.
Gen. Valabregue was to close to his left and hold the left bank
of the Oise S. of Moy. The III. and XVIII. Corps, each rcenforced
by an African div., were to take post along the Oise between
Origny St. Benoite and Moy. The I. Corps was to move to Sains
and form the army reserve. The X. Corps was to take post
along the Oise E. of Guise. The cavalry of Gen. Abonneau, to
which was to be attached the reserve division of Gen. Boutte-
gourd, was still to operate on the right. On the left of the French
V. Army the British were, throughout the 28th, continuing their
retirement, and by the evening of that day were on the line
La Fere-Noyon, with a gap between the I. Corps on the right and
the II. on the left.
To turn now to the Germans, the two armies likely to come
into collision with the French V. Army were the I. and II.,
of which the former under Gen. von Kluck was on the right.
After the battle of Le Cateau that army, by the evening of the
26th, was on the line Hermies-Crevecceur-Caudry-Busigny, and
by the evening of the following day it was, generally speaking, on
the front Combles-Estrees. Unlike Gen. von Biilow, the com-
mander of the I. Army was being affected by the heady atmos-
phere of optimism. The victory of Le Cateau obviously required
following up, but a more grandiose scheme was selected, and
Gen. von Kluck's one idea now seems to have been to march
S.W. until he should overlap the Allied left. Accordingly on the
28th his army switched off from the pursuit of the British
II. Corps, moved in the direction generally of Peronne, and
by evening was in possession of the passages over the Somme
between Feuillieres and St. Christ. Thence he moved still S.W.,
becoming involved in fighting with French forces of Gens.
d'Amade, Maunoury and Sordet, missing his chance of " eating
up " the British II. Corps, and incidentally vanishing from the
picture so far as the battle of Guise is concerned.
As for the German II. Army, on the evening of the 2yth it was
on the line St. Souplet-Wassigny-Etreux-Laschelle-Buironfosse-
La Capclle, with its corps (working from right to left) disposed
as follows: VII. (less i3th Div.), X. Reserve, X. and Guard.
During the day the order which had put the I. Army under the
orders of the commander of the II. was cancelled by Supreme
Headquarters, and Gen. von Bulow was beginning to feel some-
what isolated. On his right Gen. von Kluck had begun his
eccentric march, while on the left the III. Army was being
sucked eastwards to assist the IV. which was in difficulties. In
these circumstances Gen. von Bulow at first determined to
throw forward his right so as to keep touch with the I. Army,
while keeping his left in position; but early on the 28th more
favourable news from the III. Army on his left led him to order
the X. and Guard Corps to cross the Oise. On this day Gen.
Lanrezac was making a flank march behind that river, and
changing front from north-east to west. Thus the French V.
Army, from being in a position to get in its blow against St.
Quentin, was likely to have its own right flank attacked by the
II. Army of the Germans.
Gen. Lanrezac's orders for the attack on St. Quentin on the
apth were to the effect that while the X. Corps and Gen. Abon-
neau 's cavalry should maintain their position, the main body
(III. and XVIII. Corps) was to cross the Oise below Guise and
march on St. Quentin, left in front, with orders to attack the
enemy wherever found. Liaison officers brought the welcome
intelligence that the British I. Corps would cooperate, and ac-
cordingly Gen. Lanrezac added a paragraph to his orders to the
effect that the British I. Corps would debouch from Laon at
5 A.M. and move against St. Quentin. About 2 A.M. on the 29th,
however, a telephone message was received to the effect that such
cooperation was impossible, and accordingly Gen. Lanrezac
ordered the reserve divisions of Gen. Valabregue to flank the
left of the XVIII. Corps.
At daybreak on the 2gth the main body of the V. Army began
to cross the Oise above and below Origny. For a time all went
well, but at nine o'clock a telegram from the X. Corps announced
the fact that it had been heavily attacked by German troops
from the line GuiseEnglaucourt; in other words, by the German
X. and Reserve Corps. The message went on to say that the
left of the X. Corps was holding its own but that the right had
been compelled to give ground. Gen. Lanrezac had again to
modify his plan and to issue new orders, of which the tenor was
as follows. The objective was still to be St. Quentin, but first
of all the enemy attacking the X. Corps was to be thrown back
over the Oise. The left flank was still to be protected by the
reserve divisions of Gen. Valabregue. The XVIII. Corps was
to continue its advance towards St. Quentin but was to avoid
serious engagements with superior forces. The III. Corps
was to maintain its advanced troops W. of the Oise, so as to
facilitate the eventual crossing of the river and the connexion
with the XVIII. Corps on its left. The main body of the corps
was, however, now to face N. and attack Guise. The X. Corps
was to attack on the right of the III. Corps. The I. Corps now
in reserve about Sains was to be ready to assist the X. Corps.
The right flank was still to be protected by Gen. Abonneau's
cavalry division.
It was, however, impossible to carry out this new plan, for by
the time the orders had reached the various commanders the
X. Corps had been driven back too far to allow of an attack upon
St. Quentin. Gen. Lanrezac accordingly decided to renounce
definitely all idea of attacking that place and to confine his
efforts to dealing with the Germans who were harassing the X.
Corps. To this end he issued the following order shortly before
ii A.M.:
In view of the large number of Germans who have appeared E.
of Guise the project of attacking St. Quentin is now renounced.
It is now a question of defeating the enemy E. of Guise, and of
either destroying him or at any rate of driving him back across the
Oise. The XVIII. Corps and the Reserve Divisions of Gen. Vala-
bregue will mask St. Quentin, while the main body (III., X. and I.
Corps) will make a determined attack to the north. Gen. Abon-
neau will leave a mixed detachment to maintain connexion with
the IV. Army on the right and will then move the main bodies of
his own cavalry division and of Gen. Bouttegourd's Reserve Divi-
sion to Vervins ready to act against the enemy's left flank which
has crossed the Oise W. of the Vervins A vesnes road.
Gen. Joffre was present when the above instructions were drawn
up, and gave them his tacit approval.
The French V. Army was now committed to two separate
operations, in both of which the fighting was destined to be
severe, for Gen. von Biilow had by now received definite orders
from Supreme Headquarters to advance on Paris via the line
Laon-La Fere. To take the fighting E. of Guise first, on the side
of the Germans the Guard and X. Corps were facing the sist
Reserve Div., the X. and I. Corps and the 4th Div. of Cavalry,
to which were subsequently added the bulk of the III. Corps.
The German Guard Corps was operating from the line Etreau-
pont-Flavigny; the X. from Flavigny to Macquigny by Guise.
The morning of the 2gth was ushered in by a thick mist which
limited visibility for some time to three or four yards. The
French X. Corps had been ordered to take Audigny, and accord-
ingly the 2oth Div. on the left moved forward against that
village, while the igth Div. followed in support on the right.
The advanced guard of the 2oth DfV. entered Audigny, but was
almost immediately attacked on its right flank, and after some
330
GUITRY GUTHRIE
stubborn fighting the French effort to hold Audigny broke down;
the fighting drifted back to the neighbourhood of Sains, and it
was the intelligence of this set-back which led Gen. Lanrezac
to give up the attack upon St. Quentin. The German Guard
Corps was endeavouring to outflank the right of the X. Corps,
and by three o'clock in the afternoon the situation for the French
was distinctly unfavourable. Relief, however, was afforded
partly by the action of Gen. Abonneau on the right, and still
more by the intervention of the I. Corps, which came into action
on the left and in front of the X. Corps and eventually got into
touch with the III. Corps on the left and with Gen. Abonneau
on the right. The situation of the French was now sensibly
relieved as a result of the orders issued by Gen. Lanrezac about
ii A.M., and about five o'clock the general offensive prescribed
therein took place along the 18 m. from Origny-Vervins towards
Guise. Success crowned the efforts of the French. Bertaigne-
mont, Clanlieu, Pusieux, Richaumont and Colonfay were retaken,
and the Germans were driven back towards the Oise, although
on their left they still held out stubbornly. During the night
the two German corps fell back across the river.
This success was, however, neutralized by the events between
the Oise and St. Quentin, where the situation took an unfavour-
able turn for the French. The reserve divisions of Gen. Vala-
bregue occupied Urviller, but were in turn attacked and forced
to fall back behind the Oise. The leading units of the XVIII.
Corps had meanwhile reached the neighbourhood of St. Quentin,
but as its left was uncovered by the retirement of the reserve
divisions Gen. de Las Latrie deemed it advisable to make prep-
arations for a withdrawal of the XVIII. Corps to the Oise, an
operation which was carried out by evening.
When morning broke on the 3oth Gen. Lanrezac was under no
illusions as to his position. The British army had been compelled
to rest throughout the zpth on the line Noyon-La Fere, and was
not likely to assume the offensive on the 3oth; while on the right
it was probable that the French IV. Army was again in retreat.
If, therefore, the V. Army should remain during the 3oth in the
region Vervins-Guise-Ribemont it might find itself isolated with
:t- fi^tiks uncovered, and also forced to face simultaneously
njrth. west and east. Gen. Lanrezac was prepared to take the
risk, but in the evening of the 3oth a telephonic message (ap-
parently in confirmation of a written order which had gone astray)
arrived directing the V. Army to fall back. The commander of
the V. Army therefore issued orders for his troops to gain during
what was left of the 3oth the high ground N. of the lower Serre
and Souche. This was carried out and by the 3ist the V.
Army was disposed in a great semicircle round Laon.
It is admitted that the French V. Army ably carried out its
task of delaying the Germans; and Sir John French, writing of
the battle later, said: " On the 29th (August) a very brilliant and
successful attack by the French V. Army at Guise heavily de-
feated three German corps and threw them back with severe
loss. This had a great effect in assisting the retreat, for it not
only enabled the V. Army to hold its own for some time on the
Oise, between Guise and La Fere, but it considerably relieved
hostile pressure on the British and on the French troops on our
left." Gen. Lanrezac, however, was apparently not in favour
with French general headquarters, and within a few days he
was relieved of his command. (F. E. W.*)
GUITRY, LUCIEN GERMAIN (1860- ), French actor (see
12.705). In 1920 he came to London, with his son Sacha, and
made an immense success in Pasteur, playing himself the eminent
scientist, and in his son's play Man Pere avail Raison.
SACHA GUITRY (1885- ), also a distinguished .actor, was
born at Petrograd. He was the author of a number of brilliant
modern comedies, of which Tel Pere Tel Fils. (1909); Nona
(1910); Le Veilleur de Nuit (1911); La Prise de Berg-op-Zoom
(1912) are other examples. He married Yvonne Printemps,
herself an actress of distinction. JEAN GUITRY, another son of
Lucien Guitry, and a promising actor in modern comedies, was
killed in a motor accident near Deauville Sept. n 1920.
GUNTHER, ALBERT CHARLES LEWIS GOTTHILF (1830-
1914), German biologist, was born in Wiirttemberg Oct. 3 1830
and educated at Tubingen, Berlin and Bonn universities. He
entered the British Museum in 1856 and became keeper of
the zoological department in 1875, holding that post for 20
years. He made a special study of fishes and reptiles, and pub-
lished various works on the subject, as well as contributing a
section of the article Ichthyology to the E.B. He received the
gold medal of the Royal Society in 1878 and of the Linnean
Society in 1904. He died at Kew Feb. i 1914.
GURKO, VASILI (1864- ), Russian general, was born in
1864. He was educated in the Corps of Pages, and in 1885 was
given a commission in the Grodno Hussar Regiment. On finish-
ing his course at the Academy of the General Staff, he was ap-
pointed a general staff officer. During the S. African War of
1899-1902 he was one of the foreign military attaches on the
Boer side. In the war with Japan 1904-5 he commanded a caval-
ry brigade and also served on the general staff. He distinguished
himself and was promoted to the rank of general. Later he pre-
sided over the military-historic commission which in 1911
published " An account of the Russo-Japanese War " in seven
volumes. In 1911 he was the chief of the ist Cavalry div., with
which in Aug. 1914 he advanced into Eastern Prussia. Inigishe
was the commander of the VI. Corps. His pronounced gifts and
energy ensured his promotion. In 1916 he was commander of
an army, and at the end of 1916, during Gen. Alexeiev's illness,
he fulfilled the duties of chief of staff to the supreme com-
mander-in-chief. Later, after the revolution, he was deprived
of his appointment as commander-in-chief by Kerensky, owing
both to his objections to risking an offensive with the army in its
then condition of ferment and to his outspoken opinions as to
the causes of this condition. Gurko was imprisoned, released,
imprisoned again and finally sent out of Russia by way of
Archangel, with his wife, who at once volunteered for service
with the French Red Cross. She was killed in action at a
dressing-station on the front on March 23 1918. General Gurko
published his war memories (English edition) in 1918.
GUSTAVUS V. (1858- ), King of Sweden (see 12.738),
succeeded his father on the throne in Dec. 1907. As Crown
Prince he had interested himself greatly in sport and music, and
he continued as King to patronize them. When the World War
broke out in 1914 and neutral countries were impelled to take
counsel together, King Gustavus took the statesmanlike action of
inviting the kings of Norway and Denmark to a meeting at
Malmo, and on a later occasion he himself journeyed to Chris-
tiania where he had once sat as regent. During the war he
exerted himself personally to ensure the maintenance of a policy
of honourable neutrality. His eldest son, the Crown Prince
Gustavus Adolphus (b. 1882), also devoted much time and
energy to sport, and interested himself in archaeology. The
Crown Princess Margaret (b. 1882), a daughter of the Duke of
Connaught, died on May i 1920; she had won the love of the
Swedish people, and when she died a fund of nearly 1,500,000
kroner was quickly subscribed to consecrate her memory. King
Gustavus's brother, Prince Karl (b. 1861), was president of the
Swedish Red Cross; and another brother, Prince Eugene, be-
came known as a painter of much distinction.
GUTHRIE, CHARLES JOHN GUTHRIE, BARON (1840-1920),
Scottish lawyer, was born at Edinburgh April 4 1849, the son
of the Rev. Thomas Guthrie, editor of the Sunday Magazine.
He was educated at Edinburgh Academy and University, and
in 1875 was admitted to the Faculty of Advocates. He was
from 1881 to 1900 legal adviser to the Church of Scotland, and
in 1897 became a Q.C. In 1907 he was appointed a judge of
the court of session and created a life peer. Lord Guthrie was a
member of the royal commissions on historical monuments in
Scotland (1908) and on divorce (1909), and was chairman of
the houseletting commission (1906-7). From 1910 to 1919 he
was president of the Boys' Brigade of Great Britain and Ireland,
and was a member of various antiquarian societies. He had been
in youth a friend of Robert Louis Stevenson, and published in
1914 an appreciation of " Cummy," Stevenson's nurse. His
other works include John Knox and his House (1898), and an
edition of Knox's History of the Reformation in Scotland (1898),
GWALIOR GWATKIN
331
besides contributions to the memoir of his father, Thomas
Guthrie (1875). He died at Edinburgh April 28 1920.
GWALIOR, SIR MAHDO RAO SINDHIA, MAHARAJA OF (1876-
), was born Oct. 20 1876, and succeeded his father, Sir
Jayaji Rao Sindhia, in 1886 (see 12.748-9). He threw himself with
the utmost keenness into the supervision of every detail of State
management, endowing Gwalior with an excellent system of
light railways, carrying out irrigation projects, husbanding the
revenues and raising the standards of administration by unceas-
ing vigilance. A great sportsman, on his visits to England for the
coronations of 1902 and 1911 he delighted spectators at Hurling-
ham and elsewhere by his prowess in polo matches and other
mounted sports. To his profound disappointment serious ill-
health when the World War broke out prevented his service at
the front; but he bent all his energies to helping the Allied cause.
His two regiments and transport corps fought with distinction in
France, East Africa, Egypt and Mesopotamia. A boundless and
inventive generosity found scope in his constant presentation of
munitions of war and princely donations to various relief funds.
He took the main part in purchasing, equipping and maintaining
the hospital ship " Loyalty," which carried 15,000 war patients;
and provided a convalescent home at Nairobi in East Africa to
mention only a few of his gifts. He actively combated false and
discouraging reports in India regarding the war. A lieutenant-
general in the British army, and hon. colonel of ist Duke of
York's Own Lancers (Skinner's Horse), he was hon. A. B.C. to
King George V., had the Grand Crosses of the Victorian Order,
the Star of India and the British Empire; his permanent dynastic
salute was raised to the maximum of 21 guns; and Oxford and
Cambridge conferred upon him their hon. doctorates in law.
King George V. also honoured him by becoming sponsor to his
heir, George Jivaji Rao (b. 1916).
GWATKIN, HENRY MELVILL (1844-1916), English theo-
logical scholar, was born at Barrow-on-Soar, Leics., July 30
1844, the youngest son of the Rev. R. Gwatkin, formerly tutor
at St. John's College, Cambridge. He was educated at Shrews-
bury and St. John's College, Cambridge, where he graduated
in theology in 1868, taking the Carus prize for Greek in 1865
and 1869, and the Tyrwhitt Hebrew prize in 1870. In 1868 he
became a fellow of St. John's, and in 1874 theological lecturer.
He succeeded Creighton as Dixie professor of ecclesiastical
history at Cambridge (1891) and in 1903 gave the Gifford
lectures at Edinburgh. He died at Cambridge Nov. 14 1916.
His chief works were Studies of Arianism (1882); The Knowledge
of God (1906, the published version of his Gifford lectures) and
Early Church History (1909).
332
HAAG HAIG
HAAG, CARL (1820-1915), British painter (see 12.780*),
died at Rother Thurm, Oberwesel, Jan. 17 1915.
HAASE, FRIEDRICH (1827-1911), German actor
(see 12.782), died in Berlin March 17 1911.
HAASE, HUGO (1863-1919), German Independent Socialist
leader, and one of the commission of six who conducted the
Government of the German Reich in the name of the people
immediately after the revolution of Nov. 1918, was born in 1863
at AUenstein in East Prussia. At the outbreak of the World War
he was parliamentary leader of the Social Democratic party in
the Reichstag, but in 1916 he seceded with the Independent
Socialists, who refused to vote the estimate and war credits, and
became their leader. In this capacity he exercised a moderating
influence upon the extreme section of the Independents, who at a
later date (1920) joined the Communists. Haase died on Nov. 7
1919 from wounds received in an attempt upon his life while he
was entering the Reichstag building.
HACKER, ARTHUR (1858-1919), English painter, was born in
London Sept. 25 1858, the son of Edward Hacker, a line engraver.
He became a student at the Royal Academy schools in 1876, and
from 1880-1 worked at the atelier Bonnat, Paris, subsequently
travelling widely both in Europe and in North Africa. The
best known of his paintings are " Her Daughter's Legacy,"
" The Mother," and " The Cloud," while his " Annunciation "
(1892) was bought by the Chantrey trustees. He became A.R.A.
in 1894 and R.A. in 1910. Hacker also became well known as a
portrait painter. He died in London Nov. 12 1919.
HADFIELD, SIR ROBERT ABBOTT, isx BART. (1859- ),
British metallurgist, was born at Sheffield Nov. 29 1859, and was
educated at Sheffield collegiate school. At an early age he
interested himself in metallurgy, and in particular carried out
much research on the manufacture of steel. In 1883 he patented
his process for fhe production of manganese steel (see 14.809),
the first important known substance to combine great hardness
with great malleability. From this time he became famous as the
inventor or improver of various metallurgical processes. He was
the inventor of low hysteresis steel, and also produced the " Era "
steel for use in armour-plating, besides many special alloys.
He became a member of many scientific committees, and was
president of the Sheffield Metallurgical Society (1894-5), of the
Iron and Steel Institute (1905-7), and of the Society of British
Gas Industries (1917-8), besides being master cutler of Sheffield
from 1899 to 1900. In 1908 he was knighted, and the following
year became F.R.S. Sir Robert Hadfield received many honours
from scientific and learned societies, including the Howard prize
(1908), the Bessemer gold medal (1904), the Elliott Cresson gold
medal (1910) and the John Fritz medal (1921) from various
American societies. He was created a baronet in 191 7.
HADLEY, ARTHUR TWINING (1856- ), American econ-
omist and educationist, was elected a director of the New York,
New Haven & Hartford railway in 1913. In 1914 he lectured at
the university of Oxford on "institutions of the United States."
In 1915 he evoked considerable discussion in America by declar-
ing that young men who looked forward to a political career
should have private means so as to avoid pecuniary temptations.
In 1915 he endorsed college military camps and favoured count-
ing military training for a degree. In 1920 he resigned as presi-
dent of Yale University. The same year he was elected a di-
rector of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe railway.
HADOW, SIR WILLIAM HENRY (1859- ), English scholar
and musician, was born at Ebrington, Glos., Dec. 27 1859. He
was educated at Malvern and Worcester College, Oxford, and
after taking his degree remained at Oxford as a tutor and fellow
of his college. In 1909 he became principal of Armstrong College,
Newcastle, retaining this post until 1919, when he became vice-
chancellor of Sheffield University. He was in 1918 appointed
assistant director of education for the troops by the War Office,
and also worked for the Y.M.C.A. He was knighted in 1918.
Sir Henry Hadow is well known as a great authority on the his-
tory of music, and also composed many songs and pianoforte
pieces, besides the incidental music to Robert Bridges' Demeter
(1905). He published Studies in Modern Music (1894 and 1895);
Sonata Form (1896); A Croatian Composer (1897); a valuable
tract on Haydn and the source of many of his melodies and the
section The Viennese Period (1904) in the Oxford History of
Music, of which he was the editor.
HAECKEL, ERNST HEINRICH (1834-1919), German biologist
(see 12.803), died at Jena Aug. 8 1919.
HAGENBECK, CARL (1844-1913), German wild-animal col-
lector (see 12.814), died at Hamburg April 14 1913.
HAGGARD, SIR HENRY RIDER (1856- ), English novelist
(see 12.816), was knighted in 1912. In the same year he was
appointed a member of the royal commission to inquire into the
natural resources and the improvement of the trade of the
British Empire. He took a keen interest in the after- war settle-
ment of ex-service men, and in 1916 visited the overseas domin-
ions in that connexion. He was created K.B.E. in 1919. Among
his later novels are Child of Storm (1913) ; The Ivory Child (1916) ;
Love Eternal (1918); The Ancient Allan (1920).
HAIG, DOUGLAS HAIG, IST EARL (1861- ), British field-
marshal, was born at Edinburgh on June 19 1861, son of John
Haig of Cameronbridge, Fife. He was educated at Clifton and
Brasenose College, Oxford, and in 1885 joined the 7th Hussars.
He was promoted captain in 1891, afterwards passed through
the Staff College, and was employed with the Egyptian army in
1898 during the Nile campaign, for which he was given a brevet
majority. On the outbreak of hostilities in S. Africa in 1899, he
went out to Natal on the staff and was present during the open-
ing engagements near Ladysmith. He was afterwards chief
staff officer of the cavalry division during Lord Roberts' victori-
ous advance from Cape Colony through the Orange Free State
into the Transvaal, and was promoted brevet lieutenant-
colonel for his services. In the later phases of the struggle he
was in command of a column and later was controlling groups
of columns; at the close of the war he was appointed A.D.C. to
the King, promoted brevet-colonel, and given the C.B.
Col. Haig subsequently commanded the i7th Lancers for a
year, after which he went out to India as inspector-general of
cavalry; this appointment he held until 1906, having been pro-
moted major-general in 1905, in which year he married the
Hon. Dorothy Vivian, daughter of the 3rd Lord Vivian. From
1906-9 he was a director in the War Office, and during this time
he was intimately concerned in the development of the general
staff and the improvements effected in the organization of the
army, which were set on foot while Lord Haldane was Secretary
of State. In 1907 he published a volume of Cavalry Studies.
His next appointment was that of chief of the general staff in
India, which he held for three years, being promoted lieutenant-
general in 1910. In 1912 he was brought home to take the com-
mand in Aldershot, and in 1913 he was made a K.C.B.
On the mobilization of the Expeditionary Force in 1914, Sir
D. Haig took the field as commander of the I. Army Corps,
which he led during the Mons, Marne and Aisne operations,
and the first battle of Ypres; he 'was promoted full general in
November for his services. On the division of the B.E.F. into
two armies at the beginning of 1915, he was placed at the head
of the first. On the front of his army during 1915 there took
place the battles of Neuve Chapelle, Festubert and Loos, and
at the end of the year he succeeded Sir J. French in the chief
command. He had been made a G.C.B. in the autumn.
The campaigns and battles of the British army in France
under Sir Douglas Haig's command are dealt with elsewhere,
and here it is sufficient to recall the names of the Somme, of
Arras and the Hindenburg Line, of Messines and Ypres, of
Cambrai, and finally the great disasters and greater triumphs
of 1918. The culminating moment of all his work came on Sept.
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
HAINISCH HALDANE
333
28 1918, when, in conjunction with the American attack on
the Meuse-Argonne front and the Belgian King's offensive from
the Ypres-Yser lines, the British army broke through the Hinden-
burg Line between Cambrai and St. Quentin. It was after the
success of Haig's attack on this front that the German military
command made up its mind to yield, and its results were gleaned
in a steady and triumphant advance along the whole British
front up to the day of the Armistice.
For his great services he was raised to the peerage as Earl
Haig of Bemersyde, and was given a grant of 100,000. The
Order of Merit was also conferred upon him. He was appointed
commander-in-chief in Great Britain after returning from the
Continent, but he held the position for only a few months, as it
was then abolished. Thereafter he devoted himself primarily
to furthering the cause of the ex-soldier.
HAINISCH, MICHAEL (1856- ), Austrian official and
writer, president of the Austrian Federal Republic from Dec. 8
1921, was born Aug. 15 1856. He was originally a lawyer and
an official of the Treasury and of the Education Department,
but retired to his estates in Lower Austria and Styria, where he
carried on model farming, became a leader of the Austrian branch
of the Fabian movement, and one of the founders of the Central
People's Library. Holding aloof from political parties, he was
chosen Federal president because of his personal authority,
although he was not a member of Parliament, nor a candidate
for the presidency. He was a fertile author of works on sociology
and politics: Zukunft dcr Oesterreicher (1892); Zur Wahlreform
(1895); Kampf urns Dasein und Sozialpolitik (1899); Heimar-
beit (1906) ; Fleischnot und Alpine Landwirtschafl. Once a Radical
Socialist, he became with advancing years a Conservative Agra-
rian. During the World War he introduced grain monopoly.
HAITI (see 12.824). The all-important event in Haitian
affairs in the ten years 1910-20 was the military intervention on
the part of the United States, developing into a close political
and fiscal protectorate. The first half of the decade was marked
by constant revolutionary turmoil and by rapid political dis-
integration. In July 1911 President Simon was overthrown and
on Aug. 14 1911 Cincinnatus Leconte, one of the foremost men
of Haiti, became president. A year later (the night of Aug. 8
1912) the presidential palace was blown up and Leconte and a
number of his followers killed. The National Assembly at once
elected Tancrede Auguste, a prominent planter; he died the year
after, and on May 4 1913 Senator Michel Oreste was elected to
the presidency. December 1913 ushered in a period of political
turbulence, and three military presidents assumed office in quick
succession: Oreste Zamor, on Feb. 8 1914; Davilmar Theodore,
on Nov. 7 1914; and Vilbrun Guillaume Sam, on March 4 1915.
The last named, after withstanding the attacks of his opponents
for several months, was compelled to seek refuge in the French
legation in the night of July 26 1915, while two hundred political
prisoners in the gaol of Port au Prince were massacred by order
of one of his followers. At the funeral of the victims a party of
mourners invaded the French legation, dragged out the ex-
president, handing him over to the mob for death, and killed the
ex-gaoler. Two hours later a U.S. cruiser arrived at Port au
Prince and landed marines. U.S. forces occupied the country, dis-
armed the natives, and restored order: and on Sept. 3 1915
Rear-Adml. Caperton, in command, declared martial law. Al-
though U.S. naval officers assumed charge of most administra-
tive functions, the Haitian governmental organization remained
intact. On Aug. 12 1915 Sudre Dartiguenave was chosen by the
Haitian Congress as president, and a treaty having been accepted
by the Haitian Government, the U.S. Senate advised ratification
Feb. 28 1916. Ratifications were exchanged at Washington
May 3 1916, and the treaty was proclaimed on the same date.
Modelled upon the American-Domingo Convention of 1907
(see 24.194), this instrument was designed to secure political
stability and economic development in Haitian affairs by a
political and fiscal protectorate, to remain in force for a period
of 20 years. By its terms the president of Haiti appointed on the
nomination of the president of the United States: (a) a general
receiver of customs to take charge of the customs houses; (b)
a financial adviser to be attached to the ministry of finance;
(c) American officers to organize and command a Haitian con-
stabulary (gendarmerie) which was to replace the Haitian armed
forces, such officers to be later succeeded by qualified Haitians;
(d) engineers to supervise public works and sanitation. Haiti
agreed not to increase the public debt and not to modify the
customs duties without the consent of the United States; the
United States undertook to intervene when necessary for the
preservation of Haitian independence and the maintenance
of a stable and effective Government. The treaty provisions
were promptly put into effect, and determined entirely the
subsequent course of events.
Attention necessarily centred upon the establishment of civil
order, and this was fully accomplished through an efficient native
geiidarmerie. Several hundred miles of much-needed roads had been
constructed by 1921, and progress had been made in town sanitation.
Fraud was eliminated from the customs houses, and dishonesty from
national finances. On the other hand, friction grew out of the un-
coordinated division of authority between the Haitian Government,
the treaty officials and the military occupation. The nominal
continuation of constitutional Government, superseded however in
authority and operation by the military occupation, caused native
irritation greater than complete military occupation for a proba-
tionary term might have been expected to develop. Charges that
wide-spread atrocities were tolerated by American officials were
made in 1920, but upon minute investigation resolved themselves
into specific instances promptly corrected.
The future of Haiti presented in 1921 the gravest problem of
American influence in the Caribbean. Early termination of military
occupation was, in the opinion of those in responsible charge, certain
to result in reversion to old conditions. On the other hand, public
sentiment in the United States did not view with satisfaction the
definitive abandonment of the one great opportunity left the negro
race to demonstrate, even after repeated trial, an ultimate capacity
for self-government. Until 1921 the establishment of civil order
had engaged the best energies of the American officials. With this
accomplished, opportunity seemed to be afforded for rendering the
further offices contemplated by the treaty in a way conducive to the
ultimate assumption of civil authority by the Haitian Government,
subject only to those reservations as to political stability and fiscal
solvency in force in other areas within the range of American
influence in the Caribbean.
There has never been any reliable census of the population. The
estimates vary from 1,500,000 to 2,500,000; the one most commonly
accepted in 1920 was 2,000,000. Foreign trade for the year ending
Sept. 30 1920 amounted to $46,388,443, of which $18,990,032
were exports and $27,398,41 1 were imports. Exports to the United
States for this period were $9,903,881; to France, $6,531,252; to
the United Kingdom, $318,120. Imports from the United States
were $22,773,762; from France, $1,451,700; from the United King-
dom, $2,286,614. The chief articles of export for 1920 and their
values were: cacao, crude, $606,801; coffee, $10,533,376; logwood
and logwood extracts, $2,868,41 1 ; cotton, raw, $2,294,864; hides of
cattle, $73,266; goa_tskins, $280,840; honey, $131,235; sugar, raw,
$897,197; lignum-vitae, $114,923.
See " Reports and Inquiries regarding Conditions in Haiti "
in Annual Report of the Secretary of the Navy (Washington 1920),
Appendix C. For an extreme criticism of the American Occupation,
see '' Self-Determining Haiti," James Weldon Johnson, in the Nation
(N.Y.), Aug. 28, Sept. 4 and ii 1920. (J. H. Ho.)
HALDANE, RICHARD BURDON HALDANE, IST VISCT. (1856-
), British statesman, philosopher and lawyer (see 12.831),
was raised to the peerage in March 1911, while still Secretary of
State for War; and he was appointed at the same time, on account
of his eminence in the legal profession, a member of the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council. That eminence was further
recognized, in June 1912, by his elevation to the woolsack in
succession to Lord Loreburn. His six and a half years' tenure of
the secretaryship for war had resulted in the fashioning of a
small expeditionary force always ready for war, and in the
creation of a territorial army, which was far more efficient than
the old Volunteers. During his three years' occupancy of the
Lord Chancellorship Lord Haldane presided over the highest
court of appeal with dignity and efficiency. He did an unusual
thing, as Chancellor, by leaving the country and putting the
great seal in commission in the autumn of 1913, in order to go to
Canada and address the Bar Association at Montreal.
In the years before the World War, he had come mainly before
the public as the strong opponent of Lord Roberts' campaign
for compulsory service, which would divert, he considered,
money and attention from the navy, Britain's chief defence;
334
HALE HALSBURY
and as the apostle of better relations with Germany, a country
which he knew well, which he regarded as his " spiritual home,"
and where he had many friends. While still Secretary of State,
he made a mysterious journey to Berlin in Feb. 1912, at the
direct invitation, it was said, of the Kaiser, whom he had enter-
tained at lunch on his visit to England in the previous year. In
Berlin he had conversations with William II. himself, and with
the Chancellor and othef ministers. Mr. Asquith at Cardiff,
in the October after the war began, revealed the negotiations
which passed with Germany in the year 191 2 presumably at this
visit. The British Cabinet formally assured the German Govern-
ment that Britain would neither make, nor join in, any unpro-
voked attack on Germany. But the German Government asked
Britain for an absolute pledge of neutrality if Germany were
engaged in war a demand which, of course, could not be con-
ceded. After this rebuff Lord Haldane ceased to advocate in
public a rapprochement with Germany; but he did not abandon
his hopes, and the outbreak of war was for him a peculiarly
bitter disappointment. He witnessed with legitimate satisfaction
the smoothness and promptitude with which the expeditionary
force he had done so much to equip was put in the field in France;
but he regretted that Lord Kitchener preferred to create a new
army rather than expand the Territorials. He sat on the War
Council which Mr. Asquith created in Nov. 1914. But his
association with the conduct of the war soon ended. The preju-
dice which his German affinities had raised against him in the
public mind caused him to be left out of the first Coalition Min-
istry in 1915, and he did not return to office. His services to
statesmanship and philosophy were recognized, on his retire-
ment, by the bestowal of the Order of Merit.
After 1915 Lord Haldane ceased to take a prominent part
in politics. So far as he intervened in them at all, he appeared
to be moving from his old Liberal position and inclining rather
to the Labour platform; so much so that it was currently reported
that, if Labour formed a Ministry, he would be ready to hold the
chancellorship in it. But he mainly occupied himself with his
judicial duties as an ex-Chancellor, with the promotion of schemes
for the improvement of national education, and above all with
his philosophic studies. He published a comprehensive philo-
sophical work, The Reign of Relativity, in 1921, on a subject which
had occupied him for over 40 years; and he has told the world
that the work was projected " on the day of my release from
office as Lord Chancellor in 1915." It was natural that, when
Prof. Einstein came to England in June 1921 to lecture on his
revolutionary theory of relativity, he should be Lord Haldane's
guest and lecture under Lord Haldane's chairmanship. Lord
Haldane was chancellor of Bristol University, had held the
rectorship of Edinburgh University, and been the recipient of
many honorary degrees. (G. E. B.)
HALE, GEORGE ELLERY (1868- ), American astronomer,
was born at Chicago, 111., June 29 1868. He studied at the
Harvard College Observatory and the Massachusetts Institute
of Technology (B.S. 1890). He was director of the Kenwood
Astrophysical Observatory, in Chicago, from 1890 to 1896.
From 1892 to 1905 he was at the university of Chicago as as-
sociate professor of astrophysics, as professor (from 1897),
and as director of the Yerkes Observatory (after 1895). In 1904
he became director of the Mount Wilson Solar Observatory (Cal.)
of the Carnegie Institution of Washington. He invented the
spectroheliograph first used in 1892 for photographing solar
prominences and won an international reputation for his solar
and stellar spectroscopic work. He was awarded the Janssen
medal by the Paris Academy of Sciences in 1894, the Rumford
medal by the American Academy in 1902, the Draper medal in
1903, a gold medal by the Royal Astronomical Society in 1904,
the Bruce medal by the Astronomical Society of the Pacific in
1916, and the Janssen medal by the Astronomical Society of
France in 1917. From 1892 to 1895 he was an editor of Astron-
omy and Astrophysics and thereafter of The Astrophysical Jour-
nal. He was the author of The Study of Stellar Evolution (1908)
and Ten Years' Work of a Mountain Observatory (1915), besides
numerous papers in the Contributions from the Mount Wilson
Observatory and other scientific publications. He was a member
of many learned societies at home and abroad.
HALES, JOHN WESLEY (1836-1914), British man of letters,
was born at Ashby de la Zouch, Leics., Oct. 5 1836 and was
educated at Louth grammar school, Glasgow high school, Dur-
ham grammar school, Glasgow University and Christ's College,
Cambridge, which elected him to a fellowship. He was for some
time an assistant master at Marlborough College under Dr.
Bradley, as well as examiner at King's College, London, and the
universities of Wales, New Zealand and Cambridge, and from
1889-93 Clark lecturer on English literature at Trinity College,
Cambridge. Until 1903, when he retired, he was professor of
English literature at King's College, London. He was general
editor of Bell's Handbooks of English Literature, as well as editor
of handbooks on The Longer English Poems (1872) and Milton's
Areopagitica (1874), and co-editor of Percy's Folio MS. (1867-8).
He wrote the introduction to SnelTs Age of Chaucer and Sec-
combe and Allen's Age of Shakespeare, and contributed to the
Diet, of National Biography. He died in London May 19 1914.
HALIFAX, CHARLES LINDLEY WOOD, 2ND VISCOUNT (1839-
), was born in London June 7 1839, and educated at Eton and
Christ Church, Oxford. From 1862 to 1870 he was groom of the
bedchamber to the Prince of Wales, and in 1885 succeeded his
father in the title. In 1886 he became an ecclesiastical commis-
sioner. He was well known as a strong High churchman, and
for many years acted as president of the English Church Union.
HALIFAX, capital of Nova Scotia, Canada (see 12.843). The
pop. in 1918 was 63,000. The public buildings and many of the
houses built of stone show a considerable taste in architecture.
Much of this stone was brought from the dismantled homes and
fortifications of Louisburg. About one-tenth of the city area was
devastated by the explosion on Dec. 6 1917 of a French steamer,
carrying 3,000 tons of T.N.T., on colliding with a Norwegian
steamer on its way with a cargo of relief to Belgium. The recon-
struction of a " Greater Halifax" was in 1921 being carried out
on modern lines of town-planning.
During the World War Halifax and Sydney were the only two
points of departure from which clearances were allowed by the
British Admiralty for Imperial and Allied shipping. On the west
side of the outside harbour the Federal Government had in prog-
ress the great work known as " the Halifax Ocean Terminals,"
of which several units are in operation. Within the pier head
line 62 ac. will contain 27 berths prepared to accommodate ships
up to 1,200 ft. in length. The depth at the piers at low water
is 47 feet. The landing quays connect with the terminal passage
station of the Canadian National railways. Grain elevators
and conveyor systems will meet the needs of expanding com-
merce. Halifax claims to have the lowest port charges on the
Atlantic coast. The principal exports are lumber, wood-pulp, fish,
apples and flour; the imports sugar, tea, molasses and W. Indian
fruits. In 1918 the imports were valued at $14,760,000 and the
exports at $127,642,312. The entering and clearing tonnage rose
from 3,111,535 tons in 1912 to 15, 836, 5 54 in 1919. The industrial
establishments include the " Halifax Shipyards," iron foundries,
a sugar refinery, rope and cordage works, cotton, chocolate, skate
and furniture factories. Besides being the Atlantic terminus of
the Canadian National railways, Halifax is the chief winter port
of Canada, and is connected by steamship lines with Great Brit-
ain, Europe, Africa, South America, the West Indies, the United
States, and by Panama Canal with the Pacific.
HALLE, WILMA MARIA FRANCISCA, LADY (MADAME
NORMAN-NERUDA) (1839-1911), Anglo-German musician (see
12.853), died at Berlin April 15 1911.
HALSBURY, HARDINGE STANLEY G1FFARD, IST EARL or
(1823-1921), English lawyer and politician (see 12.867), died in
London Dec. n 1921. He was prominent as the leader of the
" die-hard " section of the Conservative peers during the debates
on the Parliament Act of 1911 (see ENGLISH HISTORY). The
year of his birth, earlier given as 1825, was subsequently found
to have been wrongly put two years too late, since the records
of Merton College, Oxford, showed him to have been born on
Sept. 3 1823.
HAMBURG HAMILTON
335
HAMBURG, Germany (see 12.871). Pop., according to the
census of 1919, 1,050,359; in 1910, 1,014,664. The commerce,
industry and shipping of Hamburg had constantly been increas-
ing up to the outbreak of the World War, as was particularly
manifested by the development of the Hamburg-Amerika line.
That shipping company increased its capital in the year 1912
by 25 million marks (pre-war = 1,2 50,000), in order to deal
with the constantly growing traffic. On April 3 1913 the Ham-
burg-Amerika line launched the s.S. " Vaterland," which was
the greatest passenger steamship in the world. Again on Nov. 8
1913 it raised its capital from 150 to 180 million marks (9,000,-
ooo) . In its business controversies with the North German Lloyd,
the Hamburg-Amerika line pursued the path of developing as
rapidly as possible into the greatest German shipping company.
Simultaneously the intellectual and commercial life of Hamburg
were greatly quickened. In Jan. 1912 the elevated and under-
ground railway was opened. In April 1911 the Hamburg Senate
proposed the appointment of a committee of the Burgerschaft
(the representative assembly of the citizens) to consider the
question of a university. A bill for the foundation of a university
with three faculties was adopted by the Senate in Dec. 1912,
but in Oct. 1913 was rejected by a majority of 80 against 73 by
the Burgerschaft.
The prosperous development of Hamburg was suddenly
interrupted by the war. The 25oth anniversary of the Chamber
of Commerce was commemorated on Jan. 19 1915 under the
shadow of economic decline. On April 18 1917 the Burgerschaft
had appointed a commission with a view to bringing about a
reform of the class franchise which had hitherto existed in the
Hanseatic cities (Hamburg, Bremen and Liibeck). A measure of
electoral reform for Hamburg was adopted on June n 1917.
The city and territory nevertheless had as severe an experience
of the revolutionary movement as any region in Germany.
The Council of Workmen and Soldiers which had been set up in
the first days of Nov. 1918 assumed complete political power
on Nov. 13. The Council wanted to form a state of Great Ham-
burg by adding portions of Prussian territory. The region of
Cuxhaven belonging to Hamburg declared its independence on
Jan. ii 1919 under Spartacist (Communist) leadership. The
republic of Cuxhaven, however, only lasted four days; it was
overthrown on Jan. 15 by the officials, the state employees and
the schoolmasters of Hamburg. At the end of Jan. and at the
beginning of Feb. 1919, Communist disturbances broke out in
the city itself; they were due in part to the occupation of Bremen
by troops of the German Reich. For a brief period the Communist
working classes of Hamburg remained under arms, but were
ultimately disarmed by the soldiers who had remained faithful
to the Government of the Reich.
In those days of revolutionary tempest the university of Hamburg
was founded on March 28 1918; a very democratic constitution was
conferred upon it on Jan. 28 1921 by the law of the Reich dealing
with the governing bodies of higher institutes of learning and
scientific teaching (Hochschulbehijrdengesetz).
An election for the Hamburg Burgerschaft took place on March
16 1919, when 81 Majority (moderate) Socialists, 13 Independent
(extreme) Socialists, 33 Democrats, 14 members of the German
People's party (old National Liberals), 13 representatives of the
Economic League (lower middle class, tradesmen, etc.), and six
members of the German National party (the old Conservatives)
and the Catholic Centre were elected. The new constitution of
Hamburg was adopted on Dec. 29 1920 by 95 votes against a minority
of 4.. consisting of the whole of the Right and the Communists.
This new constitution, which was adopted in a similar form in the
other two Hanseatic cities (Bremen and Liibeck), reduced the
Senate to the level of a democratic and parliamentary Government
i he power which formerly emanated from the Senate now proceeds
from the Burgerschaft. The Senate is no longer elected for life, but
is chosen on parliamentary grounds by the Burgerschaft. The
principle of a referendum was introduced into the constitution. The
franchise MS no longer confined to citizens of Hamburg, but is ex-
tended to all citizens of the Reich who may be present in Hamburg
on the day of the election.
In accordance with provisions of the constitution of the Reich
the new constitution of Hamburg shows itself to be an absolutely
democratic, parliamentary system of Government. The Burger-
schaft (representative assembly) consists of 160 members elected
on the proportional system. The right to vote for the Burgerschaft
is acquired at the age of 20, the right to be elected to it at the age of
25 ; at the age of 30 any citizen is eligible for the Senate. In execution
of the provisions of the constitution of the Reich a Labour council
and an Economic council were formed for the representation of
economic interests. Attempts to form a unified economic representa-
tion of the people failed. A feature of the old system of so-called
" deputations " was retained for Hamburg in the shape of the
Finance Deputation for dealing with finances of the city state.
(O. KR.)
HAMILTON, SIR IAN STANDISH MONTEITH (1853- ),
British general, was born at Corfu on Jan. 16 1853. He was
educated at Wellington College and in Germany, and joined the
army in 1872. He served with the 92nd Highlanders in the
Afghan War and the Boer War of 1881, and was severely wounded
on Majuba Hill, one arm being permanently disabled. He was
then for several years intermittently on the staff of Sir F. (Lord)
Roberts. He served in the Nile Expedition of 1884-5, f r which
he was promoted brevet major, and in Burma in 1886-7, for
which he was promoted brevet lieutenant-colonel. In 1887 he
married Jean, daughter of Sir John Muir, Bart. Promoted
colonel in 1891, he was on the staff of the Chitral Relief Force
in 1895, for his services in which he received the C.B., and he
then became deputy quartermaster-general in India. He com-
manded a brigade on the North-West Frontier in 1897, and was
afterwards commandant of the school of musketry, Hythe, for a
year. On the outbreak of the South African War in 1899 he
went to Natal on the staff. He commanded a brigade at the
early engagements around Ladysmith and during its siege, and
was promoted major-general; after its relief he commanded a
mounted infantry division during Lord Roberts' advance from
Bloemfontein to Pretoria and into the eastern Transvaal, for
which he was made a K.C.B. He returned home early in 1901
to become military secretary at the War Office, but towards the
end of the year went, back to South Africa nominally as chief
of the staff to Lord Kitchener, although in reality he was
employed chiefly as the commander-in chief's deputy to control
particular groups of operations from time to time during the
closing stages of the struggle. He was promoted lieutenant-
general for his services.
He was afterwards again military secretary and then quarter-
master-general at the War Office, and in 1904 he went out to the
Far East to accompany the Japanese armies in the field. His
diary and impressions of the Manchurian campaigns he pub-
lished under the title A Sta/ Officer's Scrap Book (2 vols., 1906-7),
a book which by reason of the interest of its subject, the charm
of the author's style, and the combination of war experience
and of imagination which inspired his judgments and criticisms,
at once took rank in Europe as a modern military classic. On
his return he had charge of the Southern Command until 1909,
being promoted general in 1907, and he was afterwards adjutant-
general at the War Office for a year. He took a prominent part
on behalf of the voluntary service system during the early years
of the Territorial Force and the campaign in favour of compul-
sory service led by Lord Roberts, and in the course of this con-
troversy he published a book under the title Compulsory Service
(1910), which he wrote at the request of Lord Haldane. In 1910
he was created G.C.B., and appointed commander-in-chief in
the Mediterranean and inspector-general of the Overseas Forces,
in which capacity he visited and inspected the newly organized
forces of the Australian Commonwealth in 1913. On the out-
break of war in 1914 he served for some months as commander-
in-chief of the Home Defence Army in England. Then, in March
1915, he was selected to take charge of the Mediterranean
Expeditionary Force, which was intended to cooperate in open-
ing a way into the Black Sea (see DARDANELLES CAMPAIGN).
The naval effort to force the Dardanelles having failed, he
found himself obliged to undertake operations in the Gallipoli
Peninsula, and although his army was very ill-equipped for the
task, he succeeded in landing it in the face of the enemy; but in
spite of this good beginning he was speedily brought to a stand-
still. Having, after considerable delay, received substantial ree'n-
forcements, he made a great effort in Aug. to improve his posi-
tion, but the operations failed to accomplish what was intended,
336
HAMILTON HARA
and a situation of stalemate arose. The Government con-
sulted him in Oct. as to the expediency and feasibility of with-
drawing from the peninsula, and on his pronouncing himself
strongly opposed to such a policy he was replaced by Sir C.
Monro and returned home. He was given the G.C.M.G. for
his services. He was appointed lieutenant of the Tower of
London in 1919, but retired from the army at the end of the year.
In 1920, after the issue of the report of the Dardanelles Com-
mission, he published his own story of the campaign under the title
of Gallipoli Diary (2 vols., 1920).
HAMILTON, Ontario, Canada (see 12.891), had in 1919 a pop.
of 108,143. Hamilton's geographical position gives it excellent
shipping facilities, and the city is on the direct line of main rail-
ways from Buffalo and Niagara Falls to Detroit and Port Huron;
Buffalo and Niagara Falls to Montreal, and Detroit and Port
Huron to Montreal. Hamilton has been called " the city of five
hundred diversified industries," and has the largest plough works
and implement works in the British Empire. Besides its An-
glican and Roman Catholic cathedrals, the city has 83 churches,
33 banks, 51 schools (public, private and technical), five hos-
pitals and three public libraries.
HAMMANN, OTTO (1852- ), German journalist and
Foreign Office official, born Jan. 23 1852 at Blankenhain. He
was engaged in journalism from 1877 to 1893 and was appointed,
in 1894, Director of the Press Section of the German Foreign
Office, a post which he continued to hold until 1916. Hammann
was the trusted adviser of Prince Billow, who always kept an
attentive eye upon public opinion as reflected or created in the
press. He had personally played a leading part in the defensive
campaign of the Imperial Chancellor, Count Caprivi, and the
Foreign Secretary, Baron Marshall von Biebcrstcin, in the early
'nineties, against the Bismarckian fronde. His business was to
inspire the German and, as far as possible, the foreign press in a
sense favourable to German policy and above all to obtain full
and accurate information with regard to the personality and
circumstances of journalists. His position enabled him to acquire
a great deal of exclusive information with regard to the more
secret ways of German policy and he embodied a considerable
portion of what he knew in the three volumes of reminiscences
which he published after the Revolution, Dcr ncue Kurs, Erin-
nerungen (1918); Zur Vorgeschichle des Weltkricgs and Um den
Kaiser, Erinnerungen ausdcn Jahren igod-igog (1919).
HAMMARSKJOLD, HJALMAR (1862- ), Swedish states-
man, was born in 1862, and educated at Upsala University,
where he became professor of civil law. He gradually established
his reputation as a jurist, and took a prominent part in national
politics. In 1901 he joined von Otter's Ministry, and was Minis-
ter of Justice till it resigned in 1902. In the latter year he was
elected president of the Gota High Court. In 1905 he joined
Lundeberg's Government, formed after the dissolution of the
union with Norway, as Minister of Education. He was one
of Sweden's four representatives in the negotiations with Norway
at Karlstad. After the resignation of the Lundeberg Govern-
ment he became, in Nov. 1905, Swedish Minister in Copenhagen,
and in 1907 governor (landshovding) of the province (Ian) of
Upsala. He had often acted meanwhile as expert in constitutional
law on behalf both of Sweden and of other countries. He was
Swedish delegate at the international conference in Paris with
regard to literary copyright in 1896, and at the Hague confer-
ences in regard to private international law in 1900 and 1904.
From 1904 he was Swedish member of the Hague International
Board of Arbitration, and in 1907 he was Sweden's leading
delegate to the Hague Peace Conference. In 1908 he was ap-
pointed member of the Board of Arbitration in regard to the
question of the sea boundary between Sweden and Norway,
and in the same year he acted as president of the Franco- German
Board of Arbitration in regard to the Casablanca affair. He
was chairman of the Swedish committee for drafting the Swedish-
German treaty of commerce in 1910-1; Swedish delegate at the
Spitzbergen conferences of 1910 and 1912; in 1909 juridical
adviser in the Swedish-Norwegian Board of Arbitration in regard
to the right of Swedish Laplanders to graze their reindeer in
Norway; and in 1913 president of the Franco-Italian Board of
Arbitration for the solution of certain freight disputes. In Feb.
1914 he succeeded Staaff as prime minister, retaining this post
during the World War until 1917.
HANKOW, China (see 12.919). At the mouth of the Han
river a great commercial entrepot is provided for China by the
three large cities, Hankow, Hanyang and Wuchang, at the
point where the Han flows into the Yangtsze. Prior to the com-
mencement of disorder in 1911 the development of railway com-
munications in the interior of China had largely increased the
wealth and importance of this great distributing centre. Han-
kow, on the N. bank of the Yangtsze, is the terminus of the com-
pleted Peking-Hankow trunk line, and Wuchang, on the S. bank,
the terminus of the line, in process of construction, from Canton.
But during the turmoil of the revolution, and on more than one
occasion thereafter, Hankow suffered materially because of its
strategical importance to the contending factions. On Nov. i
1911 two-thirds of the city was destroyed by fire as the result
of a bombardment by the imperialists; nevertheless, the popula-
tion of the three cities united was reckoned by the Maritime
Customs in 1916 at 1,321,280 and in 1920 at about 1,500,000.
The black-tea trade, Hankow's staple industry in former days,
declined steadily between 1915 and 1920, partly because of the com-
petition of Indian and Ceylon teas, but chiefly because of the
elimination of the Russian buyer the total amount of black leaf
shipped abroad from China in 1919 being 288,398 piculs, as against
771,141 piculs in 1915. But in other directions the trade of the port
expanded steadily, in spite of political excursions and alarms; its
net value in 1919 was 200 million taels, as against 170 millions
in 1917. The industrial development of the district, increasingly
active after the conclusion of the World War, was reflected in a
large demand for machinery and plant for new factories. In 1919
Hankow-milled yarn was selling at a higher price than yarn imported
from Japan. The export trade in wood-oil and sesamum-seed, of
which Hankow is the chief centre, increased very rapidly.
The number of residents in the British Concession recorded by the
census of 1920 included 163 British and 341 Japanese out of a total
of 678. The German Concession, like that at Tientsin, was taken
over by the Chinese authorities after China's declaration of war on
the side of the Allies; early in 1920 it was understood that Japan was
negotiating with the Chinese Government to acquire it by purchase.
Q. O. P. B.)
HANN, JULIUS VON (1839-1921), Austrian meteorologist, was
born at Linz, Upper Austria, March 23 1839, and was educated
at the Gymnasium of Kremiinster and afterwards at Vienna.
From 1865 to 1868 he was master at the Obcrrealschule at Linz,
and in 1865 was appointed editor of the Zeitschrift filr Mcteo-
rologie. In 1877 he became director of the Meteorologische
Zcntralanstalt and professor of meteorology at the university
of Vienna. In 1897 he was appointed professor at Graz, but
in 1900 returned to Vienna as professor of cosmical physics.
His meteorological researches were of the greatest value and
importance (see 18.266, 286). His published works include
A'.lgemeine Erdkunde (with F. von Hochstettcr and A. Pokorny,
1872; 5th ed. 1896); Handbuch der Klimatologie (1883; latest
ed. 1908); and Lchrbuch der Metcorologie (1901; latest ed. 1914),
besides numerous meteorological papers contributed to the
Sitzungsberichte der Kaiscrlichen Akadcmie der Wissenschaftcn in
Vienna. Dr. Hann was in 1912 made a foreign knight of the
Prussian Ordre Pour le Merite. He celebrated the jubilee of
his doctorate in 1918, and died at Vienna Oct. I 1921.
HANOTAUX, ALBERT AUGUSTE GABRIEL (1853- ),
French statesman and historian (see 12.923), was active during
the World War as historian and propagandist, producing His-
toire de la Guerre de 1914 (9 vols., 1914); Le Traitt de Versailles
(1919) and Histoire de la Nation fran<;aise (17 vols., 1920).
He was employed on more than one semi-official mission abroad,
notably to the Vatican, and in 1921 was the third French dele-
gate on the League of Nations.
HARA, TAKASHI (1856-1921), Japanese statesman, was
born at Morioka in Feb. 1856. His early studies were made at
the now defunct Law College of the Department of Justice, but
he abandoned the law, before graduating, in favour of journalism,
joining the staff of the Hochi Shimbun, an important Tokyo
daily newspaper. He acted as special correspondent in Korea in
1882, when the late Marquess Inouye was envoy to that country,
I
HARCOURT HARDING
337
and subsequently entered the diplomatic service as a junior
official in the Foreign Office. He was then appointed consul at
Tientsin and in 1886 became secretary and charge d'affaires in
Paris. When the late Marquess Inouye was appointed Minister
of Agriculture and Commerce Mr. Kara became his personal
secretary. In 1892 he was appointed director of the commercial
bureau at the Foreign Office and was promoted in 1895 to Vice-
Minister of the Department. He was sent as minister to Korea
from 1896-7, when he again turned to newspaper control and
became chief editor of the Osaka Mainichi. Still deeply interested
in politics he was one of the right-hand men of the late Prince
Hirobumi Ito, when the latter organized the Seiyu-Kai (Liberal)
party in Aug. 1900, and subsequently became its leading spirit.
From the end of 1900 to May 1901 he filled the chair of the
Minister of Communications in the Ito Ministry. Reverting
once again to journalism he then became the chief editor of the
Osaka Shimpo, and was elected a member of the House of Repre-
sentatives for his native city in 1902, being reelected at each
subsequent election. In 1906, he definitely abandoned his
journalistic career in favour of affairs of State and was appointed
Minister for Home Affairs in the first Saionji Ministry. On the
fall of this Cabinet in 1908 he spent two years visiting Europe and
America. Returning to Japan he accepted the portfolio of the
Minister for Home Affairs in the second Saionji administration,
which was in office from 1911 to 1912. During the short period
of the Katsura administration Mr. Hara held no office, but re-
turned to his former position at the Ministry for Home Affairs
for the third time under the Yamamoto administration of 1913
to early in 1914. When this Cabinet resigned, owing to the
rejection of the Budget by the House of Peers, Mr. Hara retired
for a time from active politics, though still retaining his leader-
ship of the Seiyu-Kai. The Terauchi administration, which was
generally considered to be conservative, came to an end in the
autumn of 1918, and Mr. Hara was invited to form a Cabinet
which might appreciate the growing desires and aspirations of
the people of Japan towards liberalism. On Sept. 29 1918 Mr.
Hara, the first commoner to become prime minister of Japan,
formed an administration based, for the first time in the history
of Japanese political development, on strictly parliamentary
principles. He was assassinated on Nov. 4 1921 in Tokyo.
HARCOURT, LEWIS VERNON HARCOURT, IST VISCOUNT
(1863- ), British politician, was born in London Feb. I 1863,
the eldest surviving son of Sir William Harcourt (see 12.939).
He was educated at Eton and afterwards travelled widely,
becoming well known for his interest in art. In 1899 he married
the only daughter of Walter H. Burns, of New York. In 1904
he was elected as Liberal member for the Rossendale division
of Lanes., retaining the seat until 1917, and on the formation of
Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's Government (1905) became
First Commissioner of Works. In 1910 he became Secretary of
State for the Colonies in the Asquith Cabinet, but on the forma-
tion of the Coalition Government in 1915 again became First
Commissioner of Works. In 1916 he was raised to the peerage.
He was appointed a trustee of the Wallace Collection, British
Museum, London Museum and National Portrait Gallery.
HARDIE, JAMES KEIR (1856-1915), British Labour politician,
was born at Newarthill in Lanarkshire Aug. 15 1856. His father,
a ship's carpenter, was frequently out of work owing to illness
and the decline of his trade, and his mother had to go out to work
soon after her son was born. Being unable to send him to school
she taught him reading herself, and when only six years old he
had to earn money as a message boy. A year or two later he
began work in the mines and earned his living underground for
16 years, often working 12 and 14 hours a day. At 22 years he
was acting as local miners' secretary. After victimization in
consequence of a strike he obtained work at Cumnock, Ayrshire,
and was shortly afterwards elected secretary of the Ayrshire
Miners' Association. Advanced Radical ideas attracted him,
and before he was 25 years old he was to the fore in political
meetings. He helped Henry George in his land agitation and was
a staunch co-worker with Robert Smillie in the miners' movement.
At the Trade Union Congress in 1887 he attacked the secretary,
Mr. Broadbent, for supporting capitalist candidates at elections,
thus starting the campaign for Independent Labour representa-
tion which he brought into prominence in 1888 by contesting
Mid-Lanark as an Independent Labour candidate. From this time
on he worked unceasingly for an independent political party for
the workers. At the general election of 1892 he was elected for
S. West Ham and appeared at Westminster as the first Labour
member. In 1893 he presided over the first conference of the
Independent Labour party and the following year was elected
chairman of the party, an office to which he was reelected annu-
ally until 1899. In 1895 he had lost his seat in Parliament, but in
1900 he was elected for Merthyr Tydfil. In the great strike in
the South Wales coal-field in 1898 he addressed, together with
Robert Smillie, huge meetings of miners, and in the general
election of 1906 he was reelected to Parliament for Merthyr
Tydfil. In addition to his work for the Labour and Socialist
movement at home he was one of the most ardent pioneers of
international socialism, and visited many countries in his
endeavour to bring together the workers of different lands. The
collapse of the International on the outbreak of the World War
was a great sorrow to him, and is thought to have hastened his
death, which took place in 1915 when he had only just completed
his fifty-ninth year.
HARDING, WARREN GAMALIEL (1865- ), 29th President
of the United States, was born at Corsica (then Blooming Grove),
Morrow co., Ohio, Nov. 2 1865, son of George Tyron Harding,
a farmer and country doctor, and Phebe Elizabeth Dickerson.
He studied in the common schools, and from 14 to 17 at the
Ohio Central College at Iberia. He taught in a country school
for a year, read law for a short time, worked in a newspaper
office, and in 1884 became editor and proprietor of the Marion
Star. On July 8 1891 he married Florence Kling. Having at-
tracted the notice of Senator Joseph B. Foraker(see 10.628), he was
encouraged to enter state politics, and was early recognized as
an effective speaker. He served two terms in the Ohio Senate
(1900-4), and during the second was influential in securing
Senator Foraker's reelection to the U.S. Senate. From 1904 to
1906 he was lieutenant-governor of Ohio, but in 1910, when
nominated for governor by the Republicans, was defeated by a
plurality of 100,000. In the campaign of 1912 his paper supported
President Taft. In 1914 he defeated Fo raker in the Republican
primaries as candidate for the U.S. Senate, and was elected with
a majority of 100,000 for the term of 1915-21; but his friendship
with Foraker remained unabated. In 1916 he was delegate-at-
large from Ohio to the Republican National Convention, of
which he was chosen permanent chairman. In the Senate he
was regarded as a " safe " man, who could be relied upon to
support orthodox Republican policies. In 1915 he urged " pre-
paredness " for naval defence. In 1916 he voted against the
confirmation of Louis D. Brandeis as associate justice of the
U.S. Supreme Court. In 1917 he gave his support to the declara-
tion of war against Germany, and also to all the war measures,
including the Selective Draft and Espionage bills. He favoured
the death penalty for spies, but after the war advocated amnesty
for political prisoners. He opposed the suggested Federal control
of food and fuel. He favoured the Prohibition Amendment, and
voted for the Volstead Act, enforcing war-time prohibition, over
the President's veto. He favoured the anti-strike clause of the
Cummins Railway bill, and voted for return of the lines to their
owners within a year after the end of the war. He was for exempt-
ing American shipping from Panama Canal tolls and also sup-
ported woman suffrage. He was opposed to the Covenant of
the League of Nations, holding that " either the Covenant
involves a surrender of national sovereignty and submits our
future destiny to the League, or it is an empty thing, big in
name, and will ultimately disappoint all of humanity that hinge
its hopes upon it." He voted for the Lodge reservations and
also for the Reed reservation that the United States alone should
judge whether matters of direct interest to it should be brought
before the League; and finally he voted against ratification of
the Treaty as submitted by President Wilson. He maintained
that Americans should show chief concern for America, and
338
HARDING, WARREN G.
opposed all tendencies toward internationalism. He supported
the Knox resolution declaring that war with Germany was ended.
At the Republican National Convention in 1920 he was not
at first among the prominent candidates for president. On the
first ballot he received 6si votes (493 being necessary for choice),
39 of these being from his own state. On the eighth ballot he
received 133? votes, on the ninth 374! votes, and on the tenth
he secured the nomination with 692^ votes, the result being due
largely to the support of certain influential- U.S. Senators,
delegates to the convention, who hoped that as president he
would be amenable to the Senate. He did not " stump " the
country, but conducted his campaign from the " front porch "
of his own home. Mr. Harding based his campaign chiefly upon
criticism of the Wilson administration, denouncing especially
the excessive power that, as he maintained, had been exercised
by the executive as a result of war centralization; he demanded
as speedy as possible a return to normal conditions, political and
industrial. While opposing the Covenant of the League of
Nations, he gave to many of his supporters the impression that
he desired an " association of nations " which, without the
characteristics of a super-state (such as he believed the League
to be), might safeguard peace. But he retained the political
support of many who were opposed, like Senators Borah and
Johnson, to any sort of international association. In the Novem-
ber elections he won an overwhelming victory over James M.
Cox, the Democratic nominee, also from Ohio; he carried, gen-
erally by immense majorities, all the northern states and all but
one of the states on the border between North and South, and
he cut down materially the Democratic majorities in the South.
The electoral vote was 404 for Harding against 127 for Cox.
The popular vote was 16,138,000 for Harding against 9,142,000
for Cox. In Ohio the popular vote was 1,182,000 for Harding
against 780,000 for Cox. The sweeping character of his victory
was due less to his own personal strength or to the weakness of
Cox than to the national reaction against the Democratic party
and the popular feeling against President Wilson. Mr. Harding
resigned from the U.S. Senate in Dec. 1920, and was inaugurated
March 4 1921, the sixth President to come from Ohio.
The promise frequently made by Republican campaign leaders
that Mr. Harding would surround himself with advisers of
capacity and experience, seemed to be fulfilled by his choice of
Cabinet members. The outstanding names were those of Charles
E. Hughes and Herbert C. Hoover, who became Secretary of
State and of Commerce respectively. The distinguished career
of the former and the widespread confidence in his ability and
political integrity had marked him for the most important posi-
tion in the Cabinet; and there had been a general demand that
the new administration should utilize the organizing ability
displayed by Hoover in many fields. Various elements in the
Republican party, nevertheless, had stoutly opposed their ap-
pointment, so that the President's choice showed that he was
prepared to exert his independence of party managers and to
insist upon administrative efficiency. The choice of Andrew W.
Mellon, a wealthy banker and ironmaster of Pittsburgh, as
Secretary of the Treasury, was welcomed by men of business;
and though that of Will H. Hays to be Postmaster-General was
in the nature of payment of a political debt to the man who had
been the successful manager of the Republican campaign, it was
early justified by his efficient administration of the postal
service. Mr. Harding's inaugural address, and his first message
to Congress, delivered in person on April 12, voiced his desire to
return to " normalcy," as he expressed it. Retrenchment in
expenditure formed a major item in his programme, together
with a prompt and thorough revision of taxation. He advocated
the adoption of a national budget system, and, Congress having
passed a budget bill similar to that vetoed by Mr. Wilson in 1920,
he approved it on June 10 1921 ; it provided for a Budget Bureau
in the Treasury Department and the appointment of a director
of the budget, the first being Charles G. Dawes, formerly general
purchasing agent of the American Expeditionary Force. Presi-
dent Harding's first budget was presented Dec. 5 1921. The
President was insistent upon the need of repealing the excess
profits taxes and reducing transportation taxes and income sur-
taxes. The need of financial retrenchment led to his opposing
the proposal that war veterans should receive a cash bonus. In
this matter, as in others, he proved his ability at this early stage
to resist political pressure. As regards the tariff he advocated, as
a temporary stop-gap, the passing of the emergency tariff, which
had been vetoed by President Wilson, but which with slight
alteration was approved by Mr. Harding on May 27 1921. He
urged the need of adopting a permanent tariff policy, and on
Dec. 5 rgzi suggested a "flexible tariff" which might provide
for the adjustment of rates to meet unusual and changing
conditions. Such adjustments might be made, in his opinion, by
the executive on the advice of the Tariff Commission. Mr.
Harding's interest in agricultural problems was keen; in his first
message he asked special protection for agricultural interests,
and in his second he declared that something more than protection
must be given the farmers, advocating warmly the encourage-
ment of cooperative marketing plans. As regards domestic
legislation, the President, in general, assumed the role of modera-
tor. He disclaimed any desire to enlarge the powers and respon-
sibilities of the executive, which, he declared, were already too
large; and he aimed at close cooperation with Congress. In
marked contrast to his predecessor, he left administrative re-
sponsibility to the members of his Cabinet. Foreign policy was
largely determined by Hughes, financial by Mellon, and the
problem of unemployment was thrown upon Hoover. The Presi-
dent, however, frequently played an active role in the conferences
necessary to secure general agreement, as on Aug. 9 1921 when
an accord was reached between the Treasury and the Repre-
sentatives on the taxation plan.
The foreign policy of the administration at first seemed likely
to emphasize independence of action, in contradistinction to
that of President Wilson; the threatened war between Panama
and Costa Rica was prevented by a sharp note from Secretary
Hughes; the claims of the Japanese to a mandate over Yap were
stoutly denied; the administration refused to follow Great Britain
in resuming trade relations with Soviet Russia. President Hard-
ing made plain in his first message that the United States would
not enter the League of Nations. But he expressed himself
warmly in favour of active cooperation with other nations of the
world, and by accepting the invitation to participate in inter-
Allied councils indicated that he would avoid a policy of isolation.
In rejecting the League Covenant, he said " we make no surren-
der of our hope and aim for an association to promote peace, in
which we would most heartily join." The President advocated a
declaration of peace with Germany by resolution, and the im-
mediate negotiation of a treaty. This policy was adopted by
Congress, which agreed upon a joint peace resolution, signed
by him on July 2. On Aug. 25 1921, a treaty with Germany
was signed, embodying the President's plan of including most
of the stipulations of the Versailles Treaty, but repudiating
adherence by the United States to any clause referring to the
League of Nations. This treaty and similar pacts with Austria
and Hungary were ratified by the Senate, Oct. 18 1921.
The most important step taken by President Harding during
the first year of his administration was the calling of an inter-
national conference on the limitation of armaments. On May 25
1921 the Senate had adopted an amendment of Senator Borah
to the Navy bill, authorizing and inviting the President to call
such a conference. Mr. Harding's preliminary invitations to the
principal naval Powers (Great Britain, Japan, France and Italy)
were sent July 10, and formal invitations Aug. n. He made
clear his belief that the question was closely connected with the
problems of the Pacific and Far East, and invitations were also
sent accordingly to China and to the smaller European powers
with Far-Eastern interests Holland, Belgium and Portugal.
The invitations were accepted, and the conference assembled at
Washington on Nov. 12. President Harding avoided the example
set by his predecessor, and did not himself participate as a
delegate. He displayed his political tact in the choice of the
American delegation, which was led by Secretary Hughes and
included, besides Elihu Root, two members of the Senate, Lodge
HARDINGE HARVARD UNIVERSITY
339
and Underwood, the Republican and Democratic leaders re-
spectively. The policy drafted by the President and Mr. Hughes
was direct and vigorous. They refused to permit the vital prob-
lem of limitation of armaments to be side-tracked, and sur-
prised the conference by proposing a ten-year naval holiday and
a drastic scrapping of tonnage by the three chief naval Powers.
The President made it clear that he regarded the conference
merely as a step in securing international understanding and
good will; he advocated the convening of succeeding conferences
as a possible means of securing an international association for
the promotion of peace, and he approved the principle of sub-
stituting an understanding between the United States, Great
Britain, France and Japan regarding Far-Eastern problems, for
the existing Anglo- Japanese Treaty. (See WASHINGTON CON-
FERENCE.)
The initiative taken by President Harding in calling the con-
ference, and the extent of its success, intensified the feeling which
had been steadily growing during the first session of his adminis-
tration, that he possessed qualities peculiarly adapted to the
political conditions of the moment. He had faced difficult prob-
lems with independence and yet he had been able to inaugurate
something of an " era of good feeling." His " gospel of under-
standing " had proved effective both in domestic and foreign
politics. (C. S.)
HARDINGE OF PENSHURST, CHARLES HARDINGE, IST
BARON (1858- ), British diplomat, was born in London June
20 1858, second son of the 2nd Viscount Hardinge. He was
educated at Eton and Trinity College, Cambridge, and in 1880
entered the diplomatic service. He became secretary of legation
at Teheran in 1896, and in 1898 went to St. Petersburg as secre-
tary of embassy. In 1903 he returned to England and became
Assistant Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, becoming later
(1906-10) Permanent Under-Secretary. In the latter capacity he
accompanied King Edward VII. on his foreign visits. He was
created K.C.M.G. in 1904 and G.C.M.G. in 1905. From 1904
to 1906 Sir Charles Hardinge was ambassador to Russia, and in
1910 was appointed Viceroy of India and raised to the peerage.
On Dec. 22 1912, a bomb was thrown at him as he entered the
city of Delhi in state, seriously wounding him, besides killing an
attendant. It fell to Lord Hardinge's lot to welcome King George
V. and Queen Mary on their historic visit to India in the winter
of 1911-2. Lord Hardinge returned to England in 1916 and was
reappointed to the post of Permanent Under-Secretary of Foreign
Affairs, retiring in 1918. In Nov. 1920 he succeeded Lord Derby
as ambassador in Paris.
Lord Hardinge married in 1890 the Hon. Winifred Selina Sturt,
daughter of the ist Baron Alington. Lady Hardinge did much
during her husband's period as Viceroy of India to further the
medical training of Indian womeji. She escaped unhurt when her
husband was wounded at Delhi, but the resulting shock to her
nerves did much to hasten her death in London July n 1914.
HARDY, THOMAS (1840- ) English novelist (see 12.946);
in more recent years received increasing recognition, not only as
the premier living English novelist but as a poet. His poetical
play The Dynasts, recounting in dramatic form the epic of Eng-
land's struggle against Napoleon with an accompaniment of
philosophic comment after the manner of the Greek tragedians,
was produced at the Kingsway theatre, London, in the early
months of the World War, and again at Oxford in 1920. He
published Satires of Circumstance (1914); Selected Poems (1916);
Moments of Vision (1917); and his Collected Poems appeared
in 1919. His first wife died in 1912, and in 1914 he married
Florence Emily, daughter of Edward Dugdale, herself a writer
of children's books and articles in periodicals. Both on his 7oth
and on his 8oth birthdays he received tributes of respect and
admiration from literary and public men throughout the English-
speaking world.
HARE, SIR JOHN (1844-1921) English actor (see 12.948),
played the Judge in Barrie's The Adored One at the Duke of
York's theatre in 1913, and made his latest appearance on the
stage in a revival of Grundy's A Pair of Spectacles at Wyndham's
theatre in 1917. He died in London Dec. 28 1921.
HARLAN, JOHN MARSHALL (1833-1911), American jurist
(see 12.954), died in Washington, D.C., Oct. 14 1911, after a
service on the Supreme Court of just short of 34 years.
HARPIGNIES, HENRI (1819-1916) French painter (see 13.15),
of whose drawings there was an exhibition in London in March
1910, died in Burgundy Aug. 23 1916.
HARRIGAN, EDWARD (1845-1911), American actor (see
13.17), died in Brooklyn, N.Y., Jure 6 1911.
HARRISON, FREDERIC (1831- ), English jurist and
historian (see 13.23), published his Autobiography in 1911.
Other more recent volumes from him were Among my Books
(1912); The Positive Evolution of Religion (1912); The German
Peril (1915); On Society (1918) and Obiter Dicta (1919). The
last was a collection of vigorous comments on politics and litera-
ture contributed by him to the Fortnightly Review throughout
the closing year of the World War. These comments, though
then. in his 90 th year, he resumed as Novissima Verba throughout
1920.
One of his sons, AUSTIN HARRISON (b. March 27 1873), became
editor of The English Review in 1910* He was the author of
The Pan-Germanic Doctrine (1904) and other works on Germany's
foreign policy.
HART, SIR ROBERT, BART. (1835-1911), Anglo-Chinese
statesman (see 13.30), left China in July 1907 after 45 years of
service as inspector-general of the Imperial Maritime Customs.
A year before his feelings had been hurt and his authority di-
minished in the eyes of the customs service, by the action of the
Chinese Government in appointing high Chinese officials to be
" administrators " of the service, with control over the inspector-
general and his staff; and although the Peking authorities made
partial amends for the discourtesy thus shown him, by declining
his resignation and by increasing his titular rank while on leave
of absence, the remaining years of his life were undoubtedly
affected by recollection of the lack of appreciation thus displayed
by those whom he had served so long and so loyally. After 50
years of residence at Peking and complete absorption in Chinese
affairs, a life of enforced leisure in England had a depressing
effect upon his spirits and his health. The book which he wrote,
after the Boxer rising, in 1901, remains his only published work;
he declined to write his memoirs, and by his will left instructions
to his executors which apparently preclude all hope of his vol-
uminous diaries being used for biographical or historical purposes.
Despite the disappointments of his later career, Sir Robert Hart
left a name in China whose greatness will endure; his life's work
stands out against the confused background of Chinese affairs as
that of one who combined the qualities of an administrator with
something of the poetic temperament and the mind of a specula-
tive philosopher, a figure as picturesque in its way as that of
Gordon or Cecil Rhodes. The multifarious activities of his career
were reflected by the large number of honours and decorations
conferred upon him by European sovereigns, rulers and learned
societies; at the time of his death, he was the possessor of 13
grand crosses. By imperial edicts every high honour in the gift
of the Chinese throne had been bestowed upon him, including
the Double Dragon and the Peacock's Feather. He was a junior
guardian of the heir-apparent, and his ancestors had been ret-
rospectively ennobled for three generations. He died at Great
Marlow on Sept. 20 1911. (J. O. P. B.)
HARTLEY, SIR CHARLES AUGUSTUS (1825-1915), English
engineer (see 13.35), died in London Feb. 20 1915.
HARTLEY, JONATHAN SCOTT (1845-1912), American sculp-
tor (see 13.35), died in New York City Dec. 6 1912. Among his
last exhibits were " Young Hopi Stick Thrower " (1911) and
" The Cradle of Pan " (1912).
HARVARD UNIVERSITY (see 13.38). The history of Harvard
University, after 1909, when Abbott Lawrence Lowell succeeded
Charles William Eliot as president, continued to be one of change
and growth to meet new needs and opportunities.
Buildings. Three residence halls for freshmen Gore, Stand-
ish and Smith accommodating about 450 jrien, built near the
Charles river at a cost of approximately $2,500,000, were opened
in 1914; and in 1919-20 a number of other dormitories, originally
340
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
erected by private enterprise, were purchased by the university,
thus largely increasing the residence halls under its control. Two
new chemical laboratories, the Walcott Gibbs and the Thomas
Jefferson Coolidge, Jun., Memorial, were opened in 1913-4,
and proved a welcome addition to the university's equipment for
teaching and research; and in the following year an addition to the
Peabody Museum was first occupied, thus completing the uni-
versity's museum buildings as originally planned by Louis
Agassiz in 1859. A building for the music department and the
Cruft high-tension laboratory were also opened in 1914-5.
In 1915 the Widener Library was first available. This building
was erected by his mother, in memory of Harry Elkins Widener,
of the class of 1907, who lost his life in the " Titanic "; it is
probably the most successful as it is the largest of college library
buildings. The Germanic Museum, intended to exhibit the evi-
dences of Germanic civilization in the widest sense, was com-
pleted and opened in 1921. Improvements have been made in
athletic fields, gymnasia, etc.
Endowments. The period under consideration was the most
remarkable in the history of the university for the rapid increase
of funds. In spite of the World War, graduates and friends gave
approximately $17,000,000 in the decade from 1909 to 1919.
Approximately $5,000,000 of this was for buildings and immediate
use; $12,000,000 for permanent endowment. With the close
of the war the alumni revived a project, started before the war
but suspended, to secure additional endowment, and organized
in the summer of 1919 a committee of graduates for the purpose.
Up to June 30 something over $13,780,000 had been subscribed,
of which over $8,500,000 had at that time been paid into the
treasury. The total productive endowment of Harvard Univer-
sity then approximated $48,000,000.
The College. In 1910-1 a new plan of admission to Harvard
College was put into operation, which endeavours to test the in-
tellectual condition of the applicant for admission and to establish
a closer cooperation with preparatory and high school authorities;
experience has shown that the plan in fact does secure closer articula-
tion, especially with public schools, and that it provides the college
with a better grade of student. In 1920 over 40% of the freshmen
class entered from public schools. In its essential features the " new
plan " has been adopted by at least six other important colleges.
The free elective system, which furnished little or no direction to a
student's choice of studies, was modified in 1910 so as to require
each student to choose enough courses in some one field of knowledge
to enable him actually to gain considerable knowledge of that sub-
ject ; and also to distribute a certain number of courses among other
fundamental subjects, so that a more systematic and well-rounded
education might be secured. At the same time the "degree with
distinction" was established for high attainment in general, coupled
with distinguished success in the subject to which the student has
given most attention. Ordinarily the candidate is obliged to pass a
special examination near the end of his senior year to obtain this
degree. Beginning with 1916 general final examinations on the
student's field of concentration were introduced in the departments
of history, government and economics for all students, whether
candidates for distinction or not, and this plan is about to be ex-
tended to most departments. Experience has shown that such an
examination for the degree encourages the student to think of his
chief subject as a whole, and to read independently in his field;
it gives an opportunity to test the student's capacity at the end of his
course; and it has resulted in increased interest on the part of the
students and in a higher grade of scholarship.
Engineering School. In 1915-6, after the Massachusetts In-
stitute of Technology had decided to move from Boston to Cam-
bridge, all instruction in engineering was virtually transferred to it
under a cooperative agreement entered upon between the Institute
and Harvard. Since there was some doubt, however, as to whether
such cooperation was allowed under the terms of the large Gordon
McKay bequest which was given to Harvard University to further
applied science, application was made by the university authorities
to the Supreme Court of Massachusetts for a judgment in the matter.
The decision of the Court in 1917 made it necessary to abandon the
cooperative plan, and Harvard University again established a
school of Engineering Sciences, which, in spite of conditions caused
by the war, made a successful beginning, and in 1920-1 had 24
instructors and 214 students.
The Graduate Schools. The period under review has also been
marked by constant developments in the graduate schools of the
university.
The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences had steadily grown
in numbers until checked by the war, and by 1920 was rapidly recov-
ering its losses. The students in this school mostly prepare for
careers as teachers and scholars; and in spite of the economic dis-
advantages under which the profession of teaching labours, it is
impossible to meet all the requests coming to the school for teachers
and research workers. The preparation which the Graduate School of
Business Administration is giving young men for the scientific
management of business has won wide appreciation and is causing
large resort to the school 442 in 1920-1. In the Law School a post-
graduate year of study has been established, leading to the degree
of S.J.D., which is intended especially for men who wish to prepare
themselves for teaching law and for research in jurisprudence. In
191921 the number both of faculty and students largely increased.
In the Medical School new departments of pharmacology, of tropical
medicine and industrial medicine have been established. Affiliation
with hospitals, many of which are now grouped near the school,
and changes in the faculty have secured the largest and strongest
organization for teaching of medicine and for medical research in the
United States. New degrees of Master of Theological Science
(S.T.M.) and Doctor of Theology (Th.D.) have been established
for those who wish to continue their studies after obtaining the or-
dinary degree, and the ordinary degree itself (S.T.B.) is now given
on the basis of a general examination at the end of the student's
three-year course.
University Extension. Since 1909 Harvard University has united
with Boston University, Boston College, the Massachusetts In-
stitute of Technology, Simmons College, Tufts College, Wellesley
College, and the Museum of Fine Arts in offering courses in university
extension. These courses are given ordinarily in Boston to a con-
siderable number of students each winter (1,785 in 1920-1).
World War Services. Ten thousand Harvard graduates and
students entered the army or navy of the United States during
the conflict; of these 70% received commissions. No complete
records exist of those who engaged in non-military service, but
it may safely be said that over half the Harvard men of every
age took an active part during the war. The Roll of Honour
contains 372 names of men who gave their lives.
Preparation for the possible entrance of the United States into
the war began early at the university, and large numbers of students
and graduates attended the successive Plattsburg camps. Beginning
with 1915, courses in military training were given regularly in the
college. In Feb. 1916 the Harvard regiment was formed by under-
graduates and trained by regular and volunteer officers; the next
year the Reserve Officers' Training Corps came into existence, and
early in 1917 President Lowell, through the French embassy,
arranged for the visit of six wounded French officers to train the
students. In the summer of 1917 the Government sent a picked
group of 550 newly commissioned officers to study under these
French officers at Harvard. After the United States entered the
war intensive military training was begun and the academic work
of the year correspondingly abbreviated. Large numbers of the
teaching force entered the service both abroad and in the United
States, while the student body quickly shrank to those who either
because under age or physically defective were unfit for military
service. During the autumn of 1918, when the Government estab-
lished the Students' Army Training Corps at the university, training
was furnished for the army, the navy and the marine corps to some
1,989 students. The equipment of the university in electrical en-
gineering led to the establishment in May 1917 of a Radio school,
which, originally planned for a few hundred, rapidly grew until it
contained about 5,000 men. Special quarters were erected on open
ground and the Cambridge Common was occupied by temporary
dormitories. The university also provided quarters for the Officer
Material school, which trained ensigns for the navy. As early as
1915 the generosity of a group of graduates made it possible to send
out the first Harvard medical unit to assist the Allies. Successive
units followed, until in 1917 a Harvard unit under Dr. Hugh Cabot
joined the English forces for the duration of the war.
The number of students in 1920-1 was as follows:
College
Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Special students
Engineering School
Graduate School of Business Administration .
Architecture
Bussey Institution
Divinity School
Law School
Graduate School of Education ....
Medical School
Dental School
Summer schools of 1920
School of Public Health
(330 deducted for duplication)
Total
2,532
532
77
214
15
53
944
121
439
232
2,077
31
7,445
In 1908-9 the corresponding total was 5,250. The number of
officers of instruction and administration in 1920-1 was 891 ; in
1908-9, 743. The total number of volumes and pamphlets in the
HARVEY HAVANA
34i
university library in 1920 was over 2,000,000. The number of
students at Radcliffe College (for women) in 1920-1 was 652.
(C. H. M.)
HARVEY, GEORGE (1864- ), American editor and diplo-
mat, was born at Peacham, Vt., Feb. 16 1864, and was educated
at the Peacham academy. At the age of 18 he became a reporter
on the Springfield (Mass.) Republican and later on the New York
World. In 1885 he was appointed by Gov. Green of New Jersey
as aide-de-camp on his staff, and was reappointed by Gov. Abbett.
The latter also made him insurance commissioner of New Jersey
in 1890. During 1891-4 he was managing editor of the New York
World. Then for several years he was engaged in the construction
of electric railways and in 1898 organized a syndicate which se-
cured possession of the lines in Havana, Cuba. The following
year he purchased The North American Review, which he there-
after edited for several years. During 1900-15 he was president
of the publishing house of Harper & Bros., and during 1902-13
was editor of Harper's Weekly. In 1903 he purchased the Metro-
politan Magazine. He was said to have been the first to suggest
(in 1906) Woodrow Wilson, then president of Princeton, as a
presidential possibility. In the campaign of 1912 he gave Wilson
strong support; but after the latter's nomination an estrangement
developed, due, as it was generally understood, to the fact that
Wilson intimated that his cause was being jeopardized by Harvey's
ofticiousness. In 1916 Harvey urged the election of Charles E.
Hughes, the Republican candidate for president. He was strong-
ly opposed to the League of Nations on the ground that it in-
volved the yielding of national sovereignty. In 1918 he estab-
lished The North American Review's War Weekly, later called
Harvey's Weekly, which bitterly denounced the Wilson adminis-
tration. He was present at the Republican National Convention
of 1920, but not as a delegate, and was influential in the nomina-
tion of Senator Harding. In 1921 he was appointed ambassador
to England by President Harding.
He was the author of The Power of Tolerance, and Other Speeches
(1911).
HARVEY, SIR JOHN MARTIN (1867- ), English actor,
was born at Wyvenhoe in Essex June 22 1867, and was educated
at King's College school, London. He was intended for a naval
architect, but took to the stage, and appeared first in 1881 at the
age of fourteen in a boy's part at the Court theatre, London.
Next year he was engaged by Irving at the Lyceum and remained
in his company for fourteen years, playing minor parts in London
but leading parts during summer tours. In 1898 he played
Pelleas in Maeterlinck's Pclleas and Melisande, and in 1899 he
entered into management with The Only Way, an adaptation of
Dickens's Tale of Two Cities, in which he scored a great success.
Other successes were in A Cigarette-Maker's Romance and The
Breed of the Treshams. In later years he was active in promoting
the production of Shakespearean plays, both in London and in
the provinces, playing the leading parts himself, and he was the
King in Reinhardt's production of (Edipus Rex at Covent
Garden Jan. 1912. He married Angelita Helena de Silva, herself
an actress and exponent of Shakespearean heroines. He was
knighted Jan. i 1921. During the World War Sir John Martin
Harvey delivered a large number of recruiting lectures on Sunday
evenings in leading theatres throughout the United Kingdom,
beginning in Sept. 1914. By collections made there and else-
where, by himself and Lady Harvey, he raised sums for the Brit-
ish Red Cross, and for wounded soldiers, nurses and other suffer-
ers by the war, amounting in all to about 25,000.
HAUCK, ALBERT (1845- ), German theologian, was born
at Hassertriidingen, M.-Franken, Dec. 9 1845, and was educated
at the gymnasium at Ansbach and later (1864-8) at the univer-
sities of Erlangen and Berlin. He took orders, and from 1875-8
was pastor at Frankenheim. In 1882 he became professor of
theology at Erlangen, and in 1889 proceeded to Leipzig, where
he was professor until 1898, and then for a year rector of the
university. His published work includes Tertullian's Leben und
Schreiben (1877) and the Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands (5 vols.,
1887-1911).
HAUPTMANN, GERHART (1862- ), German dramatist
(see 13.68), hardly added to his reputation as a dramatist after
1909. He produced Kaiser Karls Geisel (1908); Griselda (1909);
Die Ratten (1910), the latter in his earlier realistic manner;
Gabriel Schillings Flucht (1912); Der Bogen des Odysseus (1914)
and Winterballade (1917). His novels include Emanuel Quint
(1911), Atlantis (1912) and Der Ketzer von Soana (1918). A
complete edition of Hauptmann's works was published in Berlin
in six volumes (1912).
See C. Holl, Gerhart Hauptmann, etc., (1913); W. Bonsels, Das
junge DeutscUand und der grosse Krieg, aus Anlass des Briefwechsels
Romain Rollands mil G. Hauptmann iiber den Krieg und die Kultur
(1914) ; A. Esprey, G. Hauptmann und wir Deutschen (1916) ; P. A. W.
Gaude, Das Odysseusthema bei Hattptmann (1916); J. H. Marschan,
Das Mitleid bei G. Hauptmann (with bibliography, 1919).
His elder brother, CARL HAUPTMANN (1858-1921), also an
author, was born at Ober-Salzbrunn, Silesia, May n 1858. He
was educated at the Realschule, Breslau, and at the university
of Jena, where he studied physical science and philosophy under
Haeckel. He was afterwards a pupil of Avenarius and Forel at
Zurich, and his first published work, Die Metaphysik in der
modernen Physiologie (1893), shows their influence. He returned
to Silesia about 1890 and devoted himself thenceforward to
literature, publishing a very large number of dramas, poems,
novels and tales of peasant life in the Riesengebirge. Amongst
his novels may be mentioned Mathilde (1902) and Einhart der
Ladder (1907), and amongst his dramas Ephraim Breile (1898),
Die Bergschmiede (1901) and Napoleon (in two parts, 1906).
He died in Berlin Feb. 3 1921.
See Carl Hauptmann, by Hans Heinrich Borcherdt (1911).
HAVANA, Cuba (see 13.76). The pop. of Havana, according
to the census of 1919, was 360,517, an increase of more than
20% over that of 12 years earlier. During the 10 years previous
to 1918, 295,320 immigrants reached Cuba through the port of
Havana. Within recent years the city has undergone a radical
change. Modern pavements, scientific sanitation and 20th-
century discipline of every sort have helped to make it a thriving,
healthful, vigorous city in keeping with its commercial and in-
dustrial importance. Motor-cars swarm the streets, which are
greatly congested, especially in the older section where they are
very narrow. This condition will be relieved, it is hoped, by the
construction of a subway, plans for which were prepared early
in 1921. The estimated cost was about $10,000,000.
The police corps of Havana was said to be one of the most efficient
organizations of the republic. The fire department was also well
organized and the most modern fire-fighting apparatus had been re-
cently installed. In keeping with the general prosperity of the island, a
great deal of building went on in Havana of fine private residences,
luxurious club-houses and modern hotels, the last to care for the
large number of American tourists. The most noteworthy public
building completed in recent years was the new presidential palace,
built at a cost of nearly $5,000,000, and opened Jan. 31 1920.
Situated most impressively on the Avenida de las Palmas, it is
said to be one of the handsomest palaces built in modern times.
Among the noteworthy developments in educational lines was the
establishment in Havana in 1920 of a Spanish-American branch of
the College of Business Administration of Boston University. The
university of Havana had nearly 1,600 students in 1919, an increase
of about 170% over the enrolment 12 years before.
Havana is the chief centre of trade for the island and nearly all
important commercial companies and banks have their main offices
located there. More merchandise enters and leaves this port than
any other on the western hemisphere except New York. At almost
any time there can be seen in the harbour ships that represent nearly
the entire world. About 75 % of the imports of Cuba are handled
here, though a considerably smaller proportion of the exports, which
are shipped from the many lesser ports near various producing centres.
In 1919 the total customs receipts for the island were $44,403, 323, of
which $33,733,915 were collected at Havana. In 1920 the receipts
at Havana reached the record sum of $52,700,597, in comparison
with $17,922,092 ten years before. Japan in 1919 established a
direct line of steamships between Yokohama and Havana via the
Panama Canal.
The All American Cables, Inc., obtained four permits in 1920
to land cables on the Cuban coast, two of which were to enter
Havana, one from the United States and the other from Mexico or
the Central American coast. A telephone cable between Havana
and Key West has been completed, making possible telephone com-
munication between Cuba and any part of the United States.
Early tests proved conversation between New York and Havana to
be as easy as between New York and Washington. Early in 1921 port
conditions (see CUBA) were materially improved. (W. R. MA.)
342
HAVERFIELD HAWAII
HAVERFIELD (BALGUY), EVELINA (1867-1920), English war
hospital worker, daughter of the 3rd Baron Abinger, was born
Aug. 9 1867. She married Maj. Haverfield, R.A., in 1887, and
en second.es noces Gen. Balguy in 1899. A keen sportswoman,
she collected abandoned troop horses on the veldt during the Boer
War and nursed them back to good condition. She was among
the first London women-suffragists to be sentenced to imprison-
ment and organized a branch of the Women's Social and Political
Union. She was one of the original members of the Women's
Emergency Corps in Aug. 1914, founded and organized the
Women's Volunteer Reserve, and was commandant-in-chief of
the Women's Reserve Ambulance (Green Cross Corps). In April
1915 she went to Serbia as administrator of the Scottish Women's
hospital unit at Valjevo, and remained with Dr. Elsie Inglis
working for the Serbs as prisoners of the enemy from Nov. to
Feb. 1916. In Aug. 1916 she went to Russia in charge of the
transport column of Dr. Inglis's unit. On her return in Nov.
1917 she organized a comforts fund for the Serbian army, which
became a fund for disabled men and their dependents after the
Armistice. In Aug. 1919 she went to Serbia as hon. sec. of this
fund and as commissioner for the Serbian Red Cross Society in
Great Britain. At her instigation her friends at home raised
another fund for Serbian children, with which she established an
orphanage at Baiyna Bachta, on the borders of Bosnia, and there
she succumbed to pneumonia brought on by fatigue and exposure
March 21 1920. She received the Order of St. Sava, classes IV.
and V., St. George's medal for bravery under fire, and a Russian
medal, class II., for meritorious service. The Order of the White
Eagle was posthumously bestowed.
HAVERFIELD, FRANCIS JOHN (1860-1919), English historian
and archaeologist, was born at Shipston-on-Stour Nov. 8 1860.
He was educated at Winchester and New College, Oxford, and
after some years as a schoolmaster was appointed tutor of Christ
Church, Oxford, in 1891, and official student in 1893. He became
a great authority on the history and antiquitiesof Roman Britain
and was entrusted by Mommsen with the editing of the British
section of the Corpus Inscriplionum (see 18.683). In 1907 he was
elected Camden professor of ancient history at Oxford. He was
a fellow of the British Academy and a member of the Royal Com-
mission on Ancient Monuments, England; he was also first
president of the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies.
He died at Oxford Sept. i 1919. Amongst his publications were
The Romanization of Roman Britain (3rd ed. 1915); Ancient
Town Planning (1913) and many monographs on Roman history.
HAWAII (see 13.83). In 1920 the pop., exclusive of military
and naval forces, was 255,912, an increase of 64,003, or 33-4%,
over that of 1910. It was distributed by race as follows: Hawai-
ian, 23,723; part-Hawaiian, 18,027; Portuguese, 27,002; Porto
Rican, 5,602; Spanish, 2,430; other Caucasian, mostly American,
19,708; Japanese, 109,274; Chinese, 23,507; Filipino, 21,031;
Korean, 4,950; Negro, 348; all others, 310. The distribution
by islands was as follows: Oahu, 123,496; Hawaii, 64,895; Maui,
36,080; Kauai, 29,247; Molokai, 1,784; Niihau, 191; Lanai, 185;
Midway, 31; Kahoolawe, 3. The pop. of Honolulu, the capital,
was 83,327, an increase of 59-7% over that of 1910. That of the
second city in size, Hilo, was 10,431.
Males numbered 151,146, or 59-1%, and females 104,766, or
40-9%, the corresponding percentages in 1910 being 64-1 and 35-9.
The excess of males is chiefly among adults, but since the cessation
of Japanese, Chinese and Korean labour immigration there has
been a constant tendency towards normal sex and age ratios. The
Hawaiians continue to decrease, but at a diminishing rate. The
decrease for 1910-20 was 2,318, or 8-9%, as compared with a de-
crease of 3,746, or 12-58%, for 1900-10. The part- Hawaiians,
however, are increasing more rapidly than the Hawaiians are de-
creasing. Their increase for the last decade was 5,521, or 44-15%,
and for the preceding decade, 4,658, or 59-35%. The death-rate of
Hawaiians and the birth-rate of part-Hawaiians are the greatest
among all races. The Hawaiians apparently are destined to disappear
through intermarriage with other races rather than by deaths. They
intermarry chiefly with Caucasians and Chinese. Each of these
crosses, especially the latter, produces a good stock. The Japanese
and Koreans are the extremists in preserving racial solidarity.
Immigration has been occasioned chiefly by the rapid growth of
industries since 1875. Much of it has been of assisted Latin and
Oriental unskilled labourers. Many of these, under improved con-
ditions, become sooner or later skilled labourers, and their children,
with the advantages of education, seldom engage as unskilled la-
bourers. Hence the constant need of replenishing the supply. The
last immigration assisted by the Government was in 1906-12, and
consisted of 5,288 Spanish, 4,962 Portuguese and 2,056 Russians.
Since then the only assisted immigration has been of Filipinos,
introduced by the sugar producers. The number of these in the
territory increased from 2,318 in 1910 to 21,031 in 1920. The
increase in population, apart from this assisted Filipino immigration
and a small but steady unassisted Anglo-Saxon immigration, is
now mainly through births. There has been some emigration of
Portuguese, Spanish, Filipinos, Russians and Japanese to California.
Chinese immigration, restricted previously, has been prohibited
since 1898; the Chinese decreased from 25,762 in 1900 to 21,674
in 1910, but increased to 23,507 in 1920, indicating that this race
has now established itself on a basis of natural increase, notwith-
standing the abnormally small number of Chinese women and the
tendency of Chinese men to intermarry with Hawaiian women.
Japanese arrivals have exceeded departures since the " gentlemen's
agreement " of 1907 between the United States and Japan, but the
arrivals have been in large part women unknown to their future hus-
bands, the so-called " picture brides," and not only has the largest
increase in any race in recent years been of Japanese through births,
but this race now constitutes by far the largest element in the
population. Their increase in 1910-20 was 29,599, or 37-15%, as
compared with 18,559, or 30-37%, for the preceding decade. For
the year ended June 30 1920 Japanese births numbered 4,963, and
deaths 1,596, as compared with 5,202 births and 2,968 deaths for
all other races. The rapid increase in the number of Japanese who
are native born and therefore American citizens presents the most
important problem for the future. Comparatively few of these
have yet arrived at voting age. The increase in Portuguese was 4,701
for the last decade and 6,628 for the preceding decade. The in-
crease in Caucasians other than Latins, and exclusive of military and
naval forces, was 4,841 for 1910-20 and 4,290 for 1900-10. These
were mainly Americans, but with a considerable British element, and
in 1921 they constituted the dominant element in the social and in-
dustrial life of Hawaii.
Industries and Commerce. The remarkable prosperity which
Hawaii enjoyed previous to 1910 continued during the decade
1910-20. The number of banks increased from II in 1910 to 26 in
1920, and their deposits from $13,324,305.54 to $52,783,114.04. The
assessed value of taxable property increased from $150,268,467 to
$287,006,792; exports increased from $47,029,631 to $145,831,074,
and imports from $26,152,435 to $68,876,094. Trade is chiefly with
the mainland of the United States, $142,246,003 of the exports, and
$59,261,621 of the imports in 1920; while $3,585,071 of the exports
and $9,614,473 of the imports were with foreign countries. The ex-
ports named in order of value comprised sugar, $1 18,998,848, canned
pineapples, $18,869,449, fruits and nuts, coffee, molasses, hides,
canned fish, rice, honey, wood, sisal and tallow. The imports from
the United States comprised a wide range of articles while those from
foreign countries were in large part food supplies from Japan, bags
from India and nitrates from Chile. The sugar industry continues
.to be by far the largest. It grew rapidly until 1911, but since then
comparatively little land has been available for further expansion.
The largest crop, that of the crop year ending Sept. 30, 1915,
amounted to 646,445 short tons. This industry is conducted mostly
on a large scale by corporations, which own the mills and raise on
land owned or leased by them most of the cane they grind. The
capital stock is widely distributed. The yield per acre is larger than
in any other country, about five tons of sugar per acre on the average,
the irrigated land yielding about 70% more per acre than the
unirrigated. On some fields a new variety of cane is yielding 12^
tons of sugar per acre. About half the acreage is irrigated by con-
duits from mountain streams, storage reservoirs and pumping from
artesian and surface wells. The most recently constructed large
irrigated project, completed in 1916, consists of about 25 m. of
concrete-lined tunnels and ditches and steel pipe 6 ft. in diameter, the
longest tunnel extending 2-76 m., for conducting water from the
rainy windward to the arid leeward side of the island of Oahu. The
employees, of many nationalities, on the sugar plantations number
about 45,000. These, besides receiving house, fuel, water and medical
attendance free, are paid a monthly basic wage and a bonus which
varies with the price of sugar. In 1920 the minimum monthly basic
wage that is, for the lowest class of labour was $20, and the bonus,
extraordinarily large, was 276% of the wages. For 1921 the mini-
mum monthly basic wage was $30. Much has been done to improve
the living conditions of employees by replacing tenements with
cottages and garden space, providing hospitals, entertainment halls
and motion-pictures, playgrounds, kindergartens, social-service
workers, and by improving sanitary conditions generally.
The canned pineapple industry has had a remarkable growth. It
is an industry of the present century. During the first decade the
pack increased from practically nothing to 544,968 cases per year,
while during the second decade it increased to 5,978,064 cases, or
I 43473t536 two-pound cans, valued at approximately $31,000,000,
for 1920. One of the factories is the largest fruit cannery in the
world and has attained a maximum output of 777,37' cans in a day.
About 46,000 ac. of land are devoted to this industry.
HAWAII
343
While Hawaii exports and imports more of what it produces and
consumes than most other countries, there is nevertheless consider-
able farming for subsistence, and several industries, such as the live-
stock and fishing industries, figure largely in local trade. Much has
been done since 1895 to promote homesteading of public lands, but
with small success. During 1910-20 2,650 homesteads were taken
up, covering an area of about 55,000 ac., at prices aggregating about
$1,500,000, which was probably about a third of the actual value.
The most striking feature in Hawaii's industries as well as that which
has contributed most to their success, is the extent to which science
is applied, not only by the individual industrial concerns but also
through such more general agencies as the sugar planters' associa-
tion's experiment station, the university of Hawaii, the territorial
bureau of agriculture and forestry and the U.S. experiment station.
Although Hawaii is essentially an agricultural country, the
principal agricultural industries are such as require much manu-
facturing, not only directly, as in sugar, rice and coffee in mills
and fruit and fish in canneries, but also indirectly, as in iron and
fertilizer works and can factories of large size. The ironworks,
while doing much work of other kinds, such as marine-engine and
drydock work, have specialized in sugar-milling machinery to such
an extent and with such proficiency that they receive orders from
many countries and have established branch offices or works in
several other countries. The principal can factory has a capacity
of 100,000 cans an hour. There are many other kinds of manufactur-
ing but on a small scale. Strikes have seldom occurred in Hawaii,
but in 1909 and again in 1920 about 7,000 Japanese labourers struck,
unsuccessfully, on the sugar plantations of the island of Oahu.
Unionism has obtained little foothold. There is a growing tendency
toward welfare legislation affecting labour. In 1913 a Compulsory
Workmen's Compensation Act was passed and a public utilities
commission was created. The railways were already under the
Interstate Commerce Commission, and in 1920 by Act of Congress
the telephone, telegraph and wireless utilities were brought under it.
Communications. The rapid growth of commerce on the Pacific,
due to general causes as well as to the opening of the Panama Canal,
called for the formulation and execution of a comprehensive plan,
involving an expenditure of many millions of dollars, for the develop-
ment of shipping facilities at this commercial cross-roads. To this
end much has been accomplished since 1905 by the Federal and
territorial Governments and private enterprise. Among other
things, the harbours at Hilo on the island of Hawaii and at Kahului
on the island of Maui have been developed by the construction of
breakwaters and wharves and by dredging, and similar work is in
progress at Nawiliwili, on the island of Kaui. At Honolulu the har-
bour was deepened and widened, and in 1921 was being extended at
one end, while near the other end a smaller harbour is being made for
small vessels. At Honolulu there were in 1920 two floating drydocks,
two automatic coal-handling plants and the oil-storage tanks of three
companies, connected with the wharves by pipe lines and electrical
freight-handling apparatus. Practically all the new wharves are of
concrete. From 1910 to 1920 the arrivals and departures of deep-sea
vessels, mainly steamships, but exclusive of numerous naval vessels,
army transports and coal-bunker vessels, increased from 864 to
1,069, and their tonnage from 2,601,676 to 5,430,976. A fleet of 12
steamers is engaged exclusively in inter-island traffic. There are
approximately 350 m. of steam railways on the four principal islands,
besides about 625 m. of private railways on sugar plantations. Road
construction has proceeded rapidly for some years. Much of it is of
concrete. Hawaii was the first country to establish wireless com-
munication for commercial purposes. Besides a cable there are four
powerful wireless plants for trans-oceanic communication, and
smaller stations for communication between the islands and with
ships at sea. The five larger islands are well covered with efficient
telephone systems.
Administration. In 1913 the territorial Legislature provided for
open direct primaries in territorial and county elections. In 1918
Congress authorized the territorial Legislature to provide for woman
suffrage, but before the Legislature acted this was brought about in
1920 by the igth Amendment to the Federal Constitution. At
the ensuing election many women failed to register. The total
registration was 26,366, of whom 17,084 were men and 9,282 women.
By races the registered voters comprised 11,219 Hawaiians, 3,460
part-Hawaiians, 5,336 Americans, 3,091 Portuguese, 1,142 Chinese,
658 Japanese and 1,460 others, largely British. The first territorial
Legislature was controlled by the Home Rule party, whose slogan
was" Hawaii for the Hawaiians," but since then the voters have been
divided mainly, and in late years entirely, between the Republican
and Democratic parties, with the Republicans in the majority.
Finance. The bonded debt of the territory was in 1920 $12,374,-
ooo, bearing rates of interest from 3i to 4^ %. Most of this has been
incurred during 1910-20 for public improvements, chiefly wharves,
roads, school-houses, and public buildings. Much current revenue
also is expended on public improvements. The counties have no
bonded debt except that the city and county of Honolulu issued small
amounts of district improvement bonds payable in instalments
by assessments on the property benefited, but $3,756,747.39 of the
territorial bonded debt has been incurred for county improvements,
for which the counties reimburse the territory in interest and sinking
funds. The total revenue of the territory and counties for the year
ended June 30 1920 was $9,902,032.25 of which $4,845,416.29 went
to the territory and $5,056,618.96 to the counties, as compared
with $2,621,758.01 and $1,394,693.29 respectively for 1910.
Education. The recent changes include the introduction of
kindergartens in the public-school system, the enlargement of the
college of agriculture and mechanic arts into a university, to which
has been transferred the aquarium and the marine biological labora-
tory connected therewith, the establishment of a trade school and
schools for the physically defective and the feeble-minded, the
multiplication of high schools and the extension of physical educa-
tion, music, industrial training and home-making in the primary and
secondary schools. Medical inspection of school children is regularly
made, and a dental infirmary for them has been provided for by
Crivate gift. Between 1905 and 1920 many large concrete school
uildings were erected. Public-school buildings furnish community
centres, and they and their grounds are used in evenings by private
organizations for educational moving-pictures, mass singing, short
talks and other special features. Perhaps the most striking feature in
Hawaiian education is the diversity of races and racial mixtures,
sometimes 40 to 50 in a single school, and the absence of racial feel-
ing. The number of pupils increased from 25,537 in 1910 to 45,701
in 1920, of whom 38,295 were in the public schools and 7,406 in
private schools. Noteworthy, too, is the increase of Japanese pupils
in the public schools from 6,393 ' n 1910 to 17,541 in 1920. For some
years the Japanese have maintained through the territory so-called
Japanese language schools, which their children attended before or
after the public-school hours, and at which were taught not only the
Japanese language but also Japanese history, institutions, ideals and
loyalty in spite of the fact that most of these children were American
citizens by birth. In 1920 the problem was settled by the passage
of a law, acceptable to the Japanese, subjecting all such schools
to the supervision of the department of public instruction, limiting
them to one hour in the afternoon, six days a week, and requiring
the teachers to pass satisfactory tests in the English language,
American history and institutions and the ideals of democracy, and
to use only such text-books and give only such courses as should be
approved by the department. In 1912 a territorial library was
opened in a handsome building in Honolulu's civic centre. It now
has nearly 50,000 volumes, a trained corps of librarians, and 232
stations throughout the territory which it supplies through " travel-
ling libraries."
Charities. Of all the departments of the territorial Government,
none, except that of education, is of wider scope or expends more out
of current revenues than that of public health. An unusual feature
is the employment or subsidizing of physicians, so that all, however
indigent or remote from centres of population, may have proper
medical attendance. The principal territorial institution under this
department is the leper settlement on the island of Molokai, with
its auxiliary the leper hospital in Honolulu. Formerly emphasis was
laid on isolation, with the result that the inmates of these institutions
were regarded as outcasts and, although at one time they numbered
over 1 ,200, it was so difficult to enforce the law that many remained
at large and little progress was made in the eradication of the disease.
In 1909 the policy was changed so as to lay emphasis on treatment,
with the result that the lepers freely surrendered themselves, and
the number of inmates, which at first increased, was reduced to 662
by 1920, and there were comparatively few lepers at large.
History. During 1910-20 Hawaii grew in importance as the
commercial cross-roads of the Pacific, as the military and naval
outpost of the Pacific coast of the United States, which has
called for an expenditure of vast sums on the great naval station
at Pearl Harbor and the numerous forts and military posts on
Oahu I., and as the friendly meeting place of East and West.
In 1917 there was incorporated in Hawaii as the Pan-Pacific
Union what had for some years previously been known as the
Hands-around-the-Pacific Club, the objects of which were not
only to cultivate further the spirit of interracial brotherhood
which had already become a notable feature in Hawaii, but also
to foster a similar spirit among all the peoples of the Pacific and
promote cooperation among them for their common welfare.
In 1920 it inaugurated a series of Pan-Pacific conferences to be
held at Honolulu, the first of which was a scientific conference
held in Aug. 1920, and the second of which, an educational con-
ference, was set for Aug. 1921. While Hawaii was called on
heavily and responded beyond her quota for men and money for
the World War, she continued to enjoy great prosperity owing
to the demand for her products. In 1909 President Roosevelt, in
order to prevent poaching by Japanese feather exploiters, set
aside as a bird reservation the chain of small islands extending for
1,200 m. to the N.W. of the larger islands, excepting Midway
I., on which there is a cable station. This is the largest and
most populous bird colony in the world.
In 1916 Congress reserved as a national park the active vol-
344
HAY HEALTH MINISTRY
canoes, Kilauea and Mauna Loa, on the island of Hawaii, and
the great extinct crater, Haleakala, on the island of Maui, with
their surrounding regions. The healthy climate and beautiful
scenery are attracting tourists in numbers beyond the capacity
of steamships to bring them and are making the tourist business
one of great importance. In 1920 the centenary of the arrival of
the missionaries was celebrated on a grand scale, reviewing a
century of what has been called a great history in miniature. The
governors of Hawaii between 1907 and 1921 were: W. F. Frear,
1907-13; L. E. Pinkham, 1913-8; and C. J. McCarthy, 1918.
Authorities. Consult, in addition to the list in 13.93, Preliminary
Catalogue of Hawaiiana, (the most complete bibliography, 1916);
The Centennial Book 1820-1920, (by 16 authors, 1920) ; H. H. Gowen,
The Napoleon of the Pacific (1919); O. H. and A. E. C. Gulick, The
Pilgrims of Hawaii (1918); W. R. Castle, Jr., Hawaii Past and Pres-
ent (1916); N. B. Emerson, Unwritten Literature of Hawaii (1909);
C. W. Baldwin, Geography of the Hawaiian Islands (1908) ; W. A.
Bryan, Natural History of Hawaii (with bibliography, 1915); W. T.
Brigham, The Volcanoes of Kilauea and Maunaloa (1909) ; J. F.
Rock, The Indigenous Trees of the Hawaiian Islands (1913); The
Ornamental Trees of Hawaii (1917); D. S. Jordan and B. W. Ever-
mann, The Aquatic Resources of the Hawaiian Islands (3 vols., 1905) ;
A Survey of Education in Hawaii, made under the direction of the
U.S. Commissioner of Education (1920) ; Reports of the U.S. Com-
missioner of Labor on Hawaii (1901361116); Men of Hawaii,
compiled by Honolulu Star-Bulletin, Ltd. (1917, revised edition in
prep. 1921); miscellaneous publications of Bernice Pauahi Bishop
Museum of Polynesian Ethnology and Natural History. For cur-
rent history and statistics, see particularly annual reports of the
governor of Hawaii and Thrum's Hawaiian Annual. (W. F. F.)
HAY, IAN, pen name of JOHN HAY BEITH (1876- ), British
novelist, was born at Rusholme, nr. Manchester, April 17 1876,
and was educated at Fettes College, Edinburgh, and St. John's
College, Cambridge. At the outbreak of the World War he
joined the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, loth Service
Batt., was mentioned in despatches and decorated with the M.C.
He published amongst other novels Pip (1907) and A Man's
Man (1909); but he is best known as the author of The First
Hundred Thousand (1915), a humorous sketch of military life in
the early days of recruiting, and its sequel The Last Million (1918).
In 1917 he published Carrying On, and in 1919 his novel Happy
Go Lucky (1913) was dramatized as Tilly of Bloomsbury and
produced by Arthur Bourchier at the Apollo theatre, London.
A Safety Match (1911) was also dramatized and produced by
Arthur Bourchier at the Strand theatre in Jan. 1921.
HAYASHI, TADASU, COUNT (1850-1913), Japanese states-
man (see 13.109). In the second Saionji Cabinet (1911-2) he
held office ad interim as Foreign Minister during the absence of
Visct. Uchida in Washington, and also held the portfolio of the
Ministry of Communications. Owing to having contracted
diabetes, from Dec. 1912 he lived in strict retirement at his villa
at Hayama. In the following June he fractured his thigh as the
result of being thrown out of a 'rikisha, and amputation was found
necessary. He failed to rally completely from the operation and
died on July 10 1913. He was buried in the Foreign Office corner
of the Aoyama cemetery. In his death Japan lost an eminent
diplomat, a genuine scholar and a man of strong opinions.
HAZLITT, WILLIAM CAREW (1834-1913), British bibliogra-
pher (see 13.120), died at Richmond, Sur., Sept. 8 1913.
HEALTH MINISTRY. The Ministry of Health in Great
Britain was created by the Act of 1919. This had as its principal
object the concentration of the main health services of the coun-
try in a single department under a Minister of Health responsible
to Parliament. The Act in the form in which it received the royal
assent established a Minister of Health for England and Wales
with a parliamentary under-secretary. Wales was given a Board
of Health separately constituted but responsible directly to the
minister. A Scottish Act was subsequently passed, setting up a
Scottish Board of Health; this is entirely a separate organization
and its chairman and parliamentary head is the Secretary for
Scotland, who has a Scottish Under-Secretary for Health. The
main Act also designated the Chief Secretary for Ireland as
Minister for Health in Ireland. He is assisted by an Irish Public
Health Council but its functions are purely advisory and its
members are nearly all nominated directly by the Chief Secre-
tary. It is important therefore to note that the health administra-
tions of England and Wales, Scotland, and Ireland respectively,
are quite independent, are under three distinct ministers, and
that if any United Kingdom health legislation is desired it must
be sanctioned by three distinct Government offices. Nurses'
registration, indeed, was carried in 1920 in the passage of three
identical Acts; and the Medical Research Committee (a United
Kingdom body) had to be withdrawn completely from the sphere
of the Health Ministries and placed under a committee of the
Privy Council. In practice the Ministry of Health and the
Scottish Board of Health perform almost identical functions and
have proceeded on similar lines. Conditions in Ireland are so
different that no comparison is possible.
The Ministry of Health came into being on July i 1919 and
assumed from that date the whole of the powers and duties of the
Local Government Board and of the English and Welsh insurance
commissioners, save for their powers over the Medical Research
Committee. The powers of the Privy Council relating to mid-
wives were immediately vested in the new ministry. On Oct. I it
took over, as provided by the Act, the powers of the Board of
Education with respect to the health of mothers and young
children, and of the Home Office in relation to infant life pro-
tection under the Children Act. On Dec. i the ministry further
assumed responsibility for the duties of the Board of Education
regarding the medical inspection and treatment of children and
young persons. Arrangements had however been made to enable
certain of these latter duties to be carried out by the Board
of Education on behalf of the Minister of Health.
In May 1920 the ministry took over from the Home Office
the administration of the Anatomy Acts and of certain powers
and duties in relation to lunacy and mental deficiency. The 1919
Act also prescribes that there shall be transferred to the Ministry
of Health " all or any of the powers and duties of the Minister
of Pensions with respect to the health of disabled officers and
men after they have left the service," and the date was to be not
later than three years after the termination of the World War
(see PENSIONS MINISTRY). Many powers inherited from the
Local Government Board, but inappropriate to the new body,
have been transferred to other departments, ranging from the
Board of Education to the Electricity Commissioners and the
Ministry of Transport.
The activities of the new ministry fall into five main sub-divisions:
(i) public health, (2) local adn.inistration and taxation, (3)
housing and town-planning, (4) administration of the Poor Law and
the Old Age Pensions Acts, (5) national health insurance.
It will be seen that these arise naturally by inheritance from the
parent bodies. Indeed, Dr. Addison, the then President of the Local
Government Board and Minister Designate of Health, was careful
to point out when introducing the bill that no new rredical treatment
was provided for any person by the bill, nor did it affect the func-
tions of any local authority of any kind. There is, however, one in-
teresting innovation in connexion with the actual machinery of the
Act itself. Section iv. provides that consultative councils shall be
established for the purpose of providing advice and assistance to
the minister. They nave the power of making recommendations to
the minister on their own initiative and their reports are to be pub-
lished if possible. Already several of these councils have been set up
(e.g. medical and allied subjects, insurance, and Welsh affairs), and
a report by the first-named, outlining extensive changes in health
organization, was published in 1920.
The organization and administration of public health in England
on systematic and vigorous principles dates from the Royal Sanitary
Commission of 1869. As a result of the commission's report the
Local Government Board was set up in 1871. In 1872 the great
Public Health Act was passed which for the first time organized all
England into sanitary districts, imposed on every sanitary authority
the obligation of appointing both a medical officer of health and an
inspector of nuisances, and established the principle of a grant-in-aid
towards their salaries. Sanitary law was further amended and
codified by the Act of 1875 whose 343 sections still determine in
many fields the health administration of the country. This vigorous
health policy produced almost unhoped for results. The group of
typhus, typhoid, scarlet fever, smallpox, cholera, diphtheria, measles
and whooping-cough the " fevers caused in the decade 1861-70
713,000 deaths out of a population for England and Wales numbering
roughly 22,000,000. In the years 1910-9 the population had risen
to some 33,000,000, but the deaths from this group sank to 252,000,
and of these measles and whooping-cough accounted for 169,000.
The position was reviewed by a Royal Commission from 1905-9
nu
HEALY HEARST
345
It was found that confusion had once again crept in and that the
numerous groups of Acts which had to be administered by the
various local authorities county councils, district councils, parish
councils, boards of guardians stood in urgent need of simplifica-
tion. The commissioners presented a majority and a minority re-
port, both urging reorganization, while the minority (Webb) report
also proposed the abolition of the boards of guardians. In 1917 the
Maclean Committee presented conclusions, subsequently adopted by
the Government, practically embodying the minority report.
Meanwhile in the combat with disease progress has continued.
New ground has been broken in the case of tuberculosis, venereal
disease, and child welfare. Tuberculosis was brought much into
public notice during the Insurance Act campaign in 1911, and though
the results from sanatorium treatment have not fulfilled the earlier
hopes as to cure of actual sufferers, yet the mortality statistics have
been most encouraging. The death-rate per 100,000 from tuberculo-
sis (all forms) has diminished from 139-7 m the quinquennium 1910-4
to 125-8 in 1919 and 112-8 in 1920, by far the lowest figure ever
recorded in Britain. Though this fall undoubtedly owes something
to the effects of the great influenza pandemic of 1918-9 which swept
away many cases which would ultimately have swelled the tuber-
culosis mortality, there are factors which give hope that here we
have a proportion of permanent gain.
Venereal disease was the subject of the report of a Royal Com-
mission in 1916 and has since been officially recognized as an infec-
tious disease presenting a community as well as a personal aspect.
A beginning has consequently been made with clinics and propaganda
work throughout the country, treatment being free and the cost
shared between local and central authorities (75 % central, 25 %
local). Child-welfare grants-in-aid (50% of the total expenditure)
increased from 12,000 in 1914-5 to 4,000,000 in 1919-20. Con-
currently, though not necessarily because of this expenditure, infant
mortality fell from an average of no in the years 1911-5 to the
unprecedentedly low levels of 89 per 1,000 in 1919 and 80 per 1,000
in 1920. The general death-rate (all causes) in 1920 was 12-4 per
1,000, being the lowest on record.
Local administration and local loans call for little comment.
Local finance, heavily strained by the rise in prices, has also had a
large burden to bear in the cost of social reform ; thus in the year 1920
a sum of 5,266,000 was borrowed for the sole purpose of settling
ex-service men on the land. Local finance has also shown an un-
expected buoyancy in the raising of large sums for the housing
programmes by 6 % housing bonds.
Housing, previous to 1918 a very minor province of the Local
Government Board, expanded so vastly as to form almost a ministry
in itself. House-building, seriously depressed since 1911, had been
entirely stopped during the World War. The complete hold-up,
during more than five years, of the natural overflow of the popula-
tion in emigration much more than balanced war losses. The com-
bination of these two factors caused a congestion so great that it
was determined at the end of the World War that local authorities
should forthwith initiate and carry out large housing schemes, with
supervision and financial assistance from the State. These proposals
were made law in 1919 [Housing and Town Planning Act, Acquisi-
tion of Land Act, Housing (Additional Powers) Act.] These Acts
make it obligatory on every local authority to provide for the
housing of the working classes within its area, and they guarantee
that the exchequer will bear any deficit on a housing scheme over
and above the produce of a rate of id. per pound. The Additional
Powers Act also provides that a subsidy may be paid to private
individuals who have completed a house " suitable for the working
classes " to the satisfaction of the ministry before a specified date.
By July 31 1920 10,748 schemes had been submitted by 1,679
local authorities and 149 public utility societies; 5,211 applications
had been received for the approval of house plans covering 246,159
houses; tenders had been approved for 135,572 houses and building
had commenced on 30,618. Meanwhile a subsidy had been sanc-
tioned for 17,593 houses to be erected by private enterprise, and
1,000 more had received the grant on actual completion. A very
rough preliminary survey by the local authorities of the number of
houses eventually required had given an estimated need of 800,000
houses but this was almost certainly too high. In July 1921 the
Cabinet decided that only the 176,000 houses already contracted
for could be completed owing to the grave financial position of the
country ajid the enormous cost of the scheme.
A review of the administration of the Poor Law and the Old Age
Pensions Act shows a great falling-off in the number of adults in
receipt of domiciliary relief and a small decrease in the numbers re-
ceiving institutional relief after 1910 (when old age pensions were
granted). The war period reveals a further striking decrease in all
groups in receipt of relief (726,060 in Jan. 1915; 549,672 in July
1919). Old age pensions were raised from the 53. per week originally
granted in 1910 to IDS. per week by the Act 011919 which also pro-
vides that out-door relief shall no longer disqualify for the receipt of
pension. Pensions payable on March 26 1920 numbered 957,915,
of whom 620,343 were women. Of these totals about 95 % were
in receipt of the maximum pension of los. Unemployed relief,
administered by the Local Government Board under the Unemployed
Workmen Act of 1905 was transferred to the Ministry of Labour.
The changes in national health insurance in consequence of the
amalgamation with the Local Government Board were mainly ad-
ministrative. The joint committee was reconstituted and in 1921
consisted of the Minister of Health (chairman), the Secretary for
Scotland, the Chief Secretary for Ireland and a fourth member hav-
ing special experience of national health insurance in Wales. The
Medical Research Committee constituted under the Insurance Act
of 1911 was transferred to a committee of the Privy Council under
the name of the Medical Research Council. Its funds are now de-
rived from a direct parliamentary grant instead of from a levy of
id. per head per annum for each insured person.
The first full audit of the approved societies took place in 1920.
It was anticipated in 1921 that its final completion would show that
the surplus of all the approved societies amounted to 7,000,000.
Much of this of course was due to the war modifications of approved
societies risks, but the increasing health of the nation must also
be taken into account.
The Scottish Board of Health is completely independent of the
English ministry though proceeding on similar lines. The board
derives directly from the board of supervision for relief of the poor,
set up in 1845, to which public health was added by the Act of 1867,
transformed in 1874 into the Local Government Board for Scotland
and so in 1919 by reorganization with the insurance commission into
its present form. A feature differing widely from anything in Eng-
land, however, is the Highlands and Islands Medical Service Board.
This was set up by Act of Parliament in 1913 and is subsidized direct-
ly by the exchequer. It approximates to a State medical service
and was only provided on account of a strong report in 1912 (Dewar
Committee) showing that while the various health services in these
areas were inadequate no amelioration could be expected from local
resources which were completely exhausted. (W. E. EL.)
HEALY, TIMOTHY MICHAEL (1855- ), Irish lawyer and
politician, was born at Bantry, Cork, May 17 1855. He was
educated at the Christian Brothers' school, Fermoy, and in 1884
was called to the Irish bar, becoming a Q.C. in 1899. He entered
Parliament in 1880 as Nationalist member for Wexford, and held
that seat until 1883, afterwards sitting for Co.Monaghan (1883-5),
South Londonderry (1885-6), and North Longford (1887-92).
Mr. Healy seconded the vote of confidence in Parnell moved by
Justin M'Carthy when the Irish leader was attacked (1890), and
was an energetic member of the Nationalist party. He was
called to the English bar in 1903, and became a K.C. in 1910.
From 1892 to 1910 he sat for North Louth, and in 1910 success-
fully contested North-East Cork, but lost his seat in 1918.
He came forward with Mr. William O'Brien as a strong oppo-
nent of the 1909 budget.
He published Loyalty plus Murder (1884);^ Word for Ireland
(1886); Stolen Waters (1913) and The Great Fraud of Ulster (1917).
HEARST, WILLIAM RANDOLPH (1863- ), American
newspaper proprietor, was born in San Francisco, Cal., April 29
1863. He entered Harvard in 1882 but left after three years with-
out finishing his course. As the only child of George F. Hearst
(1820-1891), U.S. senator from California (1886-91), a mining
man of great wealth, he had the use of ample capital at the outset
of his career. In 1886 he became proprietor of the San Francisco
Examiner, the first of a long chain of papers to come under his
control. In 1895 he bought the New York Journal and the
following year founded the Evening Journal, the morning paper
being known after 1902 as the New York American. Other
papers founded by him were the Chicago American (1900);
The Chicago Examiner (1902); the Los Angeles Examiner (1902);
The Boston American (1904), and the Atlanta Georgian (1906).
He also purchased the Boston Advertiser (1917); the Chicago
Herald (1918), thereafter combined with the Examiner as the
Herald and Examiner; the Washington Times (1919); and the
Madison Wisconsin Times (1919). He was likewise proprietor
of the Cosmopolitan Magazine; Good-Housekeeping Magazine;
Harper's Bazaar; Hearst's Magazine; Motor Magazine; and
Motor-Boating Magazine. His papers were sensational in form
and contents and had an enormous popular circulation. They
upheld the cause of the people against the moneyed interests,
but the charge was often brought that they appealed to the baser
passions. They were America's chief representatives of " yellow
journalism " (see 19.569). In 1916 they were barred from circula-
tion in Canada " because of garbled despatches " concerning the
World War. After America's entrance into the war they were
frequently charged with disloyalty and in many towns attempts
were made to suppress them. From 1903 to 1907 Mr. Hearst was
representative in Congress from New York, and in 1904 had
346
HEART AND LUNG SURGERY
support as presidential candidate at the National Democratic
Convention. In 1905 he was Democratic candidate for mayor of
New York on the Municipal Ownership ticket, and four years
later on the Independence League ticket; in 1906 he was candi-
date for governor of New York on the Democratic and Independ-
ence League tickets, in every instance being defeated. He
strongly opposed the League of Nations.
HEART AND LUNG SURGERY. In recent years notable ad-
vances have been made in the surgery of the heart and lung.
i. HEART. It has been proved experimentally and verified
by actual experience of operations in man that the heart may be
safely handled, incised, and sutured; and cardiac surgery, thought
to be impossible 30 years ago, had by 1921 achieved many striking
successes. Operation on the pericardium and heart is undertaken
(i) for the relief of pericardia! effusion, serous, purulent or
haemorrhagic ; (2) for releasing pericardial adhesions; (3) for
injuries and the removal of foreign bodies; (4) for the reanimation
of a heart which has ceased to beat. (5) It has been proposed and
attempted for the relief of certain valvular lesions, and for (6)
tumours of the heart.
Pericardial effusion. When it is decided to evacuate the contents
of the pericardium it should be exposed and a sufficient incision
made in it; paracentesis of the pericardium is uncertain and dan-
gerous; as an operation it should be abandoned, though the cautious
use of an exploring needle for diagnostic purposes may occasionally
be desirable. Especially when the effusion is purulent every en-
deavour should be made to avoid opening a healthy pleura. The
extent to which the pericardium is overlapped by the pleura varies
considerably, but, according to Voinitch, there is invariably a
triangular area of safety at the inner end of the 6th and 7th left
costal cartilages. Pericardial effusion by no means always displaces
the reflection of the pleura, but the surgeon can generally recognize
the pleura and push it aside.
The lower the opening in the pericardium the better the drainage.
Mintz (Zentralblatt fur Chir., 1904, p. 59) opened the pericardium in a
case of suppurative pericarditis after resecting the 5th costal car-
tilage, and at once decided to drain it from below. He made an
incision along the lower border of the 7th cartilage, separated the
attachments of the abdominal muscles and of the diaphragm and
continued blunt dissection until he reached the pericardium, which
he then incised on a probe introduced through the upper wound. In
the operation he subsequently advised the patient is placed with the
chest somewhat raised ; the surgeon, standing on the right, makes an
incision along the lower border of the left 7th costal cartilage ex-
tending 7 or 8 cm. outwards from the costo-ziphoid angle. The
abdominal muscles are disinserted and the cartilage divided at each
end of the wound, the diaphragm is next disinserted and the cartilage
and skin retracted upwards. The prolongation of the internal mam-
mary artery is seen and tied or displaced. The anterior inferior
angle of the pleura is identified and avoided, and, nearer the median
line, the pericardium is defined and incised.
In the operation recommended by Voinitch the left 6th and 7th
cartilages and the adjoining edge of the sternum are resected.
Delorme and Mignon (Rev. de Chi., 1895) give the following direc-
tions for opening the pericardium: (i) Make a vertical incision I
cm. external to the left border of the sternum from the lower border
of the 7th to the upper border of the 4th costal cartilage. (2) Dissect
off soft parts from ribs and cartilages for I cm. towards middle line
and for two fingers breadth outwards. (3) Disarticulate and resect a
piece of 5th and of 6th cartilage. (4) Carry the incision through
intercostal muscles and perichondrium down to triangularis sterni.
(5) With a director worked parallel to posterior surface of sternum
detach insertions of triangularis sterni, introduce finger and com-
pletely detach soft parts from posterior surface of sternum, seek the
pericardium just above the insertion of the cartilages into the ster-
num and separate it with the finger from the cellular tissue which
covers it, then, when its opaque surface is clearly exposed and its
transverse fibres recognized, continue the separation through the
whole extent of the wound. Thus the pleura and the internal mam-
mary artery are displaced outwards and are not seen. (6) Pick up
the pericardium with forceps and incise it. These methods or some
modification of them are those recommended for the surgical treat-
ment of pericardial effusion, but they are not suitable as the first
stage of operation on the heart itself.
Cardiolysis. Intra-pericardial separation of adhesions (endo-
pericardial cardiolysis) has been suggested, but its possible utility is
not apparent. Extra-pericardial cardiolysis in which adhesions
between the pericardium and the mediastinal tissues are separated
is more likely to be useful. It has been proposed to introduce a
graft of fat or of fascia lata to prevent fresh adhesions.
Pericardial thoracolysis, in which adhesions between the peri-
cardium and the chest wall are separated and portions of ribs or
costal cartilages excised, is an operation designed to free the heart
from the rigid chest wall in front and to relieve an enlarging heart
from compression in a too confined space. Good results have been
obtained. The first operations of this kind were done in 1902 by
Peterson and Simon at the suggestion of Brauer. Thorburn of
Manchester (Brit. Med. Journ., 1910, vol. i., p. 10) discusses the
question and gives a table of 15 cases collected from literature. He
relates one case done by himself and refers to two other operations
by Stabb at the suggestion of Alexr. Morrison.
Heart Wounds. The course and symptoms of heart wounds vary
considerably. Instantaneous death may result from a quite small
wound, and extensive injuries may be brought for treatment. Under
war conditions most cases die on the field of battle with the symp-
toms so long ago described by Celsus (V. 26. 8.) : " When the heart
is wounded much blood is poured out, the pulse fails, pallor becomes
extreme, the body is bedewed with cold and ill-smelling sweat, the
extremities become chilled and speedy death ensues."
When seen the diagnosis may be obvious, or difficult and uncer-
tain. The symptoms may be severe and the injury to the heart
nil; thus Tuffier remarks, " the case in which the diagnosis of wound
of the heart seemed to us the most obvious and the most clearly
demonstrated by the situation of the wound and the grave condition
of the patient was that of a woman in whom the revolver bullet
had not even penetrated the thorax." This was probably an in-
stance of contusion of the heart and analogous to the phenomenon of
arterial paralysis. When the initial symptoms have subsided and
the external haemorrhage has ceased the diagnosis is based upon the
history of the case, the situation of the external wound and the signs
of haemo-pericardium or haemothorax, or of .a foreign body.
The classical signs of pericardial effusion are: the cardiac impulse
and sounds are feeble or imperceptible and the area of cardiac dull-
ness is enlarged ; sometimes abnormal (pericardial) sounds can be
heard, of these that known as the mill-wheel sound (bruit de moulin)
has been much discussed ; it is chiefly associated with air and fluid
in the pericardium and was for a time thought to be pathognomic.
It is thus described in a work by Stokes published in 1854: " They
were not the rasping sounds of indurated lymph, or the leather creak
of Collin, nor those proceeding from pericarditis with valvular
murmur, but a mixture of the various attrition murmurs with a
large crepitating and gurgling sound, while to all these phenomena
was added a distinct metallic character."
Sudden distension of the pericardium with blood is a great surgical
emergency. The auricles are compressed and signs of venous ob-
struction appear; there is great dyspnoea with cyanosis. The res-
piration is laboured and shallow and the pulse small, rapid and of
low tension. It is urgent freely to open the pericardium and to
decompress the heart.
In purulent pericarditis the upper segments of both recti may be
rigid, and there may be a narrow band of oedema round the front
and left side of the trunk about the level of the 5th interspace. The
present writer has seen this band of oedema and has known sup-
purative pericarditis to be mistaken for inflammation below the dia-
phragm. Absence of diaphragmatic movement suggests pus in con-
tact with the diaphragm. In pericarditis with effusion the right
lobe of the liver is low; in dilatation of the heart the right lobe of the
liver is not depressed. Many observers have found a small area of
dullness in the left back just internal to the angle of the scapula, a
purulent pericardial effusion has been tappecT from the back in
mistake for an empyema. The early diagnosis of purulent peri-
carditis is greatly assisted by X-ray examination and by the blood-
count. These should never be omitted.
Bullets and other foreign bodies may lodge in the pericardium or
in the heart muscle or in one of the cavities, in which it may become
fixed or remain freely movable. Sometimes few or no symptoms are
observed, and their presence is only demonstrated by radiography ;
sometimes they cause more or less frequent and severe attacks of
pain and syncope, and give rise to abnormal sounds. Only by radi-
ography can an accurate diagnosis be made.
The story of the wanderings of bullets and other foreign bodies in
the vascular system of man is very remarkable. A bullet may per-
forate the heart or aorta without causing fatal haemorrhage.
A bullet may enter the hepatic vein or vena cava and pios on
into the right ventricle, or enter a pulmonary vein and lodge in the
left ventricle. Or it may enter the inferior vena cava and be carried
by gravity against the blood current and be arrested in an iliac
vein, or again a bullet may be expelled from the left ventricle into
the aorta and travel with the blood current and be arrested in an
artery, or from the right ventricle may be ejected into the pulmonary
artery. In several cases during the World War the course of the
projectile has been followed by radiography, and removed by opera-
tion from the vessel in which it became arrested.
Operations for injury and the removal of foreign bodies The
operation must be so planned that free access to the heart is ob-
tained and that any required operation on it can be carried out. We
have to consider (a) the exposure of the heart ; (b) the surgical manip-
ulation of the heart ; (c) the control of haemorrhage ; (d) drainage of
the pericardium.
The chief methods of opening the chest for exposure of the heart
which have been successfully utilized are as follows :
I. The various forms of flap operation of which the Delorme-
Mignon-Kocher operation may be taken as a type: a vertical in-
cision is made down the middle of the sternum from the level of the
3rd to that of the 5th cartilage; the upper end of the incision is then
continued towards the left along the line of the 3rd cartilage and
the lower end of the vertical incision is carried downwards and
towards the left along the line of the 6th cartilage. The musculo-
cutaneous flap is raised and turned outwards, the 4th, 5th, and 6th
cartilages are removed, the internal mammary vessels are tied and
divided (which is best done after removal of the 6th cartilage),
triangularis sterni is cut through and displaced, the pleural edge
being carefully avoided, and the pleura displaced by gauze pressure.
2. The Duval-Barasty operation. This operation opens both
thorax and abdomen but does not divide ribs; it gives free exposure
of the heart without opening the pleura but demands good vitality
in the patient and seems unsuitable for possibly septic cases. It
was used in several successful cases by French surgeons in the World
War. It is thus carried out: (l) Make a median incision from
the level of the 3rd cartilage to the mid-point between xiphoid and
umbilicus. (2) Separate the attachments of the muscles to the xiph-
oid and insinuate two fingers of the left hand behind the sternum,
so as to protect the pericardium and the anterior margins of the
pleura. (3) Divide the sternum transversely opposite the 3rd car-
tilage, and below the section split the gladiolus and xiphoid longi-
tudinally. (4) Open the peritoneum along the line of the median
incision in the upper abdomen. Open the pericardium in the middle
line then divide the diaphragm between the two halves of the
xiphoid cartilage, one blade of the scissors being within the peri-
cardium and one in the abdominal cavity. While this cut is being
made the heart must be gently lifted out of the way. The diaphragm
is divided as far back as the coronary ligament. (5) The halves of
the sternum can now be widely separated and " the whole contents
of the pericardium are an open book to the surgeon. We have by this
operation removed a bullet from the intra-pericardial portion of. the
vena cava inferior." (Bull, et Mem. de la Soc. de Chi., Paris, June
1918.) (6) At the close of the operation the reconstitution of the
divided structures is perfect. The incisions in the diaphragm and
pericardium are sutured. The sections of the sternum fall together
and do not require suture.
3. The Spangaro operation. Spangaro makes a long incision in
an intercostal space, generally the 4th, and then divides or dis-
articulates the 4th and 5th costal cartilages at their union with the
sternum, and in some cases the 3rd and 6th cartilages may also be
divided. The 4th and 5th ribs are then forcibly drawn apart by a
rib-spreader and a fine view is obtained.
4. The method of Duval as modified by Moynihan. " An in-
cision is made exactly in the line of a rib following its curve from the
edge of the sternum for about five inches outwards, down to the
pectoralis major muscle a pair of forceps is pushed through the muscle
until it touches the rib, the blades are opened and the muscle is
split, and the separation carried from end to end of the incision. All
bleeding vessels are ligated. The rib and costal cartilage are cleared.
Two incisions are made through the periosteum close to the upper
and lower edges of the rib, and from them the periosteum is stripped
upwards and downwards and from the posterior surface. The perios-
teum which lies between the two incisions is left attached to the rib
throughout the operation. As soon as the periosteum is freed from the
posterior surface for half an inch the periosteal elevator of Doyen is
slipped round the rib and pushed backwards towards the axilla and
forwards to and along the costal cartilage until a length of about 5
in. is cleared. Here and there a little help may be needed with the
knife or scissors to make the way easy for the instrument. The costal
cartilage is now divided by two incisions meeting at a point, this
allows the divided ends to dovetail together when the operation is
nearing completion. When the cartilage is divided a gauze strip
is passed underneath the rib, which is lifted gently upwards and
outwards. In young patients the elasticity and suppleness of the rib
are remarkable. It is quite easy to raise the bone out of the way
throughout the operation and then to replace it.
" When the rib is elevated the periosteum is seen as a thickening of
the pleura exposed in the wound. Through periosteum and pleura
a small incision is made with the result that in the absence of ad-
hesions air slowly enters ihe pleural cavity and the lung begins to
collapse. The incision in the pleura is then lengthened always along
the line of the periosteum, until there is room for the hand to pass
through it. The rib-spreader is then introduced " (Sir B. Moynihan,
Brit. Journ. of Surgery, vol. vii., 457). At the conclusion of the opera-
tion the rib is replaced and fixed by a suture.
5. Tuffier's method. Transverse sterno-thoracotomy. Trans-
verse incision in the 4th intercostal space, prolonged over the sternum
to the right side, opening the intercostal space, division of the ster-
num by Lister's forceps, retraction of the divided sternum to the
maximum.
In many cases of injury to the heart the pleura has also been
wounded, and in these the Spangaro or Duval operation has the
advantage that the pleura and lung can also be examined. The
dangers of pneumo-thorax on one side seem to have been exaggerated,
and experience has shown that a differential pressure apparatus
formerly considered essential is not necessary.
The danger of opening the pleura is not respiratory difficulty but
infection. Moynihan lays stress on the patient being deeply
anaesthetized before the pleura is opened, and on the opening in the
pleura being made small at first so that the lung may slowly collapse.
HEART AND LUNG SURGERY
347
6. The method of Petit de la Villeon. This operation is carried
out under the guidance of the X rays; a small incision is made in
an intercostal space and a special forceps thrust through it and
pushed on closed until its shadow on the screen touches that of the
foreign body ; the forceps are then opened, the foreign body grasped,
mobilized and pulled out. The method was elaborated by its author
for removing foreign bodies from the lung, and has been applied by
him to 15 cases of foreign body in the wall of the heart.
Manipulation of the heart. The pericardium having been widely
opened the heart may be safely palpated and grasped in the gloved
hand ; it feels like a live fish, and it may be steadied and drawn for-
wards and upwards by a fixation suture passed through the apex.
The specially dangerous regions of the heart are :
(1) The coronary arteries between their origin from the aorta and
their bifurcation. A wound or ligature in this situation is fatal : the
heart becomes arrested in diastole from the failure of its own
mitrition. Domenici, from experiments on dogs, concluded that the
prognosis is more favourable when both artery and vein are ligatured
than when the artery alone is tied (Policlinico Romana, 1916, p. 155).
Sir G. H. Makins made the same observation respecting the femoral
artery and vein. A branch of the coronary artery may be tied with-
out ill effects.
(2) The inter-auricular septum and the cardiac ganglia and nerve
plexuses which are found chiefly at the base of the right auricle and
along the auriculo-ventricular groove. Krpnecker and Schurey
(quoted from Turner) have described a ganglion centre at the level
of the auriculo-ventricular septum near the left border of the heart,
a wound of which causes immediate arrest of the heart.
(3) The bundle of His. Carrel and Tuffier say " the starting point
of the cardiac contractions is at the opening of the vena cava at the
base of the right auricle, the fibres of the auriculo-ventricular bundle
of His, which transmit the auricular excitation to the ventricles,
traverse the inter-auricular septum, then the inter-ventricular
septum and bifurcate and anastomose with the ventricular fibres."
A sudden lesion of the bundle of His produces irregularity of con-
traction and dissociation of function of the two sides of the heart.
A case published by Keith and Miller (Lancet 1906. II. 1429),
in which the commencement and upper half of the main auriculo-
ventricular bundle was destroyed by a gumma and the coronary
arteries were partially obliterated, shows that the normal mechanism
of the heart may be profoundly changed without a great disturbance
of function, provided that these changes are not brought about too
suddenly. The bundle of His is fully described by Keith and Flack
(Lancet 1906. II. 359).
The control of haemorrhage. Free haemorrhage from a wound
in the heart is a great and imposing emergency : the heart, relieved
from compression by the incision in the pericardium, contracts
tumultuously, the field is obscured by the escaping blood, the blood-
pressure is rapidly falling and death is imminent. Rapid, precise,
and correct action can alone save life. The surgeon, just as in a
case of ruptured spleen or of ruptured tubal gestation he plunges his
hand into the abdomen through a mass of blood and seizes the bleed-
ing vessel, so he must now plunge his hand into the pericardium,
grasp the heart and by digital compression control the bleeding, and
proceed to suture the .wound. Suture is the method by which
haemorrhage from the heart is permanently controlled, though
ligature has been used in a wound of an auricular appendage. The
vena cava may be compressed digitally or with suitable forceps as an
aid in the arrest of haemorrhage.
When an incision is to be made into an unwounded heart, the
sutures should be placed, and the loops drawn out of the way before
the incision is made; tightening the sutures arrests the bleeding.
In experimental work tpn the heart the effect of compression of the
great vessels has been tried. Carrel and Tuffier found that the en-
tire vascular pedicle could be compressed for 45 seconds, the pulmon-
ary artery for 10 minutes, the aorta for 6 minutes, the two venae
cavae for 35 minutes, which could be prolonged to 10 minutes if
an oxygenated solution were injected into the carotids; compression
of the four pulmonary veins was rapidly fatal, but isolated com-
pression of one pulmonary vein was of no gravity. The times would
probably not apply to the human heart; Trendelenburg found that
the aorta and pulmonary artery must not be obstructed for more
than a minute and a half.
Drainage of the pericardium. In clean wounds this is unnecessary
and even harmful; in infective pericarditis efficient drainage is a
necessity, but is by no means easy to carry out. As fluid collects
in the pericardium it accumulates mainly in the two postero-lateral
pouches of the pericardium on each side of the partition formed by
the projection of the two venae cavae and the right auricle, and in
the dome-shaped space above, the heart is pushed forwards, ap-
proaching the chest wall more closely as the tension of the fluid
increases, and the pouches formed by the reflexion of the pericardium
on to the great vessels become distended. The chief of these recesses
is that described by French anatomists as the cul-de-sac of Haller, in
English works as the oblique sinus, and by Prof. Keith as the bursa
of the left auricle. It is situated behind the left auricle and extends
upwards between the right and left pulmonary veins and arteries
to the upper border of the left auricle and towards the right as far
as the superior vena cava. It is 4 to 5 cm. in depth and behind it is
the oesophagus. The lower end is widely open below at the level
348
HEART AND LUNG SURGERY
of the groove on the posterior surface of the heart between the left
auricle and ventricle. The right border of the opening is on a lower
level than the left and reaches as far downwards as the inferior
vena cava. The opening faces downwards, forwards, and to the left.
In a distended pericardium the apex of the heart is carried for-
wards and the contents of the oblique sinus can escape, but with the
emptying of the pericardium the ventricles and apex drop backwards
and downwards and shut off the oblique sinus from the rest of the
pericardial cavity so that it cannot drain through an anterior
incision in the pericardium.
Failure to drain this recess properly was, in the writer's opinion,
a cardinal factor in the fatal termination of a case of his own.
A left postero-lateral incision would drain this space, and can be
made when the trans-pleural route is adopted. Rubber tissue is the
best drainage material. The pericardium differs from the pleura and
peritoneum in that it cannot be completely inspected and cleansed
even if the apex and ventricles are pulled forward so as to expose the
mouth of the oblique sinus; this is a cause of difficulty in deciding
for or against drainage.
Reanimation of an arrested heart. An epigastric incision is the
quickest route though the trans-costal route has been used.
The heart is reached through an incision in the diaphragm,
grasped directly near the apex by the thumb and forefinger and the
ventricles compressed rhythmically 3040 times a minute. Some
surgeons have massaged the heart from the abdomen without in-
cising the diaphragm.
Speed is an essential factor ; massage must be commenced without
any delay. The circulation has, indeed, been restored after a con-
siderable interval, but recovery is not possible unless the organs are
in a condition to benefit from the influx of blood ; the nervous system
suffers irreparable damage from cessation of circulation in about 15
minutes. The heart muscle retains its power of contraction a long
time; according to Kuliabko (quoted from L. Wrede Arch. f. kl.
Chi. Bd. IOI (1913) S. 835) contraction can be induced in the
isolated human heart by passing through it a stream of warm oxy-
genated fluid even 24 hours after death.
Intra-cardiac injection of excitant substances such as stro-
phanthin, adrenalin, and caffeine has been used either alone or
in conjunction with massage, as also injection of saline solution or
defibrinated blood, either intravenously or into the heart; with a
view to rapid restoration of circulation through the coronary
arteries injection through the carotid towards the heart has been
suggested. Fieri reported 76 cases of heart massage. In 19 success
was complete and permanent, in 16 partial and temporary, and in 41
failure was complete. In the successful cases the interval between
cessation of the heart's action and the start of massage was from
2 to 15 minutes (RevistaOspedalera, April 15 1913, vol. iii., No. 7).
Wrede, in order to decide whether massage of the heart effected
an artificial circulation of the blood and not a mere to and fro
movement in which the pressure in veins and arteries was equal,
injected colouring matter into the external jugular vein after death
and then massaged the heart. He found the colouring matter had
penetrated into the vessels of the portal circulation, and this he con-
sidered proved that capillary resistance had been overcome, but
that it was conceivable that it was in the reverse direction.
Proposed operations for certain valvular lesions. Sir Lauder
Brunton (Lancet, 1902), witnessing the autopsy on a young girl who
had died from uncomplicated mitral obstruction was led to reflect
on the possibility of surgical relief in similar cases, and made ex-
periments bearing on the subject. Carrel and Tuffier pursued the
enquiry further (Presse Medicate mars 1914) and concluded that
pure mitral stenosis, certain forms of stenosis of the aortic orifice
and of the pulmonary artery, might derive benefit from surgical
intervention. Schepelman (Arch. f. kl.chi., 1912, vol. 97) suggested
that congenital tricuspid stenosis might be amenable to operation.
The following operations were experimentally performed by
Carrel and Tuffier: Internal yalvulotomy, external valvulotomy,
auriculo-ventricular anastomosis, arterio-ventricular anastomosis,
section of the mitral valve indirectly through the carotid artery after
the manner of an internal urethrotomy, resection of valves. They
effected derivation of the blood current by means of a piece of vein
with the formation of an artificial valve. An ingenious method which
they term " patching " was tried: a square piece of vein is sutured
along three sides of its sides over the site of the arterial opening it is
desired to enlarge, a small knife is insinuated beneath the patch
at the unsewn edge, the vessel beneath incised, and the suture of the
patch completed.
The only reference to operations for valvular disease in man which
the writer has seen is by Turner, who mentions two cases (Fifth
Congress of Int. Soc. of Surgery, Brussels, July 1920): " I observed,
in a young man, a grave and rapidly progressive aortic-stenosis. On
the repeated request of his physician I decided to explore it. The
vibration was intense: I reached the stenosis and very easily carried
out a gradual dilutation by slowly introducing the little finger into
the strictured ring, the vibrations under the finger being intense; I
abstained from trying to divide the stricture as I did not consider
experimental enquiry sufficiently advanced. I did not expect to
attain any result. The patient was well in a few days; he improved
temporarily and is still alive. I saw him three months ago."
Doyen attempted cardiotomy on a patient believed to be suffering
from mitral stenosis; at the operation an inter- ventricular communi-
cation was found and the patient died in a few minutes.
Tumours of the heart and paracardiac tumours. A primary tumour
of the heart has not yet been diagnosed during life, and the symptoms
to which they give rise having been referred to valvular lesions or to
angina pectoris, but some forms of benign tumour are anatomically
operable. Certain paracardiac tumours, mediastinal dermoids
among others, adhere intimately to the pericardium and cause
cardiac embarrassment.
Turner has successfully operated on one such case. Removal of
the 2nd and 3rd costal cartilages disclosed a dermoid cyst as large
as two fists filled with sebaceous matter, it was totally adherent and
within it the aorta, the auricle and ventricle could be seen beating,
and formed part of the wall without the interposition of the peri-
cardium, part of the wall was calcareous and constricted the left
half of the vascular pedicle. The cyst was drained, and six months
later the calcified portion of its wall was broken up piecemeal. The
patient recovered. Clerc and Duval (Bull, et Mem. de la Soc. de
Chi. vol. xlvii., 1921, p. 200) published a successful case in which
a dermoid cyst was completely removed from the mediastinum ; the
pleura was closed without drainage. On the second day after opera-
tion 500 c.c. of sterile fluid were removed by aspiration, after which
there was no further complication.
Literature and statistics. The paper by Fisher in Langenbecks
Archiv., vol. ix., (1868) and the article by Matas in Keen's Surgery
(1909) give a full account of the subject and its literature as known
at the respective dates; by contrasting them the great advance of
knowledge will be evident. In Sir Charles Ballance's Bradshaw
Lecture, 1919, a table is given of 152 cases of operation on the heart
and pericardium subsequent to 1912 (with references) collected from
literature; of these 104 recovered and 48 died, showing a mortality of
3 I- 57%- In 1920 Tuffier, in a paper at the Fifth Int. Cong, of Surgery
at Brussels, referred to 305 cases with a mortality of 49-6%. Statis-
tics give some idea of the amount of work that has been done, but
so many different conditions are present and the probability that
many unsuccessful cases are not recorded is so great, that they
are not reliable in estimating the risks of operation. In the Lancet
of May 7 1921 a case is quoted from the Journal of the American
Med. Assn. of Feb. 19 1921 in which E. M. Freeze successfully
sutured a wound of both ventricles.
II. LUNGS AND PLEURAE. It was until recently believed that
opening the pleural cavity without the aid of differential pressure
might be fatal, and that incision or even handling of the lung
would cause severe haemorrhage; these fears long retarded the
progress of intra-thoracic surgery. Experience has shown that
an open pneumothorax on one side is without grave danger,
that the once-dreaded pulmonary collapse is an assistance rather
than otherwise to the surgeon, and that bleeding from the lung is
readily arrested by suture. The scope of intra-pleural surgery
has been considerably extended, not so much by any new dis-
covery as by the application of the general principles of surgery.
Operations on the lung and pleura are now undertaken (a)
for injuries, (b) for certain diseases. The pleural cavity is opened
and the lung exposed by resection of a rib or ribs or by rib-
spreading with, or sometimes without, division of one or more
ribs or cartilages. Osteo-plastic flaps are mostly abandoned.
Injuries. The experience of the World War has shown that
the ideal treatment of a wound (gunshot or other) is mechanical
cleansing, removal of all foreign bodies and devitalized tissue,
and repair by suture. This should be the aim of the surgeon in
dealing with wounds of the lung, and the complete operation for
this condition would be excision of the parietal wound, removal
of all blood and clots from the pleura, exposure of the lung, re-
moval of any foreign body, cleansing and repair of the pulmonary
wound and closure of the thorax.
Operation for retained projectiles in the lung is fully described and
discussed in a paper by Sir B. Moynihan in the Brit. Journ. of
Surgery, April 1920. He recommends the open method of Duval and
the separation of all adhesions, however dense, as the first step of
the intra-pleural operation. Duyal's lung forceps are used for fixing
the lung and bringing the area of incision to the surface. The special-
ly dangerous region is the root of the lung " the number of vessels is
great and their size formidable. A wound of the root of the lung
should be inflicted with extreme caution, for if a vessel is wounded
it is exceedingly difficult to arrest the haemorrhage. It is almost im-
possible to secure the vessel and to ligate it in the ordinary manner.
If a suture is passed round the vessel it is likely that other vessels
will be wounded by it. For this reason many of the French surgeons
advise plugging the wound with gauze, which is left in position for
two or three days. The root of the lung is almost immobile. The
operator must go down to it; he cannot bring the parts nearer to
him. All the steps of the operation can, and should, be visible to the
surgeon nothing need be done in the dark; but the remoteness and
HEART DISEASES
349
the immobility render all manipulations much more difficult than
they are elsewhere. All technical procedures at the root of the lung
are made easier if the parts near the hilum are fixed by the special
light forceps of Duval. They not only withdraw the lung from the
path of the surgeon, but give a stable field in which to work."
Another point emphasized by Moynihan is the "mimicry of a
projectile by the hard rounded but irregular condition of a bron-
chus." Most foreign bodies which have entered a bronchus by the
mouth can now be removed by bronchoscopy, and unless they have
caused abscess would rarely call for the trans-pleural operation.
Disease. Operations on the lung and pleura for disease have
for their object: (i) The removal of morbid products from the
lung by incision and drainage or by excision of portions of lung.
(2) The induction of collapse of the lung for the arrest of haemo-
ptysis or to give it rest and assist in recovery from tuberculous
disease or to allow a cavity to close. (3) The removal of morbid
products from the pleura and the separation of adhesions.
1. Incision of lung and drainage have been carried out (a) for
hydatid cyst of lung; the cyst is incised, its contents evacuated, and
the adventitious cyst wall left in place, either marsupialised and
drained or sutured; (b) for gangrene and abscess of lung; (c) for
tuberculous cavities.
Excision of portions of lung for tuberculous disease has been
performed; in one case with survival for seven years. But Tuffier
and Martin wrote in 1910: " Pneumotomy for tuberculous cavities
has now fallen into disfavour, as likewise pneumectomy for early
tuberculosis."
2. Collapse of lung is induced either by opening the pleura and
admitting air, by injecting nitrogen, or by incising the chest wall
down to the pleura, with or without resection of rib, detaching the
parietal pleura and plugging the resulting cavity with gauze so as to
bring about an extra-pleural pneumo-thorax.
3. Fluid is removed from the pleura by aspiration or by'incision.
Aspiration is employed for serous effusions and sometimes for haemo-
thorax. Incision with excision of a portion of one or more ribs is the
current treatment for acute empyema, though some cases have been
cured by aspiration only.
Recent experience seems to show that a wider opening into the
pleural cavity than that usually made is desirable in empyema, so
that the cavity can be inspected, the hand introduced, and all ad-
hesions separated and false membranes and lymph removed. This
is the only sure way to detect an inter-lobar abscess, and to secure
expansion of the lung.
Immediate suture, after complete evacuation of the pus, has been
carried out, but unless done very early does not seem likely to suc-
ceed. It has been suggested the pus should be removed as completely
as possible by aspiration, and then 20-60 c.c. of a 2 % solution of
formalin in glycerine injected into the pleura. Chronic empyema in
which the lung fails to expand and a persistent sinus has resulted has
until recently been dealt with by extensive thoracotomy such as
Estlander's operation with the object of making the chest contract
down to the level of the contracted lung; the more recent operation
has for its object the expansion of Ae lung. A free opening is made
in the chest by the method of Duval or some analagous method, and
the false membranes, often of considerable density, which bind down
the lung are stripped off, and the pleural cavity closed.
Of the various intra-thoracic operations that have been suggested
and tried, some will doubtless be abandoned while others will be
developed and pass into current surgical practice. The war demanded
new methods of diagnosis and treatment, and these were evolved and
perfected amid stress and strain.
It was found that the chest cavity hitherto treated with undue
deference could be opened and its contents inspected, palpated and
dealt with as readily and as safely as the contents of the abdomen.
This knowledge, won at the cost of so much suffering, has now to be
applied to civil surgery, and when this is done even more successful
results may be expected. Mr. G. E. Cask, in his Lettsomian lectures
for 1921 gave an able exposition of the surgery of the lung and pleura
as influenced by the experience of the World War; these lectures
have been published in the Transactions of the Medical Society of
London. (C. A. B.)
HEART DISEASES (see 13.132). The study of disease of the
heart entered on a new phase in the second decade of the 2oth
century as a result of the researches of the Scottish physician,
Sir James Mackenzie (b. 1853). His work, which first made a
public appearance in 1902 with his Study of the Pulse, and later
was embodied in Diseases of the Heart (1908) and Principles of
Diagnosis in Heart Affections (1916), followed three lines. In
the first place there were new observations on the rhythm of the
heart itself; secondly there were observations and conclusions
regarding the meaning of heart failure and its recognition;
finally the importance of the early signs of disease as opposed to
its later manifestations was emphasized.
Mackenzie showed that by making tracings from the neck as
well as from the wrist it was possible to obtain information
regarding the activity of all the chambers of the heart. The neck
tracings gave a wave when the auricles contracted, This was
caused by a reflux of blood up the jugular veins; following this
came the ordinary pulse beat in the carotid artery, which lies
close to the jugular vein and so can be recorded by the same
tambour. Thereafter a third wave in the vein indicated the
muscular tightening-up of the organ at full systole.
The three waves were named respectively a (auricular),
c (carotid) and v (ventricular). Normally the a wave occurs
J /5 sec. before the c wave. The tracing which shows these waves
is a continuous line and thus it is difficult to determine in the
first instance which wave is which. This difficulty can be over-
come by putting an ordinary pulse tracing on the same piece of
paper. The carotid pulse occurs Vio sec. before the radial pulse.
Thus the wave occurring in the composite tracing Vio sec. before
any beat in the wrist pulse tracing is the c wave. It is then easy
to determine the other waves.
This work led to the differentiation of cardiac irregularities
a subject which had been shrouded in mystery. It was much
facilitated by the discovery of the string galvanometer or " elec-
trocardiograph." This instrument depends for its working on
the oscillations of a special string between the poles of a magnet.
Currents are set up when the heart beats, separate currents
for auricles and ventricles, and these cause the string to move.
Its movements are photographed onto a moving plate in such a
way that a line tracing is produced. The nomenclature of elec-
trocardiograms differs from that of pulse tracings in that the a
wave is called the p wave, the c wave the r and the i> wave the t
wave. (It must be noted, however, that the tracings are produced
in entirely different ways and therefore there is no real compari-
son between these waves.) There are several " leads " to the
electrocardiograph i.e. the patient may have a hand and a
foot in the salt pails which constitute its terminals or he may
have both hands.
The electrocardiograph confirmed Mackenzie's findings and
enabled them to be extended. In this work Thomas Lewis,
who had assisted Mackenzie, played a great part and was able
to clear up some points which had not been fully understood.
Thus the discovery of the fact that in a certain irregularity of
the heart the auricles of that organ are no longer beating is due
to Lewis. He named the condition " auricular fibrillation."
The following types of irregularity are described by Mackenzie :
Youthful Irregularity. The pulse varies with_ the breathing. It
is quickened by inspiration and slowed by expiration. When the
breath is held the irregularity disappears. This condition is occa-
sioned by the vagus nerve which exercises a slowing influence on the
heart. It is common in young persons and is of no evil significance.
Extra Systoles. These are the popular " missed beats." They are
not, however, missed beats at all, but beats which occur out of their
normal time. The so-called " auricular extra systoles " are produced
by the whole heart, both auricles and ventricles taking part; the
" ventricular extra systoles " are produced by the ventricles only, the
auricles beating at their normal time. These beats occur too soon
and so the heart is not fully charged with blood. In consequence, the
beat may not be discernible at the wrist. The heart pauses after the
beat to recover itself. There is then a big beat. Extra systoles in
the absence of signs of cardiac failure may be ignored.
Paroxysmal Tachycardia: Auricular Flutter. In this condition
a period of abnormal rhythm suddenly occurs. The pulse rushes
off and the patient is pulled up and feels a soft fluttering in his chest.
A tracing shows that the auricles are beating more rapidly than the
ventricles, only a few of the beats being followed by ventricular
contractions. The auricles may achieve very great speed, even 200
beats a minute. The condition, as a rule, ends suddenly.
Auricular Fibrillation. In this condition the patient suddenly
becomes very unwell. His feet may swell and his liver dilate. He
becomes breathless on exertion and may have much cyanosis. The
pulse is often rapid and is always markedly irregular. There are
small and big beats but no two beats are of the same length. More-
over the irregularity does not disappear on exertion as does that
caused by extra systoles a useful means of distinguishing the con-
ditions. The cause of the trouble is a fibrillation of the auricles
which are no longer contracting. In tracings the a wave and in
electrocardiographs the p wave is absent. The condition points as a
rule to grave cardial mischief; it frequently occurs in mitral stenosis
narrowing of the orifice of the mitral valve. In this disease a
rough murmur is heard just before systole of the heart and is caused
by the rush of blood through the narrowed orifice under the compul-
350
HEART DISEASES
sion of the contracting auricles. When, however, auricular fibrilla-
tion begins this compulsion is removed and then the pre-systolic
murmur is no longer heard. A curious point, too, is that patients
who have suffered from attacks of angina pectoris before auricular
fibrillation began seldom so suffer after its appearance. The con-
dition is amenable to treatment. Mackenzie advises that digitalis
is the drug for auricular fibrillation and that it must be exhibited
in large doses, 15 minims four times a day, until the pulse slows down.
Thereafter the drug must be stopped or, rather, given in small doses
sufficient to maintain the slowing. The results of this treatment in
favourable cases are remarkable.
Heart Block. Stanley Kent and the junior His showed that there
exists in the heart a neuro-muscular mechanism whereby stimuli
pass from a node of tissue situated on the sinus venosus (and so
known as the sino-auricular node), where they arise, to the auricles
and ventricles. The means of their passage is the auriculo-ventricu-
lar bundle, a strand of fibres of neuro-muscular type which bifurcates
and supplies a branch to each ventricle. In cases of disease this
bundle may be affected and so the passage of stimuli be prevented.
Thus the auricles and ventricles will be dissociated from each other.
Partial Heart Block occurs when the dissociation is not complete.
In this condition only alternate stimuli may pass (" 2-1 block ")
or only every third stimulus. The patient is apt to suffer fainting
attacks and also a condition known as the Stoke Adams syndrome.
This occurs when a period of more than 18 seconds elapses before a
stimulus passes. It is characterized by a convulsion, by stertorous
breathing and by the bringing-up of frothy expectoration. As the
disease causing the block advances the dissociation becomes more
complete and then, curiously enough, the ventricle takes on its
own rhythm and beats regularly at about 40 to 50 beats per minute.
The fainting attacks now pass away.
Complete Block. Auricle and ventricle beat separately without
relation to one another. The ventricular rate is slow (40 to 50). The
auricular may be fast or normal. The patient may go on for a long
time with this dissociated rhythm.
Block is not always caused by disease of the bundle. Certain in-
fections and certain drugs may cause it temporarily. Treatment is
not of much avail, but if the condition is diagnosed much may be
done to prevent ill-effects from exercising their full force.
The main cardiac arrhythmies was elucidated by Mackenzie,
Lewis and others. This work has now been accepted throughout
the whole medical world. Lewis has pursued further the electro-
cardiographic study of arrhythmia and has recently suggested differ-
entiation between "homologous" and " heterogenous " rhythms.
A type of the former is the youthful irregularity; of the latter
the extra systole auricular flutter and auricular fibrillation.
Not less momentous than the researches on cardiac irregular-
ities was Mackenzie's contribution to the subject of heart failure.
He pointed out that the study of valvular disease had been large-
ly a study of sounds heard through the stethoscope. It was the
habit of the profession to relate an abnormal sound to a supposed
gross abnormality of structure e.g. a broken valve and to make
a prognosis on this supposition. This method led to many mis-
takes and even to abuses, for time had shown that patients with
murmurs of various kinds might yet be well able to carry on
active lives and even to live to old age without any symptoms of
distress. It seemed therefore to be necessary to discover some
more sure ground of diagnosis than that existing.
Mackenzie asked himself the question : " What is it that I am
afraid of when I examine the patient?" The answer evidently was:
" Heart failure." Thus a new direction was given to the assessment
of the significance of cardiac symptoms. These symptoms were no
longer to be accepted and read in terms of the post-mortem room.
They were to be put to the test of their relationship with failure of
cardiac power, that is to say of the myocardium or heart muscle.
The effect of this re-statement was an increased interest in such
subjective symptoms as breathlessness and pain. These symptoms, it
was remarked, vexed the patient as a rule when he attempted exer-
tion, at which times one or other might make its appearance. The
breathlessness seemed to be due to an excitation of the respiratory
centre by lack of oxygen weak circulation; the origin of the pain
was more obscure. Mackenzie, however, called attention to the fact
that in cardiac pain there is present as a rule an area of tenderness
or hyperalgesia on the left side of the chest, below or surrounding the
nipple. This is clearly a " referred " tenderness and corresponds to
similar areas found in the skin of the abdomen in cases of visceral
disturbance, e.g. gall-stone colic or appendicitis. The view was
therefore formulated that the cardiac pain represented an effort of
the heart to deal with large quantities of blood, that organ being
incompletely prepared for its task. Thus the pain pointed to a
weakness of the heart muscle.
The upshot of this work was a system of relating such findings as
a murmur to the general state of the patient. Thus, if a murmur was
heard and it was found that the individual was also breathless or
suffered from marked pain and that these subjective symptoms were
increasing, a tendency to myocardial exhaustion might be inferred.
If on the other hand the murmur was unaccompanied by symptoms
its presence was not to be regarded as of so serious a character. This
applied specially to systolic murmurs occurring at the moment of
the cardiac beat and replacing the first sound. It applied also, how-
ever, to the two murmurs which are generally regarded as betokening
organic disease, the presystolic murmur of mitral stenosis and the
diastolic murmur of aortic disease.
In connexion with the presystolic murmur Mackenzie pointed out
that when auricular fibrillation occurred this sign disappeared, leav-
ing however a mid-diastolic murmur, which is also frequently found
in mitral stenosis. The disappearance of the murmur is occasioned
by the failure of the auricle to beat. In the case of aortic disease the
accompanying hypertrophy of the heart is an important additional
sign of muscle damage, even though the cause of the hypertrophy is
by no means clearly understood.
Evidently the value of this method of determining the degree and
progressive character of heart failure must lack in value without some
system of correction and test. Mackenzie early apprehended this
difficulty and set himself to supply the want. He conceived that
in the last issue the proof of the danger or otherwise of a symptom
is the after-life of its possessor. Consequently while still a young
man he undertook the laborious task of following up a large number
of patients during a long period of years.
The test was continued for some 20 years and its results then pub-
lished in a series of books and monographs. A great many symptoms
had been recorded in the first instance and their after-histories were
therefore, when revised collectively, a commentary on the prognosis
of heart affections of a unique kind, both as respects content and
value. It was found that certain symptoms which had an evil
reputation had not at all interfered with healthy life an example is
the systolic murmur met with in toxic persons; these murmurs are
very frequent and the irritable type of hearts in which they appear
is also a commonplace of the consulting-room. Mackenzie named the
general condition "X-disease," because its exact nature was doubtful.
Another dreaded symptom which proved more or less without
harm was the missed beat or extra systole. Another, the so-called
caput medusae or group of injected venules seen on the margin of the
ribs of many persons. Still another was the tendency to occasional
palpitation or heavy beating of the heart after an acute illness.
On the other hand it was found that persons suffering from auri-
cular fibrillation, attacks of true anginous pain (angina pectoris),
from the curious cardiac rhythm known as pulsus alternans because
every alternate beat is smaller, and from various forms of dyspnoea,
tended to succumb at more or less early periods. In some cases,
for example auricular fibrillation, much could be accomplished by
proper treatment (digitalis) ; in others, for example pulsus alternans,
little or nothing could be achieved.
This body of evidence is now at the disposal of the medical pro-
fession and constitutes a contribution of enormous value.
Another aspect of the cardiological problem, which was brought
into prominence by the war, is the so-called " nervous or irritable
heart." Attention was first called to this condition in 1915,
when it was found by the British army medical authorities that a
very large number of soldiers were being sent to hospital and
being invalided out of the service on account of heart disease.
The extent of the mischief was so great that it was rightly con-
cluded that some inquiry was called for and application was
made to the Medical Research Committee to take the matter in
hand. Sir James Mackenzie, Dr. Thomas Lewis, Capt. Thomas
Cotton and Dr. R. M. Wilson were appointed to study the cases.
At a later date a committee consisting of Sir Clifford Allbutt,
professor of medicine at Cambridge, the late Sir Wm. Osier,
professor of medicine at Oxford, and Sir James Mackenzie was
constituted, and a separate hospital, Mount Vernon, Hampstead,
was set apart for soldiers with heart complaints. This hospital
had on its staff, in addition to the above mentioned, Dr. Thomas
Parkinson of the London .hospital, Professor Francis Fraser
now at St. Bartholomew's hospital, Professor Meakins now of
Edinburgh University, Dr. Nigel Drury and others. A very pro-
longed and careful research was carried out.
The symptoms of the condition were found to be breathlessness
on exertion, pain over the praecordium, exhaustion and giddiness
and fainting In addition palpitation was often complained of, as
also were headache, lassitude, coldness of the extremities and irri-
tability of temper. The signs, as opposed to symptoms, were in-
creased heart rate, raised blood pressure in patients up and about,
diffusion of the apex beat and irregularity of the heart's action. The
temperature was frequently raised to 99-5 F. or to 100 F., such
elevations being of a fleeting character. Respiration rate was also
raised on exertion and tremor was the rule.
Lewis, who directed the research, gave to this picture the name
of " Effort Syndrome " and wrote of it in an early publication:
" A generalization which has been shown to approximate to the
truth in respect of the exaggerated rise of heart rate, blood pressure
HEART DISEASES
35i
and leucocyte count in response to exercise is that the rise in patient
and control are identical, if the exercise is sufficient to produce in
patient and control the same degree of respiratory distress."
In short these patients responded to stimuli in an excessive man-
ner. The first method of dealing with them was an attempt to sort
them out by means of graduated exercises and for this purpose an
instructor was obtained^ It was soon found that capacity varied a
good deal but that it could be increased in certain instances by a
judicious use of the exercises. It was soon discovered that the pre-
dominant etiological factor in the clinical histories of the cases was
infection of one kind or another. In 558 patients the history of onset
was definitely dated from rheumatic fever or chorea in 68 instances
(or 12%), from dysentery in 14 instances, from typhoid fever and
diarrhoea in 14 instances, from pneumonia, pleurisy and bronchitis
in 25 instances, from pyrexia of unknown origin (trench fever in all
probability) in 28, and from miscellaneous infections such as diph-
theria, scarlet fever, syphilis and pus infections in 30 instances. In
all these the first symptoms of the malady were definitely noticed
during convalescence from the disease in question. The percentage
covered is thus 33. But this by no means exhausts the importance
of infection, for of the 376 cases which remain there was a history of
rheumatic fever in 57 cases, of repeated joint pains in 8 cases, and
of pleurisy, pneumonia, syphilis and other maladies in many more.
Moreover, any intercurrent infection always had the effect of greatly
increasing the severity of the symptoms. Further work in other
hospitals has only increased the tendency to regard this malady as
an extra-cardial one and to assign its cause to infection or, in a few
instances, to gastro-intestinal troubles, shock and so on.
That irritable heart or " nervous heart " is found in civilian
practice is certain, and that it constitutes a large proportion of so-
called heart disease cases is equally beyond doubt. That it is not
heart disease at all is becoming increasingly evident. Indeed the
vital and even revolutionary part of this work lies in the fact that
symptoms which have been associated with one kind of mechanism
of origin are now seen to be capable of production by another kind
of mechanism. I n other words, breathlessness on exertion and cardiac
pain may occur in the absence of any damage to the heart.
Thus it became necessary to re-investigate these symptoms.
Numerous attempts have been and are being made. At one period,
about 1919, a chemical theory held first place in interest. It was
suggested that breathlessness was due to a lack of " buffer " salts
in the blood. The idea was that the blood contains various salts
and notably acid phosphate of soda, which are capable of absorbing
either an excess of acid or of alkali. Thus the action of the buffer
salt is comparable to that of a sponge. It was suggested that these
cases of nervous heart were deficient in buffer salts and so lacked
the means of preventing alterations in blood quality. This view was
supported by a great deal of very delicate work but it has scarcely
found general acceptance. An alternative view has recently been
suggested to the effect that the blood lacks oxygen. It is pointed out
that a general condition of venous stasis exists and that on this
account a smaller quantity of blood passes through the lungs in a
given time. The oxygen intake is lowered. In consequence during
effort there is no great reserve of oxygen for use in the muscles and
so more rapid and forcible breathing is rendered necessary in order
to increase the supply. The stimulus here is not an excess of waste
products but a lack of oxygen. Curiously enough there appears to
be some ground for supposing that oxygen want is not in any sense
synonymous with excess of carbonic acid gas. In the absence of
sufficient oxygen the blood does not become less but rather tends to
become more alkaline. This subject, however, is at present being
further investigated. The researches of Haldane of Oxford and
Barcroft of Cambridge must be mentioned in connexion with it.
The oxygen want is probably secondary to a nervous disturbance
whereby the circulation is upset. In fact the evidence available at
present points to an effect of the toxins of disease on the nervous
system, and more especially on the involuntary nervous system.
This system regulates the action of the heart and also the tone of the
circulation. The smaller arteries are under its control and recent
work, following that of Roy, suggests that even the capillaries may
be supplied with nerves. It is, moreover, related in an intimate way
to certain of the ductless glands and notably the supra-renals which
produce adrenalin. The work of Gaskell has furnished a new con-
ception of this system and it is now possible to recognize two main
branches the true sympathetic, the action of which on the heart
is accelerator, and the vago-sacral sympathetic or parasympathetic,
the action of which on the heart is inhibitor. It can easily be seen
that any disturbance of the relationship existing between these
branches of the involuntary nervous system must react not only on
the efficiency of the heart and of its responses to calls for increased
effort but on the integrity of the whole circulatory tree. In point of
fact the tendency to stasis or stagnation in many " nervous heart "
cases is explicable only in terms of this nervous system.
In the same manner the origin of " cardiac " pain in these cases
is probably to be related to the nervous system. How exactly the
pain arises still remains in dispute. Enough that the pain is often
excited by effort and tends to diminish if effort is abandoned. The
fact that it usually disappears if the auricles of the heart begin to
fibrillate has suggested to some workers that distention of those
chambers by blood may act as the exciting cause.
The fact of immediate importance is that breathlessness, pain,
palpitation, giddiness, exhaustion and the other symptoms of this
series cannot be taken as of themselves indicating heart failure. They
may all be present and yet the heart may be active and sound.
Cardiologists have thus been compelled to reconsider the evidence
on which a grave prognosis may be founded and have come to
appreciate the great difficulties which beset their paths. Indeed
the tendency has become apparent to regard serious heart mischief
in a patient showing symptoms of the kind mentioned as the
exception rather than the rule.
Nevertheless certain guides are available which should enable a
reasonable opinion to be formed. If for example a patient has been
suffering from a degree of limitation of the field of effort for a con-
siderable period and if this degree is not exceeded it can be inferred
that, whatever injurious agent is present, whether it be organic
disease or a poison, the mischief is stationary. There is no " failure "
in the true significance of that term. If moreover a sharp restriction
of the field of effort is accompanied by signs of febrile illness and if
the restriction is removed as the fever subsides a grave view need
not be taken. But if a marked restriction occurs without evident
cause this points in all probability to a weakening of the heart
muscle. Again if dilation of the organ takes place and is progressive,
or if auricular fibrillation supervenes, heart failure may be confident-
ly diagnosed. In the last issue heart failure would seem to be
always a muscle problem. The ultimate importance of extra-
cardial factors is thus their influence on the burden which the
heart is called upon to support. The heavier that burden and the
weaker the organ (e.g. on account of organic disease) the earlier
may failure be expected to show itself.
Heart Flutter. The most recent contribution to the study of
heart disease is that of Dr. Thomas Lewis on the nature of
auricular flutter and auricular fibrillation. Lewis followed the
experiments of Mayer in 1908 and of Mines in 1913. These
workers used the contractile bell of the jellyfish and later rings of
muscle cut from the ventricles of turtles and the auricles of tele-
ostean fishes. The experiments were repeated in 1914 by Mines
and Garvey.on rings of muscle cut from the ventricles of the dog.
The experiments were as follow: If a ring of muscle was stimu-
lated at a given point in its circumference by means of a single shock,
a wave of excitation is set up. This wave develops two "crests";
one goes round the ring in one direction, the other in the other
direction. Necessarily they meet at a point. The whole ring has
now become involved by the wave and has passed into a state of
excitation. It has become " refractory," that is to say that for the
moment it is no longer excitable by further shocks.
When therefore the waves of excitation meet one another on
the circumference of the ring, movement is brought to an end. In
Lewis's words: " like two waves of flame, two waves of excitation
meeting do not override: each crest forms an impassable barrier."
The ring of muscle remains in this state of excitation (which is
nearly though not quite synchronous with the state of contraction)
for a period and then recovers. It recovers in the order in which it
has become involved, that is to say it begins to be " responsive "
again at the spot where the primary shock was applied. The re-
sponsiveness travels round the ring in two waves just as the ex-
citability did. When the crests of these second waves meet the ring
has returned to its original condition. It is wholly responsive.
Lewis uses the analogy of a prairie fire which can spread only in
those directions in which unburnt grass awaits it. If, therefore, for
any reason a portion of the ring of muscle happens to be " refrac-
tory " or in a state of excitability when a fresh shock is given only
one wave of excitability may be able to travel. The fire, so to speak,
is stopped by a patch of outburnt grass. Recovery of this refractory
area may, however, have taken place before the new wave gets
round to it. In that case the wave will continue to circulate, for
when it returns to its starting point that starting point will have
recovered its responsiveness. It is, indeed, as if the grass had grown
again on the face of the prairie by the time the fire got back to it.
This curious condition of affairs is spoken of as a " circus move-
ment " and it is in these circus movements that this investigator
believes he has discovered the secret of auricular flutter and auri-
cular fibrillation. For some reason the normal wave of excitability
which should pass over the muscle of the heart is replaced by a wave
travelling in a circle over the surface of the auricle. This wave fol-
lows, it would appear, the same circular path which it has mapped
out for itself and then returns again to its starting point. Here it
meets muscle which has so far recovered as to be responsive once
more, and thus the wave keeps on travelling round and round.
Subsidiary waves are sent out, like tributary tongues of fire, over the
muscular surface and the auricle beats at the rapid rate which is
characteristic of the clinical condition.
Lewis has been able to induce fluttering of the auricles experi-
mentally in dogs and has been able to prove that this is the same
condition as that encountered in the human subject. " Flutter," he
declares, " consists essentially of a continuously circulating wave."
The path taken by this wave is not always the same for each animal.
In the dog an artificial flutter may last for hours; in man flutter may
352
HEAT
last not hours but years. A " single wave continuously circulating
for seven years," Lewis pointed out, " may seem to be a remark-
able conclusion; nevertheless, it is one we are now bound to accept."
It is evident that the permanence or impermanence of this cir-
culating wave of excitability depends on the fact that the crest of
the wave always finds recovered and so responsive muscular tissue
in front of it to revert to the analogy, the advancing crest of the
fire always finds new-grown grass to burn. There is thus present, in
auricular flutter, a " gap " of recovered or responsive muscle be-
tween the refractory or excited portions and the crest of the on-
coming wave of excitability. This gap moves round and round the
ring just as the wave of excitability does. The grass in fact grows
up as quick as it is burnt down there is always a patch of it for the
flames. Upon the continued presence and integrity of this gap the
permanence of the flutter depends. So long as the gap is there the
wave will circulate; so long as there is grass the fire will burn. But
if the gap could be closed the flutter would must stop at once.
The same description applies to fibrillation except that the circus
movement here is less well defined in its quality and the wave motion
more diffuse. It will be seen that the experimental work has led to
the door of the sick-room, so to speak, and that Lewis's view of the
" gap " is probably justified: " it is a gap which will command the
attention of many workers in the near future, for upon our power to
influence its length, our success in treating flutter and the closely
allied condition, fibrillation, will very largely depend."
(R. M. Wl.)
HEAT (see 13.135). Progress in the science of heat on the
experimental side during 1010-21 was necessarily slow, because
time and opportunity were lacking during the World War for the
laborious work which solid progress entails. Some valuable
researches, for which provision was made before the war, were
subsequently brought to a successful conclusion, but many of
the minor details, which taken in the aggregate constitute a con-
siderable addition to knowledge, had not been made available
by 1921 in a digested form suitable for reference. Speculative
theories, on the other hand, which require no apparatus or
elaborate preparation, have flourished the more abundantly in
the absence of effective checks and exact verification. The sum-
mary of recent works, given below, is arranged for convenience
as far as possible in the order of the earlier articles connected
with heat, in the nth ed. of the E.B., as enumerated in 13.157,
and references to them are made where necessary.
International Notation. The symbolic notation here adopted
is based on that recommended by the International Commission
for the Unification of Physico-Chemical Symbols at their meet-
ing at Brussels in 1913, as extended by a special Committee of
the Physical Society of London under the presidency of Sir J. J.
Thomson. Fortunately their recommendations coincide in the
main with the notation employed in the nth ed. of the E.B.,
but a few changes have been made for the sake of uniformity,
as indicated in the following list.
'Alphabetic Index of Symbols.
A = i/J, Reciprocal of mechanical equivalent of heat.
<f, Numerical factor for reducing PV to heat units.
B, Constant of integration in expressions for E and H.
b, Covolume in characteristic equation of gas.
C, Cooling-effect of Joule and Thomson (see 27.901).
c, Coaggregation volume in gas-equation.
E, Intrinsic energy.
G, Gibbs' function, T*-H.
H, Total heat of vapour, E+aPV.
h, Total heat of liquid.
J, Joule's equivalent.
K, k, Thermal Conductivity, and Diffusivity.
L, Latent heat.
M, Mass.
m, Molecular weight or mass-flow.
N, Number of atoms or molecules.
n, Index in formula for c.
P, Pressure generally.
p, Saturation-pressure.
Q, Quantity of heat energy.
R, Gas-constant in PV = RT.
S, Specific heat of vapour; s, of liquid.
T, Absolute temperature; t, from oC.
U, Velocity of motion.
V, Specific volume of vapour; v, of liquid.
W, Work.
X, Cross-section of pipe or nozzle.
*, Entropy of vapour; <j>, of liquid.
0, Radiation constant in 0v/T.
v. Ratio of specific heats of gas.
A. Velocity of light, 3 X io 10 cms/sec.
X, Wave-length; v, frequency.
>), Viscosity of gas.
CALORIMETRY
Units of Heat. One of the most fundamental points in
the measurement of heat is the relation between the practical
units corresponding to the various methods discussed in the
earlier article (see 5.60), in which the most important experi-
mental evidence then available was described and reviewed.
Some of the conclusions reached have since been contested, but
additional experimental evidence has been obtained which
seems to confirm the views previously maintained.
The experiments of Rowland by the mechanical method, agreeing
closely with those of Joule when reduced to the scale of the gas
thermometer, showed that the gram-calorie at 2OC. (defined as
the quantity of heat required to raise the temperature of I gram of
water at 2OC. under atmospheric pressure by I C. on the scale of
the hydrogen thermometer) was equivalent to 4-180 joules of
mechanical energy. Those of Reynolds and Moorby between o
and IOOC. gave the equivalent of the gram-calorie as 4-1832
joules for the mean of the whole range, showing that the mean
calorie was nearly the same as the calorie at 2OC., in contradic-
tion to the results of earlier experimentalists who had obtained
much higher values for the mean calorie. The best of the previous
results by the method of mixtures for the variation of the specific
heat of water between o and iooC. were those of Ltidin (see 5.64,
fig. 6), which gave a somewhat improbable curve for the variation,
indicating a value 4-206 joules for the equivalent of the mean
calorie, if the calorie at 2OC. was equivalent to 4-180. Most of the
older results for the mean calorie, e.g. those of Dieterici (Wied.
Ann., 33, p. 417, 1888), giving 4;244 by an electrical method with
an ice-calorimeter, were much higher than Liidin's. On the other
hand, the continuous electrical method (see 5.65), in which platinum
thermometers were employed in place of mercury thermometers,
while agreeing very closely with Rowland's results from 5 to 3OC.,
gave a much slower rate of increase than Liidin's for the specific
heat between 40 and iooC., and a value 4-186 joules for the mean
calorie, confirming Reynolds and Moorby.
The later experiments of Dieterici, by the method of the ice-
calorimeter employing a io times smaller current with a coil of
higher resistance in order to reduce the uncertain errors of the
electrical measurement, gave an equivalent 4-192 joules for the
mean calorie. He also redetermined the constant of the ice-calorim-
eter, using water at looC. sealed in thin bulbs of quartz-glass,
and obtained a value 15-491 milligrams of mercury per mean
calorie, appreciably higher than the value 15-44 previously employed.
This has since been confirmed by E. Griffiths (Proc. Phys. Soc., 26,
p. I, 1913) who found the value 15-486 for a mean calorie of 4-184
joules. Owing to the smallness of the quantities of heat available
for measurement at low temperatures, the ice-calorimeter is unsuit-
able for investigating the variation of specific heat in the neigh-
bourhood of the freezing-point, but the observations of Dieterici
at temperatures above IOOC. by the same method gave a rate of
increase of the specific heat of water slightly exceeding that found
by Regnault, which could not be reconciled with Liidin's curve
showing a maximum of specific heat at 87C. On the other hand,
Messrs. W. R. and W. E. Bousfield (Phil. Trans., A, 21 r, pp. 199-
251, 1911) succeeded in reproducing Liidin's results with remark-
able fidelity by a most ingenious method of electric heating with a
vacuum-jacket calorimeter. The heating-coil consisted of a long
spiral of small-bore glass tubing filled with mercury, the expansion
of which in a capillary tube was made to indicate the actual tem-
perature of the mercury at any time when traversed by the electric
current. The observers were thus enabled to avoid the. source of
error due to the superheating of the conductor above the tempera-
ture of the calorimeter. The uncertainty of heat-loss by evapora-
tion from the surface of the water was minimized by protecting the
surface with a cover in the form of a metal box maintained as nearly
as possible at the same temperature as the water during an experi-
ment. The rise of temperature over predetermined ranges, o 13,
l3-27, etc. was observed with suitable mercury thermometers of
limited scale, standardized at the National Physical Laboratory.
The corresponding quantities of electrical energy supplied, when
corrected for external heat-loss and for the thermal capacity of the
calorimeter, gave the increase of total heat of water, or the mean
specific heat over each range. By adding the increments of total
heat for each range, the variation of the total heat h, or the small
difference h t, could be obtained at each of the points of observa-
tion, as in the following table:
Temperature C. .
13
27
40
55
73
80
100
Bousfield
<>-(>5S
0-058
0-059
0-124
0-242
0-306
Liidin
0-057
0-059
0-064
0-119
0-285
o-37i
0-633
Formula (i)
0-070
0-072
0-054
0-038
0-046
0-062
0-159
Dieterici
O-OIO
O-OII
o-on
O-O^I
0-090
0-128
0-303
HEAT
353
Bousfield's observations did not extend beyond 80", owing to
the difficulty of excessive evaporation with an open calorimeter.
According to his curves, the corresponding values of the specific
heat appear to be approaching a maximum at 8oC., a little lower
than that shown by Liidin's curve. The value of the specific heat
at 8pC., according to Liidin's formula, is 1-0184 ' n terms of the
specific heat at 2OC. taken as unity, and exceeds the value given
by the continuous electric method by 1-55%. This looks alarm-
ing at first sight, but the method of comparison in terms of the
actual specific heat, though commonly adopted, is really unfair,
because the quantity actually observed in Liidin's method is the
total heat, which shows a difference of only 0-31 calorie according
to the above table at 8oC. Dieterici's observations at looC.,
where they were most reliable, differ by only 0-14% from the con-
tinuous electrical method, and he does not claim an order of accu-
racy greater than o-i % for the ice-calorimeter.
According to Bousfield's experiments, the absolute value of the
mechanical equivalent of the calorie at 2OC. is 4-1752 joules. He
attributes the discrepancy between this value and the value 4-180
given by the continuous electric method to the uncertainty in the
electromotive force of the Clark standard cell, the value of which
was commonly taken in 1900 as being 1-4342 volts at I5C., which
has since proved to be erroneous. Thus Wolff and Waters (U.S.A.
Bureau of Standards, vol. 4, p. 64, 1907) found the value 1-4333 for
Clark cells of the type employed in the continuous electric method,
which would exactly account for the discrepancy. It should be
observed, however, that the electromotive force of the actual cells
employed was determined at the time with a specially designed
elertrodynamometer (Phil. Trans., A, 1902, p. 81), and was found
to be 1-4334 volts at I5C., which was used in place of the legal
value 1-4342 volts in deducing the absolute value 4-180 joules for
the equivalent of the calorie at 2OC. The same electrodynamometer
was employed 15 years later by Prof. Norman Shaw (Phil. Trans.,
A, 1914, vol. 214, pp. 147-198) without any modification, in deter-
mining the electromotive force of the Weston cell. In the course of
this work he verified the constants of the coils and the theory of
the instrument with a very high order of accuracy, so that there
can be little doubt that the value 1-4334 found for the Clark cells
at I5C. was substantially correct.
Continuous Mixture Method. Since the number of separate deter-
minations of the specific heat of water at points between 50 and
ioo c C. by the continuous electric method was only 12, and since
these were made under conditions of exceptional difficulty, and
differed most widely from the values found by Liidin and Bous-
field, it was felt to be desirable to confirm the variation in this
region by an entirely independent method of equal accuracy. The
continuous mixture method (Bakerian Lecture, Phil. Trans., A,
1912, vol. 212, pp. 1-32) was devised for this purpose, and consisted
in passing a steady current of water, initially at iooC., through an
interchanger, in which it gave up a large part of its heat to a cur-
rent of cold water initially at 25C., emerging at a temperature in
the neighbourhood of 70 C., without having actually mixed with
the cold current. The same current was then cooled to an accu-
rately regulated temperature in the neighbourhood of 25C., and
reentered the interchanger as the cold current. The point of the
method is that the circulation is continuous, so that the water
equivalent of the interchanger is not required, and that the hot and
cold currents are the same, so that the quantity of the current divides
out of the equation (except in the small term representing the exter-
nal heat-loss) and need not be determined with an accuracy greater
than I %, since the external heat-loss can easily be reduced to a
small fraction of I % of the heat-exchange between the currents.
The actual temperatures h and t 2 of the hot current on entering
and leaving the interchanger, and those of the cold current, / 3 and
ti, were observed with platinum thermometers to o-ooi C. If s' is
the mean specific heat of the hot current between h and fe, and
s" that of the cold current between t 3 and t t , we have the equation,
s'fo-fe) =*" (/-/,)+X/M,
where X is the external heat-loss in gram-calories per second, ar !
M the value of the water current in grams per second. The heat-
loss was determined, as in the continuous electric method, by vary-
ing the flow M while keeping the temperatures the same. In a
large number of trials it was found that the ratio of s' to s" agreed
with the value 1-0050 given by the continuous electric method, but
disagreed materially with the value given by Liidin's formula. It
was concluded that the discrepancy from Liidin's formula was
probably to be attributed to the unavoidable errors of his method,
due to losses by evaporation at temperatures above 50, and to
the uncertainties of zero and stem-exposure which cannot be elim-
inated in the employment of mercury thermometers.
Formulae for the Specific Heat of Water. It is usual to employ
an empirical formula of the type, s = i+at+bt 2 -\-ct 3 +etc., which
is familiar and convenient for the application of the method of
least squares to the results of observation. The formulae most
often quoted for water are those of Liidin and Dieterici, which are
as follows in terms of the calorie at 2OC. :
Dieterici, s = 1-0013 0-0104(^/100) +0-0208 (J/ioo) 2
Liidin, s = i 0-07668(1/100) +o-i96(//ioo) 2 0-116
0-00025 0-040 0-030
The probable errors of the coefficients, as given by Liidin, are
shown in the line below his formula. The formula of Dieterici repre-
sents his observations satisfactorily from 50 to 3OOC., but does
not apply to the variation near the freezing point, which cannot
be represented satisfactorily by this type of formula without an
additional term. The formula of Liidin is fairly accurate between
o and 25", but appears to give results about I % too high between
6p and 9OC. It is also inconvenient in practice, because the coeffi-
cients are large and of opposite signs, giving the small variation
required as a difference between relatively large terms. In the pre-
liminary reduction of the results of the continuous electric method
(B. A. Rep., 1899) it appeared that a formula of this type would
be unsuitable, and the observations were accordingly represented
by three simple formulae for different ranges of temperature between
o and 2OOC., as given in the previous article (see 5.66). These
have since been combined into a single equivalent formula, which
is more convenient for several purposes.
. . . (i)
The value of the constant is adjusted to make s = i when < = 2O.
The other terms are small and positive, and can be calculated with
sufficient accuracy for all possible purposes by means of a lo-in.
slide rule. This formula agrees very closely with the table pre-
viously given, but represents a later and more accurate reduction.
It is of no theoretical significance, and cannot safely be extrapolated
much above looC., but still agrees very closely with Regnault's
observations at l6oC. Above looC. it is better to use the thermo-
dynamical formula (see 27.903) suggested by McF. Gray, which
agrees very closely with experiment from 40 to iooC., but does not
represent the increase of specific heat with fall of temperature near
the freezing point. Gray's formula was re-defined by Callendar as
representing the change of total heat of water under saturation
pressure, and then agrees very closely with the observations of
Dieterici at high temperatures, when corrected to give the change
of total heat in place of the intrinsic energy. It has a simple theo-
retical foundation, and greatly simplifies the thermodynamical rela-
tions between liquid and vapour. There is good reason to believe
(Callendar, Properties of Steam, pp. 160, 196) that it continues to
hold satisfactorily right up to the critical point, where the specific
heat becomes infinite.
By experiments on the supercooled liquid, Prof. H. T. Barnes has
shown that the increase of specific heat with fall of temperature con-
tinues to follow the same curve above and below the freezing point.
By very accurate experiments on mercury, using the continuous
electric method, he has shown that a diminution of the specific heat
with rise of temperature occurs as in the case of water, but persists
up to a minimum at I4OC. It appears probable that a similar
Ehenomenon would be found for all liquids at low vapour pressures,
ut it is masked in the case of volatile liquids by the opposite effect
of the vapour-molecules, as represented by the thermodynamical
formula. The diminution of the specific heat of water was attributed
by H. A. Rowland to the presence of a small proportion of solid.
molecules in the liquid near the freezing point. The rapid increase
of the specific heat of a solid as the fusing-point is approached may
similarly be attributed to the presence of a small but rapidly increas-
ing proportion of liquid molecules in the solid. The proportion
required in either case, to explain the diminution of hardness and
rigidity of the solid, or the anomalous expansion of water near the
freezing point, is small, but cannot be calculated with certainty on
account of our imperfect knowledge of molecular forces and dimen-
sions. Such a theory would be difficult to verify in any case by
experiment for the liquid and solid molecules. On the other hand,
the latent heat of the vapour-molecules in the liquid, according to
the thermodynamical formula, is simply that of a volume of satu-
rated vapour, equal to that of the liquid, and easily calculated.
Specific Heat of Gases and Vapours. The continuous electric
method was first applied in the case of steam (see 27.901) and gave
results near 100 corroborating Regnault's value at higher tempera-
tures. The same method was applied to air and COz by W. F. G.
Swann (Phil. Trans., A, 1910, vol. 210, p. 199), who found results
from 2 to 5% higher than those of Regnault. Swann's formula has
since been verified by Holborn and Jakob (Zeit. Ver.Deut., Ing., 58,
p. 1429, 1914) and it is now generally recognized that this method
is the most accurate for the determination of the specific heat of
any fluid at constant pressure. Swann's values for air at 20 and
iooC. were closely consistent with those of Joly at constant
volume (see 5.67), and gave a ratio of specific heats very nearly
equal to 1-40, as required by the kinetic theory for a diatomic gas.
They also showed a very small increase with temperature at the
rate of only one-half of I % for looC. His values for COz veri-
fied with improved accuracy the rapid increase with temperature
found by Regnault and Wiedemann for this gas, which amounted
to 12% for 100. This increase of specific heat was not accounted
for on the kinetic theory, which required that all the degrees of
freedom of a gas molecule should be equally excited, and should
contribute constant terms to the specific heat. The apparent dis-
crepancy was explained (B. A. Rep., 1908, p. 340) by supposing that
a natural frequency of the gas-molecule would be excited by radia-
tion in direct proportion to the intensity of the corresponding fre- v
quency at each temperature. It was shown that a natural frequency
354
HEAT
having a wave-length of the order of 15 microns would be compe-
tent to produce the observed effect in the case of COz, contributing,
when fully excited, a term R to the specific heat. An attempt was
accordingly made to investigate the relation between the variation
of the specific heat of gases and the absorption and emission bands
in their infra-red spectra. Some qualitative agreement was found,
but it was very difficult to make quantitative measurements of the
kind required, or to frame a consistent theory. For instance, there
is a strong band at 4-4-4-5 microns both in the emission and
absorption spectra of steam. This band corresponds to the maxi-
mum ordinate of the wave-length spectrum of full radiation at a
temperature T = 647C., which is the critical point of water, and
appears to be closely related to other properties of steam, such as
the latent heat and the cooling-effect, and the variation of the spe-
cific heat with pressure. There is no doubt that the properties of
any substance must be intimately related to the natural frequen-
cies of the molecules, but the form of the relation cannot be pre-
dicted with certainty; the experiments were interrupted by the
war, and the quantitative measurements, up to 1921, had not been
sufficiently exact to distinguish between many possible hypotheses.
The experiments of A. Eucken (Sitz. Akad., Berlin, 33.1, p. 141,
1912) on the specific heat of hydrogen at low temperatures were
very instructive in this connexion. The gas was electrically heated
at various temperatures in a thin steel vessel under considerable
pressure at constant volume. The specific heat was found to dimin-
ish from nearly 5R/2 at ordinary temperatures to nearly 3R/2 at
T = 6o, after which it remained practically constant down to
T = 35. The fall could be approximately represented by a formula
of the Einstein type, R/(z), as explained in the next section, with a
value /3c = 43O, corresponding to a wave-length of about 32
microns. The experiments were undoubtedly of considerable diffi-
culty, owing to the large thermal capacity of the steel vessel, and
its rapid diminution with fall of temperature, but there seems no
reason to doubt the substantial accuracy of the result. In the kinetic
theory of the specific heat of a diatomic gas, the term 3R/2 is
attributed to the three degrees of freedom of translation, and the
term R to the two of rotation, the energy of which must be exactly
proportional to that of translation, if the effect is produced by colli-
sions. The late Lord Rayleigh was never satisfied with this explana-
tion, which evidently must be revised if Eucken is correct.
Specific Heat of Solids at Low Temperatures. The early experi-
ments of Sir J. Dewar, Sir W. A. Tilden, and others, had shown that
solids at low temperatures deviated from Dulong and Petit's law
of the constancy of atomic heat in the same way as carbon, boron,
and silicon, at ordinary temperatures, but they failed to show the
full extent of the deviation, or to indicate a probable explanation.
A great impetus to research in this direction was given by the sug-
gestion of A. Einstein (Ann. Phys., 22, p. 180, 1907) that the atom of
a solid might be regarded as an electric resonator with three degrees
of freedom possessing a particular frequency, independent of the
temperature, and capable of responding to the same frequency of
radiation. Adopting Planck's theory and radiation formula, he
showed that the specific heat at constant volume should approach
the limit 3R = 5'94 calories per gram-atom at high temperatures,
as required by Dulong and Petit's law, but that the variation at
low temperatures should be given by the expression
... (2)
where z=/Sv/T=/SA/T, as in Planck's formula. The symbol v de-
notes the natural frequency of the atoms, and X the correspond-
ing wave-length in cm. such that yX = A = 3Xio 10 , the velocity
of light. The constant, /3A = 1-460, is Wien's constant of radiation.
Taking H. F. Weber's observations on the variation of the specific
heat of the diamond, extending from T = 222 to 1258, Einstein
showed that they agreed qualitatively with this formula, if we
could assume the diamond atoms to possess a single frequency cor-
responding to the wave-length II microns. Taking the substances,
CaFl, NaCl, KC1, CaCO 3 , and SiO 2 , for which the optical fre-
quencies in the infra-red were known, he showed that the frequen-
cies agreed in order of magnitude with those required by his formula,
but that the observed wave-lengths were somewhat shorter than
those calculated from the specific heats. This could be attributed
to the fact that most of the substances showed more than one fre-
quency, and that the frequencies were not strictly monochromatic,
as indicated by the width of the corresponding absorption bands.
In any case there were other effects, such as work of expansion,
included in the specific heats as ordinarily measured, and it might
be doubted whether the optical frequencies corresponded exactly
with the thermal vibrations of the atoms.
An important series of experimental measurements, extending
down to the temperature of liquid hydrogen, was made by W. Nernst,
F. A. Lindemann, and their collaborators (Site. Akad., Berlin,
p. 494, 1911), on a number of metals and other solids, including
those for which the optical frequencies were known. They found,
as already indicated, that Einstein's formula gave too low values
for the specific heats at low temperatures, if the optical frequencies
were assumed in calculating the value of /(z), and that much better
agreement could be obtained by taking the mean of /(z) for the
( optical frequency, and a similar term, f(z/2) at half the optical
frequency-'
* = 3R[/(3)+/(z/2)]/2= 3 R/"(z) ... (3)
The same function, /"(z), of z was assumed to apply to other sub-
stances, such as the metals, but the appropriate values of z were
selected to fit the observations on the specific heats. Some sub-
stances, such as SiO 2 (in the forms of quartz and quartz-glass)
and benzine, CeHs, which gave a different type of curve, were
represented by formulae with two or three different values of z,
each value of / "(z) being multiplied by a fractional coefficient
representing the proportion in which the corresponding molecule
was supposed to be present. But such cases could not be regarded
as a verification of the theory, because it would obviously be possible
to represent almost any type of variation in this way. Einstein
objected that even the simplest of these formulae, namely (3), was
too empirical to be satisfactory from a theoretical standpoint;
that a cubical crystal, such as KC1, or NaCl, could not have two
different frequencies; and that there was no evidence in either case
of an optical frequency with half the experimental value, since,
according to Rubens, the crystals became again transparent before
this frequency was reached, and had a value of the refractive index
which was nearly normal. He also indicated two other objections
to the " quantum " theory on which Planck's formula was based.
(1) According to the quantum theory it did not follow, as required
by the classical mechanics, that the oscillator with three degrees
of freedom would have three times the energy of a linear oscillator.
(2) It was very difficult to conceive the distribution of energy among
the oscillators at low temperatures required by the theory. Thus
for the diamond at T = 73 only one molecule in 100 millions would
possess a single quantum of energy, all the rest would be absolutely
quiescent. It was physically impossible to conceive such a distribu-
tion of energy, which moreover would make the thermal conductiv-
ity of the diamond at such temperatures entirely negligible, whereas,
according to Eucken, it was nearly as great as that of copper at
ordinary temperatures. For these reasons Einstein preferred to
rely mainly on the expression for the energy of an electric oscillator
in equilibrium with radiation as deduced from Maxwell's equa-
tions, and to regard Planck's formula for the distribution of energy
in full radiation simply as representing the results of experiment,
without reference to the special hypothesis of quanta, which was
subsequently invented to provide a theoretical explanation of the
formula, but leads to serious difficulties in many directions.
Debye's Theory of Specific Heat of Solids. The theory now most
commonly accepted is that of P. Debye (Ann. Phys., 39, p. 789,
1912), who attributes the heat energy to mechanical or acoustic
vibrations of the solid with all possible frequencies up to a certain
limit v m . According to a theorem attributed to the late Lord Ray-
leigh (Sound, i., p. 129, 1877) the number of possible degrees of free-
dom of a system of N discontinuous mass-points will be jN. Accord-
ing to another theorem by the same author (Phil. Mag., 49, p. 539,
1900), the number of possible frequencies in a given volume of a
continuous medium between the limits v and v+dv may be repre-
sented by C'v^dv, where C' is a constant depending on the vol-
ume and the velocity of propagation. The total number of possible
frequencies from o up to a limit p m is CV OT 3 /3- If we equate this to
3N, we find C'=oN/v 3 ,,,. Adopting Planck's expression for the
energy of an electric oscillator with one degree of freedom as apply-
ing to each possible frequency of the N atoms in a gram-atom, we
obtain the energy (RT/N)z/(e e l) for each frequency. Multi-
plying this by the number of frequencies between v and v-
namely (gN/v'n,)^!', and integrating from o to v m , we obtain
the energy of a gram-atom at T, from which the specific heat at
constant volume is obtained by differentiation with regard to T.
Unfortunately the integral cannot be expressed in finite terms and
is too complicated to reproduce here. It is evident, however, that
it will be a function of 2, or 0? m /r, or T m /T, where T m =/3c m .
Thus the form of the curve representing the variation of the specific
heat (which depends on a single parameter T m or v m ) is the same
for all substances on Debye's theory, if the temperature scale is
altered for each in proportion to v m . This point has been very care-
fully tested by E. H. Griffiths and E. Griffiths (Phil. Trans., A, 214,
PP- 319-357) for the metals Al, Ag, Cd, Cu, Fe, Na, Pb, Zn. Their
results indicate qualitative agreement with the theory, but show
characteristic differences, greatly exceeding the limit of experi-
mental error, which may possibly be attributed to other effects not
included in the simple theory. Thus the curve for Fe differs from
that for Cu by nearly 20% between corresponding temperatures,
which may be attributed to the magnetic properties of Fe. The
curve for Na shows a rapid rise towards the melting point, reach-
ing an excess of 25 % above 3R, followed by a diminution of specific
heat for the liquid, as in the case of water and mercury. Many
simple compounds, such as NaCl, show curves of a very similar
type to the metals, which has been used as an argument that the
specific heat must be attributed entirely to the atoms, and that the
free electrons supposed to exist in metals cannot make any appre-
ciable contribution. Thus if there were two free electrons per atom,
as required by some theories, the electrons alone would account
for the whole specific heat according to the kinetic theory at ordi-
nary temperatures; and it would be necessary to suppose that the
number of free electrons diminished to zero at low temperatures,
which would make it difficult to account for the enormous increase
HEAT
355
in electric conductivity of pure metals demonstrated by Kamer-
lingh Onnes in the neighbourhood of the absolute zero.
One of the commonest objections to Debye's theory is the arbi-
trary nature of the assumption of an abrupt limit of frequency v m .
This assumption is made on account of its simplicity, but is highly
improbable from a physical standpoint, though it might be expected
to give results of the right order of magnitude. W. Sutherland (Phil.
Mae.., 20, p. 657, 1910) had previously shown that the wave-length
of the elastic vibrations of solids was of the same order of magni-
tude as the distance between the atoms for frequencies correspond-
ing to the optical frequencies in the infra-red, so far as these were
known. If the forces holding the atoms in place in a crystal lattice
are electromagnetic, as commonly assumed, we should expect that
the energy would be shared between matter and aether, and that
the natural frequencies of the optical and mechanical vibrations
would be the same. The wave-length and velocity of the natural
frequency as measured outside the crystal would be reduced inside
the crystal in the same proportion as the ratio of the velocity of
light to that of an elastic vibration, or of the wave-length outside
the crystal to the lattice constant, i.e. in the case of rocksalt, NaCl,
about in the ratio 2X10 6 to I. Since the energy in the cube of the
wave-length remains constant, the energy-density of the external
radiation of the natural frequency would be increased in the cube
of this ratio, and would be of the right order of magnitude to explain
the specific heat of the solid on the usual theory of resonance, as
applied by Einstein. We have seen, however, that the assumption
of Planck's radiation formula gives too low a value for the specific
heat at low temperatures on Einstein's theory. If on the other
hand we interpret Lord Rayleigh's formula, namely C'Tc~'v"-dv,
as representing the partial pressure pdv of radiation between the
limits of frequency v and v-\-dv, the latent heat of emission or
absorption of radiation per unit volume between the same limits,
according to Carnot's principle, is represented by the expression,
T(<^AfT)=CTV(i+z)<r', . . . (4)
and the total heat of a gram-atom of solid in equilibrium with radia-
tion having this distribution of energy is given by,
H- 3 RT(i +)-, . . . (5).
The specific heat as ordinarily measured, when the external pres-
sure is small as compared with internal pressure, will be simply,
-', . . . (6).
This expression, unlike that similarly deduced from Planck's for-
mula, gives good agreement with the observed value of the specific
heat in the case of rocksalt, when the optical frequency corre-
sponding to 51 microns is assumed, at a temperature corresponding
to the maximum of the frequency curve, where 3 = 2-732, T = loo ,
and 5 = 8-67 (doubled for a gram-molecule of NaCl). We should ex-
pect to get good agreement at this point, in spite of the fact that the
actual vibrations in a solid cannot be strictly monochromatic (as
Einstein pointed out) but extend for a distance of an octave or
more on either side of the maximum, as indicated by the absorption
spectrum. The effect of this is to reduce the steepness of the mono-
chromatic curve, bringing it into good agreement with observation
at high and low temperatures, without materially affecting the
agreement at the mean point corresponding to the maximum of
the frequency curve. If we assume the value X m T =0-290 for the
wave-length X m (corresponding to the maximum ordinate of the
wave-length spectrum of full radiation at T), in deducing the
appropriate value of Wien's constant /3A in formula (4), the maxi-
mum ordinate comes out the same as in Planck's formula, provided
that the same value of the Stefan-Boltzmann constant a is assumed
in the fourth power law <rT 4 for the total radiation. The two
curves also agree so closely throughout their whole extent that it
would be very difficult to decide between them by experiments on
radiation. We should therefore be justified, according to Einstein's
reasoning, in applying formula (4) in the deduction of the specific
heat of a solid, especially when we find that the result gives such
good qualitative agreement with the optical frequencies.
An obvious objection to Debye's theory in the case of transparent
substances, such as quartz and rocksalt, is that, if the atoms have
all possible frequencies below a certain limit, they ought to be com-
pletely opaque in this region, and to become suddenly transparent
when the limit v m is surpassed. Experiment shows, however, that
quartz, for instance, which begins to be opaque about four microns,
and has optical frequencies corresponding to 9 and 21 microns
approximately, and possibly one lower, becomes almost perfectly
transparent below 100 microns. The variation of its specific heat is
of an entirely different type to that given by Debye s theory but
corresponds closely, according to formula (4), with its optical fre-
quencies. Ice and benzol, which are also hexagonal, show a varia-
tion of specific heat similar to quartz, according to Sir J. Dewar.
The corresponding optical frequencies have not yet been observed,
but it appears that water must have some frequencies below 100
microns to account for its remarkable opacity to long wave-lengths,
and the variation of its specific heat. We should naturally expect
that the" torsional vibrations of an elastic solid, which are of the
same kind as those of light, would be excited by radiation, and
would be intimately connected with the optical frequencies. It is
quite possible, however, that the compressional vibrations, which
are of a different type, and propagated with a different velocity
(that of sound), would continue to exist at low temperatures with-
out affecting the transparency. These acoustic vibrations, though
not capable of being excited directly by radiation, would be neces-
sarily excited by the impacts of the .molecules of the surrounding
gas, with a distribution of energy corresponding to the Maxwellian
law, and might be expected to provide a term in the specific heat
of a somewhat similar character to the Debye term for compres-
sional waves at low temperatures. It is noteworthy that Nernst
and Lindemann in their latest reductions have found it necessary
to retain the original Einstein term /(z) for transparent substances
in their formula (3), but have replaced the hypothetical term/(z/2)
by a term of the Debye type. The appropriate frequencies are cal-
culated in most cases by Lindemann's semi-empirical formula from
the molecular weight m, the atomic volume V, and the temperature
of fusion T/, but with different values of the constants for the two
terms, as follows:
* m =3-o8Xio> 2 (T//m)V-
of which the first gives the optical frequency of Einstein and the
second that of Debye. The cube root of the atomic volume is pro-
portional to the lattice constant, and the elastic constants of a solid
must be closely related to the temperature of fusion. Nernst and
Lindemann assign equal importance to the two terms, but we should
naturally expect from elastic theory, as given by Debye and other
previous writers, that the numerical coefficients should have differ-
ent values, and should be proportional to i/' 3 , for the compres-
sional waves, where u is the velocity of sound, and 2/u" 3 for the tor-
sional waves, where u" is the velocity of light in the solid for the
particular optical frequency considered. This may not fit so well
with Planck s radiation formula for the Einstein term, but appears
to give better agreement with experiment if formula (4) is substi-
tuted for Planck's. The appropriate frequencies cannot be calcu-
lated from the elastic constants for a discontinuous medium with-
out introducing arbitrary hypotheses, which are unsatisfactory,
because the effect of the hypothesis selected is most important
at the point where the discontinuity commences, and it is difficult to
avoid selecting an hypothesis to give the desired result. There is
the further difficulty that the values of the elastic constants are
somewhat uncertain, and liable to vary with temperature, and to
depend on the particular specimen tested, especially with metals.
Sir J. Dewar (Proc. R. S., 1913, A, 89, pp. 158-169) has measured
the mean specific heats of the elements between the boiling points
of hydrogen and nitrogen by means of his liquid hydrogen calori-
meter. The results for the specific heats, when plotted against the
atomic weights, give a curve showing a most remarkable coinci-
dence with the well-known curve of atomic volume as a periodic
function of the atomic weight. In other words, the specific heat is
nearly proportional to the atomic volume, or to the cube of the
lattice constant, for similar substances, at this low temperature,
corresponding to a mean about T = 5O. The relation does not pre-
tend to be exact, though it is a fair approximation over the range
20" to 80, but it illustrates the point that the atomic volume is the
most important factor in determining the frequencies.
In the case of the metals, which are opaque to all frequencies
below a certain limit, we should expect the possible frequencies to
extend over a considerable range, and to be grouped about a mean
in a similar way to the velocities of gas molecules on the kinetic
theory. But there are many possible alternatives to the somewhat
arbitrary hypothesis of Debye. We might suppose, for instance,
that of N molecules in a gram-molecule, the number possessing the
frequencies between the limits v and v-^-dv was represented by
an expression of the type,
(N/2) e-' xHx . . . (8)
in which x = vjv =j8v/T =ez, where z denotes 0v/T, and = T/T .
Multiplying this by expression (6) divided by N for the specific heat
of a single molecule of frequency v, at a temperature T, and inte-
grating the product from o to , we obtain for the specific heat of a
gram-molecule,
*=3R(9V_(i+0) 3 )(i+3/(i+0) + i2/(i+) 2 ) (9)-
This is much simpler than Debye's expression, but gives a very
similar curve. The mean frequency, v m =yt>, is nearly the same
as Debye's limiting frequency. More accurately, Debye's character-
istic temperature corresponds to 2-giTo, in place of 3To, on account
of the difference in the values of the constant ft, which are in the
ratio 4-9651/4-8284 in Planck's and Rayleigh's formulae for radia-
tion. If Debye's scale is multiplied by 2-91, his curve agrees very
closely with (9) from 9 = 0-6 to = l-o. Below 9 = 0-6, (9) agrees
better with the Nernst-Lindemann curve (3), except that (9) tends
to vary as T 3 at very low temperatures, instead of vanishing expo-
nentially. Above = 1, the curve (9) lies above Debye's by a quan-
tity corresponding to the difference of the specific heats at constant
pressure and volume. This is to be expected, because (9) represents
the rate of change of total heat, which is the same as that of intrin-
sic energy for all practical purposes under the condition of small
external pressure and negligible expansion. Thus in the case of
water under atmospheric pressure, the increase of total heat between
o and 100 C. is 100 cals. C., and exceeds that of intrinsic energy
356
HEAT
between the same limits by only o-ooi cal. C., which is loo times
smaller than the limit of accuracy of observation; whereas the
change of total heat at constant volume between the same limits in
the case of water exceeds that of intrinsic energy by 21 cals., approxi-
mately; but the correction from constant volume to constant pres-
sure is very uncertain, even in the best known cases. It therefore
appears to be more logical to employ a formula giving the specific
heat at constant pressure directly, in place of applying an uncer-
tain correction. It should be observed, however, that (9) assumes
the mean frequency v m to be independent of T, as in Debye's
formula, which may be a good approximation in many cases, but
cannot be exactly true if the molecule changes its state. Curve (9)
reaches s = 3R a little above 6=2, and attains a maximum 3-195
R at = 4, after which it falls with comparative rapidity to 3-048 R
at = 5, tending to a limit 3R at = . The fall is of the right
order of magnitude to explain the diminution of specific heat in the
case of water, mercury and sodium. The distribution postulated
in (8) appears to apply fairly to most of the metals, but it fails
notably for many other substances. Such cases might be treated
empirically by modifying the distribution, or assuming special
frequencies, but such hypotheses would be of little value unless their
physical meaning could be interpreted with reference to other
properties of the substances.
CONDUCTION or HEAT
In 1910 the very attractive theories of P. Drude and H. A.
Lorentz were still commonly maintained, and were continually
being applied to the explanation of electrical and thermal effects.
According to their views a metal contained a number of free
electrons moving in all directions with velocities corresponding
to those of gas-molecules on the kinetic theory. Drude showed
that this assumption led to an approximately correct value of
the ratio of the thermal to the electric conductivity in the case
of pure metals, and Lorentz showed that it accounted for the
long wave radiation from hot bodies. There were numerous
other applications of the theory which appeared to correspond
in a remarkable manner with experimental facts, but there were
also serious difficulties which appeared to render the adoption
of such a theory premature.
The fluid state of scientific opinion on the subject in 1911 is
well illustrated by the views expressed about that time by J. H.
Jeans, one of the leading exponents of mathematical physics.
In the report of the Solvay Congress, 1911, On the Theory of
Radiation and Quanta (Gauthier Villars, Paris, 1912), assuming
that there were two free electrons per atom of the metal, Jeans
took the view that the specific heat of metals was entirely due
to the movement of free electrons and not at all to the move-
ments of the atoms, " a hypothesis which accords well with our
knowledge of the internal movements of solids." On the other
hand, in his report on the quantum theory (Phys. Soc., London,
1914), he adopted the theory of Debye (according to which the
specific heat was entirely due to the movements of the atoms)
as probably " destined to be final," and concluded that the free
electrons do not contribute sensibly to the specific heat. Sir J. J.
Thomson, Corpuscular Theory of Matter (Constable, 1907), had
already pointed out that the number of free electrons required
to explain thermal and electric conductivity was too large to
reconcile with the facts of specific heat on the assumption that
the electrons possessed the same energy of agitation as gas-
molecules at the same temperature, and had proposed an alter-
native theory (loc. cit., p. 86) previously suggested in his Appli-
cations of Dynamics to Physics and Chemistry (1888). According
to this view, the metallic atoms, owing to their close proximity
in the solid state, were capable, under the influence of an electric
field, of forming Grotthus chains, along which they could
exchange electrons. There were no free electrons in the sense
contemplated by Drude and Lorentz, with velocities depending
on the temperature and contributing to the specific heat, but
the thermal agitation of the atoms tended to break up the chains,
so that their number and length varied with the electric field in
the manner required to explain the relation between electric and
thermal conductivity and many other effects. In a later paper
(Proc. Phys. Soc., 27, p. 527, 1915), the same theory was applied
to explain the striking phenomena of superconductivity dis-
covered by Kamerlingh Onnes, who found that at very low
temperatures, in perfectly pure metals, a current once started
might continue for days instead of stopping almost instanta-
neously on the cessation of the exciting field. According to J.
Thomson's theory, it would naturally follow that, below a cer-1
tain point, the thermal agitation would be insufficient to break
up the chains when once they were formed, which would explain
why it is that the electric resistance of most pure metals tends
to vanish (apart from impurities) at a temperature above the
absolute zero. A working hypothesis of this kind is very useful
to the experimentalist as affording a mental picture of the physi-
cal conditions, and may help to explain the remaining diffi-
culties with regard to the specific heats.
Conductivity of Gases. Prof. Knudsen, who has made so many
admirable contributions to the kinetic theory of gases on the experi-
mental side, drew special attention (Solvay Report, p. 133) to the
data for the thermal conductivity of gases, as being more scarce
and discordant, owing to experimental difficulties, than determina-
tions of other properties, and as requiring attentive examination
for the elucidation of the law of action between molecules. Thi
hot-wire method of T. Andrews (Phil. Trans., 1840) offers sped
facilities for relative measurements, such as the comparison of coi
ductivities of different gases, or of the same gas at different tempei
tures, and has frequently been applied with this object in rece
years. It has also been improved by introducing the usual co
pensation for end-effects, and employing more accurate methods
electrical measurement. But it remains liable to the difficulty
depending on the small dimensions of the wire, and the uncer-
tainty of the corrections for convection and radiation. For these
reasons the parallel plate method, adopted by E. O. Hercus and
T. H. Laby (Proc. R. S., A, 95, p. 190, 1918) for measuring the
absolute conductivity of air, deserves special mention, owing to the
great care with which the method was applied, and the complete
elimination of convection effects. They also give a very complete
reduction of previous results for different gases with the view of
testing the value of the numerical coefficient / in the relation,
k =fys, between the conductivity k, the viscosity ?;, and the specific
heat J at constant volume. According to the theoretical investiga-
tions of S. Chapman (Phil. Trans., A, 211, p. 433, 1911) the value
of the coefficient / should be 2-5 for a gas constituted of spherically
symmetrical molecules, which agrees with Maxwell's theory based
on the inverse fifth-power law of force, and also with experiment
for monatomic molecules. Unfortunately the variation of viscosity
with temperature does not satisfy the fifth-power law, which
requires that the viscosity should be directly proportional to T.
The conclusion is that monatomic gases may have sphericall;
symmetrical molecules, but that the law of force is different. Theor
gives no clear indication with regard to the appropriate value of
for other types of molecules. Experiment gives approximately
linear relation, /=2-8i6-K 2-2, between / and the ratio of t
specific heats. This gives / = 7/4 for diatomic gases, which she
fair agreement with each other. The experimental values for pol
atomic gases are much less certain, and suggest the need of furth
investigation. The paper gives fairly complete references.
THERMODYNAMICS
Since the general principles of thermodynamics have not
undergone any material change for the last 50 years, it will
readily be understood that such progress as there is to record
relates chiefly to matters of expression or convention, and to
the practical application of the principles to engineering prob-
lems. The evolution of the steam turbine and the internal-com-
bustion engine, along thermodynamical lines, has illustrated the
importance of an exact and consistent theory of the conditions
limiting the efficiency, and of an accurate experimental study
of the properties of the working fluid in either case. Thus the
improvement of the internal-combustion engine has depended
greatly on the extension of the thermodynamical efficiency of
the cycle by using higher compression-ratios, which has neces-
sitated careful attention to the reduction of heat-losses, to the
properties of various fuels in respect of detonation, and to the
specific heats of the products of combustion at high tempera-
tures. The displacement of the reciprocating engine by the
turbine for large power units has similarly depended on the
possibility of improving the economy by utilizing high vacua.
The high speed of the turbine has directed special attention to
the importance of losses due to friction and supersaturation,
which depend on the rapidity of expansion. The turbine realizes
the ideal condition of steady flow with an exactitude unattain-
able by the reciprocating engine. This has made it worth while
for engineers to adopt the thermodynamical definition of total
heat first proposed by Callendar in the loth ed. of the E.B.,
in place of Regnault's definition, which had sufficed for many
HEAT
357
years, but continually gave rise to minor difficulties and com-
plications when applied to the turbine. In the article cited, and
as repeated in the nth ed. (see 26.811), the total heat was denned
as the thermodynamic function E+PV, and was denoted by
the special symbol F in order to distinguish it from Regnault's
total heat H, representing the quantity of heat added to the
fluid under the condition of constant pressure equal to that of
vaporization. By general convention, the symbol H has now
been denned as representing E+PV, a property of the substance
depending only on the state, and the symbol Q has been allo-
cated to any quantity of heat added under special conditions.
Equations of Steady Flow. These depend on the law of conserva-
tion of mass, and on the law of conservation of energy, of which
they afford some of the simplest possible illustrations, if a fluid is
flowing steadily at a constant rate M (mass per second) through a
circuit (pipe or nozzle) of variable cross-section X, at a point where
the mean volume is V per unit mass, and the mean velocity U units
of length per second, we have MV = &UX, where the constant k is
unity in any consistent system of units, e.g. if U, X, and V are
measured in ft., sq. ft. and cub. ft. respectively. It is common prac-
tice, however, to measure X in sq. in., which must be reduced to
sq. ft. by putting = 1/144; an d similarly for other arbitrary sys-
tems. If we consider any two points (i and 2) of a circuit for which
M and X are known, the relation MV = &UX makes it possible to
determine either U or V at each point if the other is known. A sec-
ond relation is obtained from the conservation of energy. Suppose
for example that the points I and 2 represent the admission and
exhaust of a turbine. When the flow is steady, for each unit mass
entering at I, unit mass must leave at 2. Unit mass entering at I
carries with it its intrinsic energy Ei and its kinetic energy U 2 i/2g,
in addition to which work PiVi is done by the pressure PI in forcing
the volume Vi into the turbine. Reducing these to heat units by
the appropriate numerical factors, a and J, we have for the total
energy entering the turbine with each unit mass of fluid, Ei+aPi
Vi + UV2jg = Hi + U 2 i/2jg, where Hi is the initial value of the
total heat, which is always tabulated in heat units per unit mass.
Similarly the total energy carried out per unit mass at 2 is H 2 +
U 2 2/2jg- Since the total quantity of energy existing in the turbine
remains constant when the conditions are steady, the excess of the
energy carried in over that carried out must be equal to the external
work W/J done by the turbine together with the external heat-loss
Qi, both expressed in thermal units per unit mass passing through
the turbine. We thus obtain the general equation representing the
conservation of energy,
Heat-Drop, Hi-H,-W/J+Q.+COV-U0/2jfc . . '. (10).
The reduction factors, a, J, g, can be omitted for absolute or C.G.S.
units, but it is better to retain them explicitly, because the various
quantities can seldom or never be measured in absolute units in
practical work, and the retention of the symbols saves much trouble
and many mistakes.
In this equation, as applied to a turbine, the term W/J, represent-
ing the external work, is the most important on the right-hand side.
The external heat-loss Q x , and the leaving-loss, depending on the
kinetic energy wasted in the exhaust, can be reduced to small cor-
rections, which are readily applied. The external work is the equiva-
lent of the corrected heat-drop, which can be calculated if the initial
and final states of the steam are known. The equation takes exact
account of any work wasted in internal friction, which does not
appear explicitly in the equation because it affects both sides
equally. The same equation can be applied to a reciprocating engine,
or to any appliance admitting of steady flow.
Joule and Thomson (Phil. Trans., 1854-62 ; Proc. R. S., 1856) were
the first to employ the function E + PV in their experiments on
the flow through a porous plug or orifice. They discussed the various
terms in the equation with great precision, but did not apply it to a
steam engine, which was first done by Hirn and Rankine, though the
equation is commonly attributed to Zeuner. In an ideal throttling
experiment, such as that designed by Joule and Thomson, the equa-
tion shows that the total heat remains constant, Hi = H 2 , pro-
vided that Ui=U 2 and that W and Q are negligible. The lines of
constant total heat on the PT diagram can be determined by
observing the initial and final values of P and T in a sufficient num-
ber of throttling experiments. It is then possible to deduce the
actual values of H under any conditions by measuring the specific
heat and latent heat at any one pressure, preferably atmospheric
for most fluids.
In applying the equation to the discharge through an orifice
Joule and Thomson showed that the kinetic energy generated was
equivalent to the drop of E + PV, or H, which follows immediately
from equation (10) if W and Q are negligible. In the usual case,
starting from rest, U 2 i is negligible as compared with U 2 2 , so that
U 2 is given by the simple relation,
U 2 = (2jg) 1/2 (H,-H S ) 1 , . . . (ii).
For given conditions, V 2 is known in terms of H 2 and P 2 , so that
the discharge M/X per unit area can be deduced by applying the
relation M/X = U/V. Joule and Thomson showed that the dis-
charge would reach a maximum in the case of air under adiabatic
conditions when the final pressure after passing the orifice was
0-52 of the initial pressure, a result which had previously been
deduced in a similar way by de St. Venant and Wantzel (Comptes
Rendus, 1839) from Poisson's equation for the adiabatic, namely
PV 1-4 = constant. They also showed that the velocity of the dis-
charge under this condition was simply related to the velocity of
sound in the air at the original temperature and pressure, but they
failed to interpret the relation. Osborne Reynolds (Phil. Mag.,
1886, p. 194), using the same equations for a perfect gas, showed that
the velocity at the throat or minimum area of the stream was the
same as that of sound in the gas under the same conditions, so that,
when this velocity was reached, no further lowering of pressure
beyond the throat could possibly increase the discharge. The
same result is easily shown to apply to any fluid, either liquid or
gas, in the absence of friction. The condition that M is to be a
maximum for a given value of X gives <f(M/X) =o, whence dU/dV =
U/V. Eliminating d\]/dV by differentiating (ll), we obtain, for
isentropic flow (* const.)
. ... (12)
which is the expression for the velocity of sound. This equation
also gives the maximum discharge by substituting M/X for &U/V.
In steady-flow calorimetry the drop of H between given initial
and final states can be deduced from equation (10) by observing
the quantity of heat Q* which must be abstracted, under condi-
tions such that W and U 2 are negligible. The pressure is usually
constant, but if there is a large drop of pressure between the initial
and final states, as in Regnault's experiments on the total heat of
water, the difficulty is avoided, without changing Hi, by using a
throttle, which is precisely what Regnault did, though he was
unable, owing to the defective state of thermodynamics at that
time (1847), to appreciate the exact effect of this proceeding. The
same method can be applied for measuring the total heat of steam
in any state, including the latent heat. In all cases of steady flow
the quantity measured is the change of total heat, which is the most
important property to determine for steam engines or refrigerating
machines working on any modifications of the Rankine cycle. On
the other hand the intrinsic energy E is the property required for
the constant volume cycle of the internal-combustion type.
A very simple and instructive illustration of the equation of
steady flow is that of the temperature gradient in a fluid under
gravity. If a current of air is flowing steadily upwards at a moder-
ate speed, the external heat-loss Q z and the change of kinetic energy
are negligible, and the drop of total heat is equivalent to the work
done against gravity, giving W/J = I calorie C. for each 1,400 ft. of
ascent. This would evidently be the same for any fluid what-
ever. In the case of dry air the specific heat is nearly independent
of the temperature and pressure, and the change of H is equal to
S(/i ti), where 8 = 0-241 is the specific heat at constant pressure.
The drop of temperature will therefore be l/O'24i = 4-i5C. in 1,400
ft.; or the temperature gradient, o-296C. per 100 ft. This result i&
evidently quite independent of the initial temperature, or pressure,
or height, so long as we can afford to neglect the small variations
of S and g. In an ascending column of damp air, condensation sets
in with formation of cloud as soon as the temperature falls below
the dew point. The drop of H remains I calorie per 1,400 ft., but
the temperature gradient is greatly reduced by the liberation of the
latent heat of the vapour. On the other hand, in a descending cur-
rent, as in the ventilating shaft of a mine, the temperature increases
with depth at the rate of nearly 3C. per 1,000 ft., which, however, is
usually much less than the natural gradient of underground tem-
perature (due to outflow of heat through the earth's crust), which
sometimes exceeds ioC. in 1,000 ft. In this case there will be no
condensation, but the air may be cooled by evaporation, if the mine
is kept wet to reduce dust, as is usually the case.
According to equation (10) the rate of increase of temperature
with depth, denoted by dt/dx, is equal to I/JS, and is uniform in
adiabatic flow if S is constant. The pressure gradient, dp/dx, in
gravitational units, is equal to the density I/V, or p/]RT, if R is
expressed like S in calories per 1. Dividing by dt/dx, we have
dp/dt = Sp/RT, giving the adiabatic equation, which is commonly
assumed as the starting point to find the temperature gradient.
But the reverse order is more instructive as showing why the tem-
perature gradient dt/dx is uniform.
Properties of Radiation. The flow of heat by radiation from one
body to another at a lower temperature is the commonest case of
steady flow. Owing to the high velocity of radiation and the absence
of thermal capacity in the circuit, the steady state is established in a
small fraction of a second, if the temperatures of source and sink
are constant. The quantity measured in a radiation experiment
is not the energy E of the radiation, as is frequently assumed, but
the total heat E + PV, which is the same in the case of radiation as
the latent heat of emission, namely VT(dP/rfT), for a volume V,
according to Carnot's principle. This is universally admitted in the
deduction of the fourth-power law (see 13.155), which follows from
the fact that the pressure of full radiation is one third of the energy-
density, so that the latent heat of emission per unit volume is four
times the pressure. The quantity directly measured in experiments
on full radiation is the quantity of heat emitted per sq. cm. per
358
HEAT
second from a black-body or perfect radiator at a temperature T,
and is denoted by oT 4 , where a is the Stefan-Boltzmann constant
of full radiation. By the geometrical conditions of the problem, the
quantity aT 4 is A/4 times the latent heat per unit volume, or
A/3 times the energy-density in an isothermal enclosure at T, where
A is the velocity of light. The qualitative verification of the fourth-
power law requires only a receiver capable of giving correct relative
values of the radiation received, and is now generally accepted as
satisfactory; but the absolute measurement of the value of the con-
stant a is a much more difficult problem, which has frequently
been attacked in recent years without obtaining so high a degree
of concordance as is desirable in so fundamental a research. The
value 5-32 Xio~ 5 ergs per sq. cm. per second, found by F. Kurl-
baum in 1898 (see 13.155), was accepted for several years, though
it rested on a somewhat doubtful value of the absorption coefficient
of the bolometer. Moreover, the assumption that the radiant
energy measured was equivalent to the electric energy required to
produce the same rise of temperature in the bolometer, was rendered
somewhat uncertain by conduction effects at the ends of the strips.
A similar bolometer, with the end-effects compensated, as employed
in the solar eclipse of 1905, gave the somewhat higher value 5-60 X
jo~ 5 . Kurlbaum (1912) gave the corrected result 5-45 Xio~ 5 .
F. Paschen and W. Gerlach, by a modification of Angstrom's method
(Ann. Phys., 38, p. 41, 1912), found the value 5-8oXio~ 5 , which was
confirmed by G. A. Shakespear (Proc. R. S., A, 86, p. 180, 1912), and
by H. B.Keene(Proc.^.5.,A,88, p. 49, 1913), who found 5-
and s-SgXio" 6 , respectively. W. Coblentz (U.S.A. Bur. 12,
P- 553. 1916), by a method similar to that of Paschen and Gerlach,
found the value 5-72 Xio~ 5 , which is a fair mean of the previous
results. One of the most promising methods is that of the radio-
balance (Proc. Phys. Soc., 23, pp. 1-34, 1910), in which radiation
received through a measured aperture is completely absorbed in a
small copper cup, and is compensated by the Peltier cooling-effect
due to a current through a thermojunction. Unfortunately, these
experiments were interrupted by the war, and the final reductions
have not yet been completed. There seems to be little doubt that
Kurlbaum's original value was too low, but there are many pit-
falls in such difficult experiments, and most of the methods adopted
are liable to some objections.
It is generally admitted that the distribution of energy in the
spectrum may be represented within the limits of experimental
error by Planck's formula (see 13.156), namely,
EdX = C'X-<WX/(e<:'AT-i), . . . (13).
If this formula is integrated from o to , and equated to aT 4 ,
assuming that it represents the distribution of energy in the spec-
trum as observed experimentally, we find for the constant C , in
terms of c' and a, C' = i$a(c ITC}*. The value of the distribu-
tion constant c 1 is most readily deduced from the wave-length \ m
corresponding to the maximum ordinate of the energy curve at T,
since by Wien's law the product X^T is the same for all tempera-
tures. According to Planck's formula the maximum occurs at the
point X m T=c'/4'965i. Planck took X m T = o-294, and cr = 5'3oX
IO~ 5 , giving C' =3-735 Xlo~ 6 , and ' = 1-460. But if X m T = 0-289,
and <r = 5-72Xlo~ 5 , then C' = 3'7o8Xlo~ 5 ande' = 1-435, according to
the latest values of X m T and a. A comparatively small error in c',
which is raised to the fourth power, suffices to neutralize the error
jn a. The weak point of the method is that the position of the max-
imum of an experimental curve cannot be fixed with any certainty
when the curve (as in this case) is far from symmetrical on either
side of the maximum.
It is too commonly assumed that Planck's radiation formula, in
spite of the weighty objections that have been repeatedly urged
against it, is so firmly founded in theory and experiment, that no
other formula is worth considering in comparison with it. It is
also frequently asserted that no formula based on the " classical "
mechanics can possibly satisfy the required conditions. The argu-
ment is somewhat as follows. The number of possible vibrations
per unit volume of a continuous medium possessing the properties
of the aether, between the limits X and X+<fX of wave-length,
should be represented by 8ir\~ 4 d\, according to Lord Rayleigh's
method of calculation (Phil. Mag., 49, p. 539, 1900), if the length
of path between each reflection is restricted to an integral multiple
of half a wave-length. If the different frequencies are regarded as
separate inconvertible entities, like the molecules of different gases,
between which the energy must be equally divided, the whole of
the energy would accumulate in the infinitely short waves, which is
absurd and contradicts experiment. It would be more natural,
however, from a physical standpoint to regard Lord Rayleigh's
formula
(8irRT/N)e-"/ATx-yx . . . (14)
as corresponding to the partition of energy among a number of
similar molecules, according to Maxwell's law, which is universally
admitted in the kinetic theory of gases, as resulting from the steady
state produced by collisions. The steady distribution of energy of
radiation in equilibrium with matter arises in a similar manner from
the Doppler effect, by which the energy of a group of waves is
changed in the same proportion as the frequency at each encounter
with a moving obstacle. The frequency, or the reciprocal of the
wave-length, corresponds to the energy, and occurs in much the
same way in Rayleigh's formula, as the square of the velocity, or
the kinetic energy, in Maxwell's law. On this view, Lord Rayleigh's
formula evidently represents the distribution of pressure-energy
between the different wave-lengths about a mean value RT/N, which,
according to the law of equipartition, should be the same as the
pressure-energy of a single gas-molecule at the same temperature.
If we take Rayleigh's formula as representing the pressure dis-
tribution in full radiation, the expression for the latent heat of
absorption L as measured experimentally (corresponding to (4)
above, but expressed in terms of the wave-length X in the normal
spectrum) may be written
, . . . (15).
Integrating from o to oo we find C" = <rc" 3 /8- The maximum of
this curve occurs at the point where c "/XT = 2 +2 V~2~i whence c" ' =
4-8284X. The absolute value of the maximum ordinate comes out
o-65754(oT t /\m). The value of the same ordinate, calculated in
the same way for Planck's formula (13), but with c' = 4-<)6$i\ m T
comes out o-65755(erT 4 /X). It is a curious and significant fact
that the maxima should be so exactly the same when the same values
of the experimental data are assumed for both curves. The total
areas of the two curves are the same, and they agree so closely
throughout their whole extent that it would be practically impos-
sible to distinguish between them with certainty by experiments
on the distribution of heat in the spectrum. The greatest differ-
ence amounts to about I % of the maximum ordinate, and occurs
near the point X = X m /2 on the short wave-length side, where the
curve is very steep. This difference becomes quite appreciable in
the specific heats, when the curves are differentiated, and seems to
lead to better agreement with experiment than Planck's formula
as explained above.
The most serious difficulty from an experimental standpoint in
applying Planck's formula, is that the latent heat of emission per
unit volume is always tacitly assumed (following Planck) to be the
same as the energy-density, without taking any account of the
pressure, whereas the existence of the radiation pressure is uni-
versally admitted as the basis of the deduction of the fourth-power
law. The work done by the pressure, if it exists, cannot consistently
be neglected in experimental measurements of radiation in steady
flow. This is one of the most fundamental points in practical thermo-
dynamics, but had not up to 1921 received sufficient attention from
the mathematicians who had worked so elaborately on the theory.
VAPORIZATION
A good deal of attention has been devoted in recent years to
the study of the properties of vapours employed in heat engines
and refrigerating machines. The importance of the thermo-
dynamical aspect of the problem has been widely recognized
by engineers as the only sure guide to improvements in efficiency,
and it has been realized that equations employed to represent
the properties of the working fluid must be exactly consistent
with the laws of thermodynamics, if it is desired to avoid dis-
crepancies in the results of calculations by different methods.
The principal properties of vapours were discussed from this
point of view in the earlier article (see 27.897). The theory
there given still holds good, but it will be of interest to discuss
some of the evidence which has since accumulated on the experi-
mental side. The case of steam, for which the experimental
data are more accurate than for any other substance, will be
taken, as being far the most important to engineers, and as
illustrating the properties of vapours at moderate pressures.
At high pressures, on the other hand, in the neighbourhood of
the critical point, the data for steam are almost entire deficient,
owing to the difficulty of the experiments, and the impractica-
bility of using steam as a working fluid under these conditions.
In the critical region the properties of carbonic acid have been
most widely studied on account of its use for refrigeration.
Properties of Steam. The equations for steam, first proposed by
Callendar in the loth ed. of the E.B. (1902), were founded on experi-
mental measurements, (i) of the specific heats, s and S, of water
and steam by the continuous electric method, (2) of the Joule-
Thomson cooling-effect C with a differential throttling calorimeter,
and (3) on the adiabatic index 7 for dry steam with a very sensitive
platinum thermometer. These experiments, when taken in con-
junction with the laws of thermodynamics, sufficed to determine all
the required properties with a fair degree of accuracy at moderate
pressures.
The experiments on the specific heat of water extended from o"
to iooC., and, when taken in conjunction with those of Regnault
at higher temperatures, showed that the total heat h under satura-
tion pressure could be represented, with sufficient accuracy for the
purpose, by the thermodynamic formula
h = st+avT(dpldT),=st+vL/(V,-v), . . . (16)
HEAT
359
in which the constant s = 0-99666 is chosen to make h at IOOC. =
100 cals. C., or 180 B.Th.U. per Ib. at 2I2F., reckoned from 32 F.
The symbol a is the factor for reducing any product of dimensions
pv to heat units. When p is in Ib. per sq. in. and v in cub. ft. per Ib.,
the reciprocal I/a (which it is most convenient to use with a slide
rule) has the value 9-722 on the Centigrade scale, and 5-401 on the
Fahrenheit scale of temperature. V, and v are the volumes of the
dry saturated vapour and the liquid respectively, and dp/dT is
rate of increase of saturation pressure p with temperature. When
taken in conjunction with Clapeyron's equation for the latent heat,
formula (16) gives a very useful relation between the total heat H
and the volume V for wet saturated steam in any state,
H-st = aVT(dpldT)=pV/*, . . . (17).
The factor ir = p/aT(dp/dT), which varies slowly and is inde-
pendent of the wetness, has been tabulated, as affording the most
expeditious and accurate method of calculating either H or V when
the other is known. The relation between H and V when p is given
is that most commonly required in practical work. The same
formula leads to a simple expression for the entropy *,
* = 5log e (T/T )+oV(^/dT), . . . (18)
which applies to wet steam of volume V, and also to the liquid if v
is substituted for V. To represents the freezing point, 273- 1 C. or
49i-6F.
Values ranging from 0-305 at oC. to 0-665 at l6oC. had been
proposed by various writers in 1900 for the specific heat of steam,
but the direct measurements by the continuous electric method at
atmospheric pressure from 100 to i6oC. gave results but slightly
exceeding those of Regnault over the range 1 24 to224C.,and showed
that the limiting value So at zero pressure was probably nearly con-
stant and equal to 0-477. This was confirmed by L. Holborn and
H. Henning (Ann. Phys., 18, p. 739, 1905) in a qualitative manner
by comparison with air over the range 110 to 82OC.
The experiments on the cooling-effect C, when combined with
those of the specific heat S, showed that the product SC was a func-
tion of the temperature only, and gave the simple expression for
the total heat,
H=S T-SCP + B . . . (19)
for dry steam at any pressure P. The values for dry saturated steam,
given by putting the saturation pressure p in this expression, while
differing materially from Regnault's formula, gave good agreement
with the experiments (see 27.902) of Dieterici at oC., and of Grif-
fiths at 30 and 4OC., when the constant B was reduced from Joly's
observations at IOOC. with the aid of the experiments on the specific
heat of water. This formula was closely confirmed by the observa-
tions of H. Henning (Ann. Phys., 21, p. 849, 1906) on the latent
heat between 30 and iooC. His later observations (Ann. Phys.,
29, p. 441, 1909) also gave good agreement with the same curve at
iSo^C., but showed a discontinuity at I2OC., which may be attrib-
uted to inevitable experimental errors in such difficult work. At
higher temperatures, up to 26oC., equation (19) received theoreti-
cal confirmation from the formula for the latent heat proposed by
M. Thiesen, namely, L=Li(^-/)^, based on the vanishing of
the latent heat at the critical temperature t c . As first applied by
Thiesen himself (Ann. Phys., 9, p. 80, 1902) to the case of steam,
with 365C. for the critical temperature, this formula gave results
which were much too low for the latent heat. It was shown, how-
ever, by Traube and Teichner (Ann. Phys., 13, p. 620, 1904) that the
true value of t c was 374C., which brought Thiesen's formula into
agreement with (19) to less than I in 1,000 all the way from o to
26oC., when the constants were properly determined from the
known values at o, 100, 180 and 374, giving the result,
log L = 1-9638+0-3151 log (374-0 ( 2 ).
in the logarithmic form as required for practical calculations. The
importance of this formula arises from the fact that direct deter-
minations of H, (for dry saturated steam) become exceedingly
difficult and uncertain at temperatures above i8oC., owing to
errors from leakage and wetness, and that a formula of this type has
been verified for many other substances in the critical region, so
that it affords the best guide to the probable variation of H, between
200 and 374C.
The throttling experiments showed that there must be a consid-
erable variation of S with pressure, corresponding to the variation
of SC with temperature. But the experiments on the adiabatic
expansion of dry steam showed that the index n + l in the equation
P/T n+l = constant, was very nearly constant and equal to 13/3
over a wide range of P and! T. Since So/R = i3/3. 't followed that
the total heat of dry steam must be expressible in the form,
H = (i3a/3)P(V-6)+a&P+B . . . (21)
giving the convenient expression for the volume of dry steam,
V = (3/i3o)(H-B)/P + io&/i3 . . . (22).
It also followed that the coaggregation volume c = Co (To/T) n in
the equation
V-6 = RT/aP-c, . . . (23)
must vary with temperature according to the index n 10/3, giving
for the variation of S and C, in terms of c, the formulae,
SC=a(n + i)c-o6 . . . (24)
S = So+an(n + i)cP/T . (25).
It was obvious that these could not apply accurately at high pres-
sures in the critical region, but they afford ample accuracy for all
purposes in the pressures required in steam-engine practice.
The Munich experiments (Forsch. Ver. Deut. Ing., 21, 1905) by
O. Knoblauch, R. Linde and K. Klebe, on the volume of steam,
proved to be quite inconsistent with the well-known equation of
Zeuner, then commonly accepted, but showed the most remarkable
agreement up to l8oC. with formula (23) deduced from the throt-
tling experiments. Unfortunately Linde introduced an additional
factor of the form (l+kP) in the expression for the coaggregation
volume c, to represent the apparent curvature of the isothermals,
and the probable deviations at higher pressures. His equation has
often been adopted (e.g. in the tables of Marks and Davis) and fre-
quently imitated, but it is of the wrong type to represent the criti-
cal conditions, and leads to impossible results at comparatively low
temperatures within the range of steam-engine practice. Thus it
would make the value of H, a maximum at 2O7C., which should not
occur till near 28oC., and it gives a value 47 B.Th.U. lower than
the Thiesen formula (20) at 5Oo"F. (26oC.), both of which results
are quite impossible. Moreover, it cannot be reconciled with observa-
tions on the specific heat and the cooling-effect.
The variation of S with pressure given by (25), as predicted by
the experiments on C, was qualitatively confirmed by the experi-
ments of O. Knoblauch and M. Jakob (Forsch. Ver. Deut. Ing., 36,
p. 109, 1906) extending to 8 atmospheres. But their extrapola-
tion to higher pressures was clearly impossible, and was conclu-
sively disproved by the experiments of C. Thomas (Amer. Spc.
Mech. Eng., 29, p. 1,021, 1907), extending to 34 atmospheres, which
confirmed the variation given by (25) as closely as could be desired
up to 500 Ib. and 35OC. According to Knoblauch and Jakob, the
specific heat So at zero pressure increased no less than 14 % between
100 and 4OOC. This was reduced to 4% by the later experiments
of O. Knoblauch and H. Mollier (Forsch. Ver. Deut. Ing., 109, p. 79,
1911). G. A. Goodenough (Steam Tables, 1915) from the same
observations deduces a diminution of I %, and R. C. H. Heck
(Amer. Soc. Mech. Eng., 1921) an increase of 2%, over the same
range. This variation is evidently much too small and uncertain
to be worth considering in any equations for steam-engine work,
though it becomes quite important for the internal-combustion
engine at 2000 C.
The integration of Clapeyron's equation for the saturation pres-
sure (see 27.903) afforded a means of testing the theory by com-
parison with Regnault's observations, which showed satisfactory
agreement. The observations of L. Holborn and H. Henning (Ann.
Phys., 26, p. 833, 1908), extending to 2OOC. with platinum ther-
mometers, showed improved agreement at 200 C. and also, at low
temperatures. The theoretical equation was not originally intended
for use at temperatures above 2OOC., but the experiments of
L. Holborn and A. Baumann (Ann. Phys. ,31, p. 945, 1910) at higher
temperatures showed that it could not be so much as IC. in error
at 26oC. This would make an error of only I in 4,000 in the value
of H s , which is quite beyond the limits of experimental accuracy.
A great deal has been made of the uncertainty of V, as deduced
from T and dp/dt by Clapeyron's equation, which greatly exagger-
ates the possible error. This equation cannot be used in practical
tests, in which it is always necessary to deduce the values of V,
from those of H, and p by (22), so that no uncertainty of this kind
can arise, provided that the values of H, are correct, as shown by
equation (20), and that the equations are consistent with the adia-
batic assumed. Owing to the continuity of the adiabatic on the HP
diagram, the exact point at which the steam crosses the saturation
line is of little importance. The state of the steam beyond this
point may be either wet or supersaturated, which may make a con-
siderable difference in V, but does not materially affect the result
for given values of H and P. Errors may arise in academic prob-
lems if only t is given and the wetness is assumed, but the state of
the steam cannot be determined in practice without measuring H,
preferably by throttling, and P is the easiest quantity to observe,
and is always known. If P is given, and the state of the steam is
known, the error in V cannot exceed \ of I % even at 650 Ib. pres-
sure, if the values of H, are correct. If the variation of H is directly
determined by the throttling method, the values of H, cannot be
far wrong. But if the values of H, are deduced from those of V,
through Clapeyron's equation for L, as is frequently done, by
assuming an arbitrary empirical formula for dp/dt in conjunction
with an improbable type of equation for V, it is almost inevitable
that material errors should arise from the thermodynamic incon-
sistencies involved in such a circuitous process. It is most essen-
tial for practical purposes that the equations should be as simple as
possible and exactly consistent with the laws of thermodynamics.
To be of any use, the tables must agree precisely with the expres-
sion employed for the adiabatic heatdrop and the discharge through
a nozzle. With such limitations it would evidently be impossible to
include the critical state in any consistent system of equations
without intolerable complexity, but ample accuracy can be secured
for the ordinary range of steam-engine practice.
Adiabatic Heatdrop. The change of total heat H in frictionless
adiabatic expansion or compression is frequently of considerable
interest as representing the work done by or on the fluid in the ideal
case, when there is no internal friction, and when no heat is supplied
360
HEAT
or lost externally. If the laws of thermodynamics are summarized
in the form,
dQ=Td*=dH-oWP . . . (26)
in which dQ represents heat supplied per unit mass by friction or
otherwise, we observe that, in the case of isentropic flow, for which
d* = o, the change of H is equal to the integral of aVdP along the
adiabatic, which is readily obtained by substituting for V in terms
of H and P from (22) or (17), for any given initial state and final
pressure. We may also obtain the general expression for * from
those for H and V by integrating d<J> = dH/T-(aV/T)<fP. These
expressions may be put in a variety of forms according to the pur-
pose for which they are required. One of the most useful for dry
steam is,
DH* = (H'-H")* = (H'-B-o&P')(i-T"/T')+a&(P'-P").-.(27)
in which H', P', T', and H", P", T", represent the initial and
final states. An exact expression for the adiabatic heatdrop DH*,
in the case of wet saturated steam, is readily obtained in terms of H'
and T', T". But in practice it is usually more convenient to tabu-
late H and <#>, and the Gibbs' function G=T< H, which has the
advantage of being a simple function of the temperature only, and
is independent of the wetness for a mixture of water and steam in
any proportions. From the definition of G, if <t> is constant and
equal to its initial value <t>", we obtain immediately the convenient
expressions,
DH* = (T'-T")*'-G'+G" = H'-H".+T"(* 8 "-*'), . , . (28).
The first expression is general, and is readily applied if G' and G
are tabulated. The second is obtained by substituting for G' and
G " in terms of H and <t>, but is applicable only if the final state is
saturated, so that H", and <t>", are the tabulated values for dry
saturated steam.
Effects of Supersaturation. For the general theory of the beha-
viour of a vapour when cooled below the saturation temperature
without condensation see 27.898-^. The state of Supersaturation
is very common, in rapid expansion, and has proved to be of some
practical importance, as affecting the discharge through a nozzle,
and the efficiency of a turbine. It appears that steam usually fol-
lows the dry adiabatic, P/T 1 ** =constant, for some distance below
the saturation point. The drop of temperature is about three times
as rapid as along the wet adiabatic, and the volume is smaller than
that of saturated steam at the same P and H. The heatdrop, and
the velocity generated, are also smaller, for a given pressure drop,
than in the case of steam which is assumed to remain in the equilib-
rium state of saturation throughout the expansion. If the initial
steam is dry saturated, it usually remains dry for some distance
beyond the throat of a nozzle, so that the discharge, as given by
equation (12), is obtained from the dry adiabatic, by substituting
(dP/dV) = I -3P/V at the throat, which leads to values about 5 %
larger than those given by the equations for wet steam. This is
confirmed by experiment, and is represented by the numerical
formula for the discharge M/X< in Ib. per second per sq. in. of throat,
when P' is in Ib./sq. in. and V in cub. ft./lb. in the initial state,
M/X=o-3i55(P7V')l, P,/P' =0-545, - - (29)
in which the small quantity b is neglected as being usually beyond
the limits of possible accuracy of measurement.
The defect of heatdrop on reaching the throat is about 5 %. If the
steam continued to follow the dry adiabatic to low pressures, the
defect of heatdrop would often reach 20%, which would be very
serious. But soon after passing the throat, the coaggregated mole-
cules begin to act as condensation nuclei, according to Kelvin's
equation (see 27.899). When this limit is reached, the condensation
takes the form of a very thick fog of exceedingly fine particles, and
is extremely rapid, owing to the enormous number of nuclei avail-
able, about IO 22 per Ib. of steam. If the expansion is relatively slow,
the steam is transformed into the saturated state, and remains nearly
saturated for the rest of the expansion. But if the expansion is
very rapid, as in an expanding nozzle at a velocity of 3 or 4000 ft. /sec.,
the steam will remain near the Supersaturation limit with a loss of
heatdrop amounting to nearly 8 % at low pressures, involving a c<3r-
responding loss of efficiency. According to Wilson's experiments at
low pressures (see 27.899), the Supersaturation limit is reached
when the pressure is about 8 times the normal saturation pressure
corresponding to the actual temperature of the steanl. The equiva-
lent wetness of the steam at this point, when transformed to the
saturated state at the same P and H, would be about 3%. This
appears to be confirmed by turbine tests at these pressures, but Wil-
son's experiments do not afford any direct evidence with regard to
the limit at which condensation starts at higher pressures. It appears
on theoretical grounds that the pressure ratio corresponding to
the Supersaturation limit should not be so high as 8 at high
pressures, which would require an excessive increase in the drop of
temperature and in the equivalent wetness of the steam at high
pressures.
There is some evidence that the equivalent wetness at the super-
saturation limit is the same, namely 3 %, at high as at low pres-
sures. This would permit a very simple method of calculation, but
more experimental tests are required to decide the point. The effect
of initial superheat in improving the efficiency of a turbine cannot
be satisfactorily explained on the older theory that the steam is in
the equilibrium state of saturation throughout the expansion, but
is a necessary consequence of the phenomenon of Supersaturation.
The loss due to Supersaturation may be entirely eliminated if the
superheat is sufficient to prevent Supersaturation. In any case the
loss will be greatly reduced by superheat, and the results of calcu-
lation appear to indicate that the improvement of efficiency may
be exactly accounted for in this way. This point has been very
fully discussed by H. M. Martin, in ' A New Theory of the Steam
Turbine" (Engineering, vol. 106, 1918); and also by Callendar,
Properties of Steam, pp. 305-12.
Properties of Carbonic Acid. -The critical point of COz, commonly
known as carbonic acid, being at a temperature a little above 31 C.,
the most convenient point of the scale for accurate regulation, offers
special facilities for investigating the critical phenomena. These
were first elucidated by T. Andrews (Phil. Trans., 1869), whose inves-
tigations formed the starting point for the theories of J. Thomson,
J. D. Van der Waals, J. C. Maxwell and R. Clausius. The method
employed by Andrews in measuring the volume and pressure of the
liquid and vapour at various temperatures reached the highest
point of refinement in the researches of E. H. Amagat (Ann. Chim.
Phys., 29, p. 136, 1893), whose tables of the properties of CO 2 from
o to 250 C. have generally been accepted as the standard. For
practical use in refrigeration the properties are also required at
temperatures down to 5OC. The saturation pressures below
oC. have since been determined by Kuenen and Robson (Phil.
Mag., 3, p. 154, 1902), using platinum thermometers. They also
determined the vapour pressures of the solid, which follow a curve
cutting that of the liquid at a sharp angle at the melting point, which
is at 56-2C., where the common vapour pressure is 5-2 atmos-
pheres. It is found that the vapour pressures of the liquid can be
represented with a fair degree of accuracy, sufficient for most prac-
tical purposes, by the simple empirical formula,
log/> = i-5363+3-i57//T, (atmospheres) . . . (30)
from 5OC. to the critical point, but (30) gives results which are
probably about 2% too high at SOC. The values of the latent
heat above oC. can be deduced from Amagat's tables of p, V, and
v, by means of Clapeyron's equation. They are most important
below oC. for refrigeration purposes, and have since been directly
measured by C. F. Jenkin and D. R. Pye (Phil. Trans., A, 213,
p. 67, 1914), who also determined the variation of the total heats,
H and h, of the liquid and vapour, by experiments on the specific
heat S, and the cooling-effect C, over the range 30 to +30.
Their observations of the latent heat are well represented by a
formula of the Thiesen type,
log L = 1-1463+0-4018 log (3i-5-/), . . . (31)
and those of the total heat of the liquid under saturation pressure
by a formula of the same type as that employed in the case of
water, namely
h-avTdpldt = H-aVTdpldt = o-42t-6-53, . . . (32)
in which the constant 0-42 represents the limiting value of the specific
heat of the liquid at low pressures, and the constant 6-53 the value
of the term avidp/dt at o C., from which both H and h are supposed
to be reckoned. It is quite possible that the specific heat of the
liquid at zero pressure may vary in the same way as that of the
vapour with temperature, giving a constant value for S,, s a , in
place of a constant value for S . This would simplify the equation
of saturation pressure, but the observations so far made do not
extend over a sufficient range to decide the point. The advantage
of these formulae for the total heat is that they fit most simply
with Clapeyron's equation, and give a natural approach to the
critical point, where both dh/dt and dH/dT become infinite, but with
opposite signs.
Equations for the Volume. The equation first proposed for CO?
was that of W. J. M. Rankine (Phil. Trans., 1854, p. 337), repre-
senting Regnault's experiments on the deviations from the laws of
gases at moderate pressures. Rankine's equation may be put in
the convenient form,
aP/RT = i/V-c/V* . . . (33).
The symbol a represents the usual factor for reducing PV to cals. C.
The value of R in cals./deg. is 0-0451 for CO<t. The coaggregation
volume c was found by Rankine to vary as I/T 2 , with a value 3-53
c.c./gm. at oC. This equation also represented the observations of
Joule and Thomson on the cooling-effect at moderate pressures, but
it becomes unsatisfactory at high pressures, and fails near the
critical point, giving imaginary values of V when P exceeds RT/4ac.
This difficulty is removed most simply by introducing the covolume
b in the first term on the right, thus,
aP/RT = i/(V-&)-c/V, . . . (34)
which transforms the equation into a cubic of the same type as
that subsequently proposed by J. D. Van der Waals in his essay
on the Continuity of the Liquid and Gaseous States (1873), except
that c according to Van der Waals' equation would vary inversely
as T (in place of T 2 ) which would not suit the properties of CO;.
If the values of b and c in (34) are determined from the condition
that the cubic in V must have three equal roots at the critical point,
we obtain the relations,
= 8^ = 64^/27 . . . (35)
HEATON HEDIN
in which the suffix (c) indicates the values of T, p, and V, at the
critical point. Taking the values, ^ = 72-9 atmos. = 1071 Ib./sq.in.,
at T e = 304-6 we find,
b = 0-0156 cub.ft./lb. =0-974 cc./gm., V = 2-92 c.c./gm.
c c = 0-05265" "=3-287
C, = 0-0655 ' " =4-090
With these values of the constants, equation (34) represents the
observations of Jenkin and Pye on H, S, and C, very satisfactorily,
but the theoretical expressions, applying to any equation of the
Van der Waals' type, are somewhat complicated and inconvenient
for practical use, namely,
H=S m <+B- 3 cRT/V+&RT/(V-&), . . . (36)
SC = a[ 3 c-6VV(V-6) 2 ]/[V 2 /(V-6) 2 -2 C /V] . . . (37)
. . . (38).
It will be observed that the value of the critical volume V f is too
large to reconcile with the observed value 2-15 c.c./gm. given by
Amagat. The value of b is also larger than the observed volume of
the liquid at 5OC., and the equation does not represent the latent
heat or the saturation pressures at all satisfactorily.
Equation of Saturation Pressure. Maxwell was the first to show
how the saturation pressure could be calculated at any tempera-
ture from the continuous isothermal of James Thomson (see 27.898),
as represented by Van der Waals' equation. According to Carnot's
principle, that no work can be obtained from heat at constant
temperature, the integral of PdV along the continuous isothermal
represented by the equation (34), must be equal to the external work
of vaporization p(Vv) between the limits V and v; and the latent
heat of vaporization must be equal to the integral of aT(dP/d'T) v dV,
between the same limits, at constant T. Applying these conditions
to Van der Waals' equation, in which c varies as I/T, we obtain,
= log.(V-&)-Iog.(- b)+c/V-c/v . . . (39)
= log e (V-6)- log. (-&), . . . (40).
These give the increase of p between o and 3OC. only half the
observed value, and the calculated value of p at 5OC. is more
than twice too large. The calculated value of L at oC. is less than
half the observed value, showing that Van der Waals' theory re-
quired serious modification.
The equation of Clausius (Phil. Mag., 13, p. 132, 1882) for CO 2
is still most commonly quoted. He reverted to Rankine's assump-
tion for the variation of c, but introduced an additional empirical
constant b" in the denominator of the term representing the effect
of coaggregation on the density,
aP/RT = i/(V-6')-<:/(V+6") 2 , . . . (41).
This has the effect of reducing the value of V for any given values
of P and T by the constant quantity b", but makes no difference to
any of the other properties in terms of P and T. The values of c
and b as deduced from P c and T c remain unaltered, but b' = b b".
Clausius selected 6" to make the volume of the liquid agree with
observation at 2OC., but the slope of the curve is unaltered, and
the calculated value of by (41) is 26 % too small at 5OC., whereas
by (34) it is 40% too large. The calculated values of p and L at
the same point by either equation are 34 % too small for p, and 37 %
too large for L, if Maxwell's theorem is employed. But it is unjusti-
fiable to apply Maxwell's theorem to an equation which represents
the properties of the liquid so badly, and it may be doubted whether
the theorem is strictly applicable to an unstable transformation,
such as that required by the James Thomson isothermal. It is
always possible to choose the variation of c to fit the saturation
pressures, but this is purely empirical, and fails in other respects.
Since the application of Maxwell's theorem is doubtful and diffi-
cult in any case, it seems preferable for practical purposes to calcu-
late the saturation pressures, as in the case of steam (see 27.903), by
combining an equation of the type (32) for the liquid with a suitable
expression for V. This method, as applied by Callendar (Properties
of Steam, p. 186), seemscapable of giving very accurate values of p,
without upsetting the agreement with H and V, or introducing
intolerable complications in the theoretical expressions, such as
have frequently been proposed by mathematicians. It may fairly
be regarded as confirming the correctness of the principles applied
in the case of steam, and the exact definition of formula (32) for the
total heat of the liquid, on which the result mainly depends.
Critical Relations. -The critical point is most conveniently defined,
especially in the case of transcendental equations, by the conditions,
(dP/<ZV)( = o, and (<PP/dV 2 ) ( = o . . . (42)
which imply that the isothermal elasticity becomes zero of the second
order, vanishing without change of sign at the critical point. Apply-
ing these conditions to the equation of Dieterici (Ann. Phys., 5, p. 51,
1901)
oP(V-&) = RTe-'/, . . . (43)
we obtain,
showing that it gives a value of the ratio of the critical volume to
the ideal volume agreeing better with experiment than that found
from Van der Waals' equation in (35). There are, however, many
other conditions to be satisfied which limit the possible choice of
equations. The general expressions for S and SC, which are as
follows :
SC = (dH/dP) t =-(dH/dV),/dP/dV),, . . . (44)
S = (dH/dT) p = (dH/dT),+SC(dP/dT)v, . . . (45)
show that SC and S become infinite of the second order at the critical
point, but that C remains finite and becomes equal to the reciprocal
of the pressure coefficient (dP/dT)* to the second order of small
quantities.
Similarly, if we take the Joule-Thomson equation,
SC=aT(dV/dT) p -aV . . . (46)
and divide by S = aT(<AVdT) p (<2P/<ZT)$ we obtain,
C a =(dT!dp-)t-aV/S . . . (47)
which shows that the cooling-effect CH at constant H becomes
equal to the cooling-effect C(j> in adiabatic expansion when aV/S
becomes zero of the second order at the critical point. The three
cooling-effects, CH, C,,, and Ccf. which are the reciprocals of the
pressure coefficients, and are most easily measured for any sub-
stance, or deduced from any assumed type of characteristic equa-
tion, remain finite and become equal, to the second order of small
quantities, at the critical point.
Again, if we take the general expression for the latent heat accord-
ing to Maxwell's theorem, we see that the latent heat is equal to the
product of <zT(V v) by the mean value of (dP/aT), between V
and v. Comparing this with Clapeyron's equation, L,=aT(dp/dt)
(Vv), we observe that (dPjdT), must become equal to dp/dt, to
the first order of small quantities, at the critical point, which affords
a useful test of any type of equation, because the coefficient dp/dt
is readily observed.
These simple conditions, which seem to have been overlooked,
are fatal to most of the equations which have been proposed. For
instance, the equation of Clausius for COi requires (dP/dT), to be
equal to 7P/T at the critical point. But the observations of Amagat
show that dp/dt = 6-$p/T at this point, so that we should expect to
find some difficulty in reconciling the equation of Clausius with the
saturation pressures, as already indicated. The equation of Dieterici
(43) gives a very satisfactory representation of the cooling-effect,
to which it has often been applied, provided that the quantity c is
assumed to vary as i/T " 2 . But this gives a value only 4?/T for
the coefficient (dP/OT),, at the critical point in place of 6-sP/T, so
that it would be quite impossible to represent the saturation pres-
sures consistently. Most of the equations which have been pro-
posed are modifications of the cubic type of Van der Waals, but
are too complicated and empirical to serve as a satisfactory basis
for the physical interpretation of the phenomena of the critical
state. There is an almost infinite variety of possible types if transcen-
dental functions are introduced. Many of these will be difficult to
manipulate, but, in spite of the complexity of the conditions to be
satisfied, we need not despair of arriving ultimately, by a process of
elimination, at some form which is in reasonable agreement with
experiment and at the same time sufficiently simple to be intelligible.
REFERENCES. In addition to works cited in the earlier articles,
the following may be recommended. On the practical side, Sir J. A.
Ewing's Mechanical Production of Cold and Thermodynamics for
Engineers (1920); on the theoretical side, H. S. Carslaw, Fourier's
Scries and Integrals and J. H. Jeans, Dynamical Theory of Gases.
For experimental details it is always necessary to refer to the original
papers, but Physical and Chemical Constants by G. W. C. Kaye and
T. H. Laby (1921) gives a very handy and up-to-date summary
of numerical results. (H. L. C.)
BEATON, SIR JOHN HENNIKER, IST BART. (1848-1914),
English postal reformer, was born at Rochester, in Kent, May 18
1848, the son of Lt.-Col. Heaton. fie was educated at Kent
House grammar school and King's College, London. In 1864 he
went to Australia and became a landowner and newspaper
proprietor in New South Wales. He returned to England and
entered the House of Commons as M.P. for Canterbury in 1885,
retaining the seat until 1910. All his energies were devoted to
postal reform. He advocated penny postage throughout the
British Empire, and lived to see it achieved and extended to the
United States. He also promoted cheaper oceanic telegraphy,
and many other postal reforms. He died at Geneva Sept. 8 1914.
See Life and Letters of Sir John Henniker Heaton, Bart., by his-
daughter, Mrs. Adrian Porter (1916).
HEDIN, SVEN ANDERS (1865- ), Swedish geographer and!
explorer, was born at Stockholm Feb. 19 1865. He was educated!
at Stockholm and Upsala universities, and afterwards studied in
Germany at Berlin and Halle. In 1885-6 he made a year's
journey through Persia and Mesopotamia, and in 1890 was
attached to the special embassy sent by King Oscar of Sweden to
the Shah of Persia. The same year he visited Khorasan and
Turkestan. Sven Hedin is, however, best known for his explora-
tions in Tibet, which place him in the first rank of modern
362
HEERINGEN HEJAZ RAILWAY
Asiatic explorers. In 1893 he started from Orenburg, on the Ural
river, with the intention of crossing the Asiatic continent to
Pekin. His journey traversed a large area of unexplored country
(see 16.991; 26.925). In two other expeditions (1899-1902,
1906-8) he added considerably to our knowledge of the country
and thoroughly explored the sources of the Sutlej and Brah-
maputra or Tsanpo (see 26.925). Many honours were conferred
upon him as a result of his discoveries. Besides receiving medals
from various geographical societies, he was specially honoured by
the King of Sweden, and he was awarded an hon. K.C.I. E. by
the Indian Government.
During the World War Sven Hedin was a prominent supporter of
the German cause, and his book With the German Armies in the West
(1915) gives an account of his experiences as a guest of the German
army. Among his publications are Journey Through Persia and
Mesopotamia (1887); Journey Through Khorasan and Turkestan
(1892); Through Asia (1898); Central Asia and Tibet (1903); Adven-
tures in Tibet (1904) ; Scientific Results of a Journey in Central Asia
i8oQ-i(>02 (6 yols. 1904-7); Transhimalaya (1909; vol. iii., 1913);
Overland to India (1910) ; From Pole to Pole (1911) ; Bagdad, Babylon,
Nineve (1917); Southern Tibet (1917); Eine Routenaufnahme durch
Ost (1918-9).
HEERINGEN, JOSIAS VON (1850- ), German general, was
born March 9 1850 at Kassel. After having been in command of
the II. Army Corps at Stettin he was appointed Minister of War
in 1909, and retired from this position in 1913, after he had
successfully piloted the last great Army bill through the Reichs-
tag. On the outbreak of the World War he was Inspector-
General of the Second Army Inspection, but was at once placed
in command of the VII. Army, which was then in Lorraine and
after Sept. 1914 was on the Aisne. In 1917 he was appointed to
the command of the coast defences, and was placed on the
retired list in Nov. 1918.
HEIJERMANS, HERMANN (1864- ), Dutch writer (see
13.212). His recent plays include Schakels (1904); Allerzielen
(1906); De Groote Vluchl (1908); Ahasverus (1912) and Eva
Bonheitr (1919). Op Hoop van Zegen had by 1921 been acted
over 500 times. He lived for a few years in Berlin, but returned
to Holland in 1912 in order to manage a society of players, and
devoted himself to that work.
HEINEMANN, WILLIAM (1863-1920), British publisher, was
born May 18 1863 at Surbiton and educated at home. He spent
his early years in the study of music until, realizing that he could
not hope to be in the front rank of musicians, he started a pub-
lishing business. Amongst his earliest publications were Whist-
ler's Gentle Art of Making Enemies (1890) and Heinemann's Inter-
national Library, edited by Edmund Gosse. In 1897 he opened
the series of Short Histories of the Literatures of the World with
Gilbert Murray's Ancient Greek Literature. Heinemann's most
conspicuous service to literature probably lies in his introduction
to the English reading public of such foreign writers as Maeter-
linck, Ibsen, Bjornson, Tolstoi, Couperus and Valera. He also
published three plays by his own pen The First Step (1895);
Summer Moths (1898) and War (1901). Since 1913 he had been
president of the National Booksellers' Society. He died suddenly
in London Oct. 5 1920.
HEJAZ RAILWAY (see 13.218). The system comprises the
Damascus-Medina line (1,320 km.) and a line from Der'a to
the coast at Haifa (161 km.).
In 1900 Sultan 'Abdul Hamid II., urged by his favourite 'Izzet
Pasha, decided to build a railway from Damascus to Medina and
Mecca. The ostensible reason was to provide a cheap and easy
means for Moslems to perform the prescribed pilgrimage to the holy
places of their Faith, but the Sultan also hoped that the line would
strengthen his temporal authority. The military aspect of the
enterprise was carefully ignored when, in May 1900, the Sultan, as
Khalif, invited the Faithful to contribute towards the expenses of
building the " Pilgrim Railway," and subscribed 50,000. An irade
was issued (May 1900) granting 10% of one month's pay of all
officials and soldiers of the Ottoman Empire to the Fund, imposing
special stamp duties, and appropriating the proceeds of the sale of
the skins of animals sacrificed at Moslem ceremonies for the same
purpose. In all, about 1,000,000 was raised in cash or kind by
voluntary subscriptions throughout the Moslem world, the levies on
officials and soldiers produced some 250,000 and, up to Sept. I
1907, 2,250,000 had been spent. After that date, the construction
of the railway was entirely in Turkish hands.
A High Commission under Marshal Kiazini Pasha was appointed
to superintend construction; Hajji Mukhtar Bey began the survey,
and, after Jan. 1901, the German engineer-in-chief, Meissner Pasha,
took active control of the work. At first Austrian and Italian con-
tractors were employed, but Ottoman railway troops were also used,
and for the later stages of the line from El 'Ala to Medina only
Moslems were allowed to work. In all, some 7,000 soldiers were
employed, besides Italian, Montenegrin and Greek labourers, and
Syrian-Christian muleteers and followers. The cost per mile of
construction worked out at about 3,000. Meissner Pasha began to
work from Der'a near Mezeirib, the terminus of a French railway
from Damascus, for which an offer of 280,000 was refused by its
proprietors. A British company which built a few km. of track
inland from Haifa was bought out for 46,250.
Running almost due S. from Damascus, the main line enters
the Yarmuk basin and skirts the western edge of the Hauran.
South of Der'a it takes much the same course as the old Hajj
road along the desert plateau about 65 km. E. of the Jordan,
ascending gradually to Ma'an, where it turns S.S.E. About 40
km. farther it reaches its highest point (1,180 metres) and
begins to descend the steep escarpment of Batn el Ghul and
follows the long N.S. depression between the main Arabian
watershed and the 'Aweiridh range. After ascending a saddle
the line descends into Wadi Hamdh basin, within which it con-
tinues to Medina. The Haifa sector runs roughly W. from Der'a
down the Yarmuk valley, crosses the Jordan at Jisr el Mujami',
turns S. to Beisan, and then N.W. across the plain of Esdraelon.
The chief stations are:
Height in
metres
(approx.)
Km. from
Damascus
(approx.)
Section
opened
Sept. I
(i) Main Line
Damascus .
696
-1
'Ezra ....
589
91
1903
Der'a ....
529
123 J
Zerqa ....
618
203
1902
'Amman . '
738
222!
Oatrane
783
326
1903
Qal'at 'Anaze
1,051
423
Ma'an ....
1,074
459
1904
Mudawara .
Dhat el Hajj
732
691
572
610
1906
Jebuk ....
775
692
Mu'adhdham
Medain Salih
1,005
820
830
958
1907
El 'Ala ....
676
993,
Hadiya
Medina
400
700
1,144
I.320J
I
1908
(2) Der'a-Haifa sector
Mezeirib
462
135
1901
Semakh
189
197 I
Jisr el Mujami' .
246
208 /
'95
(Jordan Bridge)
Beisan ....
121
2251
Afule ....
62
248
1904
Haifa ....
I
284)
The line is laid in most part on steel sleepers with ballast of
broken lava and basalt. Curves being sharp in places often not more
than 125 metres radius derailments are frequent. Speed nowhere
exceeds 25 km. per hr.,and, in the southern sector, the maximum
obtainable with safety is 145 km. The fuel used in normal times was
a mixture of Turkish Eregli and Cardiff coal imported at Haifa, but
during the World War this was replaced by wood from the palm
groves of Damascus and Medina and the oak forests of El Hishe to
which latter the Turks built a short branch line from Qal'at 'Anaze.
The water supply at main stations is from elevated tanks fed by
steamier windmill pumps, and, at certain places, is so highly
mineralized as seriously to affect the tubing of locomotives. The
main repairing shops are at Qadim station, Damascus, with smaller
shops at Der'a, Ma'an and Tebuk. Before the World War three
through trains left Damascus weekly, with numerous specials during
the pilgrim season, and the journey took 5^ days. In 1911, receipts
were T. 214,000 and, in 1912, 48,000 pilgrims were carried.
After the outbreak of the revolt (1916) the railway was re-
peatedly damaged by organized parties of Arab forces, the most
serious attack being that in the spring of 1918 when a long sector
S. of Ma'an was so completely destroyed as to be beyond repair
during the war. Even in peace times the line was constantly
subject to raids by Bedouin, who broke telegraph lines, dis-
placed rails and did much damage to stations; as late as March
1921 organized attacks continued and bridges in the northern
sector were destroyed. Control of the Hejaz railway enabled the
HELFFERICH HELIGOLAND BIGHT
Turks to hold Medina until Jan. 1919. The prolongation of the
line to Mecca was prevented by the opposition of the Harb
tribes, which were inspired by the Grand Sherif of Mecca and by
the cessation of subscriptions.
See Auler Pasha, Die Iledschasbahn, 1906 ; Angus Hamilton, The
Hcjaz Railway in Problems of the Near East, 1909. (H. P. G.)
HELFFERICH, KARL (1872- ), German financier and
politician, was born July 22 1872 at Neustadt-on-the-Havel. In
1901 he was appointed to a professorship of political science in
Berlin. In 1906 he went to Constantinople as manager of the
Anatolian railway, which was financed by the Deutsche Bank,
and in 1908 he returned to Berlin to take up the chairmanship of
the directorate of that great bank. In 1913 he was the chief
German delegate at the international financial conference held in
Paris for the settlement of Balkan financial affairs after the Bal-
kan wars. In 1915 he was appointed Secretary of State for the
Imperial Treasury and carried the votes for the second, third and
fourth war loans through the Reichstag. His financial policy was
based upon the principle of defraying the cost of the war by
borrowing rather than by fresh taxation. He counted upon a
final German victory and upon imposing very heavy indemnities
upon the Allies. He, therefore, became identified with the policy
of Hindenburg and Ludendorff, and considered that no sacrifice
of men and money was too great if Germany could hold out un-
til the Allied and Associated Powers were sufficiently exhausted
to be willing to accept a " German peace." After a period of
scepticism regarding the prospects of the U-boat warfare, he
became the most vigorous political advocate of the unrestricted
sub marine campaign, and was one of those who expected it to
reduce Great Britain to impotence in six months' time. In June
1916 he exchanged the Treasury for the Imperial Home Office,
and, as Secretary of State for that department, acted as vice-
chancellor or representative of the head of the Imperial Govern-
ment. On the assassination of Count Mirbach at Moscow,
Helfferich was appointed in June 1918 as his successor in the
diplomatic representation of Germany at the headquarters of the
Russian Soviet Republic. Owing to the conditions of insecurity
which prevailed under the Bolshevik Government, Helfferich
was never able to occupy his post. He returned to Berlin in
order to conduct the economic and industrial demobilization
of Germany after the Armistice. He remained the irreconcil-
able adversary of the new republican regime, and, in particular,
directed his denunciations against the democratic Catholic
leader, Erzberger, with whom he had a celebrated lawsuit in
1920. In the Reichstag he led the Conservative and monarchist
right, known as the Dcutsch-Nationalen. He was the author of
Deulschlands Wohlstand, 1888-1913 (1913) and of Der Weltkricg
(three vols., 1919).
HELIGOLAND BIGHT. The naval battle known as that of
Heligoland Bight was fought in the Bight on Aug. 28 1914.
The original plan of the British operations included only the
forces in the southern part of the North Sea, and took the form
of a sweep to be carried out in the Bight by Commodore (T) and
his Harwich flotillas, in conjunction with six submarines of
Commodore (S), supported by the " Invincible " and " New
Zealand" from the Humber and Cruiser Force (C). Three sub-
marines were to be posted off Heligoland to attack any cruisers
coming out, and three to the W. to entice enemy destroyers to
come out. The Harwich flotillas were to come down from the N.
of Heligoland, then turning W. sweep on a g-mile front towards
Terschelling, cutting off any craft patrolling to the W. of Heli-
goland. The operation was arranged for Aug. 28 and the opera-
tion orders went out on Aug. 25. WhenAdml. Jellicoe heard of it
the next day, he proposed to send Vice-Adml. Beatty with the Bat-
tle Cruiser Squadron and the ist Light Cruiser Squadron to cooper-
ate. This was approved about midnight on Aug. 26, but there was
no time to send a full draft of the operation orders N. and Vice-
Adml. Beatty, when he sailed from Scapa at 5:20 A.M. on Aug. 27,
had only a rough outline of the proposed operation and the ren-
dezvous of the Humber battle -cruisers. He was still in the dark
as to the positions and intended movements of the submarines.
This by itself would not have been a serious handicap, but
363
unfortunately information of Beatty's cooperation was not sent
out to Commodore (S) (Comm. Roger Keyes) and Commodore
(T) (Comm. Reginald Tyrwhitt) till 1:10 P.M. on Aug. 27, by
which time they had both sailed, and as the message was not
signalled to them, they did not know that Beatty was taking part
in the operations till they had actually begun.
By Aug. 27 the British forces were all on their way to the
Bight, organized as follows:
Sweeping Force. " Arethusa," I.e., 2 6-in., 6 4-in., 27 knots;
Fearless," I.e., 10 4-in., 26 knots.
3rd Flotilla: 1st Div. : "Lookout" (Comm. A. B. S.^Dutton),
Leonidas," "Legion," "Lennox"; 2nd Div.: "Lark" (Comm.
R. Rowley-Con wy), "Lance," "Linnet," "Landrail"; 3rd Div.:
" Laforey " (Comm. G. R. Edwards), " Lawford," " Louis," " Ly-
diard"; 4th Div.: "Laurel" (Comm. F. F. Rose), "Liberty,"
" Lysander," " Laertes."
1st Flotilla: 1st Div.: "Acheron" (Comm. Brien Money),
"Attack," "Hind," "Archer"; 2nd Div.: "Ariel" (Comm.
Dashwood Moir), "Lucifer," "Llewellyn"; 3rd Div.: "Ferret"
(Comm. G. Mackworth), "Forester," "Druid," "Defender";
gth Div.: " Goshawk " (Comm. Hon. Herbert Meade), " Lizard,"
' Lapwing," " Phoenix."
Submarines. Off Heligoland : E 4 (Lt.-Comm. Leir), E 5, E 9. To
W. of Heligoland: E 6 (Lt.-Comm. C. P. Talbot), E 7 (Lt.-Comm. .
Feilmann), E 8, " Lurcher " Commodore (S), and " Firedrake."
Supporting Force. 1st B.C.S. (Vice-Adml. Sir David Beatty):
"Lion" (flag), Capt. Alfred Chatfield, b.c., 8 13'5-in.; "Queen
Mary," Capt. VV. R. Hall, b.c., 8 13'5-in.; " Princess Royal," Capt.
Osmond de B. Brock, b.c., 8 13'5-in.
ist L.C.S. (Comm. VV. E. Goodenough): "Southampton" (flag),
Comm. E. Astley-Rushton, I.e., 8 6-in.; " Birmingham," Capt.
Arthur A. Duff., I.e., 9 6-in.; " Falmouth," Capt. John D. Edwards,
I.e., 8 6-in.; "Liverpool," Capt. Ed. Reeves, 2 6-in., 10 4-in.;
" Nottingham," Capt. Chas. B. Miller, I.e., 9 6-in.; " Lowestoft,"
Capt. T. W. Kennedy, I.e., 9 6-in.
Cruiser Force K (Rear-Adml. Sir Archibald G. Moore) : " In-
vincible " (flag), Capt. Chas. M. de Bartolome, b.c., 8 12-in. ; " New
Zealand," Capt. Lionel Halsey, b.c., 8 12-in. ; attended by 1st Flotilla,
4th Div., " Badger" (Comm. Chas. Fremantle), "Beaver,"
" Jackal," " Sandfly."
In Reserve. Cruiser Force K (Rear-Adml. Arthur Christian):
" Euryalus " (flag), Capt. Eustace La T. Leatham; " Bacchante,"
Rear-Adml. H. H. Campbell, Capt. Hon. Algernon Boyle; " Cressy,"
Capt. Robert Johnson; " Hogue," Capt. Wilmot S. Nicholson;
"Aboukir," Capt. John E. Drummond; all a.c., 2 9-2-in., 12 6-in.;
and "Amethyst," Capt. Bertram Thesiger, 12 4-in.
It was light at 4 A.M. Comm. Tyrwhitt had met Comm. Good-
enough and the ist L.C.S. at daybreak, and at first mistook him
for the enemy, but his challenge was answered and the cruisers
recognized in time to prevent an accident. By 5 A.M. the sun was
rising, and the forces were in position some 60 m. N. of Heligo-
land. The flotillas went off at 20 knots, the " Arethusa " and 3rd
flotilla ahead, with the " Fearless " and ist flotilla 2 m. astern.
They were in cruising order, with divisions in line ahead disposed
abeam, half a mile apart. Eight m. behind came the ist L.C.S.
with its six light cruisers in three divisions, 2 m. apart. The ist
B.C.S. was some 30 m. to the westward. On reaching a point
about 12 m. W. of Heligoland, as he should do about 8 A.M.,
it was Tyrwhitt's intention to turn W. and sweep down the
Bight, while the cruiser squadrons supported his movements.
Let us glance now at the German dispositions. Though their
strategical policy was largely based on the idea of the British
fleet invading the Bight, the actual attack came as a complete
surprise. Posted round Heligoland in a semicircle they had two
lines of patrols, an outer line of nine destroyers of the ist flotilla
25m. from the fortress, and an inner line of older vessels of the
3rd Minesweeping Div. 13 m. from it. These were supported bj
another torpedo flotilla (the $th) at Heligoland, three cruiserb
on outpost duty and a battleship in the mouth of the Jade.
Their detailed disposition was as follows: Outpost, Outer Line:
1st Flotilla, Gi93, 6196, G 194, V 187, V 188, V 190, V 191, G 197, V
189. Outpost, Inner Line: 3rd Minesweeping Div. D 8, T25, T 29,
T 3 i,T33, T 34 , T 35 , T 3 6, T 37 (?), T 4 o (?), T 7 i (?).
Cruisers in support : " Stettin " (10 4- 1 -in., 23 knots), off Heligoland,
with Chief of 2nd U. Flotilla; " Frauenlob " (10 4-i-in., 19 knots),
off the Jade; " Hela " (4 I5j-pdr., 16 knots), N.E. of Heligoland.
Battleship in support: " Heligoland " (12 12-in.), Jade river, inside
outer bar. T.B. in support: 5th Flotilla in Heligoland; Submarines
Us, Ui6, U_25 and three others in Heligoland; U24, U 28 off Heligo-
land. In Wilhelmshaven Roads: Cruisers: " Ariadne " (1900, 2,660
tons, lO4-l-in., 19 knots) ; " Kolberg " (12 4-l-in., 25 knots); Battle
364
HELIGOLAND BIGHT
Cruisers: " Seydlitz " (10 ll-in., 25! knots, port engine disabled,
under repair); 1st S.G., " Moltke " (10 ii-in., 25^ knots); "Von
derTann"(8 ll-in., 25i knots); "Blucher"(i2 8-2-in., 23 J knots).
Battleships: 1st Squadron," Ostfriesland," "Oldenburg" and "Thii-
ringen" (relieved "Helgoland" about 8:30 A.M.); 3rd Squadron,
" Prinz Reg. Luitpold," " Kaiser," " Kaiserin," " Konig Albert."
In Wilhelmshaven : " Coin " (Rear-Adml. Leberecht Maas, Flo-
tilla Admiral; 1909, 4,350 tons, 12 4-i-in., 24^ knots, coaling);
" Strassburg " (12 4-i-in., 26 knots); " Stralsund " (12 4-i-in.,
26 knots) ; " Rostock " (2nd Leader, Flotillas), 12 4-i-in., 26 knots;
" Hamburg " (Chief of 1st U. Flotilla), in dock.
In the Elbe: 2nd Squadron (Deutschlands).
At Brunsbiitteh " Danzig," " Munchen " (lO4-i-in., 2O knots).
Off the Ems: " Mainz " (1909, 4,350 tons, 12 4-i-in., 25 knots).
The movements of all the heavy German ships were governed
by one dominant consideration the time of low water on the
outer Jade bar. This fell at 9:33 A.M., and though there is not a
word of the tide in any operation orders or despatches, it could
hardly have occurred more fortunately for the British attack,
for it meant that between 7 A.M. and noon no German battle
cruiser or battleship could put to sea, a striking instance of the
serious handicap imposed on the Germans by their river harbours.
The first signal of anything unusual came in at 5:26 A.M. The
British submarine E 7 had fired a torpedo at G 104 about 4:45
A.M. and on the report reaching the "Seydlitz" about 5:26,
Rear-Adml. Maas, the German Flotilla Admiral, was ordered to
send out the sth Flotilla to look for the submarine, and they left
Heligoland for this purpose at 6:45 A.M. Such was the situation
just before the British forces came on the scene. The sea was
smooth, with a light wind from N.W., the sky overcast and
weather dull. At 6:53 A.M. the " Arethusa " struck the outer
patrol line, and, seeing G 194 on the port bow about 3^ m. away,
sent her flying towards Heligoland with the 4th Div. of the ist
Flotilla (" Laurel," " Liberty," " Lysander " and " Laertes ")
in chase. G 196, the next German boat on patrol to the N.,
sighted the British cruisers and reported them at 7:6, but the
report from G 194 did not get through till about 7:30 A.M. V 187,
the German flotilla leader's boat, to the S. of G 194, had also
sighted two destroyers, possibly the " Lurcher " and " Firedrake,"
and two cruisers on a S.E. course, and sent in a report of them.
The " Laurel's " division drew away to E., and at 7:26 Comm.
Tyrwhitt turned to port to support them. The " Fearless," 2 m.
astern of him, followed suit. A few minutes later the German
5th Flotilla was sighted coming up from Heligoland, and turned
back hotly pursued. Between 7:45 and 8 A.M. it became clear to
the German Admiral of Scouting Forces that a considerable force
of British destroyers had penetrated the Bight and at 7:47 the
" Stettin " and " Frauenlob " were ordered to proceed in sup-
port. The " Stettin " had already weighed at 7:32 and by 7:58
was under way, though she had not raised steam in all boilers.
Orders were also issued to the " Coin " and " Strassburg " to
support, to the " Kolberg " to get steam up, and to the " Stral-
sund " to proceed to the Roads. The German sth Flotilla was
being slowly overtaken and was crying for cruiser help (7:45).
The chief of the German 2nd S/M Flotilla, on board the
" Stettin," ordered U 25 to take up a position at the N. end of 'the
Heligoland-Weser line; the remainder of theGermansubmarines,
U 5, U 16, U 24, U 28, as they became available, were sent towards
the Jade to guard the entrance of the river. The alarm had gone
in Heligoland and the 8-in. guns were manned at 7 :3O A.M. ; by
7:50 A.M. the whole fortress was standing to. The pursuit was
rapidly approaching the island, and the British flotillas were
gradually overhauling the rear destroyers of the German sth
Flotilla. S 13 and V i were falling behind; the latter's range had
fallen to 3,900 yd., and at 7:50 a 4-in. shot penetrated her
stokehold, reducing her speed to 20 knots; another shot got
home on the starboard side, damaging the steering connexions,
and the British destroyers were gradually drawing closer when
the " Stettin " arrived on the scene at 7:58 A.M. and opened fire
at 9,200 yards. At 8:5 A.M. the " Fearless " was sighted, and
the " Stettin," breaking off the action, retired behind Heligoland
to get steam up for full speed, while the " Fearless " turned to
W.jS. at 8:12. The brief respite, however, had enabled the Ger-
man sth Flotilla to get clear, and they were now streaming down
towards Heligoland, though some of the 3rd Minesweeping Div.,
which had formed the inner patrol line, were not so fortunate.
They came under a heavy fire from the " Arethusa," and D 8 was
hit by a 6-in. shot which killed the captain, lieutenant and doc-
tor and disabled a score of men. T 33 too was brought to a
standstill, but at 8:8 A.M. the " Frauenlob," which had left the
Jade on hearing the guns, suddenly arrived on the scene from the
S., and engaged the " Arethusa " on a S.W. course. The range
fell from 6,000 to 4,000 yd., and the " Arethusa," which had
only commissioned the previous day, suffered severely. Lt. Eric
Westmacott, the signal officer, was killed by the commodore's
side. Only the forecastle 6-in. gun remained in action, and one
officer and 8 men were killed. The " Frauenlob " did not go
unscathed. She received about 10 hits and five dead and 32
wounded. About 8:25 the "Arethusa" turned to W.^S., and
the " Frauenlob " turned to S. and broke off the action.
, HELIGOLAND BIGHT
\Sll AUG.28
^ssf /MJU. AO ** 3"v4* n LAUREL
ZJJ. , FIG I ^*~f*liniee,mai<!Sn. T ', N ^
V"-.FLOTILLAS8.3OA.M. N \M
\ \ '.GERMAN 5*1" Fl. I-'
\ *^~^ __ FEARLESS ft Itf Fl. 7.S6 'i N
_ . \ Turn fattwar'a u ~~ ~ % . \ . rt r.. m^/rty
*'-t?s.__ \ I X, ^,'~~~ /I/W GOSHAWK RX^
/'^ _// / t^N^ ^V ""
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<** .'435 /<!' / TM. fe^/ \
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STETTIN
HeUGOUHO
FRAUENLOB
The approach to Heligoland and the engagements with the
" Stettin " and " Frauenlob " may be called the first phase of
the action. By 8:30 A.M. it was over and both the flotillas were
proceeding to the W., the " Fearless " some 6 m. to the N. of the
"Arethusa." Goodenough's light cruisers were about I2m. to
the W. and had also turned W. at 8:30. Beatty's battle cruisers
were about 45 m. off to the north-west. The original plan had
miscarried. The German patrols, instead of being swept to the
W., had broken back and had all reached home with one excep-
tion. As the " Fearless " made to the W., she sighted V 187 at
8:15. This was the German flotilla leader's boat, and the sth
Div. of the British ist Flotilla went off in chase. V 187 ran to the
S.W., hoping to make the Jade and Ems, when at 8:45 the
" Lowestoft " and " Nottingham," which had been detached by
Comm. Goodenough to support the flotillas, suddenly emerged
to the N.W. and opened a heavy fire at 4,300 yd., hitting her
for the first time. The captain turned to the N. to break past
the pursuing destroyers. He had passed them and was about to
turn to the E. when the 3rd Div. of the ist Flotilla came down on
him from the north. He was now enveloped in a heavy fire from
three sides. One shot put the foremost gun out of action, another
penetrated the stokehold, another struck the bridge. The boat
was brought to a standstill, and was sunk by the " Goshawk,"
" Phoenix " and " Ferret " at 9:10 A.M. The " Defender " had
lowered boats to rescue the survivors, but the " Stettin," which
had now got steam up, sighting V 187*5 smoke, reappeared on the
scene, too late to help her but in time to scatter the destroyers,
though she received one or two hits in doing so. The " Defender,"
in the hurry and scurry, had to leave her boats behind, but E 4
(Lt.-Comm. Leir), after making an unsuccessful attack on the
" Stettin," waited till she was out of the way, then suddenly
emerged, rescued the " Defender's " men, took an officer and a
couple of V i87's men " as a sample," gave the remainder a
compass to find their way to Heligoland, then submerged as
suddenly as she came.
At 8:55 the " Fearless," making W., had sighted the " Are-
HELIGOLAND BIGHT
365
thusa," and both flotillas were now 12 to 15 m. W. of Heligoland
steering W.jS. To Commodore (S), who did not know of the
presence of Goodenough's cruisers, the situation appeared con-
fused. He had sighted Goodenough's light cruisers at 7:45 and
reported them as the enemy, leading Goodenough to look for an
enemy where there was none, and'now about 9:40 A.M., seeing
iodcnough coming up behind him, he reported he was being
ased by four enemy cruisers. Tyrwhitt, getting the signal,
rned boldly round at 9:42 A.M. to help him, and proceeded E.
.gain. At 10 A.M., however, the mist lifted for a time and Comm.
Keyes recognized Goodenough's cruisers. But he now became
concerned for his submarines. The " Southampton " had already
attempted to ram E6, and Goodenough, after seeing Keyes, sent
a signal to Beatty and withdrew to the W., leaving the field clear
for the submarines. The " Arethusa, " after proceeding to the
E. for 8 m. with the " Fearless " and flotillas, stopped and pro-
ceeded to repair damages. A lull of half an hour now ensued
in the operations. The " Arethusa " had stopped and Good-
enough's cruisers had withdrawn.
By this time the Germans were beginning to appreciate the sit-
uation. At 8:20 A.M. the German C.-in-C., Adml. von Ingenohl,
had taken over the command from Rear-Adml. Hipper, the
Admiral of Scouting Forces, and had ordered the battle cruisers
to raise steam and be prepared to go out as soon as the bar would
permit. The German light cruisers, eager to attack, had pushed
out one by one as soon as they could get up steam. The " Strass-
burg " had passed the Outer Jade at 9:34 A.M., the " Coin"
(Rear-Adml. Maas) at 10 A.M., the " Ariadne " (ordered out at
10:33) at 10:50, the " Stralsund " at 11:20, the " Kolberg " at
noon. They now began to appear on the scene. At 10:40 the
" Arethusa " had got under way again, and was making to the
W. when the " Strassburg," which had been making strenuous
efforts to get in touch with the " Stettin," was sighted to the
S.E., coming up on a N.N.W. course. Fire was opened and the
flotillas turned to attack, but the " Strassburg," evidently
unwilling to close, went off to the N. and disappeared in the mist.
At 11:5 the " Coin" appeared to the S.E., and they turned to
engage her, but after a few salvoes she passed on. At 11:16 the
" Strassburg " reappeared to the N., and, steering a westerly
course, opened a heavy fire at about 8,650 yd. The " Look-
out," with the ist Div. followed by the 2nd Div., 'went off to
attack her at 1 1 :35 A.M. Two of their torpedoes crossed her path,
and, driven o!~f by the flotillas, she disappeared in the mist.
The flotillas rejoined the " Arethusa " and continued their
course to the westward. When the " Coin " appeared Tyrwhitt
had asked for support, and when the " Strassburg " came in
sight the second time, Capt. Blunt, foreseeing a concentration
of German light cruisers, sent an urgent signal for assistance.
Beatty meanwhile had been steaming round a position about
54 28' N., 6 20' E. The situation was obscure to him, but at 10
A.M. he made a general signal to all ships giving his position
54 26' N., 6 14' E., and adding: " Remaining here," so that
they might know where to find him.
.STRASSBURG P"
'til? attire
-" *^i*
V~y j~ARIADNE %>,
"---45
ttiaditcon fire
t sinking ^-^
Maim finking 12.30 I
HELIGOLAND BIGHT ST L.suNo
AUG. 26
FIG. 2 p 1 1 i
BEATTYlS ENTRY
The final and decisive phase of the action was now about to
begin. Between n and 11:30 Beatty received three calls for
assistance. At 11:20 he had ordered Goodenough to go to Tyr-
whitt's assistance. Then came Capt. Blunt's signal couched in
urgent terms, and Beatty decided to take his whole force into
the Bight. The " Arethusa " was some 40 m. away, and at 11:24
he formed his battle cruisers in single line ahead, and, working up
to full speed, proceeded to E.S.E., to throw his whole force into
the issue of the day.
Meanwhile the " Mainz " had left the Ems shortly after
9 A.M. and was making at full speed to the E. to cut off the
British destroyers and to get in touch with the " Strassburg "
and " Stettin." At 11:30 she was sighted almost right ahead
by the 2nd, 3rd and 5th Divs. of the British ist Flotilla as they
came W., with the " Fearless " and " Arethusa " some miles
behind them. The " Mainz " turned to the N. and chased the
destroyers to the N., bringing them under a heavy fire. But
at 1 1 :so the situation suddenly changed. Out of the mist, on
the port bow of the ist Flotilla, there appeared four light cruisers
steaming S.S.E. at high speed. These were Goodenough's
cruisers coming down from the N.N.W. in support. For a few
minutes the destroyers were doubtful whether they were friend
or foe, then they recognized them as British and turned gleefully
to join them. The " Mainz " recognized them too, and, turning
sharply round, fled to the southward. The ist L.C.S. opened
fire, but the range was over 7,000 yd. and the " Mainz " drew
away, reporting that she was being chased by a battle cruiser.
The signal was received at 12:5 P.M. and the " Moltke " and
" Von der Tann " were ordered to proceed, with the German
8th Flotilla to screen them. At 12:8 P.M. the " Mainz," run-
ning S.E., sighted the " Fearless " and 3rd Flotilla. She swung
round to S. and the ist and 2nd Divs. of the British 3rd Flotilla
turned to N. and the 4th Div. to S. to engage her.
A shot, possibly from the " Fearless," damaged the " Mainz's " .
rudder and brought her port engine to a stop. She now concen-
trated on the 4th Division. The " Laurel " was hit by her
first salvo; the fourth detonated a number of lyddite shells and
blew away the after-funnel, and the " Laurel," with her cap-
tain severely wounded, crawled away, hidden by the steam
and smoke pouring out of her funnel. The " Liberty " ran into
the zone of fire, and had her mast shot away and her captain,
Lt.-Comm. Nigel Barthelot, killed. The "Laertes" was hit
four times by a single salvo at 4,000 yd. and was stopped dead.
But a torpedo fired by the 4th Div. had hit the " Mainz " on the
port side amidships. Goodenough's cruisers were closing rapidly
and, opening a deadly fire, they reduced her quickly to a
wreck. At 12:25 they ceased fire, and at 1:8 the "Mainz"
settled by the bows and sank.
The position was still far from clear. The flotillas were
scattered. Two German cruisers, the "Strassburg" and
" Coin," had appeared to the N.E. and opened a heavy fire,
and the German forces seemed to be concentrating to the north-
ward. But in a few minutes everything was changed. Out of
the mist there emerged Beatty's four great battle cruisers steam-
ing at high speed. They swept past the sinking " Mainz," and
on to the N.E., Goodenough with his cruisers following in their
wake. The German cruisers saw them and fled, but it was too
late. At 12:37 the " Coin " appeared on the port bow, and the
" Lion " opened fire at 3,800 yards. The " Coin " steered
desperately to the N.E., but was hit by a heavy shell and her
engines disabled. She gained a brief respite, for the " Ariadne "
was sighted by the " Lion " trying to cross her bows on a S.E.
course in a despairing effort to escape. Her end came quickly.
She was hit by the first two salvoes and disappeared in the mist
to the S.E., on fire and sinking. Beatty now decided to with-
draw, and at i :io P.M. made the signal to retire.
The " Lion " circled round to the N. and sighted the " Coin "
again at 1:25 P.M. steering slowly to the S.W. The admiral
had fallen, her captain was seriously wounded. The " Lion "
sent a i3-5-in. shell into her; she listed to port and sank with
her flag flying, at 1:35. By this time both the "Stettin" and
" Strassburg " had reported the presence of battle cruisers, and
366
HELMET HENDERSON
at i -.50 the German light cruisers were ordered to fall back on
the " Moltke " and " Von der Tann." At 2 P.M. the German
battle cruisers passed the bar of the Outer Jade. The German
ist and 3rd Squadrons were now getting up steam, and the
German battle cruisers were ordered not to advance against
the British squadron (2:41 P.M.) but to wait for the " Seydlitz "
25 m. W. of Heligoland. By 3:50 the three battle cruisers had
reached that position, and had been joined by the " Strassburg,"
" Kolberg " and " Stralsund." There were no signs of the
enemy. The squadron turned back before reaching the posi-
tion where the " Coin " went down, and no survivors were found
that day. A single stoker was picked up by a torpedo-boat on
Aug. 30. Four others had managed to get hold of a battered
dinghy, but he alone survived.
For the British it remained only to get home. Adml. Camp-
bell's cruisers met the " Lurcher," with the " Mainz's " crew on
board, escorting the "Laurel" and "Liberty," at 4:30 P.M.,
and the "Laurel " was taken in tow by the " Amethyst." The
" Arethusa " struggled on at 6 knots till 7 P.M., then had to
signal for assistance, and at 9:30 P.M. was taken in tow by the
" Hogue " and reached home safely.
Mist, uncertainty arising from the appearance of British light
cruisers, and the speed of the enemy's light cruisers militated
against the success of the British submarines. E 7 had begun the
day by firing a torpedo at G 194, had sighted the ist L.C.S. at 10
A.M. and recognized them as British; she had seen the " Danzig "
later at 12:40, and at 1:15 had sighted Beatty's battle cruisers,
which passed over her this probably gave rise to the report of
an attack on the " Queen Mary." E 4 had fired a torpedo at the
"Stettin," picked up the "Defender's" men and seen the
" Ariadne " going W. at 1 2 :io P.M. E 6 had been attacked by the
" Southampton " at 9 :3O, had watched the action between the
" Mainz " and the flotillas, and had prepared to attack a four-
funnelled cruiser at i .'45, only to recognize it just in time as the
" Liverpool."
The German submarines had all been held back off Heligoland
by the chief of the 2nd Submarine Flotilla, and the reports of
attacks by them on the British were fictitious. When, at noon,
it was clear that battle cruisers had entered the Bight, the Ger-
man submarines ware ordered by the chief of the ist Submarine
Flotilla to attack the enemy in the vicinity of Heligoland, but as
the enemy was 35 m. off and it would have taken them at least
four hours to reach him, the order was ineffective.
The engagement was a severe blow to the German fleet. They
had lost three light cruisers and one destroyer, and their casualties
were 63 officers and 649 men killed, 20 officers and 361 men
wounded, 9 officers and 140 men prisoners, a total of 1,242,
against the British 35 killed and some 40 wounded. The Germans
had at first expected the British fleet to enter the Bight, but as
days passed without a sign of it they became less circumspect and
Beatty caught them off their guard. In these circumstances they
had only two courses before them either to keep everything
back or send everything out. As it was, the light cruisers had
proceeded independently and had fallen victims to greatly
superior forces. The exposure of the patrols to sudden attack
entailed one of two policies to keep heavy ships continuously on
patrol and tie them to the defence of the rivers, or to lay mine-
fields to cover the approaches. The latter policy was adopted and
mines began to be laid to the W. of Heligoland in September
1914. The engagement had a further effect, for it confirmed the
Kaiser in his determination to limit the German fleet to a strictly
defensive policy. When Beatty swooped down on the Bight he
drove a great wedge into German naval policy. Von Tirpitz,
whose son had been taken prisoner in the " Mainz," wearied
himself with plaints, but all in vain. For the British nation and
navy the victory came, too, at an opportune time. The irresist-
ible advance of the German army was being viewed with some-
thing like dismay. The news of a naval victory in the very gates
of the enemy lightened the gloom and gave the nation faith that
the navy was equal to its gigantic task. It gave the navy, too,
confidence in its leaders. They knew that where they were Beatty
also would be. Many a day was to pass before, on another misty
day, also in the mouth of another river, Beatty was to look on a very
different scene, but the first naval laurels of the war were gained
in the Bight, and this naval action ranks as one of the most
important of the World War. (A. C. D.)
HELMET (see 13.247). Tlje World War again demonstrated
the truth of the old saying that " in war it is the unexpected that
happens." In view of the developments which had taken place
in the science of gunnery, and the destructive effects of modern
gun and rifle fire, it would hardly have been anticipated that
the world would again witness the spectacle of soldiers in hel-
mets throwing hand grenades and bombs at an enemy only a few
yards distant in fact, a return of the grenadiers in helmets.
Against modern rifle-fire, helmets are of no use; and except for
ornamental purposes they had long been abandoned. But the
World War brought them again into use.
It was not until the war was well advanced, and the armies on
the western front had been engaged in trench warfare for some
considerable time, that it was realized that a great number of
head wounds caused by shrapnel bullets, fragments of shell, etc.,
travelling at relatively low velocities, might have been prevented
by very slight protection. Even then an immense amount of
research and experimental work had to be carried out before an
efficient helmet was produced, and an immense amount of prej-
udice had to be overcome before the soldier realized its value
and could be induced to wear it. Helmets were first introduced
into the French army, and they eventually formed an essential
part of the equipment of every soldier.
The problem to be solved in the manufacture of a helmet is
very different to that of the ordinary bullet-proof plate which is
designed to stop direct rifle-fire. The governing factor is weight,
and as it is impossible to attempt to stop direct rifle-fire owing to
the excessive weight of metal which this would necessitate, efforts
must be confined to securing defence against shrapnel bullets and
fragments travelling at low velocities. A hard steel is out of the
question, as it would break up under impact. On the other hand
a soft steel would be too easily perforated. The properties which
the metal must possess are those of extreme toughness and ductil-
ity, so that the resistance offered to the impact may be gradual
and distributed over as large an area as possible. The effect can
perhaps be best described by comparing it with the action of a
loosely hung net in stopping a cricket ball or a golf ball. The one
material which possesses these requirements to a high degree is
manganese steel. This steel can be rolled into thin sheets from
which the helmets are pressed, and in this form its ductility is
remarkable. The thickness of the metal is only 20 B.W.G. or
036 of an inch, and this is required to withstand the impact of a
shrapnel bullet (forty-one to the pound) travelling at a velocity
of 750 ft. per second. Under actual test they resisted this attack
at 900 ft. per second.
A comparison of the British helmet with the French and Ger-
man is of interest. The French helmet weighed slightly less than
the British 23! oz. as against 25^ oz. but was only made of
mild steel and could be easily perforated by shrapnel bullets at as
low a velocity as 350 ft. per second'. It must be remembered,
however, that the French were the first to realize the value of
helmets, and at once issued two million of them manufactured
from the only material available to the army. Arrangements
were subsequently made for these helmets to be replaced by
manganese-steel helmets, but in the meantime the Armistice was
signed and they were never delivered. The German helmet was
made of nickel-chrome steel and weighed as much as 37 oz., or
nearly 12 oz. more than the British. It was easily perforated by
shrapnel at low velocities, and in addition suffered from the fatal
defect of cracking and breaking under impact. The helmets
supplied to the U.S. troops at the beginning of the war were
exact copies of the British types. The model of 1917, of man-
ganese steel, -036 in. to -040 in. thick, weighs, complete with
lining and chin strap, 36 ounces. (E. F. L.)
HEMY, CHARLES NAPIER (1841-1917), British painter
(see 13.265), died at Falmouth Sept. 30 1917.
HENDERSON, ARTHUR (1863- ), British Labour politi-
cian, was born in Glasgow of working-class parents Sept. 15
HENDERSON HENRY, O.
367
1863; but his work and interests subsequently lay at Newcastle
(where he served an apprenticeship as moulder at Robert Steph-
enson & Co.'s works), and in the county of Durham. He gradually
became prominent in connexion with his own trade union and in
the trade-union movement generally. After a while he took a
leading part in local affairs, and was for some years a member of
the Newcastle city council, and Darlington borough council.
He was mayor 1903; and was made a magistrate for the county
of Durham. He entered Parliament for Barnard Castle as a
Labour member, at a by-election in 1903. When the Labour
party were first returned to Parliament in force, in 1906, he soon
made his mark as one of their leaders. In 1907 he took a prom-
inent part in advocating the ending, rather than the mending,
of the House of Lords; and in 1908 he was elected chairman of the
party, a post which he held for two years and to which he was
reflected in the autumn of 1914 when the then chairman, Mr.
Ramsay Macdonald, had to resign owing to his pacifist views.
As chairman, at the opening of the new session in that autumn,
Mr. Henderson promised the full support of organized labour
in maintaining the " splendid unity " of the nation.
When Mr. Asquith formed the first Coalition Ministry in 1915,
he included Mr. Henderson in the Cabinet as President of the
Board of Education, and also adviser of the Government on
Labour questions arising out of the World War. Indeed his
functions as Labour adviser so occupied his time and attention,
that it was thought desirable to relieve him in Aug. 1916 of the
Board of Education, and give him the practical sinecure of
Paymaster-General, so that he might be free to devote himself to
the more congenial part of his work. Throughout the Ministry
Mr. Henderson showed himself resolved on a strenuous prose-
cution of the war. He warmly advocated both the Munitions
bill and the Registration bill, and had no hesitation in taking
the further step of compulsory service, asserting, on the first
Military Service bill, that the choice was between compulsion
and defeat, and on the second bill, that the first had brought in
more men than was expected and, therefore, that there was
every reason to anticipate the success of the second. He followed
up this action by strongly urging the Labour party to rally in
Dec. 1916 to Mr. Lloyd George, and by accepting himself the
position of an original member of the War Cabinet of four with-
out portfolio. In consequence of his prominence as a labour
protagonist of the war, his life was threatened, along with the
Prime Minister's, by the conspiracy of a Derby family of an-
archists, who were duly convicted, and sentenced to considerable
terms of penal servitude, in March 1917.
After the revolution in Russia in the spring of 1917 Mr. Hen-
derson visited that country on behalf of the British Govern-
ment. He found there, as he subsequently explained, the most
confused ideas current as to the aims of the Allies in the war, and
deliberate perversions circulated by enemy agents. The then Pro-
visional Government at Petrograd favoured an international
Labour and Socialist Conference, which was being promoted by
the International Socialist Bureau and was to meet at Stock-
holm. They pressed Mr. Henderson to use his influence with
British Labour to attend this Conference; and he, believing the
Conference to be inevitable, came to the conclusion that, pro-
vided it were merely consultative, it would be better that British
representatives should go, rather than permit Russian representa-
tives to meet German representatives alone. He returned with
these ideas to England, and, being still secretary of the Labour
party as well as a member of the War Cabinet, used his influence
as secretary to promote British Labour participation in the Con-
ference. But though the majority of Labour men were apparently
in his favour, public opinion in other classes was strongly against
any conference with Germans in the midst of war. The Sailors'
and Firemen's Union refused to carry the delegates. Mr. Hen-
derson visited Paris in the company of Mr. Ramsay Macdonald
to discuss the situation with Labour over there, but found that
neither French, nor Belgian, nor Italian, nor American Labour
was disposed to join. Moreover, all Mr. Henderson's Labour
colleagues in the Government opposed his views; and on Mr.
Lloyd George expressing the surprise of the rest of the War
Cabinet at his action and their dissent from his policy he re-
signed and was succeeded by Mr. George Barnes.
The attitude of Labour internationalism was maintained by
Mr. Henderson out of office, and he warmly espoused the Labour
policy of the latter part of 1918, to take the Labour men out of
the Government and appeal for support on a Labour platform, in
conjunction with the pacifist wing of the party. This policy
cost Mr. Henderson his seat in Parliament at the General Elec-
tion of Dec. 1918. He was defeated by a candidate of the Nation-
al Democratic party in East Ham, and none of the Pacifist
Labour men with whom he had made common cause found their
way into Parliament. He himself returned to the House of
Commons at a by-election for Widnes in Sept. 1919. He strongly
promoted the League of Nations in the early part of that year;
he attended the International Socialist Conference at Berne;
and in Dec. 1920 he paid an informal visit to Ireland in the hope
of promoting peace. (G. E. B.)
HENDERSON, SIR DAVID (1862-1921), British general, was
born on Aug. n 1862. He served in the Nile Expedition of
1898, and in the defence of Ladysmith and the subsequent
advance into the Transvaal 1899-1900. In the later phases of
the S. African War he was chief of the Intelligence Department,
and on its conclusion he was promoted brevet lieutenant-colonel
and received the D.S.O. He afterwards held many staff appoint-
ments at home, was promoted colonel in 1905, and became
director of military training in 1912. In the meantime he had
taken up the study and practice of aviation, and in the following
year he was appointed the first director of military aeronautics.
On the outbreak of the World War he went to France in command
of the Royal Flying Corps, while retaining the position of director
at the War Office, and he was promoted major-general for dis-
tinguished service within a few weeks. But, finding it impossible
to combine the duties, he gave up his command at the front
early in 1915, and thenceforward devoted himself to the develop-
ment and expansion of the military flying service. He was pro-
moted lieutenant-general at the beginning of 1917, and at the
end of that year he joined the Air Ministry on its creation, as
chief of the general staff; but he resigned this position in the
following April. In May 1919 he became director-general of the
League of Red Cross Societies. He was created K.C.B. in 1914,
and K.C.V.O. in 1919. He died at Geneva Aug. 17 1921.
HENRY, EDWARD LAMSON (1841-1919), American painter
(see 13.299), died at Ellenville, N.Y., May 9 1919.
HENRY, 0. (1862-1910), American short-story writer, was
born at Greensboro, N.C., Sept. n 1862. His real name was
William Sydney Porter, and he came from an old southern family.
Until 15 years of age he attended a school directed by his ma-
ternal aunt in Greensboro and then entered his uncle's drugstore
as a clerk. From early years he was a constant reader, and he
secured a wide knowledge of the English classics. He has recorded
that his favourite books were Lane's translation of The Arabian
Nights and Burton's A nalomy of Melancholy, and that he was a
devoted admirer of Tennyson. The close confinement as drug-
clerk impaired his health, and in 1882 he was sent to a friend's
ranch in Texas, where he remained two years. In 1884 he went
to Austin, Tex., where he lived ten years, first as a book-keeper in
a real estate office, then as an employee in the General Land Office
and from 1891 as teller in the First National Bank of Austin.
In 1894 he purchased Brann's Iconoclast, a weekly, which after
a short time he renamed The Rolling Stone. This paper he
converted into a ten-page weekly, he alone furnishing most of the
matter and the illustrations. Even as a young boy he had been
locally famous for his cartoons. After a year the paper " rolled
away," to use his own words, and in 1895 he became a reporter
on the Houston Daily Post. In 1896 he was charged with having
embezzled money while teller in the Austin bank some years
before. He fled to Honduras, and thereafter visited several South
American countries. In 1897 he returned to Austin and the
following year was convicted and sentenced to serve four years in
the Ohio penitentiary. Later his innocence seemed to have been
established, and it was generally agreed that had he originally
stood trial he would have been acquitted. He entered prison
368
HENRY HERTLING
April 25 1898 and was released July 24 1901. It was probably
while in prison that he first adopted the pen name of O. Henry.
Many of his stories, written there, were mailed to New Orleans
and thence redirected to the publishers. In 1902 he settled in
New York, and sent forth a constant stream of stories, which
became extraordinarily popular. They are characterized by a
gorgeousness of imagination, recalling The Arabian Nights so
familiar to him; but the constant striving for effect and the
excessive use of slang led many to see in them a degeneration
into " literary vaudeville." He is perhaps at his best when
describing the endlessly varied types presented by the mass of
humanity in New York City. He died in New York June 5 1910.
His own natural reticence concerning his life gave rise to many
myths. His stories were issued under the following titles: Cabbages
and Kings (1905) ; The Four Million (1906) ; The Trimmed Lamp
(1907) ; Heart of the West (1907) ; The Gentle Grafter (1908) ; The
Voice of the City (1908); Roads of Destiny (1909); Options (1909);
Whirligigs (1910); Strictly Business (1910); The Two Women (1910);
Let Me Feel Your Pulse (1910, his last completed story); Sixes and
Sevens (1911); Rolling Stones (1912) and Waifs and Strays (1917).
See C. Alphonso Smith, O. Henry (1916).
HENRY, VICTOR (1850-1907), French philologist (see 13.301),
died at Sceaux, near Paris, Feb. 1907.
HENSCHEL, SIR GEORGE (1850- ), English musician
(see 13.302), from 1905-8 taught at the Institute of Musical
Art, N.Y. He was knighted in 1914. A Mass in eight parts
a cappella was first sung in 1916. In 1907 he published Personal
Recollections of Brahms and 12 years later Musings and Memories
of a Musician. Henschel's very highly developed sense of in-
terpretation and style made him an ideal concert singer, while
he was no less distinguished as accompanist.
HENSON, HERBERT HENSLEY (1863- ), English divine,
was born in London Nov. 8 1863. As an unattached student at
Oxford he graduated with a first class in modern history in 1884,
and was elected a fellow of All Souls College. He was ordained in
1887, and after being head of Oxford House at Bethnal Green
for a year he was given the living of Barking, Essex. He was
incumbent of St. Mary's hospital, Ilford, 1895-1900, canon of
Westminster and rector of St. Margaret's 1900-12, and dean of
Durham 1912-8, when he was promoted to the bishopric of
Hereford in succession to Dr. Percival. He had become B.D. in
1898 and successively hon. D.D. of Glasgow, Durham and Ox-
ford, and was for some time hon. professor of modern history
at Durham University. Owing to his pronounced liberal opinions
in theology, notably as to the Virgin birth, and to his insistence
on the validity of Nonconformist orders, highly objectionable to
the Anglo-Catholic school in the Church, his elevation to the
bench of bishops aroused much controversy, and a number of the
clergy of the diocese united in a public protest. The election,
however, went forward in face of opposition, which soon sub-
sided. In 1920, he was translated to the bishopric of Durham.
Amongst his published works may be mentioned Light and Leaven
(1897); Cui bono, an open letter to Lord Halifax (1899); War-time
Sermons (1915) and Christian Liberty (1918).
HERBERTSON, ANDREW JOHN (1865-1915), British geog-
rapher, was born at Galashiels Oct. n 1865, and educated at
Galashiels Academy and Edinburgh Institution. He served for
some time with a firm of surveyors in Edinburgh, but later entered
Edinburgh University, where he was engaged in research work
under Prof. Tait. He subsequently carried out investigations on
hygrometry at the Ben Nevis observatory. In 1894 he was ap-
pointed lecturer in Geography at Owens College, Manchester;
in 1896 lecturer at the Heriot-Watt College, Edinburgh, and in
1899 assistant to the reader in geography at Oxford. He became
reader in geography in 1905 and in 1910 received the title of
professor. The same year he was president of the geographical
section of the British Association. He edited, with Dr. Buchan,
the volume on meteorology for Bartholomew's Physical Alias
(1899) and, with O. J. R. Howarth, a Survey of the British Em-
pire (1914). His paper on Climatic Regions of the Globe attracted
much attention, and his numerous text-books on geographical
subjects and the leading part he took in the foundation and
development of the Geographical Association enabled him to
exert a powerful influence on the improvement of the teaching
of geography. He died at Chinnor, near Oxford, July 31 1915.
HERKOMER, SIR HUBERT VON (1840-1914), British painter
(see 13. 364), died at Budleigh Salterton, Devon, March 31 1914.
HERMANT, ABEL (1862- ), French author and dramatist,
was born in Paris, Feb. 3 1862. He was educated in Paris, and
afterwards entered the literary profession, being in 1902 made
president of the Societe des Gens de Lettres.
His works include Monsieur Rabosson (1884); Amour de T2te (1890)
and Le Frisson de Paris (1895), besides various amusing dialogues,
such as Scenes de la Vie des Cours et des Ambassades, comprenant La
Carriere, Le Sceptre et Le Char de I'Etat (1900). His plays include
La Meute (1896); Syhie, ou la Curieuse d Amour (1900); La Belle
Madame Heber (1905) ; Les Jacobines (1907) and La Semaine Folle
(1913). He produced a series of novels, Memoires pour servir &
I'histoire de la Societe, including Coeurs privileges (1903) ; La Con-
fession d'un homme d'aujourd'hui (1904); Les Afranchis (1908);
Histoire d'un Fils de Roi (1911) and L'Aube ardente (1919). He also
published various books on the war, including Heures de guerre de la
famitte Valadier (1915) and Histoires de man ami Jean (1917).
HERRICK, ROBERT (1868- ), American author, was born
in Cambridge, Mass., April 26 1868. He was educated at the
Cambridge Latin school and at Harvard University (A.B. 1890).
He was appointed instructor in rhetoric at the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology in 1890 and three years later accepted a
similar position at the university of Chicago. At the latter place,
passing through the various stages of promotion, he became pro-
fessor of English in 1905. His novels and short stories deal with
the complicated problems of modern life in realistic fashion.
They include The Man Who Wins (1895); Literary Love Letters
and Other Stories (1897); Love's Dilemmas (1898); The Gospel of
Freedom (1898) ; The Web of Life (1900); The Real World (1901) ;
Their Child (1903) ; The Common Lot (1904) ; The Memoirs of an
American Citizen (1905); The Master of the Inn (1908); To-
gether (1908); A Life for a Life (1910); The Healer (1911); One
Woman's Life (1913); His Great Adventure (1913); Clark's
Field (1914); The World Decision (1916) and The Conscript
Mother (1916). He was also the author of Composition and
Rhetoric (1899, with L. T. Damon). He was made a member of
the National Institute of Arts and Letters.
HERTLING, GEORG, COUNT VON (1843-1919), German
statesman, was born Aug. 31 1843 at Darmstadt. In 1882 he
became professor of philosophy in the university of Munich, and
during his tenure of this chair he published books on Aristotle
(1871) and on Albertus Magnus (1880). From 1875 to 1890, and
again from 1893 to 1912, he was a member of the Reichstag, and
after 1909 led for a time the Centre (Catholic) party in that As-
sembly. The Regent of Bavaria made him in 1891 a life member
of the Upper House of the Bavarian Diet. In 1912 he was ap-
pointed Bavarian Minister-President and Minister for Foreign
Affairs. King Ludwig IH.elevated him to the rank of Count. He
had been urged by the Emperor to accept the Chancellorship
when Bethmann Hollweg resigned in July 1917, but declined on
the ground that he saw no prospect of being able to work in har-
mony with the higher military command. When Michaelis was
got rid of in Oct. 1917 he yielded to pressure which was put upon
him, and, although 74 years of age and in a precarious state of
health, assumed the burden of the Chancellorship, which he
sustained for the ensuing 1 2 months. The encroachments of the
military authorities, particularly Ludendorff, upon the political
conduct of the empire became even more serious during Hert-
ling's Chancellorship than they had been during that of Beth-
mann Hollweg. Hertling's son, an officer who was attached to
him as aide-de-camp, has, in a book possessing both political in-
terest and real literary merit, Ein Jahr in der Reichskanzlei
(1919), given an account of the difficulties which the Chancellor
experienced in his dealings with the Emperor and with Luden-
dorff. It fell to Hertling's lot, moreover, to endeavour to per-
suade the reactionary Prussian Chamber and the Prussian
Herrenhaus to pass the bill which, in fulfilment of the Emperor's
belated proclamations, had been introduced for the equalization
of the Prussian franchise. In this he failed, although upon one
occasion he had gone so far as to warn the Upper House that the
question was one which concerned " the existence of the dynasty."
HERTZOG HICHENS
369
Indeed, two "Chancellor" crises within four months had done
much to undermine the whole system of Imperial and Prussian
semi-absolutism, and to shake the confidence of the masses in the
possibility of a successful issue of the war. The failure of the
spring and summer offensives of 1918 destroyed Hertling's hope
that he might eventually be able to negotiate with the Allied
and Associated Powers on anything like equal terms. Feeling
among the masses and also in large sections of the army was
giving cause for great anxiety. The necessity for the introduction
of real parliamentary government, against which, in accordance
with the conservative principles of a lifetime, he struggled,
became paramount. His health too was broken. His resignation
was accepted on Sept. 30 1918. He died on Jan. 4 1919 at his
country home at Ruhpolding in Upper Bavaria. He left
reminiscences which were published in 1919 under the title of
Erinnerungcn aus meinem Leben.
HERTZOG, JAMES BARRY MUNNIK (1866- ), Dutch
South African politician, was born at Wellington, Cape Colony,
in 1866, and was educated at the Victoria College, Stellenbosch,
going afterwards to Amsterdam University. Returning to South
Africa he settled in the Orange Free State, where he was called to
the bar and was appointed a judge in 1895. During the South
African War of 1899-1902 Hertzog served as a Boer general,
though without conspicuous personal distinction in the field.
Nevertheless he emerged from the war as one of the recognized
leaders of the Free State Dutch, and took a leading part in the
consultations of the Dutch leaders which preceded the Peace of
Vereeniging. He resisted the policy of making an end of the war,
and held out to the end against the moderate counsels of Trans-
vaal leaders such as Gen. Botha and Gen. Smuts. This difference
was smoothed over later, but the memory of it persisted and had
a potent influence on the course of South African history. When
responsible government was granted to the Orange River Colony
in 1907 Hertzog became Attorney-General and Minister for
Education with Abraham Fischer as Prime Minister. As Min-
ister of Education he pursued with determination a policy of
placing Dutch side by side with English as the medium of educa-
tion, a policy sound enough in view of the racial circumstances
of the country, but demanding the utmost skill and tact in its
administration. Hertzog showed none of the gifts of the skilled
administrator, and as his methods revealed themselves resentment
and suspicion grew among the English-speaking people of the col-
ony and from them spread throughout South Africa. The circum-
stances of the time were difficult enough in themselves, but the
contrast between the methods of the Botha Government in the
Transvaal as to education and those of the Fischer Government
in the Orange River Colony was for all to see. The complications
of Hertzog's administration of the Education Department
culminated in the summary dismissal by him of Mr. Fraser, an
English-speaking inspector in the service of the Department.
Hertzog justified this summary action in Parliament and before
his constituents by making public accusations against the bona
fides of Mr. Fraser, who brought a libel action against him, in
which the verdict went heavily against Hertzog. Meanwhile
the Union movement grew throughout South Africa. Hertzog
was one of the representatives of the Orange River Colony on the
National Convention which drafted the Union Act, and took
office under Gen. Botha as the first Minister of Justice of the
Union of South Africa in 1910. During the meetings of the
Convention it had seemed that he was ready to obliterate the
racial hatreds of the war, but his conduct as Minister of Justice
soon showed that the old spirit of bitterness was still strong in
him. He was a thorn in the side of the Botha Ministry, and at
the end of 1912 the differences between him and his more
moderate colleagues in the Cabinet became so plain that the
patience of the Prime Minister could ignore them no longer.
In Dec. 1912 Gen. Botha resigned, and taking office again, recon-
structed his Ministry, leaving Hertzog out. This was the critical
point in a long feud between Hertzog on one side and Botha and
Smuts on the other. When the World War broke out, Hertzog,
who by then had formed the Nationalist party in the South
African Parliament and was in steady opposition to the Botha
Ministry, resisted the cooperation of the Prime Minister and
Smuts with Great Britain in the war. When, at the end of 1914,
some of the Dutch-speaking people went into open rebellion,
Hertzog hesitated and attempted to compromise, never bringing
himself to utter any straight condemnation of rebellion. This
course he and the Nationalists maintained throughout the war,
drifting ultimately into a formal claim for a republic in South
Africa. In two general elections during 1920, when Gen. Smuts
had become Prime Minister after the death of Gen. Botha, Hert-
zog maintained the Parliamentary strength of the Nationalist
party, having refused reunion with the party led by Gen.
Smuts on the ground that the claim could not be abandoned.
HERVIEU, PAUL (1857-1915), French dramatist and novelist
(see 13.405), produced his last play, Le Destinest Maitre, in 1914.
He died suddenly in Paris Oct. 25 1915.
See A. Binet, Portrait psychologique de Paul Hervieu (1914) ;
H. Burckhardt, Studien zu Paul Herviey, (1917).
HEWLETT, MAURICE HENRY (1861- ), British man of
letters (see 13.417). Later novels include Brazenhead the Great
(1911); Mrs. Lancelot (1912); Bendish (1913); A Lover's Tale
(1915); Love and Lucy (1916) and Main-waring (1921). In verse
he also published Helen Redeemed and Other Poems (1913);
The Village Wife's Lament (1918); Flowers in the Grass (1920),
as well as various translations and imitations of the Norwegian
sagas, notably Thorgils of Treadholt (1917). His son, Flight-
Comm. FRANCIS ESME THEODORE HEWLETT (b. 1891), gained
distinction in the R.N.A.S. during the World War, being one of
the small force which set out to reconnoitre and photograph
Cuxhaven on Christmas Day 1914. His seaplane was forced to
descend, and he was picked up only after a week of buffeting
with the sea. Throughout 1917 he was with the flying squadrons
at Dunkirk, taking daily flights in all weathers to and from Dover.
During 1918 he was at Mudros and thence made a flight to bomb
Constantinople.
HEYSE, PAUL JOHANN LUDWIG (1830-1914), German
novelist, dramatist and poet (see 13.438), received the Nobel
prize for literature in 1910. His later works include Novellen
vom Garda See (1902); Gegen den Strom (1907); Helldunkles
Leben (1909); Italienische Volksmarchen (1914) and Letzle Novel-
len (1914). He died at Munich April 2 1914.
Several volumes of his letters have appeared (1916, 1917, 1919);
see also H. Raff, Paul Heyse (1910).
HIBBEN, JOHN GRIER (1861- ), American educator, was
born at Peoria, 111., April 19 1861. He graduated from Princeton
University in 1882; was a student at Princeton Theological
Seminary from 1883 to 1886; and later studied at Berlin. In 1887
he was ordained a minister in the Presbyterian Church and was a
pastor for four years at Chambersburg, Pa. In 1891 he returned
to Princeton where he taught logic as an instructor (receiving
the degree of Ph.D. in 1893), assistant professor, and from 1907
professor. In 1912 he succeeded Woodrow Wilson as president.
His works include Indiictive Logic (1896); The Problems of Philos-
ophy (1898) ; Hegel's Logic (1902) ; Deductive Logic (1905) ; The Phi-
losophy of the Enlightenment (1910, contributed to the Epochs men-
tioned below); A Defence of Prejudice and Other Essays (1911) and
The Higher Patriotism (1915). He edited Epochs of Philosophy^, a
series of twelve volumes written by distinguished scholars of America,
Canada and Great Britain.
HICHENS, ROBERT SMYTHE (1864- ), English novelist,
was born at Speldhurst, Kent, Nov. 14 1864. He was educated
at Tunbridge Wells and Clifton College, and then became a
student at the Royal College of Music, London, with a view to
adopting music as a profession. He was, however, diverted to
journalism and later to fiction. During his musical period he
published some lyrics and short stories, besides a novel, The
Coastguard's Secret, at the age of seventeen. But he first attracted
serious attention with The Green Carnation (1894) and An
Imaginative Man (1895). He followed these by some novels of
London society such as The Londoners (1897) and The Woman
with the Fan (1904) ; but his principal work in fiction was a series
of novels with an Eastern setting, beginning with The Garden of
Allah (1905) and including The Call of the Bleod (1906) and
Bella Donna (1909). He also published certain travel sketches in
370
HIGGINSON HINDENBURG
The Holy Land (1910) and The Near East (1913), as well as tales
of the supernatural, of which The Dweller on the Threshold (1911)
is the best example. Of his dramatized novels Bella Donna,
produced at the St. James's theatre, London, in 1911-2, and
The Garden of Allah, produced first in New York and (1920) at
Drury Lane theatre, London, were the most successful.
HIGGINSON, HENRY LEE (1834-1919), American banker, was
born in New York City Nov. 18 1834. At the age of 17 he entered
Harvard College but before finishing his course entered the
banking house of S. & E. Austin, of Boston. He later went to
Vienna for a year, where he studied music. On the outbreak of
the Civil War he was commissioned second lieutenant of volun-
teers and was soon promoted to first lieutenant. Later he was
made captain and transferred to the volunteer cavalry, being
promoted major in 1862 and two years later brevetted lieutenant-
colonel. In 1863 he was severely wounded at Aldie, Va., and in
the following year was honqurably discharged, after serving for a
time on the staff of Maj.-Gen. Barlow. In 1868 he joined the
banking firm of Lee, Higginson & Co., of Boston, with whom he
remained until his death. His interest in music led to his found-
ing the Boston Symphony Orchestra in 1881. A long line of dis-
tinguished directors placed this organization in the first rank.
It was a stimulating source of musical education in America and
won full recognition abroad. In 1891 as a memorial to certain
friends who died in the Civil War, he presented Soldiers' Field
to Harvard University. In these extensive athletic grounds the
Stadium was built. In 1899 he erected the Harvard Union as a
general meeting-place for all yndergraduates. He was a trustee
of numerous institutions, including the New England Conserva-
tory of Music, and was for many years a fellow of Harvard
University. He died in Boston, Mass., Nov. 14 1919.
See Bliss Perry, The Life and Letters of Henry Lee Higginson
(1921).
HIGGINSON, THOMAS WENTWORTH (1823-1911), American
author (see 13.455), died in Cambridge, Mass., May 9 1911.
See T. W. Higginson: The Story of His Life (1914), by M. T.
Higginson (his wife).
HILDEBRANDSSON, HUGO HILDEBRAND (1838- ), Swed-
ish meteorologist, was born at Stockholm Aug. 19 1838, and
was educated at the Stockholm gymnasium and the university
of Upsala, where he took his doctor's degree in 1858, becoming
doctor of physics in 1866. In 1878 he was appointed first pro-
fessor of meteorology at Upsala and director of the meteorologi-
cal observatory there, retaining these posts until 1906. He was a
prominent member of the International Meteorological Com-
mittee, and for some years served as its secretary, while he also
sat on the Nobel Committee for Physics, in 1900 obtaining the
Nobel prize. In 1880 he was elected an hon. fellow of the Royal
Meteorological Society of London, which in 1920 awarded him
the Symons gold medal, being also a member of many foreign
scientific societies.
As a meteorologist Hildebrandsson is remarkable for his researches
into the subject of cloud, and in 1880 was requested by the Inter-
national Meteorological Committee to prepare the International
Cloud Atlas, a work carried out in conjunction with Leon Teisserenc
de Bort. Many further observations were subsequently incorporated
in Les bases de la meteorologie dynamique (1907), in which Teisserenc
de Bort again collaborated. His papers on centres of action of the
atmosphere mark a great advance in seasonal forecasts.
HILL, DAVID JAYNE (1850- ), American diplomat and
publicist, was born at Plainfield, N.J., June 19 1850. After
graduating in 1874 from the university of Lewisburg, Pa. (later
known as Bucknell University) , he taught there first as instructor
in Greek and Latin and from 1877 as professor of rhetoric. In
1879 he was elected president of Bucknell and in 1888 of the
university of Rochester. In 1896 he resigned and went abroad
to study public law. He returned in 1898 on being appointed
Assistant Secretary of State by President McKinley. While in
Washington he was also professor of European diplomacy in the
School of Comparative Jurisprudence and Diplomacy. In 1903
he was appointed ambassador to Switzerland and in 1905 was
transferred to Holland, where he remained two years. He was a
delegate to the Second Peace Conference at The Hague in 1907.
From 1908 to 1911 he was ambassador to Germany, resigning
in the latter year. In 1914 he was an unsuccessful candidate for
the Republican nomination for the U.S. Senate to succeed Elihu
Root. In 1920 he was made a member of the American Academy
of Arts and Letters.
His best known work is his History of Diplomacy in the Inter-
national Development of Europe, embracing A Struggle for Universal
Empire (1905); The Establishment of Territorial Sovereignty (1906)
and The Diplomacy of the Age of Absolutism (1914). His other
numerous writings include a Life of Washington Irving (1877) ; a Life
of William Cullen Bryant (1878); The Science of Rhetoric (1878);
The Elements of Psychology (1886) ; The Social Influence of Christian-
ity (1888); Principles and Fallacies of Socialism (1888); Genetic
Philosophy (1893); The Conception and Realization of Neutrality
(1902) ; World Organization as Affected by the Nature of the Modern
State (1911, being lectures delivered at Columbia University); The
People's Government (1915); Americanism What It Is (1916); The
Rebuilding of Europe (1917); Impressions of the Kaiser (1918);
Present Problems in Foreign Policy (1919) and American World
Policies (1920).
HILL, JAMES J(EROME) (1838-1916), American railway
capitalist (see 13.464), died at St. Paul, Minn., May 29 1916.
He resigned the chairmanship of the board of directors of the
Great Northern railway in 1912. He had long thought that the
farmers and millers of the north-west needed a large financial
institution near at hand to which they could easily turn for aid.
Accordingly in 1913 he secured control of the First and the
Second National Banks of St. Paul and merged them, thereby
increasing local facilities for loans. On the outbreak of the World
War he was deeply interested in the cause of the Allies,and exerted
all his influence in behalf of the Anglo-French loan of 1915.
On learning in the same year that friends had raised $125,000
for establishing as a tribute to him a chair of transportation
at Harvard he added a like amount. During his latter years he
gave much attention to developing the Hill Reference library,
in St. Paul, to which he contributed liberally. He was the owner
of a remarkable collection of modern French paintings, including
fine examples of Puvis de Chavannes, Corot, Delacroix, Millet
and others. He was the author of Highways of Progress (1910).
He left no will, and his estate, when appraised, amounted to less
than $60,000,000, only about one-fourth in railroad securities.
HILL, OCTAVIA (1838-1912), English philanthropic worker
(see 13.465), died in London Aug. 13 1912.
HINDENBURG, PAUL VON (1847- ), German soldier,
chief of the great general staff during the World War, was born
on Oct. 2 1847 at Posen. His full family name was von Benecken-
dorf und Hindenburg. His promotion was slow; from 1877 to
1884 he served on the general staff, but he was 47 years of age
when he became colonel, and 49 when he attained a military
position of higher importance as chief of the general staff of the
VIII. Army Corps. In 1904, when he was 57, he was appointed to
the command of the IV. Army Corps, and in 1911 was placed on
the retired list, at the instance, it is said, of the Emperor William
II. (who had criticized manoeuvres of his corps). While in com-
mand of this Eastern Corps he had thoroughly studied the
strategy, and above all the geography, of a possible war with
Russia, a fact which was widely known in the German army, but
to which the German Emperor does not appear, at the time, to
have attached importance. When, at the outbreak of the World
War, East Prussia was overrun by the armies of Rennenkampf,
military opinion turned to Hindenburg, and he was recalled from
his retirement at Hanover, and appointed to the command of
the VIII. Army with Ludendorff as his chief of staff. In Aug.
and Sept. he won the victories of Tannenberg and the Masurian
Lakes, which were decisive for the deliverance of East Prussia
and for the prospects of any Russian advance into Germany,
upon which sections of opinion in the Entente countries were
reckoning. In the summer of 1915 he planned and executed a
German advance against Riga, Diinaburg and Molodetschno.
In acknowledgment of his victories he had meanwhile been
advanced, on Aug. 27 1914, to the rank of colonel-general
(Generalobersl), and, on Nov. 27 of the same year, to that of field-
marshal. He had further been appointed, in Nov. 1914, chief in
command over the armies of the East, a command which was
extended at the beginning of Aug. 1916 so as to embrace sections
of the Austrian front. Finally, on Aug. 29 1916, he was made
chief of the general staff of the army in succession to Falkenhayn.
In this capacity he controlled the whole conduct of the operations
in the East and West, with Ludendorff in the position of quarter-
master-general as his adviser and executive officer. His achieve-
ments and failures during this period belong to the military
history of the war, but it may be mentioned here that his identifi-
cation with Ludendorff was so close in everything he did that the
credit or discredit is rightly attached to the younger soldier, who
was in the full vigour of his faculties and powers of initiative.
The German people, which was unable to personify, as in 1870-
71, the spirit of the war and of its patriotic aspirations in an
emperor, a crown prince or a chancellor, centred its hopes and its
enthusiasms upon Hindenburg, its deliverer from the tremendous
Russian menace. Justice and the facts of the case soon compelled
it to associate Ludendorff inseparably with the fame of its hero,
but Hindenburg remained during the war the national figure-head.
A wooden statue of him was erected in the Konigsplatz in Berlin,
and patriotic persons of all classes paid sums of money towards
war charities for the privilege of driving a nail into this effigy.
Hindenburg entirely associated himself with Ludendorff in
urging upon the German Government, in Sept. and Oct. 1918,
the necessity of seeking an armistice. When the Armistice had
been arranged the urgent question arose of leading the partially
disorganized German armies of the West home and disbanding
them. It was to the unequalled prestige and authority of Hinden-
burg that the provisional Republican Government, the Commis-
sion of the six Delegates of the People, looked to cope with this
gigantic task. And it must be acknowledged that the magna-
nimity and the patriotic devotion of the man were even more
strikingly displayed in this emergency than in his greatest mili-
tary achievements. He addressed to the army an appeal in which
he announced that an Armistice on very hard terms had been
signed. He paid a tribute to the services of the army which had
kept the' enemy far from Germany's frontiers and thus saved the
country from the horrors and devastation of war. He maintained
that they " issued from the struggle proud and with heads erect."
And he concluded:
" The terms of the Armistice oblige us to execute a rapid
march home in present circumstances a difficult task which
demands self-control and the most faithful fulfilment of duty by
every single one of you, a hard test for the spirit and the internal
cohesion of the Army. In battle your Field-Marshal-General
never left you in the lurch. And I rely upon you now as before."
In other aspects these post-war services of Hindenburg had
certain grave and prejudicial effects. The role which was assigned
to him and to other soldiers (Ludendorff being carefully excluded
as too dangerous a political schemer) demonstrated that the
German Republic was at first unable to dispense with the services
of royalist officers, just as it was unable for a long time to replace
royalist officials by republicans. The Kapp coup d'etat of March
1920 was facilitated by the fact that many of these officers and
officials were in a position to make their influence felt against the
republic. There was at one time, in 1920, some talk of putting up
Hindenburg as a candidate for the presidency of the Reich, if it
had then become vacant. During the first half of 1919 Hinden-
burg held the chief command of the forces for defending the
Eastern frontier (Grenzschutz Osf), which had headquarters at
Kolberg on the Baltic. He retired from active service on July 3
1919, and subsequently lived at Hanover as a private citizen.
Unlike Ludendorff, he kept himself clear of the political conflicts
of the day. A chivalrous, almost a quixotic action, was his offer,
on the morrow of his retirement, to place himself at the disposal
of the Allied and Associated Powers as a substitute for the ex-
Emperor, if it had been decided by the Allies that William II.
should actually be prosecuted. In 1920 he published his recollec-
tions under the title of Aus meinem Leben.
MINES, WALKER DOWNER (1870- ), American railway
official, was born at Russelville, Ky., Feb. 2 1870. He was edu-
cated at Ogden College (B.S. 1888) and the university of Virginia
(B.L. 1893). From 1893 to 1904 he was with the Louisville &
Nashville railway as assistant attorney, assistant chief attorney
HIKES HOCKING
and, after 1901, as first vice-president. He practised law in
Louisville, Ky., 1904-6 and in New York City 1906-16. In
1906 he became general counsel for the Atchison, Topeka &
Santa Fe railway, serving in this capacity for 12 years. He
was also chairman of the executive committee after 1908
and chairman of the board of directors from 1916. In Feb. 1918,
when the U.S. Government assumed control of the railways as
a war measure, he was appointed assistant director-general, and
in Jan. of the following year succeeded William G. McAdoo as
director-general. He resigned the directorship in May 1920,
intending to resume the practice of law in New York City,
but was appointed by President Wilson to act as arbitrator in the
distribution of German inland shipping under the Peace Treaty.
He was specially versed in questions of interstate commerce and
wrote many articles on federal regulation of railways.
HINTZE, PAUL VON (1864- ), German admiral and diplo-
matist, was born at Schwedt-on-the-Oder Feb. 13 1864. He
entered the navy and was from 1903-6 naval attache for the
Scandinavian states with his headquarters in St. Petersburg.
He was supposed to have won the confidence of the Tsar Nicholas
II. and was appointed in 1908 military plenipotentiary at the
Russian Court. There is evidence, however, that the Tsar had
become suspicious of his activities, and that he had, perhaps
through his agents, been somewhat too observant in the interests
of Germany. His adventures as a diplomatist during the World
War awakened popular interest. He was recalled from his post
in Mexico at the end of 1914 in order to be sent to Pekin, a
journey which he managed to effect in spite of the vigilance of
the naval forces of the Allied Powers. Transferred to Christia-
nia in 1915 he again succeeded in eluding the vigilance of the
Allies and in reaching his new post. From July 9 to Oct. 3 1918 he
was Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in succession to Kiihl-
mann and was privy to the exchange of views between the Higher
Command and the Chancellor in Aug. and again at the end of
Sept. which led to the German demand for an armistice. Tirpitz,
who entertained a high opinion of him, expressed in his book
Erinnerungen (1919) the opinion that war with Russia might
have been averted in 1914 if the Emperor had sent Hintze
on a special mission to the Tsar.
HITCHCOCK, GEORGE (1850-1913), American painter (see
13.533), died on the Island of Marken, Holland, Aug. 2 1913.
HITCHCOCK, GILBERT MONELL (1859- ), Americar.
politician, was born at Omaha, Neb., Sept. 18 1859. His father,
Phineas W. Hitchcock, was U.S. senator from Nebraska 1871-77.
He was educated at Omaha, Baden-Baden (Germany), and the
law school of the university of Michigan (LL.B. 1881). He was
admitted to the bar in 1881 and practised law in Omaha for four
years. In 1885 he founded the Omaha Evening World and four
years later bought the Omaha Morning Herald, combining the
two papers into the World-Herald. He was representative in
Congress 1903-5 and 1907-11. He was elected U.S. senator for
the term 1911-7 and reelected to serve through 1923. Soon
after the outbreak of the World War in 1914 he introduced an
unsuccessful bill to prevent war loans to the warring countries as
well as the buying and selling of their securities. The same year
he introduced another unsuccessful bill to embargo the ship-
ment of ammunition and arms for use against countries with
which America was at peace. After the sinking of the " Lusi-
tania " in 1915 he believed that action on the part of America
should be limited to a demand for reparation. In 1917, however,
he urged support of the resolution for a declaration of war against
Germany and in 1918 became chairman of the Senate Committee
on Foreign Relations. When the President submitted to the
Senate the Treaty of Versailles, Senator Hitchcock not only
led the administration forces by virtue of his office, but also gave
strong support to the-League of Nations, arguing that it threat-
ened neither the Monroe Doctrine nor U.S. sovereignty.
HOCKING, SILAS KITTO (1850- ), English novelist, was
born at St. Stephen's, Corn., March 24 1850 and educated at the
local grammar school. He was ordained as a Free Church minis-
ter in 1870 but resigned his pastorate in 1896. Both he and his
younger brother, JOSEPH HOCKING (b. Nov. 7 1860), who had a
372
HODGE HOLDEN
similar upbringing for the Nonconformist ministry, became pro-
lific writers of widely read novels with a distinct religious note.
Among those of Silas Hocking were Alec Green (1878); Who
Shall Judge? (1910); His Own Accuser (1917) and Watchers in
the Dawn (1920). Among those of Joseph Hocking were Jabez
Easterbrook (1891); Zillah (1892); The Scarlet Woman (1899);
Tommy and the Maid of Athens (1917) and The Pomp of Yester-
day (1918).
HODGE, JOHN (1855- ), British Labour politician, was
born at Muirkirk, Ayrshire, Oct. 29 1855. He was educated at
the Motherwell Ironworks school, and also at the Hutcheson-
town grammar school, Glasgow, afterwards becoming a metal
worker. He was for many years active in the local politics of
Glasgow and western Scotland, and formed the British Steel
Smelters' Mill, Iron, Tinplate and Kindred Trades Association
for the betterment of the workers' conditions, becoming its
secretary. He unsuccessfully contested Gower (1900) and Preston
(1903) but in 1906 was returned as Labour member for the Gor-
ton division of Lancashire. In the House he spoke frequently
on industrial questions, and was an earnest advocate of the
establishment of conciliation boards for the prevention of trade
disputes. When Mr. Arthur Henderson entered the Coalition
Government in 1915, Mr. Hodge became acting chairman of the
Labour party, and in 1916 himself entered the Government as
Minister for Labour. In 1917 he became Minister of Pensions,
but resigned this office in 1919.
HODGKIN, THOMAS (1831-1913), British historian (see
13.557), died at Falmouth March 2 1913.
HODGSON, SHADWORTH HOLLOWAY (1832-1912), English
philosopher, was born at Boston, Lines., Dec. 25 1832. Educated
at Rugby and Corpus Christi College, Oxford, he devoted him-
self from 1858 onwards entirely to the study of philosophy.
He helped to found the Aristotelian Society of London in 1880,
and was its first president. His published works include Time
and Space (1870); The Philosophy of Reflection (1878) and a
complete exposition of his philosophy in Th Metaphysic of
Experience (1898). For an account of his views, see 18.251. He
died in London June 13 1912.
HOGARTH, DAVID GEORGE (1862- ), British classical
archaeologist, was born at Barton-on-Humber May 23 1862.
Educated at Winchester and Magdalen College, Oxford, he
became first Craven travelling fellow in 1886. Together with
Sir William Ramsay he made journeys of exploration in Asia
Minor between 1887 and 1894. He has conducted numerous
excavations, notably Paphos- (1888), Der-el-Bahari -(1894),
Naukratis (1899 and 1903), Knossos (1900), Ephesus (1904-5),
Assiut (1906-7) and Carchemish (1911). He was director of the
British School at Athens from 1897 to 1000, and was appointed
keeper of the Ashmolean museum at Oxford in 1909. He is a
fellow of the British Academy and a Founder's gold medallist
of the Royal Geographical Society (1917). During the World
War (as Commander R.N.V.R.) he directed the Arab intelligence
bureau at Cairo under the British Admiralty (1915-9), went
to Arabia on a special mission in 1916, accompanied the British
army to Palestine in 1918, and was British commissioner (Middle
East Commission) at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919.
Amongst his publications are Devia Cypria (1890) ; A Wandering
Scholar in the Levant (1896) ; Philip and Alexander of Macedon (1897) ;
The Nearer East (1902); The Penetration of Arabia (1904); Accidents
of an Antiquary's Life (1910); The Balkans (1915); Hittite Seals
(1920) and many archaeological reports.
HOLBROOKE, JOSEF CHARLES (1878- ), English musical
composer, was born at Croydon July 5 1878, his father being an
able pianist, his Scottish mother a professional singer. He spent
' his early years in travelling around the country with his father and
various entertainers. But on his father obtaining an engagement
as pianist at Collins's music-hall in Islington, and a little later
at the Bedford music-hall, the family settled in London, where
Josef became a chorister at St. Ann's, Soho; he also attended the
church school. During this period he was taught both the violin
and the piano, so that when, in 1893, he entered the Royal
Academy of Music he was already well trained as pianist and
musician with a good knowledge of the classics. Holbrooke's
somewhat fitful career at the R.A.M. was ended in 1896, he
having accumulated many medals and prizes and one or two
scholarships. On leaving the R.A.M. he became conductor and
pianist to a touring company, which was unsuccessful, and he
then returned to London and took pupils. A turning point in his
career came through the characteristic generosity of Sir (then
Mr.) August Manns, who played Holbrooke's symphonic poem,
The Raven, at a Saturday concert at the Crystal Palace on March
3 1900. From about that time compositions flowed unceasingly
from his prolific pen. Queen Mab and a Byronic poem appeared
in 1904 and 1906; The Bells in 1907; Homage to Poe in 1908;
Apollo and the Seaman (symphonic music to Herbert Trench's
poem) 1008. The opera of Children of Don was given at the
London Opera House in 1911; Dylan at Drury Lane two years
later; Bronwen completed, and The Wizard produced, during
Holbrooke's visit to the United States at Chicago, in 1915.
The opera-ballet, Tlte Enchanted Garden, dates from 1915.
Besides a great mass of music for orchestra Holbrooke wrote
concertos for pianoforte (" The Song of Gwyn ap Nudd ")
and violin, some five quartets, a horn trio, three quintets, four
sextets, and dramatic scenes for voice with orchestra.
See George Lowe, Josef Holbrooke and his Work (1920).
HOLDEN, SIR EDWARD HOPKINSON, IST BART. (1848-1919),
English banker, was born May n 1848 at Tottington, Lanes.,
and spent his early years at the neighbouring village of Summer-
seat, where he was educated. He entered a business establish-
ment at an early age, but later obtained a junior clerkship in the
Manchester and County Bank at a salary of 30 a year. Here he
remained for 14 years, and at the end of that time became a
bank accountant as a result of answering an advertisement in the
Economist. During this period he also studied law and political
economy at Owens College in company with his wife. In 1881 he
went to Birmingham as accountant of the Birmingham and Mid-
land Bank, and here his rise was extraordinarily rapid. In a
comparatively short space of time he rose to be general manager,
and this led later to his occupying the double position of manag-
ing director (1898) and eventually chairman (1908). He devoted
himself with great energy and much success to developing the
amalgamating policy of his bank, which ultimately developed
into the London Joint City and Midland Bank. For the history
of the amalgamations leading to that result, see BANKS AND
BANKING. From about 1898 he interested himself largely in
international banking, with the result that he became as great
an expert on foreign exchange questions as on home finance.
He was the first of the larger London joint-stock bankers to open
a foreign exchange department. In 1906 he was elected Liberal
member for the Hey wood division of Lanes., and in 1909 a
baronetcy was conferred upon him. In 1915 he went with Lord
Reading to the United States on behalf of the Government and
arranged there the Anglo-French loan. He died July 23 1919.
Holden was in many ways a typical "Lancashire lad"; he
was always a shrewd business man, with a pugnacious disposition,
a firm friend to his friends, a hot fighter against opponents, but
with unusual vision and with a remarkable flair for banking
operations. As chairman of the London City and Midland Bank,
which, under him and through his exertions, became the greatest
of the English joint-stock institutions, he was for many years the
most powerful figure among the clearing bankers, and his interests
were bound up with the progressive success of the bank with
which he was identified. He was a man of great activity of mind,
keen to spot the opportunities and tendencies in contemporary
finance, and assiduous in mastering its problems. During the
World War he did valuable work in this respect, the extent of
which cannot well be over emphasized. His annual addresses to
the shareholders of his bank were a succession of educational
manifestoes, packed with information and instruction. Before
the war he had taken the lead in advocating a larger gold reserve,
and himself started the accumulation of a larger independent
gold-holding by his bank. In this and various other ways he was
a pioneer in a number of improvements in British banking during
his time, and his death deprived the City of London of one of its
most vigorous characters. (H. CH.)
HOLLAND
373
HOLLAND, HENRY SCOTT (1847-1918), English divine,
near Ledbuiy, Hereford. Jan. 27 1847. He was educated
at Eton and Balliol College, Oxford, where he took a first class
in Liierae Humaniora (1870). In 1872 he was ordained, becom-
ing the same year a tutor at Christ Church. He became well
known not only as a tutor but also as an eloquent preacher. In
he was senior proctor of the university, and the same year
was made a canon of Truro and examining chaplain to its bishop.
He was appointed a canon of St. Paul's in 1884, and in 1886 pre-
centor. He refused the offer of the see of Norwich in 1893, but
in 1910 was appointed regius professor of divinity at Oxford.
He died at Oxford March 17 1918.
See Life, by Stephen Paget (1921).
HOLLAND (see 13-587). According to the preliminary- returns
of the census of Dec. 31 1920, the pop. numbered 6,841,155, as
compared with 2,613,487 in 1830 and 5.858.175 in 1909. The
average rate of increase per year rose from 0-91 % in 1830-40
to 1-42% in 1910-20. The proportion of females to males shows
a diminution from 1.045 P 61 " i-ooo in 1830 to 1,014 m 1920.
Four towns have each more than 100,000 inhabitants, viz.:
Amsterdam 677,645 (566,131 in 1909); Rotterdam 510,538
389 in 1909); The Hague 353,2*6 (271,280 in 1009); and
Utrecht 140,189 (119,006 in 1909). Those with more than
50.000 but less than 100.000 in 1920 were Tilburg, Arnhem,
-=gen. Dordrecht, Leiden, Haarlem, Groningen and Maas-
tricht. The number of towns with a pop. between 20.000 and
50.000 was rapidly increasing in 1920 and the birth-rate dimin-
ished from 31-6 per i.ooo in 1900 to 28-6 in 1910, and 24-2 in
1919, but the death-rate also receded from 17-9 per i.ooo in
IQOO to 13-6 in 1910, and 13-2 in 1919; in 1918 the death-rate
was abnormally high (17-1 per 1,000) as a result of shortage of
food and the influenza epidemic. There was a slight increase in
the number of illegitimate births during the war in consequence
of the mobilization. The war also occasioned some reduction
in the marriage-rate from 1914 to 1918. followed by a reaction
in 1919 above the average. Divorce was on the increase (0-83
per i.ooo marriages in 1910; 1-35 in 1919).
Rdigion. According to the latest reliable data, fully 56% of
the pop. belonged to Protestant churches, fully 35 were Roman
Catholic and nearly 2 Jewish. Religious conviction continued to
exercise in the Netherlands an overwhelming influence, feiv* lining
not only the formation of political parties (the Roman Catholic and
the Protestant parties), but making itself felt in every sphere of
social life education, labour organization, the cooperative move-
ment, care of the poor, etc. In every activity, Catholic and Protes-
tant organizations are found side by side with others.
The number of persons declining to recognize any particular con-
fession was continually increasing. In the various decade censuses
from 1869 to 1909 the figures were : 6,461 ; 12.253; 66,085; 1 15,179:
200.960, this last (1909) representing 5. of the pop. Since then
the number has indubitably increased very considerably.
Dikes. The continually recurring difficulties in the maintenance
of sea-dikes led to the adoption of barrages of f erro-concrete on a
system invented by an engineer named De Muralt. The oldest of
these constructions are the " spykerglooiing " (peg slopes) built
with slabs of f erro-concrete fastened with pegs of the same material.
These were followed by the " rrapjesgkjoungen," 1.1. step slopes;
as the name implies they are constructed in terraces of somewhat
larger dimensions, the object being to break the waves impin
on the gradually sloping front of the dike: they are chiefly fc
in the islands of Zetland where they have given great satisfactw
Notwithstanding all efforts, the Netherlands have repeatedly
suffered from floods caused, as a rule, by a combination of unfa-
vourable circumstances such as exceptional pressure of water in the
rivers coupled with adverse storms of wind. In the inundation of
Jan. 13 and 14 1916 the Zuider Zee dikes gave way and a great
part of the province of N. Holland (the Waterland) was flooded
and a number of river polders submerged.
Drainage. During the period 1910-20 electricity replaced steam
at many of the pumping stations. The largest was the Electra
"boezemgemaal " (main pumping station) constructed in the prov-
ince of Groningen in the year 1920. This station, which drains an
area of 232,274 ac., was equipped with three wood screw-pumps,
each driven by a 550 H.P. motor and capable of raising i.ooo cub.
ttitu of water per minute. The station had spare space for two
further pumping installations if required. Nevertheless the steam
pumps had not yielded altogether to the electric competitor. Indeed.
lor the draining of the province of Friesland. the year 1920 saw the
erection of a steam installation which was the largest in Europe
and surpassed in capacity even the Nile pumping station at Kha-
tatba. It comprised eight centrifugal pumps each driven by four
tandem compound engines and raising 500 cub. metres per minute.
Watemars. It is well known that traffic in Holland largely takes
place by water. The prosperity of her ports is intimately dependent
upon good water communication with the European hinterland,
which makes the Rhine of the greatest importance to Dutch trade.
In 1913 fully 97,000 ships passed Lobith. They represented a ton-
nage of 52,000,000 tons and carried cargoes totalling 37,000,000
tons. About 25 e of the ships were trading with Belgium and
75% with Holland. 75% of the entire goods traffic between Ger-
many and Holland went via Lobith.
The international status of the Rhine is of the greatest importance
to Holland. Till the outbreak of the World War, Rhine navigation
was determined by the Treaty of Mannheim of Oct. 17 1868:
according to which a central Rhine navigation committee at Mann-
heim exercised control over the maintenance of the river's naviga-
bility. Thanks to this international cooperation, the Rhine was
always kept navigable for ships of 2,000 tons (the type chiefly
employed) and for barges up to even 3,600 tons, though the work-
ing of these did not prove practicable.
In die Rhine navigation commission, the riparian states (Baden,
Bavaria, Hesse, Prussia, Alsace-Lorraine and Holland) were each
represented and each had one vote. By the Treaty of Versailles,
however, France, taking the place of Alsace-Lorraine, became once
more a riparian state. Moreover, the Rhine was internationalized,
and the United Kingdom, Belgium, Italy and Switzerland each
received seats on the Rhine commission. The votes were distributed
as follows: France was given four votes and the permanent presi-
dency, the German contiguous states four votes together, and the
remaining states two votes each. Holland, which controls the mouths
of the Rhine and possesses such preponderant interests in this river,
was thus placed on the same footing as non-contiguous states. The
Dutch Government protested against this arrangement, with the
result that, in the beginning of 1921, a supplementary protocol was
added, according Holland three votes-
Holland watches with great interest the further development of
the Rhine navigation settlement as well as the French plans for the
improvement of the water communication with the French hinter-
land and the Rhone, the regulation of the German Upper Rhine
between Strassburg and Basle, and the Swiss idea of constructing
a canal from the Rhine to the Lake of Geneva with a navigable
branch to the Rhone.
Holland continued the improvement of the Rhine waterway
within its own territory- New works were decided upon in 1909.
The Waal about St. Andries was narrowed to 260 metres, increasing
to 350 metres at Gorinchem ; and the curved reaches were reduced.
In eight years, nearly 2,000,000 were expended on the work.
The Lower Rhine, the Lek and .the Geldrian Yssel were improved :
the Yssel was made navigable for ships of 1.500 tons and the Lower
Rhine for ships of 2,000 tons. Between 1851 and 1918, about
3,300,000 were devoted to these rivers, being about one-quarter of
the sum (14,900,000) spent on all river works in Holland. About
7,600,000 were expended on the Rotterdam waterway and the
diversion of the Maas estuary.
A second international water problem arose during the negotia-
tions with Belgium over the abolition of the treaties of 1839. Hol-
land could not admit that new waterways between Antwerp and
the Rhine are necessary for the prosperity of that port, believing
that the canal through S. Beveland (opened in 1866) which carried
the traffic between Antwerp and the Rhine sufficed for the highest
demands. This canal is 6-50 metres deep and navigable for ships of
2,000 tons. On either side at Hansweert and Wemeldinge there
were two locks, while a third lock was completed at Hansweert in
I9I5- giving passage to tugs of 2.000 tons, and a similar large third
lock was being constructed at Wemeldinge in 1921. Nevertheless
Holland was willing not to oppose the Belgian desires for other com-
munication with the Rhine and declared itself prepared, in princi-
ple, to cooperate in the formation of a canal from Antwerp direct
to the Hollandisch Diep and of another from Antwerp to the Rhine
across the Meuse in Dutch Limburg. In her turn. Holland needs
the help of Belgium in rendering navigable the Meuse below Liege.
The Meuse is the only international river which is not navigable
in its lower reaches, this being due to the extensive tapping of the
river for Belgium's water supply. Plans for the canalization of the
Meuse in Holland have been ready for many years; but since it is a
frontier river from Maastricht to "Maasbracht, this great work can-
not be undertaken without the collaboration of Belgium. Mean-
while, however, Holland has undertaken works to render the Meuse
navigable between Maasbracht and Grave, and the construction of
a canal from Mook to Nymegen (from Meuse to Rhine) to provide
direct passage between Limburg and the N. of the country.
But the vigorous development of the coal-mines in S. Limburg
made further provisions necessary. Maasbracht lies too far from the
mines. In 1920, therefore, it was resolved to delay the canalization
of the Meuse between the Belgian frontier and Maasbracht, and to
dig a lateral canal, suitable for 2.ooo-ton ships, from Maasbracht
to Borne, where a loading harbour was to be formed. It was also
intended to construct a canal for I .ooo-ton ships starting from Borne
and connecting with the Liege-Maastricht canal by means of a
lock just S. of Maastricht. When the canal being constructed in
374
HOLLAND
1921 from Wessem to Nederweert (10-9 m.) is completed the coal
district will obtain better communication via S. Willemsvaart with
the N. Brabant industry; this canal will also provide better con-
nexion with S. Holland and Zeeland. In Brabant, a canal for soo-ton
ships was completed in 1915 connecting Tilburg, Dongen, Ooster-
hout and by a branch Breda with the Amer and hence with the
Hollandsch Diep. The continuation of the canal to the E. of Til-
burg towards the S. Willemsvaart was in course of execution in
1921 : this Wilhelmina canal will have a length of 4.2-5 miles.
The waterways from the large ports of Rotterdam and Amster-
dam are continually being improved. The New Waterway, which
joins Rotterdam with the North Sea, was given a depth of 10-5
metres at ordinary high-water or 9 metres at low- water; and in
1921 it was being deepened to 11-5 metres and it was intended to
increase the depth subsequently to 12-5 metres and widen the
navigable channel and reduce the reaches. An improvement of the
Noordgeul and the Oude Maas was also in progress whereby the
current will be improved and the port of Dordrecht made accessible
to ships with a draught of eight metres.
Amsterdam communicates with the sea via Ymuiden. At this
port there are three locks for ships of 200 metres length, 24 metres
width and 92 metres draught. A fourth, 400 metres long, 50 metres
wide and 15 metres deep, was under construction in 1921. This
width is one and a half times that of the locks of the Panama Canal,
which are also 3-3 metres shallower. The outer harbour at Ymuiden
was being enlarged and deepened. A scheme for the improvement of
Amsterdam's communication with the Rhine was being prepared.
In the E. of the country a canal system over 73 m. in length, decided
upon in 1919, is to run from Almelo via Hengelo and Enschede to
the Upper Rhine. In this way good water communication will be
obtained from these important industrial districts to the great rivers
and thus also to Rotterdam.
Railways and Tramways. In railway affairs in the Netherlands
there is an increasing tendency towards concentration.
In 1917, after a period of sharp competition, the " Hollandsche
Spoorweg Maatschappij " (Holland Railway Co.) and the " Maa-
schappij tot Exploitatie van Staatsspoorwegen " (State Railways'
Co.) which dominated the entire railway system, came to an under-
standing for furthering their common interests.
The movement in favour of nationalization of railways has grown
stronger and stronger, and the fresh agreements concluded between
the State and the two companies in 1921 accorded a complete
preponderance to the State. By these agreements, the capital of
the companies was augmented from 3,375,000 to 7,500,000, the
State providing the increase and thus becoming the chief share-
holder, with a majority of votes in the Board of Directors.
The railway system was extended between 1900 and 1920 by
about 379 miles. Its total length in 1919 was 2,381 m., of which 1,228
m. were double-tracked; the combined length of railways with lim-
ited speed possibilities and of the tramways was 1,843 m -i lo1 m.
being double-tracked.
In 1913 the line Eindhoven-Weert was added to the great rail-
way lines. It has a length of only 18 m., but constitutes a great
improvement in the communication between the provinces of Hol-
land and Utrecht on the one hand, and Limburg on the other;
since its opening, the trains run via Boxtel, Eindhoven, Weert and
Rjermond to Maastricht and the rapidly developing mine districts.
In 1907-8 a local, electrically worked line was laid from Rotterdam
to The Hague and Scheveningen (20 \ m.). Of great significance is
the local railway which relieved the isolation of the prosperous agri-
cultural and market-gardening districts around Haarlemmermeer,
joining such places as Hoofddorp, Aalsmeer, Uithoorn, Alphen and
Oudshoorn to Leiden, Haarlem, Amsterdam and the main line from
Amsterdam to Utrecht (by Nieuwersluis). Its total length is
about 74 miles. Among other extensions in progress in 1921 were
local railways and tramways in S. Limburg and Dutch Flanders.
In principle it has been decided to electrify some of the main
lines. At the same time it is intended to relieve the main lines of
the local traffic by the construction of new tramways and the elec-
trification of old ones. For example, the steam tramways from The
Hague to Leiden and from Leiden to Haarlem were to be electrified.
Between Rotterdam and The Hague and between Haarlem and
Amsterdam, electric traffic lines were already in existence. Various
steam tramways had already been electrified or were being converted.
The State usually subsidizes the construction or improvement of
local means of communication, provided both the communes and
the provinces concerned manifest sufficient financial interest.
On the Netherland railways there were in use, in 1919, 1,363 loco-
motives, 4,823 passenger carriages and 29,734 goods wagons. The
number of passengers carried increased from 46,221,001 in 1910 to
76,361,000 in 1916. The shrinkage of traffic possibilities by reason
of the coal dearth and the raising of tariffs caused passenger traffics
to recede to 64,326,000 in 1917, 60,613,000 in 1918, and 60,248,000
in 1919. The goods traffic reached its maximum, 20,183,000 tons,
in 1913; it fell to 13,819,000 tons in 1919.
On Dec. 31, 1918 the tramways owned 567 locomotives, 3,028
passenger cars and 3,479 goods trucks. Traffic had been continually
rising; it totalled in 1918 296,140,000 persons. The goods traffic
likewise continued to increase, the amount carried in 1918 being
2,298,775,000 tons.
In 1908 Amsterdam mean time (20 minutes fast on Greenwich
mean time) was adopted on the railways and in the post-offices.
Post, Telegraphs and Telephone. The post-offices in 1919 num-
bered 1,702, (1910, 1,494). The number of letters and post cards
delivered per head of the pop. was 60-4 (1910,46). In 1920 there
were 1,421 telegraph offices (1911, 1,048).
The telegraph lines covered 5,137 m. (1911, 4,677), the total
length of the wires being 29,417 m. (1911, 22,302).
The telephone system had been gradually brought under State
control. Good progress had been made with the replacement of
overhead wires by underground cables between the chief commer-
cial centres, the Pupin system being used.
The radio installations at Scheveningen and at the State naviga-
tion stations handled 10,500 telegrams in 1910 and 20,900 in 1919.
During the war, the need for direct wireless communication with
the Dutch East Indies was keenly felt. This communication was
nearly complete in 1921. Near Bandoeng (Java) a temporary sta-
tion had been erected, while in Holland the receiving station at Sam-
beek was also ready; the sending station at Kootwyk, some 31 m.
distant, has six steel towers 700 ft. high.
A few small stations for wireless telegraphy and telephony were
placed at the service of aerial traffic and the meteorological office.
Moreover, radiography is employed to relieve the long telegraph
wires and cables on land. The chief telegraph office at Rotterdam
has wireless communication with Germany. It was expected that a
similar service between Amsterdam and England would be opened.
Aerial Communications. In 1921 a daily aerial service for passen-
gers, post and goods was instituted between Amsterdam-Rotter-
dam-London, Amsterdam-Rotterdam-Brussels-Parisand Rotterdam,
Amsterdam-Bremen-Hamburg.
Agriculture and Market Gardening. In the years immediately pre-
ceding the World War, Dutch agriculture and market gardening
had devoted increasing attention to the export trade. Situated
between such characteristically industrial countries as England,
Belgium and Germany, where the general prosperity of the people
enabled them to purchase products whose value is not chiefly deter-
mined by the area of soil necessary for their cultivation but rather
by the labour required, Holland was in a position to carry on inten-
sive agriculture and market gardening with the certainty of finding
ample market for the lucrative sale of her output.
Corn-growing gradually dwindled, and remained of some impor-
tance only in the province of Groningen (where the strawboard
industry made straw a valuable by-product) and in the sandy dis-
tricts of Drenthe, Overyssel, Gelderland, N. Brabant and Limburg,
where the rye grown was used in combination with enormous quan-
tities of foreign fodder for the maintenance of live stock which, in
comparison with the size of the farms, was exceptionally numerous
and provided meat, dairy products and eggs for the export trade.
The reduction of corn-growing was coupled with an expansion
of potato and beet cultivation; while a comparatively important
place was occupied by various products such as rape seed, mustard
seed, flax, canary seed and caraway seed. In the fen districts of
Groningen, Drenthe and Overyssel potatoes were grown for the
potato flour factories. Although the area of grass-land did not
greatly increase, the quantity of live stock was continually added to.
Large imports of foreign fodder made it possible to increase the num-
ber of cattle, this fodder being used even in the pasture districts of
Utrecht, Friesland, N. Holland and S. Holland. Foreign grain and
oil-cake were converted into meat and dairy produce to be exported,
in their turn, to the industrial countries already mentioned.
Much care was bestowed upon the breeding of good cattle, where-
by Holland came to possess magnificent stocks. As a consequence
Dutch cattle were much sought after for breeding purposes both in
Europe and in oversea countries.
Owing to its favourable geographical position, Holland was able
to place its vegetables on the markets of neighbouring countries in a
fresh condition, and the climate and soil being specially suitable for
the cultivation of vegetables, it is natural that market gardening
assumed extensive proportions. The country became more and
more the vegetable garden of the industrial districts. Certain market
gardening centres devoted themselves to the cultivation of bulbs,
fruit trees, ornamental shrubs and table flowers, all of which were
exported to countries near and distant.
This orientation of agriculture and market gardening placed
Holland in a very difficult position during the war. For the feeding
of its people and its cattle it was dependent upon foreign supplies
which, especially after 1916, were largely cut off. Numerous Gov-
ernment regulations of a very irksome character for the agriculturist
and market gardener became necessary in order to direct the produc-
tion of food-stuffs requisite for the support of the Dutch population
as well as of the many interned and the charitably entertained Bel-
gian refugees. These measures included the obligation to convert
grass-land into arable soil and to limit various crops not primarily
essential as human food. Notwithstanding these measures, distress
became acute, and the World War ended only just in time to pre-
vent a general famine.
After the close of the war jt became possible gradually to restore
to agriculture the free exercise of its functions. Every effort was
made to raise the diminished cattle stocks to their old level and to
give them in other respects their pre-war position.
HOLLAND
375
The State gives assistance on a large scale by well-organized
struction in agriculture, market gardening and cattle breeding, by
le advice of State agricultural, horticultural and dairy experts,
jy the experimental Government stations, etc. Useful work is
also performed by various organizations, such as the Royal Nether-
land Agricultural Committee, the Netherland Heath Society (recla-
mation of waste land), the Netherland Market Gardening Council
and the Netherland Cattle Herdbook; while the cooperative move-
ment is continually extending its influence among the farmers and
in the dairy works. The quality of the dairy produce stands under
strict control and can be guaranteed by Government stamps under
which butter with not less than 80% of fat and not more than 16%
of moisture, cheese with minima of 45%, 40%, 30% and 20% of
fat may be sold.
Of the whole surface of Holland, being 3,263,541 hectares (i h.a. =
2-47 ac.), in 1919 2,461,112 h.a. were m cultivation, viz. : arable
land 908,622 h.a., pastures and meadows 1,207,743 n - a -. gardens
59,796 h.a. (market gardens 24,327 h.a. and under seed cultiva-
tion 817 h.a.), orchards 25,698 h.a., arboriculture 2,718 h.a., flori-
culture 591 h.a., bulb-growing 4,889 h.a. and woods 249,055 h.a.
Small and medium-sized concerns are preponderant in Holland,
more than half cover I to 5 h.a. each, about 20% 5 to 10 h.a., 14%
IO to 20 h.a. and II % 20 to 50 h.a. Cultivation is very intensive.
Trade and Shipping. Holland occupies a prominent place in
international trade and shipping, thanks to its favourable geographi-
cal position, its well-equipped ports, its rich colonies and the com-
mercial abilities of its inhabitants. About 18% of the bread-winners
are engaged in trade and transport, against 27 % in agriculture, etc.,
and 34-5% in industry. But this situation, so favourable in normal
times, was a source of serious disadvantage during the World War.
It was essential to the Allies to cut off, as far as possible, the influx
of supplies to Germany. The consequent blockade of Germany
caused the collapse of the Dutch import and transit trade; while the
dangers arising out of the sea-mines and the submarine warfare
first hampered and finally arrested altogether Dutch navigation
and oversea export. Furthermore, overland trade with Belgium,
France, Switzerland and Italy was absolutely paralyzed. The result
was that Holland, both as regarded the export of its surplus output
(particularly perishable agricultural and dairy products) and also
the importation of indispensable commodities (coal, iron, etc.),
became more than ever dependent upon the Central European coun-
tries, the only ones with which unimpeded traffic was possible.
This traffic was controlled by the Nederlands Overseas Trust
(N.O.T.) a trade association created for the purpose and there-
fore dissolved after the war. Managed by leading business men,
the N.O.T. kept in regular contact with the Dutch Government
as well as with the blockading Powers, and, by undertaking |he
supervision of oversea imports so as to prevent their reexportation
to the Central Powers, it enabled the Allies to allow into the Nether-
lands from abroad such articles as the country required.
The unrestricted U-boat warfare, the tightening of the blockade
and, finally, the requisitioning of a great portion of the Netherland
mercantile marine by the United States in 1918 produced a com-
plete dislocation of Dutch trade, which, in its effects, outbalanced
the profits accumulated in the early days of the war by reason of
the high prices which the Central countries had been prepared to
pay for Holland's surplus of agricultural and dairy produce. In
1917 trade with Germany showed a balance of about 2,670,000 in
favour of Holland, but in 1918 there was an adverse balance of over
15,000,000; trade with England in 1917 amounted to 26,500,000,
but was reduced by the obstacles at sea in 1918 to 6,625,000.
After the war Dutch trade remained utterly dislocated. Germany,
who had been one of Holland's best customers, appeared to have
lost her purchasing capacity; Russia had vanished from the market.
The rest of the world continued to suffer from the war's aftermath.
In Holland, notwithstanding the appearance of a class of nouveaux
riches, there proved to be a general impoverishment.
To obtain, therefore, an idea of the development of Dutch trade,
it is necessary to revert to pre-war years. War-time and post-time
data reflect only abnormal conditions.
In 1913 the imports totalled 66,488,516 metric tons (1910, 47,580,-
053) and the exports 45,033,122 (1910, 35,529,824). The imports
consisted mainly of colonial produce (tobacco, coffee, tea, tin, hides,
spices, cocoa, copra, etc.), raw materials (ores, coal, timber, cotton,
wool, etc.), bread-stuffs, feeding-stuffs and manufactured articles.
Holland exported principally agricultural and horticultural prod-
uce (potatoes, vegetables, flower bulbs, seeds, fruits), horses, cattle,
meat, fish and shell fish, butter, cheese, condensed milk, margarine,
sugar, jams, potato flour, cotton and woollen piece-goods, shoes,
electric lamps, strawboard, gin, beer and other alcoholic beverages,
cocoa and chocolate, tobacco and cigars, glassware, paper, vege-
table oils and oil cakes, etc. Imports by sea amounted in 1913 to
26,020,444 ar >d exports by sea to 10,090,387 metric tons. Imports
and exports by rivers and canals at the eastern and southern fron-
tiers totalled in the same year 53,146,224 metric tons (imports
23,856,170 and exports 29,290,054). These figures illustrate the,
transport capacity of the Dutch river fleet. Imports by railway
amounted in 1913 to 10,611,902 and exports to 5,652,681 metric tons.
Seaports. Geographical conditions predestine Holland to a large
transit trade, which in 1913 reached a total of 2,488,957 metric
i
tons. The rivers Rhine, Meuse (Maas) and Scheldt, the principal
trade routes of Western and Central Europe, having their estuaries
on Dutch territory, the Dutch ports Rotterdam and Amsterdam
form the gateways to a large part of Europe. Both ports are con-
nected with the North Sea, the former by the New Waterway from
Rotterdam to the Hook of Holland, the latter by the North Sea
canal from Amsterdam to Ymuiden. Whereas the New Waterway
is an open channel, the North Sea canal is provided with locks. The
expenditure for the construction of the North Sea canal amounted
in the years 1865-83 to 51,000,000 guilders; from 1883 till 1913 a
further amount of 19,000,000 guilders was spent.
There is considerable difference in the position of Amsterdam
and Rotterdam in international commerce. While Amsterdam dis-
poses of a large portion of the foreign merchandize it receives
directly, Rotterdam owes its importance to the fact that it is largely
a transit-port. The length of the quays at Rotterdam now reaches
the impressive figure of 30 miles. Loading and unloading are effected
by means of the most modern appliances: electric cranes, pneu-
matic grain elevators, coaltips, etc. The total area of the harbours
is about 6.000,000 sq.yds., not including the area of the New Meuse,
which itself forms a large anchorage. The following figures relating
to 1913 give an idea of the extent of the Rotterdam sea-borne traffic :
tonnage of out-going ships 13,796,691 and of in-going ships 13,748,-
784, together 27,525,475 tons. In 1918 this figure had receded to
2,577,321 tons, but rose again in 1919 to about 6,500,000 tons and,
in 1920, despite a two months' harbour strike, to 8,000,000 tons.
Rotterdam possesses the considerable advantage of being situ-
ated at the mouth of two such important rivers as the Rhine and
the Meuse. In normal years the number of river vessels calling at
Rotterdam is enormous. It is quite a common thing to see Rhine
cargo-boats having a tonnage of 3,000 cub. metres. The following
figures show the development of the shipping traffic on the Rhine
and its division among Rotterdam, the rest of the Netherlands
and Belgium.
Rhine shipping traffic ex-Germany in cub. metres :
With Rotterdam
With the rest of
Holland
With Belgium
1910
1913
17,663,521
22,764,241
3,936,174
5,177,136
7,727,219
9,073,140
In like manner the smaller inland navigation and local shipping
increased by leaps and bounds, so that including the Rhine ship-
ping there were in 1913 140,469 vessels entering the port of Rotter-
dam, aggregating about 30,500,000 cub. metres capacity. For 1920
these figures were: 142,124 vessels and 26,613,225 tons.
Amsterdam is the principal centre for the home trade and for
the world's trade in colonial produce. The public sales of tobacco,
tin, coffee and spices are visited by numerous foreign buyers.
Amsterdam is also a large importer of Peruvian bark and capoc,
and possesses important local industries, its diamond cutting enjoy-
ing a world-wide repute. The Amsterdam Exchange occupies a lead-
ing position in the world's money market.
The harbours of Amsterdam have a quay length of seven m.,
the water area accessible to ocean vessels covers 2,600,000 sq. yards.
Its timber docks which next to those of London are the largest in
Europe, have an area of 375 ac., the petroleum harbour comprises
70 ac., and the surrounding property, with tank capacity for 155,000
bar., measures another 30 ac. The harbour traffic of Amsterdam in
1913 totalled 4,347,000 tons, the returns fell greatly during the war,
but reapproached pre-war figures in 1920 ; in the first quarter of 192 1 .
the harbour movements reached 1,588,388 tons.
Of the minor ports Zaandam in the immediate neighbourhood of
Amsterdam is a well-known centre of the timber trade. Harlingen
on the Frisian coast has an extensive export to England of cattle,
meat, dairy produce, potatoes and eggs; Delfzijl is near the German
frontier and Flushing has the mail service to England.
As a centre of great shipping enterprises Holland ranks very high.
The great Dutch steamship companies maintain services to almost
every important port in the world.
In 1920, by the cooperation of II of the largest companies, the
" Vereenigde Nederlandsche Scheepvaart Maatschappij " was
founded, with a capital of 16,700,000, its object being the creation
or continuation of lines to the East Indies, Australia and Africa.
The total tonnage of the Dutch mercantile marine (excluding
steamships and motor- vessels of less than 500 tons and sailing ships)
amounted on Jan. I 1921 to 1,863,688 gross register tons.
Ship Building and Ship Repairing. During and after the war,
ship building made great progress in the Netherlands. On Dec. 31
1901, Dutch yards had, under construction and on order, only 33,700
gross register tons; on Dec. 31 1914, the figure had risen to 185,000.
In 1915 there was a leap to 406,045 tons, and on Dec. 31 1918, the
figure was 477,850.
Peace gave a startling impulse to the industry; on Dec. 31 1919,
the total had risen to 740,675 gross register tons, but fell again to
561,035 by Dec. 31 1920. Although the Netherlands mercantile
marine increased to 375,475 tons in 1920, the high ship-building
returns of 1920 were chiefly due to foreign orders, since a consider-
able portion of the increase in the Dutch merchant fleet came from
abroad. Dutch ship building gave employment to 25,000-30,000
376
HOLLAND
workmen in 1921. The principal yards were at Amsterdam, on the
Maas from Vlaardingen to Dordrecht, and at Flushing.
Remarkable progress has also been made in the ship-repairing
industry, which was formerly of no great significance. Rotterdam
had 12 dry docks with a total lifting capacity of 97,000 tons, the
largest being for 15,600 tons. At Schiedam, Wilton's Factory had a
floating dock of 46,500 tons. Amsterdam had four dry docks
with a lifting power of 3,000, 4,000, 7,500 and 16,500 tons.
Industries. During the World War, Holland was, by the meas-
ures of the belligerents, largely thrown on its own economic re-
sources. Industry adapted itself as far as possible to the new cir-
cumstances by paying greater attention to home requirements. It
devoted itself to the production of a number of articles previously
obtained almost exclusively from abroad, such as: porcelain insu-
lators, motor cylinders, drawn wire, fire extinguishers, kid gloves,
clothiers' machinery, asbestos plates, press buttons, electric pocket
lamps, wax images, sewing cotton, laboratory glass, incandescent
lamp globes, toys, office requisites (writing cases and carbon paper),
chloride of lime, sulphur chlorate, aniline colours, saccharine,
bromides, chlorate of potash, synthetic scents, iodine compounds,
narcotic ether, siliceous varnish, artificial horn (galalith), rubber
articles, felt, flying machines, typewriters, etc. Various industries
are rapidly extending, especially ship-building, the manufacture of
implements and tools, glow lamps, margarine, cigarettes, etc.
An indication of industrial development is to be found in the
number of boilers in use for factory plant and in the area of their
heating surface. The number of boilers in use at the close of the
years 1911, 1916 and 1918 were 7,455, 7,779, 7,973 respectively; the
heating surface, in sq. metres, being 347,876, 431,077 and 467,158.
The application of electric energy is continually on the increase.
Data concerning the number of workmen in the various indus-
tries, provided by the Inspector of Labour, show that in factories of
more than 25 workmen, the number employed was 339,150 on Feb. I
1920, as against 313,944 on May I 1914, exclusive of the sugar fac-
tories which work from April 30 till Jan. 31 and employ about 10,000.
The metal trade, together with machine building and ship building,
occupied the largest number of workmen. Next in order followed
the textile trade; the earthenware and glass industry; the clothiers;
tobacco and cigars) timber, cork and strawboards; the chemical
trades; printing works; the diamond industry; paper-making;
leather and rubber industries.
Mining. The Netherlands coal-mining industry showed a curious
growth. The necessity in war-time of supplying requirements out
of home resources led to vigorous productivity, with the result that
the output was more than trebled (1,280,000 tons in 1910, increased
to 3,940,000 tons in 1920). Above all, the State mines (Wilhelmina,
Emma and Hendrik) attained great prosperity in those years. The
production is estimated to be 6,000,000 tons in 1925 and probably
7,500,000 tons in 1930.
During the war, the lignite fields of Limburg, which previously
were unable to compete with the German industry, were opened up.
They produced in 1917 42,442 tons, in 1918 1,425,617; in 1919
1,881,962 and in 1920 1,395,851 tons. The ampler supplies of coal
after the close of the war caused the output of lignite to fall off, and
it was expected that the decline would become further accentuated,
as the exploitation is only remunerative at high prices.
In what measure the Limburg mines rendered Holland inde-
pendent of foreign countries is clearly reflected in the following
figures :
IMPORTS, EXPORTS AND CONSUMPTION OF COAL IN THE
NETHERLANDS IN i.ooo TONS
I mports '
Exports '
Excess
Imports
Limburg
Output 3
Available
for Con-
sumption
1910
14,789
8,515
6,274
1,280
7,532
1911
16,378
9,824
6,554
1,463
8,017
1912
18,250
10,980
7,270
1,717
8,987
1913
20,466
12,382
8,084
1,837
9,921
1914
I6,3I5
8,999
7,3i6
1,890
9,206
1915
9,881
2,594
7,287
2,250
9,537
1916
8.431
2,208
6,223
2,563
8,786
1917
3,044
i
3,044
3,007
6,051
1918
1,486
<
1,486
3,806
5,292
1919
3,615
>
3,615
3,939
7,554
1920
3,327
31 *
3,296
4,339
7,635
That the consumption was so much lower in 1919 and 1920 than
in 1913 is to be explained by the decrease of bunkering, the reduction
of demand in the gasworks, and the depressed condition of certain
industries as an aftermath of the war.
The productive coal district of South Limburg covers an area of
about 96-5 sq. miles. Experts assess the depth at 8,200 feet. The
deposits are to be regarded as an offshoot from the Belgian Limburg
1 General imports and exports until 1917; both coal, coke and coal
and lignite briquettes are included in the figures.
1 We have not reckoned the bunker coal, which is mentioned under
exports in the Trade statistics since 1917, as exports.
' Including lignite calculated as coal.
beds. In North Limburg there is a second coal region the exploita-
tion of which has been decided upon; it is a continuation of the
Westphalian coal-field. In Gelderland coal is also found.
Salt. The difficulty of obtaining sufficient salt during the war led
to the exploitation of the salt beds in the E. of Gelderland close to
the German frontier. The State Mineral Exploration Service
instituted in 1903 had discovered salt deposits near Winterswyk
with an estimated rock-salt content of 22,000,000,000 tons, and
others near Buurse with apparently 2,000,000,000 tons.
In 1919 the output was 5,244 tons, in the last month of that year
2,000 tons, being one-sixth of the whole consumption in the country.
Fisheries. In 1919 more than 27,000 persons earned their entire
livelihood by fishing, while a very large number exercised the craft
as a subsidiary occupation or were employed in such callings as sail
making, working in net factories, rope walks, cooper's workshops,
fish-smoking sheds, tanneries, basket works, etc. In that year the
number of vessels engaged in fishing was 6,239, of which 302 were
propelled by steam, and 216 were motor-boats, the total capacity
being 450,970 cub. metres. High-sea and coastal fishing produced
roughly 251,036,000 kg. of fish including shell fish and molluscs; the
value was 5,606,216. The river catches (salmon, etc.) weighed
119,000 kg. and was sold for 54,133; no returns are obtainable
concerning other freshwater fish.
In 1913 the high-sea and coastal fisheries produced 203,833,000
kg., the value being 2,243,283. Thus the proceeds have increased
since the war, but the working expenses have risen to such an extent
that the profits of the business are much less favourable. Above all,
the collapse of the German exchange has had a very detrimental
effect, Germany having been one of the principal purchasers prior
to the war. The export of herrings, of fresh fish (trawl fish) and of
anchovies suffered extremely.
The Act of Oct. 6 1908, which came into force on July I 1911, con-
tained regulations regarding all the fisheries, instituting also a
Fisheries Board. A decree of 1912 founded a State Institute for
Fishery Investigation. There is an Inspection of the Fisheries,
charged with the supervision of the fisheries and the carrying out of
the regulations. Several towns maintain fishery schools, all endowed
by State and Province.
Constitution and Government. The Constitution of 1815 which
had already been revised in 1840, 1848, 1884 and 1887, again
underwent important changes in 1917, especially with regard
to the franchise and education. The number of Ministries in
1921 was n, viz.: Foreign Affairs; Justice; Home Affairs;
Education, Arts and Sciences (since 1918); Marine; Finances;
W*r; Public Works; Agriculture, Trade and Industry (since
1908); Labour (since 1918) and Colonies. Public Works included
the whole system of transport, Labour and public health.
The States-General consisted of a Second Chamber (Deputies)
and a First Chamber (Senate). The Second Chamber consists
of 100 members chosen, since 1917, for a period of four years
according to proportional representation, by secret, general and
single male franchise, while after 1919 the law made use of the
powers granted by the revised Constitution of 1917 to extend
the franchise to women.
The franchise is granted at the age of 25, and since 1917 the
constitution has made voting compulsory. Membership of the
Second Chamber, a position which may not be held under the age of
30 years, has attached to it a yearly indemnity of 250, while
travelling is free for members. Retired members enjoy a pension
of 8 6s. 8d. for every year of service to a maximum of 166 133. 4d.
The First Chamber consists of 50 members, chosen by the Pro-
vincial States for the term of nine years. Every three years a third
of the number resigns. They are chosen by absolute majority of
votes, each province sending a quotum according to population.
The conditions for eligibility are the same as for the Second
Chamber. The members have the right of free travelling, while
those who do not live in The Hague where the States-General meet,
receive the sum of i 135. 4d. per day for expenses.
The Provincial States and the Municipal Councils are elected for
four years under the same franchise conditions as the Second
Chamber. The salary of the Burgomaster varies from 41 133. 4d. to
1,666 133. 4d. (Amsterdam).
Worthy of special mention also are the " Waterschappen,"
" Veenschappen " and " Veenpolders " (bodies charged with the
survey of dikes, peat land, etc.), elected by those interested in the
maintenance of the dikes, the draining of polders, etc. They have
power to make regulations in their own interests, according to legal
rules, but are also subject to the control of the Provincial States.
Since the introduction of general female suffrage the number of
electors for the Second Chamber totals 3,250,247 or 97-6% of the
inhabitants over 25 years of age. In 1917, that is prior to the intro-
duction of universal suffrage, the total was 1,079,475, being 70-8%
of the male population above 25 years of age, or about 35 % of the
total inhabitants above 25 years. (Proposals for a new general re-
vision of the constitution were introduced on March 22 1921.)
HOLLAND
377
Finance. Holland, it is true, was not directly involved in the war,
nevertheless, the four years' mobilization, the equipment of army
and navy, the provision of daily necessaries and the care of refugees
during the war, as well as the measures on behalf of the demobilized
and the unemployed and those required to meet the housing short-
age and the rise of salaries after the war, caused such heavy expendi-
ture that the Dutch finances became greatly over-burdened. The
" War " expenses alone amounted to 165,000,000, of which a
portion was at once met by taxation. The national debt showed an
increase from 96,355,000 in 1913 to 216,604,000 in 1921; it had
thus been more than doubled during the war. For the amortization
of the " War " debt special taxation was voted for the formation of
a loan fund, whereby it would be possible to pay off this special debt
in from 22 to 25 years. From 1915 to 1919 24,107,737 was paid
into the loan fund.
The burdens imposed upon the people were therefore very heavy,
particularly as the communes, upon which, in Holland, an important
share of the administrative task devolves, also had to make heavy
disbursements in connexion with the war. The consequence was
that the direct taxes of the realm, the provinces and the communes
grew from l gs. 5d. per head of the population in 1913 to 5 i6s. 5d.
in 1918-9. After then, taxation was noticeably increased, while the
above figures take no account of the rise in excise, indirect taxes and
various tariffs. The direct and the indirect taxes of the realm, and
the excises, grew from 2-25 per head of the population in 1913 to
7-9 in 1919. The War Profits Tax produced by Nov. I 1920
50,000,000. The total national revenue, which in 1913 amounted
to 18,851,888, increased to 56,187,634 in 1919, and in 1921 was
estimated at 46,012,609. The total national expenditure, 19,893,-
955 in 1913 and 74,054,597 in 1919, was estimated for 1921 at
69,273,810.
The ratio of metal to the note issue of the Netherlands Bank
remained very favourable throughout the war.
Notes issued
Gold coin
and bullion
in
Total metal
stocks
in
1910 ....
1919 ....
June 1921 .
23,296,000
85,264,500
84,415,703
10,904,500
52,906,000
50,488,597
I3-233- 000
53,609,000
51,541,553
According to the latest estimates in 1921 the direct taxation of the
realm per capita of the population amounted to (1.40-50, and
indirect taxation to fl-35. Local rates amounted to fl-4O, provincial
rates to fl-3, total fl. 118-50 (9 173. 6d.). The entire pop. of the
Netherlands, therefore, on a total taxable revenue of 2,000,000,000
guilders, pays fl. 830, 000,000 in taxes, i.e. more than 40%.
National Defence. The Dutch army is in the main a Militia
army. Of the 60,000 men at disposal 23,000 are annually selected by
lot for the first period of service which lasts six months for infantry
but longer for cavalry, engineers, etc.
These men, who are liable to service from their 2oth till their 3ist
year, form, in the event of mobi'ization, an immediately available
army of over 200,000. By calling up older levies and drilling those
previously exempted an army of 400,000 men was obtained in the
period from 1914-9, while a reserve was also at disposal. These
forces constitute a field army of four divisions of three brigades each,
the brigade comprising two regiments of infantry, one regiment of
artillery and one of cavalry; besides these there are the auxiliaries,
the garrisons of the lines, coast guards, frontier guards, etc.
Holland was prepared for mobilization as early as July 28 1914;
mobilization started on Aug. I, and by Aug. 4 it was complete.
The army is officered by about 2,000 professional commissioned
and 5,000 professional non-commissioned officers, supplemented,
during mobilization, by about treble that number of reserve officers
and non-commissioned men.
The army ; n the Dutch East Indies (Java, etc.) is absolutely inde-
pendent of the home forces. It consists of voluntary regulars to the
number of about 36000 men, to which, in recent years, a small
addition of conscripts has been made.
The navy in 1921 comprised 5 ironclads, 2 armoured cruisers, I
protected cruiser, 3 armoured gun-boats, 4 gun-boats, 16 mine layers,
4 mine sweepers, 8 destroyers, 1 1 torpedo boats, 24 submarines and
a large number of small coastal vessels. It does service both in the
home waters and in the Indies. It is equipped with volunteers,
supplemented by an annual contingent of 800 to 1,000 conscripts.
In the 1921 budget, the army figured with almost 6,250,000 and
the navy with more than 4,350,000, being about l I is. od. per head
of the population.
Labour Legislation. Although Holland began somewhat late and
hesitatingly with its labour legislation, that legislation assumed
such a development during the ten years following 1910 that in 1921
it occupied a leading place. The first effort to remove social evils by
legislation dates from 1873, in which year the employment of
children under 12 years of age was prohibited. But a parliamentary
enquiry in 1887 showed that the Act had not had much effect.
Investigations led to the Act of 1889, which was repeatedly extended
till, in 1919, a highly important change was achieved by an Act
applicable to factories and workshops, bakeries, shops, offices,
pharmacies, coffee houses, hotels and hospitals (but not to agricul-
ture, horticulture, arboriculture, mining or household work) which
introduced, in principle, the 8-hour day and the 45-hour week.
Holland thus took the leading place and even went beyond the
requirements of the Washington Conference of 1919: except in the
occupations mentioned above, these regulations have been gradually
introduced. In bakeries, all work is prohibited on Sunday and
from 8 P.M. till 6 A.M. As a general rule, work must cease on Saturday
at I P.M. All work is forbidden for children under 14 years of age,
and in general, Sunday employment and night work for persons
between 14 and 18 years.
In cases prejudicial to health, morals or life, any particular work
may be forbidden by royal decree to young persons and women.
Women are not permitted to work for at least two weeks before and
six weeks after childbirth.
Special Acts provide for safety in factories (1895), the prohibition
of white phosphor in match works (1901), labour in caissons (1905),
stone cutting (1911) and harbour work (1914).
Workmen's Insurance. Workmen's insurance in Holland began
with the Accident Act of 1901. This Act was applicable only to
factories and workshops with power machinery, but was extended
to all cases in 1919 Only agriculture, horticulture, arboriculture,
sea fisheries and navigation were excepted. For the last, a temporary
regulation was adopted in 1919 as continuation of a regulation made
in 1915 for war accidents at sea. The accident premiums are paid
by the employers. Mutual accident insurance in agriculture and
arboriculture has existed since 1909.
In 1913 a compulsory sickness and old age insurance bill was
passed, and regulations immediately came into force whereby work-
men 70 years old at that date were granted a pension of two francs
per week (married couples together three francs) ; in 1919 these sums
were increased to three francs and five francs and the age limit was
lowered to 65. The Act itself, however, was not promulgated o\ying
to the continued conflict between the advocates of State pensions
(Liberals, Radicals and Socialists) and the advocates of compulsory
old-age insurance with payment of premium by the insured (the
clerical parties). This conflict ended in the retention of compulsory
insurance with payment of the entire premium by the employer. The
age limit is 65 years. Children under 14 years may receive an
orphan dole and widows absolutely invalided or not less than 60
years old receive an annuity. For persons not performing hired
service but whose economic position is similar to that of workmen,
opportunity was given to insure voluntarily against old age, the
State undertaking the costs of administration.
Council of Labour. In 1919 a High Council of Labour was
appointed composed, partly, of representatives of the employers and
the employed, partly of officials, and partly of persons who had
made a special study of social and economic questions or of social
legislation. This body, of which the Labour Minister is president,
was to advise the various departments concerning Labour affairs.
Housing. Owing to circumstances due to the war, the housing
problem in the Netherlands also became extremely pressing. Before
the war, thanks to the housing law of 1901, the slum dwellings in the
great centres of population were being cleared away and the system
of cash advances to building societies introduced by this law rendered
possible the construction on a large scale of houses for the working
and lower middle classes.
The stagnation in building during the years of war owing to a
shortage of labour caused by the long duration of the mobilization,
and the want of materials, changed the favourable situation existing
before the hostilities into one of great need. Legislative measures
proved necessary to prevent as far as possible the inflation of house
rents, and Acts were passed in 1917, I9_l8, 1920 and 1921 ; also the
construction of houses by private individuals was encouraged as
much as possible by the State by means of loans and premiums. The
shortage of houses was greatest and reckoned at 57,550 at the end of
1919, and it was estimated that this number had been reduced to
52,500 on Jan. I 1921.
Public Health. State supervision of public health was provided
for in the Health Act of 1919. The Government is advised by the
Health Council. There are health committees in all communes of
more than 18,000 souls and in unions of smaller communes aggre-
gating more than 40,000 souls.
Protection of Children. The Conipulsory Education Act gave
authority to the communes to provide food and clothing for needy
children. In various large towns the authorities proceeded to the in-
stallation of school baths, and physicians and nurses were appointed ;
dental treatment was also arranged for.
Poor Relief. The Act of April 27 1912 achieved with regard to
Poor Relief an urgently necessary cooperation by instituting joint
Poor Councils in which the various public and private charitable
institutions are represented. One general Poor Commission, estab-
lished in The Hague, advises both the Government and the Poor
Councils. The principle of the Poor Relief is that precedence is
taken by Church or other special institutions and that only after-
wards civil relief, exercised by the community, comes into action.
The Church and special institutions may be subsidised by the
authorities. The number of charitable institutions amounted in
1917 to 6,880, nearly 60% of which belonged to the churches. In
1917 about 3,500,000 were spent for charitable purposes.
Labour Movements. The comparatively slight importance of the
378
HOLLAND
Dutch industry in the first half of the igth century prevented the
rise of a strong labour movement. It is not until the 'seventies that
one finds the beginning of a real trade organization, and even then
the movement developed very slowly, largely because of divisions
among the workers. Attempts to combine all workers in one trade,
without distinction of political or religious faith and afterwards to
organize the various trade unions into one central body, failed. As
soon as socialistic tendencies appeared in the labour movement,
the denominational workers broke away. The consequence was
that five central organizations were established: (l) the Dutch
Labour Secretariat, founded in 1893, the members of which are
revolutionary socialistic or anarchistically inclined ; (2) the Dutch
Trade Federation, of 1905, which is under social democratic influ-
ence; (3) the (Protestant) Christian National Trade Federation,
founded in 1908; (4) the Roman Catholic Trade Organization
Bureau, formed in 1909; and (5) the Dutch Federation of Neutral
Trade Unions, founded in 1912 with the aim of uniting the workers
of the various political or religious creeds; but which has really
become an organization of those who, politically, are liberal or
radical. It combined in 1919 with the Central Committee of Neutral
Trade Unions as the General Dutch Trade Federation.
The following figures show the development and importance of
these various central bodies. The Dutch Labour Secretariat had- in
1895, 15,728 members; in 1900, 12,444; m March 1903 (great rail-
way strike), 17,602; in Dec. 1908, 8,000; in 1910, 3,454. Then ensued
a reorganization and the adoption of more moderate tactics and in
1915, the membership was 9,242; in 1918, 23,068; in April 1920,
50,140. Again a decline followed; in Jan. 1921 the membership was
36,038. The Dutch Trade Federation had a membership on Jan. I
1906, of 18,900; Jan. I 1912, 52,235; Jan. I 1915, 87,611; April I
1919, 207,512; April 1920, 262,116. Later the figures declined to
225,367 in Jan. 1921. The Christian National Trade Federation had
on Jan. I 1910, 6,580 members gradually amounting to 76,488 on
Jan. I 1921. The Roman Catholic Trade Organization Bureau
Oct. I 1909, had 9,356 members, rising steadily to 158,222 in Oct.
1920. The General Dutch Trade Federation, after the fusion,
had about 48,000 members rising to 51,913 in Jan. 1921.
In Jan. 1921, therefore, these five great labour bodies included
550,000 workers. Outside these there were still a number of smaller
organizations but the tendency towards centralization was becoming
continually stronger: in 1913, 53-66; in 1918, 77-87; in 1920, 87-53
% of all organized workers had joined these greater organizations
and the percentage was still rising.
In the meantime there remained a considerable number of workers
who were not organized at all, but a zealous propaganda from
various sides unceasingly brought new organizations into existence.
Two factors contributing to the growth and the centralization of
the Labour Movement were the collective workers' contracts and
the unemployment insurance. With regard to the former, there
already existed in 1920, 935 of these agreements which embraced
about 22,500 undertakings (1911 ; 1,100) and over 273,600 workmen
(1911; 2,300). From the Catholic side there is a tendency to go
still further, aiming at a system of trade councils which would unite
the organized employers with the organized workmen.
Insurance against unemployment was steadily extending. While
in 1911 only 504 organizations possessed an unemployment fund,
this number had risen in 1920 to 4,535. There was an especially
large increase after the .Government, under the stress of circum-
stances due to the war, decided to subsidize the unemployment
funds by adding 100% to the workmen's own contributions while
leaving the management of the funds to the workers, although it
exercised a certain measure of control. The number of workpeople
insured against unemployment, which in 1911 was only 43,601 and
in 1914 was 70,481, had risen in 1920 to 397,900.
Cooperation.- Consumers' cooperation is, in the Netherlands,
chiefly concentrated in the Dutch Cooperative Union, the Union of
Dutch Workers' Cooperations and the Union of Roman Catholic
Cooperative Societies, together including about 380 societies with
200,000 members. During the last few years before 1921 a great
extension took place in the Cooperative Wholesale Society, De
Handelskamer," which originally acted as a commission agent, but
gradually established its own warehouses, and continually brought
more of its own wares, with its own special mark, into the market.
It possessed also its own soap factory, a factory for wooden shoes,
a corn-mill, etc. It embraced in 1917 about 270 societies with about
170,000 members. The return was then in the difficult years of the
war 10,000,000 guilders, but afterwards somewhat decreased.
Agricultural cooperation is much more strongly developed. The
Dutch Farmers' Union, established in 1896, is the central organiza-
tion of the farmers' unions existing in every province, embracing
nearly 1,700 local societies with about 200,000 members. In 1913
the various farmers' unions bought cooperatively to the value of
o ver 3,000,000, that is, on an average, about 57 guilders per acre.
Soon after there arose a need of centralization in purchasing, and
the Central bureau for the purchase of agricultural necessaries was
established at Enschede.
In market gardening also, cooperation progressed quickly. The
Dutch Market Gardening Council included in 1918 351 societies
with 65,700 members.
Cooperation in dairy produce is of great importance. In 1879 the
first butter factory was established and in 1886 the opposition of the
farmers to the machine-made butter industry in Friesland had so
far decreased that the first cooperative butter factory could be
established at Warga. Twenty years later there existed 749 coopera-
tive factories (304 of which worked with hand-power) against 226
non-cooperative factories, and 175 cooperative cheese factories
against 97 non-cooperative. Again ten years later the industry
proved more concentrated, and the figures for butter were 602 (115
with hand-power) and 282 ; for cheese 236 and 101. The cooperative
dairy produce factories, at first provincially organized, combined in
the Federative Dutch Dairy Union, which also founded a Central
Sale department. In 1917 nearly 10,000,000 kg. of butter were sold
directly through this department ; the associated factories produced
in that year over 1,370,000,000 kg. Through their strict control the
dairy produce cooperative factories have had a very favourable
influence on the quality of the product.
In the Netherlands agricultural credit is regulated on an entirely
cooperative basis through three central bodies, viz. the Coopera-
tive Raiffeisenbank at Utrecht, the Cooperative Central Farmers'
Loan Bank at Eindhoven and the Cooperative Central Agricultural
and Market Gardening Bank at Alkmaar, which together include
over 1,000 local banks with over 92,000 members. Besides these
three great organizations there are also a large number of smaller
cooperative banks for agriculture and market gardening and for
the middle classes. With the exception of the dairy produce business
productive cooperation has had little success.
Education. The conflict over the schools, which had dominated
the political life of the Netherlands for almost three-quarters of a
century, closed in 1917 with the complete victory of the church
parties. The Constitution of 1848 had granted the right to give
private instruction, but had made public undenominational instruc-
tion exclusively " an object of the permanent care " of the Govern-
ment. Accordingly, the public funds provided for undenomina-
tional education. The advocates of denominational education had
to pay for that education with their own means, while helping, as
tax payers, to support schools which they did not want for their
children and which they regarded as pernicious in principle. The
undenominational school, with its obligation to respect in its curricu-
lum the religious convictions of everyone, was considered by the
parties of the Left suitable for children of every confession. Gradu-
ally, however, these parties also cooperated in granting higher and
higher subsidies to private schools. There was also a desire to end
the conflict in order to devote more energy to the improvement of
education generally. In 1917 a modification in the constitution
prescribed that education generally, i.e. not merely public instruc-
tion, was to be an object of the uninterrupted care of the Govern-
ment. By this change denominational schools were accorded the
same rights as the undenominational. As a result a financial arrange-
ment was made in 1919 which benefited them in equal degree.
On the basis of the new article in the fundamental code a new
Elementary Education Act came into force in Jan. I 1921. But
whether the " school war " is ended for good and all was open to
question. Rather the scene of war was changed : it was transferred
to the commune. It was expected that many " public " schools,
especially in smaller places, would disappear, and that the number
of small private denominational schools would be augmented and
the cost of elementary education consequently increased, thereby
impeding the improvement of education. Denominational educa-
tion of a secondary character and as preparatory to advanced study,
though it was not yet placed on an equal footing with "public"
instruction of the same character as had been done in the case of
elementary education, received nevertheless public assistance.
As a whole, Dutch education in all branches stands on a high plane.
Compulsory elementary schooling, which was introduced in 1901
(6-12 years), was in 1921 increased to seven consecutive years of
instruction (613). To this two years may be added. After the
sixth year, too, there is considerable opportunity for extended ele-
mentary education which lasts three -years and may comprise
modern languages and mathematics. Preparation for advanced
technical and commercial instruction is given in the higher middle-
class schools and commercial schools, while the " gymnasia "
(grammar schools) prepare for the universities. In addition there
is extensive technical or trade instruction.
The care of education, which had previously been entrusted to the
Ministry of the Interior, was transferred in 1919 to a special Depart-
ment of Education, Arts and Sciences. As adviser to the minister
a Council of Education was appointed.
The growth of primary education is shown in the following figures.
The children attending " public " schools numbered in 1875 386,293;
in 1919 575,369; those in private schools numbered in 1875 123,400,
and in 1919 432,197. In the latter year there were 3,401 "public"
and 2,439 private schools. The results are shown by the percentage
of illiterates, which has fallen to 0-2-0-4 P er cent.
Between the years 1910 and 1918 the number of higher middle-
class schools for boys rose from 85 to 1 1 1 and for girls from 16 to 28.
The number of boys attending increased from 10,844 to '5,497 an d
of girls from 4,097 to 7,587. Numerous communes also have com-
mercial schools. In 1910 there were ,50 public and 35 private gymna-
sia, the corresponding figures for 1918 being 34 and 41. The pupils
increased in number from 5,373 to 7,552.
HOLLAND
379
There are five humanistic universities; three are State institu-
tions, namely at Leiden, Utrecht, Groningen; while one is municipal
and one private, both at Amsterdam. The students numbered in
1909-10 3,945 (671 women), and in 1918-9 5,396 (1,263 women).
Besides these universities, there are other institutions which, requir-
ing similar entrance qualifications, are empowered to grant degrees.
One is the State technical university (Hoogeschool) at Delft, con-
ferring the degree of " Doctor Ir. " (engineering), and admitting
in 1909-10 1,121 students (57 women), and in 1918-9 1,866 (123
women) ; another is the private university of commerce founded
at Rotterdam in 1913, conferring the degree of Doctor of Com. and
attended in 1918 by 556 (28 women) students. In 1912 the State
agricultural school at Wageningen was converted into a State higher
agricultural, horticultural and arboricultural school, and in 1918
into an agricultural university (Dr. Agr.), its students then num-
bering 222. In 1912 a secondary agricultural school was founded
at Groningen and a secondary school of colonial agriculture at
Deventer. In addition there are 21 State agricultural and horti-
cultural winter schools and a State dairy school at Bolsward. The
State veterinary school at Utrecht was raised in 1918 to the status
of a university. In addition there are schools of navigation (at
Amsterdam and elsewhere), secondary technical schools, academies
of plastic art, training schools for teachers, a large number of house-
keeping and training schools for girls and institutes for deaf mutes,
for the blind and for backward children.
Besides large amounts provided privately the net expenditure on
education from the public exchequers (State, provincial and com-
munal), after deduction of revenues, totalled in 1910 over 3,550,-
ooo and in 1917 nearly 5,580,000. Since " public " and private
education have been given equal claims to State support and
teachers' salaries have been improved, the total estimated expenses
for 1921 were not less than 12,500,000.
Literature. Literary development in Holland was marked by
a change about the year 1900 after the violent individualism of
" the men of the "eighties." Dogged subjectivity, the principle
of "Art for Art's sake" was abandoned, and even under the men
of the 'eighties this development attained completion (Gorter,
van Eeden) . The lyric and naturalistic epic concentrated in the
figure of Marcellus Emants (b. 1848); under the influence of
French naturalism, French philosophy and of Ibsen especially
he became the delineator of degeneration and of the tragedy of
heredity (Waan, Liefdeleven). This modern realism, with a
typically Dutch tint, is to be found in Herman Robbers (Roman
van een Gezin), Ina Boudier Bakker (Armoede), Top Naeff (Voor
de Poort), de Meester (Geertje), Heyermans (Diamantstad) , and
Querido (Menschenwee, De Jordaan). Beside it there flourishes
a modern romanticism: Arthur van Schendel (Een Zwerver Verd-
waald), van Moerkerken (De Bevryden), Adr. van Oordt (War-
hold), greatly under the influence of the realism of about :8go.
Louis Couperus abandoned his neurotic milieu of The Hague
(Eline Vere) and turned to the semi-historical and highly
imaginative (Een berg van Lichl, Antiek Tourisme, Iskander).
Many modern poets with socialistic ideals aim at an art for the
community (Adama van Scheltema, Henr. Roland Hoist),
while P. C. Boutens (Carmina, Praeludien) under the influence
of the classics and philosophers produces intellectual lyrics.
Among the younger lyric poets are Aert van der Leeuw, P. N.
van Eyck, Geerten Gossaert and J. C. Bloem. The poet-singer
J. H. Speenhoff deserves special mention.
In the theatre great progress has been made in this period:
Heyermans (Ghetto, Op Hoop van Zegen), Mrs. Simons-Mees
(De Veroveraar), Schiirmann (De Violiers). As producers,
Royaards (Vondel, Shakespeare, Goethe) and Verkade (English
Society plays) are well known. The best known actor is Louis
Bouwmeester, who, as Shylock, has had great success in London
as well as in Paris, Berlin and Vienna.
Dutch critics are Albert Verwey (De Ricliting der Heden-
daagsche Poczie), Carel Scharten (Krachten der Toekomsf), Joh.
de Meester, Is. Querido and van Eeden (Studien).
Painting. The Hague school has been coming to a close in a
number of disciples who miss the great powers and great per-
sonality of the Marises (James and William), of Mauve and
Weissenbruch. Joseph Israels died in 1911. Breitner (1857- ),
who, although he lived in Amsterdam, may still be regarded as
one of the Hague school, had done his best work. Matthew
Man's, one of the finest and most subtle Dutch artists of the
igth century, died in 1917. Antagonistic to the Hague school
were the pupils of Allebe, the Amsterdammer. Among them
one finds such well-known portrait painters as Veth and Haver-
man, a landscape painter like Voerman, a puintei-littSraleur like
Van Looy, painters of fish, Dysselhof, Witsen, etc. Bauer, the
great etcher and painter of the East, occupies a place of his own.
He is a Romanticist with the technique of the Hague school,
just as Isaac Israels in his painting is more nearly related to the
French school, as Manet, etc.
The first revolutionary in Holland was Vincent van Gogh
(1853-90). He went to France and was affected by the modern
masters of that time. Judging him by his best known work he
must, without doubt, be considered one of the greatest Pas-
sionates that Holland ever possessed. His influence on some of
the younger painters is still apparent. After him come two
such contrasting masters, Toorop and Van Konynenburg.
Toorop (1858- ) is an admirable portrait painter, a sym-
bolic draughtsman, rich in imagination, a creator of religious
subjects (since he became a Catholic in 1905).
Van Konynenburg (1868- ) has long been an opponent of
the Dutch impressionism (the Marises, etc.). He has become,
like Toorop, chiefly a figure painter; one of the most psycho-
logical portraits of our time, that of Boutens, is his work.
Jan Sluyters (1881- ), called by some the Breitner among
the younger men, especially with reference to such work as " The
Negro," is a naturalistic limner of excellent child portraits, a
painter of still life and of landscapes with figures. Leo Gestel
(1881- ) is more refined. Cubist in his landscapes (soft in
colour) of Majorca, with melancholy in his sunflowers, he is in
his later studies of flowers what might be called normal decora-
tive. Sluyters and Gestel arc both Amsterdammers. With them
may be mentioned Matt. Wiegman. Schelfhout tends towards
the archaic in his dry-points. Roland Hoist is full of good taste,
the painter, after Derkinderen, of mural paintings; Alma is
developing also in that direction.
Thorn Prikker (1868- ) has always stood apart. He has
the most sensitive feeling for line of any Dutch artist.
Architecture. It is to the credit of Dr. P. J. H. Cuypers
(1827-1921), a pupil of Viollet-le-Duc, that, aided by his friend
Jhr. Victor de Stuers (1843-1916) himself a great art con-
noisseur and patron he succeeded in arousing general interest
in art and, more especially, in architecture and decoration.
Cuypers, inspired both by the Gothic and by the Netherland
style of the i6th century, built the State museum at Amsterdam
and many churches, in which he was frequently assisted and
followed by Joseph Cuypers, Bleys and others. The Dutch
1 7th century Renaissance served as a model to architects such
as Gosschalk, Springer, Van Arkel, Van der Steur, etc. Jan
Stuyt, De Basel and Leliman turned their attention more to the
i8th century. A fresh trend in architecture had emanated from
H. P. Berlage, who stresses simplicity and severity of line and
the use of brick as a specially suitable material for Holland.
HISTORY. The war period brought a solution of some very
important questions in Holland. After the resignation of the
Liberal Cabinet of De Meester in 1908, the Government passed
into the hands of the "Right" (clerical) Cabinet of Heemskerk
(1908-13), which, thanks to the gifted minister Talma, suc-
ceeded in passing an act for compulsory insurance. The Heems-
kerk Cabinet, in the person of its vigorous Minister for War,
Mr. Colyn, was able to carry out a reorganization of the army
which made it possible for Holland to mobilize very rapidly in
1914 and to strengthen its forces very considerably during the
war. The building of a fortress near Flushing aroused at first
some dissatisfaction in Belgium, France and England, owing to
fear of German influence; but it appeared that Holland aimed
merely at an energetic maintenance of its neutrality on the
Western Scheldt in the event of war. The World War showed
that Holland's neutrality benefited the Allies by preventing
the German invaders in Belgium from using the Western Scheldt
for submarine warfare.
In 1913 the Heemskerk Cabinet made way for that of Cort
van der Linden, which came into power after the refusal of the
Social Democrats to accept seats in the Cabinet and the con-
sequent refusal of the Liberal parties to take upon themselves
380
HOLLAND
any responsibility. The State Councillor and professor emeritus,
Cort van der Linden, had been Minister for Justice in 1897-1901.
This Liberal, who was highly respected both by the Crown and
by all parties, formed an " extra-parliamentary " Cabinet, that
is, a Cabinet desiring not to be regarded as a mandatory of the
Liberal-Socialist majority, though taking over the programme
of these parties victorious in the voting. In this way the new
Cabinet achieved a revision of the Constitution in 1917. Herein
it succeeded in solving the school question which had dominated
political life for half a century, and which the parties of the
Left also wished to see settled. The talented minister Lely,
who for the third time was at the head of the Department of
Public Works (1891-4, 1897-1901, and 1913-8), saw his life's
work crowned with success in that the States-General resolved
to barrage the Zuider Zee.
To a large extent the success of the Cabinet was due to the
party truce brought about by the war. But otherwise the war
gave rise to great difficulties, even if the country did escape the
direct catastrophe of conflict. The geographical position of
Holland caused the belligerents on either side to desire that she
should not get entangled in the war. In order to protect vigor-
ously her neutrality against any eventuality, Holland herself
increased her army to 500,000 men, well trained and equipped
as efficiently as possible. Repeated diplomatic differences of
increasing poignancy were as repeatedly settled to the satisfac-
tion of all parties by Jonkheer Loudon, the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, who inspired great confidence both at home and abroad,
adopting throughout the standpoint of recognized positive inter-
national law. Nevertheless, Holland suffered greatly from the
blockade and the U-boat warfare.
The neutral position of Holland made it possible for her to
assist very largely in mitigating distress in the belligerent
countries, not merely by sending thither ambulances and aid-
ing in the Relief Work in Belgium and Northern France, but
also, and in a special degree, by welcoming the destitute Belgian
refugees, who, to the number of over a million, fled for succour
to Holland after the fall of Antwerp. Gradually most of these
returned home, but even in 1917 and 1918 between 30,000 and
40,000 were still supported by the Dutch Government.
In Sept. 1918 there came a fresh influx of refugees, numbering
about 40,000, chiefly from Northern France, as a result of the
evacuation caused by the retreat of the German army. On all
these refugees the Dutch Government expended certainly some
5,000,000 sterling, which remain to the country's debit. To
this are to be added many millions provided by private means.
The exchanged British and German prisoners-of-war were also
hospitably received. After the fall of Antwerp, too, 30,000
Belgian and some hundreds of British soldiers were interned in
Holland at first in camps and afterwards scattered in various
places where they could perform some suitable work. The num-
ber of German interned also assumed big proportions, no fewer
than 10,000 deserters crossing the frontier. Finally, numbers
of military and civil interned managed to escape from Germany
into Holland, whither no fewer than 4,000 Russians fled.
Meantime, the elections of 1918 had produced a majority of
the Right, which, though weak (51 to 49), enabled the Roman
Catholic leader, Dr. Nolens, to form a Cabinet, inasmuch as the
Liberals were split into eight groups by the new system of pro-
portional representation and the Socialists had gained seats as
a result of general suffrage. Since Dr. Nolens considered it
undesirable that he, as a priest, should take a seat in the Cabinet,
Jhr. Ruys de Beerenbrouck acted as leader. It was the first
time in Holland that a Government accepted responsibility
under Catholic leadership.
This Government soon found itself faced with great general
dissatisfaction as an outcome of the wartime distress. On the
conclusion of the Armistice the desire for demobilization was so
great that a serious mutiny broke out. The Social Democratic
leader, Mr. Troelstra, announced a revolution in Parliament
and demanded the resignation of the Government. But he was
not supported either by his own party or by the workmen's
organizations. There was a strong revival of patriotism, attach-
ment to the reigning house and feeling for social order. Every-
where civil guards were formed. The army was demobilized and
measures were adopted for the benefit of the men. Besides this
social reforms were promised. The danger of revolution, which
raged close to the frontier, soon began to disappear. Moreover,
an improvement in the supply of victuals was noticeable from
day to day. The Government had acquired the prestige requisite
to introducing important measures into the Second Chamber
even with a wavering majority. These included old age and
invalidity insurance (Talma Act, 1919), the eight-hour day and
45-hour week, and the Primary Education Act. The Roman
Catholic influence was evidenced, e.g. by the restoration of a
permanent envoy to the Pope; this representation had lapsed
in 1870 but had been reinstituted during the war, though only
as a temporary measure with the object of cooperating in a
possible effort at peace. Meantime, the peace negotiations at
Versailles had raised fresh international difficulties for Holland,
which gave Jhr. van Karnebeek, the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, an opportunity of demonstrating that he pursued a cir-
cumspect but persistent policy.
In the early hours of Nov. 10 1918 the Government at The
Hague had been surprised by the arrival of the German ex-
Kaiser, who sought refuge in Holland. In accordance with
ancient Dutch tradition concerning political refugees, the fallen
monarch, and, afterwards, the ex-Crown Prince, were accorded
the rights of asylum in Holland. When, in 1920, the Allies
demanded the person of the ex-Kaiser, compliance was refused
on the grounds of that tradition. The ex-Kaiser had his resi-
dence appointed in the village of Doom in the province of
Utrecht, that of the ex-Crown Prince being in the Isle of Wier-
ingen in the Zuider Zee. They were allowed to remain in Hol-
land on condition of refraining from all political activity.
Other difficulties arose out of Belgium's desire for a revision
of the 1839 Treaties. Holland declared herself prepared to dis-
cuss the question at Paris on the basis of equality. This took
place. It appeared that Belgium demanded the sovereignty
(afterwards softened into " maUrise ") over the Western Scheldt
and its dependencies, as well as over the canal and railway Ghent-
Terneuzen, together with the right to use the Scheldt for defensive
purposes in war time further a regime in South Limburg which
should guarantee her security, to which end it raised objections
to Maastricht remaining Dutch. Moreover, Belgium asked for
a canal running direct from Antwerp across Dutch Limburg to
the Rhine and another from Antwerp to Hollandsch Diep.
Concurrently, various Belgian journals and the Comite de
Politique Nationale demanded that the Western Scheldt, though
it had been Dutch since the Middle Ages, Zeeland Flanders
(which had been Dutch since the Peace of Munster, 1648), and
Limburg (which had been Dutch for the same time; Maas-
tricht even since 1632), should all fall to Belgium. A storm of
indignation was aroused in Holland, and the districts in question
gave an unambiguous expression of their attachment to Holland.
The Dutch Government declined to discuss the question of ter-
ritorial cessions, but declared themselves willing to cooperate
in the construction of the canals, though they denied the neces-
sity for any such waterways. They demonstrated moreover
that, during the invasion by the German armies, it would have
been disadvantageous to the Allies if Dutch Limburg had been
Belgian and that the Western Scheldt would have been used as
a submarine basis but for the Dutch character of the river.
The Supreme Council decided that the revision of the Treaties
of 1839 should be entrusted to a commission composed of repre-
sentatives of the United Kingdom, the United States, France,
Italy, Japan, Belgium and Holland; but the proposals of this
commission should, in no case, contain suggestions for a transfer
of territorial sovereignty or the establishment of international
servitudes; moreover, Belgium and Holland were to endeavour
to come to an understanding concerning the waterways. In the
subsequent negotiations between these two countries agreement
was reached on the administration and maintenance of the
Western Scheldt, on the Antwerp-Hollandsch Diep canal, the
Antwerp-Meuse-Rhine canal and the administration of the
HOLROYD HONDURAS
Ghent -Terneuzen canal. Agreement was reached, but a satis-
factory settlement was prevented when, at the close of the
negotiations, Belgium expressed the desire also to discuss the
question of the Wielingen, which constitutes the estuary of the
Western Scheldt and over which Holland had exercised rights
of sovereignty since mediaeval times rights now disputed by
Belgium on the ground of the modern notion of territorial waters;
according to this conception Belgium would be able to close the
Wielingen, i.e. the entrance to the Western Scheldt. Holland
proposed to settle the matter either by arbitration or by dividing
the Wielingen along the middle of the channel, so that Belgium
would obtain permanent free access to Zeebrugge and the adjoin-
ing North Sea ports, while Holland retained her free access to the
Western Scheldt. Nor had Holland any objection to retaining
the existing situation, which had never given rise to any diffi-
culties. But Belgium demanded a solution entirely according
to her own wishes; and on these grounds she broke off negotia-
tions in May 1920.
Holland joined the League of Nations in 1920, after having
participated in the Labour Conference at Washington in 1919
and in the Seamen's Conference at Genoa in 1920. She was also
represented at the assembly of the League of Nations at Geneva
in Nov.-Dec. 1920. The Permanent Court of International
Justice, in pursuance of the resolution of the League of Nations,
was domiciled at The Hague.
In June 1921 the Cabinet of Ruys de Beerenbrouck saw their
proposals for the reform of the army rejected, and tendered their
resignation.
REFERENCES. A General View of the Netherlands. A series of 25
pamphlets on agriculture, industries, trade, fisheries, finance, engi-
neering, education, art, literature, etc., published under direction of
the Commercial Department of the Netherlands Ministry of Agri-
culture, Industry and Commerce (The Hague, 1915); Annual and
Monthly Figures concerning Holland and its Colonies; Staatsal-
manak voor het Koninkryk der Nederlanden (State almanac for the
Kingdom of the Netherlands, Annual, The Ha'gue, 1861) and many
other official publications monthly and annual; R. V. Laming,
Report on the Economic, Financial and Industrial Conditions of
Holland for the year 1919 (Department of Oversea Trade, London,
1920); Elaine F. Moore, Economic Aspects of the Commerce and
Industry of the Netherlands (Miscellaneous series No. 91, Washing-
ton, 1919) ; J. B. Kan, Handelingen over de herziening der Grondwet
(Acts concerning the revision of the Constitution, The Hague, 1912) ;
J. van den Tempel, De Nederlandsche Vakbeweging en haar toekomst
(Dutch Trade Unionism and its Future, 3rd ed., 1919); Jaarboek
van den Nederlandschen Cooperatieven Bond (Yearbook of the Dutch
Cooperative Federation, 1891- ); De Nieuwe Gids, Gedenkbek
1885-1910 (The New Guide, Album 1885-1910, The Hague, 1910);
P. J. Blok, Geschiedenis van 't Nederlandsche Volk (History of the
Dutch People, 4 vols., 1912-5); Gedenkstukken der Algemeene
Geschiedenis van Nederland (Memorials of Holland's General His-
tory) edited by H. T. Colenbrander (State Historical Publica-
tions, vol. x., 1830-40, The Hague, 1919); N. Japikse, Staatkundige
Geschiedenis van Nederland,^ 1887-1917 (1918) ; Oranjeboeken (Orange
books containing informations and communications of the Minister
of Foreign Affairs to the States-General on political and diplomatic
topics 1914-21) ; Nederland in den oorlogstyd (Holland in War Time),
under direction of H. Brugmans (1919 ); De Economische
toekomst van Nederland (Holland's economic future, 1916-7) ; De
Economische Branding (Economic breakers, 1920); P. J. Blok,
Holland (1919) ; A. A. H. Struycken, Holland, Belgium and the
Powers (1919) ; P. Geyl, Holland and Belgium (1920).
(P.O.*; A. E. M.)
HOLROYD, SIR CHARLES (1861-1917), English painter-etcher
(see 13.618*), died at Weybridge Nov. 17 1917. Many important
additions were made to the National Gallery during his period
as director, the chief of these being the Rokeby " Venus "
by Velasquez. He also arranged for the transference of a large
portion of the Turner bequest to the Tate Gallery.
HOLTZMANN, HEINRICH JULIUS (1832-1910), German
theologian (see 13.620), died at Strassburg Aug. 6 1910.
HONDURAS (see 13.649). Miguel R. Davila, president of the
republic of Honduras in 1909, was secure in his position only
so long as President Zelaya of Nicaragua, whose creature he was,
retained control. When Zelaya fell, Manuel Bonilla, the former
president, who had fled from Honduras when Amalpa was sur-
rendered in 1907, invaded the country from the north coast in
1910, quickly winning decisive victories. At a peace conference
brought about by the United States the presidential power was
confided provisionally to Dr. Francisco Bertrand. In the elec-
tions which followed Bonilla was successful by a nearly unani-
mous vote. He ruled until his death in 1913, when Dr. Bertrand,
the vice-president, succeeded him. Bertrand was elected to the
presidency in 1915. A Liberal revolution in 1919 was due to the
claim by opponents of the Government that the election, then
approaching, could not be fairly held. Vice-President Membreno
and Gen. Lopez Gutierrez rose in arms against Dr. Bertrand.
In Sept. the latter resigned and fled the country. Gen. Gutierrez
assumed dictatorial control, though Francisco Bogran was titular
head of the Provisional Government. In the Oct. elections
Gutierrez defeated Membreno overwhelmingly. Deputies to the
Congress and judges of the Supreme Court were then chosen.
The return of German property seized during the World War,
in which Honduras joined by breaking relations with Germany
May 17 1917 and by declaration of war on July 19 1918, was a
difficult problem for the new Government, as was also the oft-
recurring plan for the union of Central America. The Liberal
party in power in 1920 declared itself to be ruling the country
constitutionally, and to be labouring for the national develop-
ment. The Government announced a policy of controlling
foreign investments, which were large and important, by securing
larger returns to the country from future concessions. Honduran
representatives participated in the conference looking toward a
unitary rather than a federal Central American union, and in
Jan. 1921 signed the pact at San Jose de Costa Rica which pro-
vided for the combination regime. The new union was pro-
claimed Oct. 10 1921, and was composed of Honduras, Guatemala
and Salvador. Nicaragua refused to sign the pact. Costa Rica
signed, but this action was later rejected by the National
Assembly. A new boundary agreement with Guatemala was
arranged in Washington in 1919 through the good offices of the
U.S. Department of State.
Economic and Social Conditions. The pop. in 1914 was estimated
at 562,000 and in 1916 at 605,997. Education showed slight advances
during 191020. In 1913 there were 916 primary schools with an
average attendance of 25,917 pupils. In 1918 there were 965 pri-
mary schools with 1,197 teachers, and 93,004 children of school
age, of whom 33,127 were in attendance. In 1919 expenditures on
education amounted to 384,980 pesos (nominally about 40,000),
63,406 pesos being furnished by the state and 321,574 by the munici-
palities. The national expenditures for 1916-7 were estimated at
421,261, with revenues the same. In 1919-20 the figure for each
was 459,872. The external national debt was estimated on Dec. 31
1914 at 25,871,222, and on Dec. 31 1919 at 27,261,317. No inter-
est had been paid on the debt since 1872. The Government took
over the partly built railway contemplated under the original loan,
and slightly extended it. On April 17 1920 the National railway,
53 m. long, was delivered by the Government to the Compania
Agricola de Sula as security for a loan of $1,000,000 to be used in
reconstruction of the road. There are over 400 m. of fruit company
railways on the north coast and 150 m. of poor automobile roads.
The Banco de Honduras and the Banco Atlantida are the active
financial institutions, and in 1920 had paper to the value of $i 10,000
in circulation. In 1919 the exchange value of pesos and dollars was
fixed at two for one, and U.S. currency was made legal tender at that
rate. It is practically the only circulating medium. In July 1920 an
American economist, A. N. Young, was employed to draw up a
financial programme looking toward settlement of the debt, estab-
lishment of a national bank, determination of limits for the budget,
fixation of a monetary system based on gold, and general economic
reforms in the matters of concessions, road building, administration
of customs and development of resources.
The banana crop in 1920 amounted to 9,631,568 bunches, worth
$2,872,475. Sugar, coco-nuts, silver bullion, concentrates, and
hides were the other chief exports. Coffee production increases,
while rubber decreases. The coffee exportation in 1919-20 was
1,091,977 lb., worth $216,918. Sugar and alcohol were new exports.
Tobacco was raised in El Paraiso and Copan provinces, the crop
being about 1,750,000 pounds. Indigo culture was reviving, and the
Government subsidized henequin production. Cattle-raising was
carried on by over 1,500 ranches, which devoted 150,400 ac. to
grazing. Cattle exports fell off from 21,911 head in 1913-4 to
6,482 in 1919-20. Straw hats and cigars were the only manu-
factures for export.
During the period 1910-20 imports exceeded exports owing to
investments of American capital in machinery, etc. The following
table is fairly accurate as to imports, but in addition to the exports
reported there are large clandestine transactions, and prices below
the market are often used in compilation of statistics.
' These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
3 82
HOOD HORNE
Years
Imports
Exports
Total Trade
1910-1
$ 3,560,939
$2,908,391
$ 6,469,330
1911-2
4-3l7,3H
3,080,178
7,397,492
1912-3
5,132,679
3,180,968
8,313,647
I9I3-4
6,624,930
3.421,331
10,046,261
1914-5
5,874,797
3.457,847
9,332,644
1915-6
4-452,109
4,190,565
8,642,674
1916-7
6,293,162
5,353,452
11,646,614
1917-8
4,784,449
4,586,931
9,371,380
1918-9
6,931-376
5,997.741
12,929,117
1919-20
12.860,762
6,944,725
19,805,487
(H. I. P.)
HOOD, HORACE LAMBERT ALEXANDER (1870-1916),
British naval officer, was born in London Oct. 2 1870, the third
son of the 4th Viscount Hood and a lineal descendant of the ist
viscount, Adml. Sir Samuel Hood, captor of Corsica in 1793
(see 13.665). He entered the navy in 1883, won many prizes, and
was promoted lieutenant in 1890. He saw service on the Nile
(1897-8), being in consequence promoted commander. In 1903
he was promoted captain and served in the Somaliland expedition
(1903-4), being awarded the D.S.O. (1904). He commanded a
small squadron of battle cruisers in the battle of Jutland (May 31
1916) and went down on his flagship " Invincible."
HOOKER, SIR JOSEPH DALTON (1817-1911), English botan-
ist (see 13.671), died at Sunningdale, Berks., Dec. 10 1911.
HOOVER, HERBERT CLARK (1874- ), American mining
engineer and public official, was born of Quaker parentage on a
farm at West Branch, la., Aug. 10 1874. He was left an orphan
at an early age, his mother dying in 1880 and his father four
years later. When 14 years old he ran away from a relative's
farm in Oregon and went to Portland where he worked in a real-
estate office. When Leland Stanford, Jr., University was opened
in 1891 he entered with the first class and specialized in geology
and engineering, supporting himself by working at various jobs
in free hours. On graduating in 1893 he worked for a time at a
California mine to get experience. Then he went to San Francisco
and secured employment in the office of a mining engineer. In
1897 he went to Australia as mining engineer for an English
syndicate and developed successful mines. In 1899, when a
Department of Mines was created by the Chinese Government,
he was appointed Director-General of Mines. Before departing
for the Orient, he married Miss Lou Henry, a fellow student at
college, daughter of a banker at Monterey, Cal. In China he
made extensive surveys which, however, were interrupted by the
Boxer outbreak; and he, together with his wife, were among those
besieged at Tientsin. After his return to America he had other
offers from abroad, and thereafter was engaged in mining
development throughout the world. From 1902 to 1908 he was a
partner in the firm of Bewick, Moreing & Co., London, for whom
he had gone to Australia in 1897. Later he was connected with
several mining companies, with offices in London, and there he
was when the World War broke out in 1914.
At that time thousands of Americans in Europe found their
funds shut off, and Mr. Hoover headed a committee in London
to give all possible assistance to those in England. The sudden
invasion of Belgium by the Germans rendered a large part of the
Belgian civilian population destitute, and on Oct. 22 1914 the
Commission for Relief in Belgium was organized and Mr. Hoover
appointed chairman. All his energies were now directed to secur-
ing food and vessels for its transportation and to directing its
distribution in Belgium. This involved constant contact with
officials of the warring countries, especially those of Germany,
but he soon showed that the work was entirely neutral. Later the
Commission's activities were extended to devastated northern
France. After America's entrance into the World War the work
had to be carried on by neutrals, but Mr. Hoover remained
chairman of the Commission. Some idea of the business efficiency
of the C.R.B., as it was familiarly called, may be gained from
the fact that although almost $i',ooo,ooo,ooo was expended on
food and transportation, only about one-half of one per cent
was required for overhead expenses. In Aug. 1917 he was
appointed Federal Food Administrator. Already as chairman of
the food section of the Council of National Defense he had
begun to marshal all the agencies for economizing, especially
on those foods which the Allies needed. He reached every Ameri-
can household by enlisting the services of the women. He
instituted wheatless days and meatless days, and urged the
avoidance of all waste. After the Armistice, 1918, his services
were extended to the destitute populations of central Europe.
Storehouses of food were established at various centres and a
system of food-drafts was devised whereby relatives and friends
could send relief where it was needed. In 1920 Mr. Hoover was
mentioned as a possible candidate for president. He himself
declared that he did not desire nomination, but later agreed to
take the Republican nomination if it should be offered him. The
party machine, however, did not give him any support. It was
declared that he had long lived in England, and in only one case
(1896) had he been able to vote for a presidential candidate.
Throughout he kept up his work of relief, and at the beginning
of 1921 was collecting funds as chairman of the European Relief
Council, for the starving children of central Europe. In March
he entered the Cabinet of President Harding as Secretary of
Commerce, stipulating that he be allowed to carry out his
European relief work, already begun. In the autumn of 1921
he undertook the general supervision of relief work in Russia,
first having exacted, as a condition, the release of all American
prisoners held by the Soviet authorities.
He was the author of Principles of Mining (1909), based on lec-
tures given at Stanford and at Columbia universities. In 1912, in
collaboration with his wife, he published as a sumptuous folio, with
reproductions of the illustrations of the first edition ( 1 556), an English
translation of Agricola's De Re Metallica. This Latin treatise on min-
ing and metallurgy had remained the standard text-book for almost
200 years after its appearance; the translation, with introduction,
annotations, and appendices, was a pious memorial to a pioneer
contributor to the knowledge of a great profession. (G. C. S.)
HOPE-HAWKINS, SIR ANTHONY (1863- ), English novelist
(see 13.682), was knighted in 1918. His later novels include Mrs.
Maxon Protests (1911); A Young Man's Year (1915); Captain
Dieppe (1918); Beaumaroy Home from the Wars (1919) and
Lucinda (1920).
HORNE, CHARLES SYLVESTER (1865-1914), English Non-
conformist divine, was born at Cuckfield, Sus., April 15 1865.
He was educated at Newport grammar school and Glasgow
University, and subsequently studied theology at Mansfield
College, Oxford, becoming minister of Kensington Congrega-
tional chapel in 1889. In 1892 he married the daughter of Lord
Cozens-Hardy, afterwards Master of the Rolls. He was chair-
man of the London Congregational Union in 1902, and in 1903
became minister of Whitefield's chapel, Tottenham Court Road.
In 1910 he was elected Liberal M.P. for Ipswich. He died sud-
denly while on a visit to America, May i 1914.
See Life, by W. B. Selbie (1920).
HORNE, HENRY SINCLAIR HORNE, IST BARON, (1861- ),
British general, was born Feb. i 1861. He joined the Royal
Artillery in 1880 and served on the staff throughout the South
African War, taking part in Lord Roberts' advance from Cape
Colony through the Orange Free State into the Transvaal and in
various later operations, for which he was made a brevet lieuten-
ant-colonel. He was promoted colonel in 1906, and from
1910-2 was staff officer for artillery at Aldershot; he then be-
came inspector of artillery, and in Aug. 1914 he went to France
in command of the'artillery of the I. Army Corps.
He was promoted major-general for distinguished service in
Oct. 1914, and in the following Jan. was given charge of the
2nd Division, which position he filled until Nov., when he went
out to the Near East with Lord Kitchener. At the end of the
year he was given charge of the XV. Army Corps in Egypt and
he took this to France in April 1916 and commanded it during the
opening phases of the battle of the Somme. His method of
employing his guns during these operations attracted much
attention and was signally successful, as was recognized by his
being given the K C.B. and by his being chosen in Sept. to suc-
ceed Sir C. Monro as leader of the I. Army. He was promoted
lieutenant-general at the beginning of 1917, and his troops
achieved very marked success during the fighting that took
HORNE HOSPITALS
383
place about Arras and Lens in the spring. They took no part
in the Flanders offensive later in the year, but when the enemy
in March and April 1918 made his great effort they repulsed
all attacks that were made upon their front. Then, when the
Allies' counter-offensive developed in the late summer, their
part in the final victories was conspicuous. For his services he
was at the beginning of 1919 advanced to the rank of full general
and on the final distribution of honours he was raised to the peer-
age as Baron Home of Stirkoke and received a grant of 30,000.
HORNE, SIR ROBERT STEVENSON (1871- ), British
politician, was born at Slamannan Manse, Stirlingshire, Feb. 28
1871. He was educated at George Watson's College, Edinburgh,
and at the university of Glasgow, where in 1893 he took first-
class honours in philosophy. In 1895 he became lecturer in
philosophy in the University College of North Wales, and from
1896 to 1900 was examiner in philosophy at Aberdeen University.
In 1896 he was called to the Scottish bar. In 1910 he became a
K.C., and stood unsuccessfully as Conservative candidate for
Stirlingshire in both the general elections of that year. He joined
the Royal Engineers on the outbreak of war, and in 1917 became
assistant inspector-general of transportation. The same year he
was made director of the Admiralty department of materials and
priority. In 1918 he was elected for the Billhead division of
Glasgow, and became director of the Admiralty labour depart-
ment, being also made third civil lord of the Admiralty and
created K.B.E. In 1919 he became Minister of Labour. He
presided over the National Industrial Conference of Feb. and
April 1919. In 1920 he became president of the Board of Trade,
and received the G.B.E. In 1921 he was appointed Chancellor
of the Exchequer in succession to Mr. Austen Chamberlain.
HORSLEY, SIR VICTOR ALEXANDER HADEN (1857-1916),
English surgeon, was born at Kensington April 14 1857, the son
of the painter John Callcott Horsley. He was educated at
Cranbrook school, and afterwards studied medicine at University
College hospital, where he took his degrees in medicine and sur-
gery in 1878 and 1880. He soon won a reputation as a gifted and
successful surgeon, and on the brain in particular he did work
of extraordinary brilliance. In 1886 he became surgeon to the
National Hospital for Paralysis and Epilepsy, from 1884 to 1890
was superintendent of the Brown Institute at Lambeth, in 1885
secretary to the Royal Commission on Hydrophobia, and from
1891 to 1893 Fullerian professor at the Royal Institution. From
1893 to 1896 he was professor of pathology at University College,
in 1902 he was knighted, and in 1906 became emeritus professor
of surgery at University College hospital. In March 1916 he
volunteered for service in Mesopotamia. He was sent up country,
and died of heat stroke at Amara July 16 1916. Sir Victor Hors-
ley was keenly interested in social questions, an ardent advocate
of temperance and a strong supporter of woman suffrage. He
unsuccessfully contested the university of London as a Liberal
in Dec. 1910, and in 1912 came forward as candidate for Market
Harborough. Here, however, he received no official support,
and retired. He received honours and awards from many univer-
sities and scientific societies, and was first chairman of the repre-
sentative meeting of the British Medical Association.
See Life by Stephen Paget (1920).
HORTHY DE NAGYBANYA, NIKOLAUS (1868- ), Regent
of Hungary in 19201, formerly an Austro-Hungarian naval
officer, was born on June 18 1868 of a Hungarian family of
Calvinist gentry. During the World War he distinguished him-
self, as captain of the battleship " Novara," by raids on the
Italians in the Adriatic. He was adjutant to the Emperor- King
Charles, and as Admiral and Commander of the Fleet he sur-
rendered, at the Imperial command, the Austro-Hungarian fleet
to the Jugoslavs when Austria collapsed. During the rule of the
Soviet in Budapest he organized in Szeged the counter-revolu-
tionary troops, at whose head he marched to Budapest after the
fall of the Soviet republic on Nov. 16 1919, and took over the
supreme military command in Hungary. As the exercise of the
royal power by King Charles IV. was interrupted during the
revolutions and on account of foreign complications, Adml.
Horthy was, under Article i of the law of Jan. i 1920, elected
regent on March i 1920. This highest position in Hungary he
was to occupy indefinitely until otherwise directed by the National
Assembly (see HUNGARY).
HORTON, ROBERT FORMAN (1855- ), British Noncon-
formist divine (see 13.783), published his Autobiography in 1917.
HOSPITALS (see 13.791). GREAT BRITAIN. During 1910-20,
and especially late in that decade, the problem of voluntary
hospitals became gradually more acute. Considerable confusion
had arisen in the minds of many people by 1921 as to the relative
value of the various remedies that had periodically been suggested.
Some of these suggested remedies had not received general ap-
proval because they failed to meet the situation as a whole; some
were obviously devised to meet the pressing needs of an individual
hospital heedless of the effect on other similar institutions, while
other so-called cures were but attempts to remove some individ-
ual symptom. In other words, treatment has often been pre-
scribed prior to the diagnosis of the disease. In order adequately
to appreciate in broad outline the hospital problem as it presented
itself in 1921 in Great Britain, it is necessary to consider its
various aspects.
The Principle of Management. There are three ways in which
British general hospitals can be managed: they may be (a)
controlled by the State; (6) controlled by the local municipality
(county or borough councils); or (c) continued on the so-called
voluntary basis, as at present.
The advocates of a State hospital service occasionally cite the
excellent attainments of the military hospitals during the World
War in support of their argument; but it should be pointed out
that, although such hospitals were State institutions in so far
as they were staffed and financed by the State, their success was
in no small measure contributed to by the great volume of volun-
tary aid supplied in the form of personal service at the central
hospitals as well as in the auxiliary institutions, which proved
such a valuable adjunct to the military hospital system. The
question of municipal control of the general hospitals of the
country was discussed in Parliament and in the public press in
1920 in connexion with the Miscellaneous Provisions of Health
Bill introduced by the Minister of Health, with the result that it
soon became apparent how widespread was the opposition to the
possibility of any such contingency. The opposition appeared
to crystallize round the idea that the general hospitals would thus
be brought into close proximity to, and therefore likely to be
influenced by, the fluctuating tides of local politics. With pos-
sibly a preponderating vote for Labour in one area, and in another
the controlling vote in favour of a policy for the reduction of local
rates, the obvious result would be a disparity in the amount of
hospital provision and in efficiency of management even greater
than exists at present throughout the country. In the bill referred
to, as originally introduced, the Minister of Health asked Parlia-
ment for powers to enable the county and borough councils (i)
to supply and maintain hospitals, including out-patients' de-
partments for the treatment of illnesses; (2) to contribute on
such terms and conditions as the Minister may approve to any
voluntary hospital or similar institution within their area.
The Minister of Health repeatedly announced his desire to main-
tain the voluntary hospitals on their existing basis, but in asking
for such wide powers in his bill he roused the opposition of many
who read more into the bill than the minister really intended.
Although the bill never reached the Statute Book, it will doubt-
less be regarded by the hospital historian as having been the
means of the voluntary hospital system making a real step for-
ward, for out of the discussion on the bill came the establishment
of the committee presided over by Visct. Cave, a body appointed
by the Minister of Health " to consider the present financial
position of voluntary hospitals and to make recommendations
as to any action which should be taken to assist them." The
appointment of this committee met with widespread approval,
for all genuinely interested in British hospitals realize that the
first essential step prior to any legislation is to investigate the
evidence from the country as a whole and thus ascertain the
existing " facts " from which to evolve some solution of the
present problem. The Cave Committee was appointed on Jan. 25
HOSPITALS
1921, and on March 9 an interim report was published which con-
tains the following important announcement :
" The evidence already received has convinced us that it is desir-
able in the public interest to maintain the voluntary system of
hospital management."
Such an important pronouncement by a body of independent
investigators could hardly fail to exercise considerable influence
in stabilizing public opinion and to encourage that large body
who by their voluntary contributions have hitherto been the
mainstay of a hospital system which is regarded as unique in
the history of charitable institutions. The Cave Committee
recommended that a State grant of 1,000,000 should be made
in relief of hospital finance, but in June 1921 the Government
decided to make this only 500,000, the condition being that
further voluntary effort should be made in order to keep the
hospitals on an independent basis.
Hospital Finance. Whoever seeks to investigate this aspect of
the British hospital problem as a whole quickly encounters diffi-
culties which may well appear almost insuperable. King Edward's
Hospital Fund for London makes it conditional for any hospital
applying for a grant that the uniform system of accounts be used,
with the result that it is a comparatively simple problem to obtain
a clear statement of the finances of any individual hospital, or of the
group as a whole, in the London area which comes under the super-
vision of the King's Fund. But there is no supervising authority
for the hospitals outside London, with the result that in the prov-
inces, in Scotland and in Ireland the voluntary hospitals adopt a
bewildering variety of forms for presentation of their financial
accounts. This lack of uniformity makes it exceedingly difficult to
ascertain the real financial position of many individual hospitals,
and almost impossible to institute a reliable basis of comparison for
the hospitals in the aggregate. Owing to the absence of a uniform
system of hospital accounting, the annual hospital report is of little
value for comparative purposes. The annual report as at present
constituted is a production for " home consumption," that is, for
the individual hospital committee, and is useful in comparing the
costs of one year with another, but is of comparatively little value for
the purposes of an inter-hospital comparison, and unless hospitals
are in a position to compare themselves with similar institutions,
they are apt to remain isolated units without the privilege of learn-
ing from the good points of their neighbours.
A reform urgently needed, not only for the provincial hospitals
but also for those under the supervision of the King's Fund, is some
simplified system for showing a hospital's financial situation, so
that the subscribing public might readily understand the position of
the institution they are asked to support. It is no longer enough for
a hospital secretary to publish the bald statement on the front page
of the annual report that such and such a sum of money is urgently
needed to keep the hospital going. A hospital financial statement
should set forth the total amount of money received during the year
from all sources, from individual sources, and details of what has
been done with the money received.
Prior to and during the World War the voluntary hospitals as a
general rule experienced no great difficulty in obtaining financial
support sufficient to meet their expenditure. Voluntary subscrip-
tions and donations constituted the major portion of the receipts.
Certainly during the years 1915-8 inclusive, when so many hospital
beds were occupied by patients paid for on a capitation basis by the
State, the majority of hospitals were able to show an ever-expanding
income. But when this financial prop was removed during 1919
hospitals were caught unprepared.
When the military patients disappeared their places were speedily
taken by non-paying patients. Hospitals had recourse to their old
pre-war method of raising money, namely the spasmodic public
appeal, only to find that such methods no longer possessed the
necessary power of earlier days. The result was that hospital
secretaries appealed through the public press for the support neces-
sary to stave off the threatening financial disaster. But during this
Ceriod, while so many were declaring their helplessness, several
ospital secretaries took stock of the new conditions, realizing,
amongst other facts, that the possession of money, as a result of the
war, was more widespread amongst the community. They appre-
ciated the fact that their hospital patients were drawn from a class
of the community who were now, and had been during the war, in
receipt of much higher wages than formerly, and to these employees
in factories and workshops the hospital secretaries appealed for
weekly contributions and organized the necessary machinery for
collection. This source of revenue has proved most profitable to
many hospitals, but unfortunately there are some hospital secre-
taries who appear reluctant to explore this source of wealth that is
so ready to their hand.
In 1919, a period before workmen's contributions had been
generally adopted by the hospitals, it was found that, out of 600
hospitals (in the provinces) investigated, 374 showed contributions
from employees amounting in the aggregate to 518,043, or approxi-
mately 20% of their ordinary income.
Again, many hospitals realized that there were those amongst their
in-patients who were no longer content to place a small coin in the
hospital poor-box in gratitude for the services received, but who
now desired to pay a more substantial contribution towards their
expenses, so that in 1921 the majority of the hospitals had in opera-
tion one of three possible methods by which patients' payments are
made: (a) Many hospitals had adopted the almoner system, that
is, specially appointed hospital employees who approach the individ-
ual patient who comes to hospital, explain the needs of the hospital,
and invite the patient to contribute according to his ability, (b) A
few hospitals had adopted the less popular plan of instituting a fixed
daily or weekly levy from their patients on account of maintenance.
(c) Comparatively few hospitals in 1921 were without the reserve of a
small number of beds for patients who desired to pay the cost of
their maintenance. Many of the small or cottage hospitals in the
provinces had instituted the system of paying-patients some years
before, but there were still some of the larger type of hospitals that
had made no such arrangements. The London hospitals were
quickly adopting some system of patients' payments, as shown by
the following figures. In 1913 the amount obtained from payments
made by or for patients was 78,000. In 1919 it was 124,000 an
increase in the six years of 46,000 whereas in 1920 the total from
this one source reached 230,000; and if patients' donations are
included the total reached was 260,000 an increase of 182,000 in
the seven-year period. In the provinces in 1919, 600 hospitals with
33,514 available beds showed a total ordinary income, including
un-earmarked legacies, of 3,486,098. Payments made by or on
behalf of patients amounted to 803,741, or 23% of the total ordi-
nary income. It has to be pointed out that these figures being for
1919 include some figures that may be regarded as non-recurrent
namely, capitation payments for the military patients who were then
remaining in hospital. The question of " paying-patients " in
voluntary hospitals was repeatedly urged by that great hospital
authority the late Sir Henry Burdett, who pleaded with the hos-
Eitals to adopt the principle not only as a relief to hospital finance
ut as broadening the basis of usefulness to the community.
The following figures, supplied by the Cleveland Hospitals Survey
are from three large American general hospitals and show the ratio of
paying to non-paying patients:
Percentage of Total Admissions.
Hospital I.
Hospital 1 1.
Hospital
III.
Patients paying full cost of
maintenance
Patients paying part cost of
maintenance
Patients paying nothing to-
wards maintenance
Patients unclassified
41-9
20-8
30-1
7'2
27-9
40-9
15-5
'5-7
30-5
49-3
2O-2
0-0
IOO
IOO
IOO
Of the various other possible sources of hospital income in England
there is one that calls for special comment namely, payment on
behalf of National Insurance patients. The section of the National
Insurance Act dealing with medical benefit does not make provision
for the payment of hospital treatment. The operation of the Ac<
has thrown an unexpected volume of work upon the voluntary hos-
pitals, both in the in-patient and out-patient departments. This
fact, with all the expense involved to the hospitals, was rather
obscured during the six years of the war period because of the neces-
sary pressure in making provision for the treatment of military
patients and also because hospitals were in receipt of enhanced
incomes from the War Office; but after these conditions had dis-
appeared the hospitals realized the great pressure that the operation
of this Act placed on their finances. Medical men who act as panel
practitioners continued to recommend their panel patients to the
hospitals in increasing numbers and for these the hospitals received
no direct payment. Hospitals had some claim for financial con-
sideration for the treatment of patients under the National Insurance
Act. Such payment should not take the form of a capitation rate, as
such rates would inevitably tend to rise and have the effect of drying
up income from voluntary sources and also probably in time neces-
sitate some degree of State control over the hospitals on behalf of
the approved societies. Any payment for insured patients might
rather take the form of block grants to hospitals, administered
through a central hospitals board, after careful assessment of the
general work of the hospitals, especially in regard to the standard of
service and also of the efficiency of administrat'ion.
In discussing the disposal of the accumulated surplus, estimated at
approximately 7,000,000, Lord Cave's Committee in their interim
report made the following statement:
" We are strongly of opinion that, in the interests both of the
hospitals and of the societies, the schemes to be approved should
provide for the application of a substantial part of the disposable
surplus in providing a contribution towards the cost of the main-
tenance of members in hospitals."
Hospital Expenditure. Too often the superficial view is taken
that what is known as " the hospital problem " is merely a con-
sideration of finding the additional income that is required. On the
HOSPITALS
385
to
;!
! a !
contrary, another aspect of the problem of equal if not greater
importance is the question of hospital expenditure. In times past,
when hospitals received from the subscribing public whatever income
they chose to appeal for, there was not that incentive to exercise
scientific check and control over expenditure that became urgent
when income was so much more difficult to collect. This subject of
hospital expenditure is pregnant with great possibilities for economy,
provided there could be established the necessary supervising
authority to carry out the investigations and the consequent recom-
mendations. Intimate knowledge of both military and civil hospitals
reveals one point of marked difference between the two types, greatly
to the financial advantage of the former, namely a coordinating
uthority. In the British military hospitals a system of comparative
returns " was instituted by the army medical department dealing
ith such items of expenditure as food, drugs and surgical dressings,
laundry, personnel, etc. These "returns" were of two kinds: (a)
intra-hospital, comparing ward with ward; and (6) inter-hospital,
comparing individual hospitals with each other. The circulation of
these " returns " exercised a silent pressure which resulted in an
enormous reduction in expenditure. The good points of any one
hospital were soon brought out in the circulating returns and became
apparent for other hospitals to emulate. No such inter-hospital
comparison existed amongst the voluntary hospitals: each hospital
was an isolated unit, with little regard to any other hospital and
learning few of the good points from its neighbours. It would be
almost futile to set up any basis for stabilizing the financial position
of hospitals without the necessary corollary of establishing some
system of coordination. Hospitals themselves admit the necessity
for something of the kind to be established, but so long as the spirit
of individualism prevails there can be small prospect of any system
of coordination being set up from within the hospitals themselves.
It must be instituted by some body outside the hospitals having
the power to render monetary assistance to the hospital. In the
absence of coordination amongst the hospitals it is a fair deduction
to say that the money subscribed by the public is not put to its
best use, for there is not only considerable overlapping on the part
of the hospitals in purchasing commodities hospitals competing
against one another in the same market, sometimes in the same
town but there is also overlapping of hospital accommodation.
In some parts of England there are more hospital beds than are
required, while in other areas there are large waiting lists of patients
which the hospitals are not overtaking. No one in 1921 had any
authority to exercise influence over the hospitals so as to come to
some arrangement by which the smaller hospitals might bring relief
to the big hospitals by taking over some of the patients who suffer
from less severe ailments. The large general hospitals are neces-
sarily expensive institutions because of the special equipment and
staff required, and when these hospitals become full and waiting lists
develop, the hospital committees usually begin to think of means to
extend their accommodation, or, in other words, to enlarge ihe inlet
into the hospital; whereas a more practicable policy would be to
evacuate their patients more rapidly into auxiliary institutions, such
as the cottage hospitals in the surrounding country in other words
to enlarge their exit. Further, there is urgent need for some scientific
scheme of training for hospital administrators. The standard of
administration in 1921 varied within wide limits in the voluntary
hospitals. The only experience some of the existing administrators
had had was in office under the superintendence of their predecessor,
and therefore they were apt to be content to attain to the standards
of the past. Hospital administration has become an increasingly
complex science, due partly to the ever-increasing specialization of
the various departments. It is widely recognized that a carefully
selected course of training is required for a woman to become an
efficient almoner; so also the hospital treasurer has to be scientifically
trained in the various branches of accountancy. But for the more
responsible office of hospital administrator no special standard of
training seems to be expected, nor isspecial training available.
A hospital is much more complex than most business organizations
of equivalent size. Its peculiarity is the inclusion of a number of
different professions, each highly specialized, which must work
together and which roust be kept in effective working relations.
The basis of a hospital is its medical staff, but in addition to this
medical element is the business administration represented by the
superintendent and his administrative assistants. The nurses form
another highly specialized and well-organized group. Social service
(hospital almoners) represent still another and different type of
work in the hospital; and there are, finally, the housekeeping,
mechanical and clerical groups, who maintain the essential daily
routine of the hospital. It should be added that while the emphasis
of the work of most superintendents is on the business side, the
superintendent ought to interpret, develop and represent all phases
of a hospital's activity. Hospital personnel thus includes such
widely varying elements and draws them into such intimate relation-
ship that the successful organization and administration of a modern
hospital is a difficult matter requiring special training and skill.
In America this problem of the training and equipment of hospital
administrators has also been experienced, and a committee has been
established, under the auspices of the Rockefeller Foundation, to
report upon " the need and practicability of inaugurating a course
of training for hospital executives."
Available Bed Accommodation. "Hospitals represent, or ought
to represent, the organization of medical services upon a scientific
basis, bringing to bear upon the needs of the individual patient the
maximum resources in equipment and skill that 20th-century
medical science can muster. To promote a better understanding of
hospitals by the community is to promote at the same time their
better and more discriminating utilization and their more effective
and generous support." This quotation from the Cleveland Hos-
pitals Survey briefly expresses the ideal service that hospitals offer
to the community. The British public have become educated
during recent years to appreciate the valuable medical and surgical
services now provided in general and special hospitals, hence the
ever-increasing demands made by patients seeking to avail them-
selves of the best that medical science can give. These scientific
developments within the hospitals, on the one hand, and the appre-
ciation of them by the public on the other, disclosed a situation that
called for investigation and reform namely, the failure of hospital
accommodation to keep pace with the demands. At the beginning
of the 2Oth century the generally accepted hospital bed rate was one
bed per 1,000 population, but that ratio was no longer maintained
in 1921, for, as in the case of general housing of the people so with
the housing of the sick in hospital, the supply of hospital accommo-
dation had fallen in arrears in many districts since the time at which
the hospitals were erected. The number of hospitals that can show
" waiting " lists of patients seeking admission is too large for this
aspect of the hospital problem to be ignored. Many hospitals have
of recent years become so accustomed to the waiting-list problem
that we are liable to overlook the fact that such lists imply a con-
siderable amount of preventable human suffering, especially in the
case of patients with haemorrhoids and hernia, and yet these dis-
eases are responsible for the majority of the names on a waiting
list. Further, some hospitals keep no record of the number of cases
that have been refused admission owing to lack of accommodation.
A hospital committee of management ought to be furnished each
month by its superintendent or officer in charge with a statement
showing the number, sex and age of each applicant for hospital
accommodation that was refused admission and the reasons for the
rejection. Such a procedure would educate those responsible for the
good government of the voluntary hospitals to appreciate to what
extent their institution was meeting the needs of the community.
But it is not only in regard to accommodation for patients in
hospital that consideration is required, but also in regard to the
accommodation for staff. With the reduction of nurses' hours on
duty and consequently the increased number who have to be
employed to overtake the work of the hospital, many hospitals have
found their accommodation for staff inadequate. This was in 1921
one of the most pressing problems before many hospitals.
Hospital accommodation, whether for patients or staff, is obviously
closely dependent on finance, and the financial position of these
hospitals in 1921 was such as to put hospital extension entirely out
of the question. In the London group of hospitals these financial
difficulties regarding capital expenditure on increased accommoda-
tion were being experienced, as elsewhere. In the interim report by
the Policy Committee of King Edward's Hospital Fund for London,
dated April 12 1921, referring to increase of hospital accommodation,
the following statement occurs:
" In spite of the large sums already subscribed by the public, it is
evident that the financial problem of making provision for even the
most urgent development of hospital accommodation is a serious
one; and the possibility of saving capital expenditure by making
use of any existing buildings, whether at present under voluntary
management or not, requires the fullest consideration, including, for
example, the question of homes of recovery and the question of
unused beds in Poor-Law infirmaries."
Hospital Standards. No investigation of the hospital problem
would be complete without some reference to the question of hos-
pital standards. Any reference to standardization in connexion
with hospital work is apt to convey, to those who are satisfied with
a superficial view, the suggestion that this implies interference with
initiative and the substitution of mechanical limitations.
On the contrary, some voluntary hospitals fail to function to
their highest capacity because of the absence of definitely accepted
standards. When a minimum standard of efficiency is defined, below
which no hospital should be allowed to fall, there is no implication
that any hospital should rest content on this minimum line; but the
public have a right to expect that some accepted standard is main-
tained. Necessity exists for a generally accepted hospital standard
in regard to two subjects namely, hospital accounting and the
training and equipping of hospital superintendents. In respect of
the former some standard of uniformity is required before hospitals
can be adequately compared with one another. This does not
necessarily imply interference in any individual hospital with
the system of book-keeping that may have been evolved to meet
local requirements, but in addition to that the hospital should, for
the purpose of an inter-hospital comparison, conform to some
uniform system of accounts. Again, it has been pointed out how
essential it is that some standard of efficiency in training should be
expected from any applicant for the post of hospital administrator.
Nurses' Training. Another hospital service that requires a
minimum standard to be fixed is that of nursing, both as regards
3 86
HOSPITALS
training of the individual nurse and also the ratio of nursing per-
sonnel to hospital beds. A general hospital with a minimum of 50
beds may be sanctioned as an authorized school of training for
nurses with permission to grant to the successful candidate a certifi-
cate of proficiency. It is well known that the standard of hospital
training of a nurse varies widely in different hospitals, depending
very largely on the requirements of the individual matron. In some
hospitals the standard required of the nurse is very high; it may be
even too high, calling for the comment from competent judges that a
nurse's training should be restricted to nursing matters and not
trespass into the domain of the medical man ; while in other hospitals
the standard of training is very much lower. Both sets of nurses
" qualify " and issue from their respective training schools into the
service of the public, each possessing her certificate of proficiency.
The public have no means of judging as to the quality of the train-
ing of the nurses they seek to employ beyond the general label that
" she is a certificated nurse."
The probationer nurses receive technical lectures from the matron
and her senior assistants and from members of the junior medical
staff of the hospital. Unfortunately there are too many hospitals
to-day where the same individuals who give the tuition constitute
the examining body, whereas in the larger hospitals one or more
" external " examiners are appointed to share in the examination
of the candidates. It is surely obvious that in such an important
profession as nursing there might have been evolved ere this some
definite minimum standard of proficiency applicable to all training
schools. Again, it is not suggested that hospitals be asked to conform
to some rigid mould of training, but in the interest of nurses them-
selves, and especially of the general public, some minimum standard
should be fixed below which no hospital should fall.
A parallel illustration might be quoted in the final examination of
the medical student, for it was only after the General Medical
Council instituted a system of inspection of the various " final "
examinations held throughout the country that something approach-
ing a minimum standard of proficiency was adopted. Further, in
regard to the ratio of nurses to beds, hospitals show a considerable
range of difference, even after making due allowance for the variety
in architectural structure of the buildings. The absence of any
standard in this connexion makes it very difficult to institute a com-
parison .between similar hospitals and renders of little value the
figure quoted by hospitals as being the " cost per bed," for it is
obvious that if one hospital employs more staff than its neighbours,
the cost of provisions consumed by them but attributed to the
patients will be higher, and so also with salaries and wages.
In conclusion, it may be stated that there is practically no depart-
ment in a general hospital where some basis could not be arrived at
for instituting standards of efficiency. Such standards would be of
considerable value to the hospitals themselves and also to the general
public, both in regard to economical administration and in the
general service to the community; but owing to the want of knowl-
edge of each other, hospitals at present lack the information that
would be of so great value in the establishment of standards. This
knowledge would readily be forthcoming under a system of hospital
coordination, and the institution of some such system seems the
most essential step towards a solution of the present-day hospital
problem. (N. B.)
UNITED STATES
The hospitals of the United States in the years 1910-21 grew
in number and made progress in the acquirement of national
characteristics and fixed economic and social importance. In
1921 there were in the United States 7,667 hospitals maintaining
695,698 beds; in addition 24,394 beds were used for hospitai
purposes in homes for aged and in similar institutions. Table I.
presents an analysis of these hospitals.
TABLE I.
U.S. Hospitals.
Public: supported
by taxation.
Private: supported by earnings,
endowments and contributions.
Federal, State, County, Municipal.
Proprietary, for
profit.
Voluntary Corpora-
tions not for profit.
Small hos-
pitals for
patients of
one pro-
prietor a
physician
or surgeon.
L a r ger
i n stitu-
tions for
patients
of a group
of owners.
Church
Non-Sec-
tarian.
(Covering
the larger
endowed
general
hospitals,
including
those con-
n e c t ed
with uni-
versities.)
Hospitals for special
groups maintained by
Fraternal Large
Orders. Industrial
Plants.
The proprietary hospitals show a much larger proportion of
the total number of hospitals than of the total number of hospital
beds, as most proprietary institutions have less than thirty beds.
Larger proprietary institutions are divided into two classes.
Some are jointly owned by two or more physicians or surgeons
who combine to gain the increased facilities and efficiency ob-
tained by pooling the volume of their professional business.
Others are controlled by specialists corresponding to the depart-
ments of a general hospital including X-ray and all forms of
laboratory work. This was a recent development and the number
of such hospitals was in 1921 few, but they showed great effi-
ciency. The numbers will increase and in 1921 there was evi-
dence that the basic idea commonly called "group practice"
was bettering the professional service in other hospitals.
The hospitals in 1921 were classified by capacity as follows:
Bed Capacity Hospitals Percentage
Under 25 3, no
25 to 49
50 to 99
100 to 199 .
200 to 499 .
500 to 999 .
i ,000 and over
i,859
1,263
781
45
116
133
7,667
40-56
24-24
16-47
10-19
5-28
1-52
1-74
In discussing the number of active hospital beds (exclusive of
convalescent and allied institutions and hospitals for nervous or
mental diseases) needed by a given population, the figures for
TABLE II. Hospitals and Active Hospital Beds by States, and Ratio
of Beds to Population.
States
Hos-
pitals
Beds
Ratio of
Beds to Pop.
Alabama
84
4,214
to 557
Arkansas
58
3,147
to 556
Arizona .
66
2,285
to 146
California
409
27-384
to 125
Colorado
109
8,629
to 1 08
Connecticut
71
6,466
to 213
Delaware
16
1,005
tO 221
District of Columbia
28
5,160
to 84
Florida
61
2,436
to 397
Georgia
88
4- 26 3
to 679
Idaho
57
1,738
to 238
Illinois
304
29,215
tO 222
14.8
8,902
to ^2Q
T-^
IQt
8 T.2I
iw O*V
to 289
Kansas
* yo
122
u .o
4-95
to 357
Kentucky
87
5,134
to 471
Louisiana
53
5,553
to 324
Maine
56
2,477
to 310
Maryland
70
9,319
to 156
Massachusetts
298
23,3H
to 165
Michigan
206
16,384
to 224
Minnesota
212
1 i ,903
to 2OO
Mississippi
Missouri
50
149
2,017
12,476
to 887
to 273
Montana
99
4,238
to 129
Nebraska
IOO
4,894
to 265
Nevada
27
734
to 105
New Hampshire . .
52
1,994
tO 222
New Jersey
New Mexico
127
54
12,121
3,939
to 260
to 91
New York .'....
537
66,274
to 157
North Carolina ....
112
5,641
to 453
North Dakota
67
2,476
to 261
Ohio
280
19.059
to 302
Oklahoma
99
3.292
to6i6
Oregon
98
4,127
to 190
Pennsylvania
378
38,962
to 224
Rhode Island
32
3.291
to 184
South Carolina ....
57
3,640
10463
South Dakota
70
2,892
to 220
Tennessee
86
7,452
to 314
Texas
225
12,300
to 379
Utah
46
1.965
to 229
Vermont
*!
1,083
to 325
o *
1 06
7 SS'*
to "*o^
Washington
162
/ .000
8,384
vv ^ J *J
to 162
West Virginia
74
3,636
to 402
Wisconsin
95
11,106
to 237
Wyoming
4 2
2,520
to 77
Outlying Possessions
131
13.902
to 758
HOUGHTON HOURS OF LABOUR
387
Boston and for Massachusetts usually are cited as standard for
a city and a state, New York's requirements being considered
exceptional. Boston has one bed for each 1 10 inhabitants and
Massachusetts one for each 165, and these never seem too many
indeed, scarcely enough. But the Boston hospitals admittedly
draw some patients from other states.
Students of public health and welfare have agreed that any
city must have at least one active bed for each 200 of population
to meet its obvious obligations and that any state should have one
bed for from 200 to 300 depending on the density of the rural
population and its proportion to the urban population.
Table II. on the previous page shows conditions in 1921,
convalescent and allied institutions and all hospitals for the
nervous or insane being excluded.
Classification. Two-thirds of the hospitals in the United
States in 1921 were classified as general, one-third as special, i.e.
confining their work to tuberculosis, general contagious, mental
and nervous diseases, maternity, etc. Nearly all limited their
admissions to acute cases, with the result that the lack of pro-
vision for chronic cases was the prominent defect.
Finances. The rapid increase in operating costs following the
outbreak of the World War was a serious problem to American
hospitals. Nearly all hospitals in 1921 admitted three classes of
patients: (a) those paying full cost of their care; (6) those
paying part of the cost in definite charges; (c) those paying
nothing. " Pay " hospitals adjusted themselves to the new condi-
tions by increasing their charges; " part pay " hospitals were
generally able to obtain larger rates from patients during the
war. Until deflation began there were fewer free patients than
before the World War. This circumstance, the increase of (and
the payment received from the Federal Government for) soldier
patients, enabled the hospitals to meet their increased costs.
Answers to a general questionnaire in 1921 showed the actual
investment in buildings and original equipment to average $4,714
per bed, no allowance being made for subsequent increases in values
of land or buildings. On this basis the first cost of building and
equipping the American hospitals had been $3,279,520,372. Annual
maintenance cost for 1920 was $791 per bed. This figure, applied to
the entire field, shows a total annual operating cost of $550,287,118.
The above figures were compiled by the Modern Hospital with the
aid of various agencies and organizations.
Equipment. During 1910-20 there was a marked change in the
equipment of the average hospital. The previous development in
clinical and pathological laboratory facilities and work continued
and expanded. An institution in 1921 had little claim to rating as a
hospital unless it had a working X-ray equipment and was prepared
to carry out any pathological and clinical laboratory work, including
serological examinations, at least to the extent of the Wasserman
test. To do this many institutions were compelled to make working
arrangements with private firms or with other institutions, but the
essential aim that of making the service available to the patients
in the hospitals was secured. The average mechanical equipment
also was much improved.
Medical Education in Hospitals. The Council on Medical Educa-
tion and Hospitals of the American Medical Association was in 1921
making a real contribution to the professional work of hospitals, as
well as developing the fifth or intern year of medical education, by
establishing a routine inspection of the hospitals' facilities and
personnel for the instruction of the interns. Lists of approved
hospitals were published and were of great service, as there were
more positions for interns than new graduates in medicine, and a
hospital was forced to comply with the requirements for admission
to the approved list in order to obtain interns.
New Hospitals. There was a distinct movement in the decade
1910-20 to make hospital service available to everyone. State
legislation enabling rural counties with small populations to com-
bine for the support of one hospital, and encouraging average counties
without hospitals to erect and support one, was responsible for the
larger part of the increase. Such county hospitals have their work
supplemented through private endowment or gift and admit the
private patients of the physicians in the county. The need for free
service in some counties is very small. The hospital is often in type
a community institution quite different from the county hospital in
a large county having many private hospitals. In these large coun-
ties the county hospital provides largely for free or chronic patients
and often acts as a department of public service for the poor.
Organization. The American Hospital Association has both in-
stitutional members (hospitals) and personnel members, such as
hospital trustees, persons on the medical staff, superintendents and
department heads. State associations similarly organized were
being formed rapidly in 1921 as state sections of the American Hos-
pital Association. There was also a Catholic Hospital Association.
There were many National associations of the nurses, social workers
and dietitians. These were all united in the American Conference
on Hospital Service, formed to deal with questions larger than those
of any one of the associations. (A. R. W.)
HOUGHTON, WILLIAM STANLEY (1881-1913), English play-
wright, was born at Manchester Feb. 1881, and was educated
at the Manchester grammar school. He became a cotton-broker,
but employed his leisure in dramatic criticism for the Manchester
Guardian and in the writing of plays. The Dear Departed was
produced by Miss Horniman in Manchester in 1908 and after-
wards in London. With Hindle Wakes (1912) he leapt into fame.
It had a long run in London and later in the same year The
Younger Generation (written and played in Manchester in 1910)
was successfully produced at the Haymarket theatre, London,
with Trust the People the following year at the Garrick and
The Perfect Cure at the Apollo. His early death in Manchester
Dec. 10 1913 cut short a career of much promise.
HOURS OF LABOUR. The decade following 1910 witnessed
a rapid advance and extension in the already widespread move-
ment in favour of the reduction of the hours of labour. This was
mainly due, apart from general trade-union pressure, firstly to
the repercussions of the World War and of experience of industry
under war conditions, and, secondly, to the international recogni-
tion of the principle of the 8-hour day in the Treaty of Peace of
Versailles as one of the " principles . . . well fitted to guide the
policy of the League of Nations."
Until the outbreak of the World War the movement in favour
of the reduction of hours, and particularly in favour of the 8-hour
day, had gone forward but only slowly and spasmodically.
International conferences of workers passed the ordinary resolu-
tions demanding the 8-hour day, as did the International Socialist
Conference of 1910, the International Textile Workers' Con-
ference in 1911 and the eighth Congress of Trade Union Secre-
taries in 1913. In 1912 the International Association for Labour
Legislation asked for a 56-hour week for glass-workers, an 8-hour
day for the iron and steel trades, for workers in paper and pulp
mills and in the manufacture of chemicals. In the following year
the Miners' International Congress demanded the day of eight
hours " bank to bank." The official delegates of the Berne Con-
ference in 1913 contented themselves with a proposal to limit the
hours of child workers to 10 daily a proposal which the Inter-
national Association for Labour Legislation adopted in 1918,
with the suggestion that part of the working day should be
devoted to trade education. The Berne Conference further sug-
gested a lo-hour day for women workers.
The comparatively moderate nature of the majority of these
pre-war proposals and indeed of certain later ones, such as that
of the Congress of Inter-Allied Trade Unions at Leeds in 1916,
which asked for the lo-hour day, and that of the International
Trade Union Congress held at Berne in 1917, which demanded
that the daily maximum should be gradually reduced to 8 hours
would hardly have prepared the student of these matters for the
very striking advances which became operative in the chief
industrial countries between the Armistice and 1921. The ad-
vance is also to be noted in recent expressions of trade union
opinion, in the movement for the 7- and even for the 6-hour day in
coal-mining, and in such pronouncements as that of so influential
an employer as Lord Leverhulme in England, who in 1918 him-
self advocated the 6-hour day on economic grounds.
The outbreak of war had been followed in all the belligerent
countries by the suspension of all limitations upon the hours of
labour worked in industries of importance in the conduct of the
.war, whether these limitations arose from agreements with the
trade unions, from legislation or from custom. In all cases the
general course of events was the same. After some difficulty, vary-
ing in degree with the imminence of the threat to national safety
and with the strength of trade unionism, the workers consented,
were persuaded by tempting rates of wages, or were coerced to
lengthen the working day. In all cases, after the experience of a
period of excessively long hours, it was found that the returns
from overtaxed labour rapidly diminished, and in all cases limita-
tions were sooner or later re-imposed, not, however, reducing
388
HOURS OF LABOUR
the
hours to the pre-war standards, but calculated to yield
highest return in output from the personnel available.
War experience would thus seem to have effectively killed the
long-lived notion that output in industry varies directly with the
number of hours worked. The argument in favour of the shorter
working day was indeed formidably (and perhaps unexpectedly
in certain quarters) strengthened by the scientific investigation of
hours in relation to output, which was undertaken, by Great
Britain and America in particular, in the height of the desperate
struggle to produce adequate supplies of munitions of war. The
results of the British investigations, published in the various re-
ports of the Health of Munition Workers Committee (appointed
by the Ministry of Munitions in Sept. 1915) and of the British
Association for the Advancement of Science, were of the highest
scientific value, and these, corroborated by the evidence of
American, French and German experience, and themselves cor-
roborating much of the argument of certain investigators whose
work had been done before the war, undoubtedly were an impor-
tant factor in determining the attitude of mind which is reflected
in the above quoted " principle " enshrined in the Treaty of Peace.
War experience did, in point of fact, supply the scientific
basis which the general propaganda, carried on for so long by the
organizations of workers in all industrial countries in favour of the
reduction of hours, had lacked. Such scientific data as existed had
been provided or interpreted for the most part by writers on
so-called " scientific management " who were concerned prima-
rily with questions of output. Governmental investigations had to
consider output in relation to the labour available, and were led
inevitably to considerations of the health of workers and even of
their satisfaction or dissatisfaction. In other words, whilst pre-
vious investigations were, rightly or wrongly, suspected by work-
ers generally to be directed by motives which, if not hostile,
tended at least to a certain neglect of the workers' side of the
case, the war investigations were much more widely accepted as
being a fair attempt at an adequate study of the question of hours
in relation not only to output but also to the effect on the worker.
It need only be added here that the general result of those
investigations was that a reduction of hours was not incompat-
ible with an increase in output, arising from the improved health
of the worker and his increased capacity for effort during the
shorter hours worked.
The war, however, was responsible for another and perhaps
even more effective factor in the eventual restriction of hours.
The repercussions of the successive Russian revolutions were
everywhere felt and everywhere dreaded. It became a common-
place of polemic on the subject of improved conditions of labour
that such improved conditions (including the reduction of the
hours of labour) were the alternative to Bolshevism. Thus
scientific experience, fear of revolutionary movements and the
normal liberalism of the nations successful in the war were united
in support of a general reduction in the hours of labour at the
moment of relief and optimism which succeeded, in the later
months of 1918, the long and oppressive years of warfare.
The results of this combination are to be found in the rapid ex-
tension of legal restrictions upon the hours of labour which took
place in many of the belligerent countries immediately upon (or
even before) the Armistice of Nov. 1918, and in the inclusion in
the treaties of peace of the " Labour Part " (Part XIII. in the
Treaty of Versailles) which creates machinery for international
legislation upon labour conditions, and which recognizes the
8-hour day as an end to be pursued by international action.
In the middle of 1921 signs were indeed not lacking that a
characteristic of the next few years might be a reaction in this
connexion. Hopes of rapid recovery to the economic position of
pre-war days had been disappointed, and there was a manifest
tendency to place part of the blame for this upon the reduced
hours of labour. It can only be noted here that this reaction
seemed likely to result in a check to the movement for a further
reduction in hours of labour.
NATIONAL MEASURES
National legislation for the limitation of the hours of labour
has taken various forms. In some cases, e.g. France, Spain,
Portugal, acts or decrees have prescribed a general limitation
for all workers, or for all workers in large groups of occupations
such as " industry," or " commerce," whilst the detailed appli-
cation has been left to be elaborated by administrative decrees or
orders. Usually these decrees are issued after consultation with
the organized workers and employers concerned, and they appear
to result in a considerable elasticity in the application of the law.
In other cases (e.g. Netherlands, Czechoslovakia, Belgium) the
act itself is made to apply to a detailed list of industries, and the
exceptions are usually indicated. Again, as in the case of Great
Britain (Coal Mines Act) a special Act may regulate the hours
worked in a particular industry.
Another group of legislative measures deals with the hours of
labour of specified classes of workers, women and children and
men, engaged in hazardous occupations. In Great Britain the
Factory Acts have attempted to regulate the hours of women
and children, who were regarded as being less favourably situated
for " free bargaining " than men, but it was not until 1908 that
legal restrictions were placed upon the working hours of the latter,
and then only in the case of a single industry, coal-mining, which
was of a peculiarly difficult and laborious nature.
A third type of legislation secures the aim of limiting hours of
labour by indirect means. In the Commonwealth of Australia,
for example, and in its constituent states, the Arbitration Laws
provide for the settlement of disputes in labour matters (includ-
ing disputes about the hours of labour) by a process of arbitration
and the legal enforcement of arbitration awards. Again, in the
case of Germany and some other countries, collective agreements
arrived at voluntarily between employers and workers' organiza-
tions may under certain conditions be given the force of law.
There remains to be noted the huge mass of collective agree-
ment upon hours of labour which, though not always possessing
the force of law, does in fact regulate hours very successfully in
many countries. This is notably the method adopted for most
industries in Great Britain, but the practice is common even in
countries where legislative limits are enforced. In these cases the
collective agreement is usually an advance, from the workers'
point of view, upon the provisions of the existing legislation.
The analysis, given later, of the position in 1921 in the more
important industrial countries of the world will illustrate these
methods of limitation.
(a) Exceptions of a General Nature. All national legislation on
the subject of hours provides for exceptions of a general nature,
affecting the whole field of application of the legislation, as well as
for exceptions in particular cases.
To provide for the former class of exceptions, which may be
classified as those arising from national necessity, clauses are usually
inserted which give the administration power to suspend or relax
temporarily the regulations normally in force. In the case of the
draft International Convention (see later) it is provided that " the
operation of the provisions of this Convention may be suspended
in any country by the Government in the event of war or other
emergency endangering the national safety " (Article 14). From
national legislation the following may be cited: " Extension of
the working hours shall be permitted in cases of urgent public
necessity, mobilization, fire, flood, landslips, explosion, grave disas-
ter, in all cases of force majeure . ._ . " (Portugal; Decree of
May 7 1919, limiting the hours of work in commercial and industrial
establishments).
" His Majesty may, in the event of war, or of imminent national
danger, or great emergency ... by order in Council suspend
the operation of this Act to such extent and for such period as
may be named in the Order either as respects all coal mines or
any class of coal mines" (Great Britain: Coal Mines Regulation
Act, 1908).
(V) Exceptions in Particular Cases. Experience of the working
of national legislation has proved that a priori arguments against
the possibility of a universal application of the 8-hour day or
even of a uniform day of greater length were largely justified, and
much elasticity has been conceded in the administration of hours of
labour acts. Both national and international legislation has been
obliged to provide for certain exceptions in particular cases, which
may be classified as those which arise (l) from considerations of
the worker himself or herself, (2) from the size of the industrial under-
taking, (3) from the nature of the work, (4) from the situation of the
country concerned with regard to climatic conditions, character of
population, or other factor rendering it abnormal from an indus-
trial point of view, and (5) from exceptional circumstances.
(i) In the first class may be placed those exceptions which are
HOURS OF LABOUR
389
provided for domestic industries and small establishments where
only members of the same family are employed. The fact that
exception is made for such cases is due to a recognition of the great
difficulty of supervising the application of any regulations. So far,
international labour legislation has admitted exceptional treatment
for these classes of workers. It is generally considered, both in
national and international legislation, that certain persons, even in
factories where a minimum day is legally enforced, should be exempt
from its provisions because of their relations to the employer. Mana-
gers and persons holding posts of responsibility or of confidence are
generally thus exempt, and in some national legislation sons or other
close relatives of the employer are similarly excluded from the appli-
cation of the regulations. Again, in all countries which have adopted
legislation on hours of labour, women and young persons are excep-
tionally treated.
(2) As to the size of the industrial undertaking, different standards
have been adopted. Whilst in Sweden concerns employing not more
than four workers are exempt from the application of the Eight-
hour Act of 1919 (save where such concerns are situated in towns
with a population of over 1,500), in Japan 15 is the number of
employees requisite to bring an undertaking within the scope of the
Factory Act, and in India it was 20 until 1921, when the number
was reduced to ten. Here again the great difficulty is that of the
inspection and supervision of small isolated concerns, but a com-
plicating factor lies in their frequent close connexion with agricul-
ture, which results in their sharing to some degree in the seasonal
character of the latter. This reason appears to have been influen-
tial in deciding the attitude of the Swiss Government towards the
International Convention on the 8-hour day and the 48-hour week.
(3) The third class of exceptions, it has been stated, are con-
nected with the nature of the work. The case which appears to have
presented most difficulty in national legislation is the continuous
process. In many industries (e.g. iron and steel, paper, glass, gold-
refining, etc.) processes are employed which take long periods for
their completion, and which cannot be intermitted without damage
to or total loss of the mftterial operated upon. In such cases work
is organized in shifts, frequently 3 shifts of 8 hours each per day,
but also frequently 2 shifts of 12 hours. Whilst the former plan
achieves the 8-hour day, it does not of itself achieve the 48-hour
week (for work is continued through 7 days per week). A certain
elasticity is required to facilitate changes of shift, which frequently
results in a week of more than 48 hours alternating with a week or
possibly two weeks of less than 48. In other cases the process,
whilst not being continuous in the strict sense of the word, is yet
longer than the normal working day of 8 hours. The arrangement
of shifts for such cases presents further difficulties for which excep-
tions must be provided.
The International Convention on hours permits a 56-hour week in
" those processes which are required by reason of the nature of the
process to be carried on continuously by a succession of shifts."
The opposite case is where the work is of so intermittent a nature
that it is felt that a longer day may be worked without injury to the
worker. It is difficult to define exactly what is meant by this " inter-
mittence." The work of a gatekeeper or watchman who has no
other duties may be instanced, but there are border-line cases which
are treated differently in different legislations. Is a railway porter's
or a signalman's work intermittent? Obviously generalization is
impossible. The Washington meeting of the International Labour
Conference tried to meet such cases by permitting the legislative
authorities to allow permanent exceptions where the work is " essen-
tially intermittent," but insisting at the same time, first, that regu-
lations, to be drawn up after consultation with the organizations of
workers and employers concerned, should fix the maximum number
of additional hours to be permitted, and, second, that the check of
compulsory overtime pay at a rate of at least " time and a quarter "
should be imposed to guard against any further overstepping of the
bounds thus extended.
For national legislation the Netherlands Hours of Work and
Dangerous Trades Act (Nov. I 1919) may be quoted: " Men who
do no other work than that of watching may do such work during
10 hours a day and 60 hours a week. ..." Section 25 (2b).
The Swiss Hours of Work on Railways Act similarly provides, in
section 3 (2), " In the case of certain employments, specified in the
Supplementary Regulations, which consist mainly in being in
attendance at a given place, the average hours of work may be
extended to nine hours." The Czechoslovakian law (Eight-Hours
Act of 1918) makes similar extensions for " persons engaged in irregu-
lar service such as the supervision and watching of houses and under-
takings, and looking after animals."
Seasonal industries form a further category under this heading.
Both national and international legislation permit extension of the
working day in industries engaged upon material susceptible of
rapid deterioration, or material which is available at certain seasons
only and which must be treated immediately. Similarly, industries
dependent upon weather conditions are usually allowed consider-
able elasticity in the daily or weekly total of working hours. The
1 Swedish Eight-hour Act (Oct. 17 1919) provides, e.g. that " if
k working hours are dependent in a material degree upon the seasons
Dr the weather, or if they are of varying length by reason of these
or any other conditions, the Labour Council may, to such extent as
may be found necessary, authorize a system of working hours differ-
ing from that established in 4 (i.e. the 8 and 48 rule), provided
that the aggregate working hours over a period not exceeding
four weeks shall not in any case be more than the number of
hours corresponding to 48 hours per week." This device of averag-
ing the weekly hours over a period is fairly common, and has been
adopted in international legislation. Article 5 of the Washington
Draft Convention lays down that in exceptional cases where the
ordinary rule cannot be applied, a Government may give the force
of law to agreements between workers' and employers' organiza-
tions which permit an extension of the daily limit, provided that
"the average number of hours worked per week, over the number of
weeks covered by any such agreement, shall not exceed 48."
In the regulation of hours of labour in commerce, similar excep-
tions are frequently provided for hotels and restaurants at certain
periods of the year. International legislation has so far not dealt
with commerce, but with regard to seasonal industries similar pro-
posals are made in the Washington Draft Convention to those out-
lined above in the case of " intermittent " work.
Exceptions are usually provided in connexion with what is known
as " preparatory and complementary " work. There is frequently
the necessity of the earlier attendance in factories of a certain num-
ber of the personnel whose work must be done before the general
work can ommence; there are others, similarly, who must con-
tinue after the conclusion of the general work. Cases in point are
the engineers and other workers in the engine-room of a factory.
In some national legislation, and in international legislation, excep-
tional provision is made for such workers; limitations are, however,
usually laid down, as in the case of the Netherlands Hours of Work
and Dangerous Trades Act of Nov. I 1919, section 25 (2 a), which
provides that " men and women who have to prepare workrooms,
tools and appliances before the commencement of the day's work
or who have to attend to them at the conclusion of the same may do
such work . . . during not more than 10 hours a day, provided
that women do not work more than 51 hours and men not more than
57 hours in a week. ..."
(4) The fourth class of exceptions arises in international legisla-
tion, where it has been found necessary, in order to attempt a rough
equation between countries dissimilarly situated with regard to
climate, character of population or other industrial factor, to permit
a longer working day in the one than in the other. Thus in the Wash-
ington Convention, a 57-hour (60 hours in the raw silk industry)
week is permitted for Japan, and a 6o-hour week for British India,
and elasticity is provided in the application of the Convention to
" colonies, protectorates and possessions not fully self-governing "
for " such modifications as may be necessary to adapt its provisions
to local conditions."
(5) The circumstances which, under national and international
legislation, permit of the temporary suspension of the general appli-
cation of the limitation of hours have already been treated. Some
national legislations consider that the danger to an industry arising
from the pressure of foreign competition is a sufficient warrant for
the relaxation of rules in its particular case. Thus the Swiss Factory
Act allows "a weekly duration of work of 52 hours if urgent reasons
justify this measure, and so long as these urgent reasons hold good,
particularly if ... an industry runs the risk of being unable to
withstand competition on account of the duration of work time in
other countries " (Section 41). And an Article in the Swedish Act
seems to have in view the same (among other) circumstances:
" If the application of this Act involves such difficulties in the case
of any particular work or undertaking as to jeopardize the continu-
ance of the same, the King may . . . authorize an exemption
from the application of this Act such as the circumstances may
require."
PRINCIPAL COUNTRIES
UNITED KINGDOM. The 8-hour day was established in the
mining of coal, stratified ironstone, shale and fireclay by the Coal
Mines Regulation Act of 1908, and the amending Act of 1919
further reduced the daily hours of underground workers, with
certain exceptions, to seven. Article i of the Act provided for a
future reduction in certain eventualities to six hours daily. Other
legislative restrictions of hours are to be found in the Factory
and Workshop Consolidation Act of 1901, the Shops Act of 1912,
and the Employment and Closing Order Act of the same year. A
bill was introduced in Aug. 1919 for the establishment of the 8-
hour day in industry, and clauses were proposed to be added
extending its scope to cover also maritime employment and
agriculture, but it went no further in 1921.
In the United Kingdom legislation has played a comparatively
unimportant part in the restriction of hours except in the cases of
women and children. Before the war a large number of collective
agreements had been made, and after the war these were widely
extended. The spheres now (1921) covered by agreements re-
390
HOURS OF LABOUR
ducing the working week to 48 hours or less are best indicated by
an enumeration of the cases in which a longer week is still worked.
In agriculture the normal weekly hours are 48 in winter and 50 in
summer. These figures, however, do not in all probability indicate
the number of hours actually worked. They are fixed under the
Corn Production Act, and their principal value from the workers'
point of view lies in the fact that hours worked in excess of 48 or 50
are paid for at overtime rates.
In constructional engineering an agreement has fixed the summer
week at 495 hours, the winter week at 44 (this arrangement does not
infringe the rule of an average 48-hour week).
In the linen industry of North Ireland workers in the bleaching
and dyeing branches work, by agreement, 49^ hours per week.
A so-hour week is the rule in one or two smaller industries, such
as the manufacture of picture-frame moulding, and type-founding.
In the latter case, the workers agreed to work two hours per week
(in addition to the normal 48) without pay, in return for which they
enjoy an annual holiday on full pay.
In the rest of British industry the rule is the 48-hour week or less.
On the railways the normal weekly limit is, by an agreement of
Feb. I 1919, fixed at 48 hours (47 hours in the railway workshops).
The daily hours, however, may exceed eight, provided that the
weekly total does not exceed 48. The 44-hour week is worked in the
building industry generally, in some quarrying, as at Aberdeen, in
the manufacture of thread (though not universally), in glove-
making (women) and tie-making, by dock workers (except at Bel-
fast where the hours are 46), in the manufacture of envelopes, office
and other furniture (again not universally), in bakeries in Scotland,
in the textile warehouses of London and the wholesale warehouses
of Manchester, and in most concerns in the cocoa and chocolate
industry. Apart from a few very exceptional cases (e.g. glass-
blowing, where the hours are from 35 to 37 per week) and the kaolin
quarries of Cornwall and Devon (42 hours per week), practically
every other British industry of importance enough to be organized
has a weekly limit lying between 44 and 48 hours.
AUSTRALIA. The position as regards hours of labour is deter-
mined in Australia by (i) Factory and Shop Acts, (2) Early Closing
Acts, (3) decisions of arbitration courts and boards, including those
of the Federal Arbitration Court, (4) direct legislation such as the
Mines Act of the various states, and (5) collective agreements.
The 8-hpur day (or less) and the 48-hour week (or less) are practi-
cally universal in industry and commerce.
The Factory Acts date from 1900 in Queensland (amended several
times subsequently), 1904 in Western Australia (amended 1912),
1907 in South Australia (amended 1908, 1910 and 1915), 1910 and
1911 in Tasmania, 1912 in New South Wales and 1915 in Victoria.
The principal Early Closing Acts are those of 1899, 1900, 1906, 1910
and 1915 in New South Wales, of 1911 and 1912 in South Australia,
of 1902, 1904 (two Acts), 1911 and 1912 (a consolidating Act) in
Western Australia, and of 1911 and 1913 in Tasmania. In addition
to these New South Wales has an Eight-hours Act of 1916, amended
1920, and Acts of 1910 and 1916 relating to the Saturday half-holiday
and Sunday rest. Each state has mining legislation regulating hours
amongst other conditions of labour in mines. Generally speaking
these provide that no underground worker and no surface worker
whose duties are laborious or responsible shall work more than
eight hours per day, and Sunday labour is prohibited.
Arbitration courts and boards were first created in 1912 in New
South Wales, Queensland, South Australia and Western Australia.
The Acts establishing them have been in some cases frequently
amended, and the courts now figure very prominently in the regula-
tion of hours and in the settlement of disputes. For exampje, in
New South Wales the Industrial Arbitration Act of 1912 directs
the Court and the Boards of Arbitration that their awards must, in
the case of all industries other than the coal and metalliferous min-
ing industries, provide for working hours not longer than (i) 8 hours
per day on 6 consecutive days, (2) 48 hours per week, or 96 hours in
14 consecutive days. Again, in Nov. 1920 a decision of the Federal
Arbitration Board awarded the 44-hour week to a large group of
industries. In New South Wales the Eight-hour (Amendment)
Act of 1920 established a special court to inquire into the working
hours in any industry and to consider the possible economic effects
on that industry of a reduction to 44 hours per week. On April II
1921 this court reported in favour of the 44-hour week for a large
number of groups of workers, including most of those employed in
the building trades, in the manufacture of food and of furniture, in
the iron trades and in printing. The decisions of the court were
given effect by proclamations on April 16, and they came into force
on May I 1921, with the exception of that referring to the iron trade,
which became effective from May 22. Again, in Victoria, decisions
of the Arbitration Commission, issued on June 19 1916 fixed limits
to the working day in practically all industries, usually but not
universally at eight hours.
NEW ZEALAND. The Factory Act of 1901, consolidated in 1908
and amended in 1910, fixed the working hours of men at 8| per day
and 48 per week, of women and boys at 8} per day and 45 per week.
Since then hours in most industries have been reduced to 8 per
day and 48 or less per week by agreement or by awards of the Court
of Arbitration. The 44-hour week is^now the rule for brewers, brick-
layers, electrical workers, employees in the manufacture of furni-
ture, plasterers, stonemasons, tailoresses, wharf-labourers and some
others. Bootmakers have a 45-hour week and typographers 42.
In coal-mining a 5-day week is worked alternately with a 6-day week
(8 hours daily ' ' bank to bank ") and in gold-mining the 44-hour week is
the rule. In some cases the working day has been reduced to 7 (e.g.
biograph operators) or 7! (trackmen employed on tramways).
An amendment to the Shops and Offices Act which came into
force on Jan. I 1920 reduced the weekly total of working hours for
shop assistants from 52 to 48, and permitted a maximum overtime
of 100 hours per annum (not more than three hours in any one day).
CANADA. Both collective agreements and legislation have been
used in the limitation of the working day in Canada, with the result
that the 48-hour week is the rule in mining, on railways, in the pub-
lic utility services, the building industry, the manufacture of chemi-
cals, tobacco, food-stuffs, paper and printing, textiles, in the oil indus-
try, in shipbuilding, carriage building and in the metal trades (with
some exceptions). Telegraphists secured the 8-hour day in 1920.
British Columbia and Manitoba have legislated on the hours of
women workers, and Nova Scotia on those of young persons, in each
case imposing the 8 and 48 rule ; in the Yukon Territory and Mani-
toba the same limit has been fixed by law for state employees.
Alberta and British Columbia have enacted the 8-hour day in coal-
mines and for furnace workers, British Columbia in metalliferous
mines, and Ontario in all mining industries. The weekly hours of
women workers in restaurants in Manitoba are limited to 48 by
administrative order. In the other industries above mentioned the
8 and 48 limits have been secured by collective agreements.
Hours worked on Canadian railways appear to be governed largely
by the practice in the United States, where the McAdoo Award
gave the 8-hour day. The same rule applies to the electric tram-
ways of British Columbia.
SOUTH AFRICA. The hours of labour in factories are governed
by the Factory Act (No. 25 of 1918) which laid down limits of 9^
hours daily and 50 hours weekly for adultst and a 45-hour week for
young persons under 16 years of age. The Mines and Works Act
(No. 12 of 1911) provides an 8-hour day and a 48-hour week for
underground workers in gold-mines.
In addition to these legal limitations, hours are regulated by a
number of collective agreements, particularly in the skilled trades.
The surface workers in gold-mines and underground and other
workers in coal and other mines have secured the 48-hour week by
agreement. Certain categories of factory workers the more highly-
skilled have also been able to secure the 48-hour week though their
working hours are legally restricted by the Factory Act.
FRANCE. The 8-hour day in France began with certain employees
of the State in 1901, and by 1914 it had been extended to about a
third of the workers employed by the State. An inquiry made in
1906 showed that certain establishments in the chemical industries,
in printing, textiles, metals and glass had adopted it, but in all only
some 15,000 workers were concerned. In subsequent years the sub-
stitution of the 3- for the 2-shift system gave the 8-hour day to
others, notably to furnace workers (1911), and to those engaged in
the manufacture of artificial silk and aluminium. During the war the
8-hour shift was adopted in many munition establishments.
The Eight-hour Act of April 23 1919 laid down that " the effec-
tive working time of workpeople or employees of either sex and of
any age shall not exceed 8 hours per day or 48 hours per week, or
an equivalent limitation based upon a period of time other than the
week, in industrial and commercial establishments or in business
premises of any kind connected with them, whatever their nature,
whether public or private, secular or religious, even where they are
of a technical educational or religious nature." The application of
the law was to be by administrative decrees. A considerable num-
ber of these, applying the Act usually to certain industries, have
been issued. The one of Dec. 12 1919 in reference to the textile
industries will serve as a type. It provides for the limitation of the
working hours to a maximum of 8 per working day in each week,
but allows the weekly total of 48 hours to be so distributed as to
permit of a shorter working day on Saturdays. To achieve this, a
maximum of 9 hours per day may be worked. In the bleaching,
dyeing and finishing branches of the industry it is possible (since a
short working day is uneconomic in these processes) to distribute
the 48 hours over 5 days only, with a maximum of 10 hours per day.
The decree goes on to make minute provision for the extension of
hours to make up for lost time due to slackness of trade (for which a
maximum of 100 additional hours per year may be worked), for
exceptional pressure of work (maximum 150 additional hours), for
the provision of rest periods and for the keeping of registers of the
hours worked. Altogether some 30 groups of trades or categories
of workers have been covered by similar orders, including the more
important French industries (leather and skins, books, boots and
slippers, clothing, building, metal trades, hats, electricity, carriage
and coach building, saddlery, etc.) and some commercial under-
takings (hotels and cafes in Paris, hairdressers' shops, etc.).
In addition to this legislative regulation, a number of other
trades have secured the 8-hour day by collective agreement, some
of them the clothing workers, builders, textile workers in the
nort
lari
HOURS OF LABOUR
39i
north, and others before the application of the Act to their particu-
lar industry.
France is one of the few countries which has applied the 8-hour
day to seamen. This was done by a decree of Feb. 24 1920.
ITALY. A decree of May 15 1919 instituted the 8-hour day for
workers on railways, trams and in inland waterways, and a second
of June 15 1919 did the same for the State railways. Generally,
however, reductions in hours of labour have been secured by collec-
tive agreements, which now cover practically every important indus-
try, including transport and mining; for example, since April 1919
miners have worked a 7-hour day for the most part. The larger
number of these collective agreements date from early in 1919. In
their application the emphasis would appear to be upon the 48-hour
week rather than the 8-hour day; as in France the working day is
frequently extended by an hour or half-an-hour in order to permit
of a shorter working day on Saturday. Most of the agreements
limit the permissible number of hours which may be worked daily
in excess of eight, usually to two.
GERMANY. Regulations issued on Nov. 23 1918 respecting the
hours of work of industrial workers, including those employed in
transport, established the general 8-hour day. These were followed
up rapidly by a series of amending orders regulating exceptional
cases, and on Jan. 24 1919 by an order relating to a provisional
Agricultural Labour Act, which was to give legal force to an agree-
ment, concluded between agricultural employers and employees,
regulating conditions in agriculture and prescribing an 8-hour daily
average during four months of the year, a lo-hour average during
four months, and an li-hour average over the remaining four
months. On the same date as that of the general order mentioned
above, hours in baking and confectionery establishments were
limited also to 8 daily.
The hours thus determined by legislation have, in certain cases,
been still further reduced by agreement. For example, an agree-
ment concluded between employers and workers on Jan. 22 1919
established the 8-hour day with a 6-hour Saturday for workers in
the textile industry. This agreement was abandoned by the employ-
ers early in 1921, however, and new agreements have for the most
part reestablished the week of 48 hours.
The hours of work in mines were fixed by the regulations of Nov.
23 1918 at seven daily for underground workers, but later, in view of
the economic position, the miners agreed to work an additional
shift (seven hours) per week.
AUSTRIA. The Act of Dec. 19 1918 (reenacted Dec. 17 1919 with
some changes) provided that " the hours of work in industrial under-
takings carried on as factories shall not exceed 8 hours in 24, not
including breaks in work." The Act further limited the working
hours of women and young persons to 44 in the week. Instructions
issued on Feb. 12 1919 regulated the application of the Act in con-
tinuous industries, railways and other special cases.
An Act of April 3 1919 made similar provision for employees in
bakeries, and working hours in mines were regulated by the Act of
July 28 1919, which again established the 8-hour day, with possi-
bilities of further reduction in particularly unhealthy places.
The 8-hour day was, however, established much earlier in some
Austrian industries (e.g. lithography since 1914) by agreement, and
has been extended to branches of industry not covered by the above
Acts, e.g. woodworkers, by the same method. On March I 1921 a
lo-hour day in agriculture was instituted by collective agreement.
RUMANIA. An administrative regulation of July I 1919 insti-
tuted the 8-hour day in the national printing offices. The rule was
extended to the State match and tobacco factories, railways and
other State enterprises. Collective agreements secured the same end
in the metal, carpentry and printing trades in Bucharest during the
early months of 1919, and in the petroleum industry in Nov. of
the same year. In one province (Ardeal) a Decree of May 21 1919
prescribed the 8-hour day in industry, mines and quarries, and in
commercial establishments generally.
SPAIN. Legislation on the 8-hour day in Spain commenced with
the Royal Decree of March II 1902, which applied to the employees
of the Ministry of Finance. After the war, the same working day
was extended by further decrees to building workers (March 15
1919), and to workers generally (April 3 1919 to come into force
from Oct. I 1919).
Regulations issued Oct. 9 1919 determined the hours to be worked
at sea. The engine-room hands work an 8-hour day and 48-hour
week at sea and in port ; the hours of deck-hands vary with the size
and nature of the vessel and its position. In the tropics the limit is
8 hours per day; elsewhere 10 or exceptionally 12.
Miners' hours were fixed by an Act of Dec. 27 1910 at 10 daily for
surface workers and 9 for underground workers. The above-men-
tioned decree of April 3 1919 extended the 8-hour day to both cate-
gories. Subsequently, by an order of Oct. 10 1919, the hours of
underground workers were reduced to 7, the reason given being that
this was necessary in order that the surface workers should not be
compelled to work more than eight.
Finally, an Eight-Hour Day Order of Jan. 15 1920 applied the
Decree of April 3 1919 to workers generally, and specified the per-
missible exceptions. The only class of workers excepted by name
from the application of this order are domestic servants, but a
second order of the same date specifies many other classes, including
agricultural workers engaged in the care of livestock, and hotel and
restaurant waiters. In a large number of trades the 8 and 48 rule
had been secured by collective agreement before the coming into
force of the above royal decree and orders.
BELGIUM. An Act passed on June 8 1921 established the 8 and
48 rule in industry generally, but from the end of 1919 it had been
almost universally adopted, usually by agreement, as in diamond-
cutting, bootmaking and the manufacture of musical instruments
(June 2 1919), in quarries (April 17 1919), coal-mines (Dec. I 1919) :
on Jan. I 1920 furnace workers secured the 8-hour day, and on
Jan. I 1921 it was extended to bookbinders also. Most, though not
all other industries were already covered before these dates, so that
the Act recently passed made little actual difference in the situation
beyond the change from agreement to legislation. The Act of June 8
provided further that the same or similar regulations should come
into force within one year for commercial workers, including employ-
ees in retail shops, hotels, restaurants and public houses. A 7-hour
day is already observed in some commercial establishments, particu-
larly in Antwerp, but the working of overtime is fairly general.
NETHERLANDS. An Act providing for the regulation of hours of
labour and for the prohibition in certain cases of work in dangerous
trades was adopted on Nov. I 1919, and was put into force from Oct.
24 1920. _ Broadly speaking, the Act provided that the limit of hours
of work in factories and workshops should be 8 in the day and 45 in
the week; for outdoor employees of hotels, shops, offices, etc., 10
in the day and 55 in the week (with the possibility of a reduction in
these hours by administrative regulations); for office workers
indoors, 8 in the day and 45 in the week; for shop and pharmacy
workers indoors 10 in the day and 55 in the week; for young persons
employed in cafs and hotels, 9 hours in the day, and so forth. This
is the most detailed and comprehensive hours-of-Iabour act in
existence. A noteworthy feature is the 45-hour limit for the week's
work. In establishing this, however, the Act did no more than sanc-
tion legislatively or re-affirm what had been already achieved in a
large number of industries by collective agreement and by earlier
legislation. In practice the 45-hour week means that the worker
has Saturday afternoon free and that the " English week-end " is
firmly established in the Netherlands. Since the passing of the Act
collective agreements have tended to make the 8 and 45 rule even
more general than does the Act itself.
The Act had not up to 1921 been applied to navigation, but by
agreements barge and boatmen have secured a lo-hour day, and the
engine-room staff on seagoing vessels the 8-hour day ; the tendency
is for collective agreements for maritime workers generally to be
based on the 8-hour day and the " English week-end."
DENMARK. The Factory Act of April 29 1913 was amended by
an Act of Feb. 12 1919, which introduced the 8-hour day in under-
takings working continuously day and night, for workers engaged
on continuous processes. By decree the 8-hour day was subse-
quently extended to the State railways, posts and telegraphs and
customs offices. The municipal authorities of Copenhagen and cer-
tain other of the larger towns have granted the same hours to their
employees generally.
For the most part, however, reductions of hours in Denmark
have been secured rather by the method of collective agreement
than by legislation. One such agreement made on May 17 1919,
and covering over 150,000 workers in several industries, established
the 8 and 48 rule.
A Commission on Working Hours was appointed on Feb. 28
1919. Its report proposed the adoption of the 8 and 48 rule.
SWEDEN. The Act of Oct. 17 1919 relating to the limitation of
working hours, applies to " every undertaking, industrial or other-
wise, in which more than four workers are ordinarily employed on
account of an employer and also to every such undertaking carried
on in any town or borough or municipality the population of which
. . . exceeds 1,500, although the number of workers employed
therein may be less than four." The Act imposes the 8 and 48 rule.
A second Act regulates the hours during which work may be done
in bakeries; generally speaking, it prohibits night and Sunday work.
An Act of Oct. 24 1919 limits the hours of seamen. The permit-
ted hours vary with the size of the vessel and the nature and extent
of its voyages. For engineers, greasers and trimmers on vessels carry-
ing not less than 3 men of these categories the hours must not exceed
16 in 2 days, and similarly for firemen on vessels with engines of
more than 250 H.P. engaged in ocean or North Sea trade, and on
vessels of 600 H.P. or over in more restricted trade. For other sea-
men the g-hour day is the general rule, though exceptions are per-
mitted (up to 24 hours in two days) provided the weekly total does
not exceed 63. On a vessel lying in port the limit is 8 hours daily
(7 in the tropics).
NORWAY. The Norwegian legislature adopted in Aug. 1918 an
Act limiting the weekly hours of labour in industry to 48, with a
daily maximum of 8J. Most industrial establishments, including
mines, are covered by it, with the exception of those in which the
number of employees is less than 5 and in which no motive power
(of greater strength than I H.P.) is used.
An Act of July n 1919 restricted the hours of seamen (deck-
hands and engine-room staff) to 8 hours daily (7 in the tropics),
and limited the hours during which the stewards, cooks and other
392
HOURS OF LABOUR
workers on board might be employed. Exceptions were ad-
mitted for small vessels, fishing vessels, and sailing vessels doing
coasting voyages in the limits of Norwegian waters.
SWITZERLAND. The principal Act regulating the hours of labour
in Switzerland is the Factories Act of June 18 1914, which was
amended by an Act of June 17 1919. The latter Act reduced the
weekly hours to 48, providing at the same time for a working day
longer than 8 hours in cases where a short Saturday is worked.
Extensions to 52 hours are permissible if the Federal Council con-
siders them warranted by " urgent necessity."
Hours of work on railways and other services connected with
transport and communications (i.e. the Federal railways, postal,
telegraph and telephone services, and transport and communica-
tion undertakings licensed by the State) are fixed by an Act of
March 6 1920 at 8 per day averaged over 14 working days.
This Act was the object of a referendum and was approved by a
large majority.
In the Canton of Basle (Town) a local Act of April 8 1920 applies
the 48-hour week in a general way to all employees in the public
services and in private undertakings. For bakers and confectioners,
gardeners, hairdressers, shop assistants and some others a weekly
maximum of 51 hours is determined; for caretakers, messengers,
cab-drivers, hotel employees and home workers it is 60 hours, and
for chemists' assistants, theatre employees and " persons who work
in the houses of private customers " 54. Domestic servants and
agricultural workers are to be guaranteed an uninterrupted rest
period of 9 hours in every 24. Other provisions regulate the working
hours of young persons and children.
The 48-hour week has been very widely adopted in Switzerland,
by virtue of the Act of 1919 and of numerous collective agreements
which have regulated its application. Certain industries, e.g. lace-
making and home-weaving, still, however, work longer hours, in
the first case 52 (in 1914 it was 60), and in the latter, it is alleged,
10 to 12 hours per day.
For the building trades a scheme drawn up by a Special Com-
mission appointed by the Federal Department of Public Economy
was accepted in 1921. Under it the weekly hours will be 50 during
the period March to Sept., 44! in Oct. and Nov., and 39 otherwise.
GREECE. A regulation issued on Feb. 14 1911 established the
8-hour day for underground workers in mines. By collective agree-
ments the same rule holds in certain industries, especially in and
near Athens and the Piraeus, and in State industries. Workers cov-
ered by these agreements include gasworkers, dockers, workers in
the manufacture of macaroni, flour-millers, coopers, carpenters and
ship cleaners. Greece was the first country to ratify the Washington
international Draft Convention.
JAPAN. Some limitation of working hours (the 12-hour day) was
secured by the Japanese Factory Act of 1911, but the 8-hour day
has only recently begun to be adopted. Since the war, however,
this daily limit has been introduced in the shipbuilding industry
and in the metal trades; it would appear, however, that the American
plan of determining a " basic " 8-hour day has been adopted, rather
than an actual limitation of hours. In some of the important glass
works of Osaka, and in certain establishments in Tokyo, Kobe and
Osaka, the 8-hour day is worked. Telephone workers in the central
offices work a 7- or 8-hour day.
SOUTH AMERICA. Either by national law or by agreement the
8-hour day for industry prevails generally in Argentina, Brazil,
Chile, Peru, Ecuador and Uruguay. (H. A. G.*)
UNITED STATES. In the United States regulations of hours
worked in industry are made by state or Federal legislation
or by agreement between employer and trade union. When
trade unions fix the length of the working day, they mean the
basic workday, with a higher rate of pay for overtime. The
theory of the basic workday is that extra pay for overtime acts
as a tax on the employer to induce him to introduce a shorter
actual workday. In the week ending Dec. 13 1919, for the en-
tire state of New York, 35-76% of telephone operators worked
from 3 to 6 hours overtime, 35-02% worked 6 to 9 hours overtime.
According to the census of 1910, of the 6,615,046 wage-earners
enumerated in manufacturing enterprises, 7-9% worked 48 hours
or less a week, 30-6% worked 54 hours or less, 60-7% worked
more than 54 hours but not more than 60 hours, and 8 % worked
more than 60 hours. The census shows that 114,118 or 1-7%
worked where the prevailing hours were more than 72 a week.
These figures, which do not include agriculture, building, mining,
domestic and personal service, show the number of hours nor-
mally worked by the majority of workers in the establishments
enumerated. Of the 86 principal manufacturing industries em-
ploying more than 10,000 wage-earners in 1909, 20 employed
over 10% of their workers more than 60 hours a week.
Among railway employees continuous service for long hours
has been very common. Records of the Interstate Commerce
Commission show that during the year ending June 30 1913, 261,-
332 railway men were reported as on duty for periods exceeding
the legal limit of 16 hours, and that over 33,000 of them worked
more than 21 hours continuously. In 1914, of the 7,000,000 wage-
earners enumerated in manufacture in the United States, n-8%
worked 48 hours a week or less, 51 % worked 54 hours or less a
week, 43-1% worked more than 54 hours but not more than 60
hours, and 5-8 % worked more than 60 hours. The number work-
ing more than 72 hours was 0-8%. The number working the
8-hour day or less was 833,330, chiefly in the building trades.
The year 1915 was marked by an active movement toward the
8-hour day. Strikes for the basic 8-hour day started among the
machinists in the war-boom town of Bridgeport, Conn., where they
put the factories of the city practically on an 8-hour basis, and spread
over the entire state and then into other states, especially Pennsyl-
vania, New York, Ohio, Illinois and Massachusetts, and into other
trades munition industries, automobile factories, paper mills, musi-
cal instrument factories and garment trades. Over 200 firms, chiefly
located in the eastern states, and among them the largest of their
kind, granted the 8-hour day to their employees in 1915. Thirty
thousand machinists in munition plants in Connecticut alone gained
the 8-hour day. On Jan. I 1915, about 7,000 members of the Inter-
national Association of Machinists had the 8-hour day : by Jan. I
1916, 60,000 had it. Of wage-earners in manufactures in the indus-
tries and localities studied by the Bureau of Labour Statistics in
1917, 171,978 gained the 8-hour day in 1915; 342,138 in 1916;
537,587 in the first 6 months of 1917. This leads to the conclusion
that there were in the United States in June 1917, at least 1,885,033
wage-earners enjoying the 8-hour day. Probably in each case the
basic 8-hour day is meant. The Anthracite Mine agreement of
May 1916 established the basic 8-hour day with pro rata overtime
pay for 6 days a week for all employees in the anthracite mines in
place of the 9-hour day established by the 1902 agreement. The new
agreement affected approximately 100,000 of the 181,899 workers
reported in the anthracite mines in 1914, since the miners proper and
their underground labourers, who together constitute about 40%
of the total working force, were already working an 8-hour day
schedule, and about 8,000 other employees were compelled by the
nature of their duties to continue working 9 hours a day. In this
case the basic 8 hours do not include the time going to and from
employment, even on the premises of the mine; drivers must take
their mules from the stables to the working place before the 8 hours
begin, pay for such services to be included in the day rates.
What did more than anything else to bring the 8-hour movement
to the attention of the general American public was the threatened
strike of the railroad brotherhoods in the summer of 1916. As early
as 1907 three of the brotherhoods in the western territory had
demanded an 8-hour day, but they had abandoned this in favour of
an increase in wages. In 1915 at the national conventions of the
brotherhoods the question of the 8-hour day came up. Each con-
vention instructed the executive officers to demand a basic 8-hour
day, with pay at the rate of time-and-a-half for overtime. In Jan.
1916 the strike ballot was submitted to the vote of the men. In
Feb., it was officially announced that 90% had voted in favour.
The railroads were notified, and a reply requested. The two sides
entered into negotiations, but in June the railroads refused the
demands of the employees, and asked for arbitration under the
Newlands Act or by the Interstate Commerce Commission. The
brotherhoods rejected this, and voted to strike on Sept. 2. The
country was frightened; it was at a time of crisis in international
relations. The result was the President's message to Congress and
the passage of the " Adamson Law."
The Adamson Law granted the basic 8-hour day to the members
of the four railroad brotherhoods, at a rate of pay for the 8 hours
equal to that previously for 10, and pro rata for overtime up to the
legal 1 6 hours. The Act also provided for a commission to investi-
gate the results of the change. The report of this commission was
published in 1918. It shows that the greatest reduction in hours
was among yard crews, 1 1 ,000 of whom were placed on 8-hour shifts
between March and Oct. 1917. Passenger trainmen who were
already often working 8 hours or less were little affected, while
freight crews continued to have runs from II to 13 hours. In 1919
a general order of the Railroad Administration gave to the freight
service the 8-hour day or loo-m. run as a basis with time-and-a-
half pay for overtime.
After the entrance of the United States into the World War in
April 1917 the number of employees working an 8-hour schedule
was greatly increased because of the automatic regulation of the
hours of labour on Government contract work by the Federal 8-hour
law. By a series of executive orders the 8-hour day on Government
ship-building, munitions, and construction work was suspended
during the war emergency, and the basic 8-hour day with time-and-
a-half pay for overtime was substituted. The influence of this on
public opinion led to the introduction of the basic 8-hour day in
private industries. About 25,000 boot and shoe workers secured
the so-hour week during 1917, about 11,000 cigar-makers gained
s
HOURS OF LABOUR
393
,_ie 8-hour day. About 10,000 fur workers reduced their hours from
53 to 49 a week by strikes: in New York City about 5,000 of them
secured an agreement establishing the basic 8-hour day. The United
States Bureau of Labor Statistics reported in 1917 that the number
of workers having the 8-hour day had increased 27% since 1914-
Of the union scales in the metal trades in 1914, 28% provided for
the 8-hour day, and 49% for the 54-hour week; in 1917, 41 % pro-
vided for an 8-hour day, 32 % for a 54-hour week.
In 1918, 50,000 lumbermen of the western states, 100,000 employ-
ees of the meat-packing industry, and about 336,000 shipyard
employees and 270,000 employees of the merchant marine worked
the basic 8-hour day with extra overtime pay, due largely to rulings
of such Governmental boards as the Shipbuilding Labour Adjust-
ment Board and the National War Labor Board, the general policy
of which was to grant the basic 8-hour day, with time-and-a-half for
overtime and double pay for Sundays and holidays. Shipbuilding
employees of the Delaware river and Baltimore district were granted
a basic 44-hour week with overtime pay up to a maximum of 60
hours. A decision of the War Labor Board introduced the actual
8-hour day, except in emergencies, in the foundries of Wheeling,
W.Va. The reason given was that longer hours shorten the workers'
lives, injure their health, and in the long run decrease production.
In this case overtime was to be permitted only by the vote of a
joint committee of employers and employees. For the railway
shops, on the other hand, an agreement was made between the
union and the Railroad Administration for all shops working single
shifts of less than 70 hours a week to increase their hours on a 7-day
basis, to meet the emergency of the war. On the day following the
signing of the Armistice, the heads of the three chief production
departments of the Government, War, Navy, and the Shipping
Board, decided to issue an order for immediate discontinuance of
overtime and Sunday work on all Government construction and in
all establishments owned or controlled by the Government which
were producing war supplies. An order of the Railroad Administra-
tion a week later provided that, wherever practicable, the hours
which had been increased to meet emergencies in railway shops
should be reduced to nine. Four awards of the War Labor Board in
Oct. refused to permit overtime pay for Sunday work unless the
employee had worked 48 hours in the preceding week.
The movement for the 8-hour day continued after the Armistice,
until there was in 1921 scarcely a trade or industry in which many
of the employees were not working the basic 8-hour day. Many of
these work overtime. The Bureau of Labor Statistics in 1919 re-
ceived reports of 1,640 agreements between trade unions and employ-
ers providing for the 48-hour week, and 315 providing for the 44-
hour week. On Oct. I 1918 the U.S. Steel Corporation granted the
basic 8-hour day with time-and-a-half pay for overtime to the
employees in its mines and industrial establishments, more than
250,000 men. A year later, the treasurer testified before the U.S.
Senate Committee that of 60,000 employees of th ; .s corporation and
its subsidiary companies, 26-8 % actually worked 72 hours or more
a week, 38-7 % worked 60 hours or more, and only 34-2 % worked less
than 60 hours a week. Most of these men work 7 days each week,
82 men work a continuous 24 hours once in each month, and 344
men work a continuous 18 hours every alternate week; these are
all in blast furnace departments. However, some 20 American steel
plants were in 1921 running on a 3-shift schedule; the employees
affected have been willing to make concessions in the matter of
wages, in order to obtain the shorter hours.
The year 1919 was marked by the introduction of the 44-hour
week in the clothing industry, the result of strikes and peaceful
agreements. The Postal Telegraph Co. reduced the hours of its
employees to 8 a day. It indeed seemed that the 8-hour day was
the " established policy of the country," as the President's personal
mediation commission had stated. Twenty-seven unions, with a
membership of 15,350, chiefly in the railway shops and building
trades of Boston and Seattle, had a basic 4O-hour week. In 1919 the
International Typographical Union obtained the 44-hour week in
book and job offices by negotiation with the employers; 12 years be-
fore, this Union together with the bookbinders and the pressmen,
had spent $11,000,000 to win the 48-hour week.
Investigations made in 1920 showed that one-half the employees
of hotels and about one-third of the men and one-fourth of the
women working in restaurants were employed 7 days a week.
Except for cooks the hours were very irregular, often split into
shifts, and falling at different times day after day. The average
hours on duty varied from 8 to 10 every 24. The basic work week in
the Central Atlantic coast district for 40 % of the unskilled labourers
was over 54 hours, for 30 % more than 44 but not more than 48
hours, for 1 8 % it was 44 hours or less. Of skilled trades in the same
district, 75% worked 44 hours or less a week; of clerical workers
12 % worked 39 hours or less, 53 % worked 39! to 42 hours inclusive,
33 % worked 425 to 45 hours inclusive. There are no data for hours
of agricultural labour for the United States as a whole. The length
of the workday varies with the kind of farming and with the season.
Studies made on Iowa farms (1909 to 1918) show that the average
hours per weekday of the proprietor increased from 10-4 to 11-95,
while those of the hired labourer decreased from 12-4 to 11-46.
In Wisconsin in 1916 the average farm workday was IO-8 hours in
winter and 12-5 in summer.
Hours of Work in U.S. in 1919.
(From investigations of U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.)
Industry
Aver. Hours
Actually
Worked
per Day
Aver. Hours
Actually
Worked
per Week
Aver. Full-
Time Work
Week
Men
Wom-
en
Men
Wom-
en
Men
Wom-
en
Lumber
7-2
43-2
59-i
Mill work
8-1
8-1
48-6
48-6
52-8
54-7
Furniture .
8-5
8-1
51-0
48-6
55-2
54-9
Bricks ....
7-8
46-8
55-i
Chemicals .
8-4
7-4
50-4
44.4
56-8
52 ; 6
Glass ....
7-8
7-2
46-8
43-2
53-7
51-9
Leather
8-1
6-9
48-6
41-4
53-o
52-1
Paper ....
8-7
8-0
52-2
48-0
Si-4
51-7
Pulp . .
8-5
51-0
51-4
Automobiles
8-2
7-8
49-2
46-8
50-6
49-3
Cars ....
8-1
48-6
53-8
Electrical Apparatus.
8-0
7'7
48-0
46-2
50-6
50-2
Foundries .
8-2
7-i
49-2
42-6
53-8
50-4
Machinery .
8-2
7-1
49-2
42-6
51-7
52-9
Machine Tool .
8-6
77
51-6
46-2
53-9
51-6
Typewriter
8-6
7-8
51-6
46-8
52-6
51-6
Pottery
7-i
6-8
42-6
40-8
53-6
50-9
Rubber
8-2
7-8
49-2
46-8
5i-i
5i-9
Boot and Shoe .
7-4
7-2
44-4
43-2
48-4
48-8
6-8
5'9
40-8
34'2
47-8
48-0
Hosiery and Under-
to
to
to
to
to
to
wear 1
9-8
9-1
58-7
63-1
59-8
60-0
7-3
7-3
40-8
42-3
50-0
50-0
Silk 1 .
to
to
to
to
to
to
9'5
9-1
57-o
54-5
55-
55-
5-9
6-6
35-6
39-4
45-2
45-5
Men's Clothing l .
to
to
to
to
to
to
9-5
8-6
56-9
5i-6
53-8
50-1
6-1
5'7
34-9
33-9
No
No
Cigars 1 . . .
to
to
to
to
data
data
8-5
9-0
51-6
55-1
Paper Boxes
8-3
7-5
49-9
45-o
51-2
50-0
Women's Clothing .
8-1
7-4
48-5
44-0
48-5
48-1
Confectionery .
8-4
7'3
50-4
43-8
54-4
50-1
Overalls
7-i
6-7
42-6
40-2
46-1
46-0
The annual convention of the American Federation of Labor in
1920 accepted the report of the committee on the shorter workday
in favour of the 44-hour week, 8 hours for 5 days of the week, 4 hours
on Saturday, except in certain industries where the hours should be
still shorter, " that there may be no unemployment in that field."
Six states and the Federal Government have passed laws requiring
that certain wage-earners be given one day's rest in seven. The
Federal law applies only to post-office employees. Most of the
laws limiting hours for women prevent Sunday work by fixing a
weekly as well as a daily limit, but some specify only the daily limit,
and Arizona makes the weekly limit 7 times the daily limit. Vir-
ginia requires that all state employees who work 7 days must be
relieved for at least two Sundays in each calendar month. The
7-day week increases absenteeism, especially on Monday. Much of
the present-day continuous operation of industry involves 7-day
labour. In Minnesota in 1909, 98,558 men, or approximately 14%
of the gainfully employed males in that state, were working every
day in the week. In New York in 1910, out of 335,000 union mem-
bers in a number of specified industries, more than 10% worked
7 days in the week. Many establishments which operate continu-
ously, such as iron and steel plants, paper mills, glass and chemical
works, combine the 1 2-hour day with the 7-day week, and in not a
few cases require their employees to alternate weekly or fortnightly
between day and night shifts, working 24^ hours without rest when
the change is made. Telephone operators in New York State receive
150% pay for the first Sunday on duty each month, and 200% pay
for additional Sundays: the amount of Sunday work varies with
the locality from every other Sunday to one in every fifteen.
While more than a dozen states have made Saturday afternoon
a legal holiday, few, if any, have made effective provision for the
enforcement of this or other laws fixing legal holidays. The exten-
sion of the Saturday half-holiday during recent years has been due to
the initiative of the employer or to trade-union activity. The short
workday on Saturday is more often found in summer than in winter,
and more often among clerical and mercantile than among indus-
trial workers. In 1914 the Consumers' League induced most of the
large stores in New York City to close all day Saturday during July
and August. In the summer of 1920, 25 of the largest department
stores in the city closed all day on Saturday during July and Aug.,
and nearly as many for half the day. This was found actually to
pay, as the number of shoppers in summer was small on Saturdays.
In smaller communities stores closed Wednesday or Thursday.
This movement of a regular weekday holiday in summer seems to
1 Varies greatly with locality. No general averages attempted.
394
HOURS OF LABOUR
be growing. In Hudson river towns in the summer of 1920, factories
employing less than 50 people were found to shut down on Saturday
at 12 or I o'clock. In the building trades and clothing industry the
44-hour week is prevalent. Twenty-five per cent of the telephone
operators in New York State have the |4-hour week.
The best known studies in the United States are reported in
Goldmark's Fatigue and Efficiency, which is the collection of material
used in preparing the brief for the shorter workday for women, in
the famous case of Bunting v. Oregon, 37 Sup. Ct. 435, 1917, and in
U.S. Public Health Service Bulletin, No. 106. Other references on
hours of labour are the series of bulletins on the subject published
by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, reports appearing in the
Monthly Labor Reviews of the Bureau and reports of the National
Industrial Conference Board. (J. R. Co.)
INTERNATIONAL ACTION
Demands for international agreement or legislation on the
standardizing of the hours of labour have been frequent since
1890, when the International Conference on Labour in Factories
and Mines the Conference summoned officially by the then
German Emperor suggested a general adoption of the 8-hour
day in mines. The need for uniformity in hours in order to re-
move at least one awkward cause of friction in international
relations was voiced in 1893 at Zurich by the Metal Workers'
Congress, and again in 1904 at Amsterdam. In 1894 it was the
turn of the Tobacco Workers; in 1905 of the International Con-
ference of Trade Union Secretaries. At Geneva in 1906, and again
at Zurich in 1912 the International Association for Labour Legis-
lation emphasized the same point. In 1916 the General Federa-
tion of Trade Unions of Great Britain, and in 1918 the United
States Socialist party adopted resolutions on the subject. Steps
were taken in the same direction by the Scandinavian and Inter-
Allied Conferences of 1918.
This movement culminated in the inclusion of the international
labour agreement (see INTERNATIONAL LABOUR) in the Peace
Treaty of Versailles. The Labour part of the Treaty was drafted
by an International Commission on Labour Legislation, appointed
by the Peace Conference on Jan. 31 1919. Its chairman,
Samuel Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor, sub-
mitted a declaration of the aims of labour, which included the
following clause :
" It shall be declared that the workday in industry and commerce
shall not exceed eight hours per day except in case of extraordinary
emergency, such as danger to life or property."
Various national delegations proposed amendments in the
terms, but finally certain " principles " were adopted by the
Commission, including the following:
" The adoption of an eight hours' day or a forty-eight hours'
week as the standard to be aimed at where it has not already been
attained."
The Peace Conference approved of these general principles
in its plenary sitting of April 28 1919. An International Organiz-
ing Committee, representative of the United States, Great Brit-
ain, France, Italy, Japan, Belgium and Switzerland, appointed
to prepare for the first session of the International Labour
Conference created by the Labour part of the Treaty, placed
first upon the Agenda for that Conference the question : " Appli-
cation of principle of the eight hours' day and of the forty-eight
hours' week."
Working Hours in Industry. On May 10 1919 the Organizing
Committee issued to the Governments of all the States which
were named in the Annexe to the Covenant of the League of
Nations a questionnaire, the object of which was, firstly, to se-
cure information as to how far the 8-hour day was already ob-
served, whether as a result of legal enactment, collective agree-
ment, or custom; and as to the immediate intentions (if any) of
the various Governments in the matter; and secondly, to elicit
by categorical questions the attitude of the Governments towards
the proposed limitation of the working day to 8 hours and the
working week to 48.
Thirty-five Governments replied to the questionnaire. To the
categorical question: " Is the Government prepared to adopt the
limit of eight hours a day exclusive of rest-time ? " not one
Government returned a definitely negative reply. The Govern-
ment of Siam did not contemplate legislative action " in the
present circumstances." In the United States and Canada the
distribution of legislative power between the central and state or
provincial authorities made a direct reply difficult if not impossi-
ble. The Japanese Government doubted the possibility of the
immediate application in Japan of the 8-hour day, in view of the
relatively unadvanced state of most of her industries and the
inexperience of her workers. Similar considerations were argued
by India and by Greece. Every other State replying to the
questionnaire indicated its readiness to adopt the 8 and 48-hour
limits. Many of them indicated that these limits (or lower ones,
as in the case of Poland, which had a 46-hour week) were already
enforced within their territories.
The list of these States comprised every Power of industrial
importance, with the exception of Russia, Finland and the ex-
enemy States, and included Argentina, Belgium, Czechoslovakia,
Denmark, Ecuador, France, Great Britain, Guatemala, the
Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Poland, Portu-
gal, Panama, Peru, Rumania, Serbia, Spain, Sweden, Switzer-
land and Uruguay, in addition to those mentioned above.
Of the States which were not consulted or which did not reply,
it was known at the time that Finland, Germany, German-
Austria and Russia had already taken action by law.
This evidence pointed clearly to the possibility of the successful
conclusion of an International Convention on the subject; and
the Organizing Committee proceeded at once to the drafting of a
project to be submitted for the consideration of the Conference.
The basis of this project was the adoption of the 48-hour week
rather than the 8-hour day, the Committee giving as its reason
for this, that " it allows more elasticity in the arrangement of the
hours of work, and it facilitates the adoption of a half-holiday, or
even a whole holiday, on Saturday or some other day of the week,
by enabling a longer period than 8 hours to be worked on other
days. Secondly, it helps to secure the weekly, rest-day, whereas
the principle of an 8-hour day by itself does not." The greater
part of the project was concerned with the limitations within
which exceptions to the general rule should be permitted.
It was clearly undesirable to leave unlimited scope for exceptions.
" The mere affirmation of the principle of a 48-hour week, while
leaving a wide discretion to each State to allow such exceptions
as it considers desirable in the circumstances of its country, would
not, so it seems to the Committee, fulfil the purpose for which
the International Labour Organization has been created." Since
one of the motives of such a convention, as indeed of all interna-
tional labour legislation, is the removal so far as possible of such
sources of international friction as those which arise from the
competition of " cheap " labour, or of labour suffering under rela-
tively disadvantageous conditions, the Committee was obviously
adopting the proper attitude in this respect.
The discussions of the International Labour Conference,
which met at Washington in Oct.-Nov. 1919, turned for the
most part on the permissible exceptions. To the general principle
little or no opposition was offered. The Organizing Committee's
project was, after some preliminary discussion, referre"d to a
Commission of the Conference, and a Special Countries Commis-
sion was entrusted with the task of considering the application of
this and other projects to tropical lands and countries displaying
unusual conditions.
The Commission on Hours amended the draft in several par-
ticulars, and clauses were added to meet the special cases of Japan
(a 57-hour week) ; British India (a 6o-hour week, with a clause
indicating that further limitation of hours is to be considered at
a future session of the Conference) ; China, Persia and Siam
(consideration at a future session) ; Greece (postponement of the
date at which the provisions of the Convention should come into
operation for two years in the case of certain industries, three
years in the case of others); and Rumania (postponement for
three years).
The Organizing Committee's omission of a provision for the
establishment of the 8-hour day was not upheld by the Con-
ference, which approved, in the final draft, the wording:
" The working hours of persons employed in any public or private
industrial undertaking or in any branch thereof . . . shall not
HOUSE, EDWARD MANDELL
395
exceed eight in the day and forty-eight in the week with the excep-
tions hereinafter provided for."
The draft Convention came before the Conference for its final
vote on Nov. 28 1919 and secured the two-thirds majority which
is necessary for the formal adoption of a draft Convention.
The authentic text of the draft Convention was communicated
to the Governments of all States Members of the International
Labour Organization by the Secretary-General of the League of
Nations on Jan. 15 1920.
Since a large number of the industrial States had already
adopted, by legal enactment, or otherwise, the 8-hour day, it
might have been expected that the ratification of the draft Con-
vention would be rapid and practically universal. But this was
not the case. Up to Aug. 1921 two countries only, Greece and
Rumania, had ratified. Some countries (e.g. Great Britain and
Switzerland) had definitely declined to ratify.
In the first place, certain difficulties arose as to the interpreta-
tion of those articles of the Treaty which govern the action to be
taken by States in connection with the draft Convention. Article
405 of the Treaty of Peace provided that " Each of the members
undertakes that it will, within the period of one year at most from
the closing of the session of the Conference, or if it is impossible
owing to exceptional circumstances to do so within the period of
one year, then at the earliest practicable moment, and in no case
later than eighteen months from the closing of the session of the
Conference, bring the recommendation or draft Convention be-
fore the authority or authorities within whose competence the
matter lies, for the enactment of legislation or other action."
The wording of the last sentence has given rise to certain hesita-
tion, but the bulk of the States members have construed " the
authority or authorities within whose competence the matter
lies " to mean their respective Parliaments, and have submitted
the draft Convention together with the Governmental proposals
for action upon it, to those bodies. In Great Britain the difficulty
arose from the fact that Article 405 provides also that draft
Conventions be submitted " for ratification by the Members."
It was contended that the ratifying authority in Great Britain
is the Crown, and that the Government was therefore under no
obligation to submit a draft Convention for the consideration of
Parliament unless legislative action in pursuance of the provisions
of the draft Convention was contemplated.
Secondly, difficulties arose in connexion with the actual proce-
dure of ratification. The Treaty provides an apparently simple
formula:
" In the case of a draft Convention the Member will, if it obtains
the consent of the authority or authorities within whose competence
the matter lies, communicate the formal ratification of the Conven-
tion to the Secretary-General. . . ."
But this procedure was, in certain cases, found to fit awkwardly
into the complicated framework of the older diplomatic practice.
France considered it necessary to sign with Belgium a conven-
tion embodying the terms of the draft Convention on hours, and
to add a protocol which was left open for the signature of other
States. France and Belgium may thus in some sort be said to
have ratified the Hours Convention, though they did not com-
plete the procedure laid down in the Treaty. But the act of
France and Belgium led to some misgiving on the part of other
states members of the organization, who naturally asked whether
these two countries would consider themselves bound not only in
respect of one another and of any other countries which might
adhere to the Franco-Belgian convention by signing the open
protocol, but also in respect of other States which might ratify
the Washington Convention by the procedure indicated.
Thirdly, the exceptions provided for in the text of the Hours
Convention did not appear to meet the circumstances of all
countries. Thus, Switzerland, which had adopted the 8-hour day
on its railways and in certain branches of industry, and which,
in its reply to the Organizing Committee's questionnaire, stated
that " The Government prefers the 48-hour week system and is
prepared to adopt this limit in factories," declared itself unable
to ratify the Hours Convention, principally on the ground that
it considered its application to the small trades and undertakings
of the rural and mountain districts to be undesirable. Again,.
Sweden, whose Government was " prepared to adopt both
limitations (i.e., the 8-hour day and 48-hour week) at the same
time," was faced by similar difficulties. The British Govern-
ment was " prepared to adopt the limit of 48 hours a week ex-
clusive of rest-time." In Great Britain the 8-hour day and 48-
hour week (or less) are all but universal. Yet the Minister of
Labour declared that the Government was unable to ratify be-
cause of existing collective agreements governing the working of
the railways, which permit overtime in certain cases which are
not provided for in the Convention. The same or similar circum-
stances delayed or prevented ratification by Denmark, Holland,
Norway and possibly other States. >
Other factors making for non-ratification were the disturbed
economic state of post-war Europe, and a reaction both in Govern-
ment circles and in public opinion, as to the wisdom of shorter
hours of labour in view of the need for greater production. The
failure of the Russian revolutionaries to establish a satisfactory
social system, the crushing of the attempts of their sympathizers
in Hungary and Germany, and the failure of great strike move-
ments in France, Great Britain and elsewhere, had moderated
the fears of revolutionary action which were a factor in the crea-
tion of the International Labour Organization in 1919.
Working Hours at Sea. The Washington Draft Convention was
applicable to " industrial undertakings " which were defined partly
by enumeration and partly by exclusion. The line of demarcation
between industry on the one hand and commerce and agriculture on
the other was left to be drawn by the individual States, and the
whole question of the application of the 8 and 48 rule to maritime
and inland navigation was deferred for the consideration of a
special meeting of the Conference. The preparations for this meet-
ing were made by the International Labour Office. Questionnaires
were sent to the States members of the International Labour Organi-
zation, in order to establish the existing position with regard to the
hours of labour worked at sea and on inland waterways, and to
elicit the views of the Governments as to the establishment in these
spheres of the 8 and 48 rule.
The principal maritime countries replied unanimously in favour
of international regulation of the hours of labour on board ship,
but in most cases with considerable caution with regard to the 8 and
48 rule, which is clearly more difficult of application under sea
conditions. On the whole, however, the evidence was again in
favour of the possibility of the conclusion of a Convention upon the
subject, and the International Labour Office, basing its work upon
the replies of the Governments to its questionnaire, elaborated a draft
for submission to the Conference.
The second meeting of the Conference took place at Genoa, June
15-July 10 1920. The delegates attending it, whether representing
Governments, employers' organizations or workers' associations,
were predominantly men experienced in maritime administration or
practice. But the result was indecisive. The draft prepared by the
International Labour Office was referred as at Washington, to a
special commission, and after being amended it was submitted to
the full Conference, which approved it by a vote of 48 to 25; the
two-thirds majority necessary for formal adoption thus was not
attained, though by a very narrow margin.
The questions of the hours of labour in the fishing industry and
in inland navigation were dealt with separately by the Conference.
In both cases a recommendation was agreed upon, by the terms of
which the States members were urged to adopt legislation limiting
in the direction of the 8-hour day and 48-hour week the duration of
the labour concerned. (H. A. G.*)
HOUSE, EDWARD MANDELL (1858- ), American politi-
cian, was born at Houston, Tex., July 26 1858. He was educated
at the Hopkins grammar school, New Haven, Conn., and at
Cornell University (A.B. 1877). He returned to Texas, where
he became interested in politics. He never sought office, but as a
trusted adviser he became influential in the Democratic party.
He became a friend of President Wilson, with whose political
ideals he sympathized, and after the outbreak of the World
War in 1914 visited the belligerent countries as the President's
personal representative, conferring with the leading diplomats
informally and advising American ambassadors of the President's
attitude on various questions. He himself repeatedly declared
that he was not a peace envoy. In 1915 and in 1916 he was
again in Europe observing conditions and from time to time
making confidential reports to the President. This method of
approaching foreign Governments through private personal
contact instead of stereotyped diplomatic formality brought
396
HOUSING
some criticism upon the President, many believing that the
powers of the recognized head of the State Department were
being infringed upon. In 1917 he was elected a director of the
Fort Worth (Tex.) Record. After America's entrance into the
World War in 1917 Col. House was appointed to gather in-
formation which the U.S. peace representatives would need
when the terms of peace should ultimately be discussed. He
represented the United States at the Inter-Allied Conference in
Paris, Nov. 1917. In Dec. of the same year he represented the
United States in the Supreme War Council at Versailles. In
1918 he was delegated by the President to act for the United
States in negotiating the Armistice and was a member of the
American Peace Commission. He took a prominent part in
drafting the Peace Treaty in 1919. In 1920 he joined the staff
of the Philadelphia Public Ledger, and visited Europe as a
correspondent of that paper.
HOUSING (see 13.814). Subsequently to 1910 the housing
problem greatly increased in difficulty. At that time it was
largely a problem of the poorer classes, of slums, of congestion
in cities and large industrial centres, and the like. In 1921 it
reached even to the middle classes. There was a world shortage
of houses. In addition the slum difficulties remained, and a
great many houses had fallen into serious disrepair since 1914
owing to the World War.
There were no reliable statistics up to June 1921 on the short-
age, though better information was likely to become available
as the result of the taking of the 1921 census in England and
elsewhere. However, there was no doubt on the general question.
Almost every responsible Government of the world was con-
fronted with a grave housing problem. There was abundant
evidence of the crying need for houses which prevailed not in
Europe alone, but in the remoter continents. A shortage of
houses existed simultaneously in towns as far from each other
as Paris, Cape Town, Bagdad, Melbourne and Bombay.
Such expedients as the compulsory registration of empty
rooms, the erection of wooden hutments, and the conversion of
large dwellings into small ones had been introduced, whilst in
Germany the unpopular measures of rationing house room, and
of billeting the civilian population in private houses, had been
urged upon local authorities by the Government.
In several countries laws had been passed for the purpose of
making grants of money from public funds towards building
costs; of extending the power of local authorities in the matter
of housing; of securing the observance of proper standards in the
building of small dwellings; and of remedying the evil housing
conditions prevailing in so many large and prosperous towns.
Legislation had also been passed for the restraint of rent prof-
iteering, to which the shortage of houses had given encourage-
ment, whilst in France, the United States, Germany and Nor-
way, special rent committees had been formed whose duty it was
to reconcile, as far as possible, the claims of landlords and
In carrying out legislative measures and housing schemes
misunderstandings had tended to arise between the authorities
and the public, because progress was slow at a time when speed
appeared to be the main essential to those actually in need of
houses. In most countries, however, after the war an endeavour
was being made to increase the number of houses and to secure a
higher standard of housing for the future than has prevailed in
the past.
Undoubtedly the World War was the chief cause of the uni-
versal house shortage in the countries affected by it. During
the war house-building almost ceased; even the loss caused by a
number of houses passing out of use each year was not met,
and, in addition, populations increased despite the war. In
northern France, in Belgium, and in the war-devastated portions
of the world generally there was also a special loss of houses.
But the war was not the only cause. Even before the war there
was a growing shortage of smaH houses, and probably special
measures would have been necessary to cope with it. The cause
of this pre-war shortage has been variously estimated, but
finance had much to do with it. There was a difficulty in building
small houses where they were needed, at a suitable rent suit-
able, that is, to the pockets of the tenants. That was one of
several difficulties which still confronted private enterprise in
1921, but whereas it caused a slowing down in pre-war years
it afterwards produced very nearly a cessation.
Some of the results of the shortage are familiar, including
overcrowding, and all that it means. Again, the shortage formed
one cause of social unrest. Further, slums cannot be cleared
until their occupants can be re-housed. The problem of over-
crowding is, however, not identical with that of the shortage
of houses. Some families live in one or two rooms because of
poverty and the like. There are no recent national statistics
about overcrowding, the latest available in 1921 for the United
Kingdom being those derived from the 1911 census returns,
showing that 9 % of the population of England and Wales were
living more than two persons per room. The percentage was
over 30 in Sunderland, Newcastle, and neighbouring towns, and
in London was 17-7 per cent. It may here be added that there
has been a growing recognition on the part of large employers of
labour that they have an interest, if not indeed a responsibility,
in the housing of their workers; and in several instances employ-
ers have helped to supply the need. In areas where new works
are erected there is an influx of workers often resulting in over-
crowding. Much information on this subject is given in " Hous-
ing by Employers in the United States," Bulletin of the U.S.
Bureau of Labor Statistics, No. 263.
The housing problem has become especially difficult in several
areas by the lack of suitable building sites, involving the problem
of cheap and quick transport. Most people like to live within
easy reach of their work, and if more houses cannot be built near
(for instance) collieries in Wales and offices and works in London,
there must either be overcrowding, or a good tram, bus, or train
service to the areas where houses can be built. In the case of
some works 'and offices there is an alternative, namely to move
them from the crowded city centres to satellite towns, and this
alternative has had attention. To overcome the difficulties of
housing in the populous and prosperous South Wales coal-fields,
it has been suggested by a committee of investigation that dormi-
tory towns be built by the Government in a cleaner atmosphere
with surroundings giving a less confined outlook, though still
within easy reach of the collieries by train.
But the solution offered by dormitory towns, though probably
the only one possible in South Wales, is not complete. The
garden city, or satellite town, is better. The promoters of garden
cities insist that works and offices should be moved to such
cities, and thus that the people can have suitable work without
travel. Much useful information on this subject is published in
England by the Garden Cities and Town-Planning Association, 3,
Gray's Inn Place, W.C. i; and the International Garden Cities
and Town-Planning Association with which it is allied held an
important conference in London in 1920, attended by a large
number of foreign delegates, and presided over by the veteran
president and pioneer of the movement, Mr. Ebenezer Howard.
UNITED KINGDOM. A good indication of the housing prob-
lem is to be found in the legislation in force in the United
Kingdom. The first of the Acts is the Housing of the Working
Classes Act, 1890. It repealed a large number of previous Acts,
going back to 1851, but had their main objective, namely, the
removal of unhealthy housing conditions. It had little concern
with the provision of new houses, and the powers in that regard
which it conferred on local authorities were adoptive only.
This may be taken as evidence that the shortage of houses was
not then a problem requiring serious action by the State. Even
in the Act of 1909 (the Housing, Town-Planning, etc., Act, 1909)
the powers with regard to the provision of houses by local au-
thorities were left optional. It was not until the Housing, Town-
Planning, etc., Act, 1919, was passed that they became duties.
The 1890 Act contained somewhat elaborate provisions
enabling local authorities to remove unhealthy housing con-
ditions. There were powers to enable the authorities to compel
landlords to repair houses; houses could be closed until made fit,
or demolished; small groups of unfit houses and large areas
HOUSING
397
could be acquired for improvement (mainly demolition) pur-
poses; and there were many cognate powers and provisions.
In 1894, 1900 and 1903 short Acts were passed amending the
1890 Act chiefly in matters of administrative detail.
In 1909 the subject of " town-planning " had come to the
front, and a large and interesting part of the Act passed in that
year was devoted thereto.
Another important new provision was that prohibiting the
erection of back-to-back houses. The following extract from a
summary of the report for 1918 of the medical officer of health
of Birmingham is typical of a mass of evidence on the subject of
such houses:
" In 1913 there were 43,366 back-to-back houses in Birmingham
housing 200,000. In six wards, all in the central area, from 51 to
76% of the houses were of this kind. During the period 1914-8
four of these wards had a general death-rate of more than 19 per
1,000; five an infant mortality greater than 134 per 1,000 births;
three a measles death-rate above 0-56; five a death-rate from pneu-
monia and bronchitis above 3-63; five a phthisis death-rate above
1-63; and five a mortality rate of over 29 per 1,000 births for deaths
at ages under two from diarrhoea and enteritis. As a contrast we
may take King's Norton with less than 8% of back-to-back
houses. The death-rate here from all causes is less than 10-9, the
infant mortality less than 78, the measles mortality less than 0-15,
the bronchitis and pneumonia rate below 1-62, the phthisis rate be-
low O'8g, the diarrhoea and enteritis figure below 9. Some of the
inhabitants may be shiftless and criminal, unfit to thrive in any
environment, but it is impossible to imagine a rising generation of
young people being able to improve in health or self-respect, even
if the best of educational facilities are provided, when everything
they come in contact with is sullied by dirtiness and squalor."
The 1909 Act also amended in some detail the 1890 Act, and
brought it into closer touch with the conditions and the problem
as then existing. But it contained nothing to indicate that there
was a general shortage requiring action beyond the power of
private enterprise. There were local shortages and congestion.
Certain local authorities might want to build, but, excluding the
rural problem, mainly by way of re-housing poor persons to be
removed from unfit dwellings. However, by 1911 a general
shortage was threatening. Private enterprise had supplied 95%
of the houses built, and continued to do so up to 1915, but the
output was slackening.
The following statistics on the subject are interesting:
New Houses Built.
England and Wales
Scotland
Houses under
20 rental
Houses of
rental
20-^41
Houses under
20 rental
Houses
of rental
20-^41
1904-5
1911-2
1912-3
99,905
44,821
45,632
25,026
14,300
13,926
12,933
1429
2,491
2,129
1,546
1,784
The year 1904-5 was one of high-water mark in building,
and on the assumption that in England and Wales 100,000 new
houses are required each year, it will be seen that there was
under-building from 1911, and that there was every indication of
a new problem before 1914. In 1904-5 the annual value of the
99,905 houses under 20 rental was roughly 13 each, and of the
25,026 houses at 20-^41 rental it was roughly 28. The corre-
sponding figures for Scotland were 12. IDS. and 28. It is difficult
to compare these figures with those for the houses being built
in 1921, as the quality, it is contended, had been improved;
but if an economic rent were charged for the latter it would be at
least three times as great as the rent of pre-war houses.
Further evidence that the output by private enterprise was
slackening before the war is to be found in the 48th Annual Re-
port of the Local Government Board for 1918-9:
Number of Houses proposed to be erected by Local Authorities.
Year ended
March 31 1911 464
March 31 1912 1,021
March 31 1913 1,880
March 31 1914 3,291
March 31 1915 4,408
The number of local authorities concerned in these efforts
was 181 in the year ending March 31 1915. This, however, is but
one-tenth of the local authorities, and it should be remembered
that much of the housing proposed was connected with slum
clearances and the serious lack of houses in rural areas. On the
latter point the report of the Local Government Board for
1912-3 shows that loans had been sanctioned to district councils
for housing in 42 villages, in 21 of which there would be a deficit
to be met by the ratepayer. The shortage caused by the war
thus came at an unfortunate moment, and even in 1917 it was
clear that extraordinary measures would have to be taken as
soon as possible after the cessation of hostilities.
It should be mentioned that, following the outbreak of war,
the Housing Act, 1914, and the Housing (No. 2) Act, 1914, were
passed. These, however, were of limited application and had
little general effect.
In July 1917 the Government took the first steps towards
meeting the after-war housing problem, and issued a letter to
the i, 806 local authorities (borough, urban and rural district
councils) in England and Wales asking for a return as to housing
conditions and needs. There were 1,660 replies indicating an
immediate need for some 400,000 working-class dwellings. A
similar letter to the 311 Scottish local authorities resulted in
returns showing a need for 109,000 houses. The Royal Commis-
sion upon Housing in Scotland estimated in 1916 that 121,000
houses were needed to remove overcrowding and to remedy un-
inhabitability of houses at that date. They estimated that if the
standard were raised very moderately no less than 236,000
houses would be at once required. In Aug. 1921 a departmental
committee supported these conclusions, and pointed out that in
Glasgow there were 12,000 houses which had been condemned by
the medical officer of health as unfit for human habitation, but
which, owing to the housing shortage, were still occupied. In
the House of Commons on April 14 1921 it was stated that the
number of houses estimated to be required in Ireland was 53,033.
The Government then announced the financial assistance it
would grant to local authorities providing houses, it being
evident that private enterprise could not meet the demand.
Negotiations followed on the subject of this financial assistance,
but there was nothing accomplished of a very settled character
at the date of the Armistice. On Nov. 14 1918 the Government
issued a further letter, but the replies indicated meagre pos-
sibilities of an early start. In Feb. 1919 the Government made
its final offer, to the effect, broadly, that it would bear the annual
loss in excess of a penny rate, subject to the conditions laid down.
That there would be a deficit was clearly recognized by all.
There was a scarcity of building materials and of labour, and it
was certain that the cost of each would be high. To set off
against this high cost there would be only the rent receivable,
and the tenants could not pay the rent necessary to prevent a
deficit. The local authorities accepted this offer and the Govern-
ment introduced the Housing, Town-Planning, etc., Act, 1919.
The chief provisions of this Act were: to make it the duty of
every local authority to survey the housing needs of their dis-
trict, and to prepare and carry out a housing scheme to meet the
needs and to provide for action on the default of a local authority;
to give financial assistance to local authorities, and to public
utility societies; to facilitate dealing with slum areas; in con-
junction with the Acquisition of Land (Assessment of Compensa-
tion) Act, 1919, to facilitate and cheapen compulsory acquisition
of land; to simplify the procedure of town-planning and to make
it compulsory on towns with over 20,000 inhabitants.
This was a very heavy programme, involving an almost in-
credible amount of hard work. The subject bristled with dif-
ficulties, and the strength of the Ministry of Health (which was
given charge of the scheme) was taxed to the uttermost. The
local authorities' surveys showed an estimated need of new houses
in England and Wales of over 800,000. This was a decided over-
estimate, and revisions reduced the number considerably in a
very large number of cases.
But though the Act was no doubt well conceived, progress in
building was slow, and the Housing (Additional Powers) Act,
1919, was passed. The chief purposes of this Act were: to provide
a subsidy, amounting in the aggregate to 15,000,000, to private
persons building small houses; to check luxury building; to
398
HOUSING
prevent the demolition of dwelling houses; to enable local author-
ities to issue housing bonds; to facilitate the acquisition of land
for the purpose of garden cities or town-planning schemes.
The subsidy was at first 160 for the largest type of house
permitted and 140 for the smallest, but the heavy increase
in the cost of house building soon resulted in the increase of the
subsidy by 100 per house. The subsidy, originally offered for
12 months only, was subsequently extended by the Housing Act,
1921, but withdrawn in July 1921. The results to May i 1921
were announced in the House of Commons on May 12 1921:
Houses under approved tenders 176,000
Houses under signed contracts 160,000
Houses commenced 102,000
Houses practically completed 45.OOO
(The latter two items include " subsidy " houses.)
Average loss to the State on each house built
by local authorities 60 per annum
Tenders for average-sized house :
July 1919 650
Aug. 1920 950
May 1921 855
Early in 1921 the Government reviewed its housing programme,
and on July 14 the following statement was made in Parliament by
the Minister of Health:
"The number of houses built, building and contained in approved
tenders under the housing scheme for local authorities and public
utility societies is now about 176,000. Under the scheme of subsidy
to private builders the number of houses built or to be built i3 esti-
mated at about 23,000. The annual cost to the State under the local
authorities and public utility societies' schemes is about 10,000,000
per annum, and the amount required for the payment of subsidies
to private builders is about 5,000,000.
In view of the immense difficulties confronting the nation during
and after the war the Government think that they have no reason
to be dissatisfied with the scale of their contribution to the housing
problem a contribution, notwithstanding the grave embarrass-
ments of the war, without precedent in our history. The Govern-
ment is, under its housing scheme, performing, at great cost, a
work of supreme national importance which private enterprise
could not carry out. At the present time the houses which are being
built or are to be built under the Government Housing Scheme will
utilize all available labour for at least twelve months, including a
considerable number of ex-service men to be absorbed in the in-
dustry. By the end of twelve months conditions may have changed
very greatly, prices may be stabilized, and the considerations upon
which Government action should be based may be fundamentally
altered. Reconsideration is, moreover, imperative when regard is
paid to the present financial condition of the country.
" The Government have accordingly decided that, for the time being
at any rate, the following limitation must be placed on housing
expenditure. The number of houses to be constructed by local au-
thorities and public utility societies with Government assistance
under the present scheme will be limited to 176,000, that being the
number built, building, or for which tenders have been approved, and
assistance will not be given under the scheme in respect of any
houses in excess of that number. It would appear that on a final
examination of the present approved tenders some adjustments will be
possible to meet cases of hardship without exceeding this total.
"All expenditure in connexion with the housing schemes which has
already been incurred by local authorities with the approval of the
Ministry of Health will rank for financial assistance under the present
scheme, which limits the liability of local authorities to the produce
of a penny rate, and where work undertaken by local authorities
with the approval of the Ministry of Health cannot for reasons out-
side the control of the authorities be completed by July 1922, the
time for completion will be extended as may be necessary.
"As regards the scheme of subsidy to private builders, the powers
taken under the recent Act will be exercised to the extent of making
payment in full for houses completed within the four months after
the expiration of the previous Act, i.e. by April 23 last, and additional
houses will be subsidized only if begun before July I, under a
certificate or the promise by a local authority of a certificate. There
will be cases in which commitments have been entered into, although
construction has not actually been begun, in anticipation of tne
continuance of the subsidy. In order to meet these cases I shall, in
the exercise of my discretion, pay subsidy where commitments have
been entered into, if work is started within six weeks.
" The Government recognize the urgent necessity of making what
improvements are possible under present financial circumstances in
slum areas. To this end they are prepared to provide an annual
contribution not exceeding 200,000 towards the deficiency on local
authorities' accounts for the improvement of slum areas. This
annual contribution will continue for the whole term of such loans
as may have to be raised by local authorities.
" It is the intention of the Government to keep the housing problem
closely under review. They fully recognize the importance of that
problem from the point of view of the health and social conditions
of the people, but it is impossible to incur greater commitments than
our finances will allow."
On the same date the figures for Scotland were given as
follows: houses built, building or contained in approved tenders,
by local authorities and public utility societies, 21,749; private
builders' subsidy houses, 2,220; Government assistance to be
limited to a total of 24,500 houses; annual charge for local
authorities' houses, 1,087,450; total cost of private builders'
subsidy, 550,000. The figures for Ireland were not given.
Town planning, though dealt with in the Acts above men-
tioned, is not exclusively a housing subject. Its object is to put a
check on indiscriminate development. The policy of planning
ahead enables a local authority to check the crowding of houses
together, and to avoid the repetition of the haphazard develop-
ment of the past, with its bequest of road widenings and other
improvements rendered exorbitant in cost through the demolition
of misplaced property. In the preparation of town-planning
schemes attention can also profitably be given to the claims of
industry. The schemes in existence in 1921, in so far as they
prescribed restrictions as to the character of buildings, were
chiefly concerned to preserve the amenities and healthful con-
ditions of residential districts. But town planning should be of
at least as great a value to industry. In America the art of
" zoning " is practised as much with a view to the suitability of
sites and convenience of transport for industrial undertakings as
for the protection of house property.
The following table shows the number of town-planning
schemes in contemplation, in course of preparation, or in actual
operation, on March i 1921 :
Position of scheme
No. of
schemes
No. of L. As.
submitting
schemes
Acreage
covered by
schemes
i. Schemes finally approved
(incl. one amending
scheme) ....
7
5
10,329
2. Schemes submitted and
not yet approved
9
8
23,216
3. Schemes authorized un-
der Act of 1909 to be pre-
pared but not yet sub-
mitted ....
4. Resolutions under Act of
155
101
275,051
1919 deciding to prepare
schemes
(I.) Not requiring ap-
proval .
42
39
151,283
(II.) Approved .
18
15
(approx.)
77,232
5. Resolutions awaiting ap-
(approx.)
proval ....
7
7
46,153
(approx.)
Totals ....
238
154 (net)
583,264
Thus 154 local authorities were engaged in preparing 238
town-planning schemes covering over 583,000 acres.
On the subject of the advantages which might be anticipated
from town-planning schemes and improved transport facilities,
the Registrar-General of Births, Deaths and Marriages had a
significant paragraph in his report for 1918. He gives two tables
of the county boroughs arranged in order of low infant mortality
rate, and says that, as might be expected, the highest places in
both tables are occupied for the most part by residential towns,
" but the position of East Ham (a working-class area in the east
of London), seventh for the mortality of the first twelve months
and thirteenth for that of the first four weeks, out of the whole
82 county boroughs, shows what results may be attained in a
working-class community. The conditions here of course differ
materially from those of the more common case where the areas
of industry and residence coincide; and the habitually low rates
returned by this and neighbouring residential working-class
suburbs of London are of good omen for the success which may
be achieved elsewhere by improvements in town planning and
transport."
Another part of the Housing, Town Planning, etc., Act, 1919,
HOUSING
399
amended and brought into line with modern conditions the
Small Dwellings Acquisition Act, 1899, enabling local authorities
to lend money so that occupiers may become owners.
Other Acts bearing on housing are the Land Settlement
(Facilities) Act, 1919, and the Acquisition of Land (Assessment
of Compensation) Act, 1919. The former deals with the powers
of county councils in connexion with the settlement of soldiers
on the land and the provision of the necessary houses. The latter
simplifies the machinery for the assessment of compensation for
land taken compulsorily for housing. Of other Acts affecting
housing the chief are the Public Health Acts; but one which has a
powerful temporary influence was the Increase of Rent, etc.,
(Restrictions) Act, 1920, which restricted the rent to be charged
by landlords for houses (built before April 2 1919) of the type
of which there was a shortage, to that charged at the outbreak of
war, plus percentage increases of, generally, 40%. People paying
such rent and increases could not be evicted except in special
circumstances. This Act would expire on June 24 1923.
The above summary of the Acts shows their broad effects in
England and Wales. The legislation affecting Scotland and
Ireland is almost identical, with, however, special provision for
crofters in Scotland.
The position in England and Wales up to July 1921 was briefly
as follows: There were roughly between 7,000,000 and 8,000,000
residential houses. The average life of a house is not more than
100 years, and it was urged that from 70,000 to 80,000 new houses
were needed on that head every year. Further, there is the
growth of population, estimated by the Registrar-General of
Births, Deaths and Marriages as calling for 140,000 new houses
during the decade 1910-20. (Population growth had been checked
during the war.) But the houses required had not been pro-
vided during the war, and only a part was provided for some
years previously. The result was a shortage variously estimated
as being from 500,000 to 800,000. Of this number the State was
helping local authorities to provide up to 176,000, at a cost to the
State estimated at 10,000,000 per annum. (In addition the
State was finding 5 ,000,000 in a lump sum as a subsidy to private
builders.) This annual loss would vary in accordance with the
cost of building and the rents which could be secured for the
houses. On June i 1920 the average officially approved rent on
the new houses was 125. 3d. per week, exclusive of rates: 1-5%
were under 6s. and i 5 % over 205. The lower rents were charged
in rural districts. Generally the rents payable cover from one-
third to one-half of the cost of providing the houses.
Public financial assistance to housing schemes is not a new
principle. Up to 1914 52,000 cottages had been built by Irish
local authorities at a cost of 8,500,000, and there was an annual
loss thereon. In Liverpool people displaced from slums had
been re-housed by the local authority at less than an economic
rent, and in several county villages the local authorities had
provided cottages on which there was a loss.
On March i 1921 there were 108,168 men, of whom 54,479
were skilled, employed on the housing schemes of local authorities
and public utility societies; but 10,686 additional skilled men
were required for the work actually in hand, while a considerably
larger number could have been employed on schemes for which
official approval had been given.
The Government had made several attempts to increase the
supply of labour, and steps had been taken to meet other dif-
ficulties arising, particularly that of the heavy cost of building.
Many new building materials had been tested.
CANADA. The progress of housing in Canada has not been rapid,
in spite of the fact that the Federal Government in March 1919
voted a credit loan of 5,000,000 for general housing purposes. The
money was to be distributed in proportion to population, a grant
being made to the Government of each province for the municipali-
ties on condition that they submitted suitable housing schemes. But
the plan met with opposition from some local authorities, who re-
fused to work under the Federal scheme. The impression, too, pre-
vailed among the working population that the restrictions and guar-
antees demanded by the Federal and provincial Governments made
it impossible for workmen to acquire a loan. The grant allocated
to the province of Ontario amounted to about 1,800,000, but it was
expected that the provincial Government would be compelled to
finance housing to the extent of 3,000,000. Sixty-six of the muni-
cipalities had by Sept. 1919 agreed to work under the scheme, 21
of which had already begun building, but the largest municipality,
Toronto, had refused to cooperate, as it preferred to finance its own
housing schemes. The city council of Halifax (Nova Scotia) re-
jected the Federal scheme, objecting that it was impracticable
and would impose too heavy a burden of debt on the city. The work
of rebuilding the area of Halifax, which was destroyed in 1917, went
forward steadily under the auspices of the Halifax Relief Commission.
The municipal authorities of Winnipeg had agreed to accept the
Federal grant, and it was estimated that they would have 200 houses
completed by the spring of 1921. Much dissatisfaction prevailed
in Winnipeg with regard to high rents, and a Tenants' Protective
Association was formed as a means of redress. A building society
was created in connexion with the association.
AUSTRALIA. The large cities of Australia suffer from a very pro-
nounced shortage of houses, and one of the causes is said to be the
growing tendency of the country inhabitants to drift towards the
towns. One writer states that the population of several leading rural
centres in Victoria is distinctly on the down-grade, whilst figures
published in Sydney show that the number of persons engaged in
rural pursuits in New South Wales steadily diminished from 154,000
in 1912 to 142,000 in 1917. The war is said to be only partially
responsible for this alarming wastage of country population. The
housing of returned soldiers and of their dependents in Australia is
carried out by the Repatriation Department, which drew up a
housing scheme based on the War Service Homes Act of Dec. 1918.
The Government made a grant of 20,000,000, and out of this fund
the housing commissioner was empowered to acquire private or
crown lands, upon which dwellings to the value of 700 each were to
be erected. The applicants eligible under the Act are enabled to
acquire houses on easy terms, one condition being that they do not
own a house elsewher.e, either in the Commonwealth or outside
it. The Federal Housing Commissioner has invested in land on
behalf of the Repatriation Department, but the building of houses
has been retarded by the great scarcity of building materials.
The question of housing the civilian population of Australia is
left to the Governments of the different states. New South Wales
has been the most active, probably because the shortage there is
more acute than in the other states. A housing department was
created and a minister appointed. The sum of 500,000 was allocated
from state funds for building purposes, and the minister promoted
schemes for the extension of suburbs outside Sydney and New-
castle, where housing conditions were especially bad. There is no
indication of a like activity on the part of the other state Govern-
ments in dealing with housing, except in Queensland. In spite of
the house famine prevailing in Melbourne the question of housing
had not advanced much by 1921 in the state of Victoria.
NEW ZEALAND. Housing conditions in the larger towns of New
Zealand, particularly in Wellington and Christchurch, are in an
unsatisfactory state. It is said that Wellington had been suffering
for years from failure of private building enterprise, and had reached
the stage in 1921 when State or municipal intervention was impera-
tive on account of the shortage and overcrowding which prevail.
The position was not much better at Christchurch, where about
1,000 new houses were needed.
The efforts of the New Zealand Government in the direction of
practical housing were confined to authorizing the Labour Depart-
ment to build 200 dwellings in Wellington. Certain clauses of the
Public Health Amendment Act of Dec. 1918 were aimed at the
prevention of overcrowding and the demolition of unhealthy build-
ings, but they could hardly produce much effect as long as the short-
age of accommodation continued.
The Parliamentary Committee on Industry presented its report
in Aug. 1919, and the following were some of its recommendations:
That a national Housing Department be set up, which should for-
mulate a comprehensive scheme of house construction ; that 2,000,000
be allocated towards the scheme; that the houses be available, by
preference, for men with incomes below 300 a year, with an addi-
tional allowance of 25 per child in cases where there are more than
three children; and that local authorities be empowered to engage
in housing schemes.
SOUTH AFRICA. The cost of living, together with the high rents
and the prevailing shortage of houses, has caused much discontent
in South Africa. The Government was urged to take steps to deal
with the control of rents, to finance building undertakings, and to
take steps to clear slum areas, as it was felt that the question had
assumed national proportions requiring the intervention of the
State. Not much had been accomplished by the Government up
to 1921 towards solving the question. Some legislation had been
passed, notably the South African Health Act, by which the duty of
supervising housing conditions in urban areas and of enforcing the
observance of proper building standards by local authorities is
vested in the Department of Public Health. Another measure was
passed in June 1919 to enable the town council of Durban to borrow
money for housing purposes and to build and erect its own houses.
A housing commissioner was appointed in Sept. 1919 to investigate
conditions in several municipal areas and to report whether it
would be advisable to give financial or other assistance to local au-
thorities for providing nouses for people of limited means. Matters
4oo
HOUSING
were specially unsatisfactory in Johannesburg, where it was neces-
sary to provide temporary accommodation in tents for persons who
had no houses. A few of the large municipalities of South Africa
have adopted the plan of building houses for their employees. The
authorities of Cape Town built a garden village in the suburbs for
this purpose, and Port Elizabeth had a similar scheme in view.
INDIA. The outstanding feature with regard to housing in India
is the question of high rents, which had entailed considerable hard-
ships on the inhabitants of the large towns. In some of the prov-
inces temporary legislation against rent profiteering has been carried
out. Although the question of rents most engages public attention,
there is also a serious shortage of housing. The shortage of accom-
modation in Bombay, for instance, was estimated in 1920 at ^9,000
permanent dwellings. The population of this city was over a million ;
and the large majority of the population lived in one-room tene-
ments. The squalor of the slums of Poona, Surat, and Ahmadabad
has been the subject of comment. Town-planning on a large scale
has been carried out at Delhi, where a suburban area of 800 ac. has
been acquired by the Government. This district has been laid out
on simple lines, with wide streets, and building sites have been leased
for long periods.
FRANCE. The principal sufferers from the housing shortage in
France are the inhabitants of the larger towns. In Paris the position
is especially unsatisfactory; overcrowding prevails extensively, and
conditions from the point of view of health are said to be deplorable.
Housing conditions m the seaports may be exemplified by the case
of Marseilles, where ruinous houses, condemned as unfit for human
habitation, whose demolition had already been begun before the war,
were again in 1920 in occupation. Commercial firms found great
difficulty in obtaining labour in the locality owing to the shortage of
accommodation for workmen.
There was not much evidence in 1921 of the building of dwellings
either by public authorities or by building organizations. In Sept.
1919 the " Cheap Dwellings Bureau " of the Department of the Seine
was engaged on plans for the erection of several garden suburbs out-
side the city of Paris, but the high cost of labour, the difficulties of
transport and other obstacles to building retarded the progress of
these developments very appreciably.
The Government passed some legisjation, with a view to suppress-
ing rent speculation, by which a certain rent limit is fixed, due allow-
ance being made for increase from natural causes (building costs
and so on). A decree was also issued to the effect that in towns of
more than 10,000 inhabitants the owners of boarding or lodging
houses must exhibit on their premises notices stating the number of
rooms they have to let, and the rents which they ask for them.
Notifications containing the same information must also be for-
warded to the municipal housing office, should such an office exist in
the locality. This legislation is due to the extraordinary demand for
hotel and boarding-house accommodation, which had been increasing
in proportion to the decrease in dwelling-house accommodation ; in
Paris the number of persons living in such buildings in 1910 was 129,-
622, but by 1918 it had increased to 287,156.
ITALY. The attempts to meet the housing shortage in Italy have
taken the form, in the northern towns, of the institution of coopera-
tive societies and building clubs. In the central and southern dis-
tricts the movement met with less success, as private individuals and
cooperative societies were unwilling to invest their money in the
building trade, and wished to be guaranteed by the State against
any risk of loss. The building operations which had been inaugurated
throughout Italy up to 1921 were expected to cost about 10,000,-
ooo; the Minister of Industry made an annual State grant of 400,-
ooo, and was prepared to increase it if the inhabitants and the co-
operative societies showed the requisite activity. The Italian
Government passed some legislation dealing with taxes on building.
The houses built before April 1924 would be exempt from building
and supertaxes for six years, and for four years after the builders
would be required to pay half only of such taxes. If the building
of these houses was begun before Jan. 5 1920 and finished before the
end of 1921 they were to be exempt from all taxes and supertaxes
for the whole of the succeeding ip years.
In order to facilitate the building of workmen's dwellings in
Rome the Government issued a decree dealing with State loans, by
the provision of which the Treasury might advance sums up to the
amount of 1,600,000 to the Ministry of Industry, Commerce, and
Labour, which would make loans to building societies through the
medium of the Bank of Loans and Deposits, the loans being guar-
anteed by the State. Supplementary advances up to the amount of
400,000 would be made for roads and public services constructed by
the municipality in connexion with the building schemes. The
allocating of the grant was to be decided by a committee, presided
over by the Minister for Industry, and composed of repre-
sentatives of building institutions, the Bank of Loans and Deposits,
and the municipality of Rome. The committee would exercise
supervisory powers over the projected building schemes.
GERMANY. -The difficulties of the situation were increased after
the cessation of the war, and the shortage of houses was in 1921
greater than ever. The shortage had increased by reason of the
demobilization of the army and the large influx of persons returning
from abroad and from Poland. The office of Housing Commissioner
for Prussia lapsed in Sept. 1919, when the administrative work of
housing was vested in the Home Colonization Department of the
Ministry for Social Welfare. An order issued by the Department in
1921 countermanded an earlier order respecting the entry of new
residents into towns already full. The original order granted per-
mission to some municipalities to veto this right of entry, but as the
shortage increased numerous rural and other urban authorities
clamoured for similar powers. In view of the economic disturbance
that might ensue if the practice became widespread the Ministry
withdrew the concession altogether. The rationing of house-room
and the billeting of civilians in private houses was enforced in a
number of towns, whilst supervision was exercised by the Housing
Registration Offices over the letting or selling of houses.
The position of affairs in the large towns may be illustrated
by the situation in Munich, where towards the end of 1919 the
director of the Housing Office stated that matters were going from
bad to worse, and that applications for houses to the number of
7,917 had been made at the local House Registration Office, the
total number of empty houses available being twenty-three.
A considerable number of Home Colonization Associations were
formed all over the country for the purpose of diverting the urban
population to rural settlement areas, and in one mining district in
central Germany a Home Building Association was formed, whose
members intended to build houses for each other when their eight-
hour day's work was ended.
NORWAY. The shortage of small dwellings in Norway was
estimated at a total of 18,000 at the beginning of 1919. The housing
problem was said to be largely a financial one, as there was a great
need of a well-organized credit system in Norway. There were
a few credit institutions, the most important being the " Workmen's
Holdings and Dwellings Bank," whose powers were extended by the
passing of a law in July 1919 which increased the powers to grant
loans and allowed the local authorities to assume responsibility for
larger sums than hitherto. In addition, an agreement was concluded
between the Small Holdings and Dwellings Bank and the Nor-
wegian Shipping Owners' League, whereby the latter placed a loan
of 562,500 at the bank's disposal in order that it might once again
be in the position to issue loans. A Housing Council, which was
appointed in 1916, reported to the Government in 1919. One of the
first practical results was the granting in Nov. 1919 of a loan to the
Council of 562,500 out of Government funds, to be used for
the building of dwellings of not more than five rooms.
SWEDEN. The decrease in building activity in Sweden resulted in
acute distress as regards certain localities and certain classes of the
community. The shortage of dwellings evoked clamorous demands,
especially on the part of the extreme socialists, for the rationing of
housing accommodation and other measures of State intervention.
The Swedish Social Board, however, maintained that such measures
would encroach on the privacy of domestic life, and would probably
not result in any real improvement. The Board deliberated on the
report presented by a special committee of experts appointed by the
Government to investigate the conditions of housing in Sweden, and
the main conclusion which it derived from the report was that the
State should, in the first place, provide dwellings for Government
employees. It proposed that a State grant of 5,600,000 per annum
should be made during the next few years, and that 4,000,000 should
be devoted to this purpose. The chief means recommended for
obtaining the funds was a new Government lottery bond loan. A
loan of this kind to the amount of 5,600,000 was floated in 2 bonds
towards the end of 1919, and was a great success.
HOLLAND. A law was passed by the Government in 1918 dealing
with measures to be adopted by the State and local authorities to
relieve the distress caused by the shortage of houses. The law em-
powered the Government to order the local authorities to prepare
statistics as to housing, and to promote building schemes with a view
to providing temporary huts as well as more permanent dwellings.
The State was to advance, in the form of loans, 90 % of the cost of
building, the amount thus allocated, in 1918, being over 1,000,000.
The total shortage of houses in Holland was estimated in 1920 at
60,000. The need was very great in Amsterdam, where about 15,000
houses were required ; in order to cope with the situation adequately
it would be necessary for the municipal authorities to build 6,000
houses per annum for five years. For the whole country 49,000 re-
quired to be erected each year during the same period. A scheme
was prepared by which 10,000 houses were to be built by the Amster-
dam municipal authority and 18,000 by the building societies.
SWITZERLAND. The housing shortage is acute in Switzerland,
especially in Geneva and Berne. In the case of Berne a special
decree was issued by the Federal Government, authorizing the local
authorities to allow the tenants to remain in the houses which they
occupied if they had no hope of obtaining other accommodation.
Matters were better at Zurich, owing to the farseeing policy adopted
by the local authorities during 1910-20. The Swiss Government
made a credit vote of 400,000 to be allotted to the local authorities
in whose districts the shortage was most urgent. Grants might be
made to private individuals and to societies which were prepared to
undertake building operations, provided that the Cantons showed
willingness to take their share by advancing similar amounts.
AUTHORITIES. Sir Kingsley Wood, M.P., The Law and Practice
with regard to Housing in England and Wales; Raymond Unwin,
Town Planning in Practice, 6th ed. ; C. B. Purdom, The Garden
HOUSING
401
City; W. G. Savage, Rural Housing; J. Nolen and others, Houses for
Workers; Housing by Employers in the United States, Bulletin of the
United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, No. 263; Report of the
United States Housing Corporation, issued by the U.S. Department
of Labor; State Housing Manual, and Annual Report of the Com-
mission of Immigration and Housing (California) ; R. Reiss, The
House I Want; J. Robertson, M.D., Housing and the Public Health;
Houses of the Working Classes in London 1855-1912 (a Report of the
London County Council) ; Housing (a monthly journal issued by the
Ministry of Health); The First Annual Report of the Ministry of
Health 1919-20; Part II. Housing and Town Planning (Cmd. 917),
and various other official publications particulars of which may be
obtained from H.M. Stationery Office or the Ministry of Health.
Note. A useful short catalogue of books on housing, etc., is issued
by the Garden Cities and Town Planning Association, 3, Gray's
Inn Place, W.C. I. (K. W.; T. A. R.)
UNITED STATES. The housing conditions prevalent in the
United States do not differ materially from those of European
countries, although, being new, the country suffers somewhat less
from survivals of antiquated forms of architecture and obsolete
forms of sanitation. On the other hand, the general use of wood
in house and apartment construction renders the fire risk greater
than that of European cities. It can be safely stated that every
one of the European housing problems is reproduced in the
United States to some extent. Reports of investigating commis-
sions for American cities show congestion, poor planning, poor
lighting, inadequate ventilation, overcrowding of rooms, and
wretched conditions of sanitation and of general maintenance.
These undesirable conditions of sanitation and maintenance are
reproduced also in the poorer agricultural regions.
Since 1910 there has been a notable increase of interest in the
housing problem in the United States. The establishment of
the National Housing Association in that year, and the efficient
publicity conducted by its secretary, Mr. Lawrence Veiller,
led to the establishment of temporary or permanent housing
associations or commissions in virtually every important city.
Fairly extensive housing investigations have been conducted in
more than 60 cities. Among the more recent investigations of
this character the surveys of urban and rural housing conditions
of California by the State Commission of Immigration and Hous-
ing are notable. The report of the Housing Commission of Mich-
igan published in 1916 may be mentioned as another admirable
example of a survey by state authorities. Many local investiga-
tions by private agencies have also been made during this period.
Among the best of the reports of these studies are : The Housing
Problem in Chicago, edited by Sophonisba Breckinridge and Edith
Abbott of the School of Civics and Philanthropy (1910-2); The
Houses of Providence, R.I., by John Ihlder (1916); Housing Condi-
lions in the City of St. Paul, prepared by Dr. Carol Aronoyici for
the Amherst H. Wilder Charity (1917); Housing Problems in Min-
neapolis, by the Civic and Commerce Association (1914) ; The
Housing Report, made to the City Plan Commission of Newark,
N.J., by James Ford (1913) ; the annual reports of the Philadelphia
Housing Commission ; and A Study of the Housing and Social Con-
ditions in Philadelphia, prepared by Dr. Frank A. Craig for the
Henry Phipps Institute (1915).
Legislation. The modern period in American housing legislation
dates from the enactment of the Tenement Housing Act for New
York City in 1901. Mr. Lawrence Veiller, who is largely responsible
for the framing and passage of that law, published in 1914 A Model
Housing Law (revised edition 1920), which has served as a model
for legislation in many American cities during the past ten years.
The housing legislation of Columbus, O. ; Duluth, Minn. ; and Grand
Rapids, Mich., for example, is very closely modelled upon this book.
Housing laws have been passed during 1910-20 in California, Con-
necticut, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Michigan,
Minnesota and Pennsylvania. In most instances such legislation
applies only to cities of a specified minimum size. In a few cases,
however, the law is universal in its application. The legislation of
Massachusetts is permissive in its character, but when adopted by
any town or city it has the force of state law, and cannot be re-
pealed or changed without the consent of the state Legislature. The
enforcement of state legislation in New Jersey is centralized in a
state board of tenement-house supervision, under a law passed in
190^. The annual reports of that board show efficiency in adminis-
tration and considerable accomplishment in the control of housing
conditions, in spite of the small appropriations made to the board. In
other states the power of enforcement is either largely or wholly
decentralized, with the minor exception of the laws of Pennsylvania,
which centralize certain powers over sanitation and maintenance of
old buildings. The most striking example of vigorous and effective
enforcement of tenement-house legislation has been offered by the
Tenement-house Department of New York City. The Tenement-
house Act of 1901 lodged with that department exceptional powers
and established heavy penalties for violations of the law. The
appropriations to the department have been relatively large and its
administration has been unusually competent.
Agencies of Improved Construction. Most of the houses for the
use of wage-earners in America are designed and erected by building
contractors. Such houses are built to rent or sell for profit. The
interests of the investors are considered before those of the occupants.
Restrictive legislation is always necessary to govern the conditions
of structure, sanitation and maintenance in such properties. In
general, shrewd investors have found increasingly that tenement-
house property does not pay as well as other forms of investment ;
hence such properties tend to be sold to recent immigrants who are
eager to possess real estate but fail to appreciate the weight of the
carrying charges of rapidly deteriorating residential property. In
some cities, notably Philadelphia, row houses are still constructed in
large numbers by operative builders to be sold in units to occupants.
Nevertheless, home ownership, which would be facilitated by de-
vices of this sort, is becoming less general in America from decade to
decade. The population is increasingly living in rented houses or
apartments, and housing conditions are determined by the owners
and builders of these properties except in so far as legislation may
protect the tenants. Attempts to improve upon prevailing house
types have been made by other agencies of house construction, by
philanthropic or limited-dividend housing companies, by employers
of labour or industrial firms, by cooperative housing associations, or
by departments of the state and national Governments.
Limited-dividend Companies. Construction of model tenements
has continued in New York City under the direction of the City
and Suburban Homes Co., a corporation which in 1920 had a capital
of $6,000,000 divided into shares of $10 each. Dividends amounting
to 41 % were paid on the invested capital. More than 13,000 persons
were housed by this corporation. The construction of tenement
houses has been improved in many ways by this company. Open
stairways, roof gardens, central-heating systems and large courts
are a few of its contributions to tenement-house construction. Its
buildings invariably improved upon prevailing local standards in
lighting, ventilation, fireproofing and general maintenance. The
tendency of improved housing is, however, increasingly in the
direction of residential decentralization, so that the construction of
attractive homes for individual families has largely superseded the
building of model tenements. Such homes are detached, semi-de-
tached, grouped in units of from three to six families per building, or
in rows. American village and suburban housing has borrowed its
standards largely from the English garden-city and garden-suburb
movement, though some concessions to local architectural practices
are almost invariably made. Recent examples of suburban housing
by limited-dividend companies are offered in the dwellings con-
structed by Schmidlapp in Cincinnati, the Improved Housing Associ-
ation in New Haven, Conn., the Philadelphia Model Housing Co.,
the Billerica Garden Suburb, Lowell, Mass., and in the work of
the Boston Dwelling House Co. near Forest Hills, Mass.
Many American chambers of commerce have established limited-
dividend companies which have erected buildings of a suburban
type. Among the better examples of such work during the past ten
years are the buildings constructed by the Albany Home Building
Co. at Albany, N.Y., the Bridgeport Housing Co. at Bridgeport,
Conn., the Civic Building Co. at Flint, Mich., and the Williamsport
Improvement Co. at Williamsport, Pa.
Industrial Housing. Employers of labour and industrial cor-
porations have constructed garden villages in virtually every state
in the course of the past ten years. Probably the greatest actual
contribution to improved construction of cottage dwellings up to the
year 1918 was made by agencies of this class. Very pleasing indus-
trial villages have, for example, been erected and operated by the
Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. at Goodyear Heights, Akron, O. ; by
the Norton Co. at Indian Hill, Worcester, Mass.; by the Mount
Union Refractories Co. at Kistler, Pa. ; by the Viscose Co. at Marcus
Hook, Pa.; and by the Lehigh Valley Coal & Navigation Co. at
Hauto, Pa. Practically all improved housing undertaken since the
termination of the World War was fostered by industrial corporations
or by chambers of commerce. These agencies alone can afford to
invest considerable sums of money without expectation of an im-
mediate return at the market rate of interest. In the long run in-
dustrial agencies presumably profit from their housing ventures
through the better health and increased contentment of their
employees, which increases their output, and reduces friction.
Cooperative Housing. British experience in the formation of
cooperative tenant societies has been closely watched by many
Americans who are interested in the improvement of housing con-
ditions. For several years a committee on new industrial towns, with
headquarters in New York City, has issued pamphlets urging the
establishment of cooperative garden suburbs and of garden cities.
As yet, their recommendations have not been adopted in any
instance. The state of Wisconsin has passed an Act which is designed
to promote cooperative housing in that state, but so far no associa-
tion has been formed. Nevertheless, during the past decade many
cooperative apartment houses have been constructed for the well-
to-do and the movement has extended as a protest against rent
402
HOUSSAYE HOWELLS
profiteering. Among immigrant populations the Finns have co-
operatively purchased a number of boarding-houses in several cities
and are engaged in operating them. In New York City they have
purchased tenement houses as well. In Greater New York the
Queensboro Corp. has recently built several apartment houses for
sale to cooperative organizations of their tenants. But this move-
ment is still in its infancy and will probably lag far behind that
of Great Britain, because of America's relative lack of experience in
economic cooperation in all its forms.
Governmental Housing The most pronounced difference be-
tween the housing policies of Europe and those of American states
and cities lies in the fact that American cities and states do not under
any circumstances build houses for wage-earners. No American
city has yet engaged in house construction, and it probably would
be unconstitutional in most American states for cities to undertake
such construction if they so desired. One American state, Massa-
chusetts, has built houses with state money. An appropriation of
only $50,000 was made for this purpose and a small tract of land
was purchased in the city of Lowell, where 12 houses were con-
structed as a demonstration of methods of improved economical
house construction. The houses so constructed have been sold on
easy terms to their occupants, but the state Legislature has not been
convinced of the utility of promoting further experiments.
The Massachusetts Homestead Commission, which was charged
with the construction of these houses, has been eliminated, its
functions being taken by the state department of public welfare.
The need of providing for the rapid manufacture of munitions
and for the construction of ships forced the Federal Government,
shortly after America's entrance into the World War, to arrange
for the housing of the workmen engaged in war industries. In some
instances the population could be housed in existing dwellings, but
in more than a hundred communities it was found that manufactur-
ing of materials needed for war purposes would be retarded unless
houses were immediately constructed. There were three branches
of the Federal Government which were engaged in house construction
in the year 1918. The War Department built villages of temporary
construction at the remote places where it had powder plants, bag-
loading plants, etc. The Emergency Fleet Corp. built permanent
villages for workmen engaged in construction for the U.S. Shipping
Board. The land was provided by the ship-building companies, but
the houses were planned, built and financed by the Federal Govern-
ment through the housing and transportation division of the Emer-
gency Fleet Corp. in 27 different towns and housed more than 9,000
families. The U.S. Housing Corp. which received appropriations
from Congress amounting to $100,000,000, planned 128 communities
for more than 25,000 families, in addition to housing accommodation
for approximately 25,000 single labourers, and actually completed
after the Armistice houses for more than 6,000 families and 8,000
single workers. Both the Housing Corp. and the .Emergency Fleet
the value of village and suburban planning, and their experiments
in the designing and construction of houses have had and will con-
tinue to have a pronounced influence upon subsequent housing un-
dertakings of America. These houses in almost all instances are
now being sold on relatively easy terms of amortization to their
occupants. They are being occupied by skilled labourers and persons
of relatively small means who are engaged in commercial pursuits.
They have in no sense solved the problem of housing for the un-
skilled labourer, but are of great value as an indication of modes of
planning and construction for families having an income of from
$2,000 to $3,000.
Housing Finance. The relative costliness of housing by the
Federal Government combined with the pronounced distaste which
the American people have for centralization of power has resulted
in a strong reaction against the continuance of house construction by
Government. There is, however, in the United States a sentiment
for elimination of taxation of mortgages, a movement for tax
exemption for new buildings and a movement for governmental
aid in the financing of local housing undertakings. The chief Ameri-
can device for financing of individual house construction or construc-
tion of houses in small groups is the building and loan society.
There were in the United States on June 30 1920 approximately 7,788
building and loan associations, with a membership of over 4,280,000
persons and total assets amounting to over $2,100,000,000. The
funds are used almost exclusively for the construction or acquisition
of house property. The state of North Dakota finances home build-
ing by the issue and sale of state bonds repayable with interest not
to exceed 6%. One bill before Congress in 1921 would provide for
the issue of Federal bonds which would nearly double the assets
available to these associations for housing purposes. Other sug-
gested measures present recommendations for credit legislation
similar to that of Canada, providing for central funds, low interest
charges, easy terms of amortization, experimentation, and advice
in the matter of housing.
_ Several American states have established housing commissions
since the war to handle questions of rent profiteering or other special
problems. The housing committee of the N.Y. State Legislature
has conducted an extensive investigation into profiteering and col-
lusion in building construction which is to be followed by indict-
ments for such malpractices as can be reached by law. Rent-
profiteering commissions in many cities and states have succeeded
in diminishing flagrant evictions and profiteering in rentals and have
in thousands of instances succeeded in effecting conciliation or
compromise between landlord and tenant. The necessity of increas-
ing rentals in order to make a reasonable return upon invested cap-
ital and to encourage new construction has, however, not been ap-
preciated by all such commissions.
At the beginning of the year 1921 the situation in the United
States was as follows: Building prices during and following the
war had increased more than 100%; rentals during the same period
increased by about 25 %. The shrewd investor, seeing that he could
make no profit in building houses to rent, invested his money in
other enterprises. Very few houses had been built for sale because
of anticipation of a fall in building costs. Late in the year 1920
building prices began to decline. As the decline had not yet stopped
at the beginning of 1921 building had not yet recommenced. The
actual shortage of housing in America is not measurable. There
has always been a shortage of housing of good quality, but it is cal-
culated by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce that if house-building
had continued at the rate of construction which was normal in the
pre-war years there would have been 1,200,000 more houses or apart-
ments In the United States in 1921 than there were. Many years of
conditions favouring building construction were needed to make up for
a housing shortage of this magnitude.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Carol Aronovici, Housing and the Housing
Problem (1920), California State Commission of Immigration and
Housing. Reports and other publications: Morris Knowles, In-
dustrial Housing (1920) ; U.S. Dept. of Labor, Bureau of Industrial
Housing and Transportation. Report of the U.S. Housing Corp.
War Emergency Construction (Housing War Workers) (1919-20).
Lawrence Veiller, Housing Reform, a Handbook for Practical Use in
American Cities (1910) and A Model Housing Law (1920). Edith
Elmer Wood, The Housing of the Unskilled Wage-Earner (1919),
National Housing Association, New York City. Housing Problems
in America (reports of conferences) (1911-20) and other publications;
N.J. State Board of Tenement-House Inspection, annual reports
(1904-20); N.Y. Tenement-House Department, reports (1903-17);
John Nolen, City Planning. (J. F.)
HOUSSAYE, HENRY (1848-1911), French historian (see
13.828) died in Paris Sept. 23 1911. The fifty-fifth edition of his
Waterloo appeared in 1906, and after his death were published
Jena et la Campagne de 1806 (1912), and La Patrie Gucrriere
(1913)-
See L. Sonolet, Henry Houssaye (1905).
HOUSTON, DAVID FRANKLIN (1866- ), American public
official, was born at Monroe, N.C., Feb. 17 1866. He graduated
from South Carolina College in 1887 and the following year was
tutor there in ancient languages. From 1888 to 1891 he was
superintendent of schools at Spartanburg, S.C., and from 1891
to 1894 was a student in the Harvard Graduate School (A.M.
1892). From 1894 to 1902 he was at the university of Texas as
adjunct professor of political science, professor (after 1900),
and dean of the faculty (after 1899). He was president of the
Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas from 1902 to
1905 and then returned to the university of Texas as president.
Three years later he was elected chancellor of Washington Uni-
versity, St. Louis, but resigned in 1916. In 1913 he was appointed
Secretary of Agriculture by President Wilson and in 1920 was
transferred to the secretaryship of the Treasury. He was a
member, generally ex officio, of the Federal Council of National
Defense, the National Forest Reservation Committee, the Federal
Reserve Banks organization committee, and chairman of the
Federal Board for Vocational Education. He favoured woman
suffrage but was opposed to raising a loan for a soldiers' bonus.
He was the author of A Critical Study of Nullification in South
Carolina (1896).
HOWELLS, WILLIAM DEAN (1837-1920), American novelist
(see 13.839), died in New York May n 1920. In 1915 he received
the gold medal of the National Institute of Arts and Letters for
his work in fiction. To within a short time before his death he
continued to contribute to the " Editor's Easy Chair " of
Harper's Monthly. His later works included My Mark Twain
(1910); Imaginary Interviews (1910); Parting Friends: A Farce
(1911); Familiar Spanish Travels (1913); New Leaf Mills: a
Chronicle (1913); The Seen and Unseen at Stratford-on-Avon: a
Fantasy (1914); The Daughter of the Storage and Other Things
in Prose and Verse (1916); The Leatherwood God (1916) and
Years of My Youth (1916). In 1920 he edited with an introduc-
HUERTA HUGHES, SIR S.
403
:ion The Great Modern American Stories. He left unfinished
Years of My Middle Life.
HUERTA, VICTORIANO (1854-1916), Mexican general and
dictator, was born in Colotlan, Jalisco, Dec. 23 1854- He began
iis military career as a boy, graduating from Chapultepec
Military College in 1876, and immediately serving in the success-
ful revolt of Porfirio Diaz against President Lerdo. He was then
eight years on the Military Map Commission, from 1890 to 1900
was a member of the General Staff, and later fought Indian
campaigns in Sonora and Yucatan. Diaz made him a brigadier-
general. When the latter fell, Huerta escorted him to Vera Cruz,
then joined Madero, and conducted campaigns against Zapata
in 1911 and Pascual Orozco in 1912. From Feb. 9 to 18 1913 he
commanded the Madero forces when the Diaz revolutionary
forces were besieged in the arsenal at Mexico City and when
several thousand non-combatants were shot by the ill-directed
gunfire of Huerta's men. On Feb. 18 he betrayed Madero, forcing
him and the vice-president Pino Suarez (who were later murdered)
to resign and obliging Congress to ratify his usurpation of power.
He was recognized as president by the foreign embassies, but
President Wilson refused him recognition and insisted upon his
elimination. In Oct. 1913 he was characterized as a murderer by
a member of the Mexican Congress, who immediately disappeared.
The deputies remonstrated, whereupon Huerta arrested no
of them and seized the legislative and judicial powers. In April
1914 came the Tampico incident, when two American sailors
were arrested and removed from a U.S. boat for a trifling cause.
Huerta's refusal to make adequate apology brought about the
occupation of Vera Cruz by U.S. troops. His resignation was
forced on July 15 1914. He went first to Spain, then came to New
York in April 1915. In July he was arrested in Texas, charged
with instigating invasion of Mexico. He was taken ill after his
arrest, and was released from custody just before his death at
El Paso on Jan. 13 1916. He was a man of great will power, re-
markable physique and native astuteness, but possessed no
training in statecraft or exceptional ability as a soldier.
MUGGINS, MARGARET LINDSAY, LADY (1848-1915), Eng-
lish astronomer, was born in Dublin Aug. 14 1848, the daugh-
ter of John Murray, a Dublin solicitor, and married Sir William
Huggins in 1875. From childhood she had been interested in
astronomy and entered with enthusiasm into her husband's work
(see 13.857). She published lives of G. P. Maggini and of Agues
and Ellen Clcrkc, as well as various scientific papers, both alone
and in collaboration with her husband, whom she survived for
nearly five years, dying in London March 24 1915.
HUGHES, ARTHUR (1832-1915), English painter, was born
in London Jan. 27 1832. In 1846 he entered the art school at
Somerset House, his first master being Alfred Stevens, and later
entered the Royal Academy schools. Here he met Millais and
Holman Hunt, and became one of the pre-Raphaelite group of
painters. His first picture, " Musidora," was hung at the Royal
Academy when he was only 17, and henceforth he contributed
almost annually not only to the Royal Academy but later also to
the Grosvenor and New Gallery exhibitions. He also became
widely known as an illustrator of books, his work in Good Words
for the Young (1869) attracting much attention. With Morris,
Rossetti and Burne- Jones he was responsible for the decorations
of the hall of the Union Society at Oxford, which have now
perished. He died at Kew Green Dec. 22 1915.
HUGHES, CHARLES EVANS (1862- ), American states-
man, was born at Glen Falls, N.Y., April n 1862. He graduated
from Brown University in 1881. He then studied law at Columbia
(LL.B. 1884). He was admitted to the bar in 1884 and for seven
years practised in New York City. From 1891 to 1893 he was
professor of law at Cornell and then resumed practice in New
York City, serving at the same time for several years as lecturer
in the New York Law school. In 1905 he was counsel for a
commission appointed by the New York Legislature to in-
vestigate the cost of gas, and in the same and the following year
was counsel for a legislative committee for investigating life-
insurance companies. This investigation revealed many ir-
regularities in the management of the companies and led to the
passage by the Legislature of New York and of other states of
remedial legislation. The same year he was nominated by the
Republicans for mayor of New York City -but declined to run.
In 1906 he was elected governor of New York State, defeating
William Randolph Hearst, and was reelected in 1908. He
resigned in Oct. 1910 after being appointed associate justice of
the U.S. Supreme Court by President Taft. In 1916 he resigned
from the Supreme Court on being nominated for the presidency
by the Republicans, but was narrowly defeated by President
Woodrow Wilson, who had been renominated by the Democrats.
Hughes's election was considered assured when the campaign
began; but though he " stumped " the country widely he
disappointed the people because he took no definite position on
any of the specific questions involving the stand of America in the
World War and especially as regards the sinking of the " Lusi-
tania." The result of the election was doubtful until a full count
had been made, and eventually hinged upon Minnesota and Cali-
fornia, normally Republican states. Hughes carried Minnesota
by a few hundred votes but lost California by a few thousand.
The electoral vote was 276 for Wilson against 255 for Hughes.
The popular vote was 9,116,000 for Wilson against 8,547,000 for
Hughes. The following year he again entered upon the practice
of law in New York City. In 1917 he was appointed chairman
of the Draft Appeals Board of New York City by Governor
Whitman, and the following year was special assistant to the
U.S. Attorney-General, in charge of the investigation of alleged
waste and delay in the construction of aircraft. He was president
of the New York State Bar Association in 1917-8 and of the
Legal Aid Society 1917-9. He was opposed to Article X. of the
League of Nations Covenant and urged special recognition of the
Monroe Doctrine. He was the leader of the New York Bar Assn.
in its opposition to the expulsion of the Socialists from the N.Y.
State Legislature in 1920. In 1921 he entered the Cabinet of
President Harding as Secretary of State. He was one of the four
U.S. delegates to the Conference on Limitation of Armament,
held in Washington, D.C., Nov. 1921, and was elected permanent
chairman (see WASHINGTON CONFERENCE).
HUGHES, RUPERT (1872- ), American writer, was born
at Lancaster, Mo., Jan. 31 1872. He was educated at Western
Reserve University (A.B. 1892; A.M. 1894) and Yale (A.M.
1899). He was assistant editor of Godey's Magazine, Current
Literature and The Criterion. He served on the Mexican border
in 1916 with the rank of captain; in 1918 was promoted major,
and after honourable discharge in 1919 was appointed major in
the reserve corps. His works include The Lakerim Club (1898);
The Dozen From Lakerim (1899); Contemporary American Com-
posers (1900); The Musical Guide (1903); Excuse Me! (1911);
The Amiable Crimes of Dirk Memling (1913); The Thirteenth
Commandment (1916); Long Ever Ago (1919) and What's the
World Coming To? (1920). Among his plays are The Wooden
Wedding (1902); Tommy Rot (1902); The Richest Girl in the
World (1906) and Uncle Zab (1913).
HUGHES, SIR SAMUEL (1853-1921), Canadian soldier and
politician, was born at Darlington, Ont., Jan. 8 1853. His
father was an Irishman and his mother of Scotch-Irish and
Huguenot descent. From the age of 13 he belonged to the
Canadian volunteer militia, with which he saw service in 1870
at the time of the Fenian raids. In 1873 he was gazetted to the
45th regiment. Educated at Toronto University, he became
a lecturer in English at the Toronto Collegiate Institute and
held that post until 1885, when he gave up teaching for journal-
ism, being editor and proprietor of the Lindsay Warder from
1885 to 1897. In 1892 he was elected to the Dominion Parlia-
ment, but in 1899 he interrupted his political career to serve
in the South African War, where he commanded a mixed force
of English and colonial scouts in western Cape Colony. The
year 1911 saw him in England, where he attended the coronation
of George V. On his return to Canada he became Minister of
Militia and Defence, and in that capacity was responsible for
the creation of the Overseas force which in 1914 came over to
take its share in the World War. In 1915 he was created
K.C.B. and promoted major-general. But, in spite of his
44
HUGHES, S. L. HUME
strong personality, he was not easy to work with, and diffi-
culties with Sir Robert Borden led to his sudden resignation
of office in Nov. 1916. His health subsequently failed. In
July 1921 he announced his intention of retiring from Parliament,
and he died Aug. 24 1921.
HUGHES, SPENCER LEIGH (1858-1920), British journalist,
was born at Trowbridge April 21 1858 and educated at Wood-
house Grove school near Leeds. For ten years he worked with an
engineering firm near Ipswich, but joined the staff of the Morn-
ing Leader at its beginning, and for many years contributed the
" Sub Rosa " column, which consisted of short witty paragraphs
on current topics written from a Liberal standpoint. He was also
connected from 1891 onwards with The Star. He was one of the
cleverest after-dinner speakers of his time, and published a book
on The Art of Public Speaking (1913), as well as The English
Character (1912); Things that Don't Count (1916); Press, Plat-
form and Parliament (1918), to a great extent autobiographical,
and other essays, tales and sketches. After failures at Jarrow in
1907 and Bermondsey in 1910, he was elected to Parliament as a
Liberal for Stockport (1910). He died after a long period of ill-
health in London Feb. 22 1920.
HUGHES, WILLIAM MORRIS (1864- ), Australian states-
man, was born in Wales Sept. 25 1864. He was educated at
Llandudno grammar school and St. Stephen's Church of England
school, Westminster, where he was trained as an elementary
schoolmaster; but at the age of 20 he preferred to emigrate to
Australia and to make his living as he could until he succeeded
in entering political life as a member of the Labour party. This
he achieved ten years later, being elected to the N.S.W. Legis-
lature for one of the divisions of Sydney in 1894. He was also
admitted to the N.S.W. bar. Though delicate in health and in
later life handicapped by deafness, he showed from the first
marked ability and fighting force. He organized the Maritime
unions, became general secretary of the Wharf Labourers' Union
and of the Waterside Workers' Federation, and president of the
Carters' Union, and was reelected to the Legislature at each
successive election until he resigned upon his election for W. Syd-
ney to the first Federal Parliament (1901). He first took office
in 1904 as Minister for External Affairs. In 1907 he was a dele-
gate to the Imperial Navigation Conference. The following
year he was Attorney-General in Mr. Deakin's administration
(1908-9) and held the same office under Mr. Fisher (1910-3),
and again in his first War Cabinet (1914-6). On Mr. Fisher's
resignation of the premiership in 1915 Mr. Hughes succeeded
him and continued to hold office up to 1921.
He met, however, with considerable opposition, especially
from the Labour party, who resented his advocacy of conscrip-
tion (twice rejected on a referendum) and in 1917 refused to re-
elect him as their leader. His own attitude towards the World
War was vigorous and patriotic. He made a recruiting tour in
1915 through Great Britain, where he won a popularity perhaps
greater than he enjoyed at home, and pledged himself to intro-
duce conscription in Australia, though he failed to carry it.
On his return to Australia in 1916 he was obliged to reconstruct
his Cabinet and to effect a coalition with Mr. Cook, leaving out
most of his previous colleagues of the Labour party. In Jan.
1918 he again formed a new Cabinet. As a member of the Im-
perial War Cabinet he was often in Europe. On his journey to
Great Britain he made a speech in New York, May 31 1918,
advocating the application of the Monroe doctrine to the South
Pacific islands in the interests of Australia, and at the Paris Peace
Conference of 1919, where he was the Australian representative,
he objected to any authority over ex-German territory in these
islands being granted to the League of Nations. In 1915 he was
sworn of the Privy Council and in 1919 he became K.C. He
published The Case for Labour and other pamphlets, and a
collection of his speeches in Great Britain appeared in 1918.
(See further AUSTRALIA.)
See Douglas Sladen, From Boundary Rider to Prime Minister
(1916).
HULL, England (see 13.870). Pop. (1911) 277,991, showing an
increase during the decade of 37,732. The King George Dock
situated E. of Alexandra Dock, with 53 ac. of water-space, is the
largest on the N.E. coast and was opened in 1914. Both docks
provide accommodation for the largest class of vessels and are
equipped with graving docks, coal appliances, grain silos and
warehouses, wool and transport sheds and the most modern
appliances for general overseas trade; and they are directly
served by railway at Alexandra Dock Station. An important
addition to the facilities for the coal export trade was made in
1910 by the installation of coaling beds at the Victoria Dock;
this method of shipping coal (the appliance for which has a
capacity of 600 tons per hr.) had not previously been employed
in England. Eastward of King George Dock is the Salt End
deep-water jetty equipment for dealing with a large and grow-
ing oil import trade. The total water-area of Hull docks had
reached 240 ac. in 1921, with a quayage of 13 miles.
During the World War there was a very large development of the
seed-crushing industry at Hull for oils of various kinds including
that of the soya bean; very extensive mills were established by the
British Oil and Cake Mills, Ltd., with a view to the development of
the food supply and to taking advantage of the seed-oil trade diverted
from certain continental countries. Castor oil, in particular, and
lubricating oils for the use of Allied aircraft, were largely produced.
An art gallery was opened in 1910 by Mr. T. R. Ferens, M.P., who
largely contributed to its erection and upkeep, and also presented
12 almshouses to the town in 1911 as a memorial to King Edward
VII., and a playing field near the East Park. A new Guildhall has
been built and a new museum designed to illustrate the shipping
and fishing industries. A Municipal Training College for teachers,
providing accommodation for 153 resident students, built at a total
cost of 51,972, was opened in Sept. 1913 and the Newland high
school for girls, with accommodation for 500 day scholars, was
opened on May 20 1920; both buildings are erected on part of a site
of 50 ac. N.W. of the town, purchased by the city council for 9,090
in 1908. In 1921 steps were being taken to transform the restored
Old Grammar school, a fine example of 16th-century architecture,
into a Museum and War Memorial so as to ensure its preservation;
and the restoration of Holy Trinity church was completed. Among
street improvements, the prolongation of Spring Bank west for a
distance of J m. in the direction of Willerby was the most important.
Hull suffered severely from Zeppelin raids. In that of June 6
1915, much damage was caused to commercial buildings and, on
March 6 1916, in a raid by two Zeppelins, widespread havoc was
done to house property and shops. Before a third raid in Aug. 1916,
anti-aircraft defence had been organized and, though there were
various subsequent attacks, they were mostly of the " tip-and-run "
character and much less damage was done.
HUMBERT, GEORGES LOUIS (1862- ), French general,
was born at Gazeran (Seine et Oise) on April 8 1862. He joined
the ranks of the 2oth regiment of Chasseurs in April 1880, and
did not enter the military academy of St. Cyr until Oct. 1881.
He was first commissioned (in Oct. 1883) in the io2nd infantry
regiment. Two years later he was promoted lieutenant and was
transferred to a native (Tonkin) unit, with which he first saw
active service. He became a captain in June 1889, and shortly
afterwards was again on active service in Madagascar. He was
promoted lieutenant-colonel in Dec. 1902 and colonel (of the
96th infantry regiment) in June 1907. Five years later (March
1912) he was made a general of brigade, and in 1913 was sent to
Morocco. On the outbreak of the World War he was given com-
mand of the ist Moroccan division, which he held during the
battle of the Marne. In Sept. 1914 he was made a temporary
general of division. On Oct. 27 following he was confirmed in
his rank and given command of the XXXII. Army Corps. On
July 22 1915 he took over the III. Army a command which
he held continuously for four years, except for a small break
Oct. 15 1918 to Oct. 23 1918 when he commanded the VII.
Army. In Oct. 1919 he was appointed governor of Strass-
burg and commandant of the Alsace territory, and in the Jan.
following was made a member of the Superior War Council.
He was appointed a Grand Officer of the Legion of Honour on
July 10 1918.
HUME, ALLAN OCTAVIAN (1829-1912), English ornithologist
and Indian administrator, son of Joseph Hume (see 13.884),
was born June 6 1829 and educated at Haileybury and London
University. Entering the Indian civil service in 1849, he became
collector of Etwah, and rendered distinguished service during
the Mutiny and later against Firoz Shah. Between 1867 and
1871 he carried out the negotiations with the Rajput chiefs for
HUMPERDINCK HUNGARY
405
opening road and railway communications through the great
belt of mountain and jungle which formerly cut India in two.
He was made secretary to the Indian Government in the Home
Department and afterwards in the Revenue and Agricultural
departments, but returned to the North-West Provinces as
member of the Revenue Board in 1879. In 1882 he retired from
the service, and devoted himself to furthering the aspirations of
native Indians. The Indian National Congress (see 14.417),
which held its first session at Bombay in 1885, owes its existence
to his exertions. He was the author of several works on ornith-
ology, and presented his collections of bird skins and eggs to the
British Museum. He died at Norwood July 31 1912.
See Sir W. Wedderburn, Bart., Allan Octavian Hume, C.B.:
Father of the Indian National Congress (1913) ; and Allan O. Hume:
a Sketch of his Life and Services to India (1912).
HUMPERDINCK, ENGELBERT (1854-1921), German musical
composer (see 13.891), produced in 1897 the opera Konigs-
kinder, which, with some later additions, became very popular.
Another opera, Die Heirat wider Willen, appeared at Berlin in
1905, and in 1912 Humperdinck produced the incidental music
for the English production of The Miracle, himself coming to
England to superintend the rehearsals. His last opera, Die
Marketendcrin, was played at Cologne in 1914. He died at
Neu Strelitz Sept. 27 1921.
HUNGARY (see 13.894). In consequence of the World War,
Hungary was in 1921 only a remnant of what had been a thou-
sand-year-old realm, large tracts of pre-war Hungary having
been allotted on June 4 1920 by the Treaty of Versailles (Trianon)
to its neighbours, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Yugoslavia and
Austria. The area of the old Hungarian state was 109,216 sq. m.,
of which only 35,184 sq. m. now remained to it. In the late sum-
mer of 1921 the boundaries of the State had not been definitely
settled. The districts assigned by the Peace Treaty to Czecho-
slovakia, Rumania and Yugoslavia had already passed into their
possession, and the county (comitatus) of Baranya, with the
town of Pecs, which had been left to Hungary, had with the
exception of a few villages been evacuated by the Yugoslavs,
but the Burgenland (German Western Hungary), which had
been assigned to Austria, was only in course of being handed
over, a break-down in the arrangements occurring in August and
September. The new boundaries are: on the N the Danube
E. of Pozsony (Pressburg), then the Ipoly (Eipel), whence it
runs, regardless of natural features, partly between hills and
mountains and partly across the Alfold (the central Hungarian
plain) ; on the E. and S. along the Alfold the only part of the
old southern frontier surviving being at its western end along
the course of the Drava. The western frontier was shifted fur-
ther E. at Hungary's expense.
Population. Hungary had in 1910 a pop. of 20,886,487 of whom
9,945,000 were Hungarian and the remainder Rumanian, German,
Serbian, Slovakian, Ruthenian, and Croatian; in 1920 the pop. was
7,481,951 of whom 6,612,000 were Hungarians, the remaining
Hungarians having come under the rule of neighbouring States-
Czechoslovakia with 1,084,000 Hungarian inhabitants, Rumania
with 1,705,000, Yugoslavia with 458,000, and Austria with 80,000.
In 1921 the pop. in Hungary was 88-4% Hungarian; 7% (521,344)
German; 2-2% (165,886) Slovakian; it included also 41,000 Croa-
tians, 48,000 Rumanians, and 22,000 Serbians. According to religion
4,700,000 (63%) were Roman Catholic, 1,597,000 (21-3%) Calvinis-
tic, 463,000 (6-2 %) Lutheran, 466,000 (6-2 %) Jewish. Approxi-
mately 29'8 % of the pop. dwelt in towns of over 10,000 inhabitants,
while 70-2 % dwelt in villages. The proportion of men to women was
as 1,000 to 1,015. The birth-rate was high, but so also was the
death-rate, which in 1910 was 23-6 per thousand. In 1919, out of
410,000, 63,000 died of tuberculosis, which is especially prevalent in
the Alfold. During the World War Hungary lost over 600,000 men
in the field; moreover from April 1915 to 1918 the number of deaths
exceeded the number of births. In 1919 births exceeded deaths by
15,350. Emigration, the result partly of the exhaustion of the mines
and the decline in handicrafts, due to the growth of industry in
Austria, and partly of the rise in food prices, caused a serious drain
on the population. That it was not due to persecution alone is
shown by the fact that out of 790,068 emigrants in 1905-13, 577,001
belonged to the territory which Hungary lost by the Peace Treaty;
thus the number of emigrants was considerable even in those parts
of pre-war Hungary where there could be no question of Nationalist
oppression. The main stream of emigrants was to the United States,
and a certain proportion of these returned, the number between
1905 and 1913 being 213,542. After the conclusion of the war the
emigrants rendered great services by sending over food and money.
HUNGARY
Scale I : 3,000,000
English Miles
10 20 30 40 50 60
Kilometres
20 *0 60 80
frontiers not requiring delimitation
Frontiers to be delimitated
Old frontier b*t#ctn Austria. & Hungary
31
19 Lonj*. E. of Greenwich 20
406
HUNGARY
The following large towns were ceded to neighbouring States
Pozsony (Pressburg), Komarom, Kassa (Kaschau), Kolozsvar
(Klausenburg), Arad, Temesvar, Szabadka (Theresiopel), Nagy-
varad (Grosswardein), and Sppron (Odenburg). In addition to the
capital Budapest, Hungary in 1921 still included among its chief
towns Bk6scsaba (pop. 42,600), Esztergom (17,881), Debreczen
(92,729), Gyor (44,300), Hodmezo-Vasarhely (62,445), Kalocsa
(11,738), Kecskemet (66,834), Kiskunfeiedyhaza (34,924), Mako
(34,918), Mezotiir (25,835), Miskolcz (51,459), Mohacs (17,092),
Nagy Kanizsa (26,524), Nyiregyhaza (38,198), Pecs (49,822),
Szeged (118,328), SzekesfeheVvar (36,625), Szombathely (30,947),
Tokaj (5,105), Vacz (18,952); the figures being those of 1910.
Agriculture. Hungary is preeminently an agricultural country;
and in 1921 was still one of the principal wheat-growing regions of
Europe. The Peace Treaty had, however, reduced the national
area by much fertile soil. The comparative figures for the distribu-
tion of cultivation in 1913 and 1920 are as follows (in 1,000 ac.):
arable land (1913) 31,716 (1920) 13,598; gardens (1913) 041 (1920)
236; meadows (1913) 6,470 (1920) 1,627; vineyards (1913) 776
(1920) 530; pastures (1913) 8,183 (1920) 2,497; forests (1913)
17,277 (1920) 2,581; reedplots (1913) 125 (1920) 67.
Corn is the principal crop. The corresponding figures are (in
tons): wheat (1913) 4,028 (1920) 1,958; corn (1913) 1,221 (1920)
789; barley (1913) 1,484 (1920) 700; hay (1913) 1,236 (1920) 432;
maize (1913) 4,136 (1920) 1,478; potatoes (1913) 5,074 (1920) 1,907.
The most famous wine-producing districts, Tokay-Hegyalja,
Balaton and Eiger, have been left to Hungary. Whereas pre-war
Hungary produced annually 71,346,000 gal. the output in new
Hungary was reduced to 43,524,800 gal. Only 114,000 (41%) out
of 284,000 ac. remained for the cultivation of sugar beet ; only 82 %
out of 71,000 ac. to tobacco growing; only 21,000 (26%) out of
80,000 ac. to the cultivation of cabbage. Hungary retained 54 %
of its oak forests, 42 % of its beech woods, and only 4 % of its conifer-
ous trees, so that it became necessary to import timber.
As regards live stock there were 6,184,000 cattle in 1913, and
2,148,000 in 1920; swine had fallen from 7,311,000 to 3,729,000;
horses from 1,597,000 to 746,000; sheep from 6,577,000 to 1,817,000.
The proportion of animals to the population was thus much smaller
in the new Hungary than it was formerly ; whereas in pre-war times
there were 33-9 cattle to every 100 inhabitants, in 1920 28-7; sheep
were formerly 42-2, now 32-2; swine formerly 35-1, now 44-4;
horses formerly ii-o, now 12-0.
This impoverishment was all the more important in that 56 % of
the total population in 1920 was employed in agriculture. Pre-war
Hungary exported, besides grain, a considerable amount of live
stock; in 1913, 347,318 head of cattle; 46,567 horses; 893,192 pigs;
6,300,000 live fowl as well as 30-8 million Ib. of slaughtered fowl;
77-9 million Ib. of eggs; 61-5 million Ib. of lard and bacon.
Minerals. In consequence of the Peace Treaty Hungary has
lost the greater part of its mines. Salt, opal, gold, silver, copper, lead
and bauxite mines were entirely lost and only the iron-mines, which
in pre-war times formed a quarter of Hungary's mining wealth,
remained. Natural gas was discovered in Transylvania in 1912,
and the supply appears to be almost unlimited, but the World War
put a stop to the equipment of boring stations. These gas-fields
passed into the possession of Rumania. Natural gas has been
found in several places on the Alfold and in Transdanubia.
The annual pre-war production of the salt-mines was 245,500 tons,
so that on their loss it became necessary to import salt to meet
the home demand (98,000 tons). The petroleum output had been
6,400 tons. Of a former output of 1,178,000 tons of iron ore 196,000
tons were left as the produce of post-war Hungary; of 383,000 tons
of iron, only 1 18,000 tons. Out of a former output of 1,077,000 tons
of coal, one of only 786,000 tons (72-8 %) was left; and as
this was chiefly obtained from the mines at Pecs which had in 1921
been for two years under the Yugoslav administration, the pre-war
demand for imported coal was intensified. In 1914, 3,728,850 tons
of pit coal were imported. The pre-war production of lignite was
7,846,000 tons, and 5,500,000 tons were produced in 1920.
Industry. Hungary in 1921 had 2,029 factories (before the war,
4,241), with machinesof 398,929 H.P. (before the war, 798,049) and
219,725 workers (before the war 445,792). The annual pre-war
production was valued at 3,396,091,000 kronen (at pre-war rate of
exchange). In 1921, on the basis of full work at the factories, the
corresponding figures should have been 1,887,930,000 kr. but this
figure was not attainable, since the coal supply was insufficient, and
raw materials (which were chiefly derived before the war from the
districts now ceded) could only be obtained by importation. If the
production of post-war Hungary could be raised to peace-time level,
the food industry would have an output estimated (at pre-war
exchange) at 945,306,000 kr. (57% of the former figure, 1,650,283,-
ooo), the iron and metal industry 252,388,000 kr. (50 % of the former
501,763,000), machine-making 250,680,000 kr. (82-1 % of the former
305,446,000), leather industry 44,975,000 kr. (57-6% of the former
78,139,000), clothes manufacture 24,127,000 kr. (74% of the former
32,320,000), paper industry 10,690,000 kr. (21% of the former
49,542,000), timber industry 41,295,000 kr. (22-2% of the former
186,268,000), textile industries 78,712,000 kr. (40-8% of the former
192,977,000), chemical industry 126,029,000 kr. (54-7% of the
former 230,564,000), etc.
Commerce. Pre-war Hungary had a favourable trade balance;
in 1913 the exports were valued at 79-4 million pounds sterling,
and imports at 86-4 million pounds sterling. No proper figures for
1920-1 can be given here, since the neighbouring States were still
boycotting Hungary, and trade was therefore entirely abnormal.
Communications The total length of railway lines in 1921
amounted to 8,320 km. (formerly there were 19,723) ; the rolling-
stock comprised 1,549 engines (formerly 4,949); 2,284 passenger
carriages (formerly 8,718); 749 luggage vans (formerly 3,537);
and 18,010 goods trucks (formerly 105,837). By the Peace Treaty
Hungary lost its entire coast-line, and at the same time the whole
of its mercantile marine, which amounted in 1914 to 412 sailing
vessels (tonnage 1,837) and 137 steamers (tonnage 147,906). Inland
shipping is greatly impeded by the fact that the Peace Treaty cut
across the navigable rivers. The Treaty pronounced the Danube
to be an international waterway, and Danube shipping is adminis-
tered by an international commission.
n The passengers carried by rail in 1913 numbered 166,100,000.
Goods traffic amounted to 87 million tons, and the income derived
from traffic to 24,500,000. As the express engines in post-war
Hungary had to be driven by imported coal, the express service was
very limited and fares extremely high.
Banking. As the great banks of pre-war Hungary were chiefly
seated at Budapest, the loss in this respect was not very great.
Of 1,788 banks and savings banks, with capital of 2,164-4 million kr.
(pre-war rate), Hungary retained 673, with a capital of 1,515-6
million kr. (i.e. 37-7% of the institutions, but 70-1% of the share
capital). The share capital of the industrial joint-stock companies,
formerly 1,059-3 million kr., amounted in 1921 to 828-5 million kr.
(78-2 %). But owing to the terrible depreciation of the currency
these sums had lost greatly in value on the world market. Between
1919-21 the value of the Hungarian krone fluctuated between I and
3 Swiss centimes, compared with a former value of 120.
Finance. The first budget of reconstituted Hungary (1919-21)
showed an estimate of 8-4 milliard kr. ordinary and n-8 milliards
extraordinary expenditure, as against 8-8 milliards ordinary and
1-7 extraordinary revenue; thus there was a deficit of 9-7 milliards,
and this was increased by the loss of former sources of revenue
(e.g. the State railways), on account of the surrender of rich dis-
tricts. The National Debt in 1921 amounted to 61-4 milliard kr.,
of which 8 milliards dated back to the pre-war period, 32-7 to the
years of war and 20-7 to the post-war period. The Peace Treaty
declared that Hungary should be liable to pay indemnity and make
reparation, but without naming a definite sum. The establishment
of an independent State bank, simultaneously with the separation
from the Austro-Hungarian bank, had already been begun in 1921.
Education. Of the former 16,929 elementary schools 6,402
remained in post-war Hungary; of 2,229 kindergartens 828; of 532
"secondary schools" (Burger schulen) 237; of 187 Gymnasien 85;
of 34 Realschulen 15. The universities of Budapest and Debreczen
were left to Hungary, as also the polytechnic of Budapest; the uni-
versity of Pozsony was taken over by the Czechs, that of Kolozsvar
by the Rumanians. (J. S.*)
Social Conditions. Up to quite recent times, the members of
the Hungarian aristocracy, who were also known as " oligarchs,"
had continued to exercise an important influence on the destinies
of their country. It has become the fashion to put the blame on
them for everything that went wrong, but from an unprejudiced
point of view such an accusation is unjust. The Hungarian aris-
tocracy was ever loyal and ready to make sacrifices for the good of
the nation. Many illustrious names are to be found in their
ranks mention need only be made of Szechenyi, Batthyany and
Andrassy. This aristocracy, distinguished by talent and culture,
considered it the highest honour to serve their country whether
in politics or in war, and the only just reproach that can be
brought against them is that of having resisted too long the in-
troduction of new elements into the constitution. For the most
part, however, this attitude was due to tradition and to a fear
that the politically untrained masses might prove a source of
danger to the nation.
In this respect there was little difference between them and
the upper middle classes, who played an important part in the
history of Hungary, and had given to the country such notable
men as the poet and politician Kolcsey, Louis Kossuth and
Francis Deak. In the days of the Diet there were in Hungary
20 commoners to one nobleman; in 1816 the saying was, " He
is not a Hungarian nobleman; what then is he to be?" As there
was no real bourgeoisie in Hungary, it was replaced by the lower
nobility, to which was applied the English term " gentry.'"
Possessing a cosmopolitan education enhanced by foreign travel
they produced the best minds in the political and intellectual
world. It is Hungary's misfortune that this rank of society,
HUNGARY
407
which was so important to the national culture and politics,
especially in the second half of the ipth century, should have
fallen into decay, due largely to the growth of extravagance and
love of pleasure, and to a reluctance to learn, which was in marked
contrast to the earlier days. The chief cause of this decadence
was, indeed, the deterioration in their own standard of life.
They suffered severely from the abrogation of the urbarium
(dues paid by the peasants to their landlords) , and from the fact
that the method of indemnification at the time of the absolute
government (during the 'fifties of the last century) was not one
calculated to benefit the Hungarian nobleman in possession. To
this must be added that the agrarian crisis of the last decades of
the 1 9th century greatly impaired the smaller estates. The weak-
ness of the lesser landowners rendered them incapable of absorb-
ing the new Hungarian elements, so that they forfeited their
intellectual leadership without achieving importance in the indus-
trial sphere, where they had never played any part. Latterly
the majority of the gentry, after being driven from their mis-
managed estates, which had hitherto been the basis of their
existence, found themselves almost entirely dependent on the
public services; though deprived of landed possessions they
remained proudly conscious of their class, and this prevented
them from seeking a means of livelihood in other spheres. The
Hungarian nobleman had always considered it beneath his dig-
nity, exactly as in feudal Hungary before 1848, to occupy himself
with commerce and industry; and as late as the 'seventies of the
last century no girl belonging to the better classes would have
been seen in Kolozvar (Klausenburg) walking in the streets,
arm in arm with a mere business man. Exclusiveness and a
domineering temper were the characteristics of the gentry, who
were perhaps even prouder than the aristocracy, and in former
days even avoided connexion with them by marriage. They did
not desire to become baron, count or prince: good birth was of
more value in their eyes than the most dazzling title.
When we come to the plain citizen class, it must be noted that
they had never played so important a part historically in Hun-
gary as in England, France, Germany and Italy. Characteristic-
ally enough, before 1848 all the towns of Hungary had together
only two votes in the Diet. Pozsony (Pressburg), as the town
where the coronation took place and the Diet met, occupied an
outstanding position. At other times lonely and deserted, the
tide of social life there ran high whenever the Diet assembled.
The other towns, especially of western and upper Hungary,
where German education was in the ascendant, had no influence
on the intellectual progress of Hungary. The German popula-
tion of the towns maintained a close intercourse with the Hun-
garian, from whom they borrowed new ideas, often absorbing
at the same time their nationality and language. Many a leader
of the Hungarian Liberal movement sprang from what were
originally German middle-class families, and in the same way
German cities became Hungarian. On the other hand the Saxons,
who had settled in Transylvania and possessed autonomous
institutions hallowed by tradition, which gave them political
privileges, clung to their German nationality and acquired their
education at German universities.
With the exception of the Transylvanian Saxon towns, which
resembled those of mediaeval Germany, the Hungarian towns
were for a long time merely large villages. Even in the early
'sixties of last century Pest was small, but little developed and
badly paved. In those days a citizen of Pest who made a jour-
ney to Paris was an object of curiosity. In Debreczen, the
" pearl of the Alfold " (the Hungarian central plain), when the
season was wet, it was necessary to lay planks across the streets
in order to make communication possible. No vehicle could pass
along the roads without sinking halfway up the wheels in mud.
It was not till after the Ausgleich with Austria of 1867 that a
sudden development took place throughout the country. This
is shown by a comparison of the increase in population of the
different towns. In 1781 Pest had a pop. of 52,944; in 1869 it had
254,500, and in 1910 as many as 880,371 inhabitants. Pozsony
(Pressburg), with a pop. of 26,898 in 1781, in 1910 had 78,223
inhabitants. Debreczen, with 20,153 in i?8i, had 92,729 in 1910.
The census of 1920 will have shown still higher figures, since the
flow of population from the country to the towns had increased
enormously, hand in hand with the development of industry,
commerce and the means of communication. Those who knew
Budapest, the capital, before the Ausgleich as a little town, found
it just before the World War a stately European city of enormous
dimensions. Within two or three decades everything there had
undergone a change. Old-fashioned streets and indeed whole
quarters were demolished to make room for broad thoroughfares
and imposing buildings. Between 1870 and 1910 the number of
houses increased from 9,351 to 19,637. Endeavours were made
to remedy the lack of public gardens. A number of bridges,
among them the grandiose and daringly conceived Elizabeth
Bridge, and the world-famed suspension bridge, unite Pest with
Ofen which is beautifully situated on the opposite bank. It was
in the full swing of this great development that Budapest was
struck down by Bolshevist rule and the Rumanian occupation.
As regards the working-classes, the origins of socialism in
Hungary can be traced back to the year 1868. About this time
the " Working-man's Paper " (Munk&sok ujs&ga), edited by
Kunsagi, made its appearance. This paper, which was of short
duration, was succeeded by others, such as " The Golden Trum-
pet " (Arany Trombita) edited by Tancsics and the " Weekly
Labour Chronicle " (Munkds heti kronika) edited from 1876-81
by Leon Frankel, who was at the head of the Ministry of Works
at the time of the Paris Commune. This was followed in 1880 by
the " Voice of the People " (Repszava), founded by Viktor Kiil-
foldy, which became the most powerful organ of the Hungarian
Social Democratic party which from the outset was closely con-
nected with international social democracy. Labour in Hungary
had a centralized organization, with its headquarters at Buda-
pest, whence the whole movement received its impetus. How-
ever, a split occurred in 1897 when Varkonyi founded the Inde-
pendent Socialist party, and another in 1900 when Mezofi began
to lead the Reorganized Socialist party. Among these three par-
ties the most successful were the Social Democrats, who organ-
ized an agricultural strike in 1897, with the result that the
extraordinarily low wages of often only 25 heller per day were
doubled and even trebled. After several Acts had been passed
for the protection of labour, for instance that of 1891, the law
of 1898 was passed, which aimed at the prevention of self-
help and was called " the Law of Slaves " by the Socialists,
since it made strikes illegal and compelled men to work at the
point of the bayonet. But this did not suppress the move-
ment. Its chief cause lay in the unequal division of land.
A large part was owned by the rich landowners as estates
many possessing as much as 20,000 Joch (about 28,400 ac.)-
whereas another part known as Mortmain was in the hands
of the Church. As such conditions made it impossible for the
proletariat to buy land of its own, and industry was not as yet
developed enough to provide food and means of livelihood for the
poor, many were forced to emigrate. It has been calculated that
within 10 years more than i^ millions left their own country in
order to win for themselves across the Atlantic a new home and
a more hopeful existence. Those who were left behind swelled
the ranks of Social Democracy, which split up and formed
several camps. All were organized and led by different leaders.
But a common cry bound them together, to win the franchise,
from which they were excluded. Their aim was to enter Parlia-
ment by this means and there to give weight to and defend their
interests through their own representatives.
The earliest legislation dealing with electoral law in Hungary
is to be found in Article 5 of the law of 1848. It was not
until 1874 that; the subject was again introduced, and Article
30 of that year was in reality a retrograde step, in that it im-
posed higher property and taxation qualifications than had
been demanded in the ordinance of 1848. In spite of the no-
table increase in the population, the number of those entitled to
vote was not greater than it had been in 1848 namely 700,-
ooo to 800,000. Another period of inactivity followed. After
the Electoral League had for some time been agitating for
universal franchise the Delegate Vazsonyi introduced a motion by
408
HUNGARY
which a committee of 35 members should be set up to draft a law
for the introduction of universal suffrage, to regulate the elections
and to collect the necessary statistics. The importance of this
proposal lay in the fact that it introduced the question of uni-
versal suffrage for the first time into the Hungarian Parliament,
and from that time onwards till the outbreak of the revolution
(Oct. 1918) it was always present on the Order of the Day. It
was brought forward on behalf of the Government by Joseph
Kristoffy (b. 1857), Minister of the Interior in the Fejervary
Cabinet, on July 28 1905, on the occasion of an address to a
labour deputation. Kristoffy's electoral system gave the vote
to 2,691,000 electors. This enfranchised all males over 24 years
of age who were able to read and write. After Kristoffy each
new Government had to bring forward a new programme of
franchise reform. On April 10 1906, Alexander Wekerle, Min-
ister-President of the Coalition Cabinet, declared himself in
favour of universal suffrage, in agreement with the speech
from the throne. On Nov. 12 Count Andrassy, as Minister of
the Interior in this Cabinet, brought forward a plural voting
law, which gave two to three votes according to an educational
qualification. The party led by Justh, the radical wing of the
Independence party who were opposed to the principle of plu-
rality, left this party, and thus brought about the failure of
Andrassy's scheme.
The Government of Count Khuen-Hedervary, which followed,
completed the statistical preparations for a new electoral law.
This was moved by Khuen's successor, Minister-President
Ladislaus von Lukacs, but only carried by Stephen Tisza's
Ministry, as the so-called " Lukacs-Tisza Electoral Law of
1913." It gave the vote to 1,627,000 electors, but was destined
not to satisfy the supporters of radical reform. The secret bal-
lot was restricted to a certain proportion of the electoral dis-
tricts. Tisza himself recognized its weaknesses and the neces-
sity of revision. In particular the industrial classes seemed at a
disadvantage, since he had intended to widen their franchise
considerably. Accordingly Tisza determined to remedy this
when the new list of electors was compiled. When, however,
Stephen Rakovszky, a member of the Catholic People's party,
proposed to give the vote to all soldiers on active service by
means of a supplementary amendment to the Electoral Law,
Tisza protested most firmly against such a demand. He held
that the franchise must not be regarded in the light of a reward,
and that to accept Rakovszky's proposal would mean universal
suffrage, which he regarded as inadmissible. Accordingly
Rakovszky's motion was lost. On April 28 1917, however, the
young King Charles announced in an autograph letter an exten-
sion of the franchise in consideration for the sacrifices made by
the population during the war. Tisza however interpreted the
royal letter in a manner which, according to the Opposition,
was not in agreement with its contents and sense. Tisza would
not yield, since in his opinion a radical franchise policy which
outstripped the development of educational and economic
policy would be a serious danger to the country and the dynasty
alike. The Cabinet fell. In announcing his programme in
Parliament on June 21 1917, Tisza's successor, Count Maurice
Esterhazy, declared electoral reform to be the chief plank in his
platform, and said that he had undertaken to extend the fran-
chise in the sense of the royal letter of April 28 and for the rea-
sons given in this, keeping in mind at the same time the exigen-
cies of the Hungarian State. When Tisza proposed, as a com-
promise, that for the time being only industrial workers should
receive the vote, Count Apponyi refused, on behalf of the Gov-
ernment, to consider this. Vazsonyi, as Minister of Justice,
strongly attacked Tisza, whose electoral reform of 1913 he
described as a sham and denied that a democratic franchise
would prove a danger to State or dynasty. Wekerle, Ester-
hazy's successor, in putting forward his programme on Sept.
12 1917 also insisted on suffrage reform as the fundamental
basis on which his Government would stand or fall. On Dec.
21 Dr. Vaszonyi, the Minister in charge of the Electoral Law,
put forward before the House of Deputies the scheme announced
by the Ministry on its formation. It provided, inter alia, that
the franchise should be exercised by every Hungarian citizen,
24 years of age and over, who could read and write; by all who
had received the military medal for courage or the military
cross founded by King Charles (Karl-Truppen-Kreuz); by all
who paid taxes amounting to at least 10 kr.; by all who had
been on active service or attained the rank of non-commissioned
officer, irrespective of length of service; or who followed a trade.
Moreover all women were entitled to vote who were over 24.
years of age; who were of Hungarian citizenship; who had
passed through four forms of a secondary school, or attained a
similar degree of education; whose husbands fell during the war
or succumbed to their wounds, if there was a child; or who had
for two years been members of a scientific, literary or artistic
society. But the revolution of Oct. 1918 and Bolshevism
revolutionized everything and imposed by force the rule of one
class the proletariat on all ranks of society.
A sketch of social conditions in Hungary would be by no means
complete, nor could its development be properly understood
without some knowledge of the activity of the " Sociological
Society" (Tarsadalomtudomdnyi Tdrsasdg). It had a deep
influence on the development of the ideas of the young genera-
tion of " Intellectuals." Its founders were followers of Prof.
Julius Pikler's opinions on the solution of theoretical as well as
of practical problems. The journal " The Twentieth Century "
(Huszadik szdzad) served as the organ of this society for the
scientific discussion of social problems, and its columns were
open to the free discussion of every question. It was the rally-
ing point of from four to five thousand enthusiasts. At the
same time the Galileo Club (Galilei Kor) was the centre for the
contest which a section of the Budapest University students
carried on against the Catholic congregationist unions. This
club gradually developed into a students' Socialist organization,
in which the Jewish element predominated. As a result of the
distress caused by the war, which was severely felt by these
young men, who were for the most part without means, anti-
military and syndicalist doctrines spread in their ranks, and a
few weeks before the outbreak of the Oct. Revolution of 1918
the police authorities found it necessary to suspend this club
and arrest many of its members. The twenty-year-old " In-
tellectuals " of the communism which followed had all belonged
to the Galileo Club, and, having nothing to lose and everything
to gain, were prepared to go to any extremes.
The Jewish question has become important in Hungary.
In 1785 there were 73,089 Jews in Hungary; in 1840, 241,632
(an increase largely due to immigrations from Galicia); in 1880,
730,342; and in 1910 as many as 932,458. This growth must be
ascribed to their great wealth. Only half a century earlier
than 1921 they were to be found in small towns and villages
where they lived the isolated life of the ghetto. In time, as they
grew rich through trade, the ghetto became too small for them. As
they owned no land they were not tied to the soil, and streamed
to larger cities, where they found more opportunities of mak-
ing money and adding to their wealth. Above all Budapest,
as the centre of commerce and industry and the seat of the banks,
had a strong attraction for them. Three distinct classes of
Jews grew up: the Orthodox, who wished to remain Jews with
all the habits and customs of the ghetto; those who in most
respects had relinquished their position of religious isolation
and strove after assimilation, in opinions and culture, with the
genuine Hungarian element, in so far as they had not already
been so assimilated; and thirdly the cosmopolitan Jews, the
revolutionaries, who were the enemies of national feeling and
represented materialistic internationalism. It was the part
played by this third class of Jews not the action of those who
had become partizans of Hungarian nationalism which has
made the Jewish question acute in Hungary. As Hungary has
no true middle class, they exercised great influence on the
intellectual life of the country, and without them its economic
life, which was preponderantly in their hands, would have been
condemned to stagnation.
Language and Nationality. It has become customary to re-
gard Hungary as the battleground of the nationalities inhabit-
HUNGARY
409
ing it, in opposition to the Hungarian nation. In contrast to
the majority of western European states Hungary has suffered
from the lack of uniformity of language. The existence of a
population speaking different tongues was due to several
causes. The wars of the Magyars against invading enemies,
which were continued through many centuries, caused heavy
losses which could only be made up by the immigration of for-
eign settlers, who poured in in vast, ever-renewed numbers;
and the admixture of languages due to this cause was increased
by the Rascians, Serbs and a number of Wallachians, who fled
from the Turks into Hungary, where they were hospitably re-
ceived. There was no possibility of any fusion of these alien
elements with the national Magyar stock, and the Magyar race
showed no desire for such assimilation, regarding the matter
with complete indifference. Indeed, so far from the Hungarians
making any attempt to Magyarize their country, they were
themselves in danger of Germanization, first under Joseph II.
(1780-90) and later, after the national uprising of 1848-9, under
the regime of the minister Bach. This danger was averted by
the war of 1866 and the Ausgleich with Austria that followed.
By the law of 1868 all citizens of the State domiciled in Hungary
constituted, in the political sense, the indivisible, uniform Hun-
garian nation, of which all were members with equal rights,
regardless of their nationality. Before the World War the
Magyars numbered 10 millions in the whole of the kingdom of
Hungary, constituting the majority of the population and there-
fore, in accordance with the Law of Nationalities of 1868, Hun-
garian (Magyar) was established as the official language for all,
just as Latin had been in the days of the old Diet. When the
elder Count Julius Andrassy was Minister-President, and under
his immediate successors, who clung closely to this law, there
was no Nationalist party and therefore no Nationalist question.
The latter did not arise till after 1875, when Koloman Tisza,
and still more Baron Banffy, deviated from the Law of Nation-
alities and initiated a more chauvinistic Hungarian policy. This
was, doubtless, a political mistake. Equally impolitic was the
attempt in 1907 of Francis Kossuth, the Minister of Commerce,
to make Hungarian the official language of the Croatian rail-
ways, and the action in 1909 of Count Apponyi, Minister of
Education, in ordering the Magyar tongue to be used for reli-
gious instruction in the Ruman State schools. None of these
efforts succeeded, and their only result was to create bad blood
and to rouse complaints of oppression and persecution which
found a sympathetic hearing abroad.
In spite of these specific grievances, which in any case were
much exaggerated, all citizens of the Hungarian State, whatever
their race or language, were guaranteed the full exercise of all
their civic rights. Under the agreement of 1868 Croatia enjoyed
full autonomy, with Croatian as its official language. It was
to all intents and purposes independent, limited only, in the
same way as Hungary, through the common army and common
representation in the Delegations. The nationalities speaking
languages other than Magyar had the right to build and main-
tain schools, and themselves to determine the language of instruc-
tion subject to the State language finding its proper place in the
curriculum. In the school year 1912-3 there were 447 Ger-
man, 377 Slovak, 2,233 Rumanian, 59 Ruthenian, 270 Croatian
or Serbian elementary schools (not counting those in Croatia
and Slavonia), which together made up one-fifth of all the ele-
mentary schools in Hungary. These Nationalist schools re-
ceived a State subvention of nearly 14 million kronen. The
prelates, both of the Greek-Uniate and the Greek Non-uniate
confessions metropolitans, archbishops and bishops had
by the end of the I7th and the beginning of the i8th century a
seat in the Hungarian Upper House, as, for example, the Metro-
politan of Karlowitz, the Rumanian Archbishop of Balazsfalva
(Blasendorf) and the Rumanian Bishop of Nagyvarad (Gross-
wardein). On the other hand the prelates of the Protestant
Church, which was wholly Magyar, only entered the Upper
House 1 20 years later.
The nationalities had full freedom in the domain of the Church.
At ecclesiastical functions, Rumanian was spoken exclusively
in 3,322 parishes, Slovak in 1,029, German in 937 and other
foreign languages in 832. It is significant, too, that between
1908-13 the Rumanians in Transylvania were able to acquire
land to a value of 60 million kr. at the expense of the Hungarian
population. The monetary institutions of the foreign nation-
alities were equally flourishing. A contrast is marked by the
fact that the " Rumanian League of Culture " in Bucharest on
March 28 1914 referred to the Rumanians in Transylvania as
" oppressed brothers beyond the Carpathians," whose only
hope, according to a resolution of 1913, lay in revolution. In
Rumania, however, the domiciled Hungarians were permitted
neither education nor religious service in their own tongue.
The intercourse between Magyars and Slovaks furnishes an
example of complete harmony. While the latter became Ger-
mans in Silesia and Czechs in Moravia, they were enabled to
preserve their nationah'ty intact in Hungary. The famous
Cardinal Peter Pazman (1570-1637), the father of Hungarian
prose, saw to it that, as early as the i7th century, they could
hear sermons in their own tongue at the church of Nagysombat
(Tirmau). This harmony was not disturbed till it was pre-
tended that the Hungarian Slovaks were lineal descendants of
Svatopluk (d. 894); and a Slovak Protestant clergyman, who
was entirely ignorant of history from the loth to the I3th cen-
tury, declared in 1821 : " We, the Slovaks, are the heirs of this
land, and the Hungarians mere foreigners." It can truly be
said that the Magyars of pre-war Hungary knew of no national
or religious differences, and, just as in 1848 the Magyar, Ger-
man, Slovak and Rumanian serfs were all liberated at the same
time and given the full exercise of political privileges, so after
1867 there was complete equality and freedom in religion and
language. But the principle of State unity was strictly main-
tained, though efforts to undermine it were made in Croatia
and the southern Slavonic districts, where the formation of a
separate uniform Slav State was aimed at. This aspiration
found its first expression in the Fiume resolution of 1006 which
proclaimed the realization of the union of the Croats, Serbs
and Southern Slavs. In 1916 the union of Croatia, Slavonia
and Dalmatia with Bosnia and Herzegovina was demanded.
Inspired by the idea of nationality which had developed during
the igth century some of the Rumans in Hungary also wished
for union with the kingdom of Rumania. So long as the
monarchy existed in its entirety such agitations had, of course,
to be conducted in secret. The Slovaks rejected all the blan-
dishments of the Czechs.
Many notable Hungarian politicians were in favour of an
extremely liberal treatment of the non-Magyar population of
Hungary. But, like Baron Joseph Eotvos, they dismissed the
idea of national divisions by purely ethnographical districts, on
the ground that this must lead to the dissolution of the State.
On the other hand Hungarian politicians did not wish the other
nationalities to feel themselves stepchildren on the soil of Hun-
gary. In conformity with their whole trend of thought, it was
their ambition that their nation, through its ethical and political
hegemony, should prove the centre of attraction to the subject
nationalities. But they always maintained, as Count Stephen
Tisza declared on Jan. 24 1917, that in districts where different
races and nationalities were intermingled it was impossible for
each individual race to form a national State. That race must
be in the ascendent, and give the impress of its character to the
State, which preponderated in numbers and culture.
Economics. Hungary, with its area of 324,851 sq. km. and pop.
of 20,886,000 (according to the 1910 census), is economically one of
nature's most favoured lands. As a patriotic Hungarian poet has
said: "Were the earth God's hat, then Hungary would be the
wreath that decked it." It is above all an agricultural country; it
possesses valuable forest land and rich plains irrigated by great
rivers, where the harvests are usually plentiful. A great step in the
development of agriculture had been taken, when in 1848 the peasant
became the free owner of his land. Under the influence of the defeat
of 1849 the effects of this advance were lost, and progress remained
at a standstill until after the Ausgleich with Austria in 1867, when a
new period of economic prosperity set in. Among every 100 indus-
trial workers 69 were employed in agriculture, which was conducted
principally on extensive estates. Forestry occupies an important
4io
HUNGARY
place, in that 27-2 % of the area of the country is forest land, Hun-
gary thus being very rich in timber. In 1879 the Forest Law was
passed against indiscriminate exploitation of the forests, and from
that time onwards it formed the basis of Hungarian forest policy.
Thus a stop was put to the enormous waste of timber.
The most important use to which the land was put was corn-grow-
ing. Up to about 1881-91 the three-field system was customary;
to-day it is no longer used and corn is grown intensively. Wheat is
the chief product; from 1870-5 the average crop was 13,500,000
quarters, in 1912 it was already 50,250,000 qr. ; the maize harvests
in 1870-5 amounted to 12,169,000 qr., in 1912 to 52,325,000 qr.
Oats and rye produce the smallest crop on account of the climate.
The total value of cereals was estimated in 1878 at 1,408,000,000 kr.,
in 1912 at 3,055,000,000 kr. Wine is one of the most famous prod-
ucts, and above all Tokay.
Next in importance comes live-stock raising. In 1857 horses num-
bered 2,095,000, in 1911, 2,352,000; cattle in 1857, 5,647,000, in
191 it 7.3 1 9i; swine in 1857, 4,505,000, in 1911, 7,580,000.
Hungary has been renowned for centuries for its mining and
smelting; but after the opening-up of mines in America and Australia
the importance of the gold-, silver- and copper-mining industries
declined, while that of the coal-mines and iron-works proportionately
increased. While in 1893 46,134 workers were employed in mining,
before the war as many as 76,767 were so employed. The total
proceeds from mining and smelting amounted to 53,000,000 kr. in
1864, and to 160,000,000 kr. in 1911. Salt is a State monopoly.
Though Hungary is essentially an agricultural country, it could,
before the collapse of 1918, look back upon considerable industrial
prosperity, although it never had the resources which would have
made it an industrial State of any economic importance. _ After
1889 the Government did much to promote and encourage indus-
try. Between 1890 and 1902, 537 undertakings received State aid.
The distinguished Minister of Commerce, Gabriel de Baross (1848-
92), brought about the systematic participation of home indus-
tries in State and army contracts. This policy was further devel-
oped by Joseph Szterenyi, who after 1898 was the leader of the
movement for the promotion of industry.
The most important group of Hungarian industries is that of
food production, and here the mills have played the most important
part. The first large steam mill was set up at the instigation of Count
Stephen Szdchenyi in 1839. There were in Hungary 147 steam mills
in 1863; 492 in 1873; 1,908 in 1906 and later 2,040; water-power
mills numbered 16,590. Second in importance is the sugar industry,
which steadily developed after 1888, the number of factories rising
from 21 to 28 during 1905-15. In 1913 1,701,675 doppelzentners of
cane sugar were exported to Great Britain. After sugar come the
iron and metal industries, which are among the oldest.
Commerce. In 1890 the number of merchants in Hungary was
140,000; in 1910 they numbered 190,000, of whom 128,000 dealt in
cattle, timber, mining and agricultural produce, and 62,000 in manu-
factures. In 1901, of the total national revenue 409 ^million kr.
were derived from commerce, while in 1913 this had risen to 722
million kr. An idea of the general development of Hungary is
given by its budget, which in 1868 amounted to 242 million kr.,
and in 1912 had risen to 1,856 million kr.
Communications. The development of industry and commerce
influenced the organization of communications. The first Railway
Law was passed in Hungary in 1836. At the end of 1866 the net-
work of railways covered 2,160 km., and there were only private
railways. State management was not introduced till after 1867, when
it had become evident that the private railway system ran counter
to the economic interests of the nation. The period from 1876-^1
saw nationalization, which was chiefly brought about by the min-
ister Baross, who also introduced the epoch-making zone tariff.
In 1912 the total length of railway lines was 21,910 kilometres.
In connexion with shipping it must be noticed that, whereas the
river system of the Danube, of which most of the Hungarian rivers
form a part, belongs to the Black Sea, a considerable part of Hun-
garian trade goes by way of the Adriatic, which is in nowise con-
nected with the Danube system. The result is that there is little
connexion between river and sea traffic, and this has its disad-
vantages. Steamers plied on the Danube between Vienna and
Pest for the first time in 1825. Large sums were spent by the
Hungarian Government on regulating river navigation. Special
mention must be made of the navigation works on the lower Danube.
The regulation of the Danube at the Iron Gates was of great value
to the grain trade, since it used to be dependent on the favourable
level of the water. In 1911 the waterways in Hungary navigable
by steamers were 3,502-7 km. in length, of which 1,001-2 km. were
on the Danube. In 1911 the tonnage of ships entering and leaving
Budapest amounted to more than 25 million meterzentners. It had
been planned to elaborate the commercial harbour of Budapest.
In order to cope with the merchant traffic, freight ships maintained
by the I.K.K. privileged Danube Steam Navigation Co. and the
Royal Hungarian River and Sea Navigation Joint Stock Co. ply
systematically on the Danube and its tributaries.
Hungary had a very short coast-line, on which the only notable
port was Fiume, which, however, is not situated on the mouth of a
great, navigable river such as would encourage mercantile traffic.
Nevertheless Fiume was, and is, of great importance to Hungary
in that it makes direct intercourse with international commerce
possible. Between 1871 and 1911 the Hungarian Government
spent about 5 1, 500,000 kr. on improvements of the harbour of Fiume.
Mention must be made of the Royal Hungarian Sea Navigation Co.
Adria and also of the Hungarian Levant Sea Navigation Co. The
Hungarian-Croatian Steam Navigation Co. was under contract
with the Hungarian State.
The postal service of Hungary carried an average of 44 million
letters between 1868-70, a number which had increased to 1,052
millions in 1912. Telegrams numbered 1,200,000 in 1868-70, and
13,980,000 in 1912. Hungary is in possession of an extensive local
and interurban telephone system. The longest interurban lines
are Budapest-Berlin (950 km.) and Budapest-Bucharest (896 km.}.
Education. The highest authority for public education is the
Royal Hungarian Ministry for Culture and Education ; State, Church
and denominational schools are all under its control. The total
number of elementary schools, Croatian excepted, amounted before
the revolution to 16,861. The great poet and philosopher Baron
Joseph Eotvos, Hungarian Minister of Education after the Aus-
gleich of 1867, made elementary education compulsory by the Ele-
mentary Schools Law of 1868. The number of illiterates was never-
theless great, especially in the districts inhabited by Rumans, Slo-
vaks, Ruthenes, Serbs and Croats. The Minister of Education,
Albert von Berzeviczy, laid down in 1905 a new curriculum for the
Hungarian elementary schools. Special attention was paid by the
State to the training of teachers. The Biirgerschule is a modern
institution, especially designed for the children of the lower middle
classes, who receive there a general and practical education. The
fifth and sixth forms were recently adapted for agricultural tuition.
These schools were attended by 43,000 boys and 57,000 girls, and
these for the most part become the pupils of the intermediate tech-
nical schools. There are also girls' high-schools which also serve as
teachers' seminaries. In 1910-11 there were 35 such schools, num-
bering 6,318 pupils and 434 male and female teachers. The higher
secondary schools (Gymnasien and Realschulen) were critically
affected by the passage of the Higher Secondary School Law of
1883, under the Minister of Education, August de Trefort, who had
done much for the schools and Hungarian education in general.
Only teachers with State diplomas are allowed to teach in these
schools. In the Gymnasien Latin is taught from the first and Greek
from the fifth form. There are 188 Gymnasien and only 34 Real-
schulen; accordingly the number of pupils in the former average
65,000, and in the latter 11,000. The cause of this is the prepon-
derance of law students in Hungary. Those intending to teach in
Gymnasien and Realschulen receive their training at special training
colleges. The ranks of the teachers in the higher secondary schools
are reinforced from the Eotvos College an institution similar to
the Ecole Normale Superieure at Paris to which only the bes
pupils are admitted after careful selection. There they receiv
board and lodging, some paying the whole cost, some half an
others nothing. Mention must here be made of the Board of Edu-
cation founded in 1871 and reorganized in 1896, which deals sp-
cially with educational reform.
To the two existing universities of Budapest and Kolozsv&
(Klausenburg in Transylvania) were added in 1914 the universitie
of Pozsony (Pressburg) and Debreczen. Besides these Hungar
possesses one polytechnical institute in Budapest, ip schools of law
and 44 theological academies, and one Jewish rabbinical seminary.
The greatest number of students 7,808 attended the university
of Budapest in the winter session 1912-3. A change which was intr
duced in 1896 by the former Minister of Education, Baron Julius <
Wlassic (b. 1852), opened the university to some extent to women
Accordingly, as they could not attend the university without hav-
ing obtained the leaving certificate of the higher secondary schools,
the Hungarian Women's National Educational Union founded a
girls' Gymnasium of eight forms, which was followed by two others.
Mention should also be made of the technical schools. Hungary
had 7 higher and 52 lower agricultural schools. In 1913 there were
4 commercial colleges and 54 higher commercial schools as well as
58 special commercial courses for women.
HISTORY (1910-1921)
The " Coalition " which, under Wekerle's leadership, had
taken over the Government in April 1906 was made up of ele-
ments too heterogeneous to enable it to satisfy the excessive
hopes and expectations to which its advent to power had
given rise. It fell to pieces owing to quarrels about the
establishment of an independent Hungarian Bank, to take
the place of the common Austro-Hungarian Bank, and to the
refusal of the Crown to make further concessions to Magyar
national sentiment in the matter of the army. After manifold
negotiations Francis Joseph, as King of Hungary, on Jan. n
1910 appointed Count Khuen-Hedervary Minister-President.
Khuen-Hederiiary Cabinet. On Feb. 14 Count Julius An-
drassy, whom Count Khuen had vainly attempted to win over
to his side, dissolved the Constitutional party of which he had
HUNGARY
411
hitherto been the leader and declared that he would not actively
oppose the Government. On the following day 24 members of
the Constitutional party joined the supporters of the Govern-
ment. Under the leadership of Count Stephen Tisza, on Feb.
19 1910, the National Party of Work (Nemzeti munkapart) was
formed as the direct successor of the Liberal party established
in 1875 by Coloman Tisza. There followed scenes of extraor-
dinary violence provoked by the Opposition in Parliament,
which was dissolved before its time by a speech from the throne
on March 22. In the general election that followed in June
Count Khuen-Hedervary was surprisingly successful; for of the
413 members returned 255 belonged to the party of the Govern-
ment. The parties of Justh and Francis Kossuth were wiped
out the parties which aimed at bringing the army under parlia-
mentary authority, which were working for the separation of
Hungary from Austria, and whose programme included the
establishment of an independent Hungarian Bank. Fresh life
was put into the party of 1867 which for decades had determined
the fate of Hungary.
The speech from the throne, with which the new Parliament
was opened on July 25, proclaimed as one of the most urgent
tasks it would have to face the reform of the franchise in such a
way as to safeguard the uniform national character and the
democratic development of the State. In the debate on the
address the prime minister defended himself against the charge
that he was pursuing a policy of abnegation, and that he was
attempting to restore the disturbed harmony between the King
and the nation by the surrender of all national aims. At the
same time he announced that it would be necessary to increase
the Hungarian army in proportion to those of the Great Powers.
In Nov. the civil code was finally adopted. On Dec. i the
Minister of Finance laid before Parliament a convention for the
extension of the privilege of the Bank, which lapsed on Dec. 31
1910, and on the resumption of payment in specie. On Dec. 13
Parliament adopted by a large majority the provisional budget,
up to April i IQII. In general it can be said of the year 1910
that it was for Hungary a year of gradual internal consolidation.
That the project of raising in March a loan of 560,000,000 kr.
in Paris broke down was due to political reasons, since there
was an objection there to lending money to a member of the Triple
Alliance. But, after the signature of the commercial treaty
with Serbia on Jan. 10 1911, a loan floated on the German
money market (Jan. 13) met with immense success. It may be
reckoned as a result of the promises made in the speech from
the throne in 1910 that on May 2, at Bonyhad, a general meeting
of the Hungarian Peasants' League, which was attended by
6,000 small cultivators from 181 communes, passed a resolution
pledging support to any political movement aiming at securing
universal, equal and secret suffrage.
After several days of obstruction Parliament began to debate
the question of the reform of the defence force, which was met
by the party of Kossuth and Justh and by the People's party
by obstructive tactics carried to an extreme of technical perfec-
tion. This obstruction, which lasted for several months, led
on Nov. 3 to the resignation of the president of the House of
Deputies, Albert von Berzeviczy, who had been severely criti-
cized for his mild interpretation of the rules of the House, the
vice-president, Navay, being elected in his stead. On Nov. 8
the Opposition, under Count Julius Andrassy, declared itself
ready to discuss the budget for 191 2, to drop its technical obstruc-
tion of the Defence bill, and to debate it on two days a week
during the discussion of the budget. The estimated expenditure
under the budget for 1912 was increased from 1,706,544,999 kr.
to 1,852,747,661 kr., the latter sum being the estimated receipts.
The effect of the alliance with Germany was illustrated during
the year 1911 by the introduction of the German language as a
compulsory subject in the teachers' training colleges, a rule
which came into effect on Sept. i. In view of the outbreak of
the war between Turkey and Italy, Count Apponyi, on Oct. n,
interpellated the prime minister as to the attitude of Austria-
Hungary, urging the duty of the neutral Powers to offer their
mediation under the Hague conventions of 1899 and 1907; and
at the meeting of the Hungarian Delegation on Dec. 29 he pro-
posed that Hungarian public opinion should make it clear that
the preservation of peace was the loadstar of Hungary's policy,
and should declare itself, from this point of view, unalterably
attached to the tried principles of Hungary's traditional for-
eign policy. The internal situation, however, gave little prom-
ise of peace. The hostile attitude of Croatia had, so early as
Feb. 1911, given rise to stormy scenes in the Hungarian Parlia-
ment. On Feb. 6 the deputy Polonyi accused Dr. Tomacic,
the Ban of Croatia, of making unconstitutional statements to
the Croatian Diet as part of a deliberate policy. At Agram,
from Aug. 12 to 16, there was held a great Pan-Slav gymnastic
festival, which was attended by over 5,000 members of Sokols
from Austria-Hungary, Serbia, Bulgaria, Russia and America.
On Nov. 7 the Croatian Diet was dissolved by royal rescript, on
the ground that it had not fulfilled the expectations with which
it had been summoned, and that no further fruitful activity was
to be expected of it. The Hungarian press fulminated against
the administrative methods of the Ban, whom it accused of
introducing into Croatia a reign of terror prejudicial to the good
name of Hungary. At the new elections to the Diet 67 mem-
bers were returned by the five groups of the Opposition, 27 by
the party attached to the Government. The anti-Magyar
party of the Right increased its representation from 14 to 25.
The Army Question. At the outset of the year 1912 it seemed
as though a peaceful atmosphere would prevail in Parliament.
On Jan. 22 Count Apponyi announced the conditions on which
the Kossuth party would sever its connexion with the Opposi-
tion, viz. (i) settlement of the question of flags and military
emblems in accordance with the rights of Hungary as a State;
(2) expunging from the military penal code of all regulations
connected with the use of the German language; (3) redrafting
of the individual paragraphs of the Defence bill; (4) an interpre-
tation of Article 18 of the law of 1888 concerning the calling-up
of the reserves and special reserves (Ersatz-Reservisten). In
view of the perilous situation in the Balkans, Count Andrassy
urgently appealed to the majority of the House and to the
Opposition not to drive matters in connexion with the Defence
bill to extremes and urged the Government to accept Apponyi's
four points. Of these the most contentious was the article of
the law of 1888, to which par. 43 of the Defence bill referred.
The Kossuth party demanded pledges from the Crown that, in
the event of its again finding itself, as in 1905, faced with a
hostile majority in Parliament, it would not have recourse to a
prorogation and to the expedient of meeting the refusal to vote
the quota of recruits by calling the reserves and special reserves
to the colours. The Opposition saw in Article 18 of the law of
1888 a handle for the Crown to nullify the right of Parliament to
vote the annual quota of recruits, and for this reason wished to
introduce into the new Defence bill specific provisions making
such a course impossible. The prime minister took up the posi-
tion that in this matter the Government and the Opposition
were of one opinion, and it was therefore decided that the Party
of Work should propose a resolution calculated to placate the
Kossuth party. But this was not the opinion of the heir to the
throne, the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, nor of the Austro-
Hungarian Minister of War, Ritter von Auffenberg, who saw
in this an infringement of the rights of the Crown. The King-
Emperor himself shared this view, and the situation became
so strained that a crisis involving the whole State was expected.
Francis Joseph, in an interview with Count Khuen-Hedervary,
declared that he would rather abdicate than submit to the pro-
posed resolution. The only way to avoid the disastrous shock
which the carrying-out of this resolve would infallibly have
caused seemed to the prime minister to be that he himself should
resign. On March 7, accordingly, he handed in his resignation,
which was not, however, accepted. On March 30 Francis
Joseph addressed to him an autograph letter, in which he
expressed his deep regret at the differences of opinion which
existed as to the rights of the Crown. It was far from his inten-
tion to dispute the constitutional powers of the nation, of which
the right to vote the quota of recruits was one. But he, too, as
412
HUNGARY
King of Hungary, had firmly to maintain the sovereign rights
assigned to him by Article 18 of the Defence Law of 1888, which
empowered him, in case of necessity, to summon to the colours
and to dismiss the reserves and special reserves. He earnestly
exhorted the nation to make this double task easier for him, in
order to clear the way for those constitutional labours which
depended for their fruition upon a good understanding between
the King and the nation. Count Khuen-Hedervary accepted
the King's view of the resolution which had been projected
with his consent, and agreed to remain in office.
Lukacs Ministry. Peace, however, was not restored. The
Justh party, which represented the extreme wing of the Opposi-
tion, insisted that the crisis could only be definitely closed if the
Defence bill were shelved and electoral reform given the first
place on the parliamentary programme. As Khuen-Hedervary
no longer commanded a following sufficient to enable him to
carry the Defence bill, with its considerable increase in the
number of recruits, he was forced to resign on April 16 1912.
He was succeeded by Ladislaus von Lukacs, hitherto Minister
of Finance, who had said that, if everything else failed, force
must be met by force. In a stormy session, on May 22, Count
Stephen Tisza was elected president of the House of Deputies in
succession to Navay a symptom of the decidedly bellicose
temper of the majority. The new president lost no time in
doing what had been expected of him. With the fearlessness
and iron energy characteristic of him he succeeded on June 4
in carrying the Defence bill through the House, amid scenes of
violent uproar. At his orders the police entered the House and
removed the deputies of the Opposition. Members who had
been suspended, but defiantly attended the House, Tisza or-
dered to be thrown out by the police. The deputy Julius Kovacs,
who for breaches of order had been suspended for 30 sittings,
entered the House on June 7 with the cry " There is still one
member of the Opposition," fired at Count Tisza, but without
wounding him, and then shot himself. The Count remained
utterly unmoved, and continued the session as though nothing
had happened. But the House could only debate under armed
protection; it was frequently prorogued; and in these circum-
stances little could be done to restore wholesome conditions.
In Croatia, too, the year 1912 was one of disorder. The
newly elected Diet met on Feb. 7 only to be immediately dis-
solved. The newly nominated Ban, Eduard von Cuvay, tried
to suppress the disorders in Agram with an iron hand. In
April the constitution was suspended; and several unsuccessful
attempts were made during the year to assassinate Cuvay, who
had been armed with the powers of a commissioner of the Crown.
The year 1912 witnessed the death of two notable Hunga-
rians, the aged Gen. Gorgey, who died on Dec. 17, and Count
Albin Czaky, one of the creators of the political reform of the
Church, who died on Dec. 15. At the close of the year the
Government introduced into Parliament the projected Fran-
chise bill, for which urgency had so long been pleaded.
When, after several days' interval, the Hungarian House of
Deputies again met under police protection, Zoltan Desy, a
former secretary of state and now a deputy, brought an action
for libel against the prime minister Lukacs. The Budapest
court acquitted Desy of the charge of slander brought against
him by Lukacs, on the ground that he had proved that Lukacs
in 1910, in connexion with the conclusion of agreements with
the Hungarian Bank and Joint Stock Co., had accepted more
than 3,000,000 kr., not indeed for himself but for party pur-
poses, which was contrary to good morals. This was a sentence
of condemnation on the Lukacs Cabinet; and on June 5 Tisza
was appointed prime minister.
Tisza Ministry. With the same unbending will with which,
as president of Parliament, he had conducted the business of
the House, Tisza now conducted the affairs of the nation in the
face of unceasing protests on the part of the Opposition. He
saw a further means of strengthening his system of government
in securing State control of the administration of the counties
(comitatus) , which had hitherto been in the hands of elected
officials; for if these were nominated, they would be entirely
dependent upon the Government. This attempt at monopoly
by the Government party was met with violent protests on the
part of the Opposition, which was still further embittered by
the consciousness that the King no longer stood as ruler above
parties. As for Tisza, he set no limits to his will when he
believed that the interests of the State demanded that it should
prevail. Believing as he did that peace would be imperilled if
the opinion gained ground abroad that the military power
of the Dual Monarchy was broken, he carried a motion
through the House of Deputies on Jan. 28, raising the contingent
of recruits by 31,300 men, of whom 13,676 were to be drawn
from Hungary. While the Government succeeded in raising a
loan in London, the first for several years on the English market,
Tisza tried to come to an accommodation with the Hungarian
Rumans in the matter of their national claims. He declared
publicly that the system hitherto pursued of enforcing Magyar
only as the language of teaching in the schools had been mis-
taken, and that more attention must therefore be paid to the
demand for instruction in the mother tpngue. The Rumanian
National Committee, however, refused to agree to Tisza's
proposals. The refusal was, indeed, couched in conciliatory
terms which left the door to future negotiations open. The
door was slammed as the result of a bomb-explosion in the
episcopal palace of Debreczen on Feb. 3, which raised a storm
in Parliament and in the press. The outrage which happily
was unsuccessful was directed against the life of the Greek-
Uniat Bishop Miklossy, who in the controversy as to the use of
Rumanian or Magyar in the liturgy had declared in favour of
Magyar. For this outrage the Rumanians were blamed, and at
the same time the opinion gained ground that the originators of
this unsuccessful attempt at murder were tools of Slav agita-
tion. In any case, the discussions as to those responsible for
the crime caused bitter feeling between the Hungarians and
Rumanians. On March 28 there was a hostile demonstration
of the " Rumanian Culture League " at Bucharest against
Hungary, and at the same time the Rumanians of Transylvania
were celebrated there as " our oppressed brethren beyond the
Carpathians," which led to sharp rejoinders in the press.
Hungary and the World War. Into the midst of these squab-
bles, and just as Tisza was accusing the Opposition of publicly
proclaiming their support of the Triple Alliance and at the
same time playing into the hands of its enemies, there came
suddenly, on June 28 1914, the news of the murder of the Arch-
duke Francis Ferdinand and his wife at Sarajevo. In Hungary
the death of the Archduke was felt as a relief. His dislike of
the Magyars was well known, and also his objection to the
system of Dualism. In truth, his aim had been nothing les
than the overthrow of the form of the State as constituted by
law. In the political systems which he from time to time
favoured whether Trialism or a Federalism he had assigned
an important political role to the nationalities living in Hungary,
and always in an anti-Magyar sense. Exactly a month after
the Sarajevo crime Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia
(July 28), and the Hungarian Parliament was prorogued for ;
indefinite period. When it met again, on Nov. 30, its attitude
was that of an unexpressed vote of confidence, and, after the
storm and stress of the last years, gave the impression of " a
magnificent symphony " to quote the Budapesti Hirlap.
It was only now, during the war, that a series of grievances,
which had raised the most violent disturbances in Parliament,
were settled in the sense of the Opposition. A decree of the
Minister of the Interior, issued on Nov. 7 1914, authorized the
wearing of the colours and emblems of the various nationalities,
provided these were not identical with those of foreign countries
and that the idea of the Hungarian State was also symbolized.
The Government published the correspondence of Tisza with
the Metropolitan of Hermannstadt in Transylvania, in which a
reform of the National Schools Law was promised in order to
meet the wishes of the non-Magyar inhabitants of the kingdom
in the matter of the denominational schools. It was also
decided to legalize the use of the mother tongue in direct inter-
course with State officials. Finally, a prospect was held out of a
HUNGARY
reform ot the franchise with a view to putting the representation
of the Rumanians on a just basis. On April 19 1915 Parlia-
ment, which would have come to an end on the following July
15, passed a bill extending its life for another year. In Oct. the
question of the coat-of-arms and flag of the Dual Monarchy, the
settling of which had been blocked by the Archduke Francis
Ferdinand, and which for decades had been the worry and dis-
traction of every Government in turn, was at last arranged.
For all matters of common concern a coat-of-arms was devised
which actually symbolized the constitutional relations of the two
halves of the Dual Monarchy. The quartering on the same shield
of the arms of Hungary and Austria proclaimed their essential
independence, and the name of Austrian Empire was now
officially adopted by the cis-Leithan half of the monarchy in
place of the style " the Territories represented in the Reichsrat."
The escutcheon of the House of Habsburg surmounting the two
shields, on the other hand, symbolized the fact that the two states
were united, this being still further emphasized by the motto
iiulivisibiliter ac inseparabiliter, borrowed from the Pragmatic
Sanction. In the same spirit the question of the flag was set-
tled. The old black-and-yellow flag of the common army was
replaced by an ensign in which white alternated with black and
yellow, with red, white and green "flames," and which was fur-
ther ornamented with the new arms of the common State sur-
mounted by the Imperial crown and the crown of St. Stephen.
A settlement thus seemed to have been effected of all the
quarrels which had weakened the monarchy, whether arising
out of the internal affairs of Hungary or her relations with
Austria. When on Sept. 2 1916 the Hungarian and Croatian
municipalities took the oath of allegiance to the Emperor-King
at the palace of Schonbrunn, the Ban of Croatia, Baron Sker-
lecz, said that this was the day of victory for all the fundamen-
tal principles on which the structure of the monarchy rested;
and the speeches delivered on this occasion, both by Hungarian
and Austrian representatives, gave eloquent expression to the
deep sense of essential unity which had been called forth by the
danger to the monarchy arising out of the war. In the internal
affairs of Hungary, too, the Opposition wished to secure " con-
centration " by means of a Coalition Ministry, hoping in this
way to avoid a repetition of what it conceived to be mistakes in
Hungarian foreign policy. On May 20 1915 Count Apponyi
proposed that a Coalition Government should be formed of
members of the Opposition and of the actual Cabinet ; that the
prime minister should be a member of this Government, but
that at its head should be plac%d a statesman whose neutrality
should be guaranteed by the fact that he had taken no part in
recent party contests. But Tisza was by no means disposed
to submit himself to the headsman. He believed himself to be
indispensable at the head of affairs in Hungary at a time when
the failure to prevent Italy entering the war on the side of the
Entente was ascribed to the inexcusable blundering of the Austro-
Hungarian Foreign Office. He declared that he could with a
clear conscience accept responsibility for whatever influence
had been exercised by the Hungarian Government upon foreign
affairs. And so the idea of a Coalition came to nothing.
Two months later, on Nov. 21 1916, the long reign of Francis
Joseph came to an end. Ever since his coronation, on June 8
1868, as King of Hungary he had never ceased to feel and act
as the constitutional ruler of the country, and he had faithfully
adhered to the spirit of the Ausgleich of 1867. The gratitude of
the nation was expressed in a resolution passed by Parliament
on Jan. 22 1917 to erect a fitting memorial to him in Budapest.
The collapse of the monarchy in ruins prevented this resolution
from being carried out.
Accession of Charles IV. Francis Joseph's successor, who
assumed the style of Charles I. as Emperor of Austria and
Charles IV. as King of Hungary, was crowned, together with
his consort, on Dec. 30 1916, after he had, in accordance with
the constitution, signed the " inaugural diploma " guarantee-
ing the rights of the nation. This ceremony, which under the
Hungarian constitution was the indispensable condition prec-
edent to the exercise by the King of any of his powers, was
heralded by violent scenes in Parliament. The kings of Hungary
were crowned by the primate and by a " vice-palatine " elected
ad hoc by the Parliament. Count Tisza was ambitious of fulfill-
ing the latter function and was duly elected by the parliamen-
tary majority, while the opposition, under Andrassy's leader-
ship, put forward the Archduke Joseph. To have thus put him-
self into opposition to the Archduke, who was not only popular
but reverenced as a prince of the Hungarian royal house, was a
mistake on the part of Tisza. It gave his opponents an oppor-
tunity of impressing upon the young sovereign that Tisza's
violence would not always be content with shoving an Arch--
duke aside. Equally strong was the impression made upon the
royal couple, whose opinions were strongly clerical, by the sug-
gestion that Tisza's behaviour was characteristic of the arro-
gance of this Calvinist, who presumed to crown the Apostolic
King. As constitutional monarch Charles had to confirm the
election of Tisza as vice-palatine, but it can safely be affirmed
that this episode still more firmly rooted the dislike with which,
as a Calvinist, he was already regarded at court.
At this time the negotiations for the economic Ausgleich
between Austria and Hungary once more reached an acute stage.
According to Article 25 of the treaty these negotiations for a
new agreement, to cover the period from Jan. i 1918, should
have begun not later than the commencement of 1915, but it
was not till Sept. 26 1915 that the two Governments took the
matter in hand. As there was also a possibility of a tariff
arrangement with Germany, wide support was given in 1917 to
the idea of concluding an Ausgleich between the two halves of
the monarchy which should cover a considerable period, say 20
or 25 years. It was thought that this would give a strong basis
for the negotiations with the German Empire, and that it would
save Austria-Hungary from the violent quarrels about the
Ausgleich, which recurred every 10 years, and often produced
abroad the false impression that the monarchy was falling to
pieces. There never was a new Ausgleich, however, the last
being that of 1907.
The Opposition in Parliament shared the strong dislike of the
court for Count Tisza. On Feb. 26 1917 his motion for bestow-
ing extraordinary powers on the Government for the duration
of the war was opposed by Count Julius Andrassy, who saw in
this an attempt on the part of the Cabinet to subject the whole
country to the discipline of a single party, and denounced the
imperialism of the Party of Work, which was extending even to
Austria, where great bitterness was being aroused owing to the
refusal of Hungary to supply food-stuffs. The interests of
Hungary, Andrassy insisted, demanded a strong Austria along-
side of a strong Hungary. In spite of this opposition, however,
extraordinary powers were voted to the Government on March
23 by a majority of 93 to 63. On April 13 Tisza delivered a
bitter attack on the Opposition, whose demand for a Coalition
Government he denounced as a mere party cry, and whose object
he declared to be not " concentration " but disorganization.
On the following day the breach was complete. Tisza attempted
to strengthen his Cabinet by inviting two members of Andrassy's
Constitutional party to join it, but after consultation with their
leaders they refused. Neither this attempt, nor an autograph
letter of April 28 in which the King assured him of his confidence,
could avert his fall distrust of him at court was too deep-
rooted. The immediate cause of his fall was the demand of
King Charles that every holder of the military cross named
after him (Karl-Truppen-Kreuz) , i.e. every soldier who had
actually served at the front, should be given the vote. On
Tisza's refusal to agree to a policy in contradiction with that
outlined in the autograph letter of April 28, he received his
dismissal (May 23 1917).
Esterhazy and Wekerle Cabinets. The proper thing to have
done now would have been to have entrusted the formation of a
Government to Count Andrassy, as the most conspicuous mem-
ber of an Opposition which rested on the principles of 1867.
Charles, however, thought it advisable to employ young blood
in inaugurating the policy which he believed to be necessary in
view of the tendencies of the times, and on June 1 5 he placed the
414
HUNGARY
young Count Maurice Esterhazy at the head of the Ministry.
The Count had the reputation of being a very intelligent, gifted
magnate, but it was felt that to fit him for such a position it would
have been necessary that he should have at least won his spurs
as a politician. Tisza was now leader of the Opposition, and he
was at the head of a blindly devoted majority. The strongest
member of the Esterhazy Government was Dr. William Vaz-
sonyi, a former lawyer who represented the Socialist party in
the Cabinet and was appointed Minister of Justice. To him
was entrusted the task of bringing before the House proposals
for electoral reform in accordance with the new spirit of the
times. He had scarcely drafted the bill before every sub-sec-
tion of it became the object of unworthy chaffering. Even
Count Michael Karolyi, who had posed as one of the most zeal-
ous champions of far-reaching democratic ideas, is said to have
expressed his willingness to oppose the enfranchisement of
illiterates in return for the appointment of a member of his
party as Secretary of State in the Ministry of Justice. When it
was obvious that the members of the Government were in vio-
lent disagreement among themselves, and Esterhazy's health
broke down under the strain, it became necessary to find another
prime minister. On the advice of Count Czernin, the Austro-
Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Alexander Wekerle was
appointed on Aug. 20. He had held the office several times
before, was distinguished for his financial ability, and, in spite
of his mistakes in the past, had the reputation of possessing one
of the wisest heads in Hungary. But the task imposed upon
him was beyond his powers. The situation had been rendered
more difficult by the failure of the State to provide Austria-
Hungary with bread-stuffs by taking over the rich harvest of
1917, with the result that forestallers and war profiteers had
hastened to buy it up and withdraw it from the market. Wekerle
soon tendered his resignation; but, on the failure of the Minister
of Finance, Szterenyi, to form a new Cabinet, he consented to
remain in office. The members of the Cabinet who had urged
the immediate settlement of the franchise question Apponyi,
Esterhazy, Bela Foldes and Vazsonyi now retired.
The End of the Monarchy. The whole political life of Hun-
gary was sick, owing, on the one hand, to the opposition of
Tisza to the radical reform of the franchise projected by Vaz-
sonyi, and, on the other hand, to the ambition of Count Karolyi,
who wished to get into office at any cost. The latter was not
particularly gifted, and was more of an intriguer than a states-
man; but he had been thrust into the foreground by the Opposi-
tion, which used this popularity-hunting aristocrat as a battering-
ram to break down obstacles that stood in the way of their plans,
and the part he was called on to play had turned his head. He
really believed that his destiny was to shape the fate of Hungary,
and his whole soul was intent on becoming Minister-President.
Karolyi did not disguise his opinion that in politics all means
are legitimate, if they lead to power. While assuring the King
of his fidelity, he maintained secret relations with the Radical,
and even with Bolshevist, elements. Impatient at the post-
ponement of his ambitious hopes, he declared openly that he
would keep no bounds, which agreed with his announcement
in Parliament on Oct. 18 1918 that he intended henceforth to
substitute deeds for words. At the same time he made skilful
use of a means which gained him great popularity, viz., his
supposed intimate relations with the Entente Powers, by means
of which he promised to procure for the country the peace for
which it earnestly longed. It was indeed this war-weariness
which accounted for the amazing influence which Karolyi actually
exercised, the secret of which was that he was believed to be the
one man who could bring peace to Hungary. But Karolyi over-
estimated both his own abilities and his influence with the
Entente. Because he had formerly always taken up in Parlia-
ment an attitude of hostility to the Triple Alliance, he believed
that he had only to hold out his hand to the Entente Powers
and these would at once grant Hungary favourable terms of
peace. In view of the danger threatening from Karolyi and
the Radicals, Tisza the " granite head " as Prince Ludwig
Windischgratz called him at last showed himself not indis-
m.
ist
posed to make concessions in the matter of franchise reform.
He was even prepared to come to terms with his old antagonist
Andrassy, to propose him for the office of Foreign Minister, and
to support him. Into the midst of this confusion fell like a
bombshell the young Emperor-King's manifesto of Oct. 16,
which proclaimed the liquidation of the monarchy and its trans-
formation into a Federal state. It was the most unfortunate
of all Charles's actions. The immediate and logical result of the
manifesto, which destroyed dualism, was that Hungary declared
that she had recovered her rights as a separate state and that
henceforth she would be bound to Austria solely by the personal
union of the Crown.
Meanwhile the power of social democracy had grown ever
greater and greater. Nothing had been done to satisfy its
burning desire for universal and secret suffrage, and it was there-
fore in the highest degree discontented. Among wide classes
of the population the failure to carry out the oft-repeated prom-
ise of an e'xtension of the franchise, especially in the case of the
soldiers, had shattered all confidence in the King and the Gov-
ernment. The ground was thus prepared for the most Radical
party cries to take root and flourish. All authority was under-
mined, and its place was taken by a deep-rooted hatred of the
governing classes who had hitherto directed the destinies of
the country. At this crisis, which called for a strong guiding
brain and hand, the throne was occupied by a sovereign who,
though quite well-meaning, was too inexperienced and too weak
to do the right thing. The representatives of the power of the
State showed themselves no less weak; it was as though every-
one had conspired to paralyse all the organs of the State and to
destroy its order. As is always the case at the outbreak of
revolutions, men who had hitherto avoided the light now rose
to the surface from the lower depths. An atmosphere had been
created in which it was possible for such Catilinarian figures as
Count Michael Karolyi and his fellows to flourish. The revo-
lutionary spirit had received rich nourishment from Bela Kun,
who had returned from captivity in Russia, liberally provided
with Bolshevist money, and employed himself in spreading the
doctrines of Lenin and Trotsky in the barracks and among the
troops at the front. In the same spirit, on Oct. 25 1918, and
on Karolyi's suggestion, a National Council was organized.
Karolyi in Power. It now became fatally clear that every-
one was agreed that the King had no choice but to appoint
Karolyi Minister- President in succession to Wekerle, who had
resigned. Even Tisza advised this course. Thus the helm of
the State was to be put into the hands of the man who based
his policy on the world-revolution which was to enforce peace.
It was not, however, as yet clear that a violent revolution would
be successful. On the night of Oct. 29-30 Oskar Jaszi, the prin-
cipal mob leader, told his comrade Kunfi that they would
probably both be hanged on the morrow; for they feared that
Field-Marshal Lukachich would lead his troops against them
and make an end once for all of revolutionary nonsense. But
when, towards the morning of the 3oth, the general had not put
in an appearance, they regained courage. In the half-light of
dawn bands of soldiers, seduced by the revolutionary propa-
ganda, began to concentrate in the region about the Hotel
Astoria, carrying red and national flags, and shouting "Long
live Karolyi! Long live the Revolution!" Soon the tidings
spread abroad that Karolyi had been appointed Minister-
President. When Jaszi stepped out on to the balcony of the
Hotel Astoria and announced the King's decision to the assem-
bled crowds, he was met with cries of " The King? Who is
the King now? It is not the King who nominated Karolyi.
He is Minister- President by the will of the Revolution. Long
live the Republic!" It was a victory for the mob, and its
immediate effect was to make the position of Andrassy, the
newly appointed Foreign Minister in Vienna, impossible.
Karolyi at once ordered the withdrawal of the Hungarian troops
from the front, in conformity with Lenin's prescription making
the dissolution of the army the essential condition precedent to
the social revolution. This sealed the fate of Hungary, which
was thus rendered absolutely defenceless.
HUNGARY
The first victim of the new regime was Count Tisza, who was
murdered on the morning of Oct. 31. His all too stubborn
resistance to the extension of the franchise had earned him the
hatred of the people. It was also universally believed at that
time that it was to his advice that the beginning of the war was
principally due, though it has since been proved, from official
sources, that, on the contrary, Tisza was the only one of the
ministers present at the fateful council who spoke against the
declaration of war on Serbia, a fact which he was too proud to
announce publicly during his lifetime.
Karolyi had triumphed over even his strongest opponents,
but he was not destined to enjoy his triumph long. Now that
he had seized the reins of government it was soon abundantly
clear that he had none of the qualities enabling him to fill the
part to which his morbid ambition had led him to aspire, and
that, where he thought to push, he was himself pushed. When
the reins of government slipped from his feeble hands, he played
them into those of the Bolshevists, who, emancipated from all
ties of country, indulged in an orgy of plunder and murder,
plunging Hungary into a misery deeper than any she had
suffered from the war. (E. v. W.)
The People's Republic. The forces by which the monarchy
and the constitution were overthrown, and which after their
overthrow controlled the situation, were represented by three
groups, of which only one had previously been represented in
Parliament that led by Karolyi. These groups were (i) the
Social Democratic party, which in 1919 had 215,022 associate
members; (2) the Bourgeois-Radical party of Oskar Jaszi (b.
1885), the members of which were mainly Jewish intellectuals;
(3) the party of Independence, under Count Karolyi, which had
great support among the undiluted Magyars of the Alfold (the
great central Hungarian plain) because it upheld the Kossuth
tradition of separation from Austria. It was the representatives
of these three groups who, under Karolyi's leadership, had con-
stituted the National Council on Oct. 26. On the 2pth the
Diet at Agram declared the independence of Croatia, and on
the 3oth the National Assembly of German-Austria proclaimed
the Republic at Vienna. On the night of Oct. 30 occurred the
revolution in Budapest. Workmen's and soldiers' councils on
the Russian model had already been formed; but, though the
revolution was the work of the mob, it undoubtedly had wide
support among the middle classes and the peasants, while the
murder of Count Tisza removed the only man strong enough to
have arrested its course.
After Wekerle's retirement the Archduke Joseph, as the
King's representative, had nominated a new Ministry consisting
of members of the three revolutionary groups, with Karolyi at
their head. These men at first took the oath of allegiance; but
as early as Nov. i they asked permission to rescind it; the
King's permission was given, and the Karolyi Cabinet consti-
tuted itself as a People's Government, and took a fresh oath of
allegiance to the National Council. To the further wish ex-
pressed by the Government, that King Charles should abdicate,
he made no reply; but on Nov. 13 he issued from Eckartsau a
proclamation announcing his withdrawal from all affairs of
State, and his recognition in advance of any form of govern-
ment which the Hungarians might decide upon.
On Nov. 16 the National. Council proclaimed Hungary a
People's Republic, dissolved the two Houses of Parliament,
and handed over power to Karolyi and a committee of the
National Council, pending the convocation of a National Con-
stituent Assembly, which, however, never met. On Jan. n
Karolyi was elected by the National Council provisional Presi-
dent of the Republic and he himself appointed Dionys Berinkey
(b. 1871) Minister-President. The new Government did not
recognize the armistice concluded by the Italian Gen. Diaz
with the Higher Command of the dissolving Austro-Hungarian
army; and, in the hope that as a pacifist and a consistent oppo-
nent of war he would obtain better terms for Hungary, Karolyi
proceeded to Belgrade, where he concluded with Gen. Franchet
d'Esperey, the commander-in-chief of the Entente troops in the
Balkans, a fresh armistice. He had already deliberately de-
stroyed the Hungarian army; the new armistice established a
line of demarcation which gave over large portions of Hungary
and Transylvania to Rumanian and Serbian occupation.
In order to avoid the threatened partition Karolyi and Oskar
Jaszi, the Minister of Nationalities, began negotiations for the
transformation of Hungary into a pacifist confederation. They
had not proceeded far, however, before the country was invaded
by Rumanian and Czech troops, who occupied two-thirds of
it, even beyond the lines of demarcation. A few of the Hun-
garian troops which had arrived in good order from the front
wished to offer resistance; but this Karolyi would not allow.
The military mission of the Entente in Budapest took cognizance
of this further occupation, but paid no attention to the protests
of the Hungarians.
The failure of the Government in its dealings with the En-
tente roused bitter feeling among the people, who had hoped
that the new men would be able to save the thousand-year-old
Magyar State, and this discontent was rendered more acute by
the anti-national attitude of the two Government parties, the
Social Democrats and the Bourgeois-Radicals. In consequence
of the disbandment of the army, there was only one organized
force in the country, that of the Socialist trade unions, the
leaders of which now desired to assert their new-won power.
They thwarted all attempts to form a new National army, and
the fall of two War Ministers was caused by parades of Social-
ist soldiers' councils. As the Social Democrats and the Jaszi
Radicals were also agitating against the influence of the Church,
so dominant in Hungary, and in favour of non-religious ethics,
the reaction developed on nationalist and religious principles.
The Szekler soldiers, who had been driven from Transylvania
by the Rumanians, the league of " awakening Hungarians,"
and the officers' associations greatly stimulated the resentment
felt against the pacifist and Radical-Socialist Administration.
This resentment assumed an anti-Semitic character hitherto
unknown in Hungary, the reason being that the leaders of the
Social Democrats and Bourgeois-Radicals were, almost without
exception, of Jewish origin. This was also the case with the
most prominent members of the Government of the Republic
Oskar Jaszi; Siegmund Kunfi, the Minister of Education (b.
1889) ; William Bochm, the Minister of War; and Joseph Pogany
(b. 1886), the president of the Soldiers' Council. These were
the men who had made it impossible to resist the invasion of
Hungary by force of arms.
The Government attempted to win over the peasants by a
radical scheme of land reform, a People's Law (18 of the year
1919) decreeing the breaking-up and distribution of all estates
of 500 Joch (about 900 acres) and over; but this law was never
carried out. The anti-national programme of the Social Demo-
crats, who were alone effectively organized, caused divisions in
both the other Government groups.
The Communists under Bela Kun. The Social Democratic
party, which alone was organized, by its anti-nationalist de-
mands caused divisions in both the other Government parties.
A portion of the Karolyi Independence party went over to the
Opposition, and the Jaszi Radicals abandoned, as useless, all
attempt at participation in the approaching elections to the
National Assembly, which was to be summoned in order to
j decide all questions definitely. In the vehement election cam-
paign the Social Democrats fought, on one side against the
| Nationalist bourgeois or peasants, and, on the other side,
against the new Communist party. This latter was founded on
Nov. 24 1918 by some returned prisoners-of-war from Russia,
among whom the most conspicuous was Bela Kun, who had been
trained at Moscow in the schools for Bolshevist propaganda and
had returned to Hungary to prepare the Communist revolu-
tion. Between Jan. and March 1919 the Communists suc-
ceeded in stirring up several riots and insurrections among dis-
abled and discharged soldiers and among the unemployed.
Their efforts were directed against the Social Democrats, and
especially against the minister Kunfi and the trade-union leader
Jacob Weltner; and when on Feb. 20 Bela Kun with his Commu-
nists stormed the Social Democratic publication office, he was
416
HUNGARY
arrested and roughly treated by the police. Since, however, a
counter-revolution on national lines was gaining strength in the
country, and, on the other hand, the workmen's and soldiers'
councils were becoming daily more radical under the influence
of the Communist agitation, the leaders of the Social Democrats
decided to seek escape from this situation by a fusion of the
two Labour parties and the proclamation of the " dic-
tatorship of the proletariat " on the Bolshevist model.
In accordance with the compact signed (March 4 1919) by the
Socialist minister Kunfi and the Communist leader Bela Kun
\n the latter's prison, both groups united to form the Hungarian
Socialist party, abandoned democratic principles, and took over
the government of the country in alliance with Soviet Russia.
The People's Government resigned, and President Karolyi sur-
rendered his powers to the new Hungarian Soviet Government.
Period of Soviet Government. According to the Constitutional
Law (Soviet Ordinance No. XXVI.), which was borrowed from
Russian Bolshevism, the object of Soviet dominion in Hungary
was " the destruction of capitalistic production and society and
the creation of social (communistic) production and society by
securing the dominion of the workers over the exploiters by
means of the dictatorship of the proletariat." The dictator-
ship, according to this regulation, was to be exercised through
the workmen's, soldiers' and peasants' councils (soviets). Only
" workers " were allowed to vote for the local Soviets; traders,
the clergy, monks and nuns, and all who lived on rents or the
interest on investments were disfranchised. Deputies from the
local Soviets constituted the central soviet, which was to choose
the People's Commissaries, in whom all actual power was vested.
The 16 People's Commissaries to whom Karolyi had transferred
his powers on March 21 were subsequently confirmed in their
authority by the central soviet. A stonemason named Alexan-
der Garbai (b. 1879) became President of the Republic, but the
actual ruler was Bela Kun, " People's Commissary " for foreign
affairs, who was in direct contact with Lenin in Russia. As
candidates for the local Soviets had to be chosen from the official
list, power was permanently secured to the People's Commis-
saries. The old administrative system was in principle abol-
ished. At the head of the more important offices were placed
" political commissaries," appointed by the People's Commis-
saries and armed with dictatorial power. The officers of the
law were removed from their posts and the courts done away
with; the new " revolutionary tribunals " were composed en-
tirely of workmen. Workmen also supervised education.
In making the compact with Bela Kun the Social Democrats
had, indeed, abandoned democratic principles, but they failed
to understand the methods of the new dictatorship and to the
last their attitude towards it was purely passive. The only
active agents of the dictatorship were the true Communists
who in the whole country numbered only some 15,000, mostly
unemployed, and Budapest soldiers won over by Bela Kun with
money and promises. In order to maintain its power this
minority had to imitate the methods of Bolshevist Russia by a
system of terror and propaganda in the towns and countryside
in the interests of the dictatorship. Terror was proclaimed as
an instrument of government in the official declarations and
proclamations of the Communists. It took the form of the
enlistment of a Communist army, of the quartering of Com-
munists on middle-class families, of the arrest of " hostages "
(in Budapest only) some 4oo-odd distinguished citizens, poli-
ticians and writers, of whom some were bestially murdered
and, finally, of the organization of special " terror troops "
whose function was to terrorize the people. The " terror troop "
known as " Lenin's ruffians," which acted as guard to the
strongly fortified house in which the People's Commissaries
lived and worked, arrested, tortured and executed people on
their own authority. For the provinces a special terror troop
was created, under the leadership of the People's Commissary
Tibor Szamuelly, which was empowered to inflict the death pen-
alty without any formalities whatever.
In the interests of the propaganda an attempt was made to
suppress all expressions of national and religious life, and to
spread the Communist conception of the world which had been
imported from Russia by means of posters, pamphlets, brochures,
processions, meetings and education. With the exception of
three official Communist journals, all newspapers were sup-
pressed, and the writers were placed in a Government office
where they could only work under State supervision and cen-
sorship. The right of public meeting was abolished, except for
Communistic objects. A propaganda abroad was instituted
in order to spread Bolshevism in the countries bordering on
Hungary; schools of propaganda for the training of agitators
were established, and an " international red army " consisting
of Russian and Italian prisoners-of-war was created. The prin-
cipal object of all this was the erection of Soviet Government in
Austria. For this purpose the Communist party in Vienna was
provided with money; and when a demonstration organized by
this party with a view to the proclamation of the Soviet regime
resulted in nothing but futile bloodshed, Bela Kun deposed the
leader of the party and replaced him by a Hungarian Communist.
On this particular work of propaganda the diplomatic mission
of Soviet Hungary in Vienna spent 60,000,000 kronen.
The schools served the Soviet Government chiefly by way
of propaganda; and with this in view all religion and authority
were excluded. In the middle schools the pupils themselves
elected Pupils' Councils whose function was to control the
activities of the teachers. All mention of the nation or of reli-
gion in the lessons was forbidden, and, instead of the national
heroes, Marx, Engels and Lenin were glorified, together with
Spartacus and Catiline, their forerunners in the task of liberating
the working-classes. It was sought to spread the doctrines of
historical materialism; the university was reorganized and
deprived of its autonomy, and, as the highest educational estab-
lishment, an " Institute for Research into Historical Material-
ism" was founded. In boys' and girls' schools the pupils re-
ceived enlightening instruction in the processes of generation,
birth, etc., with disastrous results to juvenile morality.
A complete revolution was brought about in the economic
organization of the country. Certain occupations were entirely
prohibited, such as judges and lawyers generally, bank officials,
trade employees, workers in gold, confectioners, cooks, hotel
employees, paper-hangers, sign-writers, hatters, bookbinders and
barbers. All private property was declared to be the property
of the State; business houses were closed and their wares sold
by official agents for the benefit of the State. The most valu-
able furniture, carpets, pianos, pictures and libraries were col-
lected from private houses and taken to Government stores.
Trade became a State monopoly. Manufactories were taken
over by councils of workmen connected with the particular
industry; manufacturers, engineers and officials were placed
under the orders of these councils, or driven away. The dis-
tribution of raw materials to the factories was managed by a
Government office. Industries declined through want of capi-
tal, and the diminution of output owing to payment by time
was so great that presently the workmen themselves were
anxious to return to the piece-work system. Cost prices ad-
vanced by leaps and bounds. In March 1919 the cost price
of cast iron was 50-80 kr. per 100 kgm.; in April 2,700 kronen.
The output of the Salgo-Tarjan mines fell by more than 50%
under the Soviets. The small manufacturers and homeworkers,
who were regarded as exploiters, were refused raw material and
their businesses were closed. In the agricultural districts, all
landed property was taken over by the State, the large estates
were placed under the management of workmen, but the Gov-
ernment allowed the peasants to retain holdings up to 100
Joch (about 180 acres) as private property.
Counter- Revolutionary Movements. A few weeks only had
passed under this regime before the Soviet Government had to
fight for its life both at home and in its relations with foreign
Powers. Nobody but the small Communist minority was satis-
fied with its decrees. It found opponents alike in the trades
unions, which the Communists wished to destroy because of
their democratic past ; the terrorized middle classes, traders and
industrialists, who were without bread to eat; and the clergy,
HUNGARY
ho were persecuted by the Soviets which attacked Christianity
,nd the Church after the Russian model and were only pre-
vented from closing all places of worship by the wrath of the
people. In the schools and among the country folk the com-
missaries preached atheism, free love and the advantages of
communal kitchens. In consequence of the industrial crisis,
the Soviets were unable to supply the peasants with any imple-
ments, while the Soviet currency, which in violation of the
charter of the State Bank was turned out by the printing press
in immense quantities, was now worthless. The peasants
therefore refused to supply any produce, and the towns, and
especially Budapest, suffered from want of food. Isolated up-
risings of the peasantry were bloodily suppressed by Szamuelly's
" terror troops." Since most of the ruling politicians and Peo-
ple's Commissaries (Bela Kun, Szamuelly, Commandants Pogany
and Bohm, and Finance Commissary Eugene Varga) belonged
to the younger generation of Jews, anti-Communist feeling in
the country assumed more and more the character of anti-Semi-
tism. In May 1919, the politicians, officers and officials who
had fled from the terror to the districts in Rumanian occupa-
tion formed a counter-revolutionary Government under Count
Julius Karolyi (b. May 7 1871), which, establishing itself at
Szeged, proceeded, under the direction of the former Vice-
Adml. Nicholas Horthy, to recruit and organize a " National
army" against the Communists.
Downfall of the Soviet Government. The Soviet Government
viewed Hungary as Lenin's outpost, which was to be held until
Communism had been victorious in the neighbouring coun-
tries also. Bela Kun, therefore, attempted to open negotia-
tions for peace with the Allies and was prepared to abandon
Hungary's territorial claims if thereby he could secure the con-
tinuance of Soviet rule and gain greater opportunities for prop-
aganda. On the other hand, the Soviet Government created
a " Red army " " for the liberation of the Proletariat." As
Bela Kun failed to come to an agreement with Gen. Smuts, the
delegate of the Supreme Council in, Paris, Rumanian troops on
April 10 1919 took the offensive against Soviet Hungary, de-
feated the Red army and occupied the line of the Theiss.
After this disaster, the Soviet Government reorganized the
Red army. The system of soldiers' councils and civil commis-
saries with the army was abolished; and the authority of pro-
fessional officers and discipline were restored; the use of national
emblems was permitted and appeals to patriotism were used in
order to excite the soldiers against the invading enemy. The
Serbs and Rumanians having refused a fresh offer made to
them by Bela Kun, the latter determined to anticipate their
now inevitable offensive by ordering an attack on the Czechs.
The soldiers, fired by patriotic enthusiasm, defeated the Czechs
and occupied the greater part of northern Hungary. But when,
on the categorical demand of Clemenceau (June 8), Bela Kun
gave back the reconquered territories to the Czechs, in the hope
thereby of saving the Soviet Government, the moral of the
troops was completely broken. The growth of national anti-
revolutionary feeling and the boycotting of the capital by the
peasantry, which led to starvation among the workmen, drove
the Soviet Government to make a last desperate attack on the
Rumanians in order to secure the harvest of the Theiss district.
But the Red troops scattered at the first attack; the Ruma-
nians crossed the Theiss, and advanced on Budapest without
meeting any resistance. The Soviet Government resigned on
Aug. i. Its Communist members, including Bela Kun, went
to Vienna, where they were allowed the right of asylum by the
Austrian Government. Later, some of them left for Russia.
Szamuelly, the leader of the " terror troops," shot himself
during his flight.
Hungary after Bolshevism, 1919. In view of the Communist
breakdown, the Socialist organizations now reasserted the
principles of democracy, severed their connexion with the
Communists, and, under the presidency of Julius Peidl, formed
a purely Social-Democratic Ministry. But the influence of the
Social Democrats had been so weakened by their cooperation
with the Bolshevists that the new Ministry could only survive
for five days. On Aug. 6 a group of citizens and officers de-
manded its resignation, and it obeyed.
The representatives of the Entente in Budapest put the
government of the country into the hands of the popular Arch-
duke Joseph, who formed a Ministry of members of the counter-
revolutionary middle class, under the premiership of Stephen
Friedrich (b. July i 1883).
The Rumanian Occupation. After the disbandment of the
Red army Rumanian troops occupied Budapest and the whole of
what remained of Hungary, with the exception of the western
border counties, in spite of the prohibition of the Entente
representative in Budapest. As a result, political activity
in the country was crippled, and the reestablishment of order
after the Bolshevik experiment retarded. The Rumanians
were several times ordered to evacuate the country by Clemen-
ceau, in the name of the Supreme Council, but they declared
that they wished first to take revenge on Hungary for the
plundering of Rumania by the German troops during the war.
They took grain, fodder, cattle, 1,151 locomotives, 40,950
railway carriages, all the post-office motor-cars from Budapest,
4,000 telephone installations from the Budapest central exchange,
the telephones and typewriting machines from the Govern-
ment offices and schools, beds and bed linen from hotels and
prisons, and scientific apparatus from the schools. Machinery
was removed from factories; the iron beams of the Cyor cannon
works were torn from the walls and carried off the journey to
Rumania in open trucks entirely destroyed them. It was
only as the result of an ultimatum from the Supreme Council
that the Rumanians at last withdrew from Budapest (Nov. n)
and from the line of the Theiss (Feb. 1920).
New Governments, 1920. After the fall of Bolshevist rule
and the Rumanian occupation, Hungary was only able slowly
to regain order in her internal affairs. The neighbouring coun-
tries hostile to the Habsburgs (Czechs, Yugoslavs, Rumanians)
would not tolerate the regency of the Archduke Joseph. By
an order of the Entente, accordingly, the Archduke, together
with the prime minister whom he had appointed, resigned
office, and the political parties appointed the Christian Socialist
Karl Huzzar (b. Sept. 10 1882) president, pending the meeting
of the National Assembly. Order was maintained during the
Rumanian occupation by a civil police force, and, after the
Rumanian withdrawal, by the national army under Horthy.
The effects of the Bolshevist dictatorship had now produced a
strong reaction. During the dictatorship, the extermination
of the bourgeoisie and the shooting of whole villages of peasants
had been spoken of at meetings and in the official press as nor-
mal Government measures, the result being that both citizens
and peasants only slowly became again accustomed to a system
based on orderly justice. During the masterless days after the
fall of Bolshevism, there were in the country districts many
cases of lynch law exercised upon the Communists. The suc-
cessive Governments of Huzzar, Simonyi-Semadam (b. March
28 1864), Count Paul Teleki (b. Nov. n 1879, formerly professor
of geography), which held office from June 19 1920 to April 15
1921, took great pains to restore the authority of the law, and
in order to restrain unlawful acts of vengeance they several
times proclaimed martial law, and broke up by force of arms
certain civil and military organizations.
The relations of the political parties were quite changed as a
result of Bolshevism. In the place of former parties, differen-
tiated by their ideas of the State, new ones sprang up which,
in opposition to the anti-national and anti-religious tendencies
of Bolshevism, formulated a National-Christian programme
intended to make impossible any repetition of the Communist
times. At the elections in Jan. 1920, which for the first time in
Hungary were conducted on the basis of universal and secret
suffrage, with the exception of six Democrats, only members of
the Bourgeois Christian Nationalist and Peasant Farmers'
parties were elected to the National Assembly. Socialist ideas
had forfeited all sympathy among the rural population and the
citizens of the towns on account of their association with Bol-
shevism. The trades unions found their political activities
4i8
HUNGARY
obstructed; whereupon, on June 20 1920, the International
Federation of Trades Unions at Amsterdam declared a boycott
of Hungary. Hungary replied with a boycott of Austria, where
the Labour men of the Socialist Left were vigorously applying
to Hungary the boycott ordered by the international conference,
and cut off Austria's food and coal supplies. The result was
that the original boycott was withdrawn, although no advan-
tages had been secured by the Hungarian Socialists. One con-
sequence of the Bolshevist rule was the still more intense
development of anti-Semitic feeling. Since leaders of the Com-
munists were chiefly recruited among the younger Jewish intel-
lectual circles, the National Assembly, in order to prevent the
creation of a Jewish intellectual proletariat, in Sept. 1920 pro-
claimed the " Numerus Clausus " for the universities. Under
this clause, Jews could only be admitted to the universities in
proportion to their percentage of the population. By the desire
of the Small Farmers' party, a bill was passed, on the lines of
the English Small Holdings Act, making it possible for every
agricultural labourer to acquire a holding up to 10 Jock.
As a consequence of the annexation of parts of the old Hun-
gary by the new states, what remained of the country was filled
with fugitives, mostly officials, teachers, etc., who had been
driven out by Czechs, Rumanians and southern Slavs. All
economic and cultural intercourse between the rump of Hungary
and the territories now occupied by the new states continued
to be interrupted even after the collapse of Bolshevism.
Huzzar's Government was, on Dec. 2 1919, invited to the
Peace Conference in Paris by the Entente. The Hungarian
delegation, headed by Count Albert Apponyi, was forced to
sign the Treaty of Trianon (June 4 1920), without being given
any opportunity of discussing the conditions imposed by the
Entente, under which more than two-thirds of the old Hungary
was divided among the neighbouring states.
Adml. Horthy as "Regent." After experience of the Karolyi
and the Soviet republics, the traditional monarchist feeling
became evident in Hungary; but as the neighbouring states,
members of the " Little Entente," Czechoslovakia, Yugo-
slavia and Rumania, and also Italy, saw in the occupation of
the throne of Hungary by a member of the House of Habsburg
a danger to themselves, and threatened to treat such an event
as a casus belli, the. National Assembly postponed all decision
as to the form of the State, leaving the question of the sovereign
undecided, and on March i 1920 entrusted the commander-in-
chief, Adml. Horthy, with supreme power as regent.
The recovery of the State from the effects of Bolshevist rule
proceeded slowly. At Easter 1920 the Finance Minister of the
Teleki Government, Roland Hegediis (b. June 24 1872), es-
tablished the machinery for the paper currency. The national
revenue had been made in March 1921 to balance expenditure;
and the Foreign Minister, Gustav Gratz (b. 1875), began to
negotiate for resumption of economic relations with the new
States built out of the ruins of the Habsburg Monarchy.
When at Easter 1921 King Charles, without awaiting the
decision of the National Assembly as to the exercise of the
royal power, suddenly appeared in Hungary and wished to
take over the powers of the regent, the latter refused to hand
them over, since to have done so would have been contrary to
the law under which he held the regency. The King was forced,
therefore, again to leave the country, amid the loud protests
of the " Little Entente " against his enterprise. His subsequent
attempt, in Oct. 1921, at a coup d'etat was even more disastrous
to him; and he was then interned at Madeira under Allied sur-
veillance. The Teleki Government was replaced on April 15
1921 by the Christian-National-Agrarian Ministry of Count
Stephen Bethlen.
See Memoirs of Count J. Andrassy (Diplomacy and World War,
Hung, and Germ., 1920) ; Prince Ludwig Windischgratz, Vom roten
zum schwarzen Prinzen (1920); Oskar Jaszi, Magyar Kdlvdria, Mag-
yar Feltdmadds (1920) ; The Ordinances of the Soviet Republic (Hung.,
5 vols., 1919). On the Soviet period there are several journalistic
works, as well as the publications of certain People's Commissaries,
issued after the fall of the Soviet regime, as apologies and for pur-
poses of further propaganda, of which may be mentioned Eugen
Varga, Die wirtschaftspolitischen Probleme der proletarischen Diktatur
(1920); Bela Szanto, A Magyarorszdgi proletariates osztdlyharcza
es diktaturdja (1920); and Dokumente der Einheit, die Vorgeschichte
des Zusammenschlusses der Social-Demokraten und Kommunisten
(1919); Alexander Szana, Die bolschevistische Wirtschaftspolitik in
Ungarn.
Reports by workmen on the economic conditions will be found in
the Social-Democratic weekly, Vildgossdg (Vienna, 1920). A com-
prehensive account based on documentary evidence is given in
A bolsevizmus Magyarorszdgon (Bolshevism in Hungary) edited by
Gustav Gratz (1921). (J. s.*)
HUNGARIAN LITERATURE
In 1908 a parting of the ways between the younger and the older
generations in Hungarian letters was definitely marked when some
of the younger poets published the new songs of the new time in
two volumes under the title The Coming Day, and founded the
periodical West which, enlarging itself by the adoption of a political
programme, was made their organ of progress. The most complete
expression of the new revolutionary spirit found itself in lyrical
poetry, which attained its full maturity in the poems of Andreas
Ady (1877-1919).
Ady's lyrics display a Hungarian language rooted in the remote
past and awaken the old tones of the peasant-crusader (curuczok)
poetry of the i6th century and of the Protestant Bible, but trans-
fused with a new idiom personal to himself. His language is sub-
merged in the twilight depths of the soul, battles against the narrow-
ness of middle-class morality, and revels in sensual love. His out-
look on life attracted him towards the Socialist and Pacifist schools
of thought, and he thus became the representative of those Social-
Democratic phrase-mongers who, in the autumn of 1918, led Hun-
gary along the path of destruction. His poems were published in
9 vols. : New Poems, Blood and Gold, By the Chariot of Elijah,
Ye Must Love Me, Elusive Life, Self-love, Who Saw Me, From the
Poems of Primeval^ Secrets, At the Head of the Dead. Ady's novels
display a naturalism subjectively experienced, as in Thus May It
Also Happen, Pale People, The Cleopatra with Ten Millions, On a New
Path. He also published polemical works in favour of his political
views. An appreciation of him was written by John Horvath in
Ady and the Newest Hungarian Lyrical Poetry.
Beside Ady the most important of the writers connected with the
periodical West was Michael Babits, whose poems express with great
perfection of form and moving effect the self-destructive suffering
of civilized man in the 2Oth century. He wrote Leaves from the
Wreath of Iris, and The Valley of Unrest. Desider Kosztolanyi
(b. 1885) interpreted the romance and melancholy of Budapest m
The Laments of the Poor Child, and Poppy. Among others may be
mentioned Arpad Toth (b. 1886), Gabriel Olah, Erno Szep, Julius
Juhasz, Bela Halasz, and Renee Erdos the last-named a lady whose
muse, pagan and erotic at first, was converted later into Catholic
and penitent. At the beginning of the World War an enthusiastic
welcome was given to the patriotic poems of Geiza Gypni (d. 1917),
which were written at the front ancj sent home from Siberia. These
poems, modern in style, were published under the titles On Polish
Fields, and Letters from the Hill of Calvary. To the radical school of
thought belonged also Joseph Kiss (b. 1843), who, following the
tradition of Arany, wrote pacifist war-songs and several beautiful
ballads, his lyrics having an oriental charm. The new poetry had
many champions among critics and essayists, notably Aladar
Schopflin and Ludwig von Harvany.
In prose fiction and the drama modernism was less strongly
marked, though the new philosophy of life differed from that of the
earlier generation. The most important novelist of this period was
Siegmund Moricz (b. 1879), who wrote Gold in the Muck, Behind the
Devil, The Torch. Margaret Kaffka (1880-1918) gives in her novels,
e.g. Maria's Apprenticeship and Colours and Years, sketches of
contemporary politics. Francis Molnar (b. 1878) describes in his
novel Andor the wasted life of a decadent young man. Mention
may also be made of Michael Suranyi's novels, The Peacock from
Trianon and The Holy Mountain.
On the Hungarian stage modern ideas and traditional convention
were in sharp competition. To the latter belong The Nurse and
The School-mistress of Alexander Brody (b. 1863), together with his
war drama, Lyon Lea, centring round the life of the Galician Jews.
Desider Szomory wrote tragedies on themes taken from the history
of the House of Habsburg, Maria Theresa and Joseph II., and in
Bella, Hermelin and Matuska he dramatized the sexual life of the
modern woman. Francis Molnar, the novelist already mentioned,
became a popular and successful writer of drawing-room drama,
with a great mastery of stage routine and technique. His best-
known plays are The Guards Officer, The Devil, The Wolf, The
Carnival, The Swan and Liliom, a picture of apache life. Among his
successful rivals in the same genre are Melchior Lengyel, with his
The Prophet and Typhoon, and Louis Brio, author of The Tsarilsa.
Among the vounger of the dramatists is G. Dre'gely, author of The
Well-fitting Dress Suit.
As representatives of the older generation of conservative poets
may be mentioned Joseph Levay (1825-1918), Alexander Endrody
(1850-1920), Andrew Kozma (b. 1861), author of Hungarian Sym-
HUNTER HUTIER
419
phonies. Koloman Mikszath, the greatest Hungarian novelist after
jokai, died in 1910; his The Black City did not appear until ion, and
his Posthumous Works were issued subsequently. Among the effec-
tive romance writers of the old school was Francis Herczeg (b. 1863),
who wrote numerous novels, and also appeared as a playwright in
Blue Fox and The Black Horseman. Noteworthy also was Geiza
Gardonyi (b. 1863), who draws his homely themes from the life of
the villages and small towns, but who also seeks inspiration in
Hungarian heroic legend and in the faith of mediaeval cloisters.
Gardonyi is one of the most sympathetic of contemporary Hun-
garian writers; as in his tales The Longhaired Peril and 'Tis Far Till
Then (1913) ; Stephen Tomorkeny wrote genre word-pictures, such as
People in the Service of the Country (1916) ; as also did the novelist
Cilcilie Tormay (b. 1876), e.g. The Old House. In light literature
Julius Pekar did some good work, and also as a political writer in
support of national ideals. Noteworthy also are the popular writers
Koloman Catho and Alfred von Drasche-Lazar.
The conservative literary school was supported by a host of
competent critics. Eugen Rakosi (b. 1842) opposed the modern
literature of decadence with all the force of his burning enthusiasm,
as in his For the Hungarian Idea. Zoltan Ambrus (b. 1861) was an
esteemed dramatic critic. G. Vojnovich (b. 1877), E. Csaszar (b.
1878) and L. K6ky were also critics of conservative tendencies.
After the revolution of Oct. 30 1918, the political current brought
to the surface a mass of pacifist, defeatist and cosmopolitan litera-
ture. Under the presidency of Ady and Siegmund Moricz, the
progressives founded their own Academy which they named after
the national romantic poet, Vorosmarty. With the end of the World
War signs of futurism and expressionism had already appeared. The
new writers of the social world-revolution rejected all ooetical form.
Their ideals were cosmic universalism and the collective solidarity
of international mankind. But only one of them possessed any
real merit the iron-worker Louis Kaszak, who had developed from
naturalism into the poet of the proletariat in his Book of new Poets.
The periodical To-day became the semi-official organ of Com-
munist literature. It must be added that Communism in Hungary,
as in Russia, suppressed the free publication of books and appointed
the People's Commissariat as sole publisher with the unrestricted
right of censorship. The book market was now flooded with works
of Communist propaganda. The theatres, turned into State institu-
tions, were forced to perform plays with a Communist moral. No
composition of any permanent value was produced by the Com-
mune. After its fall Desider Szabo took the lead of the new literary
movement. In his poems he laments in vigorous language the
Szeklers of Transylvania, now separated from their mother country,
as in his The Village Torn Away (1919). In addition to Szabo, a poet
writing under the pseudonym of " Vegvari " protested in the poem
Help! against the dismemberment of Hungary.
Journalism, finally, has developed greatly in Hungary since the
'seventies and, since it employs a number of literary men, deserves
mention here. Numerous periodicals are in the habit of publishing
feuilletons, short stories and serial novels.
History. The centre of Hungarian historical research, as of the
other sciences, is the Hungarian Academy of Science, of which
Albert von Berzeviczy (b. 1853) was president in 1921. Robbed of
its revenues under the Bolshevik regime, vigorous efforts were made
to reestablish it after the restoration of order.
In historical writing and research great activity has been displayed
in Hungary since 1910. Vol. xii. of Arpad Karolyi's Acts of the
Hungarian Parliament contains fresh material of great importance
for the study of the religious wars of the i6th century in Hungary.
Desider Czanki published a further instalment of his Historical
Geography of Hungary during the period of the Hunyadi; Lukinich his
Transylvania's territorial transformations; and Julius Nagy Codex
diplomaticus Andageviensis; Samuel Gergely, Codex Comitum Teleki;
Francis Dory, Codex Comitum Zichy. Other works of original re-
search are: William Fraknoi (b. 1843), Critical Studies relating to
the History ofjhe Triple Alliance, and The place of Hungary in the
World War; Arpad Karolyi, The Dobling literary remains of Count
Stephen Ssechenyi; Eduard von Wertheimer (b. 1848), Count Julius
Andrdssy, his life and times and Friedenskongresse und Friedens-
schliisse; Viktor Concha (b. 1846), The Friendship of Baron Eotvos
and Monlalambert; Heinrich Marczali (b. 1856), Ungarische Verfas-
sungsgeschichte; Julius Szekfii (b. 1883), The Hungarian State, and
Three Generations, the History of a declining Age; Balint Homan,
The financial History of Hungary from 10001325; Ladislaus von
Szabo, History of the countly family of Ssechenyi; Baron Gabriel
Szalay, Letters of Ladislaus von Szalay; Stephen Cserey, The Law of
Succession to the Hungarian throne; Alexander Domanowszky (b.
1877), The Succession to the throne in the time of the Arpads.
Philosophy. In the domain of philosophy Karl Bohm (d. 1911)
was very productive. After his death appeared (1912) the 4th
volume of his principal work Man and his World, in which he sought
further to develop the subjective idealism of Fichte. Bernhard
Alexander (b. 1850) published Essays in the field of Modern Phil-
osophy; Julius Kornis (b. 1885), Causality and the reign of law in
Philosophy; Eugen Posch, The Phenomena of our Soul and their
Nature; Cecil Bognar, Causality and the reign of Law in Physics;
Akusius Pauler (b. 1876) published An Introduction to Philosophy,
which reached a 2nd edition as early as 1921.
Jurisprudence. Among writers on scientific jurisprudence the
following deserve special mention: Alexander PIosz (b. 1846), Law
of civil procedure; Alexander Raffay, Hungarian Private Law;
Joseph Illes (b. 1871), Introduction to the history of Hungarian Law;
Gustav Szaszy-Schwarz, New Directions in Private Law; Ernst
Wittmann, Methods of peaceful settlement of international disputes
and Past and present of the right of the self-determination of national-
ities; Geza Magyary (b. 1864), Civil procedure and Procedure in
International Arbitration; Paul Angyal (b. 1873), Hungarian criminal
procedure; Julius Derto, The principle of objective damages for
injury; John Karacsonyi (b. 1858), The territorial historical law of the
Hungarian Nation; Stephen Ereky, Studies in historical Juris-
prudence and in administration; Felix Somlo (d. 1920), The founda-
tions of Jurisprudence, one of the most important works, which
defines in a new way the ideas of law and of the State; Francis
Finkey (b. 1870), Manual of Hungarian criminal law procedure;
Wolfgang Heller, Principles of Political Economy (1920).
(B. Z.)
HUNTER, SIR ROBERT (1844-1913), English lawyer and
philanthropist, was born Oct. 27 1844. Educated at the univer-
sity of London, he qualified as a solicitor in 1867, and in 1882
became solicitor to the General Post Office. He devoted much of
his time and energy to safeguarding the rights of the public in
regard to open spaces and the preservation of rights of way,
and was one of the principal promoters of the Commons Preser-
vation Society founded in 1865. In 1868 he became its hon.
solicitor, and successfully conducted suits for preserving Wimble-
don and Wandsworth Commons and recovering a portion, wrong-
fully enclosed, of Epping Forest. Ashdown Forest, Hampstead
Heath, Hindhead and the New Forest were also safeguarded by
him. He was made K.C.B. in 1911, and died at Haslemere Nov. 6
1913, after a strenuous life of public service.
HUSEIN IBN 'ALI (1856- ), Emir or Sherif of Mecca and
first King of the Hejaz, came of the "Abadila clan of the Ashraf
(see 2.262) and was grandson of the first 'Abadila Emir, \< ho
died in 1858. He was born at Constantinople, but at the age of
eight was taken to Mecca, where he followed a course of Moslem
studies. He began his official career by assisting successive
Sherif s, 'Abdulla and Husein (his uncles), in administration;
but on the death of the latter in 1884 he .acted in opposition to
the succeeding Sherif 'Aun er Rafiq a favourite of 'Abdul
Hamid and Emir from 1882 to 1905 and was eventually (1895)
sent to Constantinople. He became a member of the Imperial
Ottoman Council. On the death of Sherif 'Ali, successor of 'Aun,
Husein's uncle, 'Abdulla, was nominated to the Sherifate by the
Porte, but he died on his way to Mecca and Husein was appointed
in 1908 in his place. He at first showed a semblance of zeal on
behalf of the suzerain Turks, but in reality desired the emancipa-
tion of the emirate of Mecca. He openly pursued an anti-Turkish
policy from about 1913, and by 1916, seconded by able sons,
had become the de facto power in the Hejaz, with wide influence
outside. In June 1916, after the success of the Arab revolt
against the Turks under his leadership, he assumed the title of
" Sultan of Arabia," but later in the year, with the approval
of the Allies, he was proclaimed " King of the Hejaz," a title
indicating more accurately the extent of his territorial rule. In
Aug. 1916 he issued a proclamation to the Moslem world justi-
fying his claim to independence. King Husein showed consider-
able zeal for administrative reform in the Hejaz, notably in the
public works, health, postal and telegraphic, and customs de-
partments. He was present at a banquet which he gave to the
representatives of the foreign Powers at Jidda, Feb. 1919, to
celebrate the victorious conclusion of the war, and in other ways
showed himself not averse to intercourse with non-Moslem
Europeans. His four sons were the Emirs 'Ali, 'Abdulla, Faisal
and Zeid (see ARABIA).
HUTCHINSON, SIR JONATHAN (1828-1913), English surgeon
(see 14.13), died at Haslemere June 23 1913.
HUTIER, OSKAR VON (1857- ), Prussian general, was
born Aug. 27 1857 at Erfurt. In command of the ist Div. of
the Prussian Guards he played a prominent part in the battles
which attended the German advance in Aug. 1914. In 1915 he
was placed in command of the XXI. Army Corps, and in Jan.
1917 of the Army Group (Armeeabteilung) D. On April 27 he
took over the command of the VIII. Army with part of which
he occupied Riga. In Dec. 1917 he was transferred to the
42O
HUTTON HYNDMAN
command of the XVIII. Army on the western front, and in
the following March bore a highly important part in the attack
on the British positions between Cambrai and St. Quentin, in
which his army formed the left flank of the German advance.
HUTTON, ARTHUR WOLLASTON (1848-1912), English divine
and author, was born at Spridlington, Lines., Sept. 5 1848.
A scholar of Exeter College, Oxford, he took orders in the Church
of England in 1872, but under Newman's influence became a
Roman Catholic, and from 1876-83 was a member of the Edgbas-
ton Oratorian community. He changed his views, however,
renounced Roman Catholicism, and became known as an agnostic
and free-thinker. For some years he was librarian at the National
Liberal Club in London, but in 1808 he was readmitted to the
English Church, and from 1903 to his death he was rector of Bow
Church, London. His absolute sincerity and great intellectual
ability were recognized by all. He was the author of a Life of
Manning (1892). He died at Blackheath March 25 1912.
HYDE, DOUGLAS (1860- ), Irish scholar and writer,
known in Ireland as the Craoibhtn Aoibhinn (i.e. " delightful
little branch," an allegorical name for Ireland, in folk-song),
was born in 1860, the youngest son of the Rev. Arthur Hyde, of
Frenchpark, co. Roscommon, and nearest living representative
of the Castle Hyde family of co. Cork. He was educated at
Trinity College, Dublin, where he won the highest honours, and
afterwards spent a year in Canada in the State University of New
Brunswick. Coming back to Ireland he helped to found in 1893
the Gaelic League or Connradh na Gaedhilge, and became its
first president, a position to which he was annually reelected
until 1915, when he resigned. He was also first president of the
National Literary Society, a post which he resigned on the
foundation of the Gaelic League. As president of the elder
society he had already in 1892 foreshadowed the ideals of the
League in a lecture entitled " The necessity for de-anglicizing
the Irish nation," not, he explained " as a protest against imitat-
ing what is best in the English people, for that would be absurd,
but rather to show the folly of neglecting what is Irish, and has-
tening to adopt, pell-mell and indiscriminately, everything that
is English, simply because it is English." For some years Dr.
Hyde's work for "Irish Ireland" made little progress; but in
1899 an attack upon the Irish language, before a Vice-regal
Committee to inquire into intermediate education, gave him
his chance. He produced letters which he had procured from all
the leading Celtic scholars in Europe as to the value of the lan-
guage and literature, and the publication of these letters and his
own evidence saved the language on the Intermediate Board,
and attracted a great deal of attention throughout Ireland.
Towards the beginning of the century the first Oireachtas was
held in Dublin; it was the equivalent of the Welsh Eisteddfod,
and became an annual event, and from this time forward the
movement (which had now added to its aims a new clause the
support of Irish industries) began to go forward of its own mo-
mentum. In 1905 Dr. Hyde set out on a tour through America to
collect money for the League, and returned after seven months
with 11,000. On his return he was presented with the freedom
of Dublin, Cork, and other cities. He was also appointed on a
Royal Commission to inquire into Irish university education,
including Trinity College, an institution which had been excluded
from the purview of former commissions. The result of this
commission was the foundation of the National University of
Ireland, with three colleges (Dublin, Cork and Galway), and the
Queen's University, Belfast. It was probably owing to Dr.
Hyde's influence with his fellow commissioners that Trinity
College, following their recommendations, established a moder-
atorship and gold medal in Celtic studies. He himself became
professor of modern Irish in University College, Dublin.
Dr. Hyde was the first to collect the Love Songs of Connacht,
which he published in 1894, and which he translated into verse
and also into the sort of English prose afterwards adopted by
Lady Gregory and by Synge. He was also the first to collect
Irish folk-lore in the original; and his many volumes, some in
Irish and some with English or French translations, will always
be of value to the folklorist. He was also almost the first to turn
to short plays in Irish as a method of popularizing the languag
The first of these, Tlie Twisting of (he Rope, was produced in the
Gaiety theatre, Dublin, in 1001, the author himself acting the
principal role. His Literary History of Ireland (1899) had gone
through seven impressions by 1921.
HYDERABAD, SIR MIR'oSMAN ALI KHAN, 7x11 NIZAM OF
(1886- ), was born April 6 1886 and succeeded his father,
Sir Mir Mahbub Ali Khan, on his death on Aug. 29 1911. His
education had been under an English tutor, Sir Brian Egerton,
and a nobleman of the state, of scholarly attainments, Imad ul
Mulk (Saiyid Husain Bilgrami). Soon after accession he aban-
doned the traditional system of governing through a Diwan, and
for five years was his own prime minister. In 1919 he constituted
an executive council, with Sir Ali Ima, a former law member of
the Government of India, as president, and with eight other
members, each in charge of one or more departments. This was
the beginning of various constitutional reforms, including the
transformation of the nominated legislature into a mainly elec-
tive body. The great services of India's premier prince in the
World War maintained the fine traditions of his predecessors as
the faithful allies of Britain. When Turkey joined the Central
Powers the Nizam issued a proclamation enjoining on his sub-
jects, and impressing on his Moslem co-religionists throughout
India, the duty of firm and steadfast devotion to the British cause.
When the Khalifat agitation respecting the peace terms with
Turkey arose among the Mahommedans he prohibited anti-
British propaganda in his dominions. The large body of imperial
service troops maintained by the Nizam was employed at full
strength throughout the war in the Eastern theatres, and he
actively cooperated in recruiting work. In addition to many
gifts of money, the Nizam spontaneously bore the cost of the
maintenance in the field of a cavalry regiment, zoth Deccan
Horse, of which he was hon. colonel, at a cost of Rs.iS3 lakhs.
The war expenses of the State amounted to over three-fifths of the
annual income. His Highness, already a G. C.S.I., was awarded
the G.B.E., was promoted to hon. lieutenant-general in the
British army, and in 1918 King George V. conferred upon, him
the new and special title of Exalted Highness. Two features of
his progressive rule must be selected for mention. To obviate
possibility of repetition of the devastating floods which in 1908
caused great loss of life and property in the city of Hyderabad,
and to provide adequate water supply, a great dam enclosing a
lake was built across the river Musi; many fine new public build-
ings were erected, and the amenities of the city greatly improved.
The establishment there of the Osmania University represented
the first serious attempt in India to impart higher instruction
through the principal vernacular, Urdu, displacing English,
which was taught only as a language. (F. H. BR.)
HYNDMAN, HENRY MAYERS (1842-1921), English socialist
and author, was born in London, March 7 1842, the son of John
Beckles Hyndman, a barrister and founder of the Hyndman
Trust for church building. He was educated privately and at
Trinity College, Cambridge, afterwards becoming a war corres-
pondent for the Pall Mall Gazette during the Austro-Prussian
War of 1866. He had inherited wealth and he travelled exten-
sively, using his pen always in defence of free institutions. In
1881 he founded the Social Democratic Federation in Great
Britain and for many years was its chairman. During the
'eighties he was a prominent member of the Irish Land League
and of the Land League of Great Britain. He took part in the
unemployed demonstrations of 1887 and was put on trial for
his share in the Trafalgar Square riot, but was acquitted. He
opposed the South African War, took a prominent part in or-
ganizing the Second International in 1900, and from that date
onwards was also active, both as speaker and writer, in advocat-
ing the grant of free institutions to India. But for some years
before, as well as after, the outbreak of the World War, he
uttered frequent warnings against the " German Menace."
He published many works on socialism, land nationalization and
kindred subjects, as well as Records of an Adventurous Life (1911),
Further Reminiscences (1912), and The Future of Democracy
(1915). He died in London Nov. 22 1921.
IBANEZ ICELAND
421
IBANEZ, VICENTE BLASCO (1867- ), Spanish novelist,
was born at Valencia in 1867. His earliest works, such
as Flor de Mayo (1895), are pictures of provincial life in
Valencia, but he later developed a realistic and minute
style, reminiscent of Zola. His work is remarkable for its keen
observation and power of description, and has become widely
popular in England and France. His novels include Sonnica la
Cortesana (1901; Eng. trans., Sonnica, 1915); La Catedral (1903;
Eng. trans., The Shadow of the Cathedral, 1909) ; Sangre y Arena,
a study of the career of a bull-fighter (1908; Eng. trans., Blood
and Sand, 1913); Los Cuatro Jinetes del Apocalipsis (1916;
Eng. trans., The Four Horsemen of the, Apocalypse, 1918); and
Mare Nostrum (1918; Eng. trans., Our Sea, 1920).
See E. Zamacois, Mis Contempordneos: V. Blasco Ibdnez (1910).
IBN SA'UD (see 2.267 an d 28.245), the name of the Wahabite
dynasty of Dar'iya and Riyadh (Nejd). 'Abd el 'Aziz ibn Sa'ud,
the ruling emir, about 54 years of age in 1921, succeeded to the
throne in 1902. The Ibn Sa'ud dynasty suffered eclipse at the
hands of Ibn Rashid, emir of Hail (Jebel Shammar) from the
middle of the eighties of the last century. The rightful emir,
'Abdurrahman ibn Faisal, and his son 'Abd el 'Aziz ibn Sa'ud
were in exile at Kuwait, such power in Nejd as remained to the
Sa'ud dynasty being wielded by an uncle, as mediatized ruler,
until his murder by Ibn Rashid's order in 1902. In March 1902,
with the help of Mubarak, sheikh of Kuwait, 'Abd el 'Aziz
his father stepping aside regained Riyadh by a coup d'etat
against Ibn Rashid, who called in the Turks to aid him. Never-
theless, owing to the anarchy prevailing in Hail at the time, and
with the help of the people of Nejd (who were traditionally
attached to the house of Ibn Sa'ud), 'Abd el 'Aziz eventually
succeeded in restoring and establishing the supremacy of the
kingdom of Riyadh. Early in 1913 he extended his rule to El
Hasa, driving out the Turks who had garrisoned the district
since 1871. On the entry of Turkey into the World War, though
the attitude of 'Abd el 'Aziz was at first uncertain, he eventually
concluded a treaty with Great Britain on lines similar to those in
force with the Persian Gulf states and, thereafter, proved an
unswerving ally. He restored the chief towns in Nejd, rendered
the roads more or less safe from raiders, encouraged cultivation,
and increiSed the material prosperity of his dominions generally.
His son, Turki, acted as his able lieutenant in the outlying
districts (see ARABIA).
ICELAND (see 14.227*). Since the beginning of the 2oth cen-
tury there has been considerable development in the affairs of
Iceland, and especially in its political position, in respect of which
an exceedingly important change has taken place. Instead of
being as formerly (in accordance with the Danish Act of Jan. 2
1871) regarded as a territory with a wide measure of home rule,
forming " an inseparable part of the state of Denmark," Iceland,
since 1918, has been recognized as a separate kingdom, with
unlimited sovereignty, in personal union with Denmark. Accord-
ing to the Act of Union (Nov. 30 1918), passed both by the Ice-
landic and the Danish Parliament, and in Iceland confirmed by a
plebiscite, there are no real joint affairs; Denmark, however,
provisionally till 1940, takes charge of the foreign affairs of
Iceland as its mandatory in concert with a deputy appointed by
the Icelandic Government. For the same period Danish citizens
resident in Iceland and Icelandic citizens resident in Denmark
enjoy in every respect equal rights with the citizens born and
residing in each of these two states; they also have equal rights of
fishing within the territorial waters of both states without regard
to their place of residence. Other affairs of common import to the
two states, such as communications, trade, the customs, naviga-
tion, mail services, telegraphs, etc., are to be arranged by agree-
ment or treaty between the Governments of Iceland and Den-
mark. Iceland has issued a declaration of perpetual neutrality
and of having no military or naval flag. On the other hand,
Iceland, since 1915, has had its own merchant flag; this shows a
white Greek cross, inside of which is another in red on a blue
ground. Also, in 1918, it acquired national arms of its own,
bearing the four guardian spirits of the country as described in
Snorri Sturlason's Heimskringla, viz., a dragon, a vulture, a bull
and a giant. As to diplomatic representation, Iceland has had,
since 1920, a legation in Copenhagen, and is moreover entitled to
establish legations or consulates at places where none have been
appointed by Denmark; Icelandic attaches may also be appointed
at existing Danish legations, which normally act on behalf of
both Denmark and Iceland. In Iceland Denmark has a legation;
Norway a consul-general and six vice-consuls; Sweden has four
vice-consuls and has besides resolved to appoint either a legation
or a consul-general; Great Britain a consul and four vice-consuls;
France a consul and five vice-consuls; Holland two vice-consuls
and Germany a consul; Russia, Belgium and Italy one vice-
consul each.
According to the new constitution (1920) the king shares the
legislative power with the Parliament, the Althing, an assembly
of 42 members, of whom 36 are elected for a period of four years
in separate electoral districts, where every man and woman
(including servants) is entitled to vote at the age of 25; the re-
maining 6 (formerly nominated by the king) are elected for a
period of eight years by proportional election in the whole coun-
try regarded as one constituency; in this case, however, the
electoral right is limited to voters who have attained the age of 35.
The Althing meets every year and sits in two divisions, the
Upper and the Lower House; but in case of dissension it can
assemble as a joint Parliament, in which disagreements are
decided by qualified (in financial affairs by simple) majority.
The Upper House consists of 14 members, the 6 members elected
by the whole country and 8 elected by the other representatives
out of their own body. The Lower House consists of the remain-
ing 28 members. The Cabinet consists of three ministers, a
premier and two secretaries of state, who in every respect (not
only, as formerly, for the maintenance of the constitution) are
responsible as well to the king as to the Althing. There is (since
1904) no governor-general, although the prime minister to some
extent also acts as such, but every legislative act passed by the
Althing, as well as many administrative measures, the more
important appointments, etc., must be sent to the king in Copen-
hagen to be confirmed and signed by him; an Icelandic private
secretary (not connected with the above-mentioned legation) is
appointed for his assistance in such affairs. In the organization of
the judicial power an important change has also taken place: ap-
peals to the Danish supreme court in Copenhagen can no longer
be made, Iceland having (since 1920) its own supreme court,
consisting of five members; in consequence of this the former
superior court in Reykjavik has been abolished, and appeals from
the sheriff courts lie directly to the supreme court. Iceland also
has its own university in Reykjavik (since 1911), consisting of
four faculties: divinity, law, medicine and philosophy (including
philology and history). Not only the Danish but also the
French and the German Governments have appointed lecturers
of their own to give lectures on their respective languages and
literatures in the university of Iceland; and a similar step was
contemplated in 1921 on the part of the United States. Among
other improvements in education, the establishment of a teachers'
seminary and of several other schools may be mentioned.
In almost every other respect Iceland in this period made con-
stant and rapid progress. The total pop. increased from 78,000 in
1001 to 95,000 in 1921, about 43% living in towns and trading sta-
tions. There were in 1921 seven towns with chartered privileges,
with a total pop. of 30,000, and 34 trading stations with from 100 to
1,000 inhabitants each. The pop. of Reykjavik, the capital, increased
from 6,700 in 1901 to 18,000 in 1921. The financial budget of the
Icelandic State had for the financial period of 1918-9 advanced to
27 million kronur (1,500,000) from only I \ million kronur in 1904-5,
and deposits in the savings banks to 40 million kronur from only 2
million in 1900. Commercial transactions (import and export) had
in 1918 advanced to a value of 78 million kronur from only 15 mil-
ILS uwu luvivucuit uttg , LUIS 3iivw a in iyio advanced 10 a value 01 70 n
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article
422
IDAHO
lion in 1900. The fishing trade had been considerably improved by
the introduction of new methods (especially steam trawlers and
motor cutters), and the export of fish products had in 1915 increased
to 67,000 tons from 28,000 in 1900. The cultivation of the soil is
also constantly improving, though in a smaller degree, and dairy
farming after the Danish method has been introduced, by which
the production of butter has been greatly improved. Some woollen
factories have been established, but capital is lacking to provide as
many as are needed. In its innumerable waterfalls (the greatest
and most accessible estimated to represent about 4 million horse-
power) Iceland is in possession of almost inexhaustible motive-
power, and it was to be expected that considerable industries might
grow up in Iceland in the near future, both Danish and Norwegian
companies with extensive capital having already petitioned the
Althing for concessions to utilize some of the greater falls. Up to
1921, however, the water-power had only been used to produce
electric light in some of the towns. Communications are constantly
developing, and driving roads have been made in almost every
district; bridges have also been constructed over most of the rivers
(while a scheme for the construction of a railway was under consid-
eration in 1921). A telegraph cable to Shetland was opened in
1906 and telegraph and telephone lines inland have been extended
practically throughout the whole country. In 1917 a wireless tele-
graph station was erected in Reykjavik. The lighthouse system is
yearly improving, and at Reykjavik a modern harbour with quays
and cranes has been built. In 1914 Iceland acquired its own steam-
ship company, which in 1921 controlled six mail steamers. A lunatic
asylum and a sanatorium for tuberculosis (at the cost of the State),
together with some minor infirmaries, have been established. From
1912 onwards there came into force a system of complete prohibi-
tion of the import and making of any liquor containing more than
2 % of alcohol, with the exception of medical requirements and de-
naturalized spirits for industrial use.
See Dansk-Islandsk Forbundslav (1918) ; Stjornarskrd konung-
srikisins Island (1920); Statistique de I Islands, Nos. 1-25; Starfskrd
1 stands (1917); Valtyr Gudmundsson, Island am Beginn des 20.
Jahrhunderts (1904) ; P. Herrmann, Island, das Land und das Volk
(I9H-) (V.G.)
IDAHO (see 14.276). In 1920 the pop. was 431,866 as against
325,594 in 1910, an increase of 106,272, or 32-6%. The rural pop.
in 1920 numbered 312,829, or 72-4% of the total, and the urban
119,037, or 27-6%, both increasing at nearly the same rate. The
average number of inhabitants per sq. m. increased from 3-9
in 1910 to 5-2 in 1920. Boise, the capital and the largest city,
had in 1920 a pop. of 21,393 (17,358 in 1910). The pop. of the
other chief towns was as follows: Pocatello, 15,001; Twin Falls,
8,324; Idaho Falls, 8,064, and Nampa, 7,621'.
Agriculture continued after 1910 to be the principal source of
wealth, despite rapid developments in mining and the lumber
industry. The most significant growth came in the portions of the
state south of Salmon river. In northern Idaho, although the value
of farm crops showed an increase in 1910-20, the total acreage
remained about the same. The following table indicates the extent
of agricultural development at the last three census periods :
Number of farms .
Acreage (improved)
Average acreage (total)
Value of farm property
1900 1910 1920
17,471 30,807 42,106
1,413,118 2,778,740 4,511,680
183-4 I7I-5 I98-9
$67,000,000 $305,000,000 $716,000,000
In 1920 15-7 % of the land area of the state was in farms and 53-9 %
of the farm land was improved. Nearly two-fifths of all farms were
in the group containing between 100 and 174 ac., but this group was
declining in favour of larger and smaller holdings. The average
value of land and buildings per farm was $13,811 as compared with
$7.955 in 1910. The number of mortgaged farms nearly doubled
in the 10 years. Tenant farming was not a serious problem, for
nearly 63 % of all farms were operated by their owners. There were
41,598 white farmers and only 508 coloured farmers. Of the former,
35,284 were native born. The value of all crops for Idaho in 1910
was $126,459,766 as compared with $32,880,915 in 1909. Although
the total value of cereals in 1919 ($43,118,428) showed an increase
over 1909 ($16,026,676), it was not so marked as the increase in the
value of hay and forage crops (1919, $50,807,437; 1909, $12,101,-
239). In the same decade the value of the potato crop increased
755-5% an d of the sugar-beet crop 236%. _With the increased
acreage there came a decline in the average yield per acre of such
crops as oats, wheat, barley and potatoes. Horticulture was
important in the fertile valleys of the N. as well as in the irrigated
districts of the S. and E. The production of strawberries in 1919
was 494,818 qt. ; apples, 3,648,640 bus. ; peaches, 279,101 bus. ; plums
and prunes, 485,325 bushels. Although Idaho is still important as a
stock-growing state, the growth of this industry has not kept pace
with the development in crop raising. The table in opposite column
indicates comparative gains during the decade ending 1920.
Construction of large-scale irrigation projects received a set-back
during the World War. About half the farms in the state were under
1910
1920
No. of horses
No. of cattle
No. of sheep
Production of milk (gal.)
Production of wool (lb.) ....
189,322
404,518
1,012,431
30,981,341
16,377,265
293.123
7H.903
1,654,771
52,365,498
17,860,962
Mining. Mining continues to rank second in economic impor-
tance. The following table shows the value of the mineral produc-
tion in alternate years since 1910:
Gold
Silver
Lead
Copper
Zinc
1910
1912
1914
1916
1918
1920
$1,018,000
1,432,000
1,286,000
1,061,000
750,000
459,000
$4,268,000
5,011,000
7,412,000
8,013,000
8,709,000
8,379,000
$10,761,000
13.233.000
13,426,000
25,111,000
22,368,000
22,292,000
$ 753.ooo
1,224,000
2,166,000
12,633,000
1,278,000
491,000
$ 33,000
1,127,000
685,000
2,190,000
4,212,000
1,785,000
irrigation in 1920. In 1909 the total acreage actually under irriga-
tion was 1,430,000, though existing projects were capable of putting
water on a total of 2,388,000 acres. In 1920 over 2,000,000 ac. were
under irrigation. Incidental to irrigation has been the construction
of a number of drainage projects costing (1920) $1,706,462, and
providing drainage for 55,732 ac., less than one-tenth of I % of the
area of the state.
The total value of the mineral production in 1920 was $33,557,708.
Lead is first in importance. The most important lead mines are
in the Coeur d'Alene district of the Panhandle, including the Her-
cules, the Tamarack and Custer, Hecla, and Bunker Hill and Sullivan
mines. The mines of central Idaho are again becoming important
after the lapse of half a century, and successful developments of
lead-silver and lead-zinc ores have been made in Lemhi and Custer
counties in the east-central part of the state. The extraction of
silver is in most sections of the state incidental to lead mining. The
niost striking developments in the years just preceding 1921 were
in the mining of zinc. The Interstate-Callahan mine in the Coeur
d'Alene is probably the third largest producer of zinc ore in the United
States. Other properties in the same region have shown good yields
in the past few years. Some zinc also is produced in central Idaho.
The copper resources of the state, while widely distributed, are only
in the first stages of exploitation, due largely to the inaccessibility
of the best ores. The largest copper-producing area is in Custer
county, though some development has been made in Lemhi, Sho-
shone and Adams counties. The Seven Devils range in Adams county
is one of the most extensively mineralized copper belts in the west.
Gold is produced in northern and central Idaho partly by milling
quartz ores and partly by dredging. One concern, operating in
central Idaho, has produced by dredging as much metal-bearing
material in a year as all the lode mines in the state combined. The
latter are chiefly found in the Coeur d'Alene. Tungsten in increasing
amounts is being mined, chiefly in Lemhi county, which contains a
more complete variety of precious, useful, and rare minerals than
any other county in the state. In south-eastern Idaho are great
quantities of phosphate rock, of which 30,000 tons weffe mined in
1920. Low-grade coal is being developed irt small quantities near
the Wyoming line, and there has been some prospecting for oij.
Manufactures. Although Idaho is by no means a manufacturing
state, there has been a marked growth during the past decade both
in the number of establishments and in the value of their products.
The following are the chief industries, in order of importance:
lumber, flour and grist mills, car and railroad shops, printing and
publishing. Over 98% of the employees are males over 15 years
of age; 71 %of the establishments are owned by individuals or firms
and 27% by corporations. The total value of all manufactured
goods in 1914 amounted to $28,453,000. Of this 47-7 % was rep-
resented by lumber products. The cuts are chiefly of soft woods,
40% being white pine. Idaho contains the largest body of standing
white pine in the world.
Government. The Legislature of 1919 completely reorganized
the state civil administration in so far as the limitations imposed
by the state constitution permitted. The Administrative Con-
solidation Act abolished some 46 boards, commissions and offices.
The resulting changes gave Idaho a consolidated form of state
government, or, as it is locally called, a cabinet or " commission "
form of government, with the governor at the head, assisted by
nine departmental " commissioners." These nine departments
are: Agriculture; Commerce and Industry; Finance; Immigra-
tion, Labor and Statistics; Law Enforcement; Public Invest-
ment; Public Welfare; Public Works; Reclamation. Each
commissioner, salary $3,600, is appointed by the governor and,
except " those under the constitution who are appointed for
specific terms," may be removed by him at his discretion. The
Act further provides that in certain departments designated
officers shall be appointed by the governor, but these are com-
IDRISI ILLINOIS
423
paratively few in number, and on the whole the organization
within each department is under the control of the commissioner.
This consolidated form of government concentrates authority
in the hands of the governor to a marked degree. The law pro-
vides a budget system for the state, to be prepared by the
Commissioner of Finance.
There were in 1920 45 counties in the state. During the 1921
session of the Legislature an effort was made to secure favourable
action on a resolution to divide the state and to permit the crea-
tion out of northern Idaho, with eastern Washington and possibly
part of western Montana, of a new state of Lincoln, should Con-
gress permit the admission of the same to the Union. There was
considerable agitation for this step.
Education. In 1917-8 there were 131,845 pupils enrolled in the
common schools of the state, as compared with 62,728 in 1905-6.
The school buildings were rapidly increasing in number and in qual-
ity. In 1918 there were 1,703 school-houses valued at $9,591,609.
The law permits the formation of consolidated school districts, of
which there were 17 in 1918. The state university comprised in
1920 four colleges: Letters and Sciences, Agriculture, Engineering,
and Law ; and three schools : Forestry, Mines, and Education.
The total enrolment was over a thousand. In 19178 the state
normal school at Lewiston had an enrolment of 507; the state
normal school at Albion, 403; the technical institute at Pocatello,
Finance. -The total state tax levy for 1919 amounted to $3,795,-
059 on an assessed valuation of $486,759,104. The total expendi-
tures in the same year for cost of government amounted to $3,405,-
929. The Financial Statistics of States, issued by the U.S. Census
Bureau, gave a total net debt at the end of 1919 of $2,403,218.
The outstanding bonds and interest-bearing warrants carried interest
at 4-5, 5 and 6%.
History. In the World War Idaho furnished 19,016 men,
representing 26 to 30% of the total number of men examined
for military service. Men from Idaho made part of the 4ist
National Guard Division and the gist National Army Division.
The 4ist landed in France in Dec. 1917 and the gist in July 1918.
The gist, though it spent but 14 days in active sectors, gained a
total of 34 km., or 4-35% of the total ground gained against the
enemy. There were 1,390 battle deaths in the gist and 5,106
wounded. Idaho over-subscribed each of its Liberty Loan quotas.
The governors of the state were: James H. Brady, Republican,
1909-11; James H. Hawley, Democrat, ign-3; John M. Haines,
Republican, igi3-s; Moses Alexander, Democrat, 1915-9;
D. W. Davis, Republican, 1919-
BIBLIOGRAPHY For the early history and exploration of Idaho,
see Dale, The Ashley-Smith Explorations and the Discovery of a
Central Route to the Pacific, 18221829. There are several histories
of Idaho: Brosnan, History of the State of Idaho (1918); Hailey,
Historyof Idaho (1910) ; McConnell, Early History of Idaho (1913).
Of the state publications the biennial reports of the Commissioner
of Finance, the Board of Education and the Mine Inspector are
among the most important. On mining developments the bulletins
issued by the state School of Mines (Bureau of Mines) are also
valuable. (H. C. D.)
IDRISI (SEYYID MOHAMMED EL IDRISI), Arab chief, b. 1876 at
Sabia, was a grandson of Seyyid Ahmed el Idrisi, a native of Fez,
who was head of a religious fraternity or tariqa at Mecca and who
acquired land at Sabia, settled there and died in 1837. The
descendants of Seyyid Ahmed appear to have increased in wealth
and influence and to have gradually supplanted the ruling
sherifial family of Abu 'Arish. Seyyid Mohammed was educated
partlj' at El Azhar University and partly by the Senussi at Kufra,
and subsequently resided for a time in the Sudan, at Argo. On
his return to Asir, his one ambition was to render that district
independent of the Turk. By able administration he gradually
expanded his political power to include Mikhlaf el Yemen and a
large part of the Tihama, with control over several tribes outside
these limits. He threw in his lot with the Allies in the World War,
and was the inexorable foe of the Imam of Yemen (see ARABIA).
ILKESTON, BALTHAZAR WALTER FOSTER, IST BARON
(1840-1913), British physician and politician, was born at
Cambridge July 17 1840. He was educated at Drogheda and
Trinity College, Dublin, where he studied medicine. He after-
wards (1860) became medical tutor and professor of practical
anatomy at Queen's College, Birmingham, was professor of
anatomy there 1864-5, an d professor of materia medica at
Sydenham College, Birmingham, from 1865 to 1868. In the
latter year the two colleges amalgamated, and he then became
professor of medicine, and in 1892 was appointed emeritus
professor of medicine. In 1886 he was knighted. In 1885 he
had successfully contested Chester as a Liberal, but lost the seat
in 1886; in 1887, however, he was elected for the Ilkeston division
of Derby, which he retained until igio. From 1892 to 1895 he
was parliamentary secretary to the Local Government Board,
and in 1906 was sworn of the Privy Council. The same year he
received the gold medal of the British Medical Association.
He was made a peer in 1910, and died in London Jan. 31 1913.
He published various medical works, including The Use of the
Sphygmograph in Heart Diseases (1866); Method and Medicine
(1870); Clinical Medicine (1874); Political Powerlessness of the
Medical Profession (1883) and Public Aspects of Medicine (1890).
ILLINOIS (see 14.304). The pop. by the ig2O census was
6,485,280, as compared with 5,638,591 in igio and 4,821,550 in
1900. The rate of increase 1910-20 was 15%, as against i4-g%
for the whole United States and as against i6-g% for the state in
the preceding decade. The increase of 1910-20 was urban, rural
pop. continuing to decline. In 1900 the percentage of urban pop.
in towns and cities of 2, 500 or over was 54-3%; in igio 61-7%; in
ig2o 67-g%; 35-2% of the total pop. in igoo, 38-8% in igio, and
41-7% in ig2o was in Chicago. In 1920 52-5% of the state's pop.
was in cities greater than 25,000. Population in villages of less
than 2, 500 declined from 12-6% in igooto 12% in igioand 10-5%
in ig2o. Purely rural pop. fell from 33-2% in igoo to 26-4%
in igio and 21-6% in 1920. The rapid growth of towns of 25,000
to 100,000 is significant, their gain in the decade being 29-2%.
Population of Cities of over 25,000.
City
Population
1920
Population
1910
Increase
per cent
Aurora
36,397
29,807
22-1
Bloomington
28,725
25,768
"5
Chicago
2,701,705
2,185,283
23-6
Cicero town
44.995
14,557
209-1
Danville
33-776
27,871
21-2
Decatur
43,818
31,14
40-7
East St. Louis .
66,767
58,547
14-0
Elgin ....
27,454
25,976
5-7
Evanston .
37-234
24,978
49-1
Joliet ....
38-442
34-670
10-9
Moline
30-734
24.199
27-0
Oak Park village
39,858
19,444
105-0
Peoria
76,121
66,950
13-7
Quincy
35-978
36,587
-1-7
Rock Island
35-177
24-335
44-6
Rockford .
65,651
45,401
44-6
Springfield
59-183
51,678
14-5
Agriculture. While the census of manufactures of 1914 showed
Illinois to be an industrial rather than an agricultural state, the
value added to her manufactured products by manufacture making
a total of $907,139,412 as against a value for agricultural products
of $586,517,053 for 1910, there has been no absolute decline in her
agriculture. True, the population gainfully engaged in agriculture
fell from 32 % of all employed in 1 890 to 19 % in 1910 ; but the average
annual value of field crops grew from $129,890,293 for 1895-9 to
$518,227,210 for 1915-7. One cause, other than higher prices, for
this increase, in the face of a decreased number of farm labourers,
appears in the increased efficiency and utilization of farm machin-
ery; from 1890 to 1910, in spite of price reductions, the value of
implements on farms increased from $34,456,938 to $73,724,074.
The machine replaced the man. The cereals are still Illinois' main
crop, and maize is the leading cereal. The crop of 1917, 418,000,000
bus., grown on 11,000,000 ac., was the largest. In 1918 and 1919
crop and acreage decreased, the 1919 crop being 301,000,000 bus.
grown on 8,600,000 ac. That Illinois in these last two years ranked
second to Iowa for the first time since 1890 was due to her turning
her efforts to war-time wheat production. First in the Union in
wheat production in 1889, she had fallen in 1900 to I4th place, but
from a product of 30,850,000 bus. grown on 1,650,000 ac. in 1917,
she rose to 60,991,000 bus. grown on 2,774,000 ac. in 1918, and m
1919 to 65,675,000 bus. grown on 4,184,000 ac., an achievement which
placed her second only to Kansas. In oats her production declined
steadily from the high-water mark of 1900, 164.909,129 bus., until
the outbreak of the World War. In 1917 she produced 239,200,000
bus., which had fallen off by 1919 to 123,060,000 bus. from an acreage
slightly larger than that of 1900. Since 1917 Illinois has been
second only to Iowa in the production of this crop. In 1919 she
424
ILLINOIS
ranked 8th in the production of barley and rye, producing 3-45 %
of the barley and 4-66 % of the rye grown in the United States. In
live stock Illinois, Jan. I 1920, with 1,060,000 milch cows, ranked
7th among the states; and in other cattle, numbering 1,290,000,
ranked I3th. On the same date she ranked 1 8th in number of sheep,
with 1,010,000 of the 48,615,000 in the United States. In swine she
ranked second only to Iowa, having 5,323,000, a little over 7 % of
the total for the nation. In total value of cattle, sheep, and hogs on
farms Jan. I 1920, $294,000,000, she fell below Iowa, Texas and Wis-
consin only. In value of the 1,422,000 horses and 147,000 mules on
her farms on Jan. I 1920 she was second only to Texas.
Manufactures. In value of manufactures Illinois since 1893 has
ranked third, being exceeded only by New York and Pennsylvania.
In 1914 the total value of her manufactured products was $2,247,-
322,819 and the value added by manufacture $907,139,412. Manu-
factures employed 506,943 wage-earners, working in 18,388 establish-
ments. There were 124 distinct industries reporting products yearly
in excess of $i ,000,000 each. The 25 exceeding $20,000,000 ranged
as follows:
production, with 86,000,000 tons valued at $162,281,822, she was
exceeded only by Pennsylvania and West Virginia.
Communications. For transportation Illinois mainly relies on
its steam railways. With 12,140 m. of main line she was in 1914
second only to Texas. For over 30 years little new main line has
been built. The important extension has been in double-tracking
and improvement of the right-of-way and terminals. The field of
passenger and light freight and coal transport since 1900 has been
invaded by electric lines, which by 1916 operated 2,415 m. of main
track. The Illinois Traction System operates a ramification of
electric lines crossing the state from Danville to East St. Louis and
radiating through central Illinois; on certain runs it operates sleeping
and parlour cars. Illinois' most important water transportation
system is that of the Great Lakes. Receipts of grain at Chicago
by lake have steadily declined of late years, though the lakes are
still the usual route for shipment of wheat to eastern points. Flour
shipments by lake are comparatively insignificant, an important
fact in view of the increasing quantity of grain milled at Chicago.
Iron ore still comes to Chicago and South Chicago by boat. Other
MANUFACTURED PRODUCTS, ILLINOIS, 1914
Number
of Estab-
lishments
Average
Number of
Wage-
earners
Value of
Products
Value Added
by
Manufacture
Slaughtering and meat-packing
Foundry and machine-shop products
98
1,371
2,722
31-627
55,261
32,838
$489,230,324
141,328,624
1 12.833.427
$77,215,741
80,722,363
7O 555 8l2
Clothing, men's, including shirts
604
73
35,"9
10,51:6
89,144,448
65,337.663
47,833,982
32,460,102
Iron and steel, steel-works and rolling-mills
Cars, steam-railway, not including operations of railway companies .
25
23
7
15,408
18,000
855
64,995,121
61,315-638
5 1. 5Q6.O22
25,057-057
20,886,871
42.080. 814
Flour-mill and grist-mill products
Electrical machinery, apparatus and supplies
Bread and other bakery products
Lumber and timber products
Cars and general shop construction and repairs by steam-railway companies
406
142
2,278
618
94
89
2,398
16,483
10,404
14,870
28,682
5,740
49,493,224
45,667,456
45,250,060
42,064,008
41,496,130
30.435.OQ5
6,652,317
26,288,292
21,611,189
17-939,874
23,177,666
20.020.583
Furniture and refrigerators
Gas, illuminating and heating
283
75
i 622
13.766
' 3^90
7 6^"*
32,999,567
28,I7O,56O
26 O^6 72Q
17,286,793
20,135,071
15 982 887
Iron and steel, blast furnaces
Copper, tin and sheet-iron products
5
508
72
1,450
7,445
2, HO
25,861,528
24,815,389
2A, 488,4.4.0
4,067,381
10,990,536
O.OII.Q5I
147
^.OOO
22.1 ^S.^Q
10 043 926
Coffee and spice, roasting and grinding
Butter, cheese and condensed milk
34
267
27
1,193
1,755
2.144.
22,044,588
21,792,220
21.4.20.0^
4,950,998
3,556,588
6.167.14.2
Clothing, women's
241
8,113
20,750,550
9,531,354
In four of these industries slaughtering, agricultural implements,
distilled liquors and railway cars Illinois in 1914 ranked first
among the states. In the relative importance of the industries in
Illinois there have undoubtedly been great changes since 1914.
War-time demands had far-reaching effects ; and prohibition greatly
curtailed the output of distilled liquors, firms engaged in their
manufacture often turning to some related line such as the produc-
tion of alcohol for industrial purposes. The tendency in manufac-
turing is toward large-scale production and corporate ownership.
In 1914 the 32-6% of manufacturing establishments that were
corporations produced 90 % of all manufactured products. Of
the 18,388 establishments in the state in the same year, the 336
producing $1,000,000 or over turned out 59-7% of products. Of
the mergers during the boom period 1902-3 those in harvesting
machinery and iron and steel have endured; but the National
Packing Co., made up of three great Chicago packing-houses, was
dissolved in 1912. Chicago, with its t ibutary manufacturing sub-
urbs of Maywood, Harvey, Cicero, Blue Island, Chicago Heights,
and in Indiana Hammond and Gary, is the greatest manufacturing
centre of the state. A lesser manufacturing centre has grown up in
the net of railways that centres at St. Louis in the cities of Alton,
Belleville, East St. Louis, Collinsville, Granite City and Edwards-
ville. A third centre is formed by Moline and Rock Island with
Davenport, la. Peoria and Joliet were second and third to Chicago
in value of products in 1914. Of manufactures at these various
points, those of Chicago, as might be supposed, are completely
diversified. The same is usually true of the smaller cities, though a
few are noted for special products. Thus Rockford is best known for
its furniture manufactures, Elgin and Springfield for watches, Mo-
line for automobiles and farm implements, Kewanee for boilers and
steam tools, Peoria for distilled products, and Aurora for railway
repair, and foundry and machine-shop products.
Minerals. In mining and allied interests Illinois occupies an im-
portant position. Her petroleum production in 1917 was 15,776,860
bar., valued at $31,300,000. In this field she was 5th, being ex-
ceeded by Oklahoma, California, Kansas and Texas. In coal
water transportation in Illinois is comparatively insignificant.
Trade on the Ohio is small ; on the Mississippi negligible. The
Hennepin canal, completed in 1907 to connect the Illinois and the
Rock rivers, is unused. The Illinois and Michigan canal, though
exercising a restraining effect on freight rates, has steadily declined
in usefulness for the last 30 years and has not paid expenses of opera-
tion and maintenance for more than 40 years. The Chicago sani-
tary and ship canal, opened in 1900 as far as Lockport, has had a
little more traffic. The improvement of Illinois roads has of late
years engaged attention. A state highway commission was created
in 1905 to investigate the subject, various laws facilitating local
road improvement were passed, and in 1914 state appropriations
for hard roads were made from the proceeds of automobile licence
fees. Actual construction was begun in 1914. Road-building has
continued, certain counties, such as Vermilion and Cook, making
bond issues and constructing hard-road systems of their own. Acts
of Congress of 1916 and 1919, apportioning Federal aid in behalf of
roads, allotted to Illinois $3,300,000 and $8,700,000 respectively.
The question of issuing $60,000,000 in bonds based on automobile
licence fees for the construction of 4,800 m. of hard roads was
submitted to the voters of the state in Nov. 1918 and approved
by them, and work has begun on Federal aid and bond issue.
Banking.. The northern part of Illinois lies in the 7th Federal
Reserve District and the southern part in the 8th, with headquarters
respectively at Chicago and St. Louis. In 1919 there were 472
national banks in Illinois with aggregate capital of $79,415,000,
surplus of $57,632,000 and total assets of $1,587,634,000; $845,-
925,000 of this was located in Chicago, where one bank had a capital
of $21,000,000 and another $10,000,000. Side by side with the
national banks was a system of state banks created by the Act of
1887 and operating under the supervision of the auditor of public
accounts. The minimum capital required was $25,000 in towns of
less than 5,000 inhabitants and $50,000 in larger ones. In 1920
there were 1,018 state banks with total capital of $116,879,205 and
total resources of $1,861,466,834.23. Besides these there have been
many private banks under no supervision. Their numbec has been
ILLINOIS
425
uncertain, but in 1915 there were at least 586. Failures in this class
have been frequent, and Acts passed in 1917 and 1919, and ratified
by popular vote in the elections of 1918 and 1920, require all such
banks to cease business or submit to state supervision.
Government. Despite the difficulty of changing the organic law,
in the period 1910-20 there were far-reaching changes in the or-
ganization of the machinery for government. Under the con-
stitution of 1870 an amendment must be initiated by two-thirds of
both Houses in the General Assembly and approved by a majority of
all persons voting at the next election, a provision that in 1916 caused
the loss of an amendment increasing the General Assembly's taxing
powers because it received a majority only of those voting on the
question. Further, in a session an amendment to but one article can
be proposed and no two amendments to any article can be offered
within four years. Revision of the constitution by amendment
therefore proved too difficult, and in 1917 the General Assembly
voted to submit to the people the question of a constitutional con-
vention, which was approved at the election of Nov. 1918. Accord-
ingly in 1919 an Act was passed for a convention to meet Jan. 6
1920. Difficulties arose between the delegates from Chicago and
those from the southern part of the state over proposals to limit
Chicago's representation in the General Assembly, and in Dec. 1920
the convention adjourned with its work unfinished to meet in Sept.
1921. Important changes in the state's system of appointments
were effected. First in time was the extension by the Act of 191 1 of
the civil service system, established six years before in the state
charitable institutions, to the greater part of the state's employees.
Civil service now covers all state appointees except those appointed
by the governor and confirmed by the Senate, the scientific and
academic staff of the university of Illinois and the normal schools,
and a few others, such as special attorneys appointed by the attor-
ney-general. All examinations are competitive, though for some
scientific posts " unassembled examinations " are given which con-
sist of questions as to training and experience. By an amendment
of 1917 all appointees may be removed by the appointing authority,
but are allowed an appeal to the State Civil Service Commission on
allegation that the removal is due to race, politics or religion. Reor-
ganization of governmental machinery had begun in 1909 with the
abolition of separate boards for the various state charitable institu-
tions and the establishment of one central board of control possessing
also certain powers over private charitable institutions. In addition
to this board a supervisory state charities commission was created.
There remained, however, more than a hundred state boards, bureaus
and offices, paid and unpaid, created to execute various acts and to
supervise various state institutions; the result was disorder and
waste. A reorganization recommended by an efficiency and economy
committee in 1914 was in great part adopted in the State Consolida-
tion Act of 1917. This Act necessarily' left untouched the constitu-
tional offices, secretary of state, auditor of public accounts, treas-
urer, attorney-general, and superintendent of public instruction,
but set up in addition to them nine departments Finance, Agricul-
ture, Labor, Mines and Minerals, Public Works and Buildings, Public
Welfare, Public Health, Trade and Commerce, Registration and Edu-
cation. The heads of these various departments, who are appointed
by the governor and Senate, have acted as a Cabinet for the governor.
Suffrage and Elections. The most important development since
1910 has been the complete enfranchisement of women. Initiated
by the Act of 1891, which allowed women to vote in elections of
school trustees, it was continued by the Act of 1909, making women
eligible to all offices under the school law of the state. In 1913 the
General Assembly extended to women the franchise for presidential
electors, members of the board of equalization, for all state offices
not already open to them by the constitution and for offices in cities,
villages and towns. Enfranchisement was completed by the Federal
constitutional amendment of 1920. In legislation as to primaries
the state has had difficulty in procuring constitutional laws. Acts
of 1905, 1906 and 1908 were invalidated by the Supreme Court. An
Act passed in 1912 stood the test, but a further Act passed in 1919
was declared unconstitutional.
Public Finance. For the biennium 1916-8, the last for which
statistics are available, the total revenue of the state in respect of
the General Revenue Fund was $41,856,721. Of this the general
property tax supplied $27,532,790, the 7 % of Illinois Central Rail-
road earnings $3,775,240, the inheritance tax $3,848,174, subven-
tions by the Federal Government $330,215; the balance was the
proceeds of fees, fines, receipts from state institutions, etc. In
addition to the General Revenue Fund the receipts of the state in re-
spect of certain other special funds amounted to $19,912,132. Of these
the receipts for the state school fund were $7,911,653, the proceeds of
the special mill tax for the university of Illinois $4,847,202, the re-
ceipts from automobile licence fees used for hard roads $4,353,090,
and receipts to be applied toward registered bonds guaranteed by
the state $1,897,400. Expenditures for the biennium 1916-8 based
on both groups of funds were $47,919,125; when classified by state
departments the largest were those for registration and education,
$15,409,692, which included disbursements for the university of
Illinois and the state school fund. The expenditure of $14,831,833
for public welfare included expenditures on the charitable and penal
institutions of the state. The other Targe totals were : state officers,
$4,217,448; public works, $3,083,850; administration, $2,462,031;
registered bond fund, $2,062,823; military, $1,704,207; trade and
commerce, $1,198,713; agriculture, $1,023,285.
Education. In 1918 there were enrolled in the elementary schools
of Illinois 490,762 boys and 478,185 girls; in the state high schools
50,107 boys and 62,450 girls. The total number of teachers was
34,597. The estimated value of school property was $154,619,859,
of which $10,553,848 represented equipment, furniture, etc. Total
funds available were some $68,000,000, and expenditures in school
districts some $52,000,000, of which $1,294,537 was spent on admin-
istration, $29,001,198 for instruction, $5,961,635 for operating
plant, $8,745,373 for new buildings and equipment, $3,236,889 for
repairs, etc. Teachers' salaries were low. In 1918 over one-half the
elementary-school teachers were paid between $300 and $700. Such
conditions result in unsatisfactory professional standards: 1,015
teachers in 1918 had attended no school above elementary; 1,787
had attended, but not graduated from, a high school; 9,631 were
high-school graduates. Even with such meagre qualifications, there
was a serious shortage of teachers in the state. The most significant
development in recent years has been in high-school education.
Acts of 1913 and 1915 directed the payment by local school author-
ities of tuition for children who wish to attend high school else-
where when there was none in their district. In 1917 an Act was
passed making easier the establishment of country high schools and
laying a tax on the community for the payment of tuition to other
high-school districts in which the community's children attended
high school. An adverse decision of the state Supreme Court caused
the reenactment of the measure in different form in 1919. As a
result of this legislation the numbers of high schools, students and
teachers have doubled since 1906:
High Schools
Students
Teachers
1906
1918
43
840
52,394
112,257
2,057
5,476
There has been a corresponding increase in the enrolment in the
universities and colleges of the state, notably in the university of
Illinois, the capstone of the state's educational system. The univer-
sity enrolment between 1910 and 1920 rose from 5,217 to 9,208.
Appropriations have failed to follow this increase, with the result
that, with an annual revenue of $3,967,848.20 as against $2,002,-
038.23 in 1910, the university found itself badly crippled. In spite
of this it performs an ever-increasing variety of services to the state.
Not only in its colleges and graduate schools does it train teachers,
chemists, and engineers for the benefit of the state, but its special
schools of agronomy, animal husbandry and dairy husbandry co-
operate with the farmers of the state in solving their problems. Its
schools of ceramics, civil, electrical, mechanical, mining, municipal,
sanitary and railway engineering and architecture devote themselves
to the study of the state's problems. By various research bureaus
and surveys, such as the State Geological Survey, it conducts re-
search for the benefit of the state. Of the other two large univer-
sities of the state, the university of Chicago in 1919-20 had a total
enrolment of 10,880, with a faculty, exclusive of assistants, of 328.
Its total assets exceeded $50,000,000; its library included 900,000
books and pamphlets (see CHICAGO, UNIVERSITY OF). Northwestern
University, located in Evanston and Chicago, had a total registra-
tion in 1920-^1 of 7,389, and a faculty of 389, exclusive of assistants.
Its libraries included over 300,000 books and pamphlets. Its annual
expenditure was $1,398,084.
History. In 1912, as a result of the Progressive secession,
the Republican party for the first time in 16 years lost control of
the state, the Democratic presidential electors winning by a vote
of 405,038, as against 386,478 for the Progressives and 253,593
for the Republicans. The Democratic state ticket headed by
Edward F. Dunne was elected by a somewhat larger plurality
over Gov. C. S. Deneen, Republican, and Frank H. Funk,
Progressive. The Democrats, however, did not control the
General 'Assembly on joint ballot and had to compromise with
the Republicans on the election of one Democratic senator,
James Hamilton Lewis, and one Republican, Lawrence Y.
Sherman, the latter to fill an unexpired term to 1915. By 1914
the normal Republican majority in the state reasserted itself, the
popular vote for senator in that year being L. Y. Sherman, Re-
publican, 390,661; Roger Sullivan, Democrat, 373,403; Raymond
Robins, Progressive, 203,027. Wilson lost the state in the
presidential election of 1916 by 160,000 votes, Frank O. Lowden,
Republican, being elected governor over Edward F. Dunne.
In spite of the appeal for the support of the Wilson administra-
tion on patriotic grounds, but five Democratic congressmen were
elected in 1918, and Medill McCormick, Republican, beat J. H.
Lewis, Democrat, for senator by 53,024 votes. In 1920, after an
extremely bitter primary fight in the Republican party, Len
Small was nominated for the governorship over John J. Oglesby,
Small running on a platform opposing the action of the Public
426
ILLUMINATING ENGINEERING
Utilities Commission in allowing increase of rates by public
utilities, and advocating increased taxation of wealth. In the
election Republican state and national tickets swept the state by
overwhelming majorities, though Lewis, the Democratic candi-
date for governor, ran ahead of his presidential ticket.
The governors of Illinois after 1905 were: Chas. S. Deneen,
1905-13; Edward F. Dunne, 1913-7; Frank O. Lowden, 1917-21;
Len Small, 1921- .
World-War Activities. Under the vigorous leadership of Gov.
Lowden, Illinois supplied 188,010 drafted men and 163,143
volunteers, a total of 351,153, to the armed forces. The 33rd
Division, made up of Illinois National Guard units, saw service
in France both on the British front and in the Meuse-Argonne
offensive. The i49th Field Artillery, originally the ist Illinois
Artillery, was in the 42nd Division and took part in many en-
gagements; the I3th, or Railway, Engineers and several other
Illinois units also saw service in France. One divisional canton-
ment, Camp Grant at Rockford; the great naval recruit training
depot at Great Lakes, Lake Bluff; Fort Sheridan, near Chicago,
utilized first as an officers' training camp, then as a hospital;
Chanute and Scott aviation fields at Rantoul and Belleville,
together with various other camps and training centres, were
located in the state.
The organization of the state for participation in the war was the
work in great measure of the state Council of Defense, created by
Act of the General Assembly, and representing capital, labour and
other interests. Over 110,000 volunteer workers affiliated them-
selves with this body. Under its direction the agriculture of the
state was turned with unexampled success to the production of
wheat, barley and rye. The manufactures of the state also were
reorganized for war purposes. Citizens of the state subscribed
$1,586,227,500 to Liberty Loans, exceeding the state's quota by
28%, and gave more than $50,000,000 to war relief agencies. The
universities and colleges of the state organized students' army
training corps, gave their students to the officers' training camps
and their specialists to all phases of Government activity, from
experts' work at the Peace Conference to chemical experiment and
railway operation.
See, in addition to the books listed in 14.311, Centennial History
of Illinois (5 vols., published by the state 1918-20) and later
volumes of the Illinois Historical Collections. (T. C. P.)
ILLUMINATING ENGINEERING. The formation of the Illu-
minating Engineering Society in England in 1909 gave a great
stimulus there to the study of illumination. A body with similar
aims, had existed in the United States since 1906. Illuminating
engineering societies have also been formed in Germany (1912)
and in Japan (1918). These bodies include in their programme the
study of illuminants, the influence of light on the eye, the meas-
urement of light and illumination, and practical applications of
light. A notable step has been the formation, on the proposal
of the British Illuminating Engineering Society, of the Inter-
national Illumination Commission, with national committees in
all the chief countries. Work was in abeyance during the World
War but has since been resumed. Agreement on a common
unit of light (the " International Candle ") has been attained in
Great Britain, France and the United States. In Germany the
Hefner candle (equal to 0-9 " international " candle) is still used.
Researches have led to a more accurate knowledge of the
influence of humidity and barometric pressure on the lo-c.p.
Pentane standard (see Trotter, Haldane and Butterfield, Int.
Phot. Comm., 1911; C. C. Paterson, Phys. Soc. Lond., June 1909;
Crittenden and Taylor, Trans. Ilium. Eng. Soc. U.S.A., 1913;
Takatsu and Tanaka, Electrot. Laby. of Dept. of Communica-
tions, Tokyo, 1917). Meantime the search for an absolute
standard of light continues. Recent work by N. A. Allen (Phys.
Soc. Lond., 1920), indicating under favourable conditions the
maintenance of a constant current-density in the crater of the
carbon arc, suggests the possibility of an arc-standard. At the
Reichsanstalt in Charlottenburg experiments on the use of a dark
hollow space, forming a " black body," maintained at a constant
temperature, have been conducted (Miiller, Licht und Lampe,
April 21 1921). Many instruments for measuring illumination,
including forms suitable for direct measurement of brightness,
are now available. Some recent types, intended for rapid and
approximate work, enable values of illumination to be read off
directly by the inspection of a series of slots of graded brightness
without manipulation to obtain balance. An instrument of this
type was used to determine the illuminating power of parachute
lights, flares, etc., during the World War; and other special ap-
paratus for studying the decay of brightness of radium self-
luminous material has been developed (Trotter, Ilium. Eng.,
Nov. 1919). Daylight illumination has also been studied by
apparatus relating illumination at any point in the room to the
unrestricted illumination from the sky-hemisphere. The " day-
light-factor " thus determined may be of the order of 0-25% in
schools, and this has been suggested as a standard minimum of
access of daylight (Ilium. Eng., Jan., Feb., July 1914).
Greater experience has been gained of the practical operation
of the integrating sphere photometer for measuring mean
spherical candle-power or total flux of light in lumens. It is now
recognized that, in view of the great variations in mode of dis-
tribution of light from modern illuminants, comparisons should
be made in terms of total light emitted, or average candle-power,
and not candle-power in one direction only. Accordingly the
integrating sphere has assumed greater importance. Various
methods of applying this apparatus to determine absolute
coefficients of reflection of surfaces have been evolved (A. H.
Taylor, Sci. Paper, Bureau of Standards, 1920; Trans. III. Eng.
Soc. U.S.A., Dec. 1920). These researches assign to magnesium
carbonate the high coefficient of reflection of 99 %, and this has
been proposed as a standard photometric surface.
Attention has also been devoted to physiological aspects of
illumination, such as the avoidance of glare from bright un-
shaded lights in the range of vision, the effect of infra-red and
ultra-violet rays, etc. Problems involved in the lighting of shops,
schools, streets, factories, theatres, etc., have been discussed and
in some cases recommendations issued by joint committees.
Thus a joint committee representing the Illuminating Engineer-
ing Society, the Institutions of Gas and Electrical Engineers and
the Institution of County and Municipal Engineers prepared a
draft standard specification for street lighting, streets being
classified in order of importance and appropriate minimum
values of horizontal illumination specified in each class (see
Trotter, Ilium. Eng., May, June 1913). Reports of joint com-
mittees on school and library lighting (Ilium. Eng., July 1913)
and eyestrain in cinema theatres (June 1920) have also been
issued.
There has been a growing recognition of the importance of
adequate illumination in factories in the interests of health, safe-
ty and efficiency. In England, the Departmental (Home Office)
Committee on Lighting in Factories and Workshops issued an
interim report in 1915 (Blue Book Cd. 8000), recommending that
there should be statutory power " requiring adequate and
suitable lighting in general terms in every part of a factory and
workshop. . . ." The report contained full data on industrial
lighting and results of upwards of 4,000 measurements of
illumination in factories, and ranks as one of the most important
official documents on this subject. In subsequent years industrial
lighting codes have been adopted by six of the American states.
It has been suggested that ultimately an international code may
be developed.
During the World War the Illuminating Engineering Society
exerted its influence in favour of judicious lighting economies
and scientific methods of darkening streets. An increase in street
accidents was attributed partly to inequalities of lighting pre-
vailing in the streets of London (Ilium. Eng., Jan. 1917, p. 38).
War conditions imposed a check on the development of spectacu-
lar lighting in England, but novel forms of illuminated signs,
particularly those of the pictorial variety, have since been
developed (E. C. Leachman, Ilium. Eng., March 1921). The
lighting of the Panama-Pacific Exposition, opened at San Fran-
cisco in 1915 (Gen. Electric. -Review U.S.A., June 1915), was
regarded as marking a new era in spectacular lighting, many
striking colour effects being devised.
Additional information on illuminating engineering may be
derived from the following warks:
The Art of Illumination, by L. Bell (1912); Lichttechnik, by L.
IMMINGHAM INCHCAPE
427
Bloch, issued by the German I.E.S. (1921) ; Elementary Principles of
Illumination and Artificial Lighting, by A. Blok (1914); Factory
Limiting, by C. E. Clewell (1913); Practical Illumination, by J. Eck
(1914); Modern Illuminants and Illuminating Engineering, by L.
Gastcr and J. S. Dow (1920) ; Praktische Photometrie, by E. Liebenthal
(1907) ; Colour and its Applications, by M. Luckiesh (1915) ; Light and
Shade and their Applications, by M. Luckiesh (1916); Artificial
Light: its Influence upon Civilization, by M. Luckiesh (1921);
Illumination: its Distribution and Measurement, by A. P. Trotter
(1911); Elements of Illuminating Engineering, by A. P. Trotter
(1921); Illuminating Engineering Practice, a series of lectures
delivered at the university of Pennsylvania, reprinted in 1916.
Also The Illuminating Engineer, the official organ of the Illu-
minating Engineering Society in London, and the Transactions of
the Illuminating Engineering Society, U.S.A. (New York).
(See also LIGHTING, ELECTRIC.) (J. S. D.)
IMMINGHAM, a capacious deep-water dock situated on the
Lincolnshire shore of the Humber estuary, 9 m. S.S.E. of Hull
and 5 m. N.N.W. of Grimsby, England. Constructed by the
Great Central Railway Co., the dock in 1921 comprised a square
basin and two long arms (including a graving dock) running
parallel to each other on the western side, of a total area of 45 ac.,
with 5,400 ft. of quayage; the depth, ranging from 30-35 ft., is
sufficient for practically any vessel afloat. The dock is specially
designed and equipped for dealing with the coal, timber, grain
and wool trades. Construction was begun in 1906 and the
official opening by the King took place on July 22 1912.
The area of the dock property, 2\ m. in length and I m. in great-
est depth, is just over 1,000 ac. with a river frontage of 1} miles.
Railway sidings extend to 172 m. and have a capacity for 16,850
waggons carrying upwards of 174,000 tons of coal. The particular
site of Immingham was chosen because the deep-water channel of
the Humber, which lower down runs midway between the shores,
here makes an inward sweep and leads right to the dock gates, thus
obviating much initial dredging, providing ingress and egress at any
state of the tide, and rendering the towage of the vessels unnecessary.
The entrance lock, 840 ft. in length and 90 ft. broad, has a depth
ranging from 47 ft. at high water to 27 ft. 6 in. at low water of spring
tides, and is furnished with three sets of gates. Long jetties spring
put on either side of the entrance, curving round about midway
in order to run parallel to the river, thus forming a huge funnel-
shaped entrance ; the eastern jetty forms a landing-stage for passen-
ger traffic and the western is designed for the shipment of bunker
and cargo coal. Eight hydraulic hoists, of the most up-to-date
pattern, are capable of shipping 5,600 tons of coal per hour.
There is an immense granary and a wool warehouse with capacity
for 40,000 bales. A new town is springing up near-by the original
village of Immingham lies a little inland. The Grimsby electric
tramways have been extended to Immingham and, in addition, a
light railway runs between the two places.
IMMUNITY, in pathology (see 3.175). During the year 1920
a very interesting contribution to the study of immunity was
published by Dr. Besredka of the Pasteur Institute in Paris. The
importance of this contribution lay in the fact that a cellular
basis as opposed to a blood basis for immunity was suggested.
Besredka in the course of experiments with dysentery bacilli
found that the bacilli, whether injected into a vein or under the
skin or given by the mouth, always made their way to those areas
of the alimentary canal in which dysentery lesions are commonly
found. Moreover, damage was confined to these regions.
One of the claims advanced for artificial immunization, e.g. by
vaccines, is that by raising the resistance of the system to a
particular microorganism any attempt by that microorganism
to invade the body will be localized. In the Paris experiments,
however, localization took place of itself. Thus it would seem that
the dysentery organism was able to exercise its malign influence
only when in contact with a highly specialized form or type of
tissue. No matter where the bacilli entered the system the result
was the same. There was no effect, or but little effect, until the
tissues of the bowel were reached. The effect was then the one
usually associated with an attack of dysentery.
This series of experiments suggested what may be called a tissue
affinity for particular microorganisms. Thus, a bacillus x being
postulated, it would be possible to describe any particular tissue as
^-sensitive or x-resistant. This idea naturally led to the formulation
of another question. If reaction is located in special tissues, is im-
munity also located in these tissues? In order to answer it Besredka
gave injections of killed dysentery bacilli (Saiga's) to a number of
rabbits. In those rabbits which had a single ingestion of dead bacilli
the agglutinin, after 18 days, reached a maximum of 1-200, and after
a month it fell to the normal 1-50. A second ingestion was followed
by no further effect. The blood showed no trace of agglutinins.
The specific agglutinin formed in the blood in response to an
infective agent is of the character of an antidote, using that word in
its widest sense. Thus it appeared that the " protection " afforded
by ingestion of dysentery bacilli by rabbits was of a very short-
lived character, and further that the renewal of the ingestion, so far
from increasing the small quantity of agglutinins, was followed a
month afterwards by their complete disappearance. Nor did the
serum of these rabbits contain any preventive anti-body, for when
injected into mice which were afterwards inoculated peritoneally
with fatal doses of dysentery bacilli it had no more preventive power
than normal serum.
Thus it appeared that after one ingestion of these organisms the
intestines of the animal refused to absorb any further quantity.
This in a measure pointed to the development of a localized power of
resistance. It was resolved to test the matter further by seeing how
these rabbits, which carried in their blood neither agglutinin, pre-
ventive anti-body nor apparently any other anti-body, behaved when
a fatal dose of dysenteric virus was injected into their veins.
The resulting experiments showed that both the rabbits which had
had a single injection of killed bacilli (and had a small amount of
anti-body in their blood) and those which had had two ingestions
(and had no anti-bodies in their blood) behaved in the same way
oh receiving the intravenous injections of living bacilli. They were
solidly protected and showed no ill effects, while, on the contrary,
control animals all died within 24 hours.
This seemed to increase the evidence in favour of a localization
not only of sensibility but also of resistance or of reaction. Indeed,,
the possibility presented itself of a double protection that of the
blood and that of the tissues. Besredka believes that the tissue
immunity is established in the intestine at the site of the lesions-
following the first ingestion. The first ingestion does not meet with,
the localized resistance which it serves to establish and so a part
of the antigen reaches the blood and there gives rise to anti-bodies
the agglutinins. When, however, this break in the wall is closed up, a
solid immunity is established and the " intestinal barrier " becomes
unbreakable. If the ingestion is repeated no more antigen can gain
access to the circulating blood and so no further formation of anti-
body takes place.
Besredka thus believes that, so far at any rate as dysentery,
typhoid and paratyphoid are concerned, animals have only a single
means of acquiring active immunity, and no matter which mode of
vaccination is adopted <>ral, subcutaneous or intravenous the
resulting active immunity is invariably local, that is to say, intestinal.
Vaccination is thus only efficacious when the vaccine reaches the
intestinal tract, whether it comes by a vein, through the skin or
through the mouth. Nor is any object served by producing general
reactions and blood resistances. Indeed the method to be preferred
is that of oral administration, for it reaches the required positions
with minimum loss of time and with maximum security.
In another series of experiments this investigator found that the
natural immunity of rabbits to Paratyphoid B. infection could be
broken down if a preliminary course of ox-bile had been administered
to the animals. The suggestion was that the ox-bile served to break
down the localized tissue resistance, for if the bacilli (Paratyphosus
B.) were injected intravenously a fatal result also followed. In this
case the bacilli were found not in the blood but in the bowel wall,
where they would normally have been localized. Thus there are
ways (bile) of breaking down a natural localized immunity.
These researches appear to be of a revolutionary character. It is
as yet too early to express final opinions on them, but they open up a
wide vista of possibilities which will be explored by many workers
in this field of medicine.
See " Immunity to the Enteric Fevers," Aug. 28 1920, British
Medical Journal. (R. M. Wl.)
INCHCAPE, JAMES LYLE MACKAY, isx BARON (1852- ),
British shipowner and banker, w&s born at Arbroath, Forfar-
shire, Sept. n 1852, and educated there and at Elgin. In 1874.
he was sent to India in connexion with his father's merchant
business, which had branches in Bombay, Calcutta and Karachi.
In India he had a distinguished career, being member of the
Legislative Council of the viceroy from 1891 to 1893 and member
of the Council of India from 1897 to 1911. He was created
K.C.I.E. in 1894. In 1902 Sir James Mackay negotiated a
commercial treaty with China which was signed at Shanghai
Sept. 5 (see 6.207); he was then created G.C.M.G. He served
on most of the Government commissions of inquiry into Indian
administration, besides that appointed to investigate the question
of the gold standard of Mexico, and in England he sat on the
committee of inquiry into the Board of Trade and Local Govern-
ment administration 1903-4, and Government workshops 1905-7.
In 1911 he was raised to the peerage as Baron Inchcape, of
Strathnaver. In 1912 he was appointed chairman of a royal
428
INCOME TAX
commission to inquire into the natural resources and improve-
ment of Imperial trade. Before the World War broke out, Lord
Inchcape was already one of the most prominent figures in the
British business world, being chairman of the P. & O. Steamship
Company after having been chairman of the British India line
which was amalgamated with it, and a director (and acting
chairman) of the National Provincial Bank, with which the Union
of London and Smith's Bank was subsequently amalgamated.
As a representative of the shipping industry he took a leading
part in all its affairs during the war, and in assisting the Govern-
ment to sell its surplus ships after the war to private owners.
INCOME TAX (56614.356). I. UNITED KINGDOM. The income
tax position in 1910 was briefly this. The rate of the tax was
is. 2d. in the , and the exemption limit was 160. Earned
income paid at gd. in the if the total income did not exceed
2,000, at is. if the total income did not exceed 3,000. Earned
income over the 3,000 limit, and all " unearned " income, paid
at is. 2d. in the pound. Graduation was effected partly by a
series of abatements (of 160, 150, 120, and 70 for individuals
whose total incomes did not exceed 400, 500, 600, and 700
respectively) and partly by the recently introduced super-tax,
which was an additional duty or income tax, centrally adminis-
tered, and charged by direct assessment on the recipients of in-
comes exceeding 5,000. Super-tax was charged in those cases at
6d. in the on every pound by which the income exceeded 3,000.
It will be seen that in 1910 the principle of graduation, which,
after a long struggle, had at last been definitely adopted into the
income tax system, was very imperfectly applied. There were
abrupt " jumps " in the effective rate immediately above the
various abatement limits, but between 701 (where the abate-
ments ceased to apply) and 5,000 (where the super-tax began)
there was no graduation at all. The total yield of the tax for
1910 was 38,344,767, and the yield for each penny of the rate
was 2,738,912. Super-tax produced 2,702,892 from 11,713
super-tax payers.
From this position there was no considerable change until the
Finance Act of 1914 increased the rate to is. 3d. and made an
attempt at a more complete graduation. The rate on earned
income rose by five steps instead of three to the maximum rate,
which was reached above 2,500; unearned incomes (graduated
now for the first time) went by three steps to the maximum rate,
which was charged on incomes above 500. The super-tax limit
was reduced from 5,000 to 3,000, and the super-tax, instead
of being charged at a uniform flat rate of 6d., was charged, on
the income in excess of 2,500, at seven rates rising from sd. to
is. 4d. in the on successive "slices" of income. The children
allowance was increased to 20.
The Finance Act of 1914 which made these changes very
characteristic of the natural development of the tax was
passed on July 31 1914. Next week the World War broke out.
War Developments. Owing to war requirements the rate of tax
rose rapidly. The second Finance Act of 1914 increased it to is.
8d.; the first Finance Act of 1915 to 2s. 6d., the second to 33.;
in 1916 it rose to 55. and in 1918 to 6s. in the pound. In 1918 also
the super-tax limit was put down from 3,000 to 2,500 (on the
Income in excess of 2,000) with a new scale of charges running
up to 45. 6d. in the pound.
But in addition to mere increases in the rate of tax the war was
responsible for many other changes and developments. In 1915
the exemption limit was reduced to 130, and the " abatements "
allowed to persons whose total income did not exceed 700 were
reduced. This lowering of the exemption limit which was an
attempt to spread the cost of the war down the scale of incomes
at the same time as the excess profits duty was laid upon the
larger incomes brought an immense number of new taxpayers
under the purview of the Inland Revenue Department; and these
new taxpayers were not only very numerous, but they were
largely of the weekly wage earning class, a class wholly un-
accustomed to the payment of any annual tax, or indeed to
annual payments of any kind. To have legislated to make them
pay income tax in one sum on their whole year's income would
lave been to invite failure. It was therefore decided to assess
quarterly and to collect tax quarterly from weekly wage earner
employed by way of manual labour; and presently it was
arranged that payment might be made in these cases by
purchase of income tax stamps to be stuck on a card and ult:
mately handed in to the collector.
The war and the high rates of tax also rendered necessary
the provision of special reliefs for persons whose profits were
adversely affected by the war; the granting of specially low
rates of tax to soldiers and sailors; payment of tax in two
half-yearly instalments; a further increase of the children allow-
ance, and the grant, for the first time, of an allowance for
wife, in order that the heavy burden of taxation should be more
fairly distributed between the bachelor and the family man.
" Double " Income Tax. The rapid increase of taxation both in
the United Kingdom and in the British Overseas Dominions brought
into new prominence a grievance which, though long felt to be annoy-
ing and inequitable, had not hitherto been a very severe hardship.
It arose from the fact that, owing to the income tax being imposed
in the United Kingdom on all the income of a British resident irre-
spective of the country of its origin, income which arose in a Dominion
and was taxed there was again taxed in this country in the hands of
the resident recipient. With high rates of tax in both countries this
hardship was suddenly and enormously magnified, and in 1916 an
attempt was made to deal with it. Where the same income was
assessed both in the United Kingdom and in a British possession
relief was to be granted (as a maximum) so as to bring the United
Kingdom rate charged on that income down to 35. 6d. As the rate
in force was then 55. in the , the maximum relief was is. 6d. When
the rate was increased to 6s. in 1918 this provision was still continued,
the effect being to increase the maximum relief to 2s. 6d. in the pound.
The relief was granted at the expense of the British Exchequer.
This attempt to remedy the double income tax grievance was ad-
mittedly only a temporary expedient, made without prejudice to
the ultimate settlement between the Exchequers concerned, and it
was coupled with an undertaking that the whole matter should
be fully gone into after the war.
Non-deduction at Source. The war was responsible also for a
striking departure from the great principle of deduction of tax " at
the source, ' which since 1803 has been the characteristic feature of
the collection of the tax. The necessity for attracting foreign money
led to the issue early in 1917 of the 5% War Loan, 192947, subject
to the condition that the interest on the loan should be paid in full
without deduction of tax. Recipients of interest who were ordinarily
resident in the United Kingdom were to be liable to direct assess-
ment on the interest, but the interest paid to holders who were not
ordinarily resident in the United Kingdom was altogether exempt
from tax. The same course was followed in some other war issues,
but the Treasury reverted after the war to the old method.
Farmers. The rise in the price of commodities consequent upon
the war drew attention to the income tax position of farmers. Under
Schedule B of the Income Tax Acts, farmers had always been assessed
not upon their actual ascertained profits but upon a conventional
amount based on the rent or annual value of their farms. From 1896
to 1915 the Schedule B assessment, intended to represent the profit of
the occupation of land, was fixed at one-third of the rent. Under
war conditions this position rapidly became so favourable to the
farmers that a change had to be made. In 1915 the Schedule B
assessment for farmers was fixed at the full rent instead of one-third
of the rent, and in 1918 it was raised to twice the rent. Seeing, how-
ever, that a farmer can always elect to be assessed under Schedule D
on his actual average profits, and can, moreover, have his Schedule
B assessment adjusted if his profits prove to be less than the con-
ventional basis of twice his rent, he is still in a favoured position
in spite of the six-fold increase in his Schedule B basis.
The Royal Commission, 1919. Even before the war there had
been many evidences of a desire for a general and searching
inquiry into the income tax. Its administrative machinery
was very old, and parts of it were in practice obsolete; the main
features of the tax dated from a time when the conditions of
business life were widely different from modern conditions; and
the law on the subject could only be collected piecemeal and with
much labour from half a hundred statutes. The Government
had before the war promised to appoint a commission with full
powers of inquiry, and this commission was on the point of being
set up when war began. Postponement was inevitable. But in
the meantime a very salutary work was undertaken by way of
preliminary. This was the task- of consolidating the existing
income tax law into one comprehensive statute, a step very
necessary to be taken before any thorough survey of the income
tax position could be made by a commission consisting in the
main of laymen.
INCOME TAX
429
As the result of much labour, first on the part of a departmen-
tal committee and then of a joint select committee of the House
of Lords and the House of Commons, the Income Tax Act, 1918,
was passed on Aug. 8 1918, with effect as from April 6 1919. It
did not alter the law. It was merely a consolidating measure.
The fact that the whole of 13 Acts and parts of 39 others were
repealed by the 1918 Act is sufficient proof that the time was
ripe for consolidation.
The long-expected and long-promised inquiry into the tax
came within a few months of the cesssation of hostilities. A
Royal Commission of 23 members, under the chairmanship of
Lord Colwyn, was appointed by Royal Warrant dated April 4
1919. The terms of reference were widely drawn: " To
inquire into the income tax (including super-tax) of the United
Kingdom in all its aspects, including the scope, rates and
incidence of the tax; allowances and reliefs; administration,
assessment, appeal and collection; and prevention of evasion;
and to report what alterations of law and practice are necessary
or desirable and what effect they would have on rates of tax, if it
were necessary to maintain the total yield." The Royal Com-
mission held 50 sessions, examined 187 witnesses (including 21
official witnesses), and issued a long and comprehensive report
(Cmd. 615) on March n 1920. They also published in two
volumes a verbatim report of the minutes of evidence, running
to 1,383 pages, and a further volume containing 71 appendices
to the minutes of evidence, and an index to the whole. These
three volumes contain an enormous mass of information on the
subject and are indispensable to the serious student. Among the
appendices are a short history of the tax, an exposition of the
existing income tax system, historical memoranda on various
aspects of the tax, notes on the position in the Dominions and
foreign countries, and much interesting statistical information.
The report, which was signed by all the commissioners the
reservations being few and comparatively unimportant ranged
over the whole field of the tax. There was no minority report.
The recommendations of the Royal Commission were very
numerous, detailed and far-reaching; only the more important
need be summarized here.
In Part I. of the report, dealing with " the scope of the tax," they
recommended that certain classes of non-recurring or "casual"
profits, which are now outside the charging words of Schedule D,
should be made assessable (paragraph 91) ; and that British subjects
residing abroad should no longer be deprived of the allowances and
reliefs granted to residents (paragraph 65). They also proposed a
modification of. the relief in respect of " double income tax." On
this question of " double taxation within the Empire " a sub-
committee of the Royal Commission had conferred with representa-
tives of the Dominions and of India who had come to this country for
the purpose, and the report of that sub-committee was accepted by
the whole commission. The principle underlying their recommenda-
tion was that where income tax is charged on the same income both
in the United Kingdom and in a Dominion the total relief to be
given should be equivalent to the tax at the lower of the two rates of
tax imposed. The recommendation was in the following terms:
" Firstly, that in respect of income taxed both in the United King-
dom and in a Dominion, in substitution for the existing partial
reliefs there should be deducted from the appropriate rate of the
United Kingdom income tax (including super-tax) the whole of the
rate of the Dominion income tax charged in respect of the same in-
come, subject to the limitation that in no case should the maximum
rate of relief given by the United Kingdom exceed one-half of the
rate of the United Kingdom income tax (including super-tax) to
which the individual taxpayer might be liable ; and
" Secondly, that any further relief necessary in order to confer on
the taxpayer relief amounting in all to the lower of the two taxes
(United Kingdom and Dominion), should be given by the Dominion
concerned." (Paragraph 70.)
In Parts II. and III., which dealt with " Rates and Incidence of
the Tax," and " Allowances and Reliefs," an entirely new system of
differentiation and graduation was proposed. Differentiation in
favour of earned income, instead of being effected by a special series
of rates of tax, was to be made by deducting one-tenth of the earned
income (paragraph ill), in order to arrive at the" assessable income "
a new term subject to a maximum deduction of 200. The old
system of graduation by means of a series of abatements was to
be superseded by a new plan. From the "assessable income"
various personal and other allowances were to be made for the
taxpayer himself, his wife, children and dependants and the
balance was to be called the " taxable income." The first 225 of
this " taxable income " was to be charged at half the standard rate,
and the remainder at the full rate (paragraph 139). Further gradua-
tion in the higher ranges of income was to be by way of super-tax
on the old lines. The new " personal allowance " was to be 135 for
the unmarried taxpayer and 225 for the married couple (equal to
150 and 250 respectively in terms of " earned " income). This, in
effect, was a raising of the old "exemption limit " and a considerable
increase in the " wife allowance," but the new " personal allowances"
were to be given to all taxpayers, without regard to the amount of
their total income. The allowances in respect of children and other
dependants were also to be allowed irrespective of the size of the
taxpayer's income^-a notable change (paragraph 270). The incomes
of husband and wife were still to be aggregated for income tax pur-
poses (paragraph 260) ; the spouses were to be allowed (as before)
to make separate returns and to pay tax separately if they wished,
but this was not to alter the total amount to be paid, which was still
to be fixed by reference to the amount of the combined incomes.
The effect of this new system of graduation was to produce a
smooth and gradual rise in the effective rate of tax as the income in-
creased. The old line of graduation proceeded by a series of steps,
the rise in some parts of the scale being much steeper than in others;
the new plan (as shown by the graphs appended to the report)
produced a line which rose smoothly and evenly instead of by a suc-
cession of jerks.
The commissioners expressed their strong conviction that the
principle of " taxation at the source," a principle which underlies
the whole scheme of the income tax in this country, must on no ac-
count be abandoned (paragraph 154). They recommended an
allowance, subject to a good many qualifications, for certain wast-
ing assets (paragraph 200).
When they came to deal with the administrative machinery of the
tax, in Part IV. of the report, the Royal Commission had much to say
that was of interest. The machinery provisions in the Act of 1842,
when Peel reimposed the tax, were taken from the Act of 1806, which
in its turn followed earlier models, and, as the commission said,
looked back for its origin to the old Subsidy Acts (paragraph 331).
However well adapted to the social and commercial conditions of
1806 those provisions may have been, it was inevitable that they
should be found wanting when examined in 1920. The Royal Com-
mission found that the smooth working by the machine was " ren-
dered possible only by considerable deviations from the scheme of
administration originally conceived by the founders of the tax "
(paragraph 331), and that " an attempt by the General Commis-
sioners to carry out the Income Tax Acts literally would result in a
breakdown of the machinery " (paragraph 342). They found that
the position in the scheme originally allotted to the Crown's repre-
sentative (the inspector of taxes) had gradually grown in importance
with the development of the tax, and they reported that " without
this gradual devolution to the inspector the machinery of the tax
would have been found to be hopelessly inadequate " (paragraph
331). Most of their recommendations on this aspect of their subject
were, as they themselves stated, " directed towards recognizing and
giving legal sanction to those practical developments in the working
of the tax which have so largely contributed to its success." They
include (a) the abolition of the office of assessor (paragraph 386),
(6) the transfer of certain clerical work from the clerk to the local
commissioners to the inspector (paragraph 369), (c) the granting to
the inspector of the power to make assessments in certain cases.
The fundamental feature of the existing system the right of the
taxpayer to appeal against any assessment to the general commis-
sioners, a local and unpaid body was approved by the Royal Com-
mission, but' they made various suggestions as to the personnel and
the tenure of office both of those commissioners and of the additional
commissioners (another local unpaid body by whom assessments
under Schedule D are made).
Part V. dealt with " assessment, appeal and collection " and cov-
ered a great variety of subjects. Among other things the commission
proposed a rearrangement of the contents of the five categories or
schedules " into which incomes are divided for income tax pur-
poses. Certain properties (such as railways, mines, gasworks,
docks, etc.) were to be transferred from Schedule A to Schedule D
which is the schedule under which profits of trade are charged;
farmers' profits were to be transferred from Schedule B to Schedule
D; and all incomes from employments were to be assessed under
Schedule E which now includes certain classes of employments only.
To the new Schedule D as so reconstituted a new basis of assessment
was to be applied. The existing basis for Schedule D assessments is,
generally speaking, the average of the profits of the three preceding
years; but some classes of income are assessed under Schedule D on
other bases. The incomes proposed to be transferred to Schedule D
are also assessed on a variety of bases. The Royal Commission rec-
ommended that all this assortment of bases should be swept away,
and that all the incomes to be assessed under the newly constituted
Schedule D should be charged on the one uniform basis of the income
of the preceding year.
Recommendations were also made with regard to the income tax
liability of cooperative societies, but to these proposals there were
several reservations (printed at the end of the report) on the part of
some of the commissioners.
Part VI. was confined to the question of evasion of the tax and to
the suggestion of possible preventive measures. The commission
430
INCOME TAX
were satisfied that a good deal of evasion existed and they made many
proposals for dealing with it, mainly in the direction of giving the
assessing authorities more power to call for accounts and informa-
tion from the taxpayer, including (with certain safeguards) the power
to have access to original books of account.
Growth of the Tax. The accompanying tables will give some
idea of the growth of the tax from the year 1911-2 onwards. In
drawing inferences from the figures given it is always necessary
to bear in mind not only the alterations in the rate of tax but
also the effect of the various legislative changes made during the
years in question.
INCOME TAX (Excluding Supertax).
Actual in-
come liable to
Tax before
deduction of
personal or
family allow-
Income on
which
Tax was
received
Net
produce
of Tax
Nor-
mal
rate
of Tax
Produce of
each penny
of the
normal rate
of Tax
ances and re-
liefs
Million
Million
Million
s. d.
1911-2
866
720
39
I 2
2,830,830
1912-3
907
755
41
I 2
2.969,591
1913-4
951
79"
43
I 2
3,108,810
1914-5
985
814
63
I 8
3,169,614
1915-6
1050
873
118
3 o
3,299,034
1916-7
1373
981
201
5 o
3,360,612
1917-8
1631
1083
22O
5 o
3,668,133
1918-9
1919-2
2072
Not available
1287
Not available
303
330*
6 o
6 o
4,217,088
4,580,000*
1920-1
do.
do.
350*
6 o
4,860,000*
* These figures are only estimates. For 1921-2 the estimated
produce of each penny was 5,000,000.
SUPER-TAX
Amount of assessments, and number of persons charged, years
19112 to 19167; estimated income, yield, and numbers of persons
chargeable for 1917-8, 1918-9 and 1919-20.
Total income
(including the
t
first portion
of income on
Yield of the
Number of
Incomes
which no su-
per-tax is
super-tax
persons
chargeable
chargeable
payable)
Million
1911-2
ISO
2,842,177
12,253
exceeding
5,000
1912-3
158 .
2,995-877
12,887
do.
1913-4
176
3-349-757
13-937
do.
1914-5
242
11,253,473
29,996
exceeding
3000
1915-6
231
19,621,262
29,299
do.
1916-7
261
21,697,019
31,985
do.
1917-8
296
25,500,000
35,250
do.
1918-9
350
40,000,000
48,000
exceeding
2,500
1919-20
410
46,000,000
56,000
do.
For 1920-1 and 1921-2 super-tax was charged on incomes ex-
ceeding 2,000; the estimated Exchequer receipt for 1920-1 was
55,281,000, and the number of persons chargeable was estimated
at 81,000.
In the Finance Act of 1920 effect was given to some of the
recommendations of the Royal Commission. Their suggestions
were so numerous that they could only be carried into law by
instalments, and the Finance Act, 1920, represented the first
instalment. The new plan of differentiation, graduation and al-
lowances was adopted in its entirety, and the relief proposed
for double taxation within the Empire was also passed into law.
At the same time the super-tax limit was brought down so as
to include all incomes exceeding 2,000, and the super-tax
rates increased, in close conformity with the suggestions of the
commission.
A further instalment of the recommendations, dealing with the
basis for assessment under Schedule D and with the machinery
of administration, were embodied in a Revenue bill which was
introduced in 1921 but was dropped for the session.
The Finance bill of 1921 contained no important income tax
changes. The standard rate for 1921 remained at 6s. in the ,
and the super-tax rates, on successive slices of income, were as
they were fixed in 1920, viz:
s. d.
On the first 2,000 of the income . . Nil
next 500 (to 2,500) ... i 6
500 (to 3,000) ... 20
i,ooo(to 4,000) . . . '26
i,ooo(to 5,000) ... 30
1,000 (to 6,000) ... 36
i,ooo(to 7,000) ... 40
i,ooo(to 8,000) ... 46
12,000 (to 20,000) ... 50
10,000 (to 30,000) ... 56
remainder (above 30,000) . 60
The effective rates of income tax (combined with super-tax) on
selected incomes are shown in the following table :
Actual
Single Persons
Married Couples
without children
Married Couples
entitled to allow-
ance for 3 children
total
Income
If Income
all " Earn-
ed " Income
If Income
all " Invest-
ment "
Income
If Income
all " Earn-
ed " Income
If Income
all " Invest-
ment "
Income
If Income
all " Earn-
ed "Income
If Income
all" Invest-
ment "
Income
s. d.
s. d.
s. d.
s. d.
s. d.
s. d.
200
8
"i
Nil
Nil
Nil
Nil
300
i 4
I 8
si
9
Nil
Nil
400
i 8
2 3*
I
i 4
4
1\
600
2 II
3 65
2 Oj
2 1\
i ij
I 8i
800
3 61
4 is
2 lOj
3 52
2 2\
2 9s
1,000
3 ii
4 6
3 4i
3 Us
2 IO
3 5
2,000
4 8
5 3
4 4 z
5 o
4 ii
4 8|
3,000
5 8
6 i
5 6
5 ii
5 4
5 9
4,000
6 5
6 8
6 3
6 7
6 i
6 5
5,000
6 II
7 2
6 10
7 i
6 8
6 ii
6,000
7 4
7 7
7 3
7 5
7 2
7 4
8,000
8 i
8 3
8 o
8 2
7 ii
8 i
10,000
8 8
8 9
8 7
8 9
8 7
8 8
25,000
10 2
10 3
IO 2
IO 2
IO I
IO 2
50,000
II O
ii i
II O
II I
II
II O
100,000
ii 6
ii 6
ii 6
ii 6
ii 6
ii 6
On incomes above 100,000 the effective rate continued to
progress, approximating to 125. in the on the highest incomes.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Professor Seligman, The Income Tax, second
edition, 1914; Sir J. C. Stamp, British Incomes and Property, 1916,
and Fundamental Principles of Taxation, 1921; Dowell's Income Tax
Laws, eighth edition, 1919; Report of the Royal Commission on the
Income Tax, 1920 (Cmd. 615); 63rd Annual Report of the Board
of Inland Revenue, for the year ended March 31 1920 (Cmd. 1,083
of 1920). (H. M. SA.)
II. UNITED STATES
Although taxes on gains and profits derived from personal
ability as distinguished from property the so-called " faculty
taxes " were employed in the American colonies before the
middle of the 1 7th century, no successful use of the general income
tax was made in the United States until the Civil War; and the
income taxes then adopted were soon thereafter repealed or fell
into practical disuse. The demand for effective income taxation,
however, showed great vitality. It kept moribund income-tax
laws on the statute books in several states, led to abortive experi-
ment with the tax, particularly in the " forties " and " nineties,"
and finally in 1909 resulted in the adoption of a Federal excise
tax " with respect to the carrying on or doing business " by
corporations, equivalent to i % of the annual net income over
and above $5,000. This proved to be in substance an effective
income tax.
In 1911 (after the adoption of an empowering amendment to
its constitution in 1908), the state of Wisconsin passed a general
income-tax law applicable to individuals, partnerships and cor-
porations; and the practical success of this tax encouraged other
states to adopt similar laws or to vitalize the administration of
unsuccessful income taxes already on the statute books. The
following states now use the modern income tax: Wisconsin,
Massachusetts, Connecticut (corporations only), New York,
Oklahoma (personal incomes only), West Virginia (corporations
only), Missouri, Virginia, Delaware (personal incomes only),
North Dakota, North Carolina, and Montana (corporations
only). On Feb. 25 1913 the foundation for the Federal system
of income taxation was laid by the ratification of the Sixteenth
Amendment, which provided as follows:
INCOME TAX
43i
FEDERAL INCOME TAX
1913
1916
1917
igiS 1919
Personal Income Tax.
Total number of returns
Total net income
357,598
$3,900,000,000
437,036
$6,298,577,620
3,472,890
$13,652,383,207
4,425,114
$15,924,639,355
5,332,760
$19,859,491,448
Total tax yield
$28,253,535
$173,386,694
$691,492,954
$1,127,721,835
$1,269,630,104
Average tax per individual .
$79.01
$396.60
$199.11
$254-85
$238.08
Average rate of tax :
Incomes $ 1,000- 2,000
0-66 %
1-19%
0-87%
$5,000- 10,000
.
61 %
2-41 %
4-34%
3-io%
$25,000- 50,000
1-41%
7-34%
13-32 %
12-13%
" $100,000-150,000
3-48 %
13-92 %
33-68 %
33-12%
"$1,000,000 and over
11-09%
35-65 %
64-65 %
General average rate ....
1%
2-75%
5-o6%
7-o8%
6-39%
Normal rate $4,000 and under .
i%
2%
4%
6%
4%
Normal rate over $4,000
6%
2%
4%
12%
8%
Maximum surtax
13%
63%
65%
65%
Incomes under $5,000:
Per cent, of total returns
36-59%
87-56%
89-17%
Per cent, of total net income
9-91 %
48-66%
59-0 %
Per cent, of total tax
1-14%
10-58%
12-84%
Incomes over $100,000:
Per cent, of total returns
i-54%
0-56%
0-33%
Per cent, of total net income
29-47 %
i7-96%
10-49%
Per cent, of total tax .
73-u%
65-83%
54-73%
Per cent, of total tax returned in:
New York
44-32 %
44-96%
36-96%
3i-4i%
31-49%
Pennsylvania
11-24%
10-15%
n-53%
12-22 %
10-10%
Illinois
7-34%
6-31 %
7-02 %
7-50%
7-83%
Massachusetts ....
5-33%
6-28 %
6-47%
7-21 %
6-82 %
Per cent, number of returns to population
o-37%
0-43%
3-40%
4-27%
5-03%
War profits and excess profits tax re-
turned by individuals
$101,249,781
Returned by partnerships .
$103,887,984
Personal exemptions:
To individual
$3,000
$3,000
$1,000
$1,000
$1,000
To head of family ....
$4,000
$4,000
$2,000
$2,000
$2,000
For each dependent
$200
$200
$200
Corporation Taxes.
Total number of returns
316,909
341,253
351,426
317,579
330,000*
Returns showing taxable income
188,866
206,984
232,079
2O2,o6l
Returns showing no taxable income .
128,043
134,269
119,347
H5,5l8
Total net income
$4,714,000,000
$8,765,900,000
$10,730,400,000
$8,4OO,OOO,OOO
$9,IOO,OOO,OOO*
Income tax yield
$43,127,740
$171,805,150
$503,698,029
$653,198,483
War profits and excess profits tax yield
Total tax yield
$43,127,740
$171,805,150
$1,638,747,740
$2,142,445,769
$2,505,565,939
$3,158,764422
$2,050,000,000*
Grand total Income and profits taxes,
individuals and corporations
$71,381,275
$345,191,844
$2,921,583,203
$4,286,486,257
$3,319,630,104*
*Estimated.
The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on in-
comes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment among
the several states, and without regard to any census or enumeration.
The development of the Federal income tax in the Acts of
Aug. 5 1909, Oct. 3 1013, Sept. 8 1916, Oct. 3 1917, and Feb. 24
1919, is suggested statistically in the appended tabular statement.
The most important characteristic of the Federal income tax is its
striking productivity, the elasticity of which is illustrated by the
increase of the Federal taxes based on income from $345,191,844
for 1916 to $2,921,583,203 for 1917 and to $4,286,486,257 for 1918.
These enormous sums (now collected from taxpayers in four quarterly
instalments each year) have been raised without causing bankruptcy
or widespread distress to taxpayers. As appears in the table, the
personal exemptions granted by the Federal law are high compared
with the similar exemptions allowed in other countries, and only
a small proportion of the population is directly affected by the tax.
A large proportion of the tax is collected in the industrial or urban
states, and is thus marked by some unfortunate class and sectional
characteristics. Compared with the similar taxes of other coun-
tries, the rates on small and moderate incomes are low: while the
rates on the larger incomes are comparatively high, probably the
highest collected in any important country.
From the technical standpoint, the striking characteristics of the
Federal tax are: its taxation of gains from the occasional sale of
capital assets (the constitutionality of which was affirmed March 28
1921 by the U. S. Supreme Court in Merchants' Loan and Trust
Co. v. Smietanka) its failure, largejy because of constitutional
limitations, to reach interest on municipal bonds and other tax-free
securities; the relatively small and decreasing use of " stoppage-at-
source " (whereby the normal tax is withheld and paid direct to the
Government by payers out of the payments due to corresponding
payees) ; the full credit accorded for income and profits taxes paid to
any foreign country on income derived from sources therein; the
complexity of the law arising largely from the " cushions " or relief
provisions (such as the deduction for amortization and the allow-
ance for depletion on the basis of discovery value in the case
of mines and oil wells discovered by the taxpayer) designed
to protect the taxpayer against hardship ; the great centralization
in the administration of the tax; and the delay in the audit and
inspection of the larger and more important returns due prin-
cipally to the complexity of the law and the centralization of the
administration. The structure of the tax creates some difficulties.
Individuals pay a " split-normal " tax of 4 and 8% (see table) and
surtaxes rising from I to 65%, while corporations pay 10% (on in-
come in excess of the specific exemption of $2,000), and excess prof-
its tax. This plan is unsatisfactory and the excess profits tax, it
was believed, would be repealed at the close of 1921. The other
principal defects of the tax the excessive rates of surtax ; the demor-
alizing influence of tax-exempt income; the complexity of the tax;
the delay in audit ; and the over-centralization of administration
were generally acknowledged even by the friends of the tax, and
legislative efforts to correct these failings were (1921) being made.
In the states, the adoption of income taxes was hastened by the
unsatisfactory operation of the personal property tax, particularly
on intangible personal property, and the so-called corporation fran-
chise taxes. The income tax is being used (1921) to replace these
taxes. The newer state income taxes are generally administered by
state or central authority. There is an increasing tendency to com-
pute the tax on the basis of the Federal return, and an effort is made
by apportionment devices to exempt, in whole or in part, business or
corporation income derived from property located and business
transacted without the state. Jurisdictional questions and multiple
taxation thus constitute fundamental problems. The Wisconsin
tax is progressive on both individuals and corporations, rising (with
surtaxes for soldiers' and educational bonus) to 13-2 % on individual
incomes in excess of $12,000 and on corporation incomes in excess of
$7,000. The Massachusetts tax varies in rate for different classes of
income, being i % on annuities and income from salaries and trade
or business, 3 % on the excess of gains over losses sustained from the
purchase and sale of securities and intangible personal property,
and 6|% on interest and dividends. The corporation tax in
Massachusetts is at the rate of 2%. In New York the personal
432
INDIA
tax rises from I % on income not exceeding $10,000 to 3 % on income
in excess of $50,000, and the corporation tax is at the rate of 45 %.
While the rates at which the state taxes are imposed are thus not
immoderate, they create when added to the Federal tax a serious
burden. The newer state laws, while centrally administered, pro-
vide for the return of a substantial portion of the tax to the county
or local governments.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. E. R. A. Seligman, The Income Tax (2nd ed.
1914); K. K. Kennan, Income Taxation (1910); D. O. Kinsman,
The Income Tax in the Commonwealths of the United States (1903);
R. M. Haig (Ed.) The Federal Income Tax (1921) ; George E. Holmes,
Federal Taxes (1920 ed.) ; Robert H. Montgomery, Income Tax
Procedure (1921); Federal Excess Profits Tax Procedure (1921); New
York State Income Tax Procedure (1921)-; Standard Statistics Co.,
Standard Income Tax Manual (1921); The Corporation Trust Co.,
The Federal Income Tax Service (1913-21); Treasury Department,
Bureau of Internal Revenue, Regulations 45 (1920 ed.) ; Income Tax
Rulings (1919-21); Income Tax Primer (1918-21); Income Tax
Primer for Farmers (1920-1), Excess-Profits Tax Primer (1918-21);
Statistics of Income (1916-8); Annual Report, Commissioner of
Internal Revenue. For New York, see H. M. Powell, Taxation of
Corporations and Personal Incomes and for state income taxes in
general, see reports of the State Tax Commission or Commissioner
of Wisconsin, New York, Massachusetts, etc., and the Annual
Proceedings and monthly Bulletin of the National Tax Association.
(T. S. A.)
INDIA (see 14.375). The sixth decennial census of India
(British India and the native states) was taken on March 18
1921. The provisional figures gave a total pop. of 319,075,132,
of which 247,138,396 is the pop. of British India and 71,936,736
that of the native states. The corresponding figures of the
decennial census of 1911 were: British India 243,933,178 and
native states 71,223,218. The rate of increase in the decade
ending 1921 is thus only 1-2%, a notable drop in comparison
with the advance of the pop. in the immediately preceding
decade, but nearly identical with the results of the 1901 census.
The growth of the Indian pop. in the last 40 years had been
singularly uneven. The percentages of increase in the several
decennial periods were as follow: 9-6% in 1881-91; 1-4% in
1891-1901; 6-4% in 1901-11; 1-2% in 1911-21.
Vital Conditions. These remarkable variations are, as might be
expected, mainly due to the character of the agricultural seasons and
the absence or presence of great epidemics of disease. The decade
of 1881-91 was one of recovery from the great drought which dev-
astated the Madras and Bombay Presidencies in 1876-8. The
seasons were generally good and food was cheap and abundant. The
next decade (1891-1901) was marked by one of the worst visitations
of drought and famine, extending over the years 1896 and 1897, that
India has known. It affected a population of nearly 70 millions,
and was especially intense in the United Provinces, Bihar, the
Central Provinces, Madras and Bombay. In the spring of 1897
4,000,000 people were receiving relief and the mortality, despite the
efforts of the State to alleviate distress, was great. In 1896 bubonic
plague appeared in Bombay, to which port it had probably been
brought by infected rats in grain ships from China, and from thence
it spread in an epidemic form into nearly every part of India. Under
the ravages of plague and famine the population actually decreased
in the decade in several provinces and native states, and the rate of
advance for the whole of India was only 1-4%. In the next decade
(1901-11) conditions were better. But a serious failure of the
monsoon, rains occurred in Upper India in 1908, and many parts
of the country were devastated by plague. The growth of the
population was curiously uneven in the different provinces and native
states. The Central Provinces and Berar recorded an increase of
18%, the native states attached to those provinces an increase of
nearly 30%, and the important state of Hyderabad one of 20%.
These high figures represent the filling-up of famine losses in some
of the less populous regions of India. In the more thickly populated
provinces of Madras, Bombay and Bengal the increase ranged from
5 % to 8 %, while in the United Provinces and the Punjab the pop.
actually declined. The very moderate rate of increase (6-4 % in the
decade) returned for India as a whole represented the mean of widely
different provincial rates and concealed the recuperative power
which the Indian population exhibited in those parts of the country
where conditions were favourable.
The decade 1911-21 showed the lowest figure of increase since the
decennial census was instituted in 1871. Up to 1917 the seasons
were normally good and the public health not unsatisfactory. Not-
withstanding the World War and its economic effect in raising prices
and restricting the supply of necessary imports, the country was
generally prosperous. A comparison of the yearly birth-rates with
the corresponding death-rates showed an increasing population. But
in 1918 a double calamity befell India. The monsoon rains failed
over the greater part of the country. The losses of crops were esti-
mated at 20 million tons or one-fourth of the average production.
Food grains, milk and other nourishing food were at famine prices.
The Government met the situation by importing wheat from
Australia and rice from Burma, by a rigorous control over existing
food stocks and by various relief measures. But distress was general
and acute. On the top of this disaster a virulent form of influenza
spread throughout India. Within the space of four or five months the
epidemic was responsible for five million deaths in British India and
a million in native states. The death rate of 1918 in British India
exceeded 62 per mille or nearly double the. birth-rate, as against a
normal death-rate of about 30 per mille. In several provinces it was
markedly higher. The United Provinces returned a death-rate of 83
per mille, the Punjab 88 per mille and the Bombay Presidency 93 per
mille. Thus the decade which had opened prosperously closed on a
people impoverished by scarcity and decimated by disease. The
facts are reflected in the census returns.
Several provinces and a number of native states show an actual
decrease of population. The pop. declined 2-6% in the United
Provinces of Agra and Oudh, 1-6% in Bombay, 1-4% in Bihar and
Orissa. The pop. of the United Provinces in 1921 was actually less
by several millions than it was in 1891. The conditions of life in
this densely populated tract give cause for anxiety. In the Central
Provinces and Berar, which in 1901-11 had shown an increase of
18%, the pop. was practically stationary. The important state of
Hyderabad, in which the pop. had increased by 20% in 1901-11,
recorded a loss of 6-9% and the Rajputana states a loss of 6-4%.
To this depressing record a few favoured tracts are exceptions. The
pop. of the Travancore state, in the extreme south of the peninsula,
increased by nearly 17%, and this on the top of an increase of 16%
in the preceding decade. The pop. of Burma, a province which is
happily exempt from the droughts and epidemics that afflict the
Indian continent and in which the standard of living is considerably
higher, continues to expand. In 1901-11 it increased by 15-5%,
and in 1911-21 by 9%.
In brief, India is prodigal of human life and prodigal of death to a
degree unknown in Western countries. The population nearly every-
where presses close on the limits of bare subsistence. It is largely
dependent on the chances of the harvests and the vicissitudes of the
seasons. It is peculiarly helpless by reason of its ignorance of natural
laws and adherence to hurtful traditions and observances: and it
is an easy victim of many diseases which science elsewhere has
extirpated or set bounds to. A persistently high birth-rate is con-
stantly kept in check or even nullified by an excessive death-rate.
A stationary population is not in itself an evil. But in India it is
attained by a profuse expenditure of human life and at the cost of
much suffering and misery. In the sphere of social and sanitary re-
form an immense task and a great opportunity lie before the re-
formed governments of India.
The statistics of education, occupations, religions and castes were
not available for the decade 1911-21 up to Aug. 1921. The census
of 1911 had shown that the reforming sect of the Arya Somaj in
Northern India grew from 92,419 to 243,514; Sikhs increased from
2,155,339 to 3,014,466; and Christians from 2,923,241 to 3,876,196.
POLITICAL HISTORY, 1910-21
The Morley-Minto Era. Nov. 1910 saw the close of the Mor-
ley-Minto era. Lord Minto then completed the fifth year of his
viceroyalty and was succeeded by Lord Hardinge of Penshurst.
About the same time Lord Morley exchanged the India Office for
the less exacting duties of Lord President of the Council. His
successor was the Marquess of Crewe. Many circumstances
combined to make the period the opening of a new chapter in the
political development of India. The advent of the Radical party
to power in England in the autumn of 1905 quickened ambitions
and aspirations for a larger measure of self-government that
had been steadily gathering force among Indian politicians.
They believed that Parliament, as constituted by the result of
the recent general election, would not be indifferent to Indian
grievances. In Lord Morley they saw the veteran champion of
Liberalism and expected much of him. His position was difficult.
He refused to undo the " partition " of Bengal. He recognized
the difficulties of the Indian Government, but was convinced
that a moderate measure of political advance was overdue. He
was accused by some of having " shelved the principles of a
lifetime," and by others of undermining the foundations of
British rule in India. In the considered judgment of the Montagu-
Chelmsford report the reforms he effected " constituted a real
and important advance." They were " essentially of an evolu-
tionary character " a natural extension of the previously
existing system, a change of degree and not of kind. Lord Mor-
ley, in his Recollections (1917), has given us interesting glimpses
of his relations with the Viceroy, Lord Minto. Though
widely different in temperament, training and political outlook,
they appear to have worked together in essential harmony.
INDIA
433
ord Minto testified that on large questions of policy they rarely
Efered, though he thought that at times the Secretary of State
nterfered unnecessarily with the Indian Government in matters
actual administration, and reduced its authority to that of a
aere agent. Lord Morley, undoubtedly, held and acted on the
that the executive in India is a derivative government,
sponsible not only as to policy but as to administrative acts to
Parliament, said, as such subordinate in all respects to the Secre-
ary of State. The doctrine was beyond dispute, but may be ap-
lied too rigidly. Lord Minto, however, frankly acknowledged
his Government had the unfailing and effective support
of the minister whenever its measures were challenged.
Political "Unrest." Lord Minto went to India believing
bat what the country most needed was a respite from reforms,
[ proposed, as he expressed it, " to give the horse a rest in his
Hop." But it was soon patent to him that the state of India
i beyond an anodyne of the kind. He 'found widespread " un-
est " among the educated classes, which took various forms.
)f open organized disaffection there was little except in the
dismembered province of Bengal and the newly created province
of Eastern Bengal and Assam, where a very bitter agitation,
accompanied by the boycott of British goods and frequent
disturbances of the peace in which Mahommedans were mostly
the sufferers, had been started by Hindu politicians with the
object of obtaining a reversal of the partition. The movement
kindled the flame of Bengal nationality and became invested
with the religious sanctions of Hinduism. The " motherland " of
Bengal, it was said, had been desecrated by foreign hands and
Kali, its tutelary goddess, cried for vengeance. Among an
excitable and impressionable people crude notions of self-rule
and political freedom easily " yoked themselves," as Lord
Morley wrote to Lord Minto, " to deep invisible roots of alien
race, creed and inviolable caste." The movement caught up
students and teachers in schools and colleges and the poorer
members of the professional classes. As it gathered strength and
was fed by a rancorous press, among the publications of which
the Yugantar (New Era) newspaper was the most notorious until
its suppression in 1908, it led not a few of its misguided proselytes
into the downward path of anarchical crime. Within two years of
Lord Minto's arrival in India secret societies, radiating from
Calcutta and Dacca and composed chiefly of young men belong-
ing to respectable families, sprang up in many districts of the
two provinces, having for their object the deliverance of India
from the foreign yoke. This they sought to compass by assassina-
tion and terrorism. The art of bomb-making was imported from
Europe. Revolutionary literature and the use of pistols and
explosives were sedulously studied. Funds were obtained by
gang robberies, usually committed at night and accompanied by
murder and violence. In Oct. 1907 an attempt was made to blow
up the train in which the lieutenant-governor of Bengal was
travelling, in Dec. the district magistrate of Dacca was shot, in
April 1908 two English ladies were killed in their carriage by a
bomb intended for the district magistrate of Muzaffarpur. Police
discoveries followed which made it clear that the Government
was faced with a formidable revolutionary conspiracy, organized
by obscure fanatics but directed by subtler brains, challenging
the very existence of British rule and unamenable to political
concessions. An anarchical movement of this kind was really
alien to the Indian character. But the mass of the population
was inert and terrified, and the moderate section of the politically
minded classes was overborne by extremists, who, while dis-
sociating themselves from the " physical force " party, extenu-
ated their acts and laid the blame on the " partition " policy.
But the course which disaffection was to run in the two
Bengals and its reactions elsewhere were unsuspected when
Lord Minto examined the situation in 1906. The "unrest"
which he found existing in other parts of India was of a kind
which, notwithstanding disquieting features, was in the main not
revolutionary or unconstitutional, and might yield to sympathet-
ic treatment. English books and newspapers had familiarized
the educated classes with the political ideas of advanced Western
communities. They had become conscious of their strength and
the power of the press and platform. The annual meetings of the
National Congress, now in its twenty-first year, voiced the
advanced views of the more ardent politicians. With increasing
boldness the Congress leaders inveighed against the Government
as a jealous bureaucracy, oppressive in policy, deaf to outside
opinion and bent on excluding Indians from high administrative
office. They dwelt on the poverty and stagnation of India and
contrasted it with the brilliant progress made by Japan. What
the National Congress said once a year, extremist Indian
newspapers said daily. In the partition of Bengal, in the Uni-
versities Act and in other measures of Lord Curzon's administra-
tion they saw so many insidious attempts to crush their ambi-
tions. Discontent and distrust were in the air. England, it was
said, had come to the end of her liberating mission and India had
nothing to hope for. Lord Minto took the view that novel forces
and aspirations were at work that were natural and just, which
the ruling power should not only meet but assist. " A change,"
he said, " is passing over the land and we cannot afford to
dally." In the summer of 1906 he invited his executive council
in a Minute to consider the question of political reform or, as
he described it, " the possibility of the development of adminis-
trative machinery in accordance with new conditions." A tenta-
tive project of reform was drawn up in 1907, and with the ap-
proval of the Secretary of State in Council was published in
England and India. In 1908 the Government of India reviewed
it in the light of opinions received from various sources and
submitted revised proposals to the Secretary of State. A bill,
embodying them as finally settled, so far as they required
parliamentary authority, was presented to Parliament by Lord
Morley in Feb. 1909 and, after debates in both Houses, was
passed with little amendment in May of that year and became
law as the Indian Councils Act 1909.
The Morley-Minto Constitution.- The main object of the Act
was to enlarge the Legislative Councils and make them more fully
representative, introduce the elective principle, give greater
powers of discussion and of obtaining information from the execu-
tive. Its provisions were wide and general, all details and some
important matters of principle being left to rules to be made by
the authorities in India. The Act fixed for each Council the
maximum number of " additional " members {i.e. those other
than the members of the executive councils), the number varying
from 60 in the Imperial Legislative Council to 30 in the smaller
provinces. The proportion of elected and nominated members
in each Council, the formation of the electoral bodies, the
qualifications of the electors and of persons eligible for election,
the procedure of the Councils as regards debate, the moving and
effect of resolutions and the asking of questions were left to rules.
The actual constitution and powers of the Councils must there-
fore be sought in the rules. In each Council the nominated
members comprised: (i) a substantial bloc of officials, the bloc
in the Imperial Legislative Council being large enough to secure,
together with the members of the executive council, an absolute
majority; (2) non-officials nominated to represent classes or
interests which would otherwise be unrepresented or inadequately
represented. In all the Councils, with the exception of that of
Bengal, the nominated members exceeded in number the elected
members. The number of the latter in any province was too few
to admit of any system of territorial constituencies and direct
voting. Special constituencies therefore were formed, such as
universities, chambers of commerce, groups of municipalities
and district boards, the object being to obtain as far as possible a
fair representation of the different classes and interests in the
country. Special arrangements were also made for the represen-
tation of Mahommedans as a separate class or community. The
Councils were empowered to discuss and move resolutions on
the annual budget and in like manner to raise discussions by
resolution on matters of general public interest. But they did not
vote the budget and resolutions operated only as recommenda-
tions which were not binding on the Government. The Councils
had no direct control over the executive, though they could in-
form and influence it. Lord Morley emphatically said that India
was not ripe for parliamentary institutions and that he would be
434
INDIA
no party to creating them. The Act also increased the number
of members of the executive councils of Madras and Bombay
from two to a maximum of four, thereby providing a seat for an
Indian or two Indian members; it also authorized the creation of
an executive council in any province having a lieutenant-govern-
or. The policy of associating Indians with the executive govern-
ment, thus affirmed as regards the provinces, had already been
given effect to as regards the Government of India by the appoint-
ment of Mr. (afterwards Lord) Sinha to the Governor-General's
executive council. Lord Morley had also placed two Indians on
his own council. Of these reforms as a whole it may be said that
they gave to India the beginnings of representative institutions
and opened to Indians the highest offices of the State.
While the reforms were slowly maturing, increasing disorders
in Bengal and the spread of disaffection in other parts of India
gave cause for anxiety and made the prospect of an early appease-
ment doubtful. In the spring of 1907 the enactment of an un-
popular law led to a violent anti-British movement in the
Punjab. There were seditious meetings in the large cities, serious
riots took place, endangering the lives of Europeans, in Lahore
and Rawalpindi and attempts were made to tamper with the
native army. In Bombay the irreconcilable extremist, Bal
Gangadhar Tilak, a Brahmin of the notoriously disaffected
Chitpavan sect, passionately advocated swaraj, or complete
political independence, and in his newspapers, the Kesari and
the Mahratta, denounced the foreigner and foreign rule. When
the Muzaffarpur murders took place, the Kesari, in a casuistical
argument, apologized for and condoned the use of the bomb in
Bengal as the latest effective remedy against tyranny. For these
articles Tilak was prosecuted and sentenced by the Bombay High
Court to six years' imprisonment. Meanwhile another Chitpavan
Brahmin established in London a hostel for Indians under the
name of the India House, which became the centre of revolution-
ary plots in the Bombay Presidency. The extent of its machina-
tions became known in the course of the proceedings pursuant to
the assassination of Sir W. Curzon Wyllie at the Imperial
Institute in London in June 1909 and of Mr. Jackson, the
district magistrate of Nasik, in the Bombay Presidency. Dur-
ing this period the extremists sought to commit the National
Congress to a rejection of the proposed reforms and to a pro-
gramme of complete Home Rule, and might possibly have
succeeded but for Tilak's conviction and imprisonment. Not-
withstanding these unpropitious signs the Indian Government
did not waver in their resolve to proceed with the reforms.
" I am determined," said Lord Minto in his Legislative Council,
" that no anarchical crimes will for an instant deter me from
endeavouring to meet as best I can the political aspirations of
honest reformers." In giving this assurance to the moderates
his Government . asked for and obtained increased powers to
combat seditious incentives in the press and at public meetings
and anarchical crime. In 1907 and 1908 laws were passed for
prohibiting in proclaimed areas public meetings of a seditious
character, for preventing the publication by the press of matter
inciting to murder and other offences, for penalizing the manu-
facture and use of explosives and conspiracies connected with
them, for establishing a special procedure and special tribunals
for the trial of crimes of an anarchical nature and for making
associations for certain objects unlawful (the Prevention of
Seditious Meetings Act, 1907; the Newspapers' Incitement to
Offences Act, 1908; the Explosive Substances Act, 1908; the
Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1908).
Tranquillizing Effect of the Reforms. These measures, together
with the better appreciation by the educated classes of the
substantial nature of the proposed reforms, sensibly improved
the situation. Mr. Gokhale, the leader of the moderate section
of the nationalist party, a Brahmin of great intellectual capacity,
high ideals and selfless devotion, effectively appealed to his
countrymen to accept the reforms and, by making the best of
them, to prove their fitness for larger political liberties. The
King-Emperor's message to the princes and people of India,
delivered on Nov. 2 1908, the jubilee of the late Queen Victoria's
proclamation, had also a tranquillizing effect. The elections to
the new Legislative Councils were conducted in a spirit of good-
will, and the discussions in the opening sessions in Jan. 1910 were
marked by moderation and good sense. Though murders of
public servants, gang robberies and other acts of terrorism still
continued in Bengal and Eastern Bengal, Lord Minto in leaving
India in Oct. 1910 was able to declare that the reforms had
greatly cleared the air and that a happier feeling was abroad.
Except for a serious failure of the monsoon in the autumn of 1908
and consequent losses of crops and cattle over a large area, the
country generally was prosperous in Lord Minto's viceroyalty.
Irrigation advanced rapidly in the arid tracts of the south-
western Punjab and the wealth of the colonists attracted there
from the populous districts of the province became proverbial.
The ravages of plague continued unabated and in 1907 the re-
corded deaths (1,315,000) from the disease reached a maximum.
An advisory committee constituted from the Royal Society and
the Lister Institute explored the causation of plague and in
the light of their researches the Government of India revised
the administrative methods of dealing with it. The problem of
plague was a part of the larger problem raised by the insanitary
conditions of India, especially of the towns. To this increasing
attention began to be directed, and steps were taken in Lord
Minto's administration to establish a service of medical officers
of health in the municipalities and to assist those bodies to carry
out sanitary improvements. Among the cities so assisted may
be mentioned Rangoon. An important Act establishing an
Improvement Trust, to deal with the insanitary and congested
areas of Calcutta, was enacted by the Bengal Legislature.
Political Policy of Lord Minto. A new direction to the rela-
tions of the British Indian Government with the native states
of India was given by Lord Minto. For some time past there
had been signs that some of the ruling chiefs resented the control
exercised over them and their states by the suzerain power and
suspected it of a wish to increase that control. How far the dis-
content was justifiable is a matter of opinion. What is clear is
that the growth of political ideas, increased contact with Europe
and greater consciousness of their privileged position, had
tended to make the princes discontented with a relationship
which they had formerly accepted without hesitation. Lord
Minto took occasion of a state visit to the Maharana of Udaipur
to make a declaration of policy (Nov. 8 1909). Taking as his
text the guarantee given to the feudatory princes and ruling
chiefs in Queen Victoria's proclamation of 1858 and of King
Edward VII. 's message of Nov. i 1908, Lord Minto said that his
Government proposed to follow a policy of greater sympathy
and elasticity. They would not aim at enforcing uniformity or
administrative efficiency and would not press British methods
of administration upon the states, but preferred that reforms
should emanate from the durbars and be in harmony with the
traditions of the states. " The foundation-stone," he said,
" of the whole system is the recognition of identity of interests
between the Imperial Government and the durbars and the
minimum of interference with the latter in their own affairs."
The declaration and the spirit in which it was acted upon were
very welcome to the ruling princes. Zealous political officers,
when faced as they sometimes are with wrongdoing and oppres-
sion, may at times be inclined to regret the emphasis laid on non-
interference. But it was an essential part of the policy of mutual
trust and cooperation. The war vindicated its soundness.
Relations with Afghanistan continued good during Lord
Minto's administration. The Amir maintained silence about
the provisions of the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 affecting
Afghanistan, and it was decided not to press him on the matter.
He showed his confidence in Lord Minto by accepting the latter's
invitation to pay him a friendly visit. He was received in state
at Agra on Jan. 9 1908, and afterwards visited some of the
principal cities of India. The Viceroy considerately abstained
from discussing matters of business during the Amir's sojourn
in India. The Amir was delighted with the kindness shown him
and let it be known that his friendship with the British Govern-
ment had been immensely strengthened. As regards the inde-
pendent tribes on the N.W. frontier the only important event
INDIA
435
was the sending of two punitive expeditions against the Moh-
mands and the Zakka Khels in the spring of 1910. Operations
were over in less than a month.
Lord Kitchener's Army Administration. The present military
system of India, as regards the organization and administration
of the army, is largely due to the changes effected by Lord Kitch-
ener in Lord Minto's viceroyalty (see also the section on Army
below). With the disappearance of the military department and
military member of council, the administration of military
affairs in the Government of India and the executive command
of the army were united in the person of the commander-in-
chief. As an exception to this unification, certain branches of
army supply were at first made a separate department and
placed under a supply member of council. But after three
years' experience of the new system Lord Minto obtained the
Secretary of State's assent to bringing supply under the com-
mander-in-chief and making the latter supreme over all branches
of the army. Briefly stated, Lord Kitchener's scheme was to
provide a field army of sufficient strength to meet the maximum
danger to which India was likely to be exposed, to distribute the
troops composing the field army and those assigned for internal
defence into self-contained divisional commands, and to give
to the divisional commanders powers and responsibilities that
hitherto had been exercised by army headquarters. As sub-
sidiary measures the defences of the N.W. frontier were strength-
ened, and military equipment and the pay and conditions of serv-
ice of the Indian army improved. The increase of military
expenditure which the scheme involved was viewed with in-
creasing disfavour by Indian nationalists. Lord Hardinge's
Government, threatened with the loss of the opium revenue and
anxious to find money for education and other civil needs, came
to the conclusion that the Anglo-Japanese alliance and improved
relations with Russia justified a reexamination of the military
requirements of India. The Secretary of State agreed to refer
the question to a committee presided over by Field-Marshal
Lord Nicholson. The committee were not unanimous and pre-
sented a majority and minority report. Before action was
taken on these reports war with Germany and Austria broke out.
Lord Hardinge as Viceroy. In the spring of 1910 the appoint-
ment of Lord Kitchener to succeed Lord Minto as Viceroy seemed
probable. Lord Morley records in his Recollections (vol. ii.,
page 333) the objections he felt to the appointment of a soldier,
and was prepared to carry them to the point of resignation. His
view prevailed. Fate reserved Lord Kitchener for greater tasks
and the choice fell on Sir Charles Hardinge, permanent Under-
secretary for Foreign Affairs and formerly ambassador at
St. Petersburg. On his elevation to the peerage he took the title
of Lord Hardinge of Penshurst. Lord Hardinge's long viceroyalty
(Nov. 1910 March 1916) was strenuous and eventful. The
earlier years were marked by the visit of King George V. and
the Queen to India, the selection of Delhi as the site of the future
capital of the Indian Empire, the revision of the " partition "
of Bengal and the nefarious attempt of anarchists to compass
the deaths of the Viceroy and his wife on the occasion of their
state entry into Delhi. The closing years saw India in the throes
of the World War. Lord Hardinge, like his predecessor, had
an hereditary connexion with India, as his grandfather, the
ist Viscount Hardinge, was Governor-General (1844-8) in the
stirring times of the first Sikh War. The goodwill of Indians
toward the new Viceroy deepened as they saw his genuine liking
for their country; his zeal, carried on one occasion to the point
of an indiscretion, to obtain redress of the grievances of Indians
residing in other parts of the Empire; and his endeavours to as-
sociate their political leaders to the fullest extent possible with
the work of government under the reformed Councils scheme.
His diplomatic and Foreign Office experience and knowledge of
the politics and conditions of the East enabled him to handle
dexterously and effectively the external affairs of India and to
enter into the difficulties and apprehensions of Indian Mahom-
medans. He cordially pursued the policy of friendship and
cooperation with the ruling chiefs of native states that Lord
Minto had inaugurated. Events outside India were beginning
to attract the attention of Indians as in no former time. The
Mahommedans watched with disquietude the Italo-Turkish War,
the revolution in Turkey and the Balkan wars, while Indian
politicians and the durbars of native states noted the signs of
coming trouble in Europe and speculated as to the results of a
catastrophic war. It was an advantage that at this juncture the
head of the Indian Government was exceptionally qualified to
interpret these world commotions to the Indian public and to
explain the attitude of the British Government. Lord Hardinge's
addresses to his Legislative Council and to deputations and
his speeches on occasions of ceremonial visits to native states,
removed misconceptions and inspired confidence. When the
World War came in 1914 the popularity of his administration and
the personal influence and friendship which he had acquired with
the ruling princes had much to do with the magnificent response
of India to the call of the Empire.
Working of the Morley-Minto Reforms. Lord Minto's pre-
diction that the conciliatory measures associated with the reform
of the Councils, coupled with the preventive measures which
his Government had taken, had cleared the political atmosphere
proved correct. On Jan. 5 1911 an important deputation from
the Indian National Congress presented an address to the new
Viceroy in which they expressed deep and heartfelt loyalty to the
Crown and appreciation of the reforms, which " had given the
Indian people a larger opportunity than they had before of being
associated with the Government in the administration of the
country," and which " had done much to bring about a better
understanding between the Government and the people."
The hope subjoined to these expressions of goodwill that " the
regulations in connexion with the Councils which had evoked
criticism will be modified in the light of experience " had reference
to the provisions for communal and class representation and
indirect voting, to which the advanced nationalist party had
taken objection on the publication of the regulations. They had
set their hopes on large territorial constituencies based strictly on
numbers, and were disappointed with a constitution which in
these and other respects fell short of their political ideals, and
which gave special protection to the Mahommedan community,
the landowning classes and other important interests. But as
the enlarged Legislative Councils settled down to their work,
even the advanced party found in the new powers a healthy
outlet for their energies. Social and economic measures, such as
compulsory education, alteration in the Hindu law of marriage
and the Mahommedan law of property, the encouragement of
indigenous industries, the prohibition of emigration beyond seas
under indenture to labour, were brought forward in the form of
resolutions or bills. Acts of the executive government or its
officers were made the subject of questions or debate. The
annual financial statement of the Imperial Government or local
government, as the case might be, was closely scrutinized and
criticized and gave openings for discussion ranging over the whole
field of imperial or provincial finance. As already said, the
Councils might influence but had no direct control over the
Government. They could not turn the executive out of office or
refuse supplies. Later on this and other limitations became a
serious grievance, but at first they were little dwelt upon. The
Governments, Imperial and provincial, showed themselves
anxious to adapt their policy and measures as far as possible to
popular needs as expressed by the elected members, to show
deference to Council resolutions having public feeling behind
them, to investigate and remedy alleged grievances and abuses,
and when legislating to rely less on voting power than on argu-
ment in debate, coupled with concessions on points of detail or
secondary importance. As consultative and critical bodies the
reformed Councils exercised a real and growing influence and
were an educative force. They formed, directed and developed
public opinion in political matters. They acted as a restraint
upon the autocratic tendencies of the executive and made it more
responsive to popular demands, and they strengthened its hands
when it had to sustain Indian interests against the interests of
Great Britain or of the self-governing Dominions.
The temper of the Legislative Council was tested in the
436
INDIA
first session by the proposal of Lord Hardinge's Government to
place permanently on the statute-book the Prevention of
Seditious Meetings Act, which had been enacted in 1007 at the
time of the Punjab disturbances as a temporary measure. Mr.
Gokhale and three other leading nationalists were opposed to
the retention of the Act on the ground that the general situation
was no longer such as to justify so exceptional a measure. But
the majority of the non-official members were content to accept
Lord Hardinge's assurance that the lapse of the Act would en-
danger the public tranquillity, and his promise that it would
never be applied to any part of India unless a clear necessity
arose. In the same session the announcement that the King-
Emperor and Queen-Empress would visit India in the winter
was received with great enthusiasm.
The King's Visit. The royal visit was a complete success.
The presence of the King-Emperor and his consort in India
touched the imagination of the people. The Delhi ceremonies
drew vast crowds eager to see and salute the sovereign. When a
visit to Calcutta followed, the welcome given by the populace
of that city was even more enthusiastic and unrestrained. On
Dec. 12 1911, in a great arena outside Delhi specially prepared
for the occasion, the King held a coronation durbar at which he
received in person the homage of the great officers of state and
the ruling princes and chiefs of the Indian Empire. Largesse and
" boons " of various kinds were granted and an announcement
made of great political moment. The seat of the Government of
India was to be transferred from Calcutta to Delhi; Eastern
Bengal reunited to Bengal and the enlarged province given a
Governor in Council; Bihar, Orissa and Chota Nagpur, tracts
which are loosely connected with Bengal proper, made a Lieuten-
ant-Governorship in Council; and Assam formed into a Chief
Commissionership. The secret had been well kept and the
surprise was complete. The scheme, though open to obvious
objections, was ingenious and cleverly balanced. A reasoned
exposition of its object is contained in a despatch, dated Aug. 25
E<JII, from the Government of India to the Secretary of State,
submitting the proposed changes for the home Government's
approval in advance of the King's visit. In the foreground was
placed the desirability of removing the Government of India
from Calcutta, where its presence diminished the dignity and
responsibility of the local Government, and where it unavoidably
was subject to Calcutta opinion to the exclusion of that of other
parts of India. The removal of the Government of India to a
capital of its own would, it was urged, facilitate the growth of
local government in India on sound and safe lines. India was
envisaged as consisting in the not remote future of a number
of administrations, autonomous in all provincial affairs, with
the Government of India above them all, but with its functions
ordinarily restricted to matters of Imperial concern. It was
essential to this evolution that the central Government should
not be associated with any local Government, but should have a
separate and independent capital. The withdrawal from Calcutta
of the Government of India would also, it was urged, make a
second long-desired object possible. Calcutta could be made the
seat of a Governor-in-Council and placed on an equality with
the two other presidential capitals. As to the third change
proposed the modification of the " partition " the despatch
laid stress on the unforeseen bitterness of feeling, " widespread
and unyielding," which the partition had created, and on certain
real disadvantages to which it had subjected the Bengalis in both
provinces into which the old province had been divided. In each
province the Bengalis were in a minority. " As matters now
stand, the Bengalis can never exercise in either province that
influence to which they consider themselves entitled by reason
of their numbers, wealth and culture." The scheme met Bengali
sentiment on that point. But the triumph of the agitators against
the " partition " was not unmixed. Bengali pride had to recon-
cile itself to the loss of prestige consequent on the withdrawal of
the supreme Government from Calcutta, and to the recognition
of Dacca, the old Mahommedan capital of Eastern Bengal, as
the second capital of the reunited province. The last provision,
it was hoped, would tend to reconcile the Mahommedans of
Eastern Bengal to the changes. But they and their coreligionists
in other parts of India regarded the revision of the " partition "
as a Hindu victory and a blow to their community. The suspicion
and resentment thus engendered augmented the unrest which
events in Europe were exciting among them. Such was the
scheme and its objects. In the months following the Delhi
durbar it ran the gauntlet of criticism in England and in India.
Strong objection was taken by its critics to the undoing of the
" partition/' " the settled fact " which Lord Morley had refused
to disturb. Objections equally strong were taken to the removal
of the Government of India from direct contact with the largest
and most powerful European community in India and the
segregation of its officials from the outside world. The authority
of Parliament, it was also said, had been flouted. The King's
ministers had suffered a royal announcement to be made of
changes of the highest moment before Parliament was allowed
to discuss them. There was force in the contention. Parliament
was confronted with a fait accompli, and the circumstances were
such as to prevent it from enforcing, if it wished, the responsi-
bility of ministers. Time alone will test the wisdom of these
changes, autocratically conceived and dramatically carried out.
The building of the new capital has been thrown back by the war,
and the cost will largely exceed the estimated sum of four millions
sterling. New Delhi, it is urged by opponents of the scheme, will
be merely the cold-weather headquarters of an official hierarchy,
an imposing mass of buildings untenanted for climatic reasons
during eight months of the year; while the Government of India,
rotating between it and Simla, will live perpetually in a bureau-
cratic atmosphere. On the other hand the drawbacks of Calcutta
were many, and recent constitutional changes have emphasized
the desirability of removing the supreme Government from im-
mediate contact with the internal administration of Bengal.
The presidential Government of reunited Bengal is an undoubted
success, the bitterness of feeling engendered by the " partition "
has disappeared, and the interests of the Mahommedan popula-
tion of the Eastern districts receive a just measure of attention
from the local government. The province of Bihar and Orissa is
the weak feature of the scheme. The artificial union of two blocks
of territory lying geographically apart and without linguistic or
racial affinities can never be a convenient administrative unit,
and may eventually give place to a better arrangement.
Lord Hardinge's Internal Administration. The period from
the conclusion of the royal visit to the outbreak of the World
War was one of administrative progress and constitutional
advance, not however without incidents and movements of
serious import. The finances were satisfactory. The reformed
Legislative Councils were working well.- The relations of the
non-official members with the Government were cordial and
helpful. Much attention was given in the provincial Councils,
as also in the Imperial Legislative Council, to matters of educa-
tion, public health and local self-government, and interest was
stimulated by the considerable grants for these purposes which
the central Government was able to make from imperial revenues
to local governments. In closing the budget debate in his
Council in March 1912, Lord Hardinge denned the duty of his
Government, as he conceived it, to be " to turn all our energies
to the uplifting of our people. Only by the spread of knowledge
and by the resolute struggle against disease and death can
Jndia rise among the nations." The beginning of a sustained
advance in popular education was made at the Delhi coronation
durbar, at which a recurring grant of 50 lakhs (333,000) to local
governments for the purpose was announced. (Here and else-
where the conversion of rupees into sterling has been made on the
basis of Rs. 15 = i. See note under Finance below.) This was
followed in succeeding years by larger grants. From 1911 to
1915 non-recurring grants amounting to 35 millions sterling and
recurring grants of 826,000 were made to the provinces. The
total annual expenditure on education rose during the period
by nearly 3 millions sterling, and the number of boys and girls
at school or college by one million and a half. This expansion
was numerically greatest in the primary schools. A wide educa-
tional policy was laid down, embracing the universities and
INDIA
437
secondary and technical schools and colleges. Research and
post-graduate instruction were promoted in the universities.
The existing universities, which were of the affiliating and ex-
amining type, had become unwieldy. They served vast areas
and required to be supplemented by resident universities, in
which teaching would predominate over examinations, and an
academic atmosphere would be created. The universities now
established at Dacca, Patna, Rangoon and Lucknow are of
this type. The Benares Hindu University, the creation of
which was largely due to the energy and capacity of Mrs. Annie
Besant, is on similar lines, though sectarian in character. The
Moslem University at Aligarh is also of this type. With the
problem of university reform the organization and condition of
the affiliated colleges and of the secondary schools which feed the
latter were intimately connected. Their improvement formed
part of Lord Hardinge's educational programme, but the sub-
ject was full of difficulty and in most provinces reform was
delayed by the war. With regard to technical education men-
tion may be made of the establishment of a well-equipped medi-
cal college at Lucknow, raising the number of medical colleges
in India to five, of schools of tropical medicine in Calcutta and
Bombay and of an institute of science at Bangalore. In the
domain of public health Lord Hardinge's Government similarly
encouraged progress in the provinces by imperial grants. Non-
recurring grants to the amount of 2,700,000 and recurring
grants of 368,000 were made. A great impetus was thus given
to sanitary measures. The capital grants rendered practicable
the execution of sanitary measures which a few years before
seemed beyond the limits of financial responsibility.
In several other cases the action of Lord Hardinge's Govern-
ment faithfully reflected the views and sentiments of Indians and
had the strong support of the Legislative Council. Regrets and
some resentment were expressed by that body when proposals
made by the Government of India for the establishment of a
High Court in the Punjab and an Executive Council in the United
Provinces failed to obtain the sanction of the home authorities.
The appointment of a royal commission to inquire into and report
on the public services of India with a view to increasing the
proportion of Indians in the higher offices met aspirations
expressed in a resolution moved in the Legislative Council and
was warmly approved. Another popular measure was the es-
tablishment of a Legislative Council in the Central Provinces.
But much greater feeling was provoked by the position of in-
dentured labour in the Colonies to which it was permitted and by
the treatment of Indian residents in South Africa and Canada.
The first trouble arose over the refusal of the Natal Government
to accept Indian immigrants as permanent citizens of the Union
after the expiration of their indentures. As no redress was
obtained the Government of India in 1911 prohibited for the
future indentured emigration to Natal. In the following year the
grievances of the Indians domiciled in the Union against the
Union Government came to a head. The Immigrants' Regulation
Act of the Union Government was considered by them to deprive
them of rights guaranteed under an agreement. The Indian
settlers resorted to " passive resistance." The situation was
aggravated by strikes and riots among Indian labourers in Natal.
Intense feeling was aroused in India by reports of the treatment
of passive resisters by the magistrates and the rough handling of
strikers and rioters by the police. Lord Hardinge in a speech
delivered in Madras (Nov. 24 1913) expressed evident sympathy
with the passive resisters in their struggle against " invidious and
unjust laws," referred to allegations that the movement had
been dealt with by measures that would not be tolerated in
any civilized country, and pressed for an inquiry in South Africa
by a strong and independent committee on which Indian interests
should be fully represented. The Union Government resented
the Viceroy's language, which admittedly was not very discreet.
But the calculated indiscretion served its purpose. A Commission
of Inquiry was appointed, but objection was raised to its com-
position by the Indians in South Africa. Eventually, after a
period of tension, the Union Government agreed to the deputa-
tion of a distinguished Indian civilian to represent Indian griev-
| ances before the Commission. A satisfactory solution was at
length reached and embodied by the Union Government in its
Indian Relief Act, 1914. This closed the passive resistance
struggle. The controversy had been followed in India with
passionate interest. In the action they took Lord Hardinge's
Government had the warm approval of the educated classes.
With regard to Canada the grievances of Indians were less
easy of settlement. Indians resented the refusal of the Canadian
authorities to admit them as settlers and contrasted it with the
more liberal treatment accorded to Japanese under an arrange-
ment with the Japanese Government. In the face of Canadian
feeling on the subject Lord Hardinge considered that the only
course which was likely to conciliate Indian public opinion
and secure a lasting settlement with the Dominion Government
was a policy of reciprocity, which could be made effective with-
out direct retaliation and would not raise questions of the
personal status of Indians in Canada. Some progress has been
made towards an agreement on these lines.
Attempt on Lord Hardinge's Life. In the period immediately
preceding the World War the only exception to the general
tranquillity of the country was the persistence and extension of
the revolutionary movement in Bengal and the growing unrest
of the Mahommedan community. In Bengal the revolutionary
societies which had been quiescent for a time again became active
towards the close of 1912. On Dec. 23 1912, as the Viceroy was
making a state entry into Delhi, a bomb was thrown and ex-
ploded in the hovidah of the elephant on which he and Lady
Hardinge were riding, severely wounding him and killing an
attendant. The assailants were never brought to justice, but
there is little doubt that they were connected with the revolution-
ary movement in Bengal which had extended to the Punjab.
The organization of the revolutionary societies, their inter-
connexion and propaganda methods, their success in corrupting
the educated youth of the country, are minutely described in the
report of the Sedition Committee (1918) over which Mr. Justice
Rowlatt presided. By 1912 the movement had largely lost its
religious and national motive and had become definitely terroris-
tic, anti-British and predatory. It sought to demoralize the police
by violent crime, often committed in crowded thoroughfares
and open daylight, to overawe the public, and ultimately to
subvert the Government. Recruits were attracted by the bold-
ness of the conspirators, their practical immunity from capture
.and punishment, and the booty^ which they acquired by midnight
robberies in force. By the end of 1913 the ordinary forces of law
and order had been definitely beaten. The Bengal Government
found itself in a very dangerous position, but still hesitated to
resort to extra-judicial methods. Matters grew worse in the
following year, when war broke out. To complete the narrative
it may here be mentioned that German agents in America and
the Dutch East Indies, getting into touch with Indian anarch-
ists abroad, arranged to support a general rising in India by
supplying arms and money. Some ships were fitted out for the
purpose in 1915 and arrangements for the landing of the arms
were made with the revolutionary leaders in Bengal. Fortunately
the undertaking miscarried; the ships failed to arrive; the Indian
authorities got on the track of the scheme; the chief conspirators
were hunted down; and a vigorous use of the power of intern-
ment given by the Defence of India Act broke up the revolution-
ary gangs and restored order in the presidency.
Mahommedan Discontents.- The outbreak of war between
Italy and Turkey in 1911 followed by the Balkan War in 1912
excited the feelings of Indian Mahommedans, always sensitive
to events affecting their co-religionists in other countries.
Turkish reverses aggravated the situation and created the
impression that the interests of Christendom and Islam were in
serious conflict. The tension was increased by the intemperate
language of a section of the Mahommedan press, by meetings
to express sympathy with Turkey and by collection of funds
for sending medical relief to the Turkish forces. The local
governments found it necessary to enforce the Press Act and
other restrictions. A state of alarm and irritation in the Indo-
Mahonmedan community invariably leads to bad relations
438
INDIA
with other communities. Any insignificant local incident may
then be the occasion of unbridled widespread agitation and
possibly disturbances of the peace. In 1913 the removal by the
Cawnpore municipal board of a building claimed by the Mahom-
medans to belong to a mosque was taken by them as an insult to
their faith and led to a serious riot (Aug. 3 1913). This was
followed by bitter press attacks on the Government for its
anti-Mahommedan policy. Lord Hardinge, to allay an agitation
which was growing serious, made an earnest appeal in his
Legislative Council (Sept. 17 1913) to Indian Mahommedans to
cultivate sanity of judgment and self-restraint and to rely on the
good-will of the British Government towards Turkey, and himself
visiting Cawnpore brought about a settlement over the heads of
the local authorities. This exceptional step may be held to have
justified itself by the appeasement that followed. The restora-
tion of peace in the Balkans further relaxed the tension. From
then onwards until the World War the state of Mahommedan
feeling in India gave little cause for anxiety.
The World War: India's E/ort.On the outbreak of the
World War in Aug. 1914 Lord Hardinge's administration entered
upon the third stage. He had won great popularity. The country
as a whole was exceedingly quiet. Relations with Afghanistan
and the frontier tribes were .good. The magnificent response
made by India to the needs of the Empire is a matter of world
history. " Nothing has moved me more," ran the King-Emperor's
message delivered by the Viceroy to the Legislative Council
on Sept. 8 1914, " than the passionate devotion to my throne
expressed both by my Indian and English subjects and by
feudatory princes and chiefs of India, and their prodigal offers of
their lives and their resources in the cause of the realm." On the
motion of an Indian member the Council unanimously affirmed
their unswerving loyalty, promised unflinching support to the
British Government, and offered on behalf of the people of India
to share in the cost of the war. The Council reflected the general
attitude of the country. In the hour of stress the deep-root edness
of the British connexion and its indispensability to the safety of
India were clearly realized. All thinking Indians saw that in this
matter British and Indian interests were identical. The political
leaders instinctively suspended their controversies with the
Government and gave it their support. The martial classes
eagerly responded to the call to arms. From the rulers of native
states lavish offers of help poured in. They were recounted in the
Viceroy 's telegram to the Secretary of State, dated Sept. 7 1914,
which was read in both Houses of Parliament and circulated
throughout the Empire. As a wonderful demonstration of loy-
alty and generosity, its effect on popular feeling was immense.
With this confidence and enthusiasm were mingled some
alarm and bewilderment. Trade came to a standstill. There
were runs on the banks, withdrawals of deposits, encashment of
currency notes and hoarding of coin. Timid Marwari traders of
Calcutta closed their businesses and fled to Rajputana. In the
remoter districts rumours of the collapse of the British raj
disturbed the countryside. The Mahommedan peasantry in the
Jhang district and in adjoining districts of the south-western
Punjab raided and.burnt the houses of Hindus and moneylenders,
and military force was required to restore order. In Bengal the
revolutionary societies redoubled their criminal activities. In
San Francisco and Vancouver an Indian revolution was openly
preached to the Sikhs settled there, and numbers of them were
incited to return to the Punjab to take part in a general rising.
Their designs were detected, their plots to seize arsenals and
tamper with the troops were frustrated, and a formidable con-
spiracy was broken up by a vigilant local government having
behind it the goodwill and help of the rural population. But for
some months the Punjab was disturbed by murders, dacoities,
and robberies and the reckless use of arms and explosives.
In India as a whole the situation was so satisfactory that
the Indian Government was able to denude itself freely of its mili-
tary resources to meet the insatiable demands of the home
Government for troops and war material. Most of the British
troops, the flower of the Indian army, the best of the artillery,
and large quantities of ammunition were despatched to France
and other theatres of war. In Sept. 1914 a force of 70,0x30 men
was sent to France. By the end of 1915 India's contribution
amounted to nearly 80,000 British and 210,000 Indian officers
and men. At one time the original British garrison was reduced
to only 15,000 men. These were gradually supplemented by
territorial and garrison troops from home, but throughout the
war the British element in the army in India was dangerously
below the defensive needs of the country. The expeditionary
forces sent from India to France, Gallipoli, Egypt and East
Africa passed on arrival to the control of the home Government,
and the responsibility of the Indian Government for them was
thereupon confined to replacing losses by fresh drafts and
providing supplies.
Mesopotamian Expedition. It was otherwise with the ex-
pedition sent to Mesopotamia. Until the spring of 1916 the home
Government, though it initiated the expedition and directed the
policy, left the control and management to the Government of
India. In the judgment of the Mesopotamia Commission, this
division of responsibility was unfortunate. The expedition at
first had a very limited objective. It was sent to occupy Basra
in the event of Turkey declaring war. Its scope was gradually
enlarged and the strength of the force increased until by Sept.
1915 a series of successes brought it within striking distance of
Bagdad. The circumstances in which Sir John Nixon sought
and obtained permission to advance on Bagdad, the failure of
the attack on the Turkish position at Ctesiphon, the disastrous
retreat on Kut el Amara, and the capitulation of the besieged
British force on April 29 1916 are narrated in the report of the
Mesopotamian Commission. The report reflected severely on the
Indian authorities and on the organization and equipment of the
army in India, on the Secretary of State and his Advisers and
on the Cabinet. But by the time the report was published (May
17 1917) Lord Hardinge was no longer Viceroy, the early defects
of the expedition had been repaired, a series of defeats inflicted on
the Turks, and Bagdad captured by Sir Stanley Maude. The
inquiry had therefore no effect and was barren of results.
The entrance of Turkey into the war placed Indian Mahom-
medans in a difficult position; but along with the rest of India
they loyally rallied to the side of the Crown. Against a few
prominent agitators only was it necessary to take action. The
premier Mahommedan prince, the Nizam of Hyderabad, and
the Begum of Bhopal, in addresses to their co-religionists,
effectively stated the British case and exposed the falsity of the
pretexts by which Enver Bey and his associates sought to
justify the entrance of Turkey into the war. These addresses,
and a declaration by the Government of India as to its attitude
towards Islam in general and the Holy Places in particular,
served greatly to maintain tranquillity.
War Measures of Indian Government. Among the many
other important matters arising out of the war during Lord
Hardinge's Government the following may be noted:
(l) Recruitment. The pre-war recruitment for the Indian army,
which is on a voluntary basis, was about 15,000 men a year. In
order to meet the needs of the armies in the field and to keep the
units in India up to strength it had to be increased eightfold. The
"task proved one of increasing difficulty, and required the closest
cooperation between the military and civil authorities and the loyal
support of the landowning classes. The races and castes from which
serviceable recruits could be drawn were an insignificant minority
of the vast population. Before long the Punjab, which furnished
50% of the fighting forces, showed signs of over-recruiting. (2)
Supply of Stores and Munitions. India served as the basis of
supplies for the Mesopotamian forehand for Indian troops employed
elsewhere. It also furnished to the Allies essential materials of which
they stood in need. The low development of Indian industries
made State assistance and supervision, and in some cases control
necessary. At a later stage Lord Chelmsford set up a central Muni-
tions Board with branches in all provinces. It effected great econo-
mies and did much to encourage the manufacture of supplies that
formerly could only be obtained from abroad. (3) Regulation of
Prices and Control of Export. Measures were taken to moderate
the high prices of food grains, which were causing much distress and
discontent among the poorer classes, and to prevent hoarding and
profiteering. The Government obtained powers by Ordinance to
take possession of stocks unreasonably withheld from the market.
Private exports of wheat were prohibited, but the Government
arranged to purchase for the United Kingdom considerable quantities
INDIA
439
within limits of price. Later on the same system of control over ex-
port and prices was applied to the Burma rice crop. Control over
exports generally was also exercised to prevent goods from going
to the enemy. (4) Internal Security. The statutory power which
the governor-general has to legislate in an emergency by Ordinance
was freely exercised to secure the safety of the realm. Of these
Ordinances the more important were the Indian Naval and Military
News Ordinance; the Foreigners Ordinance; the Ingress into India
Ordinance; the Commercial Intercourse with Enemies Ordinance;
the Articles of Commerce Ordinance. The duration of an Ordinance
is limited by statute to a period of six months, but the Indian
Legislature passed an Act in 1915 to keep these and other specified
Ordinances in force during the continuance of the war and for six
months after. The Indian Legislature in March 1915 also enacted
the Defence of India Act, giving the Government very wide rule-
making powers for the purpose of securing the public safety and the
defence of British India. It also enabled the Government to provide
in any notified districts for the trial of certain classes of heinous
crime by a special tribunal of three commissioners. It may be
mentioned that many of its provisions were reenacted in a modified
form by the Rowlatt Act of 1919 (the Anarchical and Revolutionary
Crimes Act 1919).
Retirement of Lord Hardinge. In Nov. 1915 Lord Hardinge
completed his fifth year as Viceroy, but at the request of the home
Government remained in office until the following April. In a
farewell speech to his Legislative Council he said that, with a
reservation as to Bengal, " the internal situation of India could
hardly be more favourable." Heads of provinces had informed
him that never in their experience " had the relations between
the Government and the people been closer or of greater con-
fidence." He expressed his wish to see " the early realization of
the just and legitimate aspirations of India," but, with an obvious
reference to the Home Rule movement which Mrs. Annie
Besant (the head of the Theosophical Society in India) had
started in Madras, and to the advocacy of " self-government
on colonial lines " .by Indian nationalists, he besought his
hearers not to be led astray by impracticable ideals, but to look
facts squarely in the face and to realize that in the Dominions
self-government had been the slow product of steady and
patient evolution.
Lord Chelmsjord's Administration. Lord Chelmsford, the
new Viceroy, assumed office on April 4 1916. Lord Hardinge,
in referring to his successor, had characterized him as a man of
" noble ideals and generous sympathy." He was in his forty-
eighth year. He had been an active member of the London
School Board and the London County Council, and had made
.acquaintance with constitutional problems as governor of
Queensland and then of New South Wales. At the time of his
selection he was serving with his territorial battalion in India.
His administration covered one of the most difficult and momen-
tous periods of British-Indian history, whether as regards the
pressure of world events, the complexity of the forces acting in
and upon India, the difficult and dangerous situations that arose,
the number and magnitude of the problems demanding solution
and the gravity of the issue they have raised. With the pro-
longation of the war India had lost its first enthusiasm and its
first alarm. Its remoteness induced a sense of security and
obscured the vital issues that were still in balance. High prices,
scarcity of imported commodities and unaccustomed restrictions
on trading and travel fretted the masses. Among the educated
classes national aspirations were quickened by the increasing
share taken by India in the war, by the generous recognition
of its services and admiration of its resources accorded by other
members of the Empire, by the association of representatives
of India on terms of equality with the ministers of Dominion
Governments in the Imperial War Conference, and by the knowl-
edge that the constitutional relations of the component parts of
the Empire would be readjusted after the war. Politicians
became apprehensive lest the claims of India might go by default
unless asserted promptly.
" Home Rule " Movement. In the first year of Lord Chelms-
ford's administration the political peace enjoyed by his pred-
ecessor came to an end. In the early part of the year Mrs.
Besant succeeded in getting her scheme of Home Rule considered
by leading members of the National Congress and the Moslem
League. She continued to advocate it with great energy among
students and schoolboys in Madras, established a Home Rule
League, celebrated a " Home Rule " day, and declaimed in her
paper New India against the Government. Mr. Tilak, who had
been released from prison in 1914, was equally active in Bombay.
In Oct., 19 elected Indian members of the Imperial Legisla-
tive Council submitted a memorandum on proposed reforms to
the Government of India. They described the Morley-Minto
reforms as having created Legislative Councils which were mere
advisory bodies without any effective control over the Govern-
ment, Imperial or provincial. They propounded a scheme
which, while retaining irremovable executives responsible to
Parliament and the Secretary of State, would have subjected
them in legislation, finance and administration to the orders of
a legislative body, in which elected members would be pre-
dominant. These proposals were adopted in substance a few
months later by the National Congress and the Moslem League.
In the Montagu-Chelmsford report they were subjected to close
examination and pronounced impracticable and wrong in theory.
A legislature and an executive deriving their authority from and
responsible to different authorities must come to a deadlock
which could not be resolved, as it would be under a genuine
parliamentary system, by a change of Government. From this
adverse judgment the authors of the Montagu-Chelmsford Re-
port advanced to their own solution of the problem the division
of the administration into two halves, one an official executive
responsible to the British Parliament and the Secretary of State,
and the other an executive of ministers responsible to the Legis-
lature. The Congress-League scheme has from its very defects
an historical value in the evolution of the present Indian
constitution.
To return to the course of events. At meetings held at Luck-
now in Dec. 1916 the National Congress and the Moslem League,
as the result of lengthy negotiations, agreed upon a scheme of
reforms based on the proposals of the 19 members, and resolved
to put it before the public, through the agency of the Home Rule
League, as the irreducible minimum with which the national
party would be content. The scheme became known as the
Congress-League scheme. By this time the nationalist party
led by Mrs. Besant and Mr. Tilak had become dominant in the
Congress. The Moslem League, originally founded for the
protection of Moslem interests against Hindu ascendency, had
similarly fallen under the influence of the " young " Mahom-
medans, who made Home Rule their objective and joined forces
with the Congress on the condition that in certain provinces in
which the Mahommedans were in a minority they were guaran-
teed a proportion of seats in the future Legislative Councils in
excess of the number they could hope otherwise to win. Effect
was given to this compact, henceforth known as the " Lucknow
Compact," in the Congress-League scheme. Following the
Lucknow conferences an energetic Home Rule campaign was
opened in all provinces. Mrs. Besant's activities in Madras
caused the Madras Government in June 1917 to require her and
her lieutenants to abstain from attending public meetings and
making speeches, to leave Madras city and to take up their
residence in one of several specified areas. This order made a
great sensation throughout India. Protest meetings were held
to procure its withdrawal. It was thought to be the forerunner
of a general policy of repression, and added fuel to the agitation
for Home Rule. The stir in the nationalist camp was quickened
by the knowledge that the views of Lord Chelmsford's Govern-
ment on political reforms had for some time past been before the
home authorities. Other incidents deepened the feeling of un-
easiness among Indian politicians. The belated publication of
the report of the Royal Commission which, with Lord Islington
as president, had since 1913 been inquiring into the Indian public
services with a view to the admission of Indians in larger numbers,
did not mend matters. Its recommendations were pronounced
unsatisfactory and inadequate. A frank declaration of policy
by the British Government as to the future political development
of India became increasingly necessary.
The fault of delay did not rest with the Indian Government.
From the moment of his assumption of office Lord Chelmsford
440
INDIA
had been impressed with the urgency of the matter. A prelimi-
nary and informal examination of the changes possible and prudent
had been made by Lord Hardinge. Lord Chelmsford took up the
inquiry from the point where his predecessor had left it. At the
close of 1916 his Government submitted to the Secretary of
State a considered scheme of reforms, and asked for an authorita-
tive declaration of policy. Was the goal for the Indian peoples
to be responsible government? If so, by what stages and
steps should it be reached? The questions raised were large and
delicate. The Cabinet was preoccupied by the war. In July
1917 the Secretary of State, Mr. Austen Chamberlain, resigned
on the report of the Mesopotamian Commission.
Declaration of Aug. 20 1917. It fell to his successor, Mr.
Montagu, to announce on Aug. 20 191 7, in the House of Commons,
the policy of the Government with regard to India. " The
policy of H.M. Government," he said, " is that of increasing the
association of Indians in every branch of the administration and
the gradual development of self-governing institutions with a
view to the progressive realization of responsible government in
India as an integral part of the British Empire." After stating
that the Government had decided that substantial steps in this
direction should be taken as soon as possible, and that he was
going to India to examine the matter in conjunction with the
Viceroy, he ended with an important caution: " Progress in
this policy can only be achieved by successive stages. The
British Government and the Government of India, on whom
the responsibility lies for the welfare and advancement of the
Indian peoples, must be the judges of the time and measure of
each advance, and they must be guided by the cooperation
received from those upon whom new opportunities of service will
thus be conferred and by the extent to which it is found that
confidence can be reposed on their sense of responsibility."
This announcement, though its qualifying words were not
liked by the extreme nationalists, somewhat cleared the air in
India, and Mrs. Besant's release had a further tranquillizing
effect. In the Mahommedan camp there were signs of discord.
Conservative Mahommedans did not like the Lucknow Compact
with the Hindu leaders. Mahommedan feelings were stirred
by the reverses suffered by Turkey and the growing power of
the Sherif of Mecca. In Sept. the Hindu population attacked
their Mahommedan neighbours in the Shahabad and Gaya
districts of Bihar over the cow-killing question, and bloody and
destructive riots occurred before order was restored by force.
The Montagu-Chelmsford Report. In the course of the winter
Mr. Montagu visited India. The results of his mission were em-
bodied in a joint report by himself and the Viceroy, drawn up
before he left India, and bearing date April 22 1918. The report
is a lengthy and able document, written in an attractive and
picturesque style. It described the existing administrative system
and led up to the conclusion that the political development of
the provinces was stifled by the rigid control which the central
Government was compelled to exercise in discharge of its
responsibility to Parliament. In the course of 10 years the nation-
al consciousness and the desire for political power had grown
with unexpected rapidity, and the Morley-Minto constitution no
longer satisfied Indian opinion. The report then described the
social and political conditions of the different sections of the
Indian population, with the object of showing that responsible
government could not be introduced at once over the whole field
of administration; and examined and pronounced impossible the
Congress-League scheme of reforms. In the second part of the
report the authors set out their own proposals. These, in brief,
were that the provinces should be the domain in which the
earlier steps towards the progressive realization of responsible
government should be taken, and that the only possible plan was
to divide the functions of provincial governments into those that
might be made over to popular control and those which for the
present must remain in official hands. This novel and ingenious
plan of a dual Government has received the name of " dyarchy."
The Montagu-Chelmsford scheme of reforms and the action
which was taken on it by Parliament are described below (see
under Administration).
War Conference of 1918: India's Increased Effort. The
Montagu-Chelmsford report was nearing completion at Simla
when the Viceroy's attention was recalled to the pressing
realities of the war. In the Near East, German troops had pene-
trated the Caucasus and Turks were invading Persia. With the
collapse of Russia a road to Afghanistan and thence to India
seemed possible. In a telegram (April 2 1918) which reflected
the anxieties of the western front though it referred to what was
happening in the East, the Prime Minister made a strong appeal
to the Government and people of India to redouble their efforts
and prevent German tyranny from " spreading to the East and
engulfing the world." Lord Chelmsford's response was to
convene a war conference at Delhi, to which many ruling princes
and representatives of all provinces of every shade of opinioi
were invited. There he earnestly besought all classes to suspe:
political strife, to concert measures for gathering up the whol
man-power and resources of the country, and to accept cheerful!;
the necessary sacrifices. The conference heartily and loyall;
responded to the appeal and agreed upon a programme of mea
ures of no small value. The better organization of recruiting an
materials of war was entrusted to boards. A scheme of territori;
recruitment was mapped out whereby each province woul<
furnish its quota of men. The ruling princes, who, as alwa;
were preeminently helpful and practical, undertook to furni;
larger contingents and to open their dominions to British recruit
ing parties. The conference was followed by similar conferen
in all the provinces. These did much to rekindle public inte:
in the war and to enlist popular support to the exertions of th
Government. In the five months preceding the Armisti
200,000 men were recruited, and had the war gone on this number
would have been greatly increased. In the spring of 1917 the
Legislative Council had accepted the Government's proposal to
make a free gift of 100,000,000 to the home Government towards
the expenses of the war. This was in addition to the obligation
which the Indian Government had undertaken, to bear the
normal charges of all troops on the Indian establishment sent
overseas. In the Sept. session of 1918 the Legislative Council, by
a large majority of the non-official members, to whom the
decision was left, agreed to make a further contribution. It was
to take the form of paying for a certain number of Indian troo
employed outside India by the British Government, along wit
certain pensionary charges. Assuming that the war would 1;
till 1920 the aggregate charge was estimated at 45,000,
Actually, however, on account of the earlier ending of the wa
and the heavy cost to India of the subsequent Afghan War, t!
contribution was reduced to less than one-third of that sum.
In appraising the contributions and the sacrifices made by Indi;
to the common cause of the Empire, several factors which d :
tinguish that country from the self-governing Dominions should
remembered. The first is the poverty of the general mass of th<
population, dependent on a precarious and primitive agriculture,
without the stay of large industries, with little accumulated capital
unversed in modern ways of banking and investment, and wedd
to the ancient habit of hoarding. Secondly, the fiduciary relati
of the Government to the governed, making it reluctant to impc
sacrifices on a dependent population, and ever conscious of the
difficulty of finding revenue to meet the elementary needs of a civil-
ized administration. Thirdly, the necessities of self-defence owing
to untranquil borders and liability to invasion. During the war the
life of the late Amir of Afghanistan alone averted this danger. Its
imminence and gravity were proved by the Afghan War and the
rising of the independent tribes which followed on the murder of
Amir Habibulla in Feb. 1919. All these circumstances considered,
the part borne by India in the 1 war and the sacrifices made by her
people for the common cause were by no means despicable. They
are represented by an addition of over 230 crores to her rupee debt,
the sending overseas of 800,000 combatants and 400,000 non-comba-
tants, and the furnishing of food-stuflfs and other supplies at the cost
of much privation among the poorer classes. If the agriculturists
as a body and some other sections of the community made money out
of the war, the urban classes and the multitude of persons on small
salaries and fixed incomes suffered greatly from the dearness and
scarcity of food and clothing. Privation undoubtedly intensified
the severity of an epidemic of influenza in the autumn and winter of
1919 from which 5,000,000 persons died. It was also a potent cause
of the labour unrest, strikes, and labour unions that were a marked
feature of industrial India during 1919 and 1920, and that reacted
on the political situation in 1921.
INDIA
441
Reception of Montagu-Chelmsford Report in India. The
Armistice in Nov. 1918 was the signal for general rejoicings in
India, but ushered in a season of political strife and agitation
which has proved very unfavourable for the peaceful introduction
of the new constitution. The Montagu-Chelmsford report had
been published in the previous July. Its publication widened the
breach between the moderates and the extremists. The moder-
ates, while affecting regret that the scheme did not go far enough,
accepted it as a generous attempt to establish responsible
institutions. The extremists rejected it as utterly inadequate to
satisfy the claims and expectations of the country. In the Sept.
session of the Legislative Council the report was referred for
consideration to a committee of the non-official members and was
approved by them, with certain qualifications, as affording a
satisfactory basis for the constitutional development of India.
Encouraged by this report, the moderate party held a special
conference in Nov. at Bombay and accepted the general principle
of the Montagu-Chelmsford scheme while urging that it should
be enlarged in certain ways. On the other hand the National
Congress, which had now become' the organ of the extreme
national party, wholly condemned the scheme at the Dec. meet-
ing, demanded full provincial autonomy at once and asserted
India's right to self-determination. Unhappily another con-
troversy now arose which was fated to overshadow and prejudice
the constitutional question by the passions which it kindled and
the bitterness which it imported into the relations of the people
to the Government.
The Rowlatt Bill. The report of the Sedition Committee
over which Mr. Justice Rowlatt presided had been before the
public for some months and the intention of the Government of
India to legislate in accordance with the committee's recom-
mendations had been announced, without exciting much heat.
In fact the impressive evidence which the report presented as to
the existence of a revolutionary and anarchical conspiracy in
Bengal and elsewhere and the ineffectiveness of the ordinary
criminal law to deal with it, secured at first a favourable reception
for the committee's proposals. But on the bills being published
in Jan. 1910 a violent campaign was started against the report
and its proposals by the nationalist press and nationalist poli-
ticians. The object of the principal bill was to reenact in sub-
stance the extra-judicial procedure for dealing with anarchical
and revolutionary crime with which the Defence of India Act had
equipped the executive and by means of which the Government
of Bengal had at last got the upper hand of a very dangerous
conspiracy. Its provisions were not to be put into force in any
place unless the Governor-General in Council was satisfied
of the existence there of anarchical and revolutionary movements
and of the public safety being endangered by the prevalence of
crime of that nature. The bill, however, was represented ds an
attack upon the popular liberties, an attempt to invent crimes, a
monstrous engine of tyranny and oppression, the forerunner of a
policy of reaction and an unmerited slur upon the loyalty and
law-abidingness of the Indian people. The extremists made it the
occasion of a trial of strength with the autocratic power. Even
the moderates disliked it and thought its introduction in-
opportune and unnecessary. A whirlwind of excitement swept
through the cities of upper India, a strange medley of ignorance
and alarm, of political unrest and domestic discontents, of
conscious exaggeration and mendacity. It was an epidemic of
unreason, such as destroyed Walpole's Excise bill. Walpole
stayed his hand because he saw that it would lead to bloodshed.
It is easy to be wise after the event, but had the Government
of India realized the intensity of the opposition and foreseen the
tragedy of Amritsar it is at least possible that they would have
thought it prudent to bend, like Walpole, to the storm. In the
Legislative Council the bill met with most determined opposition
from extremists and moderates alike. The Government in vain
made concessions one being to limit the duration of the measure
to three years and only passed it by the official majority.
While the bills were before the Legislative Assembly Mr.
M. K. Gandhi, a well-known social and religious reformer,
revered in the Bombay Presidency as an ascetic and holy man,
initiated a passive resistance movement. Satyagraha, as he
termed it, meant insistence on truth and a reliance on soul-force.
He deprecated violence while preaching disobedience to the laws.
The distinction, however obvious to a mystic of his temperament,
was disregarded, as he afterwards regretfully acknowledged, by
his followers. The nationalists took the movement in hand and
organized branch societies in the larger towns of Bombay and
northern India. On the Rowlatt bill receiving the Viceroy's
assent Mr. Gandhi announced a day of general mourning and
cessation of business. On March 30 a hartal, or closure of shops,
took place at Delhi, the mob came into collision with the police
and deaths occurred. A wave of excitement passed over the
Punjab. Disturbances marked by grievous excesses broke out in
Lahore, Amritsar and other centres when news came that Mr.
Gandhi had been forbidden to enter the province and sent back
to Bombay under arrest. Between April 10 and 15 mobs were in
possession of these and other towns in the central Punjab.
Disorder assumed the character of open rebellion, definitely
anti-Government and anti-British, communications were cut and
the civil authority was only maintained by military force.
Martial law was proclaimed in Amritsar on April 14, was ex-
tended subsequently to other districts, and was not finally with-
drawn from every part of the province until June, although order
was generally restored by the end of April. But the situation
remained critical owing to the Afghan War, and it was thought
prudent to run no risks.
The Amritsar " Tragedy." On April 13 " the tragedy of
Amritsar " occurred. In that city banks and other buildings had
been pillaged and burnt and Europeans murdered. The civil
officers, finding themselves powerless to cope with the mobs in
possession of the city, called upon the military to restore order.
Brig.-Gen. Dyer, the officer commanding, deemed it necessary
in the course of his operations to disperse forcibly an unlawful
assembly held in the Jallianwala Bagh. Nearly 400 persons were
killed by the fire of his troops and probably thrice that number
wounded. His action aroused intense indignation among Indians
of all shades of political opinion and became the subject of most
bitter controversy. Other incidents, such as injudicious orders
and degrading punishments awarded by officers administering
martial law, the general severity with which martial law was
administered, the heavy sentences passed by the summary courts
on persons convicted by them, the confinement for extended
periods of journalists and politicians suspected of having in-
stigated the disturbances, 'the exclusion from appearing in the
courts of counsel from other provinces, formed materials for an
impassioned attack by the nationalist party on the policy and
conduct of the Punjab Government and its head, Sir Michael
O'Dwyer, and was not allayed by the appointment towards the
end of the year of the Hunter Committee to inquire into the
disturbances connected with the Rowlatt legislation.
The Punjab was not the only province in which the Satyagraha
movement led to disturbances. In Bombay the news of Mr.
Gandhi's arrest at Delhi was the occasion of an immediate out-
break of disorder in Ahmadabad, the capital of Guzerat, and in
neighbouring towns. The military had to be called in, but not
before numerous acts of incendiarism and violence and some loss
of life had occurred. The disturbances terminated on the arrival
of Mr. Gandhi, who expressed great sorrow at the excesses of his
followers and was allowed to address an enormous meeting and
upbraid the people for their violence.
The Afghan War, 1919. Distorted reports of the disturbed
state of the Punjab and of the nature of the Rowlatt Act found
their way to Afghanistan and led the new Amir, Amanulla, to
conclude that an invasion of India might prove a solution of his
domestic differences. The murder of his father, the Amir
Habibulla, on Feb. 20 1919 had brought him to the throne. But
his succession was disliked by powerful factions. An invasion of
India might increase his popularity with the army and the anti-
British party and would appeal to the religious fanaticism of his
Mahommedan subjects, deeply stirred as it was by the humiliation
and defeat of Turkey and by the British conquest of Meso-
potamia. His plan was to start with an anti-British propaganda
442
INDIA
in India, to incite the independent tribes to rise and to follow up
their raiding parties with his Afghan regular forces. His designs
miscarried. The frontier tribes were slow to move. Aggressive
movements of his troops in the Khyber were countered by the
rapid mobilization of the army in India early in May, the oc-
cupation of the Afghan advanced base at Dacca and the bombing
by aeroplanes of Kabul and Jalalabad. By the middle of May
the Afghans asked for a cessation of hostilities and threw out
feelers for peace. Dilatory negotiations followed before the Amir
could bring himself to ask for terms. In June he reluctantly
accepted the conditions of armistice offered to him. In July
his representatives attended a conference at Rawalpindi and on
Aug. 8 a treaty of peace was signed. The terms proposed
were lenient as the object was to reestablish friendly relations
with Afghanistan. The Amir lost his subsidy and the privilege of
importing arms through India. Another article expressed the
willingness of the British Government to resume friendly rela-
tions with Afghanistan, if in the next six months the Afghans
proved by their conduct that they were sincerely anxious to
regain its friendship. A concession to which the Afghan delegates
attached much importance was conveyed in a separate letter,
which officially recognized the freedom of Afghanistan from
foreign control. Doubts have been expressed as to the wisdom
of this concession. But control over the foreign policy of Afghan-
istan has always been nominal rather than real, and the with-
drawal of the subsidy in itself implied the rescission of the
reciprocal obligation. The policy embodied in the treaty has
been slow of fruition. After many delays the Amir sent delegates
to India in 1920 to discuss the basis of a permanent friendly
agreement, and as a sequel to these discussions a British envoy
proceeded to Kabul to confer with the Afghan Government. The
progress of Bolshevism in the countries to the N. of Afghanistan
and the overthrow of the state of Bokhara may have disposed the
Amir to seek a renewal of friendship with the British power,
but in 1921 nothing was settled.
Waziristan Expedition. The Rawalpindi treaty did not end
the troubles on the frontier. The independent tribes of Wazirs
and Mahsuds, who occupy a large block of country S. of the
Khyber line between Afghanistan and the British districts to the
E., had risen in May at the instigation of the Afghans, raided
the adjoining British districts and achieved some temporary
successes over the tribal militia and levies by whom the border
is policed. As their raids showed no abatement, the Indian
Government determined to undertake the permanent pacification
of the country. It was a serious undertaking, as the tribes could
place some 30,000 well-armed men in the field, of whom a number
had served in the Indian army. A strong force was assembled
on the frontier in Oct. and an ultimatum given to the tribes.
They were required to make reparation for damages, to surrender
arms in specified amounts, and were informed that the Govern-
ment intended to make military roads through their country and
occupy certain positions. The Wazirs in the Tochi Valley
were soon subdued, but the Mahsuds held out and fought with
dogged obstinacy and great skill. There were two considerable
encounters (on Dec. 21 1919 and Jan. 14 1920) in which the
British casualties were heavy. In the end the Mahsuds accepted
the terms imposed upon them and operations closed on May 7
1920." This frontier campaign is officially described as one of
" unparalleled hard fighting and severity. The enemy fought with
a determination and courage which have rarely, if ever, been
met with by our troops in similar operations." They were
well armed, and many retired regular soldiers and deserters
from the Indian army and tribal militia were present in their
ranks. It was later found necessary to occupy the central
portion of the Mahsud country while road-making, one of
the most pacifying influences, was in progress.
Army Inquiry. The Indian Government suffered both in purse
and in military reputation from the Afghan War. That war and
the Waziristan campaign cost the Indian taxpayer 15,000,000.
The hurried mobilization of a large army on the frontier at the
beginning of the hot weather and the carrying out of operations
in an inhospitable country during the hottest months of the
year severely strained the war-worn military machine and
revealed defects in its working. The hardships experienced by
the troops and the shortcomings of the supply and medical
departments provided material for press attacks on the Indian
military system and a repetition of the Mesopotamian breakdown
was freely predicted. An inquiry into the organization and
administration of the army in India was overdue, and in the
autumn of 1919 the Secretary of State appointed a committee,
with Lord Esher as chairman, to undertake it. The committee
visited India in the winter and reported in the following May.
Their recommendations covered much ground, from the relations
of the High Command in India to the War Office and the India
Office, the duties and position of the commander-in-chief in the
Government of India, the administration of the army in India as
part of the armed forces of the Empire, to the pay and pensions
of officers and men of the Indian army. Some of these recom-
mendations raised large questions of policy. Others involved a
considerable increase in the Indian military budget. The report
was unfavourably viewed in India. It was thought to harbour <
design to increase the control of the War Office over the military
forces of India and to place them at the disposal of the home
Government. The Legislative Council expressed these apprehen-
sions in a series of resolutions which the Government of India
undertook to lay before the Secretary of State. The Government
of India also undertook to effect all possible economies in
military expenditure.
The Non-Cooperation Movement. In Dec. 1919 the scheme
of constitutional reform became law by the passing of the
Government of India (Amendment) Act. Its importance was
signalized by the King's proclamation of Dec. 23, which dwelt in
eloquent and arresting language on the political advancement
conferred upon the Indian peoples, authorized the Viceroy to
extend the royal clemency to political offenders in the fullest
measure compatible with the public safety, and announced that
the Prince of Wales would visit India to inaugurate the new
constitutions. Unfortunately, the effect of these gracious words
was marred by the excitement and racial feeling generated by the
sittings in the Punjab of Lord Hunter's Committee which wa
then inquiring into the disturbances of the preceding April. The
National Congress met at Amritsar and passed resolutions de-
nouncing the Government's action in the Punjab, demanding
the recall of Lord Chelmsford and condemning the reform scheme
as disappointing and unsatisfactory. This hostility towards the
administration and rejection of the reforms by the extreme
section of the nationalists developed in the ensuing months into
a definite " non-cooperation " movement organized by Mr.
Gandhi. Mr. Gandhi had already identified himself with the
grievances of the Indian Mahommedan community with regar
to thfe terms imposed on Turkey by the Allies and the question
of the Khalifat. In connexion with the " Anti-Peace Celebr
tions " Committee organized by the Moslem leaders he an-
nounced a hartal and days of mourning and exhorted his Hindu
followers to support the Mahommedan claim that Turkey should
be reinstated in the position it held before the war. The cam-
paign was viewed with indifference by the vast majority of Hin-
dus, but fell in with the nationalist policy of uniting the two
communities against the Government. In the summer of 1920
the movement was strengthened by two events. The publication
of the Hunter Committee's report, and of the correspondcnc
between the Government of India and the Secretary of State
regarding its findings, and tKe subsequent debates in Parliament
renewed the bitterness and indignation which the Amritsar
proceedings had aroused in India. About the same time the
terms of the Sevres Treaty became known to Indian Mahom-
medans and added flame to the Khalifat agitation. In Aug. Mr.
Gandhi proclaimed in a letter to the Viceroy his adoption of
non-cooperation as a remedy against a Government for which he
retained " neither respect nor affection " on account of its " un-
scrupulous, immoral and unjust " action in the matter of the
Khalifat and its failure to punish adequately the officials re-
sponsible for " the wanton cruelty and inhumanity " with which
the disorders in the Punjab were suppressed. The end of
INDIA
443
range and illogical movement was not yet in sight in the middle
of 1921. Its effects had been greatest with the student class and
with the extremists of the national party. Students temporarily
deserted the colleges but returned after a few days' reflection.
Attempts made by Mr. Gandhi and his Mahommedan associates
to capture the Hindu University at Benares and the Aligarh
College failed. Lawyers did not discontinue practising in the
courts, and very few persons resigned their government posts or
relinquished their titles and decorations. Nationalist politicians
held aloof from the elections to the new Legislative Councils
only to find that the moderates were installed in power. There
was no dearth of candidates at the elections held at the end of
1920, and notwithstanding the efforts of the non-cooperators
the number of voters was creditably large. But while the move-
ment had not drawn to itself the middle and upper classes it
would seem to have loosened authority to some extent and re-
laxed the sense of law and order among the masses. In some prov-
inces the tenants were urged to withhold rent from the land-
lords in anticipation of the advent of swardj or national self-
government outside the Empire, and agrarian disturbances in
consequence resulted.
In Jan. 1921 the Duke of Connaught visited India in place
of the Prince of Wales and inaugurated the new constitutions.
The speeches delivered by him in opening the Legislative Assem-
bly, the Council of State and the Chamber of Princes at Delhi,
and the Legislative Councils of Madras, Bengal and Bombay
made a deep impression. His earnest appeal, as an old friend of
India, to all parties, British and Indian, " to bury along with
the dead past the mistakes and misunderstandings of the past,"
struck a note which has found response in the proceedings of the
new Legislatures and in the Indian press.
End of Lord Chelmsford's Viceroyalty. On April 2 1921 Lord
Chelmsford made over the office of viceroy to his successor Lord
Reading. No viceroy had been more tried by circumstances
beyond his control, and no viceroy had shown more steadfast
courage, patience or devotion to the highest ideals of his great
office. The era will be a landmark in the history of modern India.
It saw India started on the road to self-government and
admitted on equal terms to a partnership in the British Empire.
ADMINISTRATION
The Government of India Act 1919 made great changes in the
political structure and life of India. On Aug. 20 1917 the British
Government announced in Parliament* that their policy was that
of the increasing association of Indians in every branch of the
administration and the gradual development of self-governing
institutions with a view to the progressive realization of responsi-
ble government in India as an integral part of the British Empire.
Mr. Montagu, the Secretary of State for India, visited India in
the ensuing winter and in association with the Viceroy, Lord
Chelmsford, made investigations as to the reforms necessary to
give effect to this policy. Their recommendations were embodied
in a joint report on Indian constitutional reforms. The Morley-
Minto reforms had enlarged the Legislative Councils, had
introduced into them the elective element, and had given them
greater powers of influencing the executive government in matters
of legislation and administration. But the executive Govern-
ments, Imperial and provincial, still remained Governments of
officials, responsible as such to Parliament and the Secretary of
State, and not amenable to popular control in India. The annual
estimates of revenue and expenditure were discussed in the
Legislatures, but were not voted. An official majority in the
Imperial Legislative Council secured the passage of taxation laws
that might be required. Though in practice the provincial
Governments enjoyed a large measure of independence, they
were in theory subject in all respects to the orders of the Govern-
ment of India, and their revenues and expenditure were an
integral part of the general revenues and expenditure of India
and, as such, controlled in amount and allocation by the Govern-
ment of India. The system was highly centralized and could
not be otherwise, since the central Government was responsible
to the home authorities for everything that was done in India.
An advance on the lines laid down in the declaration of Aug. 20
1919 involved a break with the past and a new departure.
The Montagu-Chelmsford Report. The authors of the Montagu -
Chelmsford report proposed that responsible government should
be conferred on India by progressive stages, together with a
substantial step towards its immediate realization. By responsi-
ble government they meant government by ministers primarily
amenable to an elected assembly and in a secondary degree to an
electorate. They recognized that India was not yet fit for re-
sponsible government in its completeness, that an electorate had
to be created and that the experience of its representatives would
be small. They proposed therefore to confine the first stage of the
advance to the major provinces, and in these provinces to set up
a dual form of government, generally known as " dyarchy."
The administration was to be divided into two parts, " reserved "
subjects and " transferred " subjects. The former would be ad-
ministered by the governor and his executive council, and the latter
would be transferred to ministers chosen by the governor from
amongst the elected members of the Legislative Council. In this
way Indian ministers would be trained in the practice of responsible
government. The two halves of the Government would deliberate
together, but each half would be separately responsible for legislative
and administrative action in its own field. The governor would be
the connecting link between the two. He would assist and guide the
ministers, but ordinarily would not direct action to be taken against
their advice. The provincial Legislative Councils would be enlarged
and given substantial elected majorities. Provincial finance would
be separated entirely from Imperial finance. The provincial Govern-
ments were to have complete control over their own revenues and
expenditure, after making each a fixed contribution to the central
Government. They would enjoy a much greater measure of in-
dependence of the central Government in administrative matters,
and their domain of action would be definitely marked out by a
formal separation of functions or subjects appertaining to the central
Government from those appertaining to provincial Governments.
It was not proposed to introduce " dyarchy " into the Government
of India. It was thought essential to retain the Governor-General
in Council's responsibility to Parliament in the whole field of the
central Government. There would be no " ministry " working side
by side of the executive council, and no separation of central subjects
into " reserved " and " transferred." The Imperial Legislative
Council, however, would be replaced by a bicameral Legislature, con-
sisting of a Legislative Assembly, in which there would be a sub-
stantial elected majority, and a Council of State in which the
Government would have an official majority. Bills would require the
assent of both Chambers, except that a bill certified by the Governor-
General in Council to be essential to the interests of peace and order
or good government which the Legislative Assembly refused to pass
might be enacted by the Council of State alone. In the provinces
the governors would be given a somewhat similar safeguard (in the
form of a grand committee) against the refusal of the Legislative
Council to pass essential legislation.
The Montagu-Chelmsford report left the question of the
distribution of subjects into " central " and " provincial " and
the subdivision of " provincial " subjects into " reserved " and
" transferred " subjects to be separately worked out, as also the
question of electorates and the franchise. Two committees,
known as the Functions Committee and the Franchise Committee,
were appointed by the Secretary of State to make the necessary
inquiries in India. They submitted their recommendations early
in 1919. The views of the Government of India and of the local
Governments on the proposals of the Montagu-Chelmsford report
and of the two committees were also obtained. A third committee
inquired into the constitution and functions of the India Office
and of the Secretary of State's Council. Various political as-
sociations in India sent delegates to England to place their views
before Parliament.
Joint Select Committee on the Bill. In July 1919 a bill embody-
ing the Montagu-Chelmsford scheme, modified in the light of
subsequent inquiries and information, was introduced into the
House of Commons, read a second time and referred to a Joint
Select Committee of both Houses presided over by Lord Selborne,
which was appointed to consider it in the light of the criticisms
and suggestions received after the publication of the Montagu-
Chelmsford report. The committee examined nearly 70 witnesses
of all shades of opinion and made important changes in the bill.
These are explained in their report. They dealt at length with
the political and administrative problems involved in the bill,
made recommendations on a number of important matters which
444
INDIA
are left in the Act to be dealt with by rules, and indicated the
principles by which the authorities entrusted with the working
of this novel and intricate system of government should be
guided. Their report is a most valuable constitutional document
and is indispensable to a study of the Act. The bill passed both
Houses substantially as amended by the committee, and received
the Royal Assent on Dec. 23 1919.
In their preliminary remarks on the bill the Joint Select Com-
mittee expressed themselves satisfied that the plan of the bill inter-
preted the declaration of Aug. 20 with scrupulous accuracy and that
it was the best way of giving effect to the policy of the British
Government. They approved the plan of a dual government or
" dyarchy " for the provinces, but refused to adopt the proposal
pressed upon them by Indian witnesses that it should be extended
to the central Government. They considered it essential that, during
this first stage of a measured progress towards responsible govern-
ment, the central Government, except so far as it might be released
from responsibility as regards subjects transferred to " ministers "
in the provinces, should remain in undisturbed responsibility to
Parliament and fully equipped with the necessary powers to dis-
charge that responsibility. They also considered it essential that in
the provinces, while the " ministers " should be given the fullest
opportunity of managing the field of government entrusted to their
care, the provincial governor in council, as regards the field of govern-
ment in which Parliament continued to hold him responsible, should
remain equipped with the sure and certain power of fulfilling that
responsibility. They regarded it of the highest importance that the
governor should foster the habit of free consultation between the
two halves of his Government. But this should not confuse the
duties or obscure the separate responsibility of each half. Neither
should control or interfere with the other. Each should be given under
the Act and rules adequate power to fulfil its respective charge.
The Joint Committee accepted with some alterations the proposals
of the Functions Committee for the distribution of functions or
subjects between the central Government and the provincial govern-
ments. The line of demarcation was sufficiently obvious as regards
the great majority of subjects. The army and navy, foreign affairs,
currency and coinage, the public debt of India, the civil and criminal
codes, customs, income tax and other sources of all-India revenues,
posts and telegraphs, are subjects which clearly appertain to the
central Government. Administration of law and justice, police,
prisons, local self-government, medical administration, public health
and sanitation are the natural functions of a provincial Government.
But there are border-line subjects and cases of overlapping for which
provision had to be made. It was also necessary in respect of some
subjects provincially administered for the central Government to
retain an over-riding power of legislation. The subdivision of the
corpus of provincial subjects into " reserve " and " transferred "
involved the question of the extent to which the provincial adminis-
tration should at the outset be made over to non-official control,
and gave room for considerable diversity of opinion. Broadly
speaking, subjects appertaining to law and order, police, the ad-
ministration of justice, the ports, factory Acts, the provincial reve-
nues, are ref ained by the official half of the provincial Government,
while local self-government, public health and sanitation, the liquor
and drugs excise, education (with minor reservations), and other
similar social services are transferred to " ministers."
The Joint Committee closely considered the much-debated question
of the allocation of the provincial revenues between the two halves
of the Government. Was each to have its own sources of revenue
which it would develop and extend? Or were the provincial revenues
to form a common fund from which each side of the Government
would help itself? The first method, known as that of separate
purses, would tend to keep the two parts of the Government apart.
The second or " joint-purse " method might generate frictions and
disputes. The Government of India advocated the former. There
was a strong body of opinion in support of the latter. The Joint
Committee decided in favour of the " joint-purse." They were
hopeful that the matter could be readily solved by the exercise of
common sense and reasonable give and take, and that the governor
would ordinarily be able to propose an allocation acceptable to both
sides. If he failed to secure an agreement, he should be empowered
to refer the matter for decision to such authority as the Government
of India might appoint.
The committee gave much consideration to the constitution of the
electorates and made a number of recommendations. The most im-
portant of these touched the vexed question of the separate represen-
tation of special classes and interests. The Montagu-Chelmsford
report reluctantly conceded it to the Mahommedan community and
the Sikhs, and refused it to other classes. The Franchise Committee
proposed its extension to Europeans and Anglo-Indians in certain
provinces and to native Christians in Madras. The Joint Select
Committee further extended it to the non-Brahmins in Madras and
the Mahrattas in Bombay. They also recommended increased
representation by means of nomination for the depressed classes and
special provision for the representation of landholders and of Euro-
peans in Bengal. The electoral system is largely coloured by the
principle of separate representation of classes and interests.
The Joint Committee dealt as follows with the difficult question
of the relations of the provincial governor towards his Legislative
Council when it reduces or withholds supply asked for, or refuses to
pass laws proposed by his Government. As regards supply the com-
mittee considered that the governor should have power to restore the
provision made in the estimates for a " reserved " subject, on his
certifying that the amount asked for was essential to the proper
administration of the subject. With regard to legislation the
committee rejected the expedient of referring a bill relating to a
" reserved " subject which the Legislative Council had refused to
pass to a Grand Committee, and recommended that the governor'
should have power to pass the bill on his sole authority on certifying
that it was essential for the discharge of his responsibility. An Act
so made was to be reserved for the King's assent.
With regard to the clauses of the bill relating to the Government
of India the Joint Committee transformed the Council of State fro
a chamber in which the Government would have had an offic
majority into a real second chamber, having a majority of memb
returned by some method of election. They proposed that th
governor-general should be empowered to pass on his sole respon-
sibility Acts which the Legislature had refused to enact, on his certify-
ing that the law was essential for the safety, tranquillity or interests
of British India. They recommended that the Legislative Assembly
should be elected directly by suitable constituencies, and not by the
indirect method proposed by the Franchise Committee; that the
Indian budget (certain charges being excepted) should be submitted
to its vote, but that the Governor-General in Council should hav
power to restore any demand which the Legislative Assembly
refused, on certifying that it was essential to the discharge of
responsibilities. This power was meant to be real and to be used i
and when necessary, since no measure of responsible government
was to be introduced into the central administration. The committee
considered that the governor-general should not be a member of,
though he should have the right of addressing, either Chamber. He
should appoint the president of the Legislative Assembly during the
first four years, after which time the Chamber would elect its own
president. The governor-general should also appoint the president
of the Council of State from among its members. The first president
should be qualified by experience in the House of Commons and
knowledge of parliamentary procedure, precedents and conventions.
Minor changes were made in the composition of the executive coun-
cil. The limit on the number of its members was removed. Three
members must be public servants, or ex-public servants, having not
less than ten years' experience in the service of the Crown in India
one member should have definite legal qualifications, and not le~
than three members should be Indians.
With regard to the India Office the Joint Committee accepted 1
recommendation of Lord Crewe's committee that there should be ;
high commissioner for India, to be paid out of Indian revenues, wh
would perform for India functions of agency, as distinguished fron
administrative and political functions, analogous to those performe
by the high commissioners of the self-governing Dominions. The
agreed that all charges of the India Office, not being "agency''
charges, should be paid out of money to be provided by Parliament
They were not in favour of the abolition of the Council of Indir
differing in this respect from the Crewe committee. But the
recommended the introduction of more Indians into it, and th
shortening of the period of the service upon it so as to ensure
continuous flow of fresh experience from India. The period has h~
reduced from seven to five years.
The Joint Committee made a highly important pronouncen
on a question of great practical moment. Under the new constitution,
notwithstanding the creation of an Indian Legislature deriving its
authority from a large electorate, with a large elected majority and
with enlarged powers, the responsibility of the Governor-General
in Council to Parliament will remain statutorily unimpaired. This
responsibility is enforced through the Secretary of State for India.
In the past Secretaries of State have not hesitated to require the
governor-general to carry out a policy approved by Parliament, or
by powerful interests in Parliament, in opposition to the views of
the Indian Government and of the Indian people. Especially has
this been the case in tariff questions, where the Indian Government
has sought to impose customs duties on cotton piece-goods and other
imports in which the British manufacturer is interested. Is inter-
vention of this kind to continue, or, in view of altered circumstances,
should it be restricted by statute or convention? The committee
considered that no statutory change could be made, but that it
should be an understood rule that only in exceptional cases should
the Secretary of State intervene in matters of purely Indian interest,
where the Indian Government and the Legislature of India were
in agreement. In the particular case of fiscal policy they recom-
mended that the Government of India should have liberty to devise
those tariff arrangements which seemed best fitted to India's needs
as an integral part of the British Empire. India should have the
same liberty as Canada, South Africa, and Australia. The Secretary
of State's intervention, when it does take place, " should be limited
to safeguarding the international obligations of the Empire or any
fiscal arrangements within the Empire to which H.M. Government
is a party. If future Parliaments abide by the convention which
the Joint Committee have suggested and do not force the hands of
INDIA
445
the Secretary of State, a potent cause of friction and misunderstand-
ing between India and England will be removed.
A similar rule should, the committee considered, regulate the
relations of the Government of India to provincial Governments
so far as reserved subjects are concerned. Where the provincial
Government and Legislature are in agreement, their view should
ordinarily be allowed to prevail. Over transferred subjects the con-
trol of the governor-general should be restricted within the nar-
rowest possible limits.
Lastly, the committee recommended that during the next ten
years no changes of substance should be made in the constitution.
At the end of that period the working of the constitution should be
examined by a statutory commission. They suggested the appoint-
ment of a financial commission to advise as to the principle on which
contributions from the provincial Governments to the central
Government should be adjusted. They attached the greatest im-
portance to the formation in each province of a strong department
of finance which would serve both sides of the Government alike.
They ended a notable report by an emphatic repudiation of the
suggestion that the proposed constitutional changes implied any
condemnation of the present system of Government in India.
Government of India Act, igig. The bill on which the Joint
Committee reported became law as The Government of India
Act, 1919. It takes the form of amendments of the Government
of India Act, and has been so drafted as to admit of being textu-
ally incorporated into the principal Act. Its provisions are best
studied in the Act of 1915 as now amended. As is usual with
statutes relating to India, it left a great deal of the new constitu-
tion to be worked out by rules. In indicating in their report the
lines which the rules should follow, and subsequently when rules
had been made by the Government of India and had been laid
before Parliament by the Secretary of State in examining and
reporting on them, the Joint Select Committee have largely
controlled the ultimate form of the new constitution.
" Dyarchy." The distinctive feature of the new constitutional
system is the introduction of dual government or " dyarchy "
into the major provinces. But preparatory to that two other
steps required to be taken. In the three provinces known as
Presidencies the form of government was that of a governor in
council. The new system necessitated that the provinces known
as the United Provinces, the Punjab, Bihar and Orissa, the
Central Provinces, and Assam, which had hitherto been governed
by lieutenant-governors or chief commissioners, should be
raised to the position of " Governor's Provinces " and given each
a governor in council.
In making this change the Act altered in one particular the com-
position of provincial executive councils. The maximum number of
members is retained at four, but only one member (instead of two)
must have been in the service of the Crown. Burma, the remaining
major province, was left a lieutenant-governorship until a constitu-
tibn adapted to its special needs could be devised. In the next place
it was necessary to secure to the provinces a larger measure of in-
dependence of the central Government and a more assured field of
action. Though in practice they enjoyed considerable freedom in the
management of their domestic affairs, the Government of India, in
virtue of their statutory right of control and intervention and con-
current powers of legislation, were always able, and were frequently
compelled by their responsibility to the home authorities, to exercise
powers both executive and legislative that cut across the considered
action of the local Government. The same was the case with regard
to provincial finance. The local Governments in practice were
assigned by the central Government a very considerable share of
the general revenues of India, but the main sources of the provincial
income were not under their sole control and they were in theory
little more than collecting and disbursing agents of the Government
of India. They could not raise loans for provincial objects or impose
additional taxation. The Act of 1919 does not in express terms
enlarge the autonomy of provincial Governments, but it gives ample
power to make statutory rules to that end and indicates the matters
for which any such rules should make provision. This power has
been exercised. The functions of the provincial Governments have
been demarcated from those of the central Government by means
of classified lists of " central " and provincial subjects. Some ac-
count of the contents of these lists has already been given.
The provincial Governments have been allotted their own sources
of revenue, the principle on which the allocation has been made
being that revenues accruing in respect to subjects provincially ad-
ministered go to the provincial Governments. Receipts on account
of land revenue, stamps, excise, forests, belong to this category. The
central Government by this arrangement loses the share of these
revenues which it hitherto received , with the result that the revenues
accruing in respect of subjects (such as customs, income tax, salt,
opium) which it itself administers are insufficient for its requirements.
The provinces are therefore required to contribute annually fixed
sums to the central Government, amounting in the aggregate to 983
lakhs (about 6,500,000). It is hoped that in time the central Govern-
ment may be able to reduce, and possibly to remit altogether, these
contributions. The provincial Governments are required to bank
with the central Government. In cases of emergency a provincial
Government may be required by the central Government, with
the sanction of and on conditions approved by the Secretary of
State, to pay to the central Government a contribution in excess
of the prescribed amount. The central Government has also power
in an emergency to require a provincial Government to reduce
temporarily its drawings on its balances. Each province is also re-
quired to maintain a famine fund of a prescribed amount. Subject
to these exceptions and to the obtaining the sanction of the Secretary
of State to certain classes of expenditure, the provincial Govern-
ments may expend their revenues and balances as they think fit.
They may also raise loans for certain specified purposes and on
prescribed conditions on the security of provincial revenues. With
regard to taxation certain taxes are scheduled which a provincial
Legislative Council may impose by law without the previous
sanction of the central Government.
Constitution of Provincial Governments. The field of pro-
vincial autonomy having thus been demarcated and enlarged,
the Act proceeds to introduce responsible government in an
elementary and tentative form into the administration. It
provides for the appointment by the governor of ministers, who
must not be officials and who must be elected members of the
Legislative Councils, to administer " transferred" subjects and
to hold office during his pleasure; and it directs that ordinarily
the governor shall be guided by their advice. The Act leaves it
to rules to determine what "provincial" subjects shall be
transferred to the administration of the governor acting with
ministers, to regulate the extent and conditions of such transfer
and to provide for the allocation of revenues or moneys for the
purpose of such administration. Under this rule-making power
an elaborate division of the functions of provincial Government
into "reserved" subjects, which are administered by the
governor in his executive council, and "transferred" subjects
which are administered by the governor acting with ministers,
has been made. Mention has been already made of the subjects
placed respectively into the two categories. Law and order,
administration of justice, police, are, as might be expected, among
the reserved subjects. Of the subjects transferred to unofficial
control education is perhaps the most critical. The rules with
regard to the allocation of provincial revenues and balances as
between reserved and transferred services adopt the "joint
purse " plan recommended by the joint committees. Other rules
create in each provincial Government a finance department
and assign to it duties analogous to those discharged by the
Treasury in England. It is controlled by a member of the
executive council. It is responsible for seeing that proper finan-
cial rules are framed and suitable accounts kept, it prepares the
estimates, examines and reports on all proposals for the increase
or reduction of taxation, lays the audit and appropriation reports
before the public accounts committee, and generally acts as the
financial conscience of the administration.
A minister holds office during the pleasure of the governor.
In administering his department he is responsible to and should
command the support of the Legislative Council. If he should
fail to command it, he may see fit to resign, or the governor may
replace him. The salary of a minister is the same as that of
a member of the executive council, unless a smaller salary is
fixed by vote of the Legislative Council. The number of ministers
is at the discretion of the governor, but will probably vary from
two to four. The ministers will be encouraged to act together as
a ministry and also, as far as possible, in consultation and
harmony with the official half of the Government, that is, the
executive council. But each half is solely responsible for decisions
on the subjects administered by it. The orders and proceedings
of each part of the Government run in the name of the Govern-
ment but also indicate from which part they emanate. In the
Legislative Council one part of the Government is not bound to
support the other by speech or vote, but should not oppose.
Provincial Legislative Councils. The new Legislative Councils
are more than double the size of the late Councils and have a much
larger majority of elected members. The method of election is
446
INDIA
direct, and the electorates are many times larger than the old elec-
torates. The vote has been given to about five millions of the adult
male population. On account of the necessity for providing for
the separate representation of different communities, classes and
interests, the formation of constituencies and allotment of seats to
the several communal or class groups has been a complicated and
difficult business. The Act leaves these and other matters connected
with the franchise to be settled by statutory rules. It merely
prescribes the minimum strength of each Council and the proportions
of official to elected members. Not more than 20 % of the members
may be officials, and at least 70% must be elected. The rules fix
the strengths of the several Councils as follow: Madras 127 mem-
bers, Bombay in, Bengal 139, United Provinces 123, Punjab 93,
Bihar and Orissa 103, Assam 53. In all the Councils the seats allotted
to electorates exceed the prescribed minimum of 70 per cent. The
Bengal Council for instance consists of 113 elected members, 20
officials and 6 non-officials nominated to represent special interests.
A further analysis of the composition of the Bengal Council will
show the extent to which the electorates are formed on a communal,
class, or special interests basis. Of the 113 elected members 46 are
returned by non-Mahommedan electorates, 39 by Mahommedan, 5
by European, I by an Anglo-Indian electorate, 5 by landholders,
I by the university, and 15 by chambers of commerce and trade
associations. The constituencies with few exceptions are ter-
ritorial, the Mahommedan and the non-Mahommedan electors in
each electoral area being placed on separate rolls and reckoned as
separate constituencies. The franchise is based on a property quali-
fication varying from province to province, such as the payment of
a prescribed minimum of land revenue, or of income tax, or of
municipal taxes; but in all provinces pensioned or discharged
officers and men of the Indian army are entitled to a vote irrespective
of the amount of their income or property. The rules further provide
for the return of election expenses, and for the appointment by the
governor of commissioners for the trial of election petitions, and
define what shall be deemed to be corrupt practices. These provisions
have been supplemented by an Act (The Indian Elections Offences
Act r 1920) of the Indian Legislature. The governor is no longer a
member and ex-officio president of the Legislative Council. But he is
entitled to address it and for the first four years appoints the presi-
dent. Thereafter the Council will elect the president from among its
members. It elects from the outset the deputy-president. With
regard to legislation the restrictions which debarred provincial
Legislative Councils under the Morley-Minto scheme from making
laws on certain subjects, except with the previous sanction of the
Government of India, have in a measure been relaxed. But a fact of
more consequence is that in the new Councils the elected members
are in a great majority and that ministers, responsible to them, will
initiate legislation. A large advance has been made in the matter
of budget procedure. Under the Morley-Minto system the Legisla-
tive Councils could only pass resolutions that were not binding on
the Government. Now the proposals of the local Government for
the appropriation of provincial revenues and other moneys are sub-
mitted to the vote of the Legislative Council in the form of a de-
mand for grants, and the Council may refuse its assent to a demand
or reduce the amount. To this power there are important limitations
designed to strengthen the hands of the executive. Certain heads of
expenditure are not submitted to the Legislative Council, on the
analogy of the Consolidated Fund, and power is given to the governor
to restore grants asked for in respect of reserved subjects which have
been refused, and to authorize expenditure in an emergency.
Duties and Powers of Governors of Provinces. The powers of the
governor with regard to bills are important and somewhat intricate.
He may stop proceedings on a bill by certifying that it affects the
safety or tranquillity of his province or of another province. He
may withhold his assent from a bill, or return the bill to the Council
for reconsideration. Certain bills he is required by rule to reserve
for the consideration of the governor-general, and others, as
specified in the rules, he may so reserve. He may pass on his own
responsibility a bill which the Legislative Council has refused to
pass, if it relates to a reserved subject and he certifies that it is
essential to the discharge of his responsibility. In accordance with
the recommendation of the Joint Select Committee a bill so passed
is subject to disallowance by His Majesty in Council. The governor
of a province is thus the pivot on which the whole system of dual
government turns. As Governor in Council he is the head of the
official Government, and as such responsible together with his execu-
tive council to the Secretary of State and Parliament, and subject to
the authority of the Government of India. In administering re-
served subjects he and his executive council have to live on terms
with a Legislative Council in which elected members are in a large
majority, and to deliberate with ministers who reflect the dominant
views of that body. In acting with the ministers his duty is to assist
them in their administration of transferred subjects and advise them
with regard to their relations with the Legislative Council. He has
to have regard to these relations and to the wishes of the people as
expressed by their representatives in deciding whether to accept or
dissent from a minister's advice. Further, the Instrument of In-
structions which he receives on appointment, while requiring him
to act in all things so that the people may soonest be fitted for self-
government, specially charges him to see that the safety and Iran-
quillity of the province are maintained and religious and racL.
conflicts prevented; that minorities and depressed classes are not
oppressed or their interests overlooked; that no one is deprived
of rights and privileges hitherto enjoyed; that members of the public
service are safeguarded in the legitimate exercise of their functions
and justly treated; and that no monopolies or special privileges
against the common interest shall be established. The governor's
responsibility extends over the whole field of provincial government.
Constitution of Central Government. The decision that no
measure of responsible government should be introduced into
the central administration left only the question of the changes
to be made in the structure and powers of the Indian Legislature.
The Act of 1919 has substituted for the single Chamber known as
the Imperial Legislative Council a bicameral Legislature consist-
ing of a Council of State and a Legislative Assembly. The old
Chamber consisted of 68 members of whom 36 were officials. Of
the 32 non-official members some were nominated and others
were elected by very restricted electorates and indirect methods
of voting. The new Legislative Assembly consists of 144 members
of whom 103 are elected. Of the 41 nominated members 26 are
officials. The Upper Chamber or Council of State consists of 60
members of whom 33 are elected, and 27 nominated. Not more
than 20 of the nominated members may be officials. The execu-
tive Government is therefore not assured of a majority in either
Chamber and it has been necessary to provide safeguards to
enable it to pass essential legislation and to obtain supplies.
The Act leaves to statutory rules the apportionment of the
elective seats of each Chamber among the provinces, the forma-
tion of constituencies, the qualifications of the electors and the
like. Rules have been made on these subjects. The apportion-
ment of seats is arranged with regard to the relative size and
importance of the several provinces. To the province of Bengal
17 seats in the Legislative Assembly and 6 seats in the Council
of State have been allotted. Smaller provinces have a smaller
representation. The Punjab and Assam, for instance, are given
1 2 and 5 seats respectively in the Legislative Assembly and 3 and
2 seats in the Council of State. The method of election to both
Chambers is direct. The constituencies have been formed on
the communal and special interests' lines adopted in creating
electorates for the Provincial Legislative Councils, though
they are necessarily larger in area and the property qualification
of voters is substantially higher. The province of Bengal for
instance is divided into .communal and special electorates whii
return 6 non-Mahommedan and 6 Mahommedan members,
Europeans, i representative of the landholders and i represen
tive of Indian trade, to the Legislative Assembly. The province
also returns to the Council of State 3 non-Mahommedans, 2
Mahommedans and i European by means of electorates which
are similarly constituted, but which are very extensive in an
and based on a restricted franchise.
The governor-general is not a member of, but may address,
either Chamber. The members of his Executive Council
appointed members of one or other Chamber as the governo:
general sees fit, but may speak in either Chamber. The governoi
general nominates the president of the Upper Chamber, as also
for the first four years after the constitution of the Chamber tin
president of the Legislative Assembly. After that period t
Lower Chamber will elect its own president. The normal lifetime
of the Council of State is five years and of the Legislative As-
sembly three years, but either Chamber, or both simultaneously,
may be dissolved at any time by the governor- general.
The Indian Legislature. The powers of the Indian Legislatur
may now be considered. As regards the asking of questions and th
moving and discussing of resolutions concerning matters of genen
public interest the two Chambers of the Indian Legislature hayi
substantially the same powers as their predecessor, the Imperial
Legislative Council, and are subject to the same restrictions. But
two minor enlargements may be mentioned. A supplementary
question may be asked by any member of (he Chamber; and a
motion for adjournment of the business of the Chamber for the
purpose of discussing a matter of urgent public importance may be
moved with the consent of the president. A resolution if passed,
has, as before, effect only as a recommendation to the Governor-
General in Council. But the political effect may now well be greater
in view of the altered character of the Legislature. With regard to
legislation the Indian Legislature is debarred, as its predecessor was,
INDIA
447
from legislating on certain specified subjects except with the pre-
vious sanction of the governor-general. To the creation of a second
chamber and the possibility that the Government may be placed
in a minority in either chamber are due certain provisions in the
Act of 1919 which are not in the former Act. If the Chambers fail
to agree to a bill within a period of six months from its passage by
one Chamber the governor-general may refer it to a joint sitting of
both Chambers. He may stop proceedings on a bill or prevent its
introduction by certifying that it affects the safety or tranquillity
of the country. He may pass a bill on his own responsibility which
the Legislature has refused to pass, on certifying that its passage is
essential for the safety, tranquillity or interests of British India or
any part thereof. Any such Act is laid before Parliament and has no
effect until it has received His Majesty's assent. TJie budget
procedure prescribed by the Act of 1919 is novel and is an extension
of the financial powers hitherto enjoyed by the Legislature. The
Indian Councils Act of 1909 authorized the making of rules permit-
ting the discussion in the Legislative Council of the annual financial
statement. Under these rules resolutions might be moved and
adopted concerning entries in the statement, but no vote was taken
on the estimates and resolutions operated merely as recommenda-
tions. The Act of 1919 requires that the proposals of the Governor-
General in Council for the appropriation of revenue or moneys (cer-
tain specified heads of expenditure excepted) shall be submitted
to the vote of the Legislative Assembly in the form of demands
for grants. The Legislative Assembly may assent or refuse its assent
to any demand or may reduce the amount referred to in any demand
by a reduction of the whole grant. But this formidable power is
subject to limitations. The governor-general may restore a demand
which the Legislative Assembly has refused to grant, by declaring
that it is essential to the discharge of his responsibilities. Further
the excepted heads of expenditure which are not submitted to the
vote of the assembly include such important items as political and
military charges and the salaries and pensions of certain classes of
public servants, and constitute a large part of the budget. Of this
arrangement, as also of the power given to the governor-general
to pass a law which the Legislature has refused to accept, it is sufficient
to say that they are solutions recommended by the Joint Select
Committee of the dilemma raised by the coexistence of an irre-
movable executive and elected Legislature, deriving their respective
authority from different sources. They are not a final adjustment of
forces but an expedient devised for a transitory stage of political
development. The Act makes some minor changes in the number
and in the tenure of office of members of the Secretary of State's
Council and in the procedure of the India Office, but leaves the func-
tions and constitution of the Council unaltered. A long-standing
grievance is remedied by a provision placing the salary of the Secre-
tary of State on the estimates and by an arrangement with the
Treasury whereby the expenses of the Council of India and the India
Office other than " agency " charges will henceforth be borne by the
British Exchequer. By " agency " is meant work such as the
purchase of stores, the engagement of persons for service in India,
the payment of pay and pensions of Indian officers, in which the
India Office acts as the agent of the Indian Government.
High Commissioner for India. The Act authorizes the ap-
pointment of a high commissioner for India who will take over
the agency business of the India Office with the necessary
establishment, and transact it in direct communication with,
and at the charge of, the Government of India. When this
transfer has taken place the functions of the India Office will be
purely administrative, and confined to those which strictly arise
out of the duties of supervision, direction and control placed by
Parliament upon the Secretary of State in Indian affairs.
Restriction of Secretary of State's Powers. As a corollary to the
introduction of the elements of responsible government into
Indian administration the Act empowers the Secretary of State
in Council to divest himself by rule, to such extent as he may
specify, of his statutory powers of supervision and control over
Indian affairs, and thereby, to like extent, of his responsibility
to Parliament. In exercise of this power he has made a statutory
rule which has the effect of releasing the administration of
" transferred " subjects from his supervision and control, except
in certain specified circumstances, such as, where Imperial
interests or the interests of the Government of India are affected.
Ordinarily he will not interfere, and will not be expected by
Parliament to interfere, in subjects administered by members.
This may be illustrated by a concrete instance. The administra-
tion of the liquor and drugs excise is a transferred subject. In
the past the Secretary of State has constantly been called upon to
intervene in respect of the district or provincial management of
liquor shops and correct alleged abuses. In future his reply will
be that the administration of this subject rests with the ministers
responsible to the provincial Legislative Council, and that he is
by rule precluded from interfering, unless it can be shown that
the matter falls under one or other of the specified exceptions. A
considerable area of Indian administration has in this way now
been removed from the purview of Parliament. The rule-making
power conferred by the Act extends in terms to central and pro-
vincial subjects as well as to transferred subjects. But the
anxiety of Parliament to limit the exercise of the power to
transferred subjects is shown by the provision that no rule
applying to subjects other than transferred may be made until
the draft has been approved by resolution of both Houses of
Parliament. This is in consonance with the opinion of the Joint
Select Committee that any relaxation of parliamentary control
over that part of Indian administration which is still retained by
the Governor-General in Counft and the official Government in
the provinces should come about by the growth of a convention
and is not a suitable subject of rules. .
Position of Public Services. Two or three other matters dealt
with in the Act of 1919 may be briefly noticed. The transfer of
a considerable portion of Indian administration to ministers
responsible to a Legislature, for the most part elected, necessarily
affects the position of the public services and might, in the
absence of statutory safeguards, injuriously affect their rights
and privileges. The Act contains provisions securing to civil
servants appointed by the Secretary of State (to which category
the European services belong) protection against wrongful
treatment or dismissal, and the enjoyment of pensionary rights
granted to them on their appointment. The Act also establishes
a Public Service Commission, with a chairman appointed by the
Secretary of State in Council, to superintend the recruitment and
to control the public services in India, creates the office of
auditor-general and sets up a financial authority with adequate
powers in each province.
Statutory Commission. Lastly, the Act provides for the
appointment of a Statutory Commission at the expiration of ten
years to inquire into the working of the system of government,
the growth of education, and the development of representative
institutions in British India, and to report as to whether and to
what extent it is desirable to establish the principle of responsi-
ble government, or to extend, modify or restrict the degree of
responsible government then existing therein, including the
question whether the establishment of second chambers in the
local Legislatures is or is not desirable.
This provision sufficiently indicates the transitional and
evolutionary character of the new constitutions set up in India.
The progressive realization of responsible government has been
declared the aim of British policy in India. If, as was announced,
this policy can be carried out only by successive stages, and if the
British Government and the Indian Government must be the
judges of the time and measure of each advance, inquiry by a
commission is a necessary measure. The undertaking given in
the Act that inquiry shall be made ten years hence should disarm
suspicions as to the intentions of Parliament and the British
Government, and give assurance to honest workers in India.
Impatient idealists may think the interval too long and may
seek to abridge it. But the present advance means a long stride
in an unmapped and difficult country, and ten years is as nothing
in the growth of a nation. The interval will give opportunity for
observation and testing such as were denied to the Morley-
Minto reforms. The latter after barely four years' working were
engulfed in the war and the inrush of new ideas. It will also give
time for elementary education to become more general and for
the electorates to comprehend the meaning and consequences
of representative and responsible government.
Subsidiary Administrative Reforms. The constitutional changes
sanctioned by Parliament are to be supplemented in two directions
by administrative measures which the Government of India has
undertaken. They propose in the first place to revivify local self-
government. Excluding the great presidency corporations, which are
a class by themselves, Indian municipalities are largely under official
guidance and control. The nominated element in the boards is
large, and the chairman is often one of the district officials. " With
the best intentions," say the authors of the Montagu-Chelmsford
44*
INDIA
report, " the presence of an official element on the boards has been
prolonged beyond the point at which it would have afforded very
necessary help, up to a point at which it has impeded the growth of
initiative and practice. It is proposed to increase the elective ele-
ment, to widen the municipal franchise, to replace official chairmen
by elected chairmen, to give the boards greater financial and admin-
istrative powers, and to substitute control from without for control
from within. The same policy is to be applied to the rural boards
which even more than the municipalities are Government agencies.
It is hoped in this way to make local affairs a training-ground for
political work and to bring home to the people the realities and
responsibilities of local self-government. In the second place the
reconstitution of the public services is contemplated. They are to be
" Indianized " in general accordance with the recommendations
of the Royal Commission on the Public Services of India, as ampli-
fied by the Montagu-Chelmsford report. For the civil service of
India, which is the administrative service of the country, the pro-
portion of Indians has been fixed at 33 %, rising by ij % annually for
a period of ten years to a maximum of 48 per cent. In the Indian
educational service the proportion of Indians will be even larger.
Some of the services which hitherto have contained a more or less
considerable number of Europeans will in future be recruited entirely
in India. Along with this change in the composition of the public
services of India, their position and functions will undergo a change
in consequence of the establishment of ministerial government in
the provinces. Hitherto the greater services, and especially the civil
service of India, have in practice had the administration in their
hands and held the places involving superior control. They have
formulated policy while being the executants of it. Under a system
of responsible government this position will gradually change. They
will be the executive agents of ministers who in their turn will be
accountable to the Legislative Councils and the electorates. The
authors of the Montagu-Chelmsford report have not overlooked the
consequences of this change both as regards the recruitment and
fortunes of the European members of the services and as regards the
efficiency of the administration. But they take a sanguine view.
They believe that to make the Indian people self-governing the
presence of the English officer will be found indispensable, and while
forbearing to forecast the future organization and disposition of the
services, they consider that the English official will continue to play
a large and useful part in the administration of the country.
Constitution for Burma. The authors of the reforms scheme ex-
cluded Burma from the scope of their proposals and left the problem
of its political evolution for separate and future consideration. They
remarked that Burma was not India. Its peoples belonged to another
race in another stage of development, its problems were altogether
different, and it was impossible to say how far their proposals would
be applicable to Burma until the Government and the people of
that province had had an opportunity of considering them (Mon-
tagu-Chelmsford report, para. 198).
Acting on this suggestion the Government of Burma drew up
and published for public discussion a tentative scheme of con-
stitutional reform. After some delay due to this procedure the local
government submitted to the Government of India in June 1919
its matured proposals, with a lengthy statement of its reasons for
not recommending the application to Burma of the distinctive
features of the constitution about to be given to India proper.
Briefly speaking, the country was at present unfit for responsible
government. The Burmans were politically a generation behind the
people of India. They had not undergone the training in public
affairs which had fallen to the lot of the latter. Municipal and local
self-government in Burma were in their infancy. The elective
principle was unfamiliar to the people. Comparatively few Burmans
had an advanced knowledge of the English language and very few
had attained to high office in the public service. The Indian con-
stitution applied to Burma would result in an inexperienced elec-
torate, a Legislative Chamber unequal to the responsibilities thrust
upon it, and ministers with no administrative knowledge. The
Burma Government therefore advocated a transitory scheme by
which the people might be trained for the exercise of larger powers.
Instead of a dual Government, consisting of an official executive
council and ministers drawn from and responsible to the Legislative
Council, the Burma Government proposed that the head of the prov-
ince, remaining autocratic, should be assisted in the administration
by boards. Each board would consist of a non-official president
nominated by the governor, to be chosen from the Legislative
Assembly, and one or more official members. The boards would refer
to the governor for decision cases in which the members were not
agreed and cases of major or special importance. The boards would
not be responsible in any respect to the Legislative Council. The
methods of legislation would be similar to those in the provinces of
India, but resolutions on the budget would be only recommendations
to the governor. There would be no transferred subjects, no minis-
ters and no responsibility to the Legislature.
The Government of India agreed with the Government of Burma
as to the impossibility of imposing on Burma a constitution on the
Indian model and as to the necessity for an intermediate period of
preparation and training. In March 1920 they laid these views
before the Secretary of State and asked for sanction to the scheme,
which they said would give to Burma at least as great an advance as
the disparity between it and India in political conditions warranted.
In one important particular they modified, with the consent cf the
Burma Government, the original scheme, substituting for the
proposed system of boards an executive council of three officials and
three non-officials. The Executive Council would work in committees
of two, so that the non-official Burman would have an official as his
colleague and mentor. An appeal was to lie from a committee to the
full council in case of a difference of opinion.
The decision of the Secretary of State was not announced until
Nov. 1920. While this leisurely constitution-making was in prog-
ress, indifference in Burma had given place to a vigorous political
agitation to secure for the province at least as ample a measure of
responsible government as India was about to receive. In India
" dyarchy " was in act of being established and the magnitude of
the advance it implied was now realized. The Burman's pride was
touched to the quick by the idea that it was proposed to put him
on a lower plane than the Indians. He began to regard as an insult
to his country and race the reform scheme which in 1919 Conserva-
tives and Moderates had been disposed to accept. The rising feeling
in Burma was patent to the Secretary of State when he refused to
adopt the Government of India's proposals and informed them that
His Majesty's Government had decided to apply the Act of 1919 to
Burma. He based this decision on the ground that the Morley-
Minto " training," which in substance was the same as the Indian
Government's scheme, had proved " fallacious in India as a means
of fitting Indians to exercise responsibility." He wished to avoid
creating in Burma the situation which now threatened to prejudice
success of reforms in India, and thought it better " to train Burmans
in exercise of real responsibility rather than in criticism." The
Government of India was perturbed by this decision. They replied
that the immediate application of the Act of 1919 to Burma would
be fraught with grave risks for which they could not accept respon-
sibility, and urged that if it was decided to legislate, Parliament
should be made acquainted with their views.
In March 1921 a bill to apply the Act of 1919 to Burma was
introduced in the House of Lords. The debate on the second reading
was adjourned until the House was in possession of the latest cor-
respondence on the subject between the India Office and the Govern-
ment of India. In the meantime the Secretary of State referred the
whole correspondence to the Standing Joint Committee on Indian
Affairs and asked them to advise him as to the form of constitution
which should in their opinion be introduced in Burma. On the merits
respectively of the Government of India's scheme and that of
the Secretary of State the committee were divided. But they
were at one in the conclusion that matters having gone thus far,
Burma must be granted the same constitution as India. They had
less difficulty in reaching this conclusion insomuch as the Burma
Government, confronted with an agitation that had grown in in-
tensity and strength since the intention of the home authorities had
become known, telegraphed that the time had paseed for pressing
any scheme for an intermediate period of " training," and that the
only course open was to extend " dyarchy " to Burma as soon as
possible. The Government of India expressed similar views. Any
scheme falling short of that adopted for provinces in India would,
they said, no longer meet the aspirations of moderate Burmans. The
acceptance of the bill was necessary.
In spite of the report of the Standing Joint Committee, and the
strong expressions of opinion from Indian authorities hitherto opposed
to the bill, it was found impossible by the Government to find time
in 1921 for passing the Burma bill. It was decided, therefore, in
August merely to proceed by notifying, under section 583 (i) of the
Government of India Act, that it applied to Burma. It was then
only necessary to settle the provisions of the franchise, determine the
constituencies, divide the sphere of government into " transferred "
and " reserved " subjects, and frame regulations on ancillary matters.
It was hoped that the first elections to the Legislative Council
would take place in 1922.
EDUCATION
The census of 1911 showed that only 11-4% of the male pop.
and 1-1% of the female pop. of British India were literate,
according to a very modest standard of literacy. That is, under
6% of the pop. could read and write. The number of persons,
male and female, returned as having an elementary knowledge of
English was under a million and a half in a pop. (British India
only) of 240 millions. Corresponding figures of the 1921 census
were not available up to Aug. 1921, but it was believed that they
would show a substantial advance. During the 10 years ending
1918 the number of persons undergoing instruction in colleges
and schools increased by 50 per cent. In 1909 the number of
students undergoing university education in arts and vocational
colleges was 25,000, and in 1918 63,000; in secondary schools
800,000 in 1908 and 1,200,006 in 1918; in primary schools
4,420,000 in 1909 and 6,000,000 in 1918. These figures are for
colleges and schools classed as public institutions. Adding to
INDIA
449
them students attending special schools and private secondary
and primary schools, the total number of persons under in-
struction was approximately 6,000,000 in 1909 and 8,000,000
in 1919. The increase would have been greater but for the deadly
influenza epidemic which swept India in the latter year and
carried off five millions of the pop., and which for some time
would necessarily leave its mark on educational statistics.
Considerable as was the progress shown by the figures, the
fact remained that only 5 % of the male pop. and i % of the female
pop., or 3% of the whole pop., was undergoing instruction. If
primary edugation were as general as in England, the percentage
of males under instruction would be 15 instead of five. For
India to approximate to the English standard (a standard which
is possible only under a compulsory system) , primary schools and
teachers for three times the number of boys who were being
taught would be necessary. This gives some idea of the magnitude
of the task with which the educational reformer in India is faced.
While primary education is thus so greatly in defect, the pro-
portion of the population receiving university and secondary
education compares well with the position in the most advanced
Western countries. From the days of the East India Co. the
demand of the middle class for education of this type as a means
of livelihood has been insistent and increasing. It has been
supplied by the State to the limit of its means on very cheap
terms, to the comparative neglect of the agricultural and la-
bouring classes who, where they were not actively hostile to the
school-master, were well content to do without him. " While the
lower classes," it is officially stated, " are largely illiterate, the
middle class, which is the class that mainly patronizes higher
institutions, is, numerically speaking, educated to a pitch equal
to that attained in countries whose social and economic condi-
tions are more highly developed." In Bengal the proportion of
the educated classes who are taking full-time university courses
is said to be almost 10 times as great as in England. But much of
this so-called collegiate education is really school work of an
indifferent kind. The danger of this top-heavy system is now
fully realized. The local Governments, with the assistance of
liberal grants from the revenues of the central Government, have
lately adopted considered schemes for extending and improving
primary schools and are laying the foundations of systematic
advance. In several provinces arrangements have been made
to double the number of places in the primary schools within the
next few years. Public opinion in India was not ripe in 1921 for
any general scheme of compulsory education. As a first step,
municipal boards and other local bodies had been given by law
in most provinces permissive powers to enforce the principle
within their respective areas, but no great eagerness to make use
of them had been shown.
During 1910-^20 expenditure upon education in India had dou-
bled. In 1919 it amounted to 8,500,000. Of this 3,600,000 came
from general revenues, 1,100,000 from local funds, 1,500,000 from
endowments and missionary enterprise, and 2,000,000 from fees.
The charge upon general revenues was roughly 3jd. per head of the
population. The local Governments may be expected to increase
their educational budgets now that their finances have been improved
under the new constitution and the department of education has
been transferred to a minister responsible to the provincial Legisla-
tive Assembly. But the revenues of the provinces are not very elastic,
the claims upon them are many, and fresh taxation in India raises
many problems. Secondary and university education equally with
primary education is in urgent need of a larger allocation of funds
than is likely to be forthcoming in any province.
With the publication (1919) of the report of the Calcutta
University Commission, higher education in India entered upon
a new phase. The Commission was presided over by Sir Michael
Sadler. It consisted of seven members, of whom four came direct
from England and two were Indians. Its report condemned in
emphatic and impressive language the whole system of secondary
and university education, as it existed in Bengal, and, subject to
qualifications, in other parts of India.
" The university system of Bengal," said the report, " is funda-
mentally defective in almost every respect." The system is based
on an external examining university and a multitude of affiliated
colleges, scattered throughout the country. The Calcutta Univer-
sity attempts to deal with 26,000 students. The numbers are beyond
the capacity of a single university organization. The university is
loaded with administrative functions which it cannot adequately
perform. It rests on the assumption that the passing of examinations
is the only thing of value in a university training. The examination
standards are low and tend to lower themselves to the capacity of
the weakest colleges. The scattered affiliated colleges are for the
most part meagrely staffed and equipped; the teachers are gravely
underpaid; the methods of instruction are mechanical; the con-
ditions under which many of the students live are bad for their
health, morals and work. The secondary or high schools which feed
the colleges are even more defective, not only as regards teaching
but in discipline, social life and healthy surroundings. Many are
private-venture schools, managed for the gain of the proprietors at
the lowest limit of efficiency. To pass their pupils into the university
through the matriculation examination is their one aim. " The
high-school training (dominated almost entirely by the matricula-
tion examination), while it fails to fit most ot the boys for the
university, fails also in fitting them for anything else." With stu-
dents entering the university so badly prepared, the teaching in the
" intermediate classes " (that is during the two years between
matriculation and the intermediate examination) is essentially school
and not university work. The Commission would remove these
classes from the university to " intermediate " colleges which, to-
gether with the high schools, would be placed under a Board of
Secondary and Intermediate Education, independent of the univer-
sity. The " intermediate " colleges would form the uppermost stage
of a reformed and self-contained system of secondary education.
Their curriculum would be of a varied kind and would lead up to
appropriate examinations, conducted not by the university but by
the Board, qualifying for entrance to the university, but also having
an independent value as a certificate of general education. Students
would enter the university at the stage at present represented by
the intermediate examination and at a later age. The university
would disencumber itself of two-thirds of the present unwieldy host
of 26,000 students, and be set free for its proper duties.
The Commission rightly placed a radical reform of secondary
education in the forefront of its proposals. As to the university,
it would reconstitute it as a teaching university with a multi-
collegiate organization, and give it a new constitution. It looked
forward to the best of the affiliated colleges becoming in course of
time independent universities. In the meantime, it would estab-
lish a teaching university at Dacca. Effect was given to this last
recommendation, but the rest of the programme, involving an
annual expenditure of 500,000 and a non-recurrent expenditure of
an equal amount, remained in abeyance in 1921 owing to the financial
difficulties of the Bengal Government. Other provinces accepted
the principles of the report and proposed to apply them. The laws
passed in the United Provinces for establishing teaching and resi-
dential universities at Lucknow and Aligarh (the Moslem University)
bear unmistakable marks of the recommendations of the Commission.
THE INDIAN ARMY
The army in India is composed of British regular troops, which
form part of the British army transferred for a period of service
to the Indian establishment, and of the Indian army. The latter
consists of Indian troops, raised in India by the Indian Govern-
ment, and commanded by Indian officers (native officers as they
are called) holding the viceroy's commission, and by British
officers holding the king's commission. Under recent arrange-
ments a certain number of king's commissions in the Indian army
are now given to Indians; in some cases in recognition of dis-
tinguished service in the Indian army and by way of promotion,
and in others to young men of good education on condition of their
undergoing training in England at the Royal Military College,
Sandhurst. The numerical proportion in which the two compo-
nent parts of the army in India should stand to each other was
fixed in the first instance in 1858, when the Crown assumed
responsibility for the government and defence of India. It
was further considered in 1893, when the rapid advance of Russia
in Central Asia gave rise to anxiety for the security of India. The
ratio of one British soldier to 2-5 Indian soldiers was then def-
initely adopted and has since been adhered to as the permanent
basis of the army in India, though liable in emergencies, as in
the World War, when India was for a time almost denuded of
British troops, to be departed from. The proportion is struck on
the regular forces, including the imperial service troops main-
tained by native states. No account is taken, on the one hand, of
the Auxiliary Force, which is recruited on a voluntary system
from the European and Eurasian community, or, on the other
hand, of the reserves of the Indian army, the Indian territorial
force, the armed police or the armies of the native states.
The British troops are necessarily the most costly part of the
450
INDIA
army in India, and both on this account and from a sense of
national pride Indian critics of military expenditure have pressed
for a reduction in the British element. Up to 1921 the Indian
Government and its military advisers, though committed gener-
ally to reducing army charges that have doubled since 1914, had
not admitted that the British garrison could be safely reduced.
In a debate in the Legislative Assembly in March 1921 the com-
mander-in-chief (Lord Rawlinson) made out a strong case for not
altering the proportion of British to Indian soldiers while the
requirements of internal and external defence were unchanged.
In 1914, when the World War broke out, the regular forces
in India comprised 75,575 British soldiers, including 2,689
commissioned officers; 159,861 Indian army troops, including
2,771 British commissioned officers and 341 British warrant and
non-commissioned officers; and 21,069 Imperial service troops.
The reserves of the Indian army numbered 36,000 odd. Many of
these were found during the war to be unfit for active service.
The Volunteer force consisted of some 38,000 Europeans and
Eurasians. During the World War the Indian army was greatly
enlarged, as demands were made upon it by the Home Govern-
ment for service abroad. In the last year of the World War the
Government of India undertook to raise an additional half-
million combatant recruits, and no doubt the full number would
have been raised had the Armistice not intervened. All charges
were borne by the Home Government, but the heavy task of
recruiting, training, equipping and despatching the new armies
fell on the Indian administration. Demobilization commenced
in the beginning of 1919, but was interrupted by the Afghan War
and the subsequent campaign against the tribes in Waziristan.
At the end of 1920 the Indian troops serving in India mustered
226,000 men, or some 70,000 above pre-war strength. The British
troops on the same date were only 65,390 men, or some 14.000
below pre-war strength.
The Kitchener Reforms. Lord Kitchener, in the course of his
prolonged tenure of the post of commander-tn-chief in India, set to
himself the task of reconstituting the army in India as regards
organization and administration, improving its military efficiency,
distributing it territorially to the best advantage, and giving it the
mobility and power of rapid concentration which modern warfare
requires. Though able men before him had done much to make the
Indian army an efficient instrument of war. Lord Kitchener brought
to bear upon the problem new ideas and methods. He had this
advantage over his predecessors that he enjoyed a prestige and
authority that enabled him to override opposition and obtain the
concurrence of the home and Indian authorities to a large, and, in
many respects, a contentious, scheme of reconstruction. The abolition
of the military department and the military member of council, and
the subsequent suppression of a separate depart -nent of supply, made
him eventually the sole military adviser of the viceroy, and con-
centrated in the person of the cpmmander-in-chief all executive and
administrative authority in military affairs. In reorganizing the
army he made the defence of the north-west frontier against the
possible advance of Russia through Afghanistan his primary con-
cern. The organization of the troops which he found existing dated
from the Mutiny. It failed, he considered, to distinguish sufficiently
between the requirements of internal security and those of offensive
warfare. It did not ear-mark troops for these two distinct purposes
and train and equip them accordingly, but left the selection and
mobilization of an active army in the event of war to the last mo-
ment. He aimed, therefore, at creating out of the forces at his dis-
posal (some 230,000 men in all) a field armv, capable of being im-
mediately mobilized, of the strength which fie considered 'would be
required to defend India against a Russian advance through Afghan-
istan, until help could be obtained from England. He proposed to
mark off this army from the troops allotted for internal defence, to
distribute it conveniently by divisions (each division comprising
some 13,500 combatants of all arms) in homogeneous military areas,
and to train it in war formations under the general officers who would
command in the field. He broke up the four army commands which
he found existing and replaced them by nine "divisional" com-
mands. In each divisional command he proposed to place a self-
contained division of the field army together with the necessary
complement of garrison troops that would be left behind for internal
defence in the event of mobilization. Fully mobilized his field army
would absorb some 120,000 combatant troops, or more than half
the total strength of the army in India. Adequate transport and
supplies were to be provided and every arrangement made to en-
able each division of the field army, thoroughly trained and fully
equipped, to pass rapidly into a state of war, when required, with-
out confusion and dislocation.
It was a large scheme, involving many subsidiary reforms, such
as enlarged staffs, extensive regrouping of troops and building of
barracks, better training and equipment, increased pay and allow-
ances for the native ranks of the Indian army.
These measures were in process of being carried out, when Lord
Kitchener left India in 1909 after seven years' tenure of the office
of commander-in-chief. Though planned with the greatest economy,
and though it was curtailed and altered in order to reduce expense,
the scheme necessarily increased the army charges, which rose from
16,000,000 in 1901 to 20,500,000 in 1910. Financial difficultiei
then beset the Indian Government. Fears of Russian aggression had
subsided and a halt in military expenditure was thought advisable.
When the World War broke out, the reorganization so far completed
fell considerably short of Lord Kitchener's original scheme, though
representing a great advance on what it had superseded. In the
meantime much greater progress had been made in the United
Kingdom in the organization, training and equipment of the British
army. The expeditionary forces despatched from India wi
found in the earlier stages of the World War to be inferior in th
respects to British troops. Then came the Mesopotamian break-
down, the inquiry of the Mesopotamian Committee set up by Ad
of Parliament, and the grave indictment of the Indian military sys-
tem, as regards both administration and organization, contained
in the Committee's report. The system was described as cumbrous,
slow-moving and overcentralized in the last degree. The new com-
mander-in-chief (Sir Charles Monro) effected some improvement,
but the Afghan War of 1919, followed by the Waziristan campaign,
led to renewed complaints against Indian army administration.
Under Lord Chelmsford's viceroyalty, the appointment of
Committee, with Lord Esher as chairman, to inquire into the <
ganization and administration of the army in India, was deem
necessary. In the judgment of this Committee, which reported
1920, the existing military system, as regards both organization and
administration, was defective in many respects. Their recommenda-
tions would, if acted on, modify considerably the Kitchener scheme.
Effect had already been given by 1921 to one such recommendation
involving an extensive measure of delegation and decentralization.
The nine divisional commands created by Lord Kitchener were
replaced by smaller territorial units, and these were grouped into
four army commands, the commanders of which would dispose of
much work hitherto dealt with by the commander-in-chief and
army headquarters. The more important proposals of the Com-
mittee regarding the functions of the military forces of India in any
scheme o? Empire defence, the authority to be exercised over their
organization and administration by the British War Office, and the
position and duties of the commander-in-chief were in 1921 still
before the Indian Government and the Cabinet. As they stood, the
proposals were not acceptable to Indian nationalists, who saw in
them a design to subordinate the Indian army to the necessities
of the Empire and to encroach on the independence of India.
FINANCE
The Indian revenues are largely dependent on the seasonal i
If the monsoon is bad, and the crops fail, land revenue is remit
or its collection postponed, railway traffics decline, the agricultur
population consumes less, the customs and excise receipts fall ~'
and heavy expenditure is incurred in the relief of distress. G<
and bad seasons occur in cycles. Lord Minto entered upon his ad
ministration in a good cycle. In 1905-6 there was a surplus of : "
ooo.ooo, 1 although the salt duty had been reduced, certain 1;
cesses remitted and special grants made to local Governments from
Imperial revenues. It may here be explained that the budget of the
Government of India included also the transactions of the local
Governments, the revenues enjoyed by the latter being mainly de-
rived from sources of income which are shared between the Imperial
or central Government and themselves. A grant from " Imperial
revenues" to " provincial revenues" meant that the central Govern-
ment from its surplus made a gift to the local Governments. In
1906-7 further remissions of land cesses and additional grants to
local Governments were made and a surplus of 1,500,000 secured.
In 1907-8 in expectation of continued prosperity the salt duty was
reduced to the low rate of R.I per maund (82 pounds), and the opium
revenue precautionally written down in view of an agreement with
the Chinese Government, under which the export of Indian opium
to China would be progressively diminished until in the space of ten
years it would altogether cease. But adverse times now set in. In
the autumn of 1907 theVains failed over a great part of India. Con-
ditions continued unfavourable throughout 1908 and the first
1 The conversion of rupees into sterling throughout this article
has been made on the basis of Rs. I5 = i. This was the ratio, as
fixed by Act of the Indian Legislature, up to Sept. 1920. It was effec-
tively maintained in the exchanges, and was the accepted notation
of the Indian Government in its financial and other returns. The
ratio has now been altered to R.I ='/io of the gold contained in a
sovereign by the Indian Coinage Act, 1920, in accordance with the
recommendation of the Indian Exchange and Currency Committee.
But the new ratio failed to become effective, and no steps to stabilize
it had been taken up to the middle of 1921. In the latest Indian re-
turns the notation is in lakhs and crores of rupees. If and when a 2s.
rupee becomes effective, a lakh will =io,oooand acrore =1,000,000.
INDIA
45i
half of 1909. In the year ending March 31 1909, the deficit exceeded
3,500,000. In 1909-10 equilibrium was only attained by the enforce-
ment of severe economies. In 1910, the last year of Lord Minto's
administration, additional taxation amounting to over 1,000,000
a year was imposed. The seasons again became favourable and
Lord Hardinge succeeded to a full treasury.
The four years 1910-4 were years of financial prosperity. There
was a large expansion of ordinary revenues, and also large windfalls
under opium, due to the high prices which the Chinese were pre-
pared to pay during the last few years of the trade. The accounts
showed an " Imperial " surplus of nearly 4,000,000 in 1910-1, of
equal amount in 1911-2, of over 3,000,000 in 1912-3 and of 2,330,-
ooo in 1913-4. But the surpluses were really larger, as in the revised
estimates of each year special grants for education and public
health were made to local Governments, aggregating over 6,000,000
in the four years. The wisdom of special grants or " doles " from
the surplus revenues of the central Government to the local Govern-
ments for expenditure on specific objects has been questioned, as
encouraging extravagance and undermining the financial responsi-
bility of local Governments. But they were a natural feature of the
interlocking of provincial and Imperial revenues which then existed
and of the control exercised by the Government of India over the
whole field of provincial administration. Under a centralized
system they were probably the most effectual instrument for
promoting the active policy in public health and education that
Lord Hardinge had at heart, and fell in with the ideas of the Indian
members of the Imperial Legislative Council.
With the outbreak of the war in 1914 Indian finance entered on a
difficult and anxious period. At first direct expenditure on the war
was small, being limited to bearing the normal cost of troops be-
longing to the Indian establishment who were employed out of
India in the different theatres of war.
The pre-war budget for military services was about 20,000,000 a
year. This figure slowly rose to 25,000,000 in 1916-7 and 29,000-
ooo in 1917-8. In 1917 the financial position was sufficiently strong
to justify the Indian Government, with the warm assent of the
Legislative Council, in making a contribution of 100,000,000 to the
home Government towards the cost of the war. In Sept. 1918, in the
belief that the end of the war was distant and the needs of the home
Government great, the Legislative Council, by a large majority of
the non-official members to whom the decision was left, approved
the Indian Government's proposal to make a further contribution.
The Indian Government proposed to bear the cost of additional
troops raised in India and of certain pensionary charges, the whole
estimated at a sum of 45,000,000. Later estimates reduced the
amount to 31,700,000. In 1920 the Legislative Council recon-
sidered the matter and recommended that the cost of the Afghan
war should be deducted. The Government of India acquiesced,
and the actual contribution was reduced to a sum of about 14,000,-
ooo. During the first two years of the war it was judged politically
advisable to maintain the pre-war standard 'of taxation and incur a
deficit of 3,000,000. In 1916-7, additional taxation, estimated to
yield 3,000,000, was imposed. The income tax and salt duty were
raised, duties imposed on exports of jute and tea, and the import
tariff, save as regards the important item of cotton piece goods, was
revised. By that time public confidence had revived, trade was ac-
tive especially in the export of produce required for war purposes
and agriculture prosperous. The railway earnings were large, all
other sources of revenue yielded well, and a surplus of 7,500,000
resulted. In 1917-8, in order to meet the interest charges and sinking
fund of the 100,000,000 contributed to the British Government,
further additional taxation estimated to yield 6,000,000 was levied.
A super-tax on incomes was imposed, the export tax on jute was
increased, and a small surcharge placed on railway goods traffic.
The import duty on cotton piece goods was also raised from 3 J % to
7%, the excess duty on local cotton manufactures being maintained
at the lower rate. The latter measure evoked strong protests from
Lancashire and led to an important debate in the House of Com-
mons, resulting in an undertaking that the matter would be re-
examined hereafter in connexion with the general fiscal policy of the
British Empire. Though the war continued, such was the activity
of trade and the general prosperity of the country that a surplus of
8,000,000 was achieved.
The budget of 1918-9 was framed to produce a modest surplus.
During the year the expenditure was increased by 13,000,000
credited to the home Government as the first instalment of the
additional war contribution. The receipts, however, under most
revenue heads were good, and the deficit of the year was under
4,000,000. In order to balance the estimates of revenue and ex-
penditure of 1919-20 an excess profits duty, estimated to produce
6,000,000, was imposed for one year only. The budget of 1919-20,
however, was completely upset by war with Afghanistan and other
unexpected military charges, and the accounts of the year showed a
deficit of 15,750,000. The budget estimates of 19201 were made
on a basis that has since been found fallacious and were much too
sanguine. It was assumed that the " boom " in trade and a high rate
of exchange would continue, and that the gain from exchange or,
in other words, diminution of the home charges would be large. The
balance of trade from being highly favourable to India became
adverse and the rupee exchange dropped during the year from 2s.
6d. to is. 4d. The military expenditure was underestimated. Suffi-
cient account was not taken of the increased working charges of
the railways and the consequent diminution of net receipts. The
general rise in the cost of the civil departments on account of re-
visions of salaries necessitated by high prices was not foreseen. This
was frankly admitted by the finance member in his financial state-
ment introductory to the budget of the current year (1921-2).
The budget of 1921-2 marked a new era in Indian finance. It
was the first budget under the new constitution submitted to the
votes of the Legislative Assembly. It is confined to the revenues and
expenditure of the central Government only, as provincial finances
have now been entirely separated off and made over to the local
Governments. It is expressed in rupees and not in sterling. The
sterling pound of Rs.15 has disappeared and the proposed new ratio
of 2s. to the rupee has failed to become effective. Crores of rupees
take the place of millions of pounds. But whereas the crore was
formerly the equivalent of 666,000 it is now assumed to be, but at
present is not, the equivalent of 1,000,000. Expressed in the new
notation there was in 1920-1 a deficit of II crores instead of an
anticipated surplus of 2 crores. The budget of 1921-2 recognized
that the expenditure from various causes had definitely outgrown
the revenue, and provided 19 crores of additional revenue by
enhancement of the customs import duties, a surcharge on railway
goods traffic, higher postal rates, and regrading of the income tax
and supertax. The revenues and expenditure of the central Govern-
ment in 1921-2 are estimated at 130 crores (130,000,000 on the
basis of a 2s. rupee). The military charges absorb 66 crores or more
than one-half of the total income. They are more than double the
pre-war figure. The cost of the British garrison and the pay and pen-
sions of the Indian army have greatly increased and the standard of
equipment is higher and more expensive. Military expenditure is one
of the budget heads which are not submitted to the vote of the
Legislative Assembly. But the subject has been raised in other
ways in that body and is one about which there is a difference of
view between the executive Government and the Legislature. To the
Indian nationalist whose thoughts are concentrated on internal
progress and who imperfectly appreciates the existence of external
dangers, the cost of defence seems excessive. The possibility of ma-
terial economies largely depends on the strength and composition
of the forces to be maintained. The Government of India, while not
pledging themselves to immediate reductions, have undertaken to
make a searching inquiry into military expenditure.
Military expenditure apart, the features of the financial situation
which gave cause for anxiety were the large amount of floating and
short-term debt ; the inflated note circulation and the heavy capital
requirements of the railways and irrigation. In comparison with
other countries the indebtedness of India due to the war is not op-
pressively great. Before the war India was in the happy position of
having no " ordinary " debt, as opposed to debt incurred for capital
expenditure on railways and canals, the interest on which was borne
by those undertakings. During the war and up to the end of 1920-1
some 230 crores of fresh rupee debt (including floating debt) had
been incurred, representing an annual charge of over 12 crores on
account of interest. Against this burden, considerable as it is, may
be set the impulse given by the war to industrial development, the
productiveness during the war of all existing industries, and the
rapid accumulation of capital.
Currency. At the outbreak of the World War the Indian cur-
rency system had, for a " managed " system, reached a position of
considerable strength. The legal currency is the rupee, the ratio of
which to the sovereign was, until altered in 1920 on the recommenda-
tion of the Indian Currency Commission of 1919, fixed at 15 rupees to
the sovereign. There is no free coinage of silver. The Indian Govern-
ment purchases silver and coins rupees to meet the requirements
of the country. The profit, which was considerable when the price
of silver ranged from 23 pence to 30 pence the ounce, is placed to the
gold standard reserve and invested in sterling securities in London,
forming a reserve to be used to maintain the exchange value of the
rupee. The gold standard reserve amounted to 23,500,000 in
1914. On March 31 1920, it was represented by securities of the
estimated value of 36,300,000. The import of gold in the form of
sovereigns or bullion was unrestricted, and sovereigns circulated at
the legal ratio. A favourable balance of trade over a series of years
encouraged the import of gold, and 70,000,000 had passed into
circulation between 1900 and 1914. In 1914 the gold held by the
Indian Government in England and India together amounted to
23,000,000. The exchange value of the rupee had become stabilized
in close approximation to the legal ratio, any upward movement
being checked by imports of gold and any downward movement
being met by the Government of India selling drafts on its reserves
in London. It may be mentioned that the policy and measures
adopted by the Indian Government to maintain the exchange value
of the rupee received the approval of the Royal Commission on Indian
Finance and Currency which was appointed in 1913.
With the war the Indian currency system entered on a new phase.
India was called upon to supply the British Government and the
Allies with immense quantities of raw materials, manufactured
goods and food-stuffs for war purposes, and also to provide funds in
India and in countries where Indian troops were fighting. The
Indian Government had therefore to disburse rupee currency to
452
INDIA
very large amounts. The home Government repaid its debts by
credits in London, but the Indian Government required money in
India and the difficulty was to remit specie. Gold was unobtainable.
Silver was scarce in the London and American markets. The Indian
Government was therefore compelled to increase the note issue
without a corresponding increase of rupees held against the notes.
The security for such issues was provided by investment in British
Treasury bills on behalf of the paper currency reserve of moneys
lying at credit of the Indian Government in the Bank of England.
The notes were convertible and their encashment drained away
the reserve stock of rupees. The time drew near when either in-
convertibility must be declared or silver obtained in large quantities
for coinage. In April 1918 inconvertibility was all but reached when
help came from the American Government. The circumstances in
which the relief of India was achieved at the last moment through
the sympathy, statesmanship and driving force of President Wilson
were graphically described in a speech made to the English-speaking
Union on Feb. 12 1921 by Lord Reading, who was at Washington at
the time as special ambassador and on whom it fell to put the serious
position of India, and the gravity of the consequences likely to
result from suspension of metallic payments, before the American
Government. Congress was prevailed on to pass the Pittman Act
as an emergency measure. The Act enabled the Government to
borrow from the Treasury the greater part of the dollar reserve
of 375 million oz. held as security for silver certificates. The Ameri-
can Government as soon as it obtained this authority allowed the
Indian Government to purchase 200 million oz. of silver dollars on
very reasonable terms and accelerated the despatch of the metal to
India. The news of the transaction reaching India in advance
sensibly alleviated the situation and gave the Indian Government a
welcome respite. From July 1918 onwards American silver began
to arrive in large quantities and was coined into rupees. For some
months the new money went out of the reserves as fast as it was
coined, but by Dec. 1918 the convertibility of the note issue was
secured. Between March 1915 and March 1919 nearly 120 crores of
rupees (80,000,000, converting the rupee at is. 4d.) were added to
the circulation. The active circulation of notes in the same period
rose from 60 crores to 150 crores. The rupees held against the note
issue in the paper currency reserve in March 1919 amounted to 28
crores, the balance being covered by investments in British and
Indian Government securities and by gold. This great expansion
of metallic and paper currency in India has been accompanied by a
general rise in prices and wages.
The price of silver in the London market rose with the demand
for it, and with the gradual decline in the dollar exchange value of
the pound sterling, from the pre-war level of 26 pence the oz. to 55
pence in Sept. 1917. From that time onwards it varied from a
minimum of 45 pence to a maximum of 89 pence in Feb. 1920.
This was followed at intervals by corresponding rises in the sterling
exchange value of the rupee from the pre-war standard of is. 4d. to
is. 8d. in May 1919 and 2s. 4d. in the following December. So great
a departure from the Indian currency system based on the ratio of
15 rupees to the pound sterling gave rise to great difficulties. The
Indian Government could no longer buy silver for coinage except at
a heavy loss. The withdrawal of rupees for clandestine export by
bullion dealers and speculators, or their melting down, became a
profitable though illegal operation. The conversion into bullion of
the rupee, when valued at one-fifteenth of the pound sterling, was
profitable as soon as the price of silver touched 43 pence the ounce.
Thus embarrassed, and in the belief that a higher price level for silver
had come to stay, the Indian Government recommended and the
Secretary of State agreed that the question of Indian exchange and
currency should be referred to a strong committee sitting in London.
The committee after a prolonged inquiry reported early in 1920. It
recommended that the rupee should be correlated to gold, and not to
sterling which by that time had depreciated in relation to gold and
had no certain value, and that it should be given a new statutory
ratio equivalent to one-tenth of the gold contained in a sovereign.
This would give the rupee the equivalence of 2s. when the pound
sterling returned to parity with the sovereign. The committee were
of opinion that the price of silver expressed in pence would remain at
a point that would make the retention of a is. 4d. rupee impossible
unless the coin itself was diminished in weight or fineness. This
alternative they rejected. In fixing the ratio at one-tenth of a gold
sovereign they looked to the eventual return of the pound sterling
to parity with gold. They thought that, having regard to the higher
price levels of the world, India would still be able to maintain a
favourable trade balance with a 2s. rupee, and that any consequent
readjustment of rupee prices of Indian export staples would be to
the advantage of the Indian consumer by acting as a drag on internal
prices. The Indian Government accepted the committee's recom-
mendations, which tallied with their own views. They announced
their intention of legislating to establish the new ratio between the
rupee and the sovereign, and for some months they endeavoured to
maintain the exchange value of the rupee at that level by selling
drafts on their resources in London to the amount of over 50,000,-
ooo. But economic forces proved too strong. Persons having money
in India hastened to remit it to England now that the rupee com-
manded 2s. 6d. or upwards of sterling At the same time the export
trade of India fell off. In common with other countries whose ex-
ports consist of raw materials India found the demand for its produce
suddenly dry up. The favourable trade balance, on which the
stability of the rupee exchange at the old rate of is. 4d. depended,
gave place during the second half of 1920 to a large adverse trade
balance which had to be liquidated by bills on London. Exchange
persistently dropped from 2s. 6d. the rupee, which in the first months
of 1920 roughly represented the parity of one-tenth of a gold sov-
ereign, to below is. 4d. in the early part of 1921, and the price of
silver receded to 32 pence the ounce. In Sept. 1920 the Indian
Coinage Act established the new ratio. The Indian Government,
while stoutly maintaining that the policy was right, acknowledged
that their efforts to support exchange and make the new ratio effec-
tive had proved both costly and abortive.
In 1920 the Indian Government took an important step to put its
note issue on a better footing. Before the war the amount of notes
that the Paper Currency Office might issue on the basis of securities
of the British and Indian Governments was restricted to 14 crores.
During the war the fiduciary issue was extended by a series of emer-
gency Acts to 120 crores. The Indian Paper Currency Amendment
Act, 1920, embodies a new and more elastic principle. It allows notes
to be issued without limit, provided that at least 50% are covered
by metallic holdings. Of the securities for the fiduciary portion 20
crores may be rupee securities. The balance must be securities of
the United Kingdom of no longer maturity than 12 months. The
metallic holdings may be either in gold or silver, but the gold, with
the exception of 5 crores, must be held in India, not in England.
This location of the gold reserves gives effect to Indian opinion on
the subject. A novel and useful provision is that notes to the amount
of 5 crores may be issued against bills of exchange of a durance not
exceeding 90 days. The Act contains also transitory provisions in-
tended to bridge the interval within which these important changes
are to be brought into effect. Taken in conjunction with the amal-
gamation of the three Presidency banks into an Imperial Bank of
India (see BANKS AND BANKING) this measure should secure a large
expansion of the note issue under safe conditions.
AGRICULTURE
As two-thirds of the population of India live on agriculture, the
prosperity of the country turns on the annual harvests to an extent
unknown in western Europe. Irrigation in many parts of India
protects an increasingly large area from the vicissitudes of the sea-
sons; but speaking generally Indian agriculture is in the main
dependent on the monsoon rains. An intense and widespread
drought afflicted the greater part of India in 1896 and taxed all the
resources of the administration to cope with the resulting distress.
In 1900 and again in 1908 the monsoon failed badly over very con-
siderable areas, causing great destruction of crops and cattle. From
the latter date until the autumn of 1918 the country as a whole
enjoyed a ten-year cycle of good rains and satisfactory harvests.
Until the outbreak of the World War the foreign demand for In-
dian produce wheat, cotton, oil-seeds, jute, rice was very active.
Under this demand prices rose rapidly in India, to the gain of the
agriculturist but to the detriment of the urban and labouring classes,
and the result was provocative of much unrest and discontent.
Indian politicians are inclined to look suspiciously on the export of
grain, and to regard it as a " drain " on the food of the people. But
over a series of years the net export of food grains has averaged less
than 2 % of the estimated total outturn. The effect therefore of the
" drain " in normal years may easily be exaggerated. That the
foreign demand has stimulated Indian agriculture and that the
Indian peasant has benefited would seem beyond doubt. The irriga-
tion colonies of the Punjab, where virgin soil yielded phenomenal
crops of wheat during the decade, prospered exceedingly. Agricul-
tural land fetched from 30 to 40 the acre and market sites along
the railway from 200 to 300 the acre. The colonists absorbed
vast quantities of specie, especially sovereigns, built spacious towns
and substantial dwellings and indulged in a standard of living that
from the Indian standpoint was luxurious.
The war introduced new factors. At first the foreign demand
ceased. But soon the Allies turned to India for supplies for war
purposes, and by 1916 their needs became so great that the Indian
Government was obliged to undertake control of internal prices
and restrict the Volume and regulate the direction of export trade.
Money poured into India for purchase of wheat, rice, jute and other
commodities. In th,e interest alike of the Indian consumer and of the
British Government and its Allies, it was essential to see that the
country was not denuded of supplies, that prices were not forced
up to extravagant heights, and that whatever surplus was available
was utilized for war purposes, and did not find its way to the enemy
or to neutrals. The need for caution was proved by what occurred
in 1918. In 1917 there was a record wheat crop. In 1918 the mon-
soon failed and the harvests of all food grains were bad. A moderate
estimate placed the deficiency of the year's harvests at 20 million
tons or about one-fourth of the average yield. The control exercised
by the Indian Government prevented extreme shortage, though it
was necessary in 1910. to import 200,000 tons of wheat from Australia,
and to divert to India a large part of the surplus rice crop of Burma.
Generally speaking the war has enriched the Indian agriculturist
and given a stimulus to agricultural improvements.
During the ten years preceding the war the agricultural depart-
INDIA
453
ments in India were reorganized and strengthened. Each province
has now a staff of experts. Much valuable work has been under-
taken, though the difficulty of improving the methods employed by
the mass of the cultivators is great. The departments have been
successful in introducing improved seed and distributing it over
large areas. Strains of wheat bred at the Central Research Institute
at Pusa are said to yield an increased profit of i an acre. Long-
stapled varieties of cotton have been introduced into Madras and
the canal colonies of the Punjab. The improvement of jute, sugar
cane, indigo and rubber has also been taken in hand. In recent
years the growth of the cooperative movement has been notable.
In 1909 the number of cooperative societies was under 2,000 with
180,000 members, with an aggregate share capital of 91,000 and
loans and deposits of 380,000. In 1918 there were 24,395 societies
with a membership of over one million, a share capital of 1,403,000,
loans and deposits of 6,500,000 and a reserve of 727,000. The
number of societies has since increased to over 32,000. The district
societies are grouped round central societies, of which there are
over seven hundred. These collect loanable capital and finance the
affiliated societies. Nine-tenths of the societies are agricultural.
The public confidence in the movement is increasing, as the propor-
tion of loans and deposits from non-members has nearly doubled in
four years and represents more than 30% of the total capital. In
Madras the movement is extending rapidly among the depressed
classes. In the Punjab figures available for 140 societies which have
been in existence for ten years show that 28 % of the members are
now entirely free from debt, that over 100,000 of debt has been
paid off, and that on the average 10 years of cooperation reduces
the debts of a member by half. In all provinces cooperation is
reported to diminish extravagance and litigation. Some societies
have by-laws prohibiting certain specified forms of ceremonial ex-
travagance. In Burma the principle of cooperation has taken firm
hold of the people and the movement there is carried on by an almost
entirely indigenous direction. In many parts of India the societies
are working in close conjunction with the agricultural department.
There are societies for the purchase of concentrated manures and
agricultural implements; others for the sale of cotton The coopera-
tive movement in India is still in its infancy; it has had its ups and
downs, its failures and mistakes; it affects but an infinitesimal frac-
tion of the population. But it seems to have the elements of vitality,
and to be the most hopeful road to freeing the petty cultivator and
landholder from indebtedness and to improving his crops.
Irrigation. Up to the end of 1918-9 the total outlay on the great
irrigation canals that are classified as productive works and charged
to capital account was 38,000,000. In that year the total receipts
from these works, including land revenue due to irrigation, amounted
to about 4,900,000 and the total expenses, including interest, to
2,600,000, leaving a net return of 2,300,000 or 6% on the capital
invested. There are also certain protective works of considerable
magnitude, constructed for the protection of precarious tracts, the
cost of which, amounting to about 7,000,000, has been charged not
to capital but to the general revenues, as they are not directly
remunerative. And there are also " minor " works, which in the
aggregate have a substantial protective value. The three descrip-
tions of canals irrigated some 25,000,000 ac. in 1918-9, and the area
continues to increase rapidly with the development of irrigation on
the recently constructed canals in the Punjab. It is in the western
region of that province, where vast tracts of fertile land have for
centuries lain waste from want of rainfall and where the great rivers
which have given to the province its name are fed in the driest months
by the melting snows of the Himalayas, that the greatest advances
have been made and the most striking results achieved. The first
of these desert canals, the Lower Chenab canal, is easily the most
productive work in India. It irrigates 2,500,000 ac. and returns
over 40 % on the original outlay. The Lower Jhelum canal is of the
same character, though the area it commands is less. It irrigates
800,000 ac. and gives a return of 20 per cent. The triple-canal
scheme, the last link of which the Upper Jhelum canal was
completed in 1915, is in magnitude, daring conception, and engineer-
ing difficulties the greatest irrigation work in India. As its name im-
plies it consists of a series of canals. The first canal conveys the
surplus water of the Jhelum river, a river which receives from the
Wular Lake in Kashmir an unfailing supply of water in excess
of local requirements, to the Chenab river. Another canal utilizes
the upper waters of the Chenab, thus reinforced from the Jhelum,
to irrigate a large tract between that river and the Ravi, and dis-
charges itself into the latter river, which in its turn is enabled to
feed a third irrigation canal. The combined system will eventually
irrigate 1,750,000 ac. and return a net revenue of over 7% on a
capital outlay of 6,000,000. Three other projects of the first
magnitude are under consideration in the Punjab, and one of equal
size and difficulty thf Sukkur barrage scheme in Sind. Including
these, schemes are under consideration or projected in the different
provinces which are estimated to cost 40,000,000, irrigate 10,000,000
ac. and yield a return of about 7 per cent. The bearing of this
development of canal irrigation in mitigating the effect of drought
and increasing the food supply of India is obvious. It provides a
surplus production for export in normal years and a reserve of food
for the country in years of deficient harvests ; and it gives an outlet
for the population of older and more fully settled districts.
MANUFACTURES
The conditions of employment in Indian factories are regulated
by the Indian Factory Act of 1912, which marked a decided advance
upon the former law, although very inadequate if judged by modern
ideas of factory legislation. It established a 12-hour day for men,
a lo-hour day for women, and a 6-hour day for children in textile
factories; prohibited night-work, and limited the use of mechanical
or electrical power in the factory to 12 hours during any one day.
India was represented at the International Labour Conference held
at Washington in 1919, and the Indian Government is taking steps
to bring its factory law into greater conformity with the principles
approved by the conference. It is proposed to raise the minimum
age-limit for child labour from 9 years to 12 years and the upper
age-limit from 14 to 15 years; to establish a 6o-hour week for all
classes of factories; to give longer intervals of rest and make more
stringent provision for the weekly holiday.
In the years immediately preceding the war the cotton mills,
mostly in the Bombay Presidency, passed through a long period of
depression, though the number of spindles and looms increased.
Jute mills, which are concentrated at Calcutta and are mostly in
English hands, enjoyed almost unbroken prosperity at the expense
of Dundee. The Tata Iron and Steel Works and the Bengal Iron
and Steel Co. managed to hold their own against strong competition
from overseas. The provision of electrical energy for the numerous
industries of Bombay city was taken in hand by another Tata
company, with a capital of more than a million sterling raised en-
tirely in India.
The war gave a notable stimulus to Indian industries and aroused
great public interest in the industrial development of the country.
The scarcity and dearness of foreign goods threw the country on its
own resources, enabling existing industries to make abnormal profits
and encouraging the growth of new industries. The production of
cotton piece goods doubled and the export in 1917-8 was 86% over
the pre-war average. The number of looms increased from 69,700
in 1908 to 106,000 in 1918. The value of manufactured jute exports
was 35,000,000 in 1917-8 against 13,500,000 in the pre-war quin-
quennium. The Tata Iron and Steel Works and the Bengal Iron
and Steel Co. produced 781,000 tons of steel and iron in 1918-9
against 305,000 tons in 1913-4, and their equipment has been greatly
enlarged. The demand for tanned hides has led to an increase in the
number of leather lactories from 29 in 1908 to 322 in 1918. The
number of rice mills increased in the same period from 202 employing
21,000 persons to 544 employing 46,000 persons. The production of
woollen mills trebled and the capital invested increased sevenfold.
These are some instances of the impetus which the circumstances of
the war gave to Indian manufactures. It was reinforced by the
establishment in 1917 of a munitions board for supplying stores to
armies in the field and developing industries in India. The profits
made during the war had encouraged the promotion of many new
industrial ventures, some of them possibly not very well conceived.
During 1919-20, 906 companies were floated with an aggregate capi-
tal of 183,000,000. Another indication of the rapid growth of capi-
tal in India and of the profits made from industries and agriculture
during the war is to be found in the success which has attended the
large issues of Government loans. As an outcome of the munitions
board the Government of India at the close of the war appointed an
industrial commission to take stock of the industrial state of the
country and to consider in what ways the Government might best
assist its development. As the result of an exhaustive survey the
commission were impressed with the backwardness of India, its ill-
equipment as regards fundamental industries, and the poor provision
made for technical and scientific training. Their recommendations
cover much ground, from the active participation of the State in
industrial development, the establishment of an All-India scientific
service with full laboratory equipment and investigating staffs, the
grant of State aid to private enterprises, to improving the general
conditions of labour in India and increasing its efficiency. To give
effect to the policy recommended by the commission a Minister of
Industries has now been added to the executive council of the Gover-
nor-General. Another important step has been taken in the amalga-
mation of the three Presidency banks into an Imperial Bank of
India under conditions that will make for greatly increased bank-
ing facilities in the interior of the country.
COMMERCE
During the ten years preceding the war the sea-borne trade of
India greatly increased. For the five years ending 1908-9 imports
of private merchandise averaged 75,000,000 a year and exports
108,000,000; the corresponding figures for the five years ending
1913-4 were imports 97,000,000 and exports 146,000,000. These
figures exclude treasure. The balance which they show in favour of
India averaged 49,000,000 a year in the latter quinquennium, or
52,000,000 including reexports of foreign merchandise. Net im-
ports of treasure during 1909-14 averaged over 25,000,000 a year,
of which nearly 19,000,000 was in sovereigns or gold bullion. The
figures reflect a series of good harvests, an active demand on other
countries for Indian produce, and rising world prices. Of the gold
imported, a portion found its way into the paper currency reserve, a
portion no doubt was hoarded or used for jewellery, and a con-
siderable portion passed into circulation. In some districts sovereigns
454
INDIA INDIANA
became common. Sixty-three per cent of the imports of private
merchandise came from the United Kingdom. Cotton piece goods
represented one-third of the imports, and of this trade the United
Kingdom had nearly a monopoly, 98 % of the white and grey goods
and 93-5 % of the coloured goods coming from it. Other large items
in the imports were iron and steel, in which trade the United King-
dom's share was 60%; sugar, chiefly from Java and Mauritius; rail-
way plant and rolling stock and iron and steel, chiefly from the
United Kingdom. Of the exports 25 % went to the United Kingdom,
10 % to Germany, 7-5 % to Japan and the United States respectively,
and 6-6 % to France.
The war at first brought the Indian overseas trade to a standstill.
Exports to Central Europe, which had hitherto been a good customer
of India's raw materials, ceased. The invasion of Belgium and the
military preoccupations of Marseilles upset the oil-seed and ground-
nut trade. A great shortage of shipping arose. Indian importing
houses closed their commitments in the United Kingdom for piece
goods and other manufactures. But before long India began to
adapt itself to war conditions. Jute cloth for sand bags, hides for
army boots, raw wool and tea were exported in enormous quantities.
Heavy shipments of wheat were made on Government account.
Japan was a large buyer of Indian raw cotton, to be returned to India
in the form of piece goods. In 1915-6 the export trade of India did
extremely well, and better still in the following years. In 1918-9 the
gross exports and imports of private merchandise exceeded the highest
pre-war figures, being 169,000,000 and 113,000,000 respectively.
This increase of value, however, was largely due to abnormally high
prices, and was not accompanied by a corresponding increase in the
volume of trade. The war also affected the distribution of this over-
seas trade. On account of shipping difficulties and the inability of
English manufacturers to produce goods the United Kingdom lost
part of its pre-war share of the import trade, and Japan and the
United States gained at its expense. In 1918-9 the United King-
dom's share of India's imports had declined from the pre-war 64%
to 46%, while the shares of Japan and the United States had in-
creased from 2% and 3% respectively to 20% and 10%. Japan
flooded India with cotton piece goods and with miscellaneous articles
which formerly had been supplied by Germany and Austria. The
United States supplied iron and steel work, railway material, motor
cars and cycles, and machinery. The post-war course of Indian trade
has been erratic. During the year ending March 1920 it was very
active. The imports and exports of 1919-20 exceeded in value all
previous records, and the balance of trade in favour of India was
phenomenally large. Imports amounted to 132,000,000 and ex-
ports to 218,000,000. The exports of raw cotton and raw and
manufactured jute, tea, oil-seeds and hides were notably large.
In the import trade the United Kingdom recovered some of the
ground which it had lost during the war, and its share rose from 46 %
in 1918-9 to 51 %, the improvement being most marked under the
heads of cotton piece goods, iron and steel, railway materials and
mill work. Imports from Japan declined and the share of that coun-
try of India's imports fell to 9 per cent. In 1920-1 the trading pros-
perity of India experienced a serious setback. The foreign demand
for Indian produce fell off and values declined in consequence of
the severe industrial depression prevailing in the United States,
Japan and the United Kingdom. The power of India's customers to
purchase her produce was severely restricted, the export trade
came to a standstill, and stocks of many of her commodities, such
as hides and tea, accumulated. The import market became seriously
overstocked. Encouraged by the high exchange value of the rupee
during the winter of 1919-20 and by the great demand of the Indian
population for cotton piece goods and other foreign commodities
the importing houses placed large orders in the United Kingdom and
America. Delays occurred in the execution of these orders, and when
the goods reached India the Indian public was in no mood to buy,
while the fall in the exchange value of the rupee from 2s. yd. to is. 4d.'
placed importers who had not taken the precaution of " covering "
exchange in serious difficulties. As a result of these untoward events
the unprecedented balance of trade in favour of India in 1919-20
was replaced in 1920-1 by an adverse balance. There is, however,
nothing inherently wrong in India's commercial position. A country
which is a large producer of important raw commodities, such as
wheat and other food grains, jute, cotton, oil-seeds and hides, for
which in normal years there is a world-wide demand, should be
among the first to feel the effect of restoration of credit and indus-
trial revival in the suffering nations of Europe.
RAILWAYS
From 1908-9, in which year there was a net loss to the State
on the railway account in consequence of the failure of the monsoon
up to the outbreak of the war, the railways fully participated in the
prosperity which a series of good harvests produced. The goods and
passenger traffic, the gross and net earnings, and the gain to the
State steadily increased. There was a setback in the first year
of the war, followed by a great expansion of traffic and earnings. The
net profit to the State, after meeting interest, annuity, sinking fund
and working charges, was 4,000,000 in 1915-6, 7,500,000 in 1916-7,
10,000,000 in 1917-8, and 11,000,000 in 1918-9. Since 1918-9 in-
creased working charges, due to higher wages, greater cost of fuel
and heavy outlay on renewals have seriously eaten into the net profit
of the State from the railways. The war placed a great strain on th_
Indian railway system, which, in addition to discharging India's
own requirements, had to supply personnel and materials for the
construction and working of military railways in Mesopotamia and
other theatres of war. The constant movement of troops, and
conveyance of supplies, munitions and stores for despatch overseas,
caused a great increase of traffic. Ordinary passenger traffic and
other civil needs had to give way to essential military requirements,
and a central control department had to be created. The railways
deteriorated in equipment owing to the scarcity of materials and
rolling-stock. Since the war ceased, endeavours have been made to
make good these arrears and bring the lines up to the pre-war
standard. The 1919-20 budget provided 17,700,000 for capital
expenditure, and a still larger sum was provided in 19201.
During the ten years ending 1918-9 the open mileage increased
from 31,490 to 36,616. But for the war, and the necessity for apply-
ing after the war all available capital to the equipment of open lines,
the increase would have been greater. The number of passengers
carried on all Indian railways increased from 329,000,000 to 472,-
000,000, and the total weight of goods carried increased from 61,000,
ooo to 99,000,000 tons. The total capital outlay incurred by t
Government up to the end of 1918-9 in the purchase and constri
tion of State lines amounted to 370,000,000. The net t:
earnings represent a return of about 5J % on this capital.
The most important line of recent construction is that throu
Rajputana from Muttra to Kotah, affording communication betwe .._
northern India and Bombay on the broad-gauge of the Bombay and
Baroda system. The bridge across the Ganges at Sara in Bengal
is a fine engineering work. It was opened in 1915 and carries the
traffic from N. of the river, which was formerly ferried over, without
trans-shipment to Calcutta.
The inadequacy of the railways to carry the increasing tra
and the scanty accommodation provided for third-class passeng
have been the subject of much complaint. The substitution of
State for company management, as working leases fall in, is favoured
by Indians, chiefly on the ground that under State management
their interests are more likely to be consulted and more openings
made for them in the higher ranks of the railway service. Manage-
ment by companies domiciled in India, on the boards of which In-
dians should be represented, has also been advocated. The matter
came to a head in 1919 when, under the terms of the lease of the East
Indian railway to an English company, the State might have
terminated the contract and taken over the management. In
deciding to allow the lease to run for a further term of five years the
Secretary of State announced his intention of referring the general
question of the future management of Indian railways to a com-
mittee. The committee (with Sir William Acworth as chairman)
was appointed in Oct. 1920 and reported in 1921.
AUTHORITIES. Among books bearing on the period the following
may be mentioned: Valentine Chirol, Indian Unrest (rgio);
Lovat Fraser, India Under Curzon and After (1912); Chailley,
Administrative Problems of British India (1910) ; J. Ramsay Mac-
donald, The Government of India (1919) ; Gilchrist, Indian Nationality
(1920); H.H. the Aga Khan, India in Transition (1918); Sir Ver-
ney Lovett, History of the Indian Nationalist Movement (1920);
Lord Meston, India at the Cross Ways (1920); L. Curtis, Dyarchy
(1920). For constitutional history see Ilbert, Government of India
(1915); and for general history Vincent Smith, The Oxford History
of India (1919). Lord Morley's Indian Speeches (1909) and his
Recollections (1917) are useful for the Minto period. The collected
Indian speeches of Lord Minto and those of Lord Hardinge have
also been consulted. The annual review or year-book of Indian
affairs (Statement Exhibiting the Moral and Material Progress and
Condition of India) which the Government of India prepare for sub-
mission to Parliament is in its revised form a most useful State
paper. The present series started from the year 1918. The Montagu-
Chelmsford report on Indian Constitutional Reforms (1918) was
published as a Parliamentary paper, as also was the subsequent
correspondence regarding if between the Secretary of State and the
Government of India. Other Parliamentary papers of special im-
portance are the Proceedings and Report of the Joini Select Com-
mittee on the Government of India Bill (1919) ; the further cor-
respondence regarding Constitutional Reform in Burma (1921);
the Report of the Hunter Committee on Disturbances in the Punjab
(1920), and of the.Esher Committee on The Army in India (1920).
For finance the Report of the Indian Currency Committee (1920) and
the Financial Statement and Budget of the Government of India for
1920-1 and for 1921-2 should be consulted. With regard to educa-
tion the Report of the Calcutta University Commission (Calcutta,
1919) is a document of the first importance. (T. W. Ho.)
INDIANA (see 14.421). The pop. in 1920 was 2,930,390, an
increase of 229,314, or 8-5% over the 3,700,876 of 1910, as
against an increase of 7-3% in the preceding decade. From
ninth in rank among the states in 1910 Indiana fell to eleventh
in 1920. Of the 92 counties in the state 28 show increases and
64 show decreases. The density in 1920 was 81-3 to the sq. m.;
in 1910, 74-9. The urban pop. (in places of over 2,500) was 50-6
of the whole in 1920 as against 42-4% in 1910.
INDIANA
455
The ten cities of Indiana with a pop. of 30,000 or more were:
1920
1910
Increase
per cent
Indianapolis .
3H.I94
233.650
34-5
Fort Wayne .
86,549
63.933
35-4
Evansville
85,264
69,647
22-4
South Bend .
70.983
53.684
32-2
Terre Haute
66,083
58.157
13-6
Gary . -
55,378
16,802
229-6
Muncie . . .
36,524
24,005
52-2
Hammond
36,004
20,925
72-1
East Chicago
35.967
19,098
88-3
Kokomo
30,067
17,010
76-8
The cities making the largest percentage of gain were in the northern
part of the state, especially those near Chicago. like Gary, East
Chicago and South Bend.
Agriculture. During the decade 1910-20 the number of farms
decreased from 215,485 to 205,126, or 4-8%. During the same
period the acreage per farm increased from 98-8 ac. to 102-7; the
value per acre from $84.94 to $144.44. The value of all crops rose
from $196,869,691 in 1909 to $497,229,719 in 1919. The Indian-
corn crop in 1909 was 195,496,433 bus., valued at $98,437,988, from
4,001,054 ac. ; in 1919, 158,603,938 bus., valued at $229,975,713,
from 4,457,400 acres. The oat crop in 1909 from 1,667,818 ac. was
50,607,913 bus., valued at $18,928,706; in 1919, from 1,718,748 ac.,
52,529,723 bus., valued at $42,023,780. The winter wheat crop
in 1909 from 2,080,879 ac - was 33, 001 .949 bus., valued at $33,559,918 ;
in 1919, from 2,759,757 ac., 4.4., 796,296 bus., valued at $97,207,-
062. The total value of domestic animals in 1920 was $244,164,616.
The number of cattle reported was 1,546,095, valued at $94,529,-
884; of horses 717,233, valued at $66,703,216; of sheep 643,889,
valued at $7,628,968; and of swine 3,757,135, valued at $63,095,220.
Mineral Products. Instead of ranking fifth among the states
in natural gas and sixth in petroleum, as in 1906, Indiana was in
1921 thirteenth in natural gas and twelfth in petroleum. The state
still ranked sixth in coal, with greatly increased yearly output, valued
at $70,384,000, the coal being bituminous. Indiana in 1921 was pro-
ducing 27,000,000 tons of coal annually, with an annual rate of
increase of 500,000 tons.
The large stone quarries of Monroe and Lawrence counties produce
7o% of the limestone used in the United States for building. Indiana
is the first state in this product; fifth in value of all stone sold. In-
diana oolitic limestone is used in nearly every state and in foreign
countries. The value of the limestone quarried in 1916 was $4,657,-
ooo, as compared with $2,553,502 in 1902. Indiana has valuable
clays, shales, and kaolin, and is sixth among the states in ceramic
production. Drainage tiles, encaustic tiles, fire-proofing, terra-cotta,
sewer pipe and stove linings are other important clay products.
Pottery products include earthenware, stoneware, white granite,
semi-porcelain, sanitary ware and porcelain electrical ware. In 1916
and 1918 Indiana was the second state in the production of Portland
cement, valued in 1918 at $12,525,000 as against $1,347,000 in 1903.
Finance. The total true value of taxable property in the state,
according to the tax levy of 1919, was $5,749,258,800, an increase
since 1907 of nearly $5,000,000,000. This increase came partly by
growth in wealth but largely by increased rate of assessment. The
total taxes in 1919 for state, township and municipal purposes
amounted to a little over $75,615,000, of which $21, 205,434- was f r
tuition and special school funds. The assessed valuation was chiefly
on real estate and improvements ($3,727,112,673); steam and elec-
tric railways ($660,794,291); telegraphs and telephones ($45,229,-
449) ; and express companies ($3,207,473). The debt of the state was
less than $1,000,000.
Education. In 1920 Indiana ranked third among the states in
percentage of school children in attendance, the rate of attendance,
however, being only 73%. The average annual expenditure per
child attending school in 1918 was $53, the state ranking 28th in this
respect. The average annual expenditure per person of school age
(6 to 2 1 years) was $39. The salaries for teachers materially increased
in the three years 1918-21. In 1921 the state increased the tax levy
for common-school support as well as for the support of the higher
educational institutions, and provision for teachers' pensions was
enacted. There was a tax levy of five cents on each $100 of taxable
property for the support of the three higher educational institutions
of the state, producing about $2,750,000, and a levy of a fraction of a
cent for vocational education producing yearly about $115,000.
Nearly $50,000,000 is spent annually in Indiana for purposes of
education, from local and general levies, counting from the primary
grades to the universities.
Constitution and Government. During the decade 1910-20
there was much discussion over amending the constitution of
ie state, a difficult undertaking under the provisions of the
institution of 1851. In 1914 a conference was held at the state
iniversity to consider whether a constitutional convention
should be called. Out of this conference grew an organization
voters, the Constitutional Convention League, whose purpose
it was to bring about such a convention. Under the influence of
this League, while the Legislature refused to call a constitutional
convention, it agreed to submit to the voters by referendum in
1916 the question whether such a convention should be held.
The proposal was voted down by a large majority, partly because
of the expense involved, partly from fear of radical innovations.
The vote for the convention was, however, so large that the
Legislature decided to submit to the people for a vote in Sept.
1921 13 proposed amendments.
These amendments provided : (i) that the term of office or salary
of any officer fixed by law shall not be increased during the term for
which such officer is elected; (2) that all county officers shall be
elected for a four-year term and that the surveyor be eliminated from
the elective list ; (3) that prosecuting attorneys shall be elected for
four years; (4) that negroes may be admitted to the state militia;
(5) that the General Assembly may have power to classify the several
counties, townships, cities and towns of the state and to enact laws
prescribing a uniform method of registration ; (6) that the General
Assembly may provide by law for the qualifications of persons ad-
mitted to the practice of law (this amendment, pending for nearly
40 years, would do away with the extraordinary provision in the
constitution that " every person of good moral character, being a
voter, shall be entitled to practise law ... in all courts of jus-
tice "); (7) that the Legislature may levy an income tax, providing
for reasonable exemptions; (8) that the governor may veto specific
items in appropriation bills, and that any such bill or item may be
passed over his veto under the rules affecting ordinary bills; (9)
that the state superintendent of public instruction shall be appoin-
tive; (10) that all elective state officers created by the General
Assembly shall hold their offices for only four years (except judges),
none to be eligible for more than four years in any period of eight
years; (ll) that the General Assembly shall provide by law for a
system of taxation, the purpose being to give plenary taxing power
to the Assembly, and to enable it to classify property for taxation,
and to eliminate the requirement of a " uniform general property
tax"; (12) that senators and representatives shall be apportioned
every six years among the several counties according to the votes
cast at the last preceding election; (13) that aliens shall be fully
naturalized before voting (hitherto aliens could vote in Indiana
after taking out their first papers, if they had been in Indiana six
months ana in the United States one year).
All the amendments were rejected, although the last-named re-
ceived a majority of the votes cast.
Indiana furnished 121,000 men to the U.S. army during the
World War and 5,516 men for the U.S. navy. In proportion to
population, the state furnished more volunteers (25,148) than
any other. The number that died was 3,354 men and 15 nurses.
A " Gold Star " volume in commemoration of these men and
women has been published by the state. A total of 3 1 7 men from
Indiana received citations for extraordinary bravery performed
while in line of duty. The people of the state bought a total of
$451,000,000 worth of Government bonds in the five Liberty
Loan drives in Indiana; the sale of war savings stamps and
thrift stamps totalled $47,000,000, making a grand total of
$498,000,000. This means that Indiana bought for every man,
woman and child in the state an average of $166 worth of bonds;
or for every family of five an average of $i, coo worth of bonds.
Indiana was well organized for war. There was a state Council
of Defence, and, in every county, a county Council of Defence.
Food production was encouraged. Over 500,000 war gardens
were planted. The corn acreage of the state was increased by
600,000 ac. over 1916, and 524,000 more acres of wheat were
sown in 1917 than the year before. The production of hogs and
of all food products was greatly increased, in cooperation with
the U.S. Food Administration. The food production in Indiana
increased by 25% during the war-time years 1917 and 1918.
Since 1009 the governors of the state have been as follows:
Thomas R. Marshall (Dem.), 1909-13; Samuel Moffet Ralston
(Dem.), 1913-7; James Putnam Goodrich (Rep.), 1917-21;
Warren T. McCray (Rep.), 1921-
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Julia Henderson, Historic Indiana (1909);
Maurice Thompson, Stories of Indiana; short school histories by
J. P. Dunn, James A. Wopdburn and T. F. Moran; Wopdburn,
Scotch-Irish Presbyterians in Monroe County (Indiana Historical
Society's publications) ; Dr. Logan Esarey, Internal Improvements
and Indiana State Banking; the files of the Indiana Magazine of
History, and the publications of the Indiana Historical Commission,
especially Constitution Making in Indiana, by Charles B. Kettle-
borough; and the collections of the Indiana Historical Survey of
Indiana University. (J. A. W.)
456
INDIANS, NORTH AMERICAN
INDIANS, NORTH AMERICAN (see 14.452*). In the region
N. of Mexico, to which this article is confined, the Indians are no
longer warlike nor do they resist to any extent efforts for their
civilization. The United States Government assumes that health,
education and industry are essential to the Indian's self-support
and citizenship. The settled policy is, therefore, to hasten his
advancement in these particulars and meanwhile to protect his
personal and property rights. Under the administration of the
Bureau of Indian Affairs there are provided health supervisors,
school and agency physicians, field matrons, nurses, travelling
dentists and hospitals for all forms of disease, but with special
reference to the care of infants and expectant mothers, and the
treatment of tuberculosis and trachoma. For education, the
Government conducts 184 day schools, 61 reservation and 29 non-
reservation boarding schools with an attendance of over 25,000
pupils, and provides courses of study combining academic and
industrial training adapted to Indian needs and temperament.
The aim is to prepare girls to become good housewives and
mothers in their home communities and to fit boys for practical
farming, or to give them such elementary knowledge and practice
in mechanics as will lead to skilled workmanship. At seven of the
larger schools vocational training extends through the tenth
grade and at one of them is a thorough commercial course. In
1920 these advanced schools enrolled 5,300 students; their
graduates readily found remunerative employment in agriculture,
the trades and business pursuits. In all Federal schools promi-
nence is given to hygiene, to moral conduct, to religious culture
and to the practice of thrift. State public schools in 1920 were
accessible to and enrolled more than 30,000 Indian children.
Over 5,000 are cared for in mission and private schools.
To promote reservation industries there were maintained, in 1920,
eight demonstration and four experimentation farms, and several
hundred farmers, stockmen and assistants living near Indian com-
munities were employed for purposes of oversight and instruction
in modern methods of agriculture and the breeding and handling
of live stock. Loans were made to energetic Indians from tribal
or Government funds as initial capital for beginning their self-
support. Special attention was given to the reclamation of arid and
semi-arid Indian lands, resulting in the irrigation of about 350,000
ac., with nearly a million more under project. The annual increase
in crop values was nearly equal to the cost of the investment. Tribal
herds of sheep and cattle were maintained on a number of reserva-
tions with financial profit, but chiefly to encourage individual owner-
ship and enterprise in live stock. The affairs of the Alaskan Indians
were supervised by the U.S. Bureau of Education. Sixty-seven
schools were conducted, with a field force of 6 superintendents, 9
physicians, 13 nurses and 133 teachers. Five hospitals were main-
tained and native girls were taught nursing. The work was carried
on in 67 villages scattered along the coast and on the great rivers.
Imperfect transportation and adverse climatic conditions rendered
the service very difficult, but progress was substantial.
In Canada the Department of Indian Affairs has administrative
charge of all Indians and Eskimos. There were in 1911 103,661
Indians and 4,600 Eskimos in Canada, a total of 108,261 ; in 1919
105,998 Indians and 3,296 Eskimos, a total of 109,294. The Spanish
influenza affected the increase for 1920, and the approximate
figures for that year were 105,800 Indians and 3,200 Eskimos, a
total of 109,000. The Indians and Eskimos are located on reserves
in different parts of the Dominion, and the Department of Indian
Affairs directs through its 114 agencies the activities for their educa-
tion and health, and the development of agriculture and other
pursuits among them. The less civilized groups are stationary in
population, but the more progressive show an appreciable gain in
number and physical standards. The educational work comprises
247 day, 58 boarding and 1 6 industrial schools. The staff of an
agency, which may control from one to 30 bands, usually includes,
besides the agent, a medical officer, clerk, farm instructor, field
matron, stockman, constable, etc., whose work is supervised by
inspectors. The Indian population is chiefly W. of Lake Superior.
In the vast region E. of the Rocky Mountains, where the aboriginal
title was extinguished, the Government promised gifts in cash and
lands and aid in education and agriculture. Food was supplied for a
time, following the disappearance of the buffalo, but is now practically
discontinued, as farming, stock-raising and, in the more remote
districts, hunting and fishing furnish means of livelihood. In British
Columbia no cession of the Indian title was sought or obtained, but
adequate reserves have been set apart, many of which are suitable
for stock-raising and to some extent farming and horticulture, and
the same assistance in education and agriculture is given as in the
Prairie provinces. In the older regions of the provinces of Ontario
and Quebec the Indians are entering more and more into the life
of the country as farmers, artisans, teachers and lumbermen, with
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
some few as surveyors and physicians, and are increasingly becomin
citizens. Enfranchisement, however, which establishes full citizi
ship, is extended with great discretion, since, if prematurely confern
the Indians concerned cannot hold their own with white men.
Under the policies outlined the N. American Indians in tl
United States and the Dominion made unusual progress durin
the decade 1910-20. Their population at its close was greate
than at any time in the preceding half-century. They depend
less upon " medicine men " and more upon medical science and
sanitation. As compared with earlier periods, they are givin
more attention to permanent homes; are less nomadic and super"
stitious. Their women are better house-keepers, and infa
mortality is decreasing. The day of paint and feathers and
blanket garb is passing. Nearly two-thirds of their numb
wear citizens' clothing. The younger, school-trained element is
creating a new leadership manifested in changing habits, custon
industrial pursuits and social life. Marriage by tribal custom
giving way to legal rites, and crime is diminishing. In the Unite
States approximately three-fourths of the Indian children
suitable age and health are enrolled in some school, Federal,
state or mission. There has been a steady increase in the number
of Indians who speak, as well as of those who read and write,
English, and a friendly Indian sentiment towards the schools
generally prevails. Substantial advancement is noticeable in
agricultural operations and stock-raising, the use of modern
machinery and methods, in the large additions to individual
funds, and the increasing citizenship through the acquirement of
fee title to lands, as well as in the lively interest the Indians now
show in exhibits of their industrial products at fairs, where they
compete with one another and with the whites.
The acceptance by the Indians of the principles of government
and civilization was proved by their conduct in the World War.
In the United States the number of Indians in military service
was more than 10,000, three-fourths of whom enlisted. In Canada
the number exceeded 4,000, all volunteers, as they were exempted
from the operation of the Military Service Act. The percentage
of Indians of military age in the war was probably equal to that
of the whites and their proportion of volunteers even greater.
They were mingled almost entirely with white organizations
and were highly commended by their officers for their intelligence,
courage, discipline and efficiency. The Indians ineligible for war
duty were equally patriotic. They were active in Red Cross
and other relief work, and responded to emergency demands for
all productive labour. In the United States they subscribed
$25,000,000 for Liberty Bonds, and purchased upwards of $2,000,-
ooo in War Savings Stamps.
INDIANS IN THE UNITED STATES EXCLUSIVE OF ALASKA
Population and Citizenship.
.
1911
1920
Population ....
322,715
336,337
Received allotments of land
164,215
175,433
Received patent in fee to land
76,033
119,800
Received trust patents to land
88,182
55,633
Citizens ....
179-830
184,968
Educational and Vital Conditions.
1911
1920
Children eligible for school .
63,411
82,856
Children in Federal schools
23,647
25,396
Children in public schools (State)
Children in mission and private schools
11,000
4.750
30,858
5,546
Total children in all schools
39.397
61,800
Capacity of all schools
43. 01 5
62,298
Could speak English ....
Could read and write English
121,431
79.843
173-193
126,331
Church-going Indians ....
Missionary workers among the Indians
Hospitals and sanatoria maintained .
104,529
472
50
146,176
627
85
Capacity of hospitals and sanatoria .
1,268
2,190
Patients treated
8,408
16,954
Given medical examination
42,645
rnrw
67,053
Wearing citizens' clothing
Families living in permanent homes .
238,410
46,379
296,841
64, '95
Arrested for drunkenness .
2,057
568
Deputies employed for liquor suppression
Marriages by tribal custom
154
606
42
237
Marriages by legal procedure
1,177
1,636
INDO-CHINA INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS
457
Industrial Activities and Resources.
1911
1920
Indians engaged in farming .
24,489
49,962
Number of acres cultivated
383,025
890,700
Value of crops raised ...
$1,951,752
$11,927,3156
Irrigated acreage cultivated .
Indians benefited by irrigation
454,485
607,044
37,030
Crops on irrigated lands
$3,008,338
$15,773,349
Home buildings, furniture, and farm
$10,029,184
$30,657,763
Individual funds in bank
$10,735,723
$38,035,476
Value of live stock sold
$900,000
$4,080,375
Value of all live stock
$19,471,209
$35,158,731
Value of timber cut . ...
$1,398,166
$2,060,559
Income from land sales and individual
leases
$8,402,669
$11,686,726
Engaged in native industries .
21,235
26,949
Employed by private parties
3,204
13,079
Employed in Indian Service (regular
and irregular) . . . .
8,577
12,244
Value of products from native indus-
tries . . . . .
$847,456'
$1,869,907
Earnings from private parties
$591,672
$2,654,008
Earnings from Indian Service
$1,269,958
$1,586,141
Income from minerals, chiefly oil, gas
and coal
$1,406,001
$23,838,382
Total value of individual and tribal
property .
$523,134,254
$751,725,329
Total income of Indians . . .
$21,092,923
$72,696,431
Total revenue to Indians from minerals
for decade ended June 30 1920 .
$83,796,622
INDIANS IN CANADA
Property Values.
Land in reserves .
Public buildings, prop, of bands
Private fencing, buildings, im-
plements, etc. .
Live stock and poultry
General and household effects
Total value of real and personal
property ....
1911
1920
$29,421,972.50
932,052.00
5,412,035.35
2,587,841.80
2,012,708.40
$5i,535,245-00
1,245,800.00
8,103,160.00
4,443.970.00
2,586,902.00
$40,366,610.05
$67,915,077.00
Sources and Value of Income.
Farm products, including hay .
Beef sold or used for food
Received from land rentals and
timber
Wages earned ....
Earned by fishing, hunting and
trapping ....
Earned from other industries .
Annuities paid and interest in
Indian Trust fund
Total
Average per capita value, real and
personal property .
Average per capita income .
1911
1920
$1,459,962.46
236,753-36
66,072.12
1,540,021.10
1,511,053.85
852,944.63
(not reported)
$3,462,147.00
450,415.00
154,446.00
2,521,618.00
1,863,886.00
1,714,988.00
621,341 .85
$5,666,807 . 52
$10,788,841.85
$674.43
107.13
(C. SE.)
INDO-CHINA, FRENCH (see 14.490). The French Indo-
Chinese Union comprises the following areas:
Cochin-China, pop. (1921) 3,795,613 capital Saigon (83,000
inhabitants)
Tongking " 6,100,000 capital Hanoi (120,000)
Annam ' 4,800,000 Hue
Cambodia " 1,500,000 Pnom-Penh
Laos " 500,000 Luang-Prabang
Kwangchow Wan Territory, 150,000 inhabitants.
There were in 1914 1,273 m. of railway open and 154 m. under
construction, less than half of the minimum required to satisfy
the essential needs of the colony. The deficiency was made up
by regular services in every part of the country having navigable
waterways. In 1918 there entered Indo-Chinese ports 2,219
vessels, with a tonnage of 2,376,347; there left 2,087 vessels,
with a tonnage of 2,222,935, a total of 4,600,000 tons.
The wealth of Indo-China springs chiefly from rice. The crop is
annual in Cambodia, Cochin-China, and the southern part of Annam,
and bi-annual in Tongking and the northern part of Annam. The
rice-fields covered about 4,700,000 hectares in 1920, in which year
the crop amounted to 4,500,000 tons. Indo-China is, after Burma,
the second rice-export imj country of the world ; in 1918 she exported
1,600,000 tons and in 1919 966,865 tons, valued at 567,678,000
francs. Export is chiefly to China, Japan, and the Philippines, but
shipments to Europe, and especially France, were increasing. The
sugar-cane is found in almost all parts of Indo-China, especially in
Annam, and production showed considerable development. The
exportation of sugar has doubled since 1913, and amounted to 7,718
tons, of a value of 9,202,000 fr., in 1919. The coconut-palm is
common everywhere save in Tongking. Cotton flourishes in Cam-
bodia, and plantations in other parts of the country are satisfactory.
The forests, not yet fully explored, are immense, covering the major
part of the mountainous regions, and including a singularly large
number of species of trees.
Indo-China is rich in coal, which makes it exceptional among
French colonies. The principal deposits are in Tongking, in the
immediate neighbourhood of the Bay of Along (region of Honghai).
The total production, including lignite, which is found in numerous
beds, was in 1918 636,000 tons.
There is much iron, mainly haematite, but it is not exploited.
On the other hand, the zinc of Tongking is being more and more
developed (production: 33,438 tons in 1913). The most important
industries of the country are those derived from rice rice-mills, and
distilleries preparing a spirit largely consumed by the Annamites.
The general commerce of Indo-China attained in 1919 the figure
of 1,841,966,000 fr., of which 791,073,000 fr. were imports and
1,050,893,000 were exports. France, by reason of difficulties in
marine transport, stood for little in these exports, the greater part
of which went to Hong-Kong and Singapore, and some to China and
Great Britain. The figures for general commerce in 1918 were only
817,687,000 fr. total, of which 363,383,000 fr. were imports and
454,304,000 exports ; but the fluctuations in the value of money must
be allowed for. In any case, the figures for 1918 represented an
increase of 14,132,000 fr. over the previous year, and a surplus of
148,132,000 over the average for the five years 1913-7. In 1913, the
last normal year before the war, the general commerce amounted to
650,591,000 francs. (M. R.*)
INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS (UNITED KINGDOM). The formation
of joint industrial councils (or, as they are commonly called,
" Whitley Councils ") has been one of the most important sequels
of wartime developments in the attempt to adjust the relations of
employers and employees in the organization of British industry.
These joint industrial councils are bodies representing, usually in
equal numbers, the organized employers and employees in the
particular industries concerned; and they are the outcome of the
recommendation made for this purpose by a committee (which
became a sub-committee of the Reconstruction Committee)
appointed in 1916 by Mr. Asquith, as Prime Minister, and pre-
sided over by Mr. J. H. Whitley, M.P. (then Chairman of
Committees in the House of Commons), the reference being:
1. To make and consider suggestions for securing a permanent
improvement in the relations between employers and workmen ;
2. To recommend means for securing that industrial conditions
affecting the relations between employers and workmen shall be
systematically reviewed by those concerned, with a view to improv-
ing conditions in the future.
The Whitley Committee was composed of well-known represen-
tatives of trade unions and employers' associations experienced in
collective negotiations, with certain public men and women not
directly associated with the interests of employers or employed.
One of the most important developments in the improvement of
industrial relations before the World War had been the establish-
ment of voluntary conciliation boards or machinery for the
settlement of labour disputes, and, in the course of a considerable
number of years, such bodies or machinery had been established
in most of the well-organized trades in the United Kingdom.
Along with the great body of collective regulations established
over a long period of years, this machinery was practically for the
time being set aside by war conditions, which at the same time
produced a remarkable growth in trade-union organization, and
necessitated much consultation between the Government and
representative bodies of employers and trade-unionists, who were
also often associated in official boards of control, such as the
Cotton Control Board.
When the Whitley Committee was appointed it was widely
recognized that a permanent solution of the " Capital and
Labour " question was one of the most important of the social
and industrial problems of the post-war reconstruction, with a
view to which first the Reconstruction Committee and later the
Ministry of Reconstruction were formed. The origins of a few of
the councils may be carried back, however, to a time before the
appointment of the Whitley Committee, or even, in idea at least,
458
INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS
to before the outbreak of war; and these origins are to be found in
the desire of certain groups of individuals, with knowledge or
experience of industrial disputes, to create some new form of
joint organization which would unite the employers and em-
ployees in an industry in cooperation for common ends. Thus,
the conception of a building-trades parliament may be traced
back to 1914. Again, a national painters' and decorators' joint
council was formed in the winter of 1916-7, before the publication
of the first Whitley report. Before also the Whitley Committee
reported, the activities initiated by certain private individuals
interested in industrial matters, leading up to the formation of
the Pottery Joint Industrial Council (the first of the officially
recognized Whitley Councils), had been in progress for some time.
Here it may be noted that the name " Industrial Council "
has been applied to other bodies which must not be confused
with the joint industrial councils set up through the Whitley
report, though they have certain connexions with these councils.
Further reference to these bodies is made at the end of this article.
The Whitley Committee presented an interim report on
joint standing industrial councils in March 1917 (Cd. 8606).
In this report they recommended that, so far as the main in-
dustries of the country, in which there existed representative
organizations of employers and employees, were concerned, the
best way to deal with the first point in the terms of reference was
to settle the second point, and for this latter they proposed the
institution of joint standing industrial councils. The proposed
councils were to be joint, so as to bring employers and work-
people together; standing, to ensure the regular discussion of
matters of common interest; and industrial that is, formed on
an "industrial" rather than a trade or craft basis. In order to
secure the realization of what may be considered the fundamental
idea of " continuous cooperation in the promotion of industry "
the committee recommended that, in addition to national joint
industrial councils covering complete national industries, there
should be formed also district councils and works committees.
It was contemplated that the machinery should be decentralized,
the district councils dealing with district matters within the
limits laid down by a national council for the industry, and
the works committees dealing in the same way with questions
peculiar to the individual workshop or not of general concern.
A fundamental condition affecting the formation of the councils
was that the members should be chosen exclusively from the
trade unions of the workpeople and the associations of the em-
ployers; this first report had reference only to well-organized
industry, and the scheme outlined was not considered applica-
ble where organization was weak or non-existent. Following its
circulation to all the principal trade unions and employers'
associations, the report was adopted by the Government in Oct.
191 7 as part of its industrial policy. At the same time the Govern-
ment decided to recognize the industrial councils as standing
consultative committees for their industries.
The Minister of Labour was charged with the duty of providing
the industries with assistance in the formation of councils, and
the first joint industrial council to be officially recognized was
that formed in the pottery industry in Jan. 1918. The following
list includes all the councils which had been officially recognized
up to the end of Jan. 1921, at which time, however, n of the
councils listed had more or less definitely broken down (these
being marked by an asterisk). The operations of several
others were intermittent, a principal reason for the failures being
lack of adequate organization.
Asbestos manufacture
'Bread-baking (England and Wales)
Bread-baking (Scotland)
Bedsteads, metallic
Bobbin and shuttle manufacture
Boot and shoe manufacture
Building trades
Cable-making, electrical
Carpets
Cement
Chemicals, heavy
China clay
Civil service (administrative and legal departments)
Coir mat and matting
Cooperage
'Elastic webbing
Electrical contracting
Electricity supply
'Entertainments
Flour-milling
'Furniture
Gas mantles
Gas undertakings
Glass
Gloves
'Gold, silver and horological trades
Government industrial establishments
Heating and domestic engineering
Hosiery (English)
Hosiery (Scottish)
Insurance committees (National Health)
'Leather goods, made-up
Local authorities' non-trading services (manual workers)
Local authorities' non-trading services (manual workers)
(Scotland)
Local authorities (administrative, technical and clerical)
Local authorities (administrative, technical and clerical)
(Scotland)
Lock, latch and key
Match manufacture
'Music trades
Needles, fish-hooks and fishing-tackle
'Packing-case making
Paint, colour and varnish
Paper-making
Pottery
Printing
Process engraving
Quarrying
'Road transport
Rubber manufacture
'Sawmilling
Seed-crushing and oil-refining
Silk
Soap and candles
Spelter
Surgical instruments
Tin-mining
Tramways
'Vehicle-building
Wall-paper making
Waterworks undertakings
Welsh plate and sheet
Wire, iron and steel
Wool (and allied) textile (England and Wales)
Woollen and worsted (Scottish)
Wrought hollow-ware
In the formation of nearly all these 65 councils a main part
taken by the Ministry of Labour, which arranged conferences
and carried through the often difficult and prolonged work of
negotiation between the various associations of employers or
workpeople concerned. Of the 65, 20 were formed in 1918. 30 in
1919, and the remainder during the next 13 months.
On Oct. 18 1918 the Whitley Committee presented a second
report on joint industrial councils (Cd. 9002). This recommended,
for trades where organization was very weak or non-existent, an
adaptation and expansion of the system of trade boards, working
under an amended Trade Boards Act, and, in trades in which
organization was considerable but not yet general, a system of
joint councils with some Government assistance which might be
dispensed with as the industries advanced to the stage of organiza-
tion contemplated in the first report for joint standing industrial
councils. The second, unlike the first report, was not completely
adopted by the Government. In June 1918 a joint memorandum
on the proposals contained in the second report was issued by
the Minister of Labour and the Minister of Reconstruction.
This memorandum emphasized the desirability of separating
completely as possible the trade board and the joint industri,
council forms of organization, so as to develop the voluntary
bodies only where the degree of organization warranted them,
and the trade boards only where lack of organization made the
statutory regulation of wages necessary.
In the meantime, for the purpose of consultation on questions
of industrial reconstruction, it had been agreed by the Minister
of Reconstruction, the Minister of Labour and the President of
INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS
459
_ie Board of Trade that representative joint bodies should be
'ormed on a less restricted basis than was contemplated in the
_jst Whitley report. These interim industrial reconstruction
committees, as the joint bodies were called, were begun to be
established by the Ministry of Reconstruction in the beginning of
1918. They differed from joint industrial councils in that they
were not intended to be permanent, and in that they were often
formed in industries which had insufficient organization for joint
industrial councils. They resembled joint industrial councils in
being purely voluntary bodies and in the fact that their members
were representatives of organizations of employers and work-
people. The formation of these interim committees did not vio-
late the agreement as to policy contained in the joint memoran-
dum referred to above, since the committees were formed
primarily for special and temporary purposes, and were not
meant to be permanent. It was contemplated that in some
industries joint industrial councils would develop out of the
interim committees as organization improved and, where
organization remained weak, the existence of such a committee
or any other voluntary body could not prejudice the power of
the Minister of Labour to establish a trade board. A considerable
number of such interim committees were formed. Several of
these became joint industrial councils, some continued to operate
as interim committees, while others had by 1921 ceased to exist,
and in a number of the industries affected trade boards have
since been formed.
The joint industrial councils have, for the most part, been formed
on fairly uniform lines. 'A council is usually formed of equal num-
bers of members from the employers' associations and from the trade
unions connected with the industry. The normal rule as to the ap-
pointment of officers is that there should be a chairman and vice-
chairman and two secretaries: if the chairman is a member of the
employers' side the vice-chairman is chosen from the trade-union
side and vice versa, and a change in the side from which the chairman
is chosen is made each second year. The secretaries are chosen
usually one from each side. The two-sided character of the council
is reflected in the rule commonly adopted in regard to voting : that
no resolution shall be regarded as carried unless approved by a
majority of the members present on either side. Usually in practice
this means that decisions have to be arrived at by agreement. The
councils generally have adopted not only uniform procedure but
also a somewhat uniform statement of functions. The general
object of a joint industrial council is often drafted in terms which
indicate that it exists, to quote the final report of the Whitley Com-
mittee (Cd. 9153), to deal with all "matters affecting the welfare
of the industry in which employers and employed are concerned,"
and to care for " the progressive improvement of the industry as an
integral part of the national prosperity." In addition to such
general statement of its functions, the constitution of a council
usually includes, as more specific objects, the consideration of ques-
tions falling under such heads as the following: (a) wages, hours,
working conditions, regulation of employment, machinery for settle-
ment of differences ; (6) improvement of health conditions in the
industry, supervision of entry into and training for the industry; (c)
extension of organization in the industry; (d) collection of statistics
and information, encouragement of research and of invention, in-
quiry into special problems of the industry and publication of re-
ports; (e) the formation of district councils and works committees;
(/) the representation of the opinions of the industry to the Gov-
ernment and (g) cooperation with other councils in matters of com-
mon interest. In idea, therefore, the joint industrial councils are
differentiated from the pre-war conciliation boards, which were usu-
ally confined, by their constitutions, to questions of wage bargain-
ing and the like. The number of members on a council varies from
as much as 130 in the building trades council (which is exceptional
also in several other respects) to 13 on the wall-paper manufacture
council. Other councils range between this latter figure and 70 in the
printing trades council, about 30 being a common membership. A
few councils are differentiated from the others in that they do not
concern themselves with negotiations on wages or hours of work or
with the settlement of disputes ; the sub-title (building trades parlia-
ment) of the council of the building industry is meant to indicate
the deliberative, as contrasted with the negotiatory, purposes for
which this council was established. The conception of such trades
parliament for the industry goes back to 1914.
The most important of the great national industries, which have
attained the highest degree of organization, e.g. coal-mining,
iron and steel manufacture, cotton manufacture, engineering and
iron founding, had not adopted the Whitley scheme up to the early
part of 192 1 . The industries in which councils have been formed vary
from such national industries as those of building, printing, and
wool manufacture to such small and localized industries as the
manufacture of bedsteads, locks and latches, needles and fish-hooks.
A large proportion of the industries are local in character, and it
may be doubted whether some are more than sections of the indus-
trial units for each of which the Whitley Committee meant a national
industrial council to be formed. (The Whitley report did not, how-
ever, clearly define what it meant by an " industry.") Again, the
trade or craft rather than the industrial basis has been adopted in
one or two instances. The coopering joint industrial council is
an example of this, the organization on both sides following craft
lines and being on one side that of the skilled coopers and on the other
side that of the employers of such coopers, whether or not master-
coopers. The failure to form councils representative of industries
rather than trades or crafts would appear to go further than this in
so far that the interests represented on several of the councils are
only the employers and the trade unions representing considerable
sections of more or less homogeneous labour, but not all the occupa-
tions in the industry. This failure to realize the completely repre-
sentative character of an industry is of interest from more than one
point of view. It relates the councils to the well-established forms
of pre-war conciliation machinery which have developed generally
on a craft or occupational basis. It is important also from the
point of view of those wider functions of a character other than wage
bargaining which the councils have been expected to undertake.
For this purpose it would appear to be necessary to have a body more
completely representative than a joint industrial council usually
is of all the interests in an industry. The constitution of a joint
industrial council commonly allows for the cooptation of expert mem-
bers, and the building council has recently in this way made an
addition of representatives of the associations of architects and
architects' assistants. This, however, is as yet unusual. Though
various associations of managerial workers and technical experts
have shown a desire to be represented on the councils there has been
practically no development in this direction by either direct repre-
sentation or cooptation.
The Whitley scheme has been extended to services which are not
ordinarily included under the term " industry." A joint industrial
council has been formed for the local authorities (administrative,
technical and clerical staffs), covering on the employees' side various
grades of workers up to and including the higher officials, such 'as
town clerks. For the civil service there is an elaborate scheme em-
bracing all grades of civil servants in the administrative and legal
departments. Various attempts, most of them unsuccessful up to
the present, have been made by organizations of bank officers, in-
surance clerks, and other "black-coated" workers, to obtain the
formation of councils for their professions. This extension of Whit-
ley council machinery to services and professions outside the in-
dustrial sphere is a natural accompaniment of the growth of organi-
zation among non-manual workers, other results of which are to be
seen in the establishment of various other forms of conciliation.
The formation of district councils as subsidiary bodies to national
councils appears to have been effectively carried out on the lines
proposed in the Whitley report only in a very few industries; a
considerable number of the effective district councils are connected
with the national councils which deal with services under the control
of local authorities. The Whitley report further recommended
works committees as part of the machinery, and the establishment
of such committees as well as district councils has been systemati-
cally encouraged and assisted by the Ministry of Labour as part of
the development of the Whitley scheme. Works committees were
the subject of a separate report of the Committee on Relations be-
tween Employers and Employed (Cd. 9085), and at the request of that
committee the Ministry of Labour made an inquiry into existing
works committees in the winter of 1917-8 (Ministry of Labour
Industrial Report No. 2). The number of works committees in
existence throughout the country is small in relation to the number
of industrial establishments of suitable size. Several of the joint
industrial councils e.g. those for the pottery and the iron and
steel wire industries have taken active steps to have such com-
mittees established in the works which were considered suitable,
but little progress appears to have been made in some of the other
industries which possess Whitley councils.
By far the largest bulk of the work done by the joint industrial
councils has taken the form of the settlement of the rates of wages,
hours of work, and similar questions. Agreements on such ques-
tions, some of them national agreements, have been arranged on the
majority of the councils, and the formation of the councils has meant
the introduction for the first time into some of the industries of
systematic methods of collective bargaining.
Some councils have made reports on education as affecting their
industries, and others have dealt with such questions as conditions
of safety in the works. The pottery council has conducted an
inquiry into average earnings, costs and profits upon turnover.
A report of the majority of a sub-committee of the building council,
not adopted by the council, contained proposals for a radical al-
teration in the economic basis of the industry.
Other Bodies. The name " Industrial Council " has been
applied in two important instances to bodies other than Whitley
councils. In Oct. 1911, following upon the transport and other
strikes of that year, an addition was made by the Government to
460
INDUSTRIAL MEDICINE
the official machinery applicable by the Board of Trade to the
working of the Conciliation Act of 1896. This took the form of an
Industrial Council which consisted of 13 representatives of em-
ployers and the same number of representatives of workers,
invited by the President of the Board of Trade to serve on the
council with, as chairman, Sir George (afterwards Lord) Askwith
who, at the same time, was appointed Chief Industrial Com-
missioner. This Industrial Council of 19 n was formed as a
permanent body for inquiring into trade disputes and for taking
action, without compulsory powers, by way of conciliation; that
is, it was to be a national conciliation board. In this capacity
the council came to very little, and subsequent action has pro-
ceeded along different lines. The council's principal achievement
was an inquiry into the subject of industrial agreements made
at the request of the Government, the report on which was issued
in 1913 (Cd. 6952). This contained a recommendation that, in
certain conditions, the operation of a collective industrial
agreement should be capable of extension by law so as to apply
compulsorily not only to the signatories but also to a minority
in the industry which had not been a party to the agreement.
This recommendation, to which considerable objection has been
taken, anticipated one of a similar nature contained in paragraph
21 of the first Whitley report.
The second important instance of the use of the name " In-
dustrial Council," otherwise than in connexion with Whitley
councils, is more recent. As a result of a great industrial con-
ference convened by the Government in Feb. 1919 a report
(Cmd. 501, 1920), dealing with a variety of industrial problems,
was prepared. This included a proposal for the formation of a
National Industrial Council, or what may be described as an
advisory " Parliament " of industry. The proposals as to the
membership and objects of the council followed the lines adopted
in the Whitley councils; but the National Industrial Council,
consisting of 400 members fully representative of and duly ac-
credited by the employers' associations and the trade unions, was
to speak for industry as a whole and on matters of general interest
to all industry. It was pointed out that the council was to
supplement and not to supersede any of the existing machinery;
the general definition of its objects reads: " to secure the largest
possible measure of joint action between the representative
organizations of employers and workpeople and to be the normal
channel through which the opinions and experience of industry
will be sought by the Government on all questions affecting
industry as a whole." At the beginning of Jan. 1922 the council
had not yet been formed.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. See Reports of the Committee on Relations be-
tween Employers and Employed (The Whitley Reports), Cd. 8606,
9002, 9085, 9099 and 9153; the Industrial Reports, Nos. I to 4,
of the Ministry of Labour; Reconstruction Pamphlets, No. 18,
Ministry of Reconstruction; Joint Industrial Councils Bulletin,
Nos. I, 2 and 3, Ministry of Labour.
Report of the National Provisional Joint Committee on the Applica-
tion of the Whitley Report to the Administrative Departments of the
Civil Service (Cmd. 198); American Bureau of Labour Statistics:
Bulletin No. 255, Joint Industrial Councils in Great Britain; La
politique de paix sociale en Angleterre, by Elie Halevy, in Revue
d'Economie Politique, No. 4, 1919 ; "The Industrial Outlook" in Round
Table, Dec. 1918 ; Recommendations^ on the Whitley Report put for-
ward by the Federation of British Industries, 1917; National
Guilds or Whitley Councils? (National Guilds League) 1918; The
Industrial Council for the Building Industry (Garton Foundation,
1919) ; Industrial Councils and their Possibilities, by T. B. Johnston,
in Industrial Administration (1920) ; Works Committees and Indus-
trial Councils, by the Rt. Hon. J. H. Whitley, M.P., in Labour and
Industry (1920); Workshop Committees, by C. G. Renold (Report
of British Association, 1918) ; The History of Trade Unionism (1920
ed.) by Sidney and Beatrice Webb; The Labour Year Book for 1919 ;
Report of Provisional Joint Committee of Industrial Conference
(Cmd. 501, 1920). (R. Wl.)
INDUSTRIAL MANAGEMENT: see SCIENTIFIC MANAGEMENT.
INDUSTRIAL MEDICINE. The subject of health in relation
to work is a wider one than is covered by present-day legislation,
wider probably than ever can be covered by statute and regula-
tion. The State is interested in the prevention and treatment
of disease; but industry is directly concerned with the preserva-
tion of health, whereby contentment may be attained and unrest
abolished, whereby greater productivity may result as regards
both quality and quantity of output and increased earning power,
whereby less waste may occur from labour turnover or from lost
time due to sickness and injury. In fact, industry as represented
by both capital and labour requires a maximum of human effi-
ciency and activity, and a minimum of over-fatigue and ill-health.
Appreciation of the position as regards industrial health was
forced to the front during the World War owing to labour
scarcity, and since then by the high cost of labour. While in Great
Britain the welfare movement (see WELFARE WORK) has been
developing to deal with one side of the problem, in the U.S.A.
the tendency has rather been towards the more purely medical
side, and there have come into existence factory medical officers
entrusted with examining all candidates for work, reexamining
periodically those employed, organizing First Aid for sickness and
accidents, and establishing home visitation of the sick. An
industrial medical service is thus coming into existence which is
still working Qut its own salvation, neither aided nor impeded by
any central authority. Later this American health service will
have many lessons to teach. Although industrial medical service
is slower in growth in Great Britain, the need has been recognized
there for knowledge as to the conditions which make for maximum
health and activity knowledge which must form the foundation
of any future industrial health service. Industry has in the
past owed much to British physiologists, such as Dr. J. S. Haldane
for knowledge upon respiration and the effect of warm humid
atmospheres, and Dr. Leonard Hill with relation to the science
of ventilation. During the World War, in England, the Health
of Munition Workers' Committee set on foot pioneer work which
was supplemented by investigation initiated by the Home Office
into the subject of industrial fatigue. On completion of the war
the work so started was entrusted to a special body, the In-
dustrial Fatigue Research Board, with the following terms of
reference: "to consider and investigate the relation of hours
of labour and of other conditions of employment, including
methods of work, to the production of fatigue, having regard
both to industrial efficiency and to the preservation of health
among the workers." This board is now part of the organization
of the Medical Research Council.
Certain information has been acquired through these various
sources, which may be briefly summarized as follows: (i.) A
maximum of health is needed for a maximum of efficiency,
(ii.) Evidence points to maximum efficiency being attained
when output of the individual increases steadily but gradually
hour by hour during the day, and day by day throughout the
week, rather than when maximum output occurs early in the day
or in the week, (iii.) Temperature exerts an important influence
upon activity; the optimum for heavy physical work is at two or
three degrees above or below a mean of 55 F., and the optimum
for light sedentary work similarly varies about a mean of 65 F.,
but in no case should an even monotonous temperature be
maintained, (iv.) Ventilation is possibly more important than
temperature, not, under normal circumstances, for providing
fresh air to breathe, but to stimulate the skin by varied currents
of air and to save expenditure of energy by preventing visible
perspiration, (v.) The expenditure of physical energy requires,
in order to maintain maximum efficiency and avoid over-fatigue,
the interpolation of rest pauses which, in proportion to the
amount of energy expended, need to be of longer or shorter
duration and in the case of heavy physical labour may need
to be of longer duration than the period of activity, (vi.) Food
suitable in quantity and in quality is required to supply the
worker with energy; it must also contain a sufficient amount of
vitamines which must be increased in quantity, simultaneously
with the supply of food, for workers doing heavy work. Provision
should be made for supplying food on factory premises, and care
should be taken that the menu is varied, (vii.) Monotony should
be avoided, not necessarily monotony such as is associated with
repetition processes, but monotony in temperature, in ventila-
tion, in long spells without rest pauses, and in food supply,
(viii.) Considerable increase in output (and by hypothesis in
health) may result from shortening hours of labour, especially if
INDUSTRIAL MEDICINE
461
rest pauses had not already been scientifically introduced in order
to prevent fatigue; but this result cannot be expected to follow
where the machine sets the pace and the human element is at a
minimum, (ix.) Good lighting, whether artificial or natural (but
artificial cannot be as good as natural and is always expensive)
improves health and output. Window-cleaning and attention to
gas mantles and electric light bulbs are economic propositions,
(x.) Change of occupation, apart from all these matters concern-
ing environmental conditions and hours of labour, has a serious
effect upon health; during the first weeks and months at new work
while for lack of experience output is low in quantity and quality,
the incidence of industrial accidents and sickness is unusually
high, (xi.) Research has revealed that workers tend to drift from
one place of employment to another to an extraordinary extent,
and that a labour turnover of 100% per year is rather below the
average. This drift, which has been estimated to cost industry
80,000,000 a year, can be largely reduced by personal super-
vision of workers, (xii.) Working clothes suited to each process
are important, in order to permit adaptability of the body
temperature and avoid perspiration, (xiii.) A clean skin is of
special value to workers to enable them to react to ventilation
and avoid septic wounds.
Much more remains to be found out from industry about
human efficiency and human health. Already sufficient has
been done to demonstrate the existence of a new science aimed
primarily at preserving health, and incidentally at greatly
increasing industrial capacity. The keystone to the position is
that the influence of occupation upon a community cannot be
appreciated unless from the first its value for establishing and
maintaining health is accepted. Work represents the katabolic
side of metabolism and is as necessary to life as is rest, the
anabolic side. The study of human activity and its maintenance
is the study of health. An important Anglo-American publica-
tion, The Journal of Industrial Hygiene, is devoted to the subject.
Medical Service. Knowledge is useless unless it receives practical
application, and the employment of doctors by industrial establish-
ments is the means to this end. The work to be done varies with the
number of employees.but a personnel of 2,500 at an engineering factory
provide ample work for a whole-time medical officer if he is entrusted
with such duties as examining each applicant for work ; caring for the
health of those employed by periodical re-examination as required;
supervising ambulance and first-aid work ; visiting absentees whether
injured or sick ; controlling the hygienic conditions of workshops,
canteens, sanitary conveniences, lavatories and washing accommo-
dation; advising as to faulty posture at work, accident prevention,
suitable working clothes, and as to how to fit the worker to the work ;
keeping personal records of health; and, most important of all,
conducting investigations into these records. For smaller establish-
ments a plan has been promoted by a number combining to employ
a medical man, remunerating him on a capitation basis of those em-
ployed. The expense involved in a factory medical service has always
been found to be a good investment, since the loss incurred from
labour turnover, from lost time, from accident compensation, and
from many other causes, is diminished to an extent which is far in
excess of the outlay.
Industrial Diseases. Description of every form of disease which
may be influenced by occupation would be description of every ill
to which the flesh is heir. A r6sum6, nevertheless, may indicate how
study of the incidence of morbidity and mortality in different occu-
pations throws light on some of the difficult problems connected
with the aetiology of disease. The multifarious forms of occupation,
particularly those of manual workers, provide opportunities for
studying the effect of different influences upon the human organism.
Even if data did not exist to prove the point, reason would lead one
to expect great variety in the morbidity and mortality experienced
by agricultural labourers, coal-miners, textile operatives, boot-
makers, chemical workers, shop-keepers, boiler-makers, stone-
masons, fishermen, clerks, furnacemen, engineers and many others.
Careful inspection of existing data reveals not only that marked
differences do exist, but that they are differences in kind as well as
differences in bulk that is to say a high occupational mortality
may be, and indeed usually is, due to an excessive death-rate from
one or a few causes, rather than to a high death-rate from all causes.
Thus chimney-sweeps suffer excessively from cancer, stone-masons
from diseases of the lungs, coal-miners from accidents, and printers
from phthisis, without necessarily experiencing any increased mor-
tality from all other disease. Further inspection discloses not only
an increased incidence of diseases such as are experienced by the
general community, but also the occurrence of certain diseases
peculiar to certain industries, what are known as diseases of occu-
pation, for example, poisoning from lead, mercury or phosphorus,
tubercular silicosis and miners' nystagmus. This latter group has,
like all other things which are strange and unusual, drawn more at-
tention than has the influence of occupation in increasing the prev-
alence of more common forms of disease. Nevertheless the in-
fluence of occupation upon the common forms of disease is far more
important. Instances are chosen in what follows to illustrate the
importance of industrial medicine. Each disease mentioned here-
after is only referred to as an illustration of how obscure problems
may be illuminated and how principles underlying the causation
and prevention of disease may be disclosed by study of occupational
morbidity and mortality.
Accidents. Objection may possibly be raised to including acci-
dents among diseases, but careful inquiry into the incidence of
industrial accidents has revealed that we succumb to accidents much
as we succumb to those forms of ill-health commonly attributed to
infection. In other words the incidence of accidents obeys epide-
miological laws. Accidents are found to occur with greater frequency
with advancing years, just as does cancer. The risk of accidents is
greater in some industries, such as mining, than in others; just as
tuberculosis is more prevalent in slums. Accidents due to different
causes, say falls of roof in coal-mines, cause similar death-rates
from year to year, and a similar proportion of total accidents^ just
as pneumonia year by year causes similar death-rates, and forms a
similar proportion of total deaths. Accidents to different parts of
the body, say to the eye, form year by year the same proportion of
accidents to all parts; just as tuberculosis of the peritoneum forms
the same proportion of tuberculosis of all regions. Accident-
occurrence is affected by hygienic conditions fatigue, psychical
influences, ventilation, lighting, and temperature in the same way
as are general illness'and disease. Accidents in any community are
distributed not according to pure chance, but according to varying
individual susceptibility; just as certain diseases run in families,
due to " inherited predisposition." Workers nevyly exposed to risk
sustain a high proportion of accidents, which'diminishes with length
of employment; just as lead poisoning claims most of its victims
among new workers, or as South African natives succumb to pneu-
monia when first introduced to civilized communities.
Study of industrial accidents on the above lines indicates that the
origin of the vast majority lies in the physiological and psychological
state of the worker and his reaction to his environment ; that the
origin of other forms of morbidity and mortality is in the long run
similar, and that the most promising way of attacking the incidence
of accidents and of disease is through interesting the community
individually in the need for maintaining personal health and resisting
power, rather than by encouraging implicit reliance upon protective
guards, whether they take the form of fencing machinery to prevent
accidents, or using so-called disinfectants to prevent infection.
Action directed to this end is known as the Safety First movement
with which the general community is acquainted. In the industrial
world steps are being taken to interest the workers by forming in
factories accident committees representative of all classes employed.
Each accident as it occurs is investigated and reported upon by the
committee, and in this way the members, who only serve for short
periods of about six months, become acquainted with the principles
of accident prevention. The prevalence of accidents where such
committees exist has been reduced to an extent as satisfactory as it
is surprising. The lesson to be learnt from a study of industrial
accidents is that the general health of the community depends upon
each individual understanding that his own health is largely in his
own hands and that he owes to himself and to the community the
duty of maintaining it.
Phthisis. The occurrence of disease in general may be held to
depend on a chain of three links. The first represents a latent capac-
ity to be affected what is known as hereditary predisposition
which is present in varying degrees in different individuals ; so long
as this capacity is latent exposure to risk has no effect. The second
represents activation of this capacity or sensitization of the individ-
ual ; exposure to risk now is followed by disease. The third represents
risk; which in the case of phthisis is exposure to infection by the
tubercle bacillus. Occupations tend to select individuals according
to their latent capacity, inasmuch as industries calling for strenuous
exertion, such as mining, metal-smelting, and agriculture, call for
those physically fit, while indoor and sedentary occupations, such as
tailoring and printing, tend to be followed by more weakly individ-
uals. There is, however, no evidence that these weakly individuals
are especially weakly so far as phthisis is concerned, and they might
be expected to suffer in equal excess from all causes of death. But
the incidence of phthisis suggests that certain occupations sensitize
workers to the normal risk from infection, while others increase the
risk; and study of the occurrence of phthisis in industry is found to
support the general view of disease here stated, although difficulty
may occur in any particular industry in determining whether the
second or third link is the more important..
Study of the distribution of phthisis according to sex and occupa-
tion is of great interest in this connexion. Distribution according
to sex is important because males as a class are employed away from
their houses so much more than females that they may be held to
represent the influence of occupation. Distribution according to
occupation indicates what influences are favourable, what unfavour-
able. Phthisis is an index disease, that is to say its incidence rises
462
INDUSTRIAL MEDICINE
and falls with the general death-rate for all causes, but more rapidly.
Thus, while the mortality from phthisis among males in the past 50
years has fallen 50%, the general mortality has fallen only 25%.
Consideration of phthisis for this reason is of especial value. If the
mortality from the disease among males during the period 1851-60
be taken at a comparative figure of too, then that of females was 106
at that date; in 1901-10 the comparative figure for males had fallen
to 50, and that of females to 35. These data show that females are
as liable to phthisis as are males: indeed up to the age of 15 years
they continue to experience a heavier mortality than males; and
that whatever influences have contributed to the fall which has taken
place, they have clearly not been so powerful in relation to males.
The distribution of phthisis from the age of 15 years and upwards,
i.e. the period of industrial life, discloses that the disease is more
prevalent in urban than in rural districts, and that it attacks males
more than females. This increased incidence among males is less
marked in rural districts than in urban districts. Since housing
conditions are the same for the two sexes, these figures point to the
occupation of the male exerting a powerful influence. War-time
experience showed that industrial occupation can exert such an
influence, for in Great Britain the mortality from phthisis among
females rose during 1915, 1916, 1917, and 1918, in proportion to
their employment in the munitions industry. It rose most for towns,
like Birmingham, Coventry, Manchester, Newcastle, and Sheffield,
much affected by war industries; less in towns less affected, like
Ipswich, Norwich, Stoke-on-Trent, York, and Worcester; and did
not rise or even fall in unaffected towns, like Bournemouth, Brigh-
ton, Oxford, and Great Yarmouth. Since the war, women in indus-
try have given place to men, and their mortality from phthisis has
fallen again, even below pre-war figures.
When the data for phthisis mortality according to occupation are
closely examined, four broad groups can be distinguished. One in
which the phthisis mortality is below normal; this group includes
agriculture and coal-mining, industries in which opportunity for
infection through close personal contact is at a minimum. A second
in which the phthisis mortality is above normal, but is the only cause
of mortality which is high ; this group includes printers, tailors, and
boot-makers, who work sufficiently close together to enable infection
to pass from person to person (and in rooms where the atmospheric
conditions are physiologically adverse). A third in which a high
mortality from phthisis is associated with a high mortality from
other respiratory diseases; this group includes sandstone-masons,
tin-miners, grinders of metal, and others exposed to the inhalation
of fine particles of silica. Silica-dust when inhaled appears to possess
the power (not yet fully understood) of sensitizing the lung tissue
to attacks of tuberculosis. And a fourth in which high mortality
from phthisis is associated with a high mortality from all other
causes of death ; this group includes general labourers and publicans.
The publican owes his high general mortality to the power possessed
by alcohol of sensitizing the general capacity for succumbing to
disease. The general labourer who belongs to the poorest trade of
the industrial world is an instance of the claim (mainly supported
by evidence other than occupational) that phthisis is a pestis pau-
perum. A possible explanation of this claim is forthcoming from
recent investigations into food, which have revealed that the energy
contained in food cannot be exploited unless certain food accessory
factors (vitamines) are present; vitamines occur most plentifully
in expensive forms of food, such as butter, meat and fresh vegetables.
These forms of food, especially in the form of animal fats like cod-
liver oil, have long been accepted to be of value in relation to phthisis.
Further, the supply of vitamines is required to be increased if the
output of energy is to be increased. Poverty connotes a low standard
of food supply. Industry calls for expenditure of physical energy,
which must be obtained from food. The combination of low wages,
with a call for expenditure of physical energy, such as is found in
the general labouring class, should be, and indeed is, found to be
associated with a high mortality rate due to phthisis and to other
causes of death as well.
Discovery of a high mortality from phthisis combined, or not
combined, with a high mortality from other respiratory diseases
alone or from all other causes of death, enables the industry in which
it occurs to be placed in its proper group, when the prevalent factor
influencing the mortality is indicated. The method of procedure may
be seen from the data embodied in the table at foot of page.
Statistical investigation may also provide further evidence.
Reference to the age distribution of any phthisis death-rate brings
out that the disease is more prevalent at different ages in different
groups, as may be seen from the diagram. The median age at death
from phthisis for shoe-makers lies between 38 and 39 years of age,
which is the same as that for occupied and retired males. And their
curve, although at a higher level throughout life, closely resembles
that for occupied and retired males. The conclusion follows that if
increased infection is the paramount influence determining the in-
fluence of phthisis among shoe-makers, it is also the main influence
affecting its incidence among occupied and retired males.
Mortality from Phthisis
Death Rate
Per 1000
Living
The curve for the general labourer is different in shape ; it diverges
from the standard continuously up to the age of 50, and although
the difference remains considerable in later years it does not maintain
the position attained in middle life. The median age at death from
phthisis for this group lies between 40 and 41 years of age. Here,
apparently, the influence which leads to the increased mortality
takes some years exerting its full effect. In the case of the tin-miner
the median age at death lies between 43 and 44 years of age, and the
curve shows in early adult life in an exaggerated form the same ten-
dency to diverge from the standard. Apparently, the adverse in-
fluence once established maintains its power throughout life.
Investigation of phthisis in industry indicates that the disease
is to be combated in the general community by maintaining a gen-
eral resistance against disease, especially through a food supply
sufficient for energy needs, by preventing infection from individual
to individual through avoiding over-crowding, and in special indus-
tries by ensuring the absence of harmful silica-dust.
Injury or trauma, of which pulmonary silicosis may be taken as an
example, has long been recognized to sensitize to tuberculosis, whether
of bones in childhood or of the lungs in adult life. Tuberculosis here
resembles miners' nystagmus, pneuqjonia and delirium tremens, all
of which may be precipitated by an accident. But silicosis further
provides a reverse influence ; for if a patient who appears to be only
slightly affected with silicosis becomes infected with tubercle, the
silicotic condition may advance rapidly, almost as though it were
precipitated by the infection. The similarity between such a pre-
cipitation and the formation of tophi in gout is significant.
The only form of phthisis legally recognized to have a definite
industrial origin is tubercular silicosis in which the disease is pre-
disposed to by, or super-imposed upon, a condition of pulmonary
silicosis caused by inhaling silica-dust.
COMPARATIVE MORTALITY OF CERTAIN CLASSES AGED 15 YEARS AND UPWARDS, 1900-20
Cause of Death
Standard
Group i. Low General
Mortality
Group 2. Phthi-
sis alone in
Excess
Group 3. Phthi-
sis & Respira-
tory Diseases
in Excess
Group 4. High General
Mortality
(Occupied &
Retired Males)
(Agricultural
Class)
(Coal-miner)
(Shoe-maker)
(Tin-miner)
(Publican Inn
Servant)
(Dock La-
bourer)
Influenza .
IOO
IOO
88
67
104
/-/
79
Alcoholism & Liver
.
Diseases
IOO
47
Si
77
28
670
167
Cancer
IOO
74
78
103
IOI
no
112
Phthisis
IOO
45
48
J 45
436
173
jfic
Other Lung Diseases
Nervous Diseases
IOO
IOO
49
60
in
84
84
IOI
419
84
148
178
206
109
Circulatory Diseases
IOO
66
92
IOO
144
129
Bright's Disease
IOO
51
66
86
143
243
117
Accident .
IOO
69
208
38
92
88
180
Suicide
IOO
89 .
58
IOO
32
216
63
INDUSTRIAL MEDICINE
463
Dermatitis. The occurrence of skin affections in occupations is
widespread ; they cause much pain and sickness but only rarely
mortality. Investigation here has, therefore, perforce to be based
pn other data than mortality statistics. The conditions associated
with any form of dermatitis have to be inquired into until the specific
cause is isolated. An instance will indicate the method used which
is the same that led to discovery that silica alone among dusts
possesses the specific property of predisposing to fibroid phthisis.
Women employed in curing herring had long been known to suffer
from erythema and painful indolent ulcers on their hands and on
their arms, .which had been ascribed to many causes, such as the
condition of fish. The salt brine, however, with which the herring
are cured fell under suspicion ; then investigation in another industry
in which brine is used for curing sausage-skins disclosed the presence
among the workers of similar skin troubles; finally they were also
found affecting men employed in brine mines. Clearly the salt
brine was the cause. Workers handling potassium bichromate
suffer in the same way, and those exposed to inhaling the dust of this
compound suffer also from ulceration and perforation of the nasal
septum. Next, workers inhaling fine salt dust were found with
perforation of the nasal septum ; and other substances such as copper
arsenite, water glass, arsenious acid, lime, and solutions of acid, were
found to cause the same troubles. Search for a characteristic com-
mon to all these compounds determined that all substances posses-
sing hygroscopic properties could cause these forms of dermatitis,
and that the pathological condition was due to the substance, after
gaining access to the cutaneous tissue through some slight abrasion,
abstracting fluid and so causing local necrosis. Acting on this
theory, in some cases mere dilution of solutions used has abolished
the trouble, while in other cases provision of opportunity for thor-
ough soaking the skin after exposure has been equally efficient.
A further instance is also instructive. Certain workers employed
in making roll tobacco were found suffering from dermatitis of the
hands and forearms. These workers alone among tobacco operatives
apply olive oil to the leaf. Other operatives much exposed to the
oil were also found to suffer, and investigation estabjished that ex-
posure to the oil was the causative influence. Similar dermatitis
also occurs among washerwomen, among workers exposed to alkalis,
among mechanics exposed to cooling and lubricating mixtures used
in engineering shops, and workmen exposed to turpentine, petro-
leum and other spirits. Here search for a common characteristic
suggested that all substances with a lipoid affinity, i.e. capable of
dissolving the natural fats, palmitin and stearin, from the skin
could cause dermatitis by leaving the cuticle dry and liable to crack
when infection from without can take place. Remedies by anointing
the skin with lanolin and castor oil in order to replace the fat, and by
adding antiseptics to the fluid used in order to guard against infection
have proved their value and so support the theory.
Another group of skin affections which includes occupational warts
is of considerable interest because of the light it throws upon the
origin of epitheliomata. Workers who handle pitch, a distillation
product of gas tar, and others who mix pitch with coal-dust in the
manufacture of briquettes, suffer from warts which appear on the
exposed parts of the skin, and also on the genitals. These warts
show a special tendency to become epitheliomatous with the forma-
tion of "pitch" cancer. Shale oil workers coming in contact with
crude paraffin, a product obtained by distillation, similarly suffer
from warts and " paraffin " cancer; but workers manipulating refined
paraffin do not suffer. Chimney-sweeps have long been noted
for their high death-rate from scrotal cancer which originates from
exposure to soot, a distillation product of coal. Cancer of the lips
and buccal cavity is nearly confined to males who by smoking expose
these parts to the distillation product of tobacco. The evidence here
summarized suggests that certain products obtained by distilling
vegetable substances can sensitize the skin to cancer.
Evidence from the dye industry suggests that the products in
question may possibly be benzene compounds. Workers in this
industry exposed to certain amino-benzene compounds, particularly
benzidine and naphthylamine (compounds which, when they gain
access to the body, are excreted by the Kidneys), have been found to
develop malignant tumours of the bladder. The new growths which
occur on the skin in the tar cases, and in the bladder in the dye-work-
ers, have certain features in common : at first there is a simple hyper-
plasia ; the exact moment when malignancy supervenes is a matter of
doubt; and metastasis is the exception. Possibly we have in these
benzene compounds instances of substances which, by modifying tis-
sue growth, possess the power of preparing the way for, if not directly
causing, malignant changes. Much more research work on the lines
here indicated waits to be done, for there are numerous other forms
of industrial dermatitis, but the above instances should suffice to
show how underlying principles of general utility come to light
through investigations conducted in industry.
Miners' Nystagmus. This disease, chosen as an example of a trade
neurosis, is one the incidence of which increases with length of
employment. It takes on an average 20 years to develop; hence, it
lays aside the miner when his skill is at its zenith and he is too old to
change his occupation. The complaint is a distressing one which
causes much morbidity, but no mortality, and in recent years has
increased in prevalence.
The leading symptom is an uncontrollable wheel-like but irregular
rotation of the eyeball with the pupil as the hub of the wheel ; the
sufferer sees the external world constantly moving and rocking before
him. At the same time there are marked photophobia, rapid move-
ments of the upper eyelid, and severe headache, which are accom-
panied by symptoms of general neurasthenia. The condition fre-
quently appears to lie " latent " and to develop suddenly after an
injury (especially if to the eyes) or other depressing influence, such as
an attack of influenza ; this tendency to be precipitated by trauma
is even more pronounced than in the case of delirium tremens.
Formerly the disease was mistakenly ascribed to the posture of
the coal-getter as he lay on his side holing the coal which necessitated
unusual eye movements. Now, thanks to the work of Dr. T. L.
Llewellyn, the condition is definitely known to be due to working
in dim illumination. It occurs nearly exclusively among coal-getters
and hardly at all among the men who convey the coal to the pit
shaft or do other work on underground roads. It occurs with equal
frequency among men standing at a 6-ft. seam, or kneeling at a 20-
in. seam. The frequency of its occurrence varies with the amount of
light provided ; the less the light, the more the disease ; it prevails
especially in mines where oil safety lamps, which give a low illumi-
nating power, are used, and is hardly known where naked lights are
used, which give twice or three times the illumination.
The two factors which, acting together, sensitize the ocular nerve
tracks to the disorganized movements characteristic of the disease,
are poor illumination together with need for focussing vision; over
70 % of those affected are found to possess errors of refraction.
The condition improves if the worker gives up underground
work, but tends to recur if he resumes it.
Two means of prevention are urgently needed: first, medical
examination of all boys who desire to become miners in order to
eliminate those with errors of refraction ; secondly, introduction of
more powerful safety lamps. Electric safety lamps are now available,
and where introduced, the prevalence has rapidly diminished.
Lead Poisoning. This disease affords an excellent instance of
control guided by previous investigation and research, opportunities
for which were provided by notification of the cases. Lead poisoning
of industrial origin was made notifiable in 1895. Distribution of
cases by industry and numbers employed then showed that exposure
in manipulating metallic lead or moist lead salts was almost a
negligible factor in causing the disease ; and that the governing risk
was exposure to dust of lead salts soluble in the body fluids. Animal
experiments proved that a dose of lead-dust when inhaled was a
hundred times more toxic than when administered in food. Clearly
preventive measures based, according to previous theories, on per-
sonal cleanliness, but which neglected the danger from inhalation of
dust and fumes, could not be expected to stop the disease. In Great
Britain Dr. T. M. Legge of the Home Office, to whom credit is due
for recognizing the particularly toxic nature of lead-dust when in-
haled, concentrated attention upon preventing the generation
of dust and fumes or upon removing them, if generated, from the
atmosphere of work-places. This principle underlies a series of
regulations applied to industries in which lead compounds are used,
e.g. the manufacture of electric accumulators and of white lead,
vitreous enameling, file-cutting, smelting of materials containing
lead, the manufacture of paints and of pottery, tinning of hollow-
ware, and heading of yarn. The result of action on these lines has
been remarkable; 1,058 cases of lead poisoning were notified in
Great Britain in 1900. Since 1900 industries have expanded so
that many more persons are now exposed to risk; and in 1906 lead
poisoning was made a compensation disease, a factor which tempo-
rarily increased the notifications and tends to maintain them. Yet
in 1918 the cases notified had fallen to 144 and in 1919 to 206.
Plumbism may be divided into two groups of cases: one, which
occurs in the early weeks and months of employment, is characterized
by such symptoms as acute colic and encephalopathy ; the second,
which occurs after years of exposure, is characterized by nerve
paralysis and chronic nephritis. The first group contains the vast
majority of cases, and its disappearance in later years points to some
degree to immunity having been acquired through continued ex-
posure to subminimal toxic doses. Lead poisoning in this respect
presents aspects of disease of which industry supplies other instances ;
some exhibiting a prevalence which diminishes with length of expo-
sure to risk, some one which increases with exposure to risk.
General Considerations. Mill fever, which affects most operatives
on entering the cotton or flax industry, and certain forms of der-
matitis, e.g. eczema and conjunctivitis due to contact with tetryl,
and skin irritation from slag wool, provide examples of troubles
which rapidly disappear with continued employment and do not
reappear. On the other hand miners' nystagmus, Duyputren's
contraction, pitch and paraffin cancer, bronchitis and pneumonia
due to dust, cotton strippers' asthma, pulmonary silicosis, glass-
blowers' cataract, phosphorus necrosis, and such trade neuroses as
writers' cramp and telegraphists' cramp, are conditions which steadily
increase in numbers with length of employment.
Other diseases resemble plumbism in presenting both early and
late manifestations. Thus reference has already been made to the
high incidence of accidents during early weeks and months of em-
ployment; with advancing years as bodily activity declines, i.e.
as the person becomes more sensitized to risk, the tendency to acci-
dents again arises. Tri-nitro-toluene (T.N.T.) during the war caused
464
INFANTILE MORTALITY
toxic jaundice among munition workers, but hardly any cases oc-
curred among those who had been employed over six months ; it
also caused aplastic anaemia, a condition which was rarer and only
appeared among those who had been employed for a considerable
period. Phthisis also presents some similarities, for there is evidence
that exposure to a subminimal dose may result in increased resis-
tance ; possibly the tendency for the curves representing the phthisis
mortality of boot-makers and general labourers to fall towards that
of the standard after middle life indicates some degree of acquired
immunity ; on the other hand tuberculosis among those sensitized by
inhaling silica-dust shows no signs of falling off in later years, and
may be held to be analogous to the late group of plumbism cases,
the aplastic anaemia cases, and accidents in late life.
There are, however, trade diseases which appear to have no rela-
tion to the period of employment. The incidence of these depends
directly on exposure to risk; among these diseases are anthrax,
caisson disease, and gassing from carbon monoxide, nitrous fumes,
and arseniuretted, sulphuretted or phosphoretted hydrogen. These
diseases, however, are rare, and their causation and prevention is
comparatively well understood.
The lesson which emerges is that although the human body often
possesses a capacity which requires no sensitization to succumb
when exposed to certain unusual risks, it also possesses a capacity
for defending itself against risk if the exposure is long continued.
On the other hand certain influences such as alcohol, over-fatigue,
lead, dietetic insufficiency, or silica-dust, can gradually sensitize
the body, even to the extent of breaking down an acquired immunity,
so that it finally succumbs where it formerly resisted. The methods
by which immunity is acquired (as against such a thing as tetryl)
and by which it is lost through sensitization (as by inhaling silica)
both probably await biochemical research to explain their meaning.
The problems associated with occurrence of trade neuroses, on the
other hand, call primarily for physiological investigation into the
normal mechanism of coordinated and balanced nervous control.
Industrial medicine, in which the absence of a disease in any
group of workers may go far to explain its causation in another
allied group, provides unique opportunities for studying the normal
physiological elasticity of health and the way in which it may be
overstrained and give place to disease.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. J. Goldmark, Fatigue and Efficiency (1912);
Industrial Efficiency and Fatigue, Health of Munition Workers
Committee, Interim Report 1917 (Cd. 8511); Industrial Health and
Efficiency, Health of Munition Workers Committee, Final Report
1918 (Cd. 9065) ; H. E. Mock, Industrial Medicine and Surgery
(1919) ; E. L. Collis and M. Greenwood, The Health of the Industrial
Worker (1921); Industrial Fatigue Research Board, various reports
during and since 1919; J. T. Arlidge, Diseases and Mortality of
Occupations (1892) ; T. Oliver, Diseases of Occupation (1908) ; G. M.
Kober and W. C. Hanson, Diseases of Occupation and Vocational
Hygiene (1918); R. P. White, Occupational Affections of the Skin
(1920); T. M. Legge and K. Goadby, Lead Poisoning (1912);
E. L. Collis, Industrial Pneumonoconioses (1919). (E. L. C.)
INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD, THE. A union of
wage-earners in the United States, organized in 1905, with a
membership in 1920 of about 100,000, commonly spoken of as the
I.W.W. (For a discussion of the I.W.W. see TRADE UNIONS.)
INFANTILE MORTALITY. Since ipio, the social importance
of measures for reducing the rate of infantile mortality, which
means the number of deaths under one year of age per thousand
births, still-births being excluded from both figures, has come
into increased prominence. The problem involved, however,
presented special difficulty early in 1921 to anyone who sought
to deal with it authoritatively, since the World War had upset
all calculations and statistics. In some cases, as in all the
central European countries, the infantile death-rate had increased
to a really appalling extent. One competent observer, for ex-
ample, during a prolonged stay in Vienna, did not notice one
"toddler" in the streets. On the other hand, there was, accord-
ing to the British Registrar-General's reports for 1919, an
apparent fall in infantile death-rate. No contemporary figures
were yet available from the central European countries. More-
over, during the war, so great had been the pressure of work in
all the countries involved that the statistical returns required,
from which to draw conclusions of any lasting value, were
perforce allowed to lapse.
A great deal of interesting information is to be found in
Professor Starling's Report on Food Conditions in Germany -with
Memoranda on Agricultural Conditions and Statistics, published
in 1919 (Cd. 280). The great outstanding difference between
Great Britain and Germany in this respect was that of distribu-
tion. In England the control of distribution was facilitated by
the fact that 80% of the grain and 45% of meat and all the oil-
seeds consumed in the country were imported, and therefore
could be controlled by the administration from the moment
of their arrival. In Germany the whole of the supplies were
produced in the country and had to be obtained from the large
and small farmers. Thus a highly complicated and very difficult
method of collection and distribution had to be followed, and
grievous mistakes were made. Much more hoarding took place
in Germany than in England, and the producers were far better
fed than were the non-producers. The food shortage therefore
was mainly experienced by the inhabitants of large towns and
industrial areas. These observations are borne out by such books
as An English Wife's Life in Berlin during the War by Princess
Blticher. Moreover the German authorities felt themselves
obliged to attempt to ration strictly the whole food of the
population, and no such system as this can succeed without mass
feeding. No two individuals are alike; one will need more food
than the other. In England rationing was wisely confined to
certain articles, such as meat, fats and sugar, leaving bread,
the chief food of the poor, unrationed, so that each individual
could obtain of this as much as he required.
In Germany, in common with the other belligerent countries,
as a result of the absence of the adult male population, the birth-
rate went down. In addition to this cause the diminished fertility
of the population owing to chronic underfeeding of both sexes must
be taken into account. The birth-rate in Germany dropped from
27-5 per 1,000 in 1913 to 15-83 in 1916, and 14-29 in 1917, so that
the number of births at the last date was well below the number
of deaths, and in 1918 the deaths per 1,000 were 16-30 as com-
pared with births 9-45, or a surplus of deaths per 1,000 of 7-35.
In spite of the condition of malnutrition of the mothers, the
children were normal when born, a state of things borne out by
observations everywhere. Their further development was of
course hampered by the lack of nourishment of their mothers,
as well as by the defective supply of cows' milk. The pre-war
milk consumed by Berlin was 1,250,000 litres, which during the
war diminished to 225,000 litres, an amount totally inadequate
to the necessities of the babies. How large a share the question
of distribution had in the increase of infantile mortality in
Germany was shown by the statement issued by the Belgian
Relief Commission. Owing to the uniform feeding there was
very little evidence of serious malnutrition among the inhabi-
tants of Belgium, and the mortality among the children during
the years of German occupation was less than before the war.
It is highly gratifying to know that infantile mortality was stead-
ily dropping throughout the world during 1900-20. It is true
that the birth-rate was also dropping. The time was not yet
ripe in 1921 to attempt to estimate the total loss of births
caused by the war.
UNITED KINGDOM
The births registered in the United Kingdom during the
years 1910-4 were 4,41 1,823 as against 3,623,579 during an equal
period of time 1915-9, a difference of 788,244. But the numbers
born were already decreasing before the war notwithstanding the
increase of population, so the whole diminution should not fairly
be attributed to this cause. Also there has been a great recent
rebound of fertility, not yet at an end in 1921, which may be
regarded as a partial offset. The British birth-rate during 1919
went up in all districts except Wales, where, contrary to the
usual experience, it went down. The increased rate was speci-
ally marked in London.
The British death-rate among male infants is always steadily
higher than is that among female ones, and this rate has apparently
been rising, though there was a curious drop in 1918. Taking the
years 1911-19, 120 male to 100 female babies died, and this rate
steadily increased till 1919 when it reached 124, having dropped in
1918 however to 1 14. The infant deaths registered for the year 1919,
according to the latest figures available, were 12-2 % of all deaths at
all ages. The total number who died were 61,715. This proportion
has fallen very rapidly of late years, not only because of fewer deaths,
but also of fewer births. The percentage of infantile deaths of the
total number as recently as 190110 was 22-6.
The rate of infantile mortality resulting from these deaths during
1919 was 89 per 1,000 births, or 15-2% below the average of the
previous 10 years. It was the lowest rate that had yet occurred in
the United Kingdom, the nearest to it being 95 in 1912.
ac
INFANTILE MORTALITY
465
As to the causes for this decreased rate, opinions seem to vary
cording to the view point of the person expressing the opin-
ion. For example, the Board of Education officials were inclined
to attribute it to the greater educational advantages enjoyed by the
mothers through the establishment of their infant welfare centres.
Improved sanitation is considered by others to have had great
effect. Others again consider that the national campaign against
venereal disease had probably had a considerable share in it ; others
the lessened employment of women in factories, and yet others the
weakened strength of alcoholic beverages. Practically all these sug-
gestions, as anything more than simply contributory to causation,
are discounted by the fact of 1912 being so much lower than the years
preceding and following it up to 1919.
The mortality rate in the case of illegitimate is very considerably
higher than in the case of legitimate babies. In London during 1919
the total deaths of legitimate babies in 1,000 births was 77; in the
case of illegitimate babies the total number was 233. This was the
case in every area in the United Kingdom as the following table
shows :
Infantile deaths from all causes in proportion to 1,000 births.
London
County Boroughs .
Other Urban Districts .
Rural Districts
All Urban Districts
All Infants
Legitimate
Illegitimate
85-30
98-62
85-69
80-46
9I-25
76-57
92-56
81-88
76-57
85-48
232-91
I95-27
I53-6I
136-16
182-68
This higher rate of mortality is maintained in practically every
cause of death, the exceptions being that in London and other urban
districts fewer deaths from whooping-cough occurred in the ille-
gitimate babies, and in country districts fewer from tuberculous
meningitis.
If we take the three main reasons for infantile death-rate, viz. :
diarrhoea and enteritis, syphilis, and premature birth, we find:
Deaths from diarrhoea and enteritis, proportion per 1,000 births.
London
County Boroughs .
Other Urban Districts .
Rural Districts
All Urban Districts
All Infants
Legitimate
Illegitimate
12-49
8-96
6-51
4-74
8-46
52-96
28-55
18-89
9-91
27-82
Deaths from syphilis.
London
County Boroughs .
Other Urban Districts .
Rural Districts
All Urban Districts
All Infants
Legitimate
Illegitimate
2-IO
2-56
1-37
0-86
1-99
1-18
1-84
0-91
0-48
1-35
I7-58
14-03
8-42
5-41
12-12
The infantile mortality from syphilis in 1919 was still higher than
before 1917, when it underwent a sudden and considerable increase,
though it was still not so high (at 1-76) as in 1917, when it reached
2-03 per 1,000 births.
Taking birth conditions generally in 1919, i.e. injury at birth,
congenital malformations, premature birth and atrophy debe, and
marasmus, we find :
London
County Boroughs ....
Other Urban Districts
Rural Districts ..'...
All Urban Districts ....
Legitimate
Illegitimate
7-86
9-28
8-77
8-57
8-85
20-51
17-47
H-75
14-64
16-74
The rates for illegitimate children followed the same lines roughly
as the legitimate ones, viz. : the death-rate increased from south to
north, being generally lowest in the residential towns of the south,
and highest in the industrial towns of the north. For infants of both
sexes jointly the mortality varied during 1919 from 108 deaths per
1,000 births in the county boroughs of the north to 64 in the rural
districts of the south. In rural districts, however, it is quite common
for infant mortality during the first four weeks of life to be higher
than the urban mortality. This is of course because environment
conditions other than those of birth itself have not had time to tell.
This increased rural mortality is very rare after the first month of
life. The birth risk in the rural districts of the north was certainly
at its maximum, for much the highest rate for the first day was re-
turned by those areas. There was a similar rural excess during 1919
in Wales, though not in other parts of England, so that if defective
midwifery in remote districts is the cause, it does not seem to apply
to the Midlands and the south of England. In 1917, on the other
hand, first-day mortality was in excess in all the rural districts with
the excess still greatest in the north.
Two former causes of infantile deaths that have been tending
to disappear altogether, are rickets and tuberculous meningitis.
Indeed the marked fall in the mortality of age period 0-5, which
necessarily includes mortality of children under one year, from tuber-
culosis generally, is very noticeable, and was greatly accelerated
during 1919. Formerly it was the highest at any age, but it is now
exceeded by most of the adult life periods.
Infectious Diseases. The infectious diseases which influence the
infantile death-rate are measles, scarlet fever and whooping-cough.
With regard to measles, the death-rate of 1919 was by far the lowest
ever recorded. It was much the greatest in the north of England, and
since 1912 it has been noted as being the greatest in the large towns.
Thus Cumberland, Durham, Northumberland and the North Riding,
all in the north, showed the highest mortality, and in spite of the low
mortality-rate in the country generally, Middlesbrough and Rother-
ham remained very high. The total deaths from measles in children
under one year in 1919 was 650, or 1-05% of the infantile deaths.
In the case of scarlet fever, the same high mortality occurs in the
north in all areas whether country or town, compared with the south
and with Wales; Birkenhead, Bootle, St. Helens and Liverpool head
the list as they did in the previous year. The total deaths from scar-
let fever in infants under one year for 1919 was 32, or -051 % of all
infantile deaths.
The death-rate from whooping-cough was the lowest ever re-
corded. There was a marked excess in the case of females, which is
constant. The proportion of infantile deaths to the total number of
deaths from whooping-cough naturally fell with the diminished birth-
rate, but it is a curious fact that it was higher in rural districts than
in small towns, and in small towns than in county boroughs. The
cause of this persistent characteristic it was impossible at present
to discover. It was not shared by measles, which was the only other
infectious disease causing infantile mortality to any marked extent.
The total number of deaths from whooping-cough under one year
was 1,054, or I '7 % of all infantile deaths.
Enteritis and Diarrhoea. Diarrhoea as a cause of death is grad-
ually disappearing from the British returns. This is also the case
with tubercle and convulsions. The mortality ascribed to tubercle
in 1919 was less than one-third, and convulsions less than one-half of
that so returned 14 years earlier. In the case of these two latter
diseases it is probably very largely one of nomenclature, whereas in
that of diarrhoea it presumably represents in the main an actual
decrease of mortality. During 1919 there was a lower infant mor-
tality from diarrhoea and enteritis than ever before, except in 1912,
when there were remarkably favourable weather conditions, even
better than those in 1919. In 1911, a year with an almost tropical
summer, the infantile deaths from these causes were 3 1 ,900 compared
with 6,039 in 1919, the total infantile deaths being 1 14,600 and 61,715
respectively.
Syphilis shows a steady decrease compared with the startling rise
in 1917, but it had not yet in 1919 attained its pre-war level as a
cause of infantile mortality. As in the two previous years, mortality
from syphilis was in considerable increase in the north.
Developmental and Wasting Diseases, notwithstanding an increase
in 1919 in the first month, showed in that year the mortality of 10-3
per 1,000 births, the lowest ever recorded for England and Wales.
By far the most important increase was that due to premature birth.
This accounted for 59 % of the total increase of mortality during the
first four weeks of life. Injury at birth also showed a considerable
rise, which increase was entirely confined to male infants, whose
mortality had risen from I -II to 1-34, whereas that of females had
remained stationary at 0-85. As the British Registrar-General says :
" It looks as if the infants born during 1919 were for some reason
exceptionally susceptible to death within the month." This cause
of infant mortality was, like so many others, excessive in the north of
England, and mainly in the rural districts where it caused a mortality
of 1-91 as compared with l-ll for the country at large. Rural mor-
tality from birth injury was high, and as the health and general
condition of the mothers is likely to be better than in towns, it looks
as if defective midwifery might be at least a contributory cause. As
higher mortality is attributed to premature birth in the north as a
whole than elsewhere, the facts of the greater industrial employment
of married women in the north might be pointed to as a cause, but
mortality from this cause declined during the early part of the war,
reaching a minimum in 1916, and increased after the war together
with the increased employment of women. Speaking generally, it
looks as if a baby born north of the Wash had less chance of sur-
viving than if it were born in the south.
" Overlying." This cause of infant mortality deserves separate
mention. It was very much lower in 1919 than it had ever been be-
fore, being 0-76 per 1,000 births, or less than half of what it was a
few years before the war. But Dr. W. A. Brend throws some doubt
on this as a genuine cause of death. See Health and the State, 1917,
as well as Inquiry into the Statistics of Deaths from Violence, 1915, in
which he shows that there is no connexion between overcrowding
and deaths from overlying, and that the seasonal variation follows
that of bronchitis and pneumonia, being considerably higher in the
first and fourth quarters of the year than in the second and third.
This is borne out by the figures furnished by the Medical Officers of
Health for Liverpool and Birmingham for 1919 and 1920. Thus in
Liverpool in 1919 there were 18 deaths from this cause in the first
and fourth quarters, and 7 in the second and third; and in 1920, 17
and 6 respectively. In Birmingham in 1919, the figures were 23 for
466
INFANTILE MORTALITY
the first and fourth quarters, and 10 for the second and third; in
1920 they were 16 and n respectively. The fact of expert patholo-
gists very rarely finding overlying a cause of death, but some other
quite different cause, such as pneumonia, lends some support to
Dr. Brend's contention.
Housing is a most important condition of infant mortality. Where
there is most overcrowding, there is the highest death-rate. Of all
children who die in Glasgow before they complete their fifth year,
30 % die in houses of one room, and not 2 % in houses of five rooms
and upwards.
Vital Statistics of Large Towns: London. We find that the
London infant mortality rate in 1919 was 85 compared with 108
in 1918. The birth-rate was 18-2 compared with 16 in 1918.
The following table published in the report of the Medical Officer
of Health for London shows very clearly one great cause of lessened
infantile mortality in cool summers and mild winters :
1911
1912
1913
I9H
96
79
127
109
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
ist quarter .
2nd "
^ .',' ' '
4th
108
89
203
"3
95
82
81
103
116
81
105
"5
in
93
113
126
92
73
82
i3
"5
85
88
114
125
90
85
"7
118
7
72
76
The high figure in the first quarter of 1919 was due to influenza.
The third quarter was the lowest ever recorded and may usefully be
compared with the third quarter of 191 1 when the heat in the latter
part of the summer was almost tropical. The factor which mainly
contributed to the low death-rate was the remarkably small number
of deaths from measles and whooping-cough, which were 55 and 72
respectively as compared with 276 and 498 for 1918. Diarrhoea
however showed an increase, there being 1,217 deaths, as compared
with 970 in 1918, which was due to a period of high temperature
late in the summer.
The number of deaths of nurse infants during 1919 was only 51
as compared with 103 in 1918. Foster-mothers were encouraged to
take their children to infa/it welfare centres, and visitors followed
up to see if the advice given had been carried out.
It is interesting to study the incidence of infant mortality in the
different boroughs of the County of London. For example, the
highest rates in 1919 were in Kensington, Shoreditch and the City
of London with 102, 106 and 115 respectively. The lowest three were
Lewisham with 62, Wandsworth with 72 and Battersea with 74, the
rest varying from 81-99 per 1,000 births.
The deaths from enteritis and diarrhoea were greatest in Kensing-
ton, Hammersmith and Bethnal Green with 30-5, 29-8 and 26-5 re-
spectively, and lowest in Lewisham, Woolwich and the City of
London with 5-6, 6-6 and 7-2 respectively. The highest birth-rate
was in Poplar with 24-7 per 1,000 of population, and lowest in the
City of London with 9-6. These two districts had very nearly the
same infantile death-rate, 14-5 and 14-3 respectively.
Birmingham. The infantile mortality-rate in 1919 was 84, and in
1920 even lower, viz.: 83. This diminution is most striking in the
poorer parts of the city. Thus St. Mary's Ward, which for many
years held the record for a high infantile mortality, had a mor-
tality of 103, or a drop of 80 as compared with the rate for the years
1912-18 of 183.
An interesting table showing the total infantile mortality rate and
the rate with diarrhoea and enteritis taken out is given below. It is
really put in to show that the diminution is not due only to cool
summers, but it is a very striking evidence of that atmospheric
effect as a contributory cause. Thus in 1911 there was a mortality
rate of 47 per 1,000 from this cause, and in 1912 a rate of 9 only
this was a year with a very cool summer. It is true that this rate was
exceeded every year since, though it never approached 1911, till
1919 when we have a further drop to eight.
Total
mortality
rate
Infant mortality
less diarrhoea
and enteritis
Deaths from
diarrhoea and
enteritis per 1 ,000
1911
1912
1913
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
ISO
in
129
122
118
104
IOI
99
84
103
102
100
IOO
95
90
89
84
76
47
9
29
22
23
H
12
' 8 5
There can be little doubt that after the appalling rate of 191 1 all
varieties of infant welfare work were pushed forward and were sub-
sequently beginning to tell, but it seems impossible to doubt that the
absence of tropical heat must certainly be given credit for part of it.
It remained to be seen what would happen in the event of great sum-
mer heat occurring again. The illegitimate death-rate was 177 com-
pared with 84 amongst the total births, i.e. over a double rate, very
much the same as is shown in most other tables. An analysis of the
figures of total deaths in infants under one year shows the effect of
the colder parts of the year.
In 1919 during the 1st quarter of the year 554 infants died.
" " 2nd " 291 "
" " " 3rd 315
" 4th " 470
1,630
Liverpool had in 1919 a considerably higher birth-rate than the
average of the great towns, being 23^9 per I, coo of population com-
pared with 19, and at the end of 1919 the birth-rate was going up.
The infantile death-rate varied from 136 to 81, giving an average for
the city of no. Examination of the figures for the first 20 years of
the century shows in common with all other figures examined in
other places a marked drop in 1912, with a slight rise in 1913, 1914,
and 1915, and a distinct fall for 1916, 1917, and with a slight rise
for 1918, and a still lower rate (by far the lowest on record) for 1919.
The statement is made, and is often borne out, that a high birth-
rate means a high infant mortality rate. This is not so in certain
districts of Liverpool. For example, in the Everton district there
were 3,240 births with a death-rate per 1,000 births of 109, whereas
in the Exchange district, with 922 births, the death-rate was 127.
On inquiry we find that the Everton district is the most densely
populated district of the city, containing 176 persons to the acre,
but the inhabitants are of the respectable artisan type, such as
railwaymen, carters, painters, etc. The houses, although small and
closely aggregated, 'generally contain six rooms with a small back-
yard, and are of a better type than those found in Exchange district,
which is one of the oldest districts in the city, and is closely populated
mostly with persons of the labouring class. The men are employed
to a great extent about the docks and many of the women are hawkers
and such like. Nearly 40 % of all infant deaths takes place within
the first four weeks.
There has been a marked decrease in drunkenness among women,
due in part to restricted hours, but probably also to the weaker nature
of the beverage, as well as to better wages which mean better food
and improvea conditions generally. No woman is noted as having
died from excessive drinking in 1919, whereas 50 died in 1914, and
38 in 1915.
Speaking generally, it is the experience of the United Kingdom
that infant mortality, though steadily going down, was in 1921 still
far too high, but there was probably an irreducible minimum which
might be taken as somewhere about 30 per 1,000 births, and might
be regarded as accidental and to a large extent unavoidable. In
Liverpool, for example, the deaths noted in 1919 under congenital
malformation were 56 out of a total number of births of 2,055, or
death-rate of 27 per 1,000.
The lines on which we may expect further diminution are many,
and cannot be regarded as due to any one cause, or group of causes,
such as sanitary improvements or climatic conditions. The quicken-
ing of late years of the public conscience upon the subject, as well as
the increased value put on all infant life owing to the immense loss
of life during the war, have a very large share in the diminution of
infant mortality.
REFERENCES. Report on the Physical Welfare of Mothers and
Children (England and Wales), vols. i. and ii., Carnegie United
Kingdom Trust; Reports of the Medical Officers of Health for the
Cities of Birmingham, Liverpool and London, 1919; Report of the
Registrar General of Births, Deaths and Marriages in England and
Wales for /pip (Cd. 1017); Report on Food Conditions in Germany
with Memoranda on Agricultural Conditions and Statistics, 1919
(Cd. 280); Princess Bliicher, An Englishwoman's Life in Berlin
during the War; W. A. Brem, Health and the State; W. A. Brem, An
Enquiry into the Statistics of Deaths from Violence; Maternity and
Child Welfare, vol. iv., 1920; Annual Report of the Chief Medical
Officer of the Board of Education, 1919 (Cd. 995) ; Sir George New-
man, An Outline of the Practice of Preventive Medicine (Cd. 3631);
Maternal Mortality in Connexion with Childbearing and its Relation
to Infantile Mortality (Cd. 8085). (J. WA.*)
UNITED STATES
Although accurate statistics of infant mortality in the United
States were lacking until recent years, practical interest in the
subject was shown as early as 1893, when Nathan Straus estab-
lished infant milk stations in New York City for the purpose of
providing pasteurized milk for infants. After that time there
were sporadic efforts in various parts of the country to protect
infants. Municipal or state effort was unknown until 1908,
when the City of New York established the Bureau of Child
Hygiene. On April 9 1912 the U.S. Government established
the Children's Bureau under the U.S. Department of Labor,
one of whose functions was to investigate matters relating to
infants' welfare. Between that time and the end of 1921 35
states established bureaus or divisions of child hygiene, and such
municipal organizations for the same purpose became common.
In addition to these Governmental enterprises, private and semi-
private organizations did excellent work in many communities.
INFANTILE MORTALITY
467
In order to conform to the practice of other countries, it
would be necessary to use as a standard the annual number of
deaths of infants under one year of age per thousand living
births occurring in the same area. But birth registration in the
United States has been noticeably lax. The area of state birth
registration, originating 1915, was at the end of 1919:
States Included in the U.S. Birth Registration Area, 1919.
Infant Mortality Rates, U.S. Birth Registration Area, 1915-9,
by Cities and Rural Communities.
Deaths per 1,000 births
1919 1918 1917 1916 1915
Cities in the registration area
(total) .... 89 108 100 104 103
Whites 86 105 96 102 102
Negroes 148 197 185 177 181
Rural part of the registration
Year Year
area (total) .
. . 84
94 97 94
State Admitted State Admitted
Whites
. 80
90 84 95 94
Connecticut 1915 Indiana . . . 1917
Negroes
. 123
143 134 203 182
Maine . . I9'5 Kansas . . . 1917
Massachusetts 1915 Kentucky . . 1917
Michigan . 1915 North Carolina . 1917
Minnesota . 1915 Ohio .... 1917
Study of the infant death-rates in the registration area shows
high rates for negroes in both cities and rural communities. This
racial characteristic affects the rates in the various states.
New Hampshire 1915 Utah .... 1917
New York . 1915 Virginia . . . 1917
Rates in the States
of the Birth
Registration Area, 1919.
Torn! Tlrhpin Rural
Pennsylvania 1915 Washington . . 1917
All States
87 8q 84.
Rhode Island l 1915 Wisconsin. . . 1917
Ccilifornici
"/ **y ^T-
7O 6d. 7Q
Vermont . 1915 California . . 1919
/ / "
86 86 87
District of Columbia 2 1915 Oregon . . . 1919
In.di3n3.
'
79 88 74
Maryland . . . 1916 South Carolina . 1919
Kansas .
70 88 65
The pop. in the birth registration area for 1915 was 31 % of the
Kentucky
82 105 78
total estimated pop. of the United States. In 1919 this had in-
Maine
91 89 91
creased to about 58 %. During a slightly longer period of time, 149
Maryland
.
105 98 115
cities were included in the registration area.
Massachusetts
.
88 90 82
The standard accepted by the U.S. Census Bureau is based upon
Michigan
.
90 97 82
what is known as the Model Law, and its requirements are:
Minnesota
.
67 68 66
I. Registration of births within 10 days.
New Hampshire
.
93 ioi 85
2. Use of standard birth certificates.
New York
.
84 85 77
3. Checks on registration, chiefly by (a) tracing records of deaths
North Carolina
.
84 124 82
of infants under one year of age to see whether birth was recorded,
Ohio.
.
90 94 85
and (b) tracing records of births reported in newspapers.
Oregon
.
63 69 59
4. The work of an efficient state registrar possessing full power
Pennsylvania .
.
100 99 ioi
and responsibility to enforce the law, in direct connexion with
South Carolina
.
113 139 in
local registrars.
Utah
.
71 74 69
5. Prompt monthly returns of the original certificates from the
Vermont .
.
85 121 79
local registrars to the state registrar, with report of "no births " or
Virginia .
91 106 87
" no deaths " where such is the case, and official statement of
Washington
63 59 67
completeness of registration or report of delinquents.
Wisconsin
80 94 71
6. Enforcement of penalties for non-compliance.
District of Columbia
85 85
It was reported in 1921 that no state had obtained complete
registration of births. The statistics in the area, however, were
generally assumed to be approximately correct. It is evident, there-
fore, that infant mortality statistics in the United States, up to the
As will be seen, the rates vary from 63 in Oregon and Washing-
ton to 113 in South Carolina (for 1919).
Rates by Sex in the Birth Registration Area, 1919.
end of 1921, were based entirely upon births reported in the regis-
1919 1918
tration area and that the total mortality must be estimated. It was
Males
95-8 1 10-9
believed, however, that the infant death rates in the states having
Females .
77-0 90-4
unsatisfactory registration of births do not differ essentially from
those recorded in the birth registration area.
The statistics of U.S. birth registration
of sex to infant mortality in that country
area show that the ratio
is about the same as that
Infant Mortality in the United States and Some Foreign Countries
in other countries. In
all years reported, the death-rate of male
or Provinces (per 1,000 living births).
infants is appreciably higher than the death-rate of female infants.
Chile (1919) . . 36 Denmark (1919) . 92
This applies to both cities and rural
communities, in 1919 the city
Hungary (1915) . 264 England and Wales
rate for males being 98-7 as against a
rural rate of 92-9, the city rate
Spain (1918) . . 183 (1919) ... 89
for females being 79-3 as against a rural rate ol 74-7.
Japan (1917) . . 173 Ireland (1919) .
Germany (1918). . 154 Switzerland (1918) . 88
Italy (1915). . . 147 United States (birth
Q lebec (1917) . . 138 registration area,
France (1919, 77 de- 1919) ... 87
partments) . . 119 Netherlands (1919) . 84
Finland (1917) . . 118 Sweden (1915) . . 76
Scotland (1919) . . 102 Australia (1919) . 69
Uruguay (1919) . ioi Norway (1917) . . 54
Ontario (1918) . . 99 New Zealand (1919). 45
Rates for 10 Largest Cities of the United States 1914-20.
1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920
New York . 94-6 98-1 93-1 88-8 91-7 81-6 85-4
St. Louis 3 . 103-3 82-1 89-4 79-7 94-5 75-2 76-5
Boston . . 103-7 103-0 104-9 98-9 114-9 96-8 ioo-8
Pittsburgh . 115-2 107-7 H3'8 116-2 122-5 H5'3 no-8
Cleveland. . 116-4 no-6 107-0 104-9 95-4 . 90-8 86-0
Philadelphia . 117-6 106-2 101-0 lio-o 126-0 89-8 88-6
Buffalo . . 121-5 108-2 113-9 103-7 121-5 109-8 loi-o
Detroit . . 122-4 IO 4'3 1 12-8 103-6 100-7 96-8 104-2
Note: The figures given are the latest available. It is possible
Chicago 3 . . 132-7
102-5 I ll'9 106-4 l4'3 9I-O 85-5
that the relative position of the United States would vary if all the
Baltimore. . 154-6
119-8 118-2 119-3 !47'8 97-o 104-2
statistics were for 1919.
As the above table shows, New York
Citv has had the lowest
There was a steady and persistent decline in the rates in the
birth registration area during 1916-21 with the exception of the
year 1918, when there was an increase over the preceding year,
due very largely to an epidemic of influenza. The further reduction
of the infant death-rate to 87 during the year 1919 supports the belief
that the factors which had to do with the general reduction of the
rate were exercising a cumulative and progressive effect.
rate of any of the 10 largest cities of the United States in the years
1914-20 inclusive, except for St. Louis in 1915, 1916, 1917 and 1919.
St. Louis is not in the birth registration area because its birth
registration reports are not accepted by the U.S. Census Bureau.
Rates in American Cities. Philip Van Ingen states that a report
from 432 or 87-8 % of the cities of the birth registration area, with a
population of 30,063,288 or 95-2 % of the total urban population of
Infant Mortality Rates, U.S. Birth Registration Area, 1915-9.
Deaths per 1,000 births
this area, shows the infant mortality rates for the five years 1915-20,
grouped according to population, to be as follows:
1919 1918 1917 1916 1915
Registration area (total) . . 87 ioi 94 ioi 100
Population
Over 250,000 .
1916
. 98-8
1917 1918 1919 1920
95-4 102-3 87-0 88-6
Whites 83 97 91 99 99
100,000 to 250,000
- 103-1
100-8 ni-8 91-0 92-2
Negroes 131 161 151 185 181
50,000 to 100,000
105-3
98-8 103-3 89-0 92-3
The rate for 1919 showed that of every 12 infants born alive, one
25,000 to 50,000
. 103-8
99-9 107-9 9i-o 90-3
died before reaching the age of one year.
10,000 to 25,000
. 105-8
100-8 114-1 94-7 91-5
O7'6 IO^*7 80* I QO"2
1 Dropped from registration area in 1919.
All cities in area
> .IOI '4
2 Included in registration states.
5 Not in birth registration area.
468
INFANTILE MORTALITY
Causes of Infant Mortality in the United Slates. It is probable
that the variety of race groups in the United States has had a
marked effect upon infant mortality. Statistical studies on this
point are not readily available but the report of Dr. W. H. Guil-
foy of New York City is worthy of mention. Dr. Guilfoy shows
that out of every thousand infants born of mothers of Russian-
Polish or Austro-Hungarian nationality, over 920 survive the first
year of life ; of Italian mothers 897 ; of native mothers 894 ; of German
mothers 885; of Irish mothers 881. Other significant results of this
analysis show that the nationality of the mother seems to be a pre-
dominant factor in deaths from congenital diseases under one year
of age per 10,000 births reported. This rate in children born of
Italian mothers was 295, of Russian mothers 320, Austro-Hunga-
rian mothers 284 and native-born mothers 544. This clearly indi-
cates that measures for the reduction of infant mortality in the
United States in the future must take into consideration the high
death-rate from congenital causes of infants of native-born parentage.
The effect of nationality upon deaths by infectious diseases is shown
in the fact that children of Italian mothers present the highest
mortality in the group, with a rate of 58 ; children of Irish mothers
rank next with a rate of 7; children of native-born mothers 38;
children of Austro-Hungarian mothers 36. In respiratory diseases,
race seems again to play an important part. The death-rate of
infants of Italian mothers from acute respiratory diseases is more
than three and one-half times that of children of German mothers,
almost three times that of children of Russian, Austro-Hungarian
and Irjsh mothers, and a little more than double that of native-
born mothers. In diarrhoeal diseases, the racial aspect is shown
as follows: The death-rate of infants of English mothers is 91 per
10,000 births, children of native-born mothers 80, children of Irish
mothers 72, children of Italian mothers 70, children of Austro-
Hungarian mothers 52, and children of Russian mothers 30.
The influence of race, as shown by these figures for New York
City, would seem to indicate that the highest death-rate from con-
genital causes in infancy is among children of native-born mothers,
the highest among infants from infectious diseases among children
of Italian mothers, the highest rate from respiratory diseases among
children of Italian mothers, and the highest rate from diarrhoeal
diseases among children of English and native-born mothers.
Figures for the United States Registration area for 1919 are of
interest in this connexion:
Rates Classified According to Country of Birth of Mother, 1919.
Total rate 86-6
United States . 77.7
Austria, including Austrian Poland 112-6
Hungary 89-3
Canada ............ 99- 1
Denmark, Norway and Sweden 66-8
England, Scotland and Wales 73-2
Ireland 87-4
Germany, including German Poland 78-1
Italy 87-7
Poland '.'.'. 124-4
Russia 73.5
Other foreign countries \ 104-8
Negroes (United States) 134-3
Age Groups as Factors in Infant Mortality. The well-known fact
that people are susceptible to their environment in inverse propor-
tion to their age is graphically demonstrated in the case of the
infant death-rate by examination of age subdivisions of the first
year of life. It is evident that the new-born infant is extremely
susceptible to its environmental conditions and that intrauterine
factors have an effect in making the infant mortality rate unusually
high during the first few days or first month of life. It must be
remembered that the intrauterine infant's environment is its
mother and that anything that affects her health inevitably reacts
upon the infant.
Rates in the U.S. Registration Area 1919 by Subdivisions of
First Year.
United States (total) 87-0
Under one day is-i
One day ...
Two days 3.2
Three to six days {3.0
One week .... c.c
Two weeks '.'.'.'. 3.=
Three weeks but under one month . . ! 2-8
One month g.e
Two months j C.Q
Three to five months \ I?. 7
Six to eight months ' jg.i
Nine to eleven months [ \ 7.0
Sanitation and Environment. Statistics regarding the effect of
sanitation and environmental conditions on the infant death-rate
are difficult, when not impossible, to obtain. Clinical and practi-
cal experience must be drawn upon to prove that lack of proper
sanitation and poor hygiene cause infant deaths. It is generally
accepted by child hygienists that the main factors in high rates are
poverty and ignorance. The more definite causes of infant mor-
tality due to lack of sanitation may be classified as those of social,
economic and general environment. Although the direct relation
of sanitation to the infant death-rate cannot be proved statistically,
it has been proved many times by the marked fall in the infant
death-rate when sanitary conditions in a community have shown
improvement. The sanitary conditions affecting the infant death-
rate may be classified from another point of view as decent housing,
proper standard of living, opportunities for recreation and fresh
air, clean water supply and clean milk supply.
Studies made by the Children's Bureau at Washington show that
the infant death-rate is definitely affected by overcrowding, and
that the number of people living in a room can be shown to have a
direct statistical relation to the rate. Overcrowding has a direct
relation to the economic condition of the family and is reflected in
its general standard of living. Such factors, therefore, are not
easily separated, but statistical studies have shown uncleanliness,
overcrowding, lack of ventilation and lack of decent hygiene in the
home are directly responsible for many infant deaths. In the
same way, poverty can be shown to be allied to the rate by the
fact that the rate bears a close and regular relation to the amount of
wages received by the family. In the Johnstown report of the
Children's Bureau, U.S. Department of Labor, definite figures are
given in this regard. The results of that investigation showed that
when the father earned less than $521 per year, the infant death-
rate was 255-7; where the father earned more than $1,200, the in-
fant death rate was 84. But wages must be considered again in
relation to social and sanitary factors, as a decent standard of liv-
ing may be maintained on a low wage-rate while a high wage-rate
does not necessarily include conformity to hygienic requirements.
Poverty reacts upon infant mortality in still another direction.
Insufficient earning capacity of the father usually forces the mother
into industry. Statistics relating to the health of mothers who are
industrially employed during their child-bearing life or during the
period of pregnancy would seem to indicate that employment of
these women, in itself, has no deleterious effect upon the infant.
More detailed studies and more careful analysis of the studies al-
ready made would seem to indicate that the high rate in towns
where women are industrially employed to any great extent is due
not so much to the effect of the mother's industry upon the child,
as to the conditions of poverty in the family that have forced
the mother into industrial pursuits. In order to show conclusively
that employment of women is a factor of importance in increasing
the infant mortality rate, a further study should be made as to the
effects of certain types of industry upon pregnant women. Prob-
ably one of the most harmful results of the employment of women,
so far as infant mortality rates are concerned, is the fact that
returning to the industry too soon after confinement is not only
harmful to the health of the mother in relation to future pregnan-
cies, but reacts disastrously upon the infant in that the latter
usually is deprived of breast feeding.
Type of Feeding. It has long been recognized that infant death-
rates from diarrhoeal diseases are very markedly affected by the
feeding employed. It has been proved beyond doubt that the
infant death-rate from diarrhoeal diseases can be much reduced
by the wider use of breast feeding and by the provision of safe,
clean milk for use in artificial feeding. The relation of breast and
artificial feeding to infant mortality is graphically shown in cer-
tain studies made in New York City. One such study, covering
deaths of 1,065 infants from diarrhoeal diseases, showed that 17%
of those who died had been breast-fed exclusively, while 83%
had been artificially fed, either with cows' milk or some form of
prepared infant food. In order to determine the extent of breast
feeding among well children, a further study was made covering
about 4,000 children between 3 and 12 months of age. In this
study it was found that 79% of the babies were breast-fed exclu-
sively while the remaining 21 % were fed with bottled milk, or bot-
tled milk and breast feeding combined. The- experience of the
Bureau of Child Hygiene of the Department of Health of the City
of New York has shown that about 80% of the tenement population
of that city nurse their babies exclusively, and that four-fifths of the
high death-rates of infants from diarrhoeal diseases occur in that
group of the infant population that is not breast-fed.
Milk. Reduction of the infant death-rates in the various com-
munities of the United States has followed very closely the improve-
ment of the milk supply and the tendency towards general pasteur-
ization of milk. The use of raw milk which has not been sufficiently
protected in its production, transportation and in its care in the
home is undoubtedly one of the most important factors in the
causation of high death-rates from diarrhoeal diseases which occur
so commonly among artificially fed infants. For these reasons any
efforts which are directed towards obtaining a safer supply of milk
for children may be classed as measures for the reduction of infant
mortality.
^Congenital Diseases. Under the group classified as "congenital
diseases " in the following table have been listed all deaths of infants
from prematurity, feeble vitality and accidents of labor. This
group, furnishing as it does over one-third of the total deaths dur-
ing the first year of life, is of immense importance. Some cities,
notably Boston and New York, have demonstrated that by the
employment of public health nurses for the supervision of women
INFANTRY
469
during their period of pregnancy; the observance by these women of
all matters pertaining to timely hygiene; proper supervision and
care in confinement, including adequate obstetrical and nursing
care and provision for nursing supervision of the infant during the
first month of life, it is possible to reduce the infant death-rate
from congenital causes in the first month of life at least one-half,
and, in many instances, two-thirds. Such results seem to show that
the present high rates from congenital causes are unnecessary.
Percentage for Various Disease Groups, U.S. Birth Registration
Area, 1919.
Total Rural Urban
Infectious diseases . ... 2-8 2-9 2-4
Respiratory diseases . ... 14-8 13-5 16-2
Diarrhoeal diseases . ... 18-2 15-7 20-5
Congenital diseases . ... 42-7 41-6 44-0
All other causes . . ... 21-5 26-3 16-9
IOO-O IOO-O IOO-O
Diarrhoeal Diseases. The causes of infant mortality from diar-
rhoeal diseases already have been incidentally discussed. They
may be summed up, however, as wrong methods of feeding, lack of
hygiene, depressed vitality due to heat and lack of observance of
the ordinary methods of hygienic care during infancy.
Respiratory Diseases. -The infant death-rate from respiratory
diseases is largely the result of broncho-pneumonia, secondary to
measles or whooping-cough. The effect of influenza upon the
infant death-rate in the United States has been marked. The results,
however, have been due not so much to infant deaths from influenza
as to the fact that the mother has died from the disease and the
infant, owing to deprivation of breast feeding, has been unable to
resist the disease. Experience in public health work has seemed
to show that the occurrence of respiratory diseases, in common
with the occurrence of contagious diseases in infancy, is due very
largely to improper methods of living and is closely allied to lack of
ventilation of living-rooms and overcrowding of families.
Contagious Diseases. This group furnishes only a small propor-
tion of the total infant death-rate. Deaths in this classification are
mainly those due to measles and whooping-cough, both of which
must be considered as extremely dangerous diseases in infancy.
National Maternity and Infant Welfare Law. Reference has been
made to the efforts of the Children's Bureau of the Department of
Labor, Washington, and the various state and other bureaus of
child hygiene to reduce the infant death-rates of certain localities.
The 67th Congress of the United States passed a bill " to promote
the welfare and hygiene of maternity and infancy." This bill,
signed by the President, was to be operative during five years. It
provides that each state shall receive $10,000 outright, an additional -
$5,000 provided it appropriates an equal sum, and thereafter a pro
rate share of approximately $1,000,000, based upon the population
of the various states, provided, however, that the state in ques-
tion raises an amount equal to this additional appropriation. The
money thus given is to be used for the purposes stated in the bill,
that is, promotion of maternity and infant welfare work. The
general central administration of the act is to be carried out by the
committee, composed of the surgeon-general of the U.S. Public
Health Service, the 'U.S. Commissioner of Education and the chief
of the Children's Bureau of the U.S. Department of Labor, the chief
of the Children's Bureau being the executive officer. The purpose
of this bill is to reduce the maternity and infant death-rates by help-
ing the states to establish work of their own for the purpose.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Birth Statistics for the Registration Area of the
United Slates, IQIQ, Bureau of the Census, Department of Com-
merce, Washington, D.C. ; W. H. Park, Public Health and Hygiene;
Statistical Report of Infant Mortality for 1920, American Child
Hygiene Assn. ;Wm. H. Guilfoy, M.D., The Influence of Nationality
upon the Mortality of a Community; Physicians' Pocket Reference to
the International List of Causes of Death, Bureau of the Census,
Department of Commerce, Washington, D.C. (S. J. B.*)
INFANTRY (see 14.517). To appreciate the lessons learned
from the experience of infantry in the World War in relation to
the past as well as to the future, it is necessary to emphasize one
particular aspect of infantry evolution the gradual decrease in
size of the unit which one man can command. It is desirable
also to visualize what " command " really implies. A corporal is
said to " command " the squad of recruits which he is training on
a barrack square; he does it by shouting words of command to
them. Marshal Foch also " commanded " the Allied armies in
western Europe in 1918; he did it, however, without raising his
voice above its usual pitch. Between the Marshal and the corpo-
ral were a host of intermediate commanders of every sort, kind
and description, but we are concerned here mainly with infantry
commanders and especially with those in the junior ranks. For
theirs is the hardest task in a battle, and it is upon them that
success depends. " The wisest plans, the most thorough prepara-
tions, the most brilliant guidance avail nothing unless the fight
is won by the fighters by the platoons." The minds of superior
officers therefore are devoted especially in peace-time to hard
thinking on the problem of what they can possibly do or invent
to make junior infantry commanders superior to the adversaries
whom they are likely to meet in action. A general's command
implies much forethought as well as some experience in its holder,
and thus his " command " again has a different meaning. He is a
trainer, and it is with respect to this part of " command " that
we shall chiefly be concerned.
If we turn to the past for a moment, we find that the Greeks
invented and trained their phalanx and the Romans their legion,
and with these two systems the infantry arm dominated the
known world for several centuries. Each of these tactical forma-
tions was based upon a most precise drill, executed almost daily
by junior commanders. Moreover this drill was in each case
suited to the age and the esprit de corps of the period. In battle
the voice of the infantry superior could be heard and was in-
s'tantly obeyed, both in the phalanx and the legion. Then ensued
the Dark Ages and comparative chaos, which was dominated by
feudal horse soldiers, until archery made infantry again supreme.
Precise drill was at the root of the success of the archers, and
fire orders were strictly enforced. If we take Crecy (1346) as an
example, we find that Edward III. initiated fire orders himself,
though he left the command of the front-line to his son, the
youthful Prince of Wales in charge of the archers. A careful
survey of the ground at Crecy from the commanding position of
its windmill, in which King Edward was posted, enables one to
see why it was possible for him to issue fire orders and instructions
to the archers posted below him. They were only a few hundred
yards from him, but he could see better than they could when the
crowd of French cavaliers would offer the best target to the
British longbowmen. These bowmen had under several reigns
been disciplined and drilled with precision in the use of their
weapons, and that is why they defeated the gallant but undiscip-
lined mob of horsemen who attacked them without method at
Crecy. It is also obvious that the diminutive size of that battle-
field enabled the commander-in-chief, posted behind his reserve,
to initiate fire orders and see their effect in fact, he performed
duties which now appertain to platoon commanders. Moreover,
the size of the whole battle-field corresponded with a sector allot-
ted to one battalion, or at most to two, in 1918. Thus the process of
devolution of the physical command occupied some five centuries,
chiefly because it took all that time to alter infantry armament
from bows to Lewis guns ; partly also because each generation of
professional soldiers clung with punctilious tenacity to the ad-
mirable drill of a previous age. Similar tenacity is visible to-day,
but changes are in the air. Frederick the Great (1740) attained
parade-ground precision even during the shock of encounter, and
won his battles by means of remorseless drill, stepping to music
and machine-like fire tactics with inaccurate muskets. Such is the
force of tradition in any army that in 1914, German companies
in Flanders were trying to copy Frederick's tactics with the aid
of song instead of a band to inspire their P arademarsch within
close range of British infantry. But their opponent's rifles were
accurate in 1914.
Frederick, however, did not teach one system on the barrack
square and then practise a totally different one on active service;
but that is what the British infantry did before the S. African
War (1899) and what some soldiers would like it to do again.
Their line of reasoning is that, as every war alters tactical forma-
tions, it is not of much avail to learn in peace-time tactics which
will assuredly be discarded in the next war.
British Infantry in 1913. In Oct. 1913 the British infantry
underwent a drastic change, in spite of much opposition. The
old " Eight Company " system was abolished, and the continen-
tal system was adopted of dividing the battalion into four compa-
nies, each 200 strong. This change gave a peace strength of
about loo men per company actually available for training.
This admirable reform, which fortunately was accomplished on
the verge of the World War, was effected by amalgamating two
of the old companies to form one of the new and enlarged compa-
470
INFANTRY
nies. Each company was then commanded by a major or captain,
with a captain as second-in-command. Subaltern officers became_
the responsible and effective commanders of the four platoons
into which the new companies were divided, and four of the ser-
geants who originally commanded sections of the old companies
became platoon-sergeants and hence second-in-command. Thus
one notable result of the change was to allot the responsibility
of an executive role to the subaltern in place of the senior non-
commissioned officer. The change rested on sound psychology,
because the latter has generally proved less capable of initiative,
though excellent as an adviser on account of his length of ex-
perience, and admirable as an executor of a definite order. The
eight colour-sergeants of the old companies were allotted to the
four new companies with the titles of company-sergeant-major
and company-quartermaster-sergeant,, the former for tactical,
the latter for administrative duties.
The organization of a battalion at the beginning of the war
was as follows: Headquarters, machine-gun section (two guns),
four companies. For purposes of administration the personnel of
battalion headquarters other than the battalion commander a
lieutenant-colonel, the senior major, adjutant and quartermaster
and the machine-gun section were unfortunately distributed
to companies and platoons as supernumerary to their establish-
ments. They should have been kept at battalion headquarters.
A company consisted of company headquarters and four pla-
toons, numbered from i to 12 throughout the battalion. A
platoon was composed of four sections. A section was com-
manded by a non-commissioned officer and was the normal fire
unit. Four battalions, from various regiments, were grouped to
form a brigade. In the British army the regiment is simply a
unit of sentiment and the spring from which esprit de corps arises.
It is based on a fixed regimental depot which is the common
link of battalions scattered over the British Empire. The four-
company battalion marked a stepping-stone in the history of the
British infantry, because the platoon became the " tactical "
unit instead of the company. As a logical consequence the
fire unit (section) decreased in size and became the command of
a junior N:C.O. a corporal or lance-corporal.
At first this change seemed incomprehensible to the lay mind
because it was contrary to the idea that in modern war the
improvement of communications tends to centralization and
control by the higher authorities. But the extent of the modern
battle-field and the increase and improvement of mechanical
weapons tend to isolate and break up infantry units more than
formerly. A further consequence of the change was that British
infantry organization became based on a four-unit system from
the brigade down to the platoon. This uniform distribution of
units in multiples of four proved to be handier than the French
and the German distribution in multiples of three. By the end of
1918 the four-unit system was pronounced to be the best, whether
for tactics or administration or reliefs or daily routine but
especially for tactical handling in the field. One reason for this is
that " odd " numbers destroy the even distribution of duties.
In fact the French and German distribution was a three-cornered
organization in more senses than one.
The outstanding defect of British pre-war preparations lay in
the allotment of only two machine-guns to each battalion and
none to a brigade. Another defect which soon became apparent
was that the enhanced responsibilities of the company and platoon
commanders were not accompanied as they should have been with
increased disciplinary powers.
Other Armies, 1914. In the German, French and U.S. armies
the regiment consisted of three battalions, and was a tactical as
well as an administrative unit. In Germany it was commanded
by a colonel with a lieutenant-colonel as his second-in-command.
The battalion, commanded by a major, was divided into four
companies, each commanded by a captain. The company was
divided into three sections (Ziige) each under a subaltern who
had as his understudy or second-in-command, either a sergeant-
major, a " vice-sergeant-major " or a " sword-knot ensign "
(aspirant-officer). On mobilization for war one additional
officer was allotted to each company. Prior to mobilization
every infantry regiment and Jager battalion was provided with a
machine-gun company of six guns, plus one spare. The French
company was organized into four sections, commanded in war
by three subalterns and one adjutant (superior company sergeant-
major). The sections were grouped in pairs to constitute pdolons
(platoons) under the senior of the two section leaders. In peace
there were only two subalterns on the establishment for the four
sections. Machine-gun sections were allotted to battalions as in
the British army. In the United States the company was com-
posed of three officers and 150 rifles, divided into two sections,
each of three squads. In the World War, however, the U.S.
infantry regiment was modelled on the continental form, having
also a regimental machine-gun company, a headquarters company
and a supply company.
Thus before the World War the infantry battalion was in
almost every country about 1,000 rifles strong, allotted to four
companies each commanded by a mounted officer. But the
British battalion was the weakest in fighting strength, because
its First Line Transport and other services were deducted from
its 1,000 rifles, whereas the regimental systems of continental
infantry provided these services from a separate regimental
establishment. The subalterns were dismounted officers, whose
commands varied as follows: British 50 men, German 80 men,
French 50 men, United States 75 men. But in the British infan-
try a large proportion of the 50 men borne on the strength of
every platoon were absent on other duties. For instance, they
were signallers, or machine-gunners, or bandsmen, or transport
drivers, or pioneers -they were in fact everything except fighting
infantrymen and these should have been struck off the rolls of
the fighting platoons. The British Treasury, however, ordained
otherwise, and thus made training and fighting difficult and
sometimes impossible for the platoon commander.
Changes during 1914-8. During the war the basic organization
of the infantry of the belligerent powers was not materially
altered. The changes were chiefly in the direction of additional
weapons and a multiplication of kit, which reduced the infantry
soldier to a beast of burden laden under a weight which destroyed
his mobility. In 1915 the British infantry as compared with the
German suffered from a paucity of heavy machine-guns, and was
slow to increase its machine-gun strength. At first an increase
was made (up to four per battalion), and when manufacturers
increased their output these were formed into machine-gun com-
panies. They were gradually divorced from the infantry and
formed into a machine-gun corps, firstly as brigade machine-gun
companies and finally as divisional battalions. By the time this
had been accomplished, the lighter Lewis gun had made its
appearance, and had been allotted definitely to infantry units.
The first issue (not long before the battle of Loos, 1915) was only
two or four guns per battalion, but by the end of Nov. 1915,
when brigade machine-gun companies had been formed, the
establishment of Lewis guns was beginning to increase. The
tendency at first was to use this weapon like a heavy machine-gun
and consequently as a battalion weapon, but when its characteris-
tics were better understood it took its rightful place, first .as a
company weapon in 1916 and finally as a platoon weapon in
Feb. 1917. Battalions were issued with 16 guns, i.e. one per
platoon, but were so satisfied with this weapon that demands
were submitted for a further supply. By March i 1918 16 more
guns for platoons and 4 for anti-aircraft work became available,
making a total of 36 per battalion. We then find the platoon
composed of four sections, two of which were armed with one
Lewis gun each. The allotment of an automatic weapon on such
a scale marked an important step in the tactics of infantry. One
of these new weapons, handled by only two men, could deliver
a stream of bullets equal in number to, and more accurately aimed
than, what could formerly be projected by 25 soldiers with rifles.
Obviously the number of men required in the forefront of the
battle could now be reduced without affecting the volume of fire.
This meant fewer casualties and bigger reserves for the arm
without which battles cannot be won. Consequently, the maxi-
mum number of soldiers in every section was reduced to one
leader and six men, making a total for all ranks of a platoon
INFANTRY
47i
only 31 actually taken into action. The change was dictated by
the shortage of man-power, which threatened to deplete the
ranks of the infantry. Any numbers over the 31 were to be left
out of every battle as reinforcements, but few platoons ever
numbered more than 20 men actually available after 1916.
The Germans were faced with the man-power problem before
any of the other belligerents, and they also appreciated the value
of the light machine-gun. In March 1917 they issued three to
every company, and afterwards raised this allotment to six by
giving two guns to each platoon. Finally, each German battalion
consisted of a heavy machine-gun company of 1 2 guns, and three
infantry companies armed with six light machine-guns each,
without counting the special machine-gun companies allotted to
divisions in every battle. This tremendous increase of automatic
weapons had an inevitable effect on infantry formations. The
costly attacks on narrow frontages were abandoned. The suc-
cessive lines or waves of men gave place to open formations.
The four sections of a platoon were gradually separated from one
another and compelled to manoeuvre and fight under their own
leaders. When platoons were too weak to man four sections, they
fought with only two, one of which was armed with a Lewis gun.
The frontages allotted to attacking platoons were increased,
and in some of the great battles of 1918 we find platoons attacking
on frontages of 200 and even 300 yd. with very small effectives.
Fire-power was at last understood.
In addition to the Lewis gun, rifle grenade, and hand grenade,
the Stokes light mortar proved to be a most useful infantry wea-
pon. Although it did not form an integral part of battalions, the
brigade light-mortar batteries drew their personnel entirely from
the infantry, and the mortars were allotted to battalions during
operations. The light mortar was the nearest approach to an
infantry gun in the British army, and though not an ideal weapon,
rendered great help to battalions in reducing enemy machine-
guns and strong points. The German mortars in the summer of
1918 were distributed as follows. Each regiment had a regimental
" minenwerfer " company, organized in three sections, each with
three light minenwerfer and in addition two or three medium
minenwerfer. The important part played by these weapons in
battle tended to prove that infantry, when scientifically armed,
can become independent of other arms, and is capable of fighting
its own local battle either with or without artillery support and
tanks. To fulfil this role, however, it needs to be more highly and
scientifically trained than before the World War. The importance
of training the commanders of companies, platoons, and sections
cannot be over-emphasized, and it was the shortage of these
trained officers and non-commissioned officers which caused so
much deterioration after the battle of Ypres in 1917.
Organization in 1919. On Nov. n 1918, the date of the
Armistice, the British infantry battalion was organized in bat-
talion headquarters and four companies, each company consist-
ing of company headquarters and four platoons. Each platoon
consisted of headquarters and four sections, two of which were
armed with one Lewis gun each. Certain riflemen in the sections
carried rifle and hand grenades. The platoon was the largest
unit composed of men whose sole duty is to fight, and the war
established it as the " tactical unit " of infantry. The section is,
however, the fire unit upon which infantry organization is built.
It consists of a leader and six men, a number which experience
has proved the largest that can be directly controlled in action by
one commander. It is therefore the " fire-unit " of the infantry.
Thus the British subaltern officer's command in battle became
28 fighting men as compared with 50 in 1914 but it should be
remembered that the two Lewis guns and the rifle grenade and
hand grenade increased the fire-power of the platoon out of all
proportion to the number of its men.
Meanwhile the German organization had undergone no funda-
mental change, though its battalions had decreased considerably
in size. Previous to the offensive of March 21 1918, the German
High Command had fixed the total establishment of an infantry
battalion at 980 men including the machine-gun company. This
establishment was reduced on July i 1918 to 880 men (750 men
for the four companies and 130 men for the machine-gun com-
pany). In the autumn of 1918 the strength of a normal German
infantry battalion was estimated at 20 officers and 650 other
ranks, including the machine-gun company, but, as a matter of
fact, many German battalions mustered less than 300 men all
told at the end of the war. Each battalion consisted of four com-
panies and a machine-gun company. Companies were numbered
i to 12 throughout the regiment; machine-gun companies were
numbered i, 2 and 3. A company was organized in three
platoons, numbered i, 2, 3 in each company. Each* platoon
(Zug) was divided into four sections commanded by corporals
( Unterojfizier) , numbered i to 12 throughout the company.
The smallest subdivision was the section (Gruppe) under a
lance-corporal, but many of the subdivisions became nominal
under defeat in 1918.
Post-war Organization. The basic structure of the post-war
British' battalion has remained that of the battab'on of 1918, viz.:
an organization of companies, platoons and sections on the four-
unit system which has successfully passed the test of war and
should remain unaltered, though administration is likely to be
simplified. The peace strength will probably be 28 officers and
700 other ranks at home, the war strength over 1,000. The chief
innovation will be the introduction of a fifth subdivision of the
battalion, viz.: the headquarters wing. The interior organization
of tne four companies will be as in 1918 except that a separate
company headquarters will contain both some fighting and the
administrative portions of the company, namely, men who do
not belong to or fight in platoons (e.g. company sergeant-major
and company quartermaster-sergeant, company signallers and
cooks). These will be borne on the strength of company head-
quarters and will free the platoons of the incubus of mere paper
men. It is around the headquarters wing that the chief in-
terest lies. This unit is the outcome of experience, for during
the World War almost every experienced battalion commander
formed a unit which was commonly called a headquarters
company. It was unauthorized officially, but proved itself to
be indispensable. This so-called headquarters company con-
tained the personnel of the battalion necessary for fighting and
administrative efficiency that is to say, all who do not actually
take part in an action as members of companies. For example,
battalion signallers, police, pioneers, cooks and grooms cannot be
classified as men whose duty is solely fighting. The inclusion of
these specialists, or " employed men " as they were called, on
the strength of platoons gave the higher authorities an erroneous
impression of what the actual fighting strength of a battalion was.
For example, a platoon might contain 18 fighting men under the
old conditions and in addition 12 " employed men." Its total
strength was therefore 30 men on paper, but it only took 18 into
battle and merely encumbered its pay -books with the 12 men who
were otherwise employed. The headquarters wing, so called
to distinguish it from a fighting company, will be approximately
200 strong, subdivided into four groups for administration. In
particular, it is of interest to note that in the headquarters
wing will be included, as an integral part of the battalion, the
machine-gun platoon (eight heavy machine-guns) and the Stokes
light-mortar section (probably two, possibly four mortars).
Although these are composed of men whose duty is fighting, it
would be incorrect to include them in the platoons, as they
neither fight as part of them nor are trained by the platoon
commander. It will be observed that the battalion in 1921
was armed with seven different kinds of weapons (not to mention
smoke and gas) as compared with two in 1914: viz. the rifle
and bayonet, the rifle grenade, the hand grenade, the Lewis gun,
the Vickers gun, the light mortar, the revolver for Lewis gunners.
In addition it is likely that it will be necessary also to arm infan-
try battalions with some form of light gun, primarily for defence
against tanks. The question of accompanying artillery is dealt
with elsewhere (see ARTILLERY). There will then be self-contained
battalions which must be skilfully trained in the use of the numer-
ous weapons with which they will be armed. The crux of the
infantry problem will be how to train the infantry soldier,
equipped as he will be with these complex weapons.
The need for skilled officers and trained non-commissioned
472
INFANTRY
officers is thus greater than ever it was, and the ideal would be to
have in each battalion 64 section commanders, each capable of
leading and training their sections in the use of the weapons with
which they are armed. The 16 platoon commanders and their
seconds-in-command will have to be experts in teaching the uses
of all platoon weapons and in the tactical handling of the sections
in the use of ground. The achievement of this ideal should leave
company and battalion commanders free to think out and
practise with their units the best methods of cooperating the
platoon weapons with the battalion weapons (the machine-gun
and the light mortar) and of coordinating these with the other
arms (artillery, tanks and aircraft).
Under peace-time conditions this ideal may remain a dream
owing to the scarcity of men with whom to carry out any form of
training. Also the battalions serving in peace-time at home
suffer under the additional burden of completing the elementary
training of all recruits, because these are only partially exercised
at the regimental depots which they join on enlistment. The
civilian is apt to think that a battalion 700 strong has 700 men
with which to train itself for war, but in practice it is fortunate if
it can muster a single company at a time for training owing to the
demands made for drafts and peace duties. Another great
hindrance to British training is involved in the fact that the
commanders of home battalions are compelled to furnish from
their units, and send abroad every year, all the drafts which are
required by their linked battalions serving overseas. But, as if
these hindrances were insufficient, an even greater difficulty is
caused by what are commonly known as " employments."
These are of two kinds: (a) " employments " carried out by
the battalion in peace and war, and (6) " employments " carried
out by the battalion in peace only. The latter may be servants to
staff and departmental officers, gardeners, men employed in
regimental institutes, or at brigade, divisional or command head-
quarters, grooms of officers outside the battalion, etc. These are
the type of employments which eat the heart and sold out of
every company commander, and which militate against his
efficient training for war. Two remedies at least are obvious, but
like all transparent truths are slow to be adopted. In the first
place the need is for some form of " employment company " to
be established in peace, as it had been in the war, to relieve
battalions of such servitude. In the second place, the regimental
depots might be so reorganized as to turn out recruits fit to take
their places in their sections and platoons, and capable of taking
part in company training, whether at home or abroad, directly
they join any battalion. Without these two indispensable
reforms the problem of training the British infantry for a future
war is likely to continue unsolved.
Before proceeding to describe what infantry does, it may be
useful to emphasize one outstanding diffirence between British
and continental European organizations, namely, the absence
from the British service of any regimental personnel. British
brigades are composed of four single battalions which lack regi-
mental unity of moral and tradition, as well as the habit of work-
ing together in peace-time. Nor are the brigades even permanently
constituted as are the continental regiments. There are com-
pensating advantages, due to garrisons scattered over an empire
with the valuable experience of service overseas. But all the
facts do not seem to have been taken into consideration by
those who framed peace and war establishments after 1871, or
they would surely have compensated battalion commanders for
the first line transport and other services which depleted their
ranks. Indeed, from whatever angle British battalions are
viewed in detail, they appear to exist only on sufferance; and
constantly an endeavour becomes visible to make one man count
as two. When this calculation has been successfully achieved it
is found that training has invariably been sacrificed. The band
however always remains.
The Rdle of Infantry. The question is sometimes, " What is
the use of Infantry? Is it not butchery to expose men on foot to
the mechanical horrors of the battle-field of to-day?" A sooth-
sayer occasionally declares: " There is no place left in battle for a
man as a fighting entity his role is that of a machine tender."
But man, on foot, is still more universally mobile than any ma-
chine. In his agility still rests the key to unlock the fastnesses
which no machine yet invented can enter wherein his fellow
man can hide himself. The more destructive weapons become the
more does man seek impregnable shelter in which he can escape
the missiles of death-dealing machines. But where man has
entered, there also man can follow to seek him out, and until the
assailant possesses a mechanical octopus he must himself go in to
dislodge his adversary. The appliances manufactured by invent-
ive genius only help to break down the barriers to this final act
of combat. Man in war cannot be beaten until he owns himself
beaten. Experience of all war proves this truth. So long as war
persists as an instrument of policy the objects of that policy can-
not be attained until the opponent admits defeat. Total exter-
mination, even if it were possible, would recoil on the victor in
the close-knit organization of the world's society, and might
involve his own moral and commercial ruin. Moreover it is
unnecessary. In all war, man, immediately he realizes that his
opponent is permanently superior, and directly he has no further
hope of victory, yields. To this history bears witness.
Therefore victory produces a moral rather than a material
result. To conquer one has to make the enemy feel the force of a
superiority which shakes his faith in his own power to win. This
demoralization is achieved by a concrete manifestation. Military
history testifies that the infliction of casualties does not produce
it as a certainty. The survivor alone retains the power to admit
defeat, and must therefore be made to feel the superiority of his
opponent. The concrete proof of this to him lies in being driven
back not a few yards only, for his moral will survive that but
in being hurled back in confusion. The demoralization which
begets a conviction of inferiority also comes from the break-up of
organization. When the parts .do not function hope vanishes.
Now, the greater the progress in weapons, the more far-reach-
ing is their range of destruction. But this greater range brings
with it its own counterpoise. The man on the battle-field feels
that it is no use to run. Speed of foot will not outstrip the
velocity of the projectile, and, as there is little hope of safety in
flight, he stands his ground in desperation and seeks to hide from
the missiles. He becomes fatalistic, resigned to death. Terror of
the machine has overstepped its aim. In such mental state man
is no longer guided by his instinct of self-preservation. Tempo-
rarily he is akin to an animal confronted by some inhuman threat
which it does not understand. It remains motionless, petrified,
awaiting its doom, until it perceives some living agency behind
the threat. Then only are its senses restored and its instinct of
self-preservation revived. It flees. So with men on the battle-
field. The sense of defeat, of inferiority, can only be achieved by
an agency which is tangible and human. Man needs something
from which to run some tangible oncoming danger from which
escape is possible. The hostile infantry supplies it in human
form. Even in panics, when no real enemy is present, the images
created by hallucination are those of human pursuers.
It is the infantry, and the infantry alone, which can bring
about retreat or surrender in the open field and so place the cop-
ing stone victory on the edifice of battle. A great artillery
bombardment will drive the enemy to ground, but even where
great concentration of shell-fire is achieved, it cannot dislodge
him. He is safer in his dug-out than in flight. The tank is tangi-
ble, it is true, and therefore less petrifying, but man can avoid it
or hide from it more easily than from infantry. Moreover it is
less agile, more cumbersome, more limited in its modes of action
than the foot-soldier. There are types of obstacles which it can-
not yet surmount, ground which will not bear its weight, or which
is too rough or steep to cross. Cavalry, like infantry, is a human
arm, but it affords too easy a target, is too quickly stopped by
rifle or machine-gun fire, and is less mobile on rugged and broken
ground. Its superior speed is insufficient compensation for these
drawbacks except against broken and flying infantry. Thus we
see that infantry is the sole decisive arm in battle, that its power
is based on huma'n rather than on material factors, and that its
tactics spring from moral elements of which the chief is fear.
If therefore we wish to understand the action of infantry we
INFANTRY
473
must analyse and understand fear, in order that we may exploit
it in our enemy and remedy it in our own infantry. The excep-
tional man may not feel fear, but the majority of men do. Their
nervous self-control alone stands between them and yielding to
fear. How to cause this collapse of our enemy's nervous control
and strengthen that of our own men offers a wide field of investiga-
tion to future trainers of all arms, but especially of infantry.
This nervous control by which the weakness of human flesh is
subdued may be upset in two principal ways. It may be worn
thin by continued strain or it may be shattered in a single instant
by a shock. Usually it gives way under a combination of these
two influences. The nerve control can be worn away impercepti-
bly by the anxiety, the suspense of waiting for an enemy's blow,
or by the noise and effect of shell-fire, or by the loss of sleep which
renovates the tired will. Then, without warning, the shock of a
surprise snaps the fine-drawn thread of our will to resist. Stub-
born resistance may then change in a moment to panic flight, and
its frequency will depend on inherited racial temperament.
: Destruction of the Enemy's Moral. To wear down the enemy's
nerve control is the role of the commander, of the artillery, of
bombing aeroplanes. When opposing armies are in close contact
the infantry shares in the process by raids and false attacks. In
the battle, the part of the infantry is to snap, not wear down, the
enemy's control over his fear. The fracture is effected by the
enemy's sudden realization that he is powerless to ward off his
assailant's blow. To accomplish this we must pass a sufficient,
though not necessarily a larger, proportion of men through the
curtain of his fire, to a point so close to him that they can assault,
or offer the threat of an assault which he realizes he is powerless to
prevent. The key to this assault is fire at short range, to pave a
way for the onslaught. Hence formations which avoid loss by
taking advantage of cover and conserve the will to close with the
enemy are necessary. Surprise, the simpler, more certain and
less costly method, is effected by assault from an unexpected
direction against an unguarded spot at an unexpected moment.
The key to infantry success is therefore movement, or, in military
language, manceuvre. Fear, above all, is caused by uncertainty
and apprehension of the unknown, which breaks down the will to
resist and gives to the assault in flank or rear its supreme value.
Thus at close quarters mere numbers are not the deciding factor,
and assaults are better launched by platoons than by battalions.
Strengthening of our own Moral. What are the factors which
enable the average man to fight down fear? First, undoubtedly,
comes confidence confidence in his superiority to the enemy,
based on his own skill in handling his weapons; faith in his
leader's skill and judgment, combined with devotion to him as
a man; trust in and comradeship with his fellows the assur-
ance that he will be backed up, that his efforts will not be in
vain. Secondly, esprit de corps which is allied to confidence.
Thirdly, discipline the power of association to overrule instinct.
Lastly, action to minimize reflection on the dangers to be faced.
If a man is engaged upon some definite act or task, his mind is
occupied. Hence the advantage of attack over defence. Move-
ment helps to drown fear. So in the attack the moral factor
indicates that we should not check the rate of advance in order
to obtain uniformity or well-dressed lines. Every time a man
stops he offers an opportunity for fear to assert itself. Let him
push on to close with the enemy as quickly as he is able,
stopping only to regain breath. As soon as he sees an enemy at
close range, let him open fire. Not before. Under modern condi-
tions of armament, with the overhead fire of machine-guns and
artillery superposed on the fire of the defenders of trenches,
attacking infantry has a harder task than in Frederick the
Great's day. To demand of it, therefore, a slow advance in line
is to strain the nerves unduly. It indicates the presence of leaders
whose teachings are based on mechanics, not human nature.
Thus movement is the safety valve of fear. We should force the
pace of the attack, for the sooner the man closes with his enemy
the less chance he has to be apprehensive of what awaits him.
But we cannot force the pace if we stop to fire at long ranges.
Discipline no longer implies an unthinking obedience. The dis-
cipline which dominated fear by inspiring a greater and nearer
terror is not advisable now that fire units are widely scattered
in battle. Even if still attainable it would not be effective under
conditions wherein men must disperse if they are to survive and
victory depends on the skill and initiative of subordinate leaders.
The mechanical discipline of the past is an anachronism in battle.
The need is for intelligent discipline a discipline compared by
the late Col. G. F. R. Henderson to that of " a pack of well-
trained hounds, running in no order, but without a straggler,
each making good use of its instinct and following the same
object with the same relentless perseverance." Infantry disci-
pline should be based on that pride and self-esteem which comes
from esprit de corps. Man does not dare to show himself a
coward under the eyes of the leader he knows, the comrades with
whom he shares his duty and recreation. This discipline is based
on the confidence that unity gives strength.
Confidence is born of training the training of each individual,
the training of the leader, the training of the unit. These suc-
cessive trainings forge the infantry weapon and make it fit to act
its decisive part on the battle-field. Moreover these various train-
ings of human beings symbolize the truth that man is still the
master of the machine. But no greater error is current to-day
than that infantry is the most easily trained arm. None needs
more care, more skill, if it is adequately to play its part. For it is
the least mechanical and by far the most human arm in existence.
Yet experience of the World War indicates that of all the arms
and services, infantry, the backbone, was the least trained. This
defect was due not so much to the reason that less care, less
research and thought were devoted to it though these factors
counted but to the reason that it is the most difficult arm to
train, because it possesses so few concrete elements. It is con-
cerned with tactics and ground, not with material and stable
equations. To train infantry is to exercise an art, whereas to
train gunners is to apply a science; the one requires an artist, the
other a calculator. The man in the ranks of the artillery, the
tank corps, the air service, is often a mechanic executing a
concrete task in a definite manner. Initiative is the province of
the officer, but even he, in the subordinate ranks of other arms,
is concerned with producing a material effect. The infantryman's
use of material his weapons is only a means to an end not an
end in itself. He himself survives the scientific developments of
countless wars because his human value remains unchanged.
Even in the employment of his weapons he is guided by variable
factors and conditions. But the use of his variety of weapons is
only complementary to the use he makes of tactics and ground
before he gets to grips with his enemy. The variety of elements
with which he has to deal has led as a rule to each different unit
being trained too often mistrained according to the whims
and prejudices of its temporary commander, who is apt to confine
himself to such parts of the subject as he himself knows best.
Hence a tendency towards over-emphasis of such matters as drill,
musketry, bayonet fighting, which can be easily mastered by the
intellect of the average officer. Hence also the neglect of tactical
training, which demands thought and is difficult to learn and
teach because it deals with moral and variable factors and re-
quires a modicum of imagination.
Minor Tactics and Fire Tactics. Right tactics are above all
the source of the man's conviction of superiority. The tactics of
infantry must be based on human nature and not on mechanics
or geometrical perfection. Yet it is almost incredible how in the
past the complex of showy evolutions deduced from the parade-
ground have persisted on the battle-field. It is a truism to say
that a revolution has been wrought in infantry tactics by the
inventions which mechanical science has brought to bear on war.
But it is no less true that the consequences of this revolution take
years to understand. This lesson may be summarized in the
phrase " the power of manceuvre." It needs a complete
reorientation of military thought and fresh views before we begin
to extract right methods from the melting pot of war. Yet that
infantry which soonest learns its lesson will be supreme.
A mastery of elementary tactics is essential if infantry is to
attain its goal in battle and justify its claim to be the decisive arm.
It must be permeated by the best doctrine which the last war can
474
INFANTRY
teach, and its junior commanders must no longer be subjected to
the whims or prejudices of whoever happens to be in temporary
command. Moreover the doctrine should be adopted by au-
thority, and be expressed in language so simple and by metaphors
and illustrations so clear, that it can be as readily grasped by
subalterns and. corporals as by general officers. Its manual of
instructions should be as intelligible to the Australian bushman
as it is to the staff college graduate.
In 1806-1 5 the British were capable of a sustained effort in the
theory of tactics as originated by Sir John Moore, and there is
reason to believe that British infantry could to-day be trained to
as high a pitch of comparative excellence but not without a
definite doctrine of minor tactics and some evidence of leadership
to inspire its wholesale adoption. This quality of leadership in
peace-time needs the special ingredients of spirit, intelligence
and human sympathy together with sufficient character and
determination to carry conviction to the mass. Just as Sir John
French inspired a new doctrine of peace training at Aldershot
after the S. African War, so now could a leader develop the
experiences of the last war and reduce fire tactics to simple
exercises for platoon and company commanders. Such a doctrine
would probably be based on the little group of six men following
a corporal whom it knows because he has trained it. In the
hurly-burly of modern war, these little groups retain cohesion
because men will follow a leader whom they see close to them,
whose voice they can hear and whose presence is familiar. These
groups (named sections), trained by higher leaders whom they
trust, will forget themselves and accept any risks in battle if they
are convinced by habit that their effort will not be in vain, that
their successes will be immediately supported. A fire unit which
forms part of a trained team will sink itself unhesitatingly if it
knows that the rest of the team will not leave it in the lurch or
allow it to bear the brunt alone: that, when it has spent itself to
make an opening, others will relieve it of the burden.
Therefore infantry should be distributed in depth, not in lines.
Every man should be able to see near at hand behind him a body
of troops ready to back up his movements. Better still, let this
body be trained to support him by diverting the enemy's fire to
another direction. A mere reenforcement may fail to inspire him
with an access of confidence, for it is probable that some infection
of discouragement might communicate itself to those who merely
add to his numbers in a hot corner.
For decades the infantries of all countries attempted to pro-
duce tactics adequate to the new weapons at their disposal by
multiplying the lines which were so successfully used by their
forerunners in the days of the musket with its short range and
slow rate of fire and the case shot and solid shot of the artillery.
They moved shoulder to shoulder with intervals. The idea of
manoeuvre was absent. Even down to the closing stages of the
World War the action of infantry units in battle as distinct
from a skirmish or an affair of outposts -was confined to frontal
attacks. Manceuvre was the weapon of the higher commanders
only. A division or a brigade moved as a body ; hence it was its
commander alone who had the power of striking an enemy force
at two or more different angles concurrently. We have already
seen how slowly the idea of decentralized fire orders developed.
It was the same with decentralized power of manoeuvre.
When in the middle of the i8th century armies began to be
distributed in separated columns, the lead of the French under
De Broglie brought about a revolution in strategy and tactics.
The limbs of the army its columns moved independently
though animated by a common plan. Intervals sufficient to be
penetrated were left between them; and therefore their com-
manders gained facilities for manoeuvre. But since the middle of
the iyth century the smaller infantry units had continued to
move and fight in bodies presenting a continuous front. Indeed
down even to the last stages of the war of 1914-8 the rule of a
continuous front held good. Exceptions occurred in frontier
skirmishes or on account of accidental or enforced disorder
inside a defender's position. One corps of an army might attack
an enemy in front while another might turn his flank, but for the
infantry units of each corps attack, as likewise in defence, the
manceuvre was usually frontal. In any large action each of
the infantry units was necessarily allotted only a fraction of the
frontage of the force of which it formed a part. This narrow
sector was at first hedged in on either side by neighbouring units
of a corresponding size. How then was it possible for attack or
defence on the part of infantry units to be aught but straight to
their front? How can they possibly manceuvre if they have no
space to move in? And how can they be expected to move to a
flank if they possess no intervals and no flanks? But at last a
change became imperative, through losses due to the range and
deadliness of missile weapons. These have enforced a wide dis-
persion of small combatant units on the battlefield and inter-
vals between adjoining units. These intervals are usually 100
yd. between each leading section. The lesson was stubbornly
resisted until the toll of loss could no longer be burked by au-
thority. Similarly in each succeeding war after the middle of
the igth century such lessons were emphatically impressed on
the imagination of nations, and towards the end of each war
wider intervals between the men were accepted. Thus extended
order in which bodies of infantry moved to the attack de-
ployed in successive waves or lines, with intervals of several
yards between each man and his neighbours was the out-
come of the S. African War of 1899-1902. But, as the years of
peace rolled on and recollection of the effects of fire faded, the
pendulum swung back and the intervals between men wer
reduced. More especially was this so on the continent of Europe,
where tacticians clung to Napoleon's tactics rather than attempt
the more difficult task of adapting the spirit of his principles to
conditions imposed by accurate firearms.
The Continuous Line. Thus it came to pass that, in spite i
the fire effect produced by scattered Boers sitting on distant
kopjes in S. Africa (1899), and in spite of Japanese losses in
assaults at Port Arthur and elsewhere in Manchuria (1904),
European tacticians failed to shake off certain notions about
continuous lines and storming masses. They fully appreciated
the importance of putting what they called " weight " into the
decisive attack, but failed to realize that the weight or forceful-
ness of an attack no longer increases in proportion to the numbe
of infantrymen thrown into it. In S. Africa wide and premature
extensions were adopted to minimize losses on the flat veldt, but
such extensions did not lead to any idea of manceuvre. On t
contrary, the unmanageable thin lines, one behind the other,
were incapable of any intelligent manceuvre as was discovere
in peace training after the S. African War. But even then tb
idea of a manceuvre to a flank by a small body was not graspe
or at any rate it was not taught as a definite doctrine. Skirmish-
ing lines in extended order made rushes and utilized ground;
they fired in small bodies and opened at long ranges; at
decisive points they were gradually thickened up into a crowd
These crowds surged forward at a given signal and assaulted
their front. But the infantry soldier was so near his neighbour ir
these sham battles that he had scarcely sufficient .space to loa
and fire his rifle without hitting one of his friends; the unit
became so mixed together in the process of thickening up that
neither the corporal nor the subaltern could exercise control ove
his own men or any unit; often he could not find them during the
decisive stage of the battle. Fortunately the " cease fire " soon
sounded and reorganization took place; but in 1914-8 there wa
no cease fire and no umpires, and the warring infantries wer
slow to learn. This was no doubt inevitable, and is a sufficient
reason to try to gather now the best experiences from 1918.
Moreover, it was not realized so clearly as it might have bee
that it enhances the moral of the defenders to see waves of tb
enemy crumpling up under the fire of the new weapons whic
invention has introduced. The greater the visible effect of
on the attacking infantry the firmer grows the defender's fait
in himself, whilst a conviction of the impregnability of the de
fence is intensified in the mind of the attacker. Close ranks
not even make for greater fire effect. The moral influence of fire
is produced by that which has physical effect, and the experience
of 1914 demonstrated that cool, deliberate shooting by indi-
viduals produced this material effect. Volleys from dense waves
infected by the contagion of excitement are so ineffectual that
they heighten the defenders' moral, particularly when he sees his
own machine-guns being more accurately employed.
The British army suffered less than others from reactions
towards greater density of formations, because on the one hand
it thought in terms of limited numbers whilst on the other it was
constantly engaged in small wars and expeditions. Its members
had less occasion for the effects of fire to fade from their memories.
Nevertheless even in the British army during intervals of peace
denser formations were adopted. The national bane was that of
lines themselves, rather than of dense ones in particular. It was
hardly till the middle of the World War that it was realized how
slow of movement were the dense waves. Lines require long
pauses to restore their dressing unless they are to dissolve in dis-
order. Moreover, every infantry unit was trained to wait for its
neighbour and avoid an exposed flank! Consequently the pace
of the line became the pace of its slowest unit. The rolling bar-
rage was often lost merely because one unit detained all the rest.
But at last, instead of lines, platoons were utilized in depth, each
part under the thumb of its own leader. Some control was thus
retained, some cover turned to account and the section pressed
forward without waiting to keep pace with others. Above all, it
outflanked. It is to human nature, however, that the chief credit
for introducing this power of manceuvre should be ascribed.
The effects of fire enforced dispersion and wide intervals be-
tween men, but it was poor human nature, feeling lonely and
leaderless as a single peg in a long row, which instinctively
sought companions and a leader and grouped itself with comrades
under the nearest N.C.O. This it has always done, because it is
human nature so to do whenever the unnatural mechanism of
ranked lines breaks down under aimed fire.
The value of personal example which subdues fear is applicable
only to a handful of men who feel the direct influence of a leader.
They sense that they are under his eye and known to him per-
sonally, and that any wavering will be remembered against them.
Thus the group, if it is to have value, must be limited to some
half-dozen men. In the turmoil of modern war small groups, not
big ones, will keep together. Then each man yields to the leader's
power of sweeping him on. Moreover each little group needs to
form part of a team, to feel itself supported on its flanks and
behind by similar groups acting in unison. Hence the importance
of the platoon the tactical unit of battle to-day. For in battle
men need some rock to which to hold fast the artilleryman has
his gun, the aviator his aeroplane, infantry its platoon commander.
Human nature conquered the line formation before its break-
ing up was officially sanctioned. Tradition held fast to her pre-
war habit, but the need for a control which could not be obtained
with the extended line helped to breach the ramparts of ortho-
doxy. The group attained its final and complete recognition
after its success against the German " pill-box " defence, in the
dreary wastes of the Ypres salient in the autumn of 1917. Also
the Germans in their 1918 offensive deliberately trained their
infantry in similar groups with orders to penetrate everywhere
by infiltration. British dispersion, enforced by new weapons and
human nature, rendered penetration possible by attacking in-
fantry groups termed "sections" in the British army between
the posts or machine-gun " nests " of the defenders. By exploit-
ing every initial penetration by sections and platoons, the com-
mander on the spot attacked in front and flank simultaneously
such posts of the enemy as opposed him in his own sector. This
newly acquired power of manceuvre restored to infantry the
master-key of victory, and retains for it still the role of " Queen
of Battles " which the old stereotyped tactics were rapidly losing.
Infantry action in battle no longer resembles a wasteful
bludgeon-fight or an incursion of the camp followers of other
arms. It engages in a test of skill, a manreuvre combat in which
is fulfilled the principle of surprise by striking from an unexpec-
ted direction against an unguarded spot namely, the flank ex-
posed by infiltration into the crevices of the defensive position.
Its training should therefore be correspondingly perfected, on the
basis of a doctrine of fire tactics founded upon penetration and
manceuvre as exemplified in 1918.
INFANTRY
475
The Principles of Manceuvre. The outstanding lesson gained
from the new-won possession of infantry units the power of
manoeuvre is that correct tactics can now be based on the fun-
damental principles which govern the action of other independent
bodies which manceuvre. The platoon is no longer fixed in a
segment of the machine of battle, but is an independent moving
part fighting its own small action. The principles upon which it
fights may be compared to those which actuate a single indi-
vidual engaged in a free fight with another man. As a personal
combat is understood by all, whereas war is intelligible only to a
few, let us for a moment examine the simplest form of fighting,
promising that, owing to the concealment of the enemy and the
" fog of war," the fight which typifies the infantry fire-fight is
that between two men in the dark, wherein a man can only locate
his enemy and find his way to his vital spot by actually touching
and feeling him. In the first place a man in the dark must seek
his enemy. To do this he will stretch out one arm to grope for him,
keeping it supple and ready to guard himself from surprise.
This may be termed the principle of the " protective formation."
When his outstretched arm touches his enemy, he would rapidly
feel his way to a vulnerable spot such as the latter's throat. This
is the principle of " reconnaissance." The man would then seize
his enemy firmly by the throat, holding him at arm's length so
that the latter could neither strike back effectively nor wriggle
away to avoid or parry a blow. This is the principle of " fixing."
Then while his enemy's attention is absorbed by the menacing
hand at his throat, with his other fist the man strikes his oppo-
nent from an unexpected direction in an unguarded spot, de-
livering out of the dark a knock-out blow. This illustrates the
principle of " decisive manceuvre." Before his enemy can re-
cover, the man follows up his advantage by rendering him power-
less. This is the principle of immediate " exploitation " of
success. To adopt for fire tactics these simple principles may
prove a sure guide to local victory.
Protective Formation. Owing to the dispersion and conceal-
ment necessitated by the deadliness of modern weapons, attack-
ing infantry can only locate the enemy posts immediately in
their path by actual attack touching and feeling them as did
the man in the dark. Like him therefore, the infantry unit moves
during the " approach march " and attacks with a portion the
outstretched arm pushed ahead in the direction of the enemy.
This portion is usually termed the advanced guard or forward
body. The remainder of the unit, termed the main body or sup-
port, follows close behind, ready to manceuvre, and by its mere
presence protecting the flanks of the forward body. Hence if we
speak of it as the " manceuvre body " its functions explain them-
selves. To diminish the possibilities of surprise and loss from
hostile fire, the platoon or company moves in a formation re-
sembling a diamond or square, of which its sections form the
points. The fire or fighting sections no longer move in an extended
line. Instead each advances in the form of an arrowhead or in
open file or single file with the section commander at the head, so
that he may control and lead amid the noise and confusion of
battle. To do this correctly he must be trained in peace-time or
he will lose his platoon.
Reconnaissance. Reconnaissance is carried out by moving
with scouts ahead, but within touch, in order, like the man in the
dark, to touch and feel the enemy. It is their role to discover the
best approach, to give timely warning of the enemy's nearness
and to prevent the unit coming under surprise fire. All this may
be done even in a set-piece attack behind a rolling barrage.
Fixing. The forward infantry press on unceasingly in order to
find and penetrate any weak spots in his defence and to advance
to the objectives assigned to them. If the forward body of a pla-
toon is checked by an enemy post, it fixes it firmly by fire so that
the enemy's attention is absorbed " by a menacing hand at his
throat " whilst the manceuvre body works round his flank to
deliver a surprise blow. This act of fixing can best be achieved
by a combination of fire with movement. There must be the
threat of the forward spring in order to fix the enemy's attention.
Fire alone, from the hastily chosen halting places of an attacker,
cannot be relied on to absorb the whole attention of a defender
476
INFANTRY
behind carefully selected cover. Unless each forward infantry
section is imbued with a determination to press forward, the
posts of the defence may be able to bring cross-fire on groups which
have penetrated the position. But there is still a further means
by which the enemy can be fixed. The last war has added a useful
weapon to the infantry armament smoke. This new element
gives the user the conditions of day but imposes on his adversary
the conditions of night. Mist or fog has often been a decisive but
accidental factor in battle, but with the introduction of artificial
fog which can be projected at the will of the user, the enemy's
view is impeded whilst his own movements take place in day-
light. In attack, the forward sections may fix the enemy posts
more effectively by firing smoke to windward of them, than by
rifles or Lewis guns. Thus smoke helps small local assaults.
Decisive Manceuwe. The manoeuvre body of an infantry
company follows close behind its forward platoons and remains
under the hand of the captain. If and when the whole of a forward
platoon is held up by the fire of an enemy centre of resistance, the
captain uses his manoeuvre body to turn a flank. To achieve this
he might have to quit his allotted sector and follow in the wake
of a more successful unit on his flank. Passing through the gap
he turns and assaults an exposed flank of the centre of resistance.
Such a blow has the moral effect coming as a surprise and
threatening the line of retreat which is the key to victory. But
if the defenders of the post turn to meet this flanking attack, the
forward body should rush in and assault them from the front.
Such combinations are simple if peace training is staged on the
basic principle of " fixing and manoeuvre " as the key formula
of fire tactics. This combination of fixing and manoeuvre is the
bed-rock principle of every street fight. Watch a couple of small
boys tackling a bigger one. What happens? One of the small
boys rushes straight at the big boy, and when his attention is
fixed the other runs in from behind and delivers a blow. The
first small boy puts all his energy into this effort, for he knows
instinctively that if he fails the opponent will beat them each
separately. But if the big boy attacks one of the small ones, the
other in like manner rushes in from behind. Thus " fixing " and
" decisive manoeuvre " should become a formula engraved on
the mind of every infantry corporal and subaltern, and he should
also be trained to act upon it instinctively. It has won general
acceptance since the end of the war, and concerns above all the
tactics of the platoon, which is the smallest unit which can fix
and manoeuvre without waiting for orders from a superior.
Hence the paramount importance of training pktoon command-
ers to act without hesitation when leading an attack. Hence
also the desirability of rewriting the training manuals with some
regard for the principles which govern every fight and of dis-
carding fire tactics invented only for parade purposes. Fortu-
nately, there is reason to believe that the post-war training
manual of the British infantry will fulfil this condition.
Exploitation. The principle of exploitation is fulfilled by
maintaining an unrelenting pressure on the enemy until his
retreat spreads and gains in momentum. This is done by fresh
units coming on behind the original front.
Defence. From our glance at the street fight between, the
three urchins we realized that defence resembled the attack
halted. Any infantry unit is capable on account of its open
formation of offering immediate resistance to hostile attack or
counter-attack. It only remains for it to consolidate the
ground on which it has halted, so as to gain the most cover and
the best field of fire. The adjustment and entrenchment of its
posts to this end depend on the time available for surveying the
ground, digging in and, erecting entanglements. The battle
principles which have been discussed as regards the attack are
also applicable to the defence. Its protective formation is similar
to that for the attack. The posts of the defence are distributed
in depth and so disposed that they mutually support each other
by fire. Reconnaissance in defence is carried out by patrols who
watch approaches, or if in contact with the enemy go out at
night or in foggy weather to discover his dispositions and move-
ments. In defence, fixing is carried out by the fire of the forward
bodies from their previously sited posts. Their r61e is to break up
the enemy's organized attack. If the attacker makes a gap or
effects a lodgment into the position of any forward bodies, the
manoeuvre bodies counter-attack to throw him out. Should the
attack break through the forward positions on a broad front, the
manoeuvre bodies take him in flank by fire. Just as manoeuvre
is superior to frontal attacks, so is defence-fire which enfilades
from a flank the more damaging to the attackers' moral. In
this as in all cases the training and determination of the better
infantry wins the day, but the great advantage possessed by the
defence almost its only advantage is that its action can be
thought out beforehand. Its manoeuvre bodies can be placed on
a flank in readiness for action, and can be practised on the actual
ground to counter-attack from favourable positions with aux-
iliary arms to help them.
Picture of an Infantry Battle. Who is there with experience
of big attacks embracing miles of country in France, that has not
seen the most resolute infantry suddenly assailed by a burst of
surprise-fire from the flank or rear? Its self -forgetting determina-
tion grows uncertain; it ceases to move and looks furtively for
cover. If the surprise-fire continues from invisible shooters, the
men become irresolute and nervous. The will to advance is gone.
If the threat of a counter-assault from a flank should immediately
follow they look to their rear and break or dribble away. Unless
their own commander coming on from behind can throw in an
opportune reserve to counter the counter-attack and restore the
local situation, the attack is stopped. That is how, so often in
France, one German machine-gun nest just one little group
inspired by the will to resist, nourished in the principle of sur-
prise would hold up the attack of a company and sometimes
of a whole battalion. It is thus we learn to visualize the infantry
unit battalion, company or platoon in the battle of to-day.
It possesses the power of offensive movement and yet is protected
by its open formations. Its articulation into interdependent
moving bodies, capable of manoeuvre, is the main infantry
feature developed by the World War. The illimitable extension
of fronts, brought about by the vast numbers which nations in
arms put into the field, forced the military leaders to seek and
discover a solution to the deadlock and they found it at last by
the gift of the power of manoeuvre to infantry units down to the
platoon. By 1918 we had travelled far from the fire tactics of
King Edward at the battle of Cr6cy (1346), where he was posted
on top of a windmill and was practically the fire-unit commander
of his army. This revolutionary idea began to emerge in the
Flanders attacks of 1917, but was still only in its chrysalis stag
when the war terminated in 1918. It still lacks a clear, simple
working formula which can be understood by lance-corporals
and practised in their daily exercises.
Let us for a moment try to picture the infantry fight of to-day
in a European campaign between nations in arms, the description
being invented merely to emphasize the salient points.
A battalion is advancing towards the fighting front, which is
gradually receding eastwards. It is a hot summer morning. The
division attacked soon after dawn, and the advance has been
going well. To the trained ears of those in command posts be-
hind the front its success is audible because the noises of battle
are rolling ever farther away. The shell-fire dies down spasmodi-
cally part of the guns are being pushed forward to back up the
infantry progress then flares up again and swells the volume of
sound. The eye also notes that the line of observant kite balloons
on the enemy's side is moving back occasionally one collapses
in flames, destroyed by the intrepid pilot of an aeroplane, or is
hastily hauled down to avoid destruction. Our own kite balloons
are moving forward behind our advance.
The brigade of which the battalion forms part is in support,
and is moving up to " leapfrog " through one of the leading
brigades and carry the advance a further stage. The battalion
we are watching is one of the forward battalions of this brigade,
and is still in column of fours on a road. Already long-range
shells are bursting near and on the road ahead. To avoid loss,
the battalion opens out first into company columns, resembling
an open square; then as the shells grow more frequent into platoon
columns off the road. Suddenly a flight of enemy bombing aero-
INFANTRY
477
planes are seen like rapidly approaching specks in the distance.
Each platoon promptly deploys into little section groups, moving
on under control, and yet so scattered and irregular and offering
so small a target that the bombs bury themselves harmlessly in
the ground. Futile cascades of earth and stones fly in all direc-
tions. Other low-flying aeroplanes follow up the bombing attack
by diving at the infantry and firing sharp bursts of bullets from
machine-guns. The scattered groups crouch and open fire the
aeroplanes disperse all save one which, caught by a burst of
Lewis gun-fire, crumples up, and with the unforgettable thud
that only a crashed aeroplane begets, strikes the ground in a
tattered moil of canvas, steel and wood. The infantry move on,
their apprehensions of the coming battle lulled by the excitement
of the moment their moral heightened by their lack of casualties
and the summary retribution which has overtaken one assailant.
The rapid unmistakable chatter of machine-gun fire is heard over
the rise beyond; the drifting patches of smoke from bursting
shells which cover the position gained by the infantry ahead are
warnings of the imminence of the call to play an active part in
the battle. The deployed battalion is halted under cover of a rise,
whilst its leaders survey the ground ahead, and the orders are is-
sued two companies will lead the advance, a third will follow in
support for manoeuvre and the fourth company will be retained
as a reserve under the hand of the battalion commander. He
tells the captains that, as far as is known, the enemy has not had
time to organize his back defences and is holding improvised
positions which the air service has not been able to locate definite-
ly. He points out a low ridge 2,000 yd. ahead, and informs them
that the battalion's role is to seize and hold this ridge and con-
solidate a position on its further slope.
The frontage allotted to the battalion is about 1,200 yd. as
marked on the map at the start, and an equal sector of the dis-
tant ridge is to be consolidated. There will be no rolling barrage
from our artillery it would only hamper movement but for-
ward guns will engage centres of enemy resistance. A section of
tanks will cooperate with the battalion, and the protective bar-
rage now assisting the brigade in front will lift at 8 A.M. Then
advance begins, and the battalion, deployed with 600 yd. of
frontage allotted to each leading company, passes through the
forward troops busy as ants digging in and strengthening the
position they have gained. Once clear, the section groups shake
out into little arrowheads or worms which push forward at a
quick walking pace over broken ground; 100 to 200 yd. separates
each front-line section. The shell-fire is heavy, but, thanks to the
scattered and irregular formations, losses are slight. The air is
clamorous with noise, the senses are afflicted by the sight and
vibration of bursting shells, but the sections of six men each
(sometimes flinging themselves down as a shell bursts over close,
then leaping up and pressing on) are too wide apart, too well able
to take advantage of cover, too closely knit by the kinship of the
section with the corporal whom they follow, to feel the strain.
They are too busy moving over broken ground to think of any-
thing but to keep together and go straight to their objectives.
The forward companies at last come under heavy machine-gun and
rifle fire from the enemy's new position, a system of posts sited
to cover each other by fire.
The little groups then worm their way forward, making short
rushes from cover to cover, crawling even when the fire is hot and
ground too open, but always working nearer. At one or two
points groups find covered approaches, perhaps a ditch, a hollow,
the bed of a rivulet, by which they penetrate between the enemy's
posts. The platoon commander moves with his manoeuvre
sections to back them up then when the post is fixed by fire
or blinded by smoke its flank is rounded and the defenders turn
too late. Drab-clad forms rush in upon them from behind and
hands are put up. That moral force which rules battles makes
the actual shock a myth, and the nerve-stricken defender,
overcome by the powerful moral weapon, surprise not out-
fought but out-manceuvred surrenders or is bayonetted. In
other instances the forward sections lose heavily or lack the
vital will to close with the enemy; the section leader is unduly
cautious; he hopes and waits for his neighbour to find a soft
spot, and thus the enemy confronting him are able to keep watch
on their flanks and greet the outflanking section with a hail
which crumples it up. A tank comes to the rescue, but there is
much delay before the post is conquered. Yet in some places
quickly, in others tardily, some sections and platoons push
deeply into the vitals of the enemy's position. The company
commander presses on in the wake of his more successful platoon,
and pushes forward his manoeuvre platoon diagonally into any
soft spot found on his wide front. Thus a success is immediately
exploited. The sections are always pushing forward, seizing the
fleeting chances given by a shell bursting near an enemy post to
rush closer, by smoke to push round a flank, by the fire of a
neighbouring section to dash to the next scrap of cover ever
onward because they know that speed of advance is the way to
victory and safety. Every man's agility must therefore be
unencumbered by articles of kit, and must be stimulated by two
thoughts: one is that the turn of his own company to be the
leading and therefore the most combative unit only occurs once
during eight battles engaged in by his brigade, and therefore
every man is " all out " for the company; the second is that no
less than ten companies of his own brigade are coming along
behind and will not leave him in the lurch.
No dense targets are here, no close-packed uncontrollable
waves each forward group under its own leader, fighting its
way to the goal, following an irregular course dictated by the
cover to be found, helping its neighbour by fire and smoke, in-
spired by a common impulse: its guiding star the knowledge
that it can and must push straight for the objective. The com-
pany and higher commanders retain control of the fight by the
use they make of their manoeuvre bodies. The accompanying
tanks may be hit or delayed by obstacles, but the infantry, by
the use in combination of its own weapons and its power to
manoeuvre, can still fight its way forward. The help of the other
arms artillery, tanks or aircraft is treated as providing oppor-
tunities to be seized, not to be waited for and counted upon to
clear the ground of enemies.
Here a company is held up by a counter-attack and the situa-
tion looks serious; some men waver; their section leaders are
down. But the understudies take charge; their little groups, now
shrunk to half their strength but still effective fighters, lie down
and open fire. The counter-attack pauses; a diversion comes;
the battalion commander, who has followed in the wake of the
other forward company, turns inward through the gap, throws
in his manoeuvre company or a portion of it against the flank of
the counter-attack. Surprise again. The enemy, caught by fire
from two directions, faced with the threat of assault, waver and
break. Their demoralization is infectious. Posts which had held
out stubbornly give way; the tide of defeat sets in; everywhere
enemies are seen trickling backwards. Pressing close on their
heels the whole battalion makes its way towards another position
of resistance. Here it beats vainly at first against the dam of the
defence, seeking a crack through which it may infiltrate; it suc-
ceeds, at first by driblets and then in increasing volume, till
suddenly the whole dam is swept away. This means victory,
exhilarating victory. The reserve company, the last, is put in,
if it has not been previously employed. Some posts and machine-
gun nests have still to be overthrown, but the goal is reached; the
ridge is gained and the battalion halts on its further slope. The
groups are dispersed over the ground; they begin digging in
whilst the artillery put down a protective barrage ahead, until
still another brigade passes through our weary but triumphant
infantry to carry the advance farther. The battalion continues
consolidating the ground won, ready to cover the battalion which
has passed through, should it be driven back by a counter-stroke.
Such is a rapid sketch, designed merely to illustrate salient
points in the tactics taught in 1918 in France.
Future Development. A question naturally arises as to the
probable direction which the development of infantry will take
under conditions caused by new inventions, particularly mechani-
cal ones. In what way must we improve and reform our infantry
methods in order to lighten the infantryman's burden in view of
the probability that he may have to wear a gas mask in every
478
INFANTRY
future attack ? The question may be considered under two heads :
firstly, means to increase mobility; secondly, tactical doctrine.
Mobility. Almost every mechanical advance means a step
towards greater mobility. Every arm and branch of the service
is becoming more mobile or else decaying under the influence
of the petrol era. In the transport of an army the horse has al-
ready given way to the road motor, and this in turn promises to
yield to a cross-country tractor with caterpillar tracks. The
heavy artillery is already motor-drawn, and the lighter field
artillery will probably follow suit before many years have passed.
A further possibility is that the latter may disappear altogether,
and the field-gun be either accommodated permanently in an
armoured tank, or carried in one in such a way that it can be
quickly mounted on the ground. Mobility is the foundation
stone of the value of infantry. Its unique position has always
rested upon the fact that it is more universally mobile than other
arms. But on the normal field of battle, if it is to maintain its
unrivalled position as the " handyman " of war, its mobility
must keep pace in proportion with that of the other arms. To
give it increased mobility two problems must be solved. Firstly,
means must be devised for bringing infantry to the scene of its
action more quickly and with less fatigue than by the use of its
legs. Napoleon declared that he won his victories by his soldiers'
legs: that is, by their marching powers, endurance and mobility.
This was true so long as the foot-soldier's only competitor was the
horse, but the manoeuvring power of armies now rests on the
speed of railways and petrol engines. In the second place, infan-
try equipment must be lightened. The soldier must not again be
treated as a beast of burden other means than piling loads on
the soldier's back must be devised.
Transportation. Whilst it is no longer true to say with
Napoleon that " marches are war," because of the development
of mechanical transport, yet truer than ever is the completion of
his sentence that " aptitude for war is aptitude for movement."
This problem has been approached in the past by the introduction
of mounted riflemen and cyclists. The former were handicapped
by the necessity of leaving a considerable proportion of their
strength to look after the horses. Cyclists suffered from the
defect of being tied to the roads and the lack of means to bring
on their mounts after an action on foot. Therefore, in order to
gain the maximum effect from available infantry, it will be
necessary to move them from point to point and from resting-
place to within range of the enemy by mechanical transport.
Equipment. If infantry is to possess an adequate agility, its
weapons and ammunition must be lightened to an appreciable
extent or they must be carried for him. In fact, the infantryman
of the future must be regarded as an athlete. Every article which
he does not need in the combat itself must be discarded or carried
for him on accompanying transport. It is likely that a lightened
form of the present web equipment will be worn in order to sup-
port his cartridge pouches, smoke bombs and side-arms. Leather
as a material is too much affected by exposure to rain. The ideal
to be aimed at in the design of the equipment is that no straps
should hinder the freedom of the wearer's chest. The bandolier
is inconvenient and uncomfortable; nor should any great quantity
of ammunition be carried. In the British army it is probable
that puttees will be retained. They are more flexible, less rigidly
binding, less hot than leggings, whilst they give greater protec-
tion from weather and abrasions than do stockings. This argu-
ment also applies to boots rather than shoes which do not
support the ankle but a lighter pattern might be supplied.
Tactical Methods. Infantry to-day has at last shaken itself
free from the morass of methods based on theories of mechanics
rather than of human nature, and has got its feet firmly placed on
bed-rock principles of fighting. But in the attack particularly
there remains a problem unsolved. The infantry unit has
learned how to deal with any centre of enemy resistance which it
encounters in a way which is true to human nature. But in a
large-scale battle each infantry unit is only an interdependent
and subordinate working part of a vast machine. The need is to
devise a method by which its action can be fitted in and dove-
tailed with the movements of the neighbouring units and of the
machine as a whole. Cooperation between units of the same
arm even more than between the different arms is the key-
stone of modern war. These minor units are the moving parts
of the car which is the whole force. The car itself, under the
control of its driver, the general commanding, may alter its
direction, vary its speed, change its gears, but the actual moving
parts within it execute their share on a definite system comprising
a certain limited number of cycles of movement which are almost
uniform. The essential requirement for the smooth running of
the car to its journey's end victory is that each moving part
should fulfil its role in harmony with the others. But the path
to victory is a winding one, the car has to round steep corners,
and a differential is needed which will compensate the movement
of the respective wheels without friction, lest a sideslip ensue.
In battle, now that the defence is distributed in depth, it is rarely
possible to tell beforehand at what points and moments th
different units will encounter the organized resistance of the
enemy. The attackers of to-day are faced with the problem
breaking through successive positions, each composed of
irregular series of posts, extending back in layers to a depth of
several miles. It is reasonably certain that some units will
encounter fewer posts and less resistance in their path than
others. A system is therefore needed which will ensure that the
progress and momentum of the attack as a whole is not lost, nor
friction developed between the moving parts, when delays occur
to overcome obstacles in the path of certain sub-units. The
minor cycle of the sub-unit must be reconciled with the greater
cycle of the superior unit, and with that of the whole force.
A method by which this combination may be achieved has
been put forward under the title " expanding torrent." It is
based on the fact that where, as in the British army, a unit
consists of four parts or sub-units, its forward body will be formed
of two of these. Let us take the example of a company. It will
happen that one forward platoon is advancing whilst the other
forward platoon is checked or delayed in clearing an enemy post
If the platoon which can advance waits for its neighbour, th
pressure on the enemy will be relaxed and the chance of exploitir
success lost. If it is allowed to go on, tactical unity may be lo
and its flanks will be exposed to counter-attack. Hence it
suggested that the commander of the company should follow
automatically in the wake of his platoon, which is making prog
ress, and after passing through the gap will push forward one of
his manoeuvre platoons to take over the frontage of the delayed
platoon and lead the advance in its place. At the same time
he might use his other manoeuvre platoon to assist by a flank
attack the originally held-up one to overcome its enemy. The
moral effect of being outflanked however is often sufficient.
Directly the enemy post has been cleared, the company com-
mander reorganizes and pushes ahead without delay.
The method is equally applicable to the battalion and to
higher commanders and is described colloquially as exploiting
and enlarging the soft spot by automatic action resembling an
expanding torrent. The advantages claimed for it, besides that
of maintaining the momentum and breadth of the advance, are:
firstly, that the leading infantry will be automatically composed
of those who are freshest and are best supplied with ammunition,
because they are those which have encountered least opposition;
secondly, that it will no longer be necessary to fix definite
topographical objectives for each small infantry unit, for to
limit the advance of unexhausted units which can make progress
is a violation of economy of force and the exploitation of success;
thirdly, that the coordination and control of the advance will rest
with the superior commander rather than depend on cooperation
between the platoons themselves. The driver will keep control of
his car, instead of losing it as in the past.
Wanted: a Battle Drill. A further development in tactical
methods which has been mooted is a controllable system of
movement on the battle-field. At present armies retain drill
movements for the parade-ground and throw them aside when
they go on active service. As human nature in battle retains
only that which has become instinctive habit, it is scarcely sur-
prising that in movements of crisis one has seen men advancing,
INFLATION
479
against the deadly fire of machine-guns, in close-packed lines.
But if drill were brought up to date on the lines of open order
and the group, it is probable that moments and even hours of
priceless value would be saved, during the approach at any rate.
But even during the actual attack, there might well be occasions
when an ingrained method of control could be used to quicken
the manoeuvre of deployed units and direct them to take advan-
tage of local situations. Voice control would be out of the ques-
tion, but if signals were few and simple, visual control might be
used, particularly if a clearer means of signalling than the hand
were devised. Let anyone with experience of war ask himself if
there were not moments in his recollection when he might, had
his men been drilled in such a system, have saved precious
minutes, an opportunity which never returned, by the use of a
signal instead of the slow method of sending a message by runner.
The old close order was under control, but modern fire made it
impossible. With extended order the battle degenerated into the
chaotic movements of an uncontrolled mob. An ingrained
system of battle drill, in which intervals and distances were
purposely exaggerated, would enable sub-units to be manoeu-
vred, to be opened or closed in " concertina " fashion according
to the ground and local circumstances. Such a system might go
far to combine the flexibility of the old with the invulnerability
of the modern formation.
In defence the probable development of the new power of
manoeuvre would seem to indicate that in future the infantry
will be so disposed as to encourage the attacking enemy to pene-
trate into channels in which he can be raked by flanking fire.
The posts would be sited to support each other by raking fire,
rather than to fire direct to a flank. They might even be echeloned
backwards along the natural avenues of approach to form gradu-
ally contracting funnels raked by fire, with preconcerted signals
to bring down a hail of artillery projectiles at the best moment.
It seems improbable that in the future we shall see the exten-
sive and elaborate field fortifications of 1914-8. The new mo-
bility brought in by the tank, the caterpillar tractor, the aero-
plane, would appear to prevent the possibility of the long-drawn
stagnation which produced the labyrinthine entrenchments
in the World War. The infantryman will be trained for future
war to dig temporary cover, not mausoleums of mud.
(Acknowledgment for help in the preparation of this article is
due to Capt. J. Evetts, D.S.O., and to Capt. B. H. Liddell Hart.)
(F. I. M.)
INFLATION. As with most economic terms in popular use,
analysis shows that " inflation " has different meanings with
varying contexts. It is sometimes used as equivalent to a
general rise in prices, but a general rise in prices may be due
to causes primarily associated with commodities, e.g. scarcity.
Even if the term is confined to money (metallic and representa-
tive) it is possible that a general rise of prices may take place
which although due to monetary causes cannot properly be
described as due to inflation. In former times a frequent
cause of a rise in prices was the debasement of metallic money.
Debasement does not of necessity mean depreciation, and the
depreciation need not be in exact proportion to the debasement.
Much of the reasoning of Thorold Rogers, in his great work on
the History of Agriculture and Prices, on the debasement of
the English currency by Henry VIII. was vitiated by the failure
to recognize that debasement of money in general only acts on
prices in so far as the debasement leads to an increase in quantity.
Such an increase in the quantity of money consequent on debase-
ment is not usually called inflation, though clearly analogous.
A general rise in prices may also take place through an increase
in the metal or metals available for money although there is no
debasement of the coinage. The rise in prices in the i6th cen-
tury so far as due to the new silver, and in the igth century the
rise due to the new gold in two periods, can hardly be described
as caused by inflation. The gold standard implies that values
are measured in terms of a certain weight of gold of a certain
fineness in any country in which the gold standard is effectively
maintained. In different countries values on the gold standard
are compared by the amount of fine gold in the standard coins.
Very great discoveries of gold, or even the artificial production
of gold, would not of necessity mean any departure from the
maintenance of the gold standard. Prices might rise indefinitely
and the value of gold relatively to things in general fall indefi-
nitely, but it would seem a misuse of language to speak of the " in-
flation " of gold. Such an increase of gold may and probably will
cause an increase in prices, but in neither case is the increase of
gold properly called inflation.
In the interpretation of popular terms there is, of course, no
decisive test, as the usage varies; but by the application of the
historical method the origins of the different meanings may be
traced, and the search for the meanings will, as Sidgwick showed,
throw light on the corresponding facts.
Before the World War the term " inflation " was in general
applied to paper money. The paper money was thought to be
inflated when the amount was greater than if the paper were
strictly convertible or definitely related to the metallic standard.
From this point of view inflation would now mean an abandon-
ment of the gold standard, together with a consequential in-
crease in the quantity of the currency in which prices are
expressed. This is the interpretation given to inflation by
Francis A. Walker. " A permanent excess of the circulating
money of a country over that country's distributive share of
the money of the commercial world, is called inflation " (Pol-
itical Economy, 1887). His subsequent treatment shows that
Walker had in view an excess of paper money consequent on
partial or complete inconvertibility.
In theory it is possible to control an inconvertible paper cur-
rency in such a way that there should be neither specific nor
general depreciation as compared with gold. But experience
shows that, in general, when notes have been made inconvertible
they have been subjected to over-issue, with consequent depre-
ciation, specific or general, or both. Over-issue in this sense is
another name for inflation.
It seems best, however, to distinguish between the fact of
over-issue and the consequent depreciation. Over-issue might
take place with inconvertibility, but the depreciation, whether
specific or general, might be delayed. The annulment of the
restraints imposed by the gold standard allows inflation to take
place, but the degree of the depreciation (if any) depends on the
quantity of the new paper money (with the credit based on it)
and the demand for it.
In the natural course of the progress of a nation, with the
increase of population and trade, a greater amount of money
is required for cash transactions. With the gold standard in
effective working order the additional money required might be
obtained by the expansion of convertible notes and of the various
forms of bankers' credit, without any departure from the effect-
iveness of the gold standard. Such was the case in the United
Kingdom from the definite establishment of the gold standard
with the resumption of cash payments (1821) to the outbreak
of the World War in 1914. There was also, it is true, an increase
in the amount of gold in circulation and held in reserve, but only
sufficient to secure the absolute convertibility of the notes and
other forms of credit.
In the same way in periods of speculation and of trade activ-
ity there is, no doubt, an abnormal demand for currency and
credit, and both are extended until the limitations imposed by
the gold standard are reached. If these limits are overstepped
there is a monetary crisis. We speak of cycles of expansion and
of depression of trade (in the widest sense), but it is only when
the expansion of the " money " used exceeds certain limits that
it can be properly called inflation. There may be a legitimate
expansion to meet the legitimate expansion of trade.
We are well advised under modern conditions to confine the
term " inflation " to such abnormal increases of currency and
credit as transcend the limits imposed by the gold standard.
Over long periods there may be a normal increase of money
and of money-substitutes, and there may also be normal increases
from time to time for short periods according to the activity of
trade or exchange in the widest sense. Such increases of cur-
rency and of credit would not properly be called inflation.
480
INFLATION
The term " inflation " as applied to paper money may be
compared with the debasement of standard coins. Debase-
ment is in general a symptom of disease or disorder of the mone-
tary system. It is a departure from the standard (or specific
depreciation); and if, as usually happens, it is associated with
an increase in the quantity of the money after a point it must
lead to general depreciation of the currency. If not associated
with an increase of quantity the debasement would be simply
equivalent to the institution of a seigniorage. In the same way
inconvertible notes may be regarded as coins with a seigniorage
of 100% (Walker); in other words the amount of fine metal
supposed to be attached to the paper is nil. Nothing is left of
the standard coin but the name. In this case the value of the
paper is determined by its quantity related to the effective
demand for it.
It is clear from the foregoing discussion of the meaning of the
term that " inflation " is closely associated with other monetary
expressions and is sometimes loosely used as equivalent to one
or more of them. We speak of inflated values (or prices) of
commodities, as for example in comparing- present foreign trade
returns with the pre-war figures. In periods of financial specu-
lation it is usual to speak of the inflation of securities. Prof.
W. R. Scott, in his History of Joint Stock Companies, constantly
uses the term inflation in describing the rise in the prices of
shares in the period of the South Sea Bubble (1720). It may,
perhaps, be said that values of securities are inflated when they
bear no proper relation to their earning capacity or to their
exchange value under normal conditions.
The term " inflation " is also commonly associated with
depreciation, and the terms are loosely used as synonymous.
Here, however, it is necessary to distinguish between the differ-
ent meanings of depreciation. A currency might be specifically
depreciated as regards gold (the standard) simply through dis-
credit, although there was no abnormal increase of quantity.
The terms depreciation and appreciation are often applied to
gold itself. Gold was said to be depreciated in the third quarter
of the igth century through the gold discoveries, and appre-
ciated in the last quarter through the falling-off in production.
But it would be straining the use of words to speak of the infla-
tion and deflation of gold in these periods. During the World
War and afterwards there was a great rise in world prices
(measured in gold) and in the United States there was a vast
increase of the amount of gold for monetary uses. In the
United States there was no specific depreciation of paper money
relatively to the gold. Gold there had no premium.
The rise in American prices in terms of gold is partly accounted
for by the expulsion of gold from Europe by the floods of incon-
vertible paper. The question arises whether it is correct to
speak of this increase in the American gold currency as inflation.
There has been, no doubt, an abnormal increase of gold currency
as compared with pre-war periods, but there has been no aban-
donment of the gold standard. Coincidentally, however, with
this great influx of gold the passing of the Federal Reserve Act
enabled a given amount of gold to support a larger amount of
credit, and this extension of credit facilities may be regarded as
equivalent to a partial abandonment of the gold standard as
compared with pre-war conditions.
At this point the general question arises as to variations
in the meaning of convertibility and inconvertibility. There
have been in the past all kinds and degrees of suspended and
deferred convertibility. The, beginnings in Europe of the gold-
exchange standard (so well described by Mr. J. M. Keynes in
Indian Currency and Finance, ch. 2) show also the beginnings
of inconvertibility. These incipient gold-exchange standards
prepared the way for the ready acceptance of inconvertible
paper on the outbreak of the World War (see " Essay on the
Abandonment of the Gold Standard," by Prof. J. S. Nicholson,
in War Finance, p. 34). In the same way the Federal Reserve
Act may be said to have prepared the way for an inflation of
credit (see E. W. Kemmerer, High Prices and Deflation).
In the preceding account of inflation it was implied that under
modern conditions the term was only properly applied to cases
in which the abnormal increase of money was due to inconverti-
bility or to the abandonment of the gold standard. The appli-
cation, however, of the idea of continuity to convertibility and
inconvertibility shows that the term inflation may be extended
so as to cover the expansion of credit and currency which has
taken place in the United States. And in practice most writers
speak of inflation in that country as being only less in degree as
compared with Europe.
In the United Kingdom during the war the transition from
convertible to inconvertible paper was made by such gradual
and concealed steps, both in law and in practice, that it is hardly
possible to say when the virtual abandonment of the gold
standard was officially recognized, if indeed it ever was. 1 It
was only after the war when the foreign exchanges had been
decontrolled and when war demands and war scarcities no longe
seemed sufficient to account for the great rise in prices, that th
abnormal increase of paper money consequent on the abandon-
ment of the gold standard came to be regarded as one of the
principal contributory causes of the rise in prices, and it began
also to be acknowledged that the currency had been inflated.
In the United Kingdom the great use of cheques and bankers'
credits concealed the progress of the inflation as regards the notes.
It was commonly said that the increase in the notes was not
sufficient to explain the increase in the prices, and that only
sufficient notes were issued to provide the small charge for the
governmental credits. In this way we arrive at the position
that the inflation in the United Kingdom was primarily an
inflation of credit and not of currency. In other countries, e.g.
Russia, Austria, France and Germany, the enormous issue of
inconvertible notes had the usual effects in a more direct manner.
The case of the United Kingdom, however, is not so different
when analyzed as at first sight may appear. Before the war,
when the gold standard was effectively maintained, the necessity
of securing the absolute convertibility of all forms of credit, and
of keeping London a free market for gold, imposed rigid limits
'(after a point) on the expansion of credit. If in the war the
bankers had not been able to provide notes for the cheques
presented (for funds for wages and other cash transactions) the
whole system of credit expansion would have broken down.
The notes took the place of gold for all internal payments,
for many foreign payments borrowing was resorted to.
Once the notes had effectively taken the place of gold in th
United Kingdom, that is to say when gold was no longer used
by the public as money for cash purposes, the principle of con-
vertibility was maintained as regards all the other .forms of
credit and " representative " money. There was never afte
the first week of the war any hint of a banking crisis. No on
repudiated the notes, and the whole monetary system
worked with the greatest smoothness. The only differenc
was that the ultimate convertibility into gold, if required and
as and when required, was no longer recognized in practice
But this one exception was fatal to the stability of the monetar
system. In normal times before the war the action of the goli
standard was so effective and so quiet that even bankers and
those engaged in high finance took it for granted, just as a per-
fectly healthy man takes for granted the circulation of the blood
and the other vital processes. To the present generation
real working of the gold standard was only revealed when th
abandonment had been effected. This abandonment gave to
the monetary system the power of indefinite expansion, and th
necessities of the State in the war and its extravagances afte
the war made the potential expansion an actuality.
The real meaning of the gold standard and the dangers
abandonment or relaxation were admirably expressed in
own day by Ricardo. Ricardo was all his life engaged in hig
finance, and in monetary affairs was the leading practic
authority. Although he is commonly regarded as the founde
of abstract economics, always at the back of his mind was the
practical working of the principles which he propounded. He
1 At no time during the war would it have been definitely admitted
by the governor of the Bank of England that the gold standard had
been "abandoned " (Ed. E.B.).
INFLATION
481
lived through the period of the bank restriction when the notes
of the Bank of England were made inconvertible, and he had
this experience to test his reasonings. Two sentences bring out
very clearly Ricardo's conception of a standard and of the
limitations imposed by a standard on the expansion (or inflation)
of paper money. " In the present state of the law [he is referring
to the bank restriction on the conversion of paper into gold]
the bank directors have the power of increasing or reducing the
circulation in any degree they think proper: a power which
should neither be entrusted to the State nor to anybody in it "
(Ricardo's works, McCulloch's edition, p. 406). The second
text is: " The only use of a standard is to regulate the quantity,
and by the quantity the value of the currency and without a
standard it would be exposed to all the fluctuations to which the
ignorance or the interests of the issuers might subject it."
In other words the use of a standard is to provide safeguards
against the dangers of inflation. The best and most effective
safeguard is convertibility. All the forms of currency and of
bankers' credit ought to be convertible into one another and
into gold without let or hindrance. Such convertibility is only
guaranteed when the principle of limitation is applied in each
case in a way effective according to the circumstances of the
case. In some parts of the system the limitation is applied in a
very rigid manner, as for example with the token coins. The
essence of " Gresham's law-" in the case of token coins is that
only by limitation can the nominal value be kept up. In the
United Kingdom it used to be thought that to support this
limitation effectively the legal tender ought also to be limited.
Experience (as observed by Prof. Cannan) has shown that the
limitation may be secured in other ways. In the case of bank-
notes, whether issued by the State or by banks with delegated
powers, the principle of limitation has been applied in different
ways. In the United Kingdom before the war the limitation of
the issues of bank-notes was far more stringent than in any
other country. The Bank Act of 1844 came to be known as the
cast-iron system. The essence of it was that, after a point, no
notes could be issued unless in exchange for an equivalent amount
of gold. In normal times there was no elasticity. In times of
crisis elasticity was provided by the suspension of the Act.
Other countries had other methods of regulating the issues of
their paper money. When Jevons wrote his book on Money in
1875 he was able to describe in his Chapter XIV. on " Methods
of Regulating Paper Currency " no less than 14 different methods,
and since that time other important varieties have been intro-
duced. In these different systems the elasticity in normal and
in abnormal times varies, but it is only in the case of inconverti-
ble notes that the principle of limitation by reference to the
metallic standard is abandoned altogether, and even in that
case there is in general some kind of hope deferred that some
time or other the link with gold will be restored.
During the World War, in all the belligerent countries except
the United States and Japan, the connexion of the notes with
gold, that is to say the effective convertibility, was abandoned
in practice. No other effective method of limitation was dis-
covered or applied. Instead of limitation there was expansion,
in order to make the Government loans effective in monetary
purchasing power. The greater the expenditure by the State,
so much greater became the volume of the forms of purchasing
power, and the issues of notes had to conform to other increases
if recurrent banking crises were to be avoided.
Historical Examples. Before the World War there were
three notable outstanding cases of inflation in connexion with
issues of inconvertible paper. They throw light on the processes
and consequences of the inflation after 1014.
The assignats of the French Revolution long formed the classi-
cal example in the text-books of the dangers of inconvertible
paper. The issues began on what appeared to be, having
regard to the circumstance of the time, a reasonable basis.
The confiscated lands were more than sufficient in estimated
value to meet the deficits of former years and to provide a sur-
plus for the immediate budgets. In Dec. 1789 the Assembly
issued assignats of 1,000 livres (40) each, bearing interest at
5 %, to be accepted from purchasers of the nationalized lands.
These notes were part of the floating debt, and were, to begin
with, not legal tender. It may be observed that the first notes
of the Bank of England (1694) were for high denominations and
bore interest. In the course of time the interest on the assig-
nats was abolished, the denomination was lowered, the notes
were made legal tender as currency, and any pretence of " rep-
resenting " lands or any other assets was abandoned. In brief,
all effective limitation ceased, and the depreciation both specific
and general became excessive. In spite of severe penalties
against dealings in specie, culminating at last in the death
penalty, in the course of time the notes were refused, and by
1796 had become practically worthless. Attempts had been
made to substitute other notes mandats or promises of mandats,
but there was no effective withdrawal and no real limitation,
and the mandats followed the lead of the assignats. In Feb.
1797 all the paper money was demonetized, the mandats being
receivable for taxes or land purchase at i % of their face- value.
The refusal of the paper money began in the French provinces
and the circulation was most effective and prolonged in Paris.
The analogy with Bolshevist Russia is instructive. There the
refusal of the paper money began with the peasants. It is
indeed remarkable that the leaders of the Russian Revolution
took no warning from the example of revolutionary France.
In fact, they advanced more rapidly to monetary destruction.
And in Russia there do not seem to have been any of the com-
pensating temporary advantages of inflation. " It is worthy of
remark," says a recent writer (R. G. Hawtrey), " that so long
as the Paris workmen were ordinarily paid in assignats there
were no complaints of unemployment; the high prices attributed
to the knavery of speculators were the principal grievance."
In Russia unemployment increased with the inflation.
The next great example of inconvertible paper and inflation
is furnished by the Bank Restriction in England which began
in the year in which inconvertible paper was abandoned in
France (1797). The contrast with France is remarkable, and,
to begin with, confirms on the positive side the effectiveness of
the fact of limitation even when the actual practice is not based
on any reasoned principle. The notes of the Bank of England,
though inconvertible, were > not made legal tender until 1812.
They were at first simply debts due by the Bank of England
which the bank was not allowed to pay in legal currency. But
the notes were accepted by the Government in payment of taxes,
and also by the bankers and merchants under a formal agree-
ment amongst themselves. In 1811 Lord King demanded pay-
ment of his rents in coin (not paper), and an Act was passed
forbidding any differentiation between coin and paper that
is, making illegal the quotation of two prices. Full legal tender
was only granted to the notes the next year (1812).
The specific depreciation of the Bank of England notes began
in 1800. At this time (and practically up to 1873) gold and
silver were ranked equally as precious metals, and the variations
in the ratio of their values never departed widely from 152 to i.
From 1797 to 1818 at Hamburg the highest ratio is 16-25 in
1813 and the lowest 15-04 in 1814. The maximum specific
depreciation of the notes in 1813 compared with gold was 136-4,
and with silver 134-7 (see table in Hawtrey's Currency and
Credit, p. 269). By 1816 the specific depreciation relative to
the precious metals had practically disappeared. As measured
by the exchange on Hamburg the depreciation reached a maxi-
mum in 1811 and was about par by 1816.
It is more difficult to estimate the general depreciation as
compared with commodities. In 1801 the index number of
prices, calculated by Jevons, based on a standard taken as
100 in 1782, had risen from no in 1797 to 153 in 1801, after
which there was a fluctuating fall followed by a rise to the
maximum of 164 in 1810. It is impossible to say how much of
this general rise in prices is to be attributed to the inconvertible
paper and how much to causes primarily affecting demand and
supply of the commodities taken as the basis of the index num-
bers. The great argument of Tooke (History of Prices) was
intended to show, by examining the actual records of the circu-
482
INFLATION
lation and of prices, that the influence of the currency was of
little importance compared with demand and supply. Tooke's
general argument was weakened by the fact that he laid the
chief stress on commodities which were largely affected by the
course of the seasons. The modern view from Jevons onwards
is that the general rise in prices was in part due to the issues of
the inconvertible notes. A reference to the figures shows
(Hawtrey, p. 269) that there is no exact connexion between the
specific depreciation of the paper and its general depreciation
as measured by general prices. Two questions arose in this
period on which there was a prolonged controversy which has
been revived mutatis mutandis by the World War. It was
maintained by some that there was no specific depreciation of
notes but only an appreciation of gold owing to the exceptional
demands for it in connexion with the war. Now, it is argued,
there is depreciation of gold. The other allied question was
whether the specific depreciation of the notes was the exact
measure of the fall in their purchasing power (or general depre-
ciation). Another point of interest in this period was the influ-
ence of economic opinion on economic action. The celebrated
Report of the Bullion Committee in England (1810)' put the
case for the resumption of specie payments and a return to con-
vertibility in the strongest way. The principles of the report
were due to the influence of Ricardo, although he was not a
member of the committee. Later economists have in general
approved of the report, both as explaining the facts and as sug-
gesting the only adequate remedy. But the resolutions founded
on the report were not only rejected by the House of Commons
at the time (1811), but in opposition to them resolutions were
carried by Vansittart which it is now agreed were " abundantly
foolish." The answers given by the governor and directors of
the Bank of England before the committee were described by
Bagehot as " almost classical by the nonsense." By some
recent economists, however, the policy of the report has been
condemned, notably by Prof. Foxwell, in the introduction to the
History of the Bank of England by Prof. Andreades. It is also
now generally admitted that the questions involved in the
report are more complex than the framers of the report consid-
ered. It is noteworthy that the principles of the report were
eventually adopted and became the foundation of the Bank
Act of 1844. It is remarkable that Lord Cunliffe's Committee
on Currency and Foreign Exchanges, in their " first interim "
report (1918), strongly approved of the practical return to the
principles of 1844.
The third great historical example of inflation of inconverti-
ble paper is furnished by the American Civil War. The period
(1862-79) used to be called by American economists " the infla-
tionist period." In about a year, owing to the stress of the
war, 450,000,000 dollars of "greenbacks" were issued, and in the
next two years other 200,000,000 dollars of interest-bearing,
legal-tender notes were added. In the last year of the Civil
War the paper had suffered a specific depreciation as compared
with gold of 50%, and there had also been a great rise in prices,
partly at least due to the inflation of the currency. In this case
the inflation was primarily an inflation of currency and not of
credit. At the close of the war steps were taken to reduce the
paper money, and the interest-bearing notes were cancelled.
The reduction of the greenbacks, however, was made gradual
a monthly maximum of withdrawals being enforced in 1866.
From this time onwards to the final restoration of specie pay-
ments in. 1879 there was a contest between the inflationists and
the supporters of " hard " money. The main argument of the
inflationists rested on the hardships that follow on a contraction
of the currency and consequent fall in prices. For a time the
inflationists were successful, and in 1874 a bill was passed through
both Houses of Congress actually increasing the paper issues by
about 400,000,000 dollars. This bill was vetoed by President
Grant and prepared the way for the Resumption Act of 1875,
which provided for the resumption of specie payments in 1879.
After this year the advocates of what was called " soft " money
turned their attention to the coinage of silver.
1 Reprint, edited by Prof. Cannan, The Paper Pound (1919).
The American experience after the Civil War is of specia
interest as applied to the case of the United Kingdom after t
World War. The same arguments were advanced in 1920-1
regards the hardships and the dangers of any deflation and th
relative advantages of rising or at least stable prices. The less
extreme supporters of inflation, like their American predecessors,
thought that there should be no actual contraction, and that
trade and production should be allowed to overtake the extra
supplies of money and in that way bring about a gradual res-
toration to the normal. In the United States, after the Civil
War, the actual resumption of specie payments was delayed
for 14 years. Although the American inflation at that time was,
to begin with, specially an inflation (or abnormal increase) of
inconvertible paper, after the Civil War credit influences not
only in the United States but in other countries had considera-
ble influence on the extent of the depreciation of the paper.
In the first months of the peace the gold value of 100 paper
dollars was 70. But although the paper was reduced in three
years by over 15% the effect on the specific depreciation was
insignificant, 100 paper dollars being worth only 71-6 in gold.
After 1869 for three years there was a great rise in the gold value
of the paper to 89-5 in 1871, in spite of an absence of contraction.
After 1871 there was another reaction followed by another and
more marked revival. This want of conformity between con-
traction and appreciation of the paper (in terms of gold) is
explained by Mr. Hawtrey (op. cit., p. 309) as due to the varia-
tions in the value of gold consequent on credit movements in
Europe. In 1866 there was the Overend and Gurney banking
crisis in England. In 1871-3 there was the boom in trade fol-
lowing on the Franco-German War. This boom was accom-
panied in the United States by an excess of imports, due to the
advance of European capital for railway construction.
Enough has been said to show that the relation of the quantity
of paper money, even when inconvertible, to changes in specific
or general depreciation is by no means simple. Nor is such a
result opposed to the " quantity theory " of money in its ex-
tended modern form. The value of paper money in terms of
gold depends partly on causes affecting the paper (not only its
quantity but its credit or discredit), and partly on causes affect-
ing the gold itself not only the supply available for monetary
purposes but the various elements of demand both for monetary
and non-monetary purposes. The premium on gold is accounted
for by various causes, and it is not the exact measure of the fall
in purchasing power of the paper as regards commodities.
This brief survey of the three notable cases of inflation before
1914 shows very clearly that the inflation of the World War
period was due to similar causes acting with varying force.
The precise effect of the increase in the quantity of the incon-
vertible paper cannot be isolated. The main point is the
abandonment of the effective working of convertibility through
which the gold standard makes operative the principle of limita-
tion. But even when convertibility is maintained apparently
and by law in the most effective manner, as for example under
the Bank Act of 1844, it is quite possible that for the time being
de facto convertibility may be restrained, and there may be an
inflation of paper money and of the credit that rests on paper
money for cash payments. The old question as to the possibili-
ty of the over-issue of convertible notes has been answered in
the affirmative by the practical legislators of every country.
In other words every country has imposed special restrictions
on the issues of notes. But in the course of monetary progress
the over-issue of convertible notes has become of relatively small
importance as compared with the over-expansion of credit, at
all events in highly developed countries. The connexion of
credit with the gold standard is not only through the note issues.
In the United Kingdom the cheque has for long been the most
important form of currency or means of payment. It is possi-
ble that even wages might be paid by means of cheques (a
beginning has been made by Messrs. Lever), though still forms of
legal tender would be necessary for other kinds of cash payments.
Once, however, convertibility has been definitely abandoned
as regards the notes, then one of the great restraints on the
INFLATION
483
increase of credit also has been abandoned. It is one thing for
banks to provide the gold necessary to meet an internal drain,
and quite another to get the notes required in exchange for some
form of bankers' credit. It is one thing to keep a free market
for gold, and quite another for the government of a country to
meet the foreign demands for payment by borrowing abroad
instead of sending gold. It is one thing to control the move-
ments of gold by changes in the rate of interest, and quite another
to let the movements of gold depend on the governmental regu-
lations regarding import and export.
The World War Period. In tracing the progress of inflation
during the World War, the case of the United Kingdom is the
most instructive and important. It is also the most difficult,
because the abandonment of the gold standard which opened
the way for inflation was not definitely announced or admitted,
and was only realized some time after the fact had been
accomplished in practice. The first authoritative recognition
that the gold standard was no longer operative in the United
Kingdom was that made in the first report of the Cunliffe
Committee issued Aug. 1918. It begins with an account of the
currency system which had been effectively maintained in the
United Kingdom before the war, and it points out that " under
these arrangements the country was provided with a complete
and effective gold standard." But the report goes on to state:
" The course of the war has, however, brought influences into
play in consequence of which the gold standard has ceased to be
effective." The main steps in this practical abandonment are
also well stated in the report. On the outbreak of war it was
considered necessary by the Government not merely to give
permission for a suspension of the Act of 1844, as had been done
on some earlier occasions, but also to empower the Treasury to
issue its own currency notes for i and IDS. as legal tender
throughout the United Kingdom. It may be noted that before
the war only Bank of England notes were legal tender (not the
notes of other banks), and Bank of England notes were not legal
tender by the bank itself. In the bank restriction (see above)
full legal tender was only conferred on the notes in 1812, i.e.
15 years after the beginning of the restriction.
Under the powers given by the Currency and Bank Notes
Act of 1914, the Treasury undertook to issue the new notes
through the Bank of England to bankers, as and when required,
up to a maximum not exceeding for any bank 20% of its liabili-
ties on current and deposit accounts. The amount of notes
issued to each bank was to be treated as an advance bearing
interest at the current bank rate. Later on, certificates of
larger denominations were issued to banks in lieu of notes, to
save trouble, and it became the practice for the banks to pay
for the notes in other forms of bankers' credit. In this way the
principle of limitation as applied to the notes was practically
abandoned. What ought to have been barriers to expansion
became elastic bands that yielded at the slightest pressure.
The reserves were adjusted to the liabilities and not the liabilities
to the real reserves. In place of a limited amount of gold that
could only be increased by being attracted from other countries,
the real banking reserve was now a mass of notes which could be
increased on the demand of the banks themselves. It must be
said in justification of these very elastic provisions regarding
the notes that it was never anticipated that the demand for
internal currency would have necessitated extensive recourse to
these provisions. At the beginning of Aug. 1914 an extended
bank holiday was sufficient to restore confidence in the currency
situation. The danger, as events showed, lay in another direc-
tion. The banks were made so secure that they imposed no
restraints on the demands of the Government. The inflation
was made possible by the issues of the notes but the real infla-
tion began with the expansion of credit. The credits created
by the Bank of England in favour of its depositors, under the
arrangements by which the bank undertook to discount approved
bills of exchange, and other measures taken at the same time for
the protection of credit, caused a large increase in the deposits
of the bank. At the same time the needs of the Government
for funds to finance the war in excess of what was raised by taxa-
tion and by real borrowing from the public made it necessary
for the bank to create credits in favour of the Government in
the shape of Ways and Means advances. The consequence was
that the total amount of the deposits of the bank increased
from about 56,000,000 in July 1914 to 273,000,000 in July
1915. The balances created by these operations passed, by
means of payments to contractors and others, to the Joint Stock
banks, and caused an increase in their deposits, which were also
expanded by credits created in connexion with the various war
loans. The consequence was that the total deposits of the
banks of the United Kingdom other than the Bank of England
increased from 1,070,681,000 in Dec. 31 1913 to 1,742,902,000
in Dec. 31 1917. This process of credit inflation is correctly
described in the Cunliffe report (note, p. 4.) : " Before the war
these processes if continued compelled the Bank of England to
raise its rate of discount, but the unlimited issue of currency
notes has now removed this check upon the expansion of credit."
The great increase in bank deposits represented a corre-
sponding increase in purchasing power, which in conjunction
with other causes (e.g. war demands, war obstructions, war
scarcities, etc.) caused a rise in prices. The rise of prices in its
turn brought about a demand for legal-tender currency for cash
payments of all kinds (wages, transport, retail trade, etc.).
The war contractors and others had to break up their large
credits into smaller credits, and these again were transmuted
into legal tenders. " The unlimited issue of currency notes in
exchange for credits at the Bank of England is at once a conse-
quence and an essential condition of the methods which the
Government found necessary to adopt in order to meet this war
expenditure." On June 30 1914 the fiduciary issue of the Bank
of England was under 19,000,000, but by July 10 1918 there
had been added 230,412,000 in Treasury currency notes not
covered by gold.
Compared with the mass of purchasing power indicated by
the growth of deposits, and still more effectively by the increase
in the clearing-house returns, the increase of notes may seem of
relatively small importance. The importance of the currency
notes lies not in their mass compared with other forms of pur-
chasing power but in their function as taking the place of gold.
Before the war the Bank of England, with a smaller gold re-
serve than those of other great European banks, supported a
far greater mass of credit. Under certain conditions the move-
ment of a few millions of gold was sufficient to threaten a crisis.
Severe precautionary measures were taken to prevent the
depletion of the ultimate metallic reserves. The quantity of
gold was small, but it was necessary. Before the war, periodical
warnings were given that the gold reserves were inadequate to
bear the possible strain. By substituting currency notes for
gold (and by amassing credits abroad), the quantity of gold
held by the central bank became of relatively little importance.
The currency notes, as explained above, were never definitely
made inconvertible. It was even provided that when they were
presented at the Bank of England gold could be demanded.
But since it was against the law to make any use of gold money
except as currency i.e. it could lawfully be neither melted
down nor exported -the presentation of currency notes for
conversion in this way at the bank could only lead to unpleasant
questions and possibly incriminating answers. The converti-
bility was, in fact, only nominal or indefinitely suspended.
The legal prohibition of the melting of gold coin, the control
both of the exportation and the importation of gold, and the
consequent limitation of dealings in gold, severed the link that
formerly existed between the values of coined and uncoined
gold. Under normal conditions the market price of gold could
only differ from the mint price of 3 1 75. io^d. by very small
amounts, negligible so far as any premium on gold was concerned.
Practically, in London before the war, gold coin and gold bullion
were convertible to any extent at very short notice. The actual
records of the price of gold in London show the stability of the
price within these very narrow variations. Since there was
never the least hesitation among the public in accepting the
currency notes, the gold coins previously in public use were
4 8 4
INFLATION
gradually withdrawn from circulation by gentle persuasion and
the voluntary action of the banks (not by compulsion). Under
these conditions it was not possible to discover if there was in
fact any specific depreciation of the notes relatively to gold
within the country. Spasmodic cases occurred of sovereigns
being bought at a premium in 1916, and both buyers and sellers
were prosecuted, but at the time the cases were considered as
of no practical importance, and it was generally believed that
the notes were not depreciated as regards gold. In a paper read
by Prof. Foxwell to the Institute of Actuaries March 26 1917
he stated that he was not aware of any depreciation of this kind
in Great Britain, though he had been on the look-out for it
incessantly. The police-court cases noted above must have
escaped his vigilance, but it is quite clear that there was no
recognized depreciation in the sense of a premium on gold in
terms of the notes during the war.
A specific depreciation of British currency might have been
evidenced by the course of the foreign exchanges, especially
with countries such as the United States which had preserved
the gold standard effectively. But the course of the foreign
exchanges is influenced especially in war-time by other factors,
and we cannot at once argue from a fall in the American exchange
to a depreciation of British currency. In Sept. 1915 there was
a considerable fall in the sterling exchange on New York, but
after that time the exchanges were controlled and an artificial
stability at 4-765 dollars to the pound sterling was maintained
until the control was taken off after the war (1919). It may be
observed that the test which the framers of the Bullion Report
(1810) thought of the most importance was not applicable owing
to the artificial control. It may be added that this artificial
control necessitated the incurring of large indebtedness to the
United States by England. After the control of the exchanges
was taken off there could be no question that the pound ster-
ling depreciated in terms of the dollar, and this old method of
estimating the depreciation was revived.
To the great mass of the people of a country, the specific
depreciation of the currency, whether measured by the price of
bullion or by the course of the foreign exchanges, is of little inter-
est except in so far as it may be a sign of general depreciation or
a fall in the purchasing power of the actual currency. The
point was well put in a speech by Mr. Reginald McKenna to the
shareholders in the London Joint City and Midland Bank on
Jan. 29 1921. In discussing the variations in the meaning of
inflation he said that one idea runs through all the meanings,
namely that inflation is always associated with rising prices.
As already explained, a general rise in prices is not in itself
inflation, but it is, as experience shows, always associated with
it in the sense of abnormal issues of inconvertible paper.
In considering the effects of the inflation (or abnormal issues)
of inconvertible paper on general prices two questions must be
carefully distinguished: (i) What is the effect in the country
of issue; and (2) what is the effect indirectly on general world
prices measured in terms of gold (the old standard).
Under normal conditions, when convertibility of all the forms
of currency and credit is effective in the great commercial coun-
tries (as before the World War), the level of prices in any one
country depends partly on causes operating in that country,
e.g. tariffs, demand and supply, and partly on the relation of
that country to the rest of the commercial world. When the
link between gold and paper is broken in any one country, after
a point the local issues become of predominant importance.
Russia furnishes an example in an extreme form.
In the United Kingdom during the war there can be little
doubt that a rise of prices followed on the issues of the cur-
rency notes, as shown by Prof. J. S. Nicholson in a paper
to the Royal Statistical Society June 1917 (republished in War
Finance). It was not implied that the rise was simply caused
by throwing the new paper into circulation (as in the case of
issues of notes in countries where credit is relatively little devel-
oped), but account had to be taken of the effect of the issues on
the abandonment of the restraining influence of the gold stand-
ard. In the paper referred to it was shown that every kind of
currency and of credit had expanded. There had been,
example, a very great increase in the silver and bronze coin
put into circulation, and on the other side a great expansion
the use of cheques. Within the country the principle of con-
vertibility had been maintained, and the relative amounts
legal tenders of the various kinds and of bankers' credits I
increased more or less in like proportions (not exactly for rea
sons given in Nicholson's War Finance, p. 92). As already
explained, once the gold standard was abandoned the not
took over the function of gold in restraining or not restrainir
advances of credit. A comparison with the United Stat
shows also that the rise in general prices began sooner and ad-
vanced more rapidly in Britain than in America.
In other countries roughly the local rise was proportionate
the expansion of the local currencies (and bank credits). The
differences are best seen and most exaggerated in Russia and
Austria-Hungary, but also in France and Germany.
Broadly speaking during the war (and after the war up to the
middle of 1920) general prices in most countries were related to
the inflation of their respective currencies and the credits based
on them. Prices in particular countries, were determined to a
greater extent by local causes on account of the restrictions
placed on international trade in consequence of the war. Account
must be also taken of the efforts, of governments to maintain
control over prices of important commodities, which, though by
no means completely successful and in general undertaken too
late, had on the whole considerable effect. That is to say, the
level would have been higher but for the control. Local prices
were also to some extent kept down by the government of the
country concerned buying in the foreign markets instead of
allowing unfettered competition. This attempt to establish a
buyers' monopoly amongst the allied belligerents was applied too
late, and was not very effective as against the great trusts which
established sellers' monopolies. Still, no doubt, this part of
governmental control also affected the price levels of particular
countries. The general result was in accordance with former
experience namely that governmental control is a feeble rem-
edy against a rise of prices consequent on the abandonment of the
standard. The fundamental difficulty is that a government
can only attempt control in its own country in so far as in
combination with other buyers it may establish some kind of
buyers' monoply. In other words, world prices still govern
world markets, and the local prices have to be adjusted to the
world levels. This consideration leads up to the effects of infla-
tion (in the sense of abnormal issues of inconvertible paper and
the consequential expansion of other representative money) in
particular countries on world prices. In dealing with this
second question it must be observed that in the past this influ-
ence had to be considered in estimating changes in world prices
(or the purchasing power of gold).
The substitution of paper for gold (or the precious metals
when there was de facto a link between gold and silver) liberates
a certain quantity of the gold which can be used for monetary
purposes in other countries. In the American Civil War the
displacement of metallic money, no doubt, had some influence
in raising the general level of prices in European countries. In
the World War the vast accumulation of gold in the United
States tended, 'no doubt, both directly and indirectly to raise
prices in that country and in that way to affect world prices
measured in terms of gold. Similar effects were observed in
Japan 1 whilst in Sweden precautions were taken against this
1 In Japan in 1914 the balance of bank-notes issued over the
amount withdrawn was 385,000,000 yen against gold coin and
bullion of 218,000,000 yen. In 1919 the balance of bank-notes war
I 555,000,000 yen against 951,000,000 yen of gold coin and bullion
In Dec. 1920 the ratio of gold to notes in Japan was 85-6, the
highest of any of the 17 principal countries.
It is stated in the official Financial and Economic Annual o
Japan for 1920 that in order to make up for the deficiency of sub-
sidiary silver coins caused by the war a large number of paper notes
of small denominations were issued of an aggregate value of nearly
20,000,000. Elsewhere the demand for silver for coinage raised t
price greatly (maximum 8gd. per oz. in 1919). In England the
standard of fineness was lowered.
INFLATION
485
depreciation of gold. The indirect effect of this influence was
far greater in the World War than on any previous occasion
owing to the vast area affected by the issues of inconvertible
paper and the importance of the countries concerned. It is
obvious from the experience of the United States that the mere
preservation of convertibility and the effective maintenance of
the gold standard are not sufficient to prevent a general rise in
prices as'; measured in the gold standard. Gold prices in the
sense of " world prices " depend broadly on the quantity of the
gold in use for monetary purposes and on the work to be done
by it. In the course of the war, paper was largely substituted
for gold, and so far as trade was concerned there was less work
to be done by the gold. The general effect then of the World
was analogous to that of great discoveries of gold. Such a
esult was not in itself a necessary consequence of the World War
and of the issues of inconvertible paper. It was quite possible
pointed out by Prof. J. S. Nicholson (in a paper of date
g. 3 1914 rcpublishcd in War Finance, Part II. ch. i), that
the destruction of credit would more than counterbalance the
influences making for a rise in prices. In fact, however, instead
of any destruction of credit there was a universal expansion.
All governments financed their war needs by loans. The United
Kingdom alone of European countries met any considerable part
of its war expenses by taxation. In France and Germany the
great issues of inconvertible notes directly raised prices, and
prices were also raised by the expansion of governmental credits
exercised in purchasing power. The nofcs displaced gold, and
the gold was used for monetary purposes in other parts of the
world, notably the United States and Japan. In other countries
the notes took the place of gold as reserves in the banks, and the
reserves were much more easily replenished and increased than
was possible with gold. In that way, indirectly as well as directly,
the issues of the notes tended to raise general prices. All the
world over, in spite of the war, indeed in a sense in consequence
of the war, there was a great expansion of credit. But this
expansion of credit was only made possible by a corresponding
expansion of inconvertible notes.
The evils consequent on inflation which had been exemplified
in former historical cases were observed in the World War and
in the boom that followed up to the end of 1920. Any general
rise in prices, from whatever causes arising, brings difficulties of
readjustments, and these difficulties are increased when the main
causes are connected with paper money. The reason is that the
changes consequent on excessive issues of paper, especially if
accompanied by excessive expansion of credits, are much more
rapid and intense than when the changes are due to increases in
the metal or metals used for standard money. A general rise
in prices gives at first a relative advantage to traders and em-
ployers of labour, as compared with consumers in general and
the receivers of wages and salaries. During the World War
wages in industries bearing on the war rose far more rapidly
than had been the case in former experiences of inflation. At
first the idea prevailed in the United Kingdom that the war
would be of short duration, and throughout the dangers of defeat
were so appalling that monetary considerations seemed relatively
of no importance. No effective restraints were put on inflation.
The workers soon learned that they had only to ask in order to
have. The employers added any rise of wages to the cost, and
to the cost as so determined added on again the usual or unusual
percentage of profit. In war contracts the general rule seemed
to be to calculate the contractors' profit as a percentage of
cost, and with rising nominal cost profits rose automatically.
When the enormous rise in profits was observed, an attempt was
mack to catch the excess above the pre-war normal by the excess
profits duty. But under the inflationist conditions that pre-
vailed the imposition of this tax led again in many cases to a
further rise in prices. The profit-makers were also imbued with
the old belief that any tax that could be evaded ought to be
evaded, at any rate by all lawful means. It seemed better
business to increase expenses of various kinds (e.g. by provision
for bonuses, for depreciation, etc.) rather than increase profits if
two-thirds had to be surrendered to the State. The " profiteer-
ing " that arose out of the war was not due entirely to inflation,
but it was magnified by th(; inflation. In many cases, however,
the extra profit earned in the war was no more than fair economic
remuneration for the services rendered, and in some cases the
war profit was low compared with what might have been reason-
ably expected. In the modern industrial State enterprise can-
not be made a matter of routine, and the so-called unearned
increment is a necessary and cheap stimulus. In the war the
need for speed and quick adjustments was overwhelming. If
inflation and excess profits were requisite for the sake of speed,
they may indeed be considered as evils but as necessary evils.
It was only after the war when the danger to the national
existence had passed away that those who had suffered from the
maladjustments of inflation began to complain. Industrial
unrest became rampant in every country. The rise in nominal
wages in the best of cases had not much exceeded the rise in the
cost of living and in some cases it had fallen below. The rise
in prices came to be greater in the conventional necessaries of
the various classes than in the necessaries commonly so-called.
The middle classes suffered far more than the lower wage-earners.
A large part of them passed into the ranks of the new poor.. It
is the middle classes who provide normally the greater part of
the brain power of the country in education and the professions
and in the advancement of the arts and sciences. During the
war they also had provided the greater part of the brain power
for the armies and navies. It was galling to the new poor to
observe that in the redistribution consequent on the rise in
prices their position had been changed for the worse for the
advancement of all kinds of " profiteers." Industrial unrest
amongst the manual working classes spread to the brain-working
classes. By the beginning of 1921 the new poor had been driven,
partly by need and partly by disgust, to rebel against the high
prices. There were new poor in all countries. A general crisis
arose from the side of demand. The effect on wholesale prices
was soon apparent in the fall in the index numbers. But for
long there was only a partial readjustment in retail prices. In
spite of the buyers' boycott retail prices moved but little. This
was mainly due to the absence of bona-fide competition. The
absence of competition spells the growth of monopoly.
During the war there was in the United Kingdom a great
growth of trusts. The report of the Committee on Trusts tried
to show that little of the rise in prices was to be attributed to
the trusts, and that from the governmental standpoint in carry-
ing on the war the trusts had been useful. It had been found
more easy to bargain with a combine than with a number of
separate bodies. This view of the trusts also found favour
with people of socialist leanings, who thought that the growth
of the trusts would be indirectly favourable to the socialistic
ideal. When the trusts came to own the business of the nation,
it would be time for the nation to own the trusts. Whether
these favourable opinions of the growth of trusts were sound or
not during the period of the actnal war, the popular belief is
that the fall in wholesale prices after 1920 was prevented from
spreading down to the ordinary consumers largely by the influ-
ence of the great combines. No official information is, indeed,
available to test this belief. In all times there has been a natural
dislike of monopolies. This dislike, however, is largely founded
on the belief that monopolies mean high prices. The growth of
the trusts has been accompanied by a considerable dilution of
capital and by a great rise in the rate of interest. The boom
after the war was marked by excessive issues of new companies
which were largely amalgamations. These amalgamations
involved the payment of high interest to the constituent com-
panies. New capital was attracted to provide the connective
tissue for these constituent companies, and this again could only
be attracted by high interest. The post-war boom was marked
by a great increase of interest on industrial preferences and de-
bentures. Here again was a reason for keeping up prices.
Deflation. The question how prices were to fall when inter-
est had to be higher leads to a consideration of deflation. Defla-
tion, as the name implies, is the reverse of inflation. With
this meaning it must involve the restoration of the effective
486
INFLATION
working of the gold standard. An essential part of this process
in the United Kingdom must be the actual convertibility of the
currency notes. With this object in view Lord Cunliffe's Com-
mittee in their Final Report (Dec. 1919) recommended in
England that the fiduciary issue of one year should not be ex-
ceeded in the next. Under this provision, which was accepted
by- the Government, the maximum fiduciary issue (i.e. the
amount of Treasury notes in circulation not covered by gold)
for 1920 was fixed at 320,600,000, and that for 1921 at 317,-
555,200. In the redemption account of the currency notes the
amount of gold held remained at 28,500,000 from Dec. 1915 to
1921, but the gold had been supplemented by the addition of
19,450,000 Bank of England notes (up to Dec. 1920), these
notes still being regarded as " as good as gold," owing to their
being convertible into gold at the bank. The ratio of the gold
holding (plus the Bank of England notes) to the currency notes
rose from 8-3% in June 1919 to 14-5% in June 1921. In June
1920 the bank rate was raised to 7%, and this high rate was
maintained with the view of limiting the expansion of credit.
Consequent on the depression that followed the post-war boom
the rate was lowered to 6% in June 1921, and to 5? % in July
1921. The high rate must have had some effect in checking
speculation and bringing it to an end sooner than otherwise
would have been the case. It had little or no effect, however,
on the governmental borrowings, and from June 1920 to June
1921 the floating debt actually increased by some 79,000,000.
The root cause of the inflation, as already explained, was the
governmental expenditure of borrowed (or artificially created)
money. It is plain that a high rate for money is not by itself
sufficient to check governmental extravagance. Public resent-
ment at the heavy taxation involved by the waste of public
money began to be effective at the same time as the resentment
against high prices led to a falling-off in demand.
It must be remembered that in case of need and the Gov-
ernment of the day is the judge of the need governmental
borrowing would be resorted to. In case of need also the amount
of currency notes requisite for the smooth working of the credit
system must be provided. In case of a financial crisis the banks
would always expect the restrictions on the fiduciary issues to
be abandoned if necessary. Again, the increase of the reserve
against the currency notes cannot of itself insure convertibility.
The convertibility could only be effective when the foreign ex-
changes, especially with the United States, had been restored to
the normal. It is not only the notes but all the other forms of
credit which must be convertible into gold in case of need if the
gold standard is to be effectively reestablished.
Just as the consequences of inflation (e.g. the rise in prices
and in nominal wages) must be distinguished from the inflation
itself, so also with deflation. The great fall in the index num-
bers of wholesale prices (United Kingdom) after the spring of
1920 cannot be ascribed to deflation, because in fact there was
no deflation in the sense of monetary contraction. The Econo-
mist index number for March 1920 was 325 (compared with 100
for July 1914), and in Dec. 1920 was 231, whilst from Dec.
1919 to Dec. 1920 the notes in Great Britain had risen from
464,900,000 to 509,859,000. During the same year the bank
clearings had risen from 28,000,000,000 to 39,000,000,000.
In the same way the bank deposits increased during the year.
The banking number of the Economist on May 21 1921 showed
that the rate of increase of deposits (other than in the Bank of
England) was 5-7% in 1920 as compared with 185% in 1919 and
i6j% in 1918. The actual increase in 1920 over 1919 was
136,000,000 in bank deposits (other than those of Bank of
England), 12,000,000 in currency notes and 41,000,000 in
Bank of England note circulation. In 1921, however, up to end
of April currency notes declined 30,000,000 and Bank of Eng-
land notes 4,000,000 and the deposits of 9 joint-stock banks
declined by about 120,000,000.
The want of correspondence between the index numbers of
wholesale prices in the United Kingdom and the amount of
money (notes and bankers' money) has been cited by some
writers as destructive to the '.' quantity theory " of money.
The quantity theory,. however, in its modern extended form
does not imply that immediately on every increase or decrease
of money there must be a proportionate fall in prices. In either
case there must be some lag. Even with great gold discoveries
it takes time before the effect becomes marked, and similarly as
regards a fall in the amount. The opponents of the quantity
theory, who assert that the money in use (including notes and
bankers' credits) must be adjusted or follow on the movements
in prices, are in a worse case. How comes it that when prices
have fallen so greatly there has not been a corresponding con-
traction of " money "? The truth is that the element of time
must always be considered. An abnormal increase of money
takes time for its full effects to be realized. Similarly any con-
traction will take time to operate. After a period of inflation
when prices begin to fall there will be for a time an apparent
abundance of money. An illustration may be taken from what
occurred in the great fall in prices from 1873 to 1896. At the
depth of the depression of prices there was apparently a super-
abundance of gold at the great banking centres, and the rates of
discount were never so low. Yet the general fall in prices was
ascribed to the fall in the production of gold and the greater
demand for it for monetary uses consequent on the destandardi-
zation of silver.
Not only must time be taken account of, but the survey must
be extended to world prices, especially with the restoration of
international communications. Prices in the United States
after the war had a dominating influence on world prices. In
the United States convertibility between the various money
forms was maintained during and after the war. The Federal
Reserve Act, however, made it possible for a certain amount of
gold to support a larger superstructure of credit. At the same
time, through the influx of gold from Europe, the gold founda-
tion was also greatly increased. The consequence was that
from 1913 to 1919, whilst the physical volume of business (in
the United States) increased approximately 9-6%, the monetary
circulation increased 71%, and bank deposits 120%. At the
same time the percentage of actual cash reserves held against
deposits declined from 11-7 in 1913 to 6-6 in 1919. Through
the concentration of gold a greater power of expansion was given
to the credit within the country, whilst the complete abandon-
ment of the gold standard in Europe took away the restraining
effect of a possible foreign drain. In this way, in spite of con-
vertibility being maintained in the United States, the gold stand-
ard had not the same limiting effect as before the war. This
loosening of the restraints of the gold standard is in fact equiva-
lent to a form of inflation, and American economists (e.g. Prof.
Kemmerer) speak of American inflation during the war.
It follows from these considerations that the process of defla-
tion must be slow. It seemed probable in 1921 that for a con-
siderable time the fall in prices would continue in the United
Kingdom to precede the process of deflation.
Similar reasoning applies to wages and employment. With
the great fall in prices money wages must fall, because in the
last resort wages are paid out of the price of the product when
there is a definite product, whilst wages that are given for serv-
ices that perish in the act are proportioned to the corresponding
disutilities involved as compared with the work of the product-
makers. If the fall in prices in the United Kingdom is not due
to deflation in the sense of monetary contraction, the fall in
wages cannot be ascribed to that cause. When the fall in wages
is not readily adjusted to the fall in prices there must be an
increase of unemployment. But this unemployment cannot be
ascribed to deflation.
The process of deflation must begin with a stoppage of infla-
tion, and the effective prevention of the outbreak of renewed
inflation. The essential condition is the stoppage of govern-
mental expenditure that depends on borrowed money or the
creation of artificial credits. In other words, the gold standard
must be effectively restored.
The assumption that a fall in prices must of necessity be
accompanied by a fall in real wages and in employment is not
confirmed by the experience of the last quarter of the igth cen-
INFLUENZA
487
tury. Real wages increased during the great fall in prices, and
complaints began to be made of the fall in real wages when prices
began to move upwards. The charts constructed by Mr.
Kitchin (Times Financial and Commercial Review, 1921) show
that there is no close correspondence between movements in
employment and movements in prices under ordinary normal
conditions. The great and rapid increase in unemployment in
the United Kingdom in 1021 might be partly ascribed to the
stoppage of the progress of inflation and the check to speculation.
The fall in prices and in employment may also be partly as-
cribed to the repudiation of contracts by foreign merchants when
they were seen to be unprofitable. This facile repudiation of
bargains is symptomatic of the laxity of moral fibre that follows
on inflation. This weakening of business moral makes it more
difficult for governments to meet the obligations of public
indebtedness. There has been a revival of old ideas on lessen-
ing the burden of public debts by disguised repudiation. It is
said that the debts were incurred in depreciated money and
therefore aught to be redeemed in depreciated money. It is
proposed to stabilize the present level of purchasing power by
changing the unit of value. How far such partial repudiation
is necessary or desirable for any particular country (e.g. Ger-
many) must be decided by the particular country. Even before
the war the very moderate proposals for international bi-
metallism were not found to be practicable.
The essential facts of the situation are that the United States
and Japan have effectively kept to the gold standard, qua free-
dom from specific depreciation, and the departure by the
United Kingdom as compared with the United States has not
been so great as to make the return to the gold standard imprac-
ticable. It seems then that world prices will be reckoned on the
gold standard, and the national prices of other countries will in
the course of time be adjusted to the specific depreciation of
their currencies in terms of gold. International trade in the
last resort must be carried on in terms of commodities and serv-
ices. A country cannot for an indefinite period have a stimu-
lus to its export trade simply through the specific depreciation
of its currency. So long as the specific depreciation (e.g. of
the German mark) is greater than the general depreciation as
regards purchasing power of labour and other things within the
country itself, so long excess profits are earned on exports. But
such a condition is obviously unstable. The general theory was
explained by Prof. J. S. Nicholson in a paper (Jan. 1888) on
the " Causes of Movements of General Prices," republished in
the Money and Monetary Problems. The argument was primari-
ly applied to the case of gold and silver, and the consequences of
the great depreciation of silver relatively to gold, but it was
shown that, mutatis mutandis, the same reasoning applied to
gold and paper. The silver-standard countries found it desira-
ble to adopt a gold or gold-exchange standard, and by analogy
the paper-standard countries at present may be expected in
time to revert more or less completely to the gold standard.
The gradual return to the gold standard will no doubt be
accompanied by a general fall in prices. The fall, which was
very rapid in 1920, slackened by the middle of 1921 but seemed
likely to be resumed. One obstacle to the continued fall in
wholesale prices and the spread of the fall to retail prices was
the action of combination in restraint of competition. It is
this reliance on combination to keep up prices which is the great
obstacle to the policy of ensuring de facto deflation by increasing
the amount of goods so as to use the superabundant money.
When the world is suffering from the exhaustion of the World
War and when production ought to be increased as much as
possible to restore the pre-war standards of material comfort, it
is paradoxical that limitation of production should be anywhere
in favour. It might seem to Labour that limitation of hours or
of days is a remedy for unemployment (the " lump of labour "
theory), and it is possible that in some cases Labour and Capital
could combine to insist on monopoly prices. The great obstacle,
however, to the success of any such policy of artificial limitation
to keep up prices is the difficulty of making all the combines
world-wide in their reach.
LITERATURE. There is already a large literature dealing with
inflation and its consequences during and after the World War. No
doubt, as after the Napoleonic period, there will be prolonged con-
troversy on the best methods to be adopted in restoring economic
and financial equilibrium. The Report of the Committee on Cur-
rency and Exchange, which was unanimously adopted by the
delegates of the 39 nations present at the International Financial
Conference at Brussels (Oct. 1920), confirmed the opinions expressed
in the report of the Cunliffe Committee, which was drawn up with
special reference to the United Kingdom. The Brussels report may
be divided into four sections. The first deals with the meaning,
causes and progress of the inflation in the World War, and points
to the necessity of stopping the growth of inflation by the limitation
of governmental expenditure to revenue and the limitation of the
creation of credit to bona fide economic needs. The second section
calls for increased production. In this connexion the abandonment
of governmental control is advocated, but no reference is made to the
dangers of limitation of production by the great combines. The third
section recommends the return to the gold standard, but the opinion
is given that it is useless to attempt to fix the ratio of existing
fiduciary currencies to their nominal value. In the fourth section it
is stated that deflation must be gradual and that no useful purpose
could be served by any attempt to establish an international cur-
rency or unit of account to impose artificial control on exchange
operations. Supplementary volumes give details affecting various
countries of the evidence on which the Report is based.
In the Financial and Commercial Review for 1920, issued by the
Swiss Banking Corporation, convenient tables are given on p. 5
of the index numbers of the principal countries of wholesale and
retail prices (England, France, the United States, Italy, Japan and
Germany), and on p. 13 of the gold reserves and paper circulation of
17 principal countries for 1914, 1918, 1919 and 1920.
The following are useful works of reference: The Paper Pound of
1797-1821, a reprint of the Bullion Report of 1910 with introduction
by Edwin Cannan (1919); J. S. Nicholson, Inflation (1919); R. G.
Hawtrey, Currency and Credit (1919) ; R. W. Kemmerer, High Prices
and Deflation (1920); the four Reports of Section F of the British
Association on Currency and Credit in the War, edited by Prof.
Kirckaldy, 1916-20, have been collated and brought down to the
middle of 1921 in one volume entitled British Finance, 1914-1921,
by Mr. A. H. Gibson; Irving Fisher, Stabilising the Dollar (1920);
J. S. Nicholson, War Finance (2nd. ed. 1918); J. M. Keynes, Eco-
nomic Consequences of the Peace (1920). The work by Yves-Guyot
and A. Raffalovich, Inflation and Deflation (1921), gives in short
compass a very valuable account of former periods of inflation begin-
ning with John Law, and also gives in a short form the leading facts
of the actual progress of inflation in the various countries in the
World War. The writers reassert the classical opinions on the evils
of inflation and advocate as rapid deflation as possible. H. S.
Foxwell, Papers on Current^ Finance (1919), criticizes the generally
accepted theories of inflation. The Review of Economic Statistics,
issued monthly by the Harvard Committee on Economic Research,
gives not only a general analysis of business conditions with probable
forecasts (somewhat on the analogy of meteorological observations
and deductions) but provides in a convenient form the statistics of
changes in production and in financial conditions. (J. S. N.)
INFLUENZA (see 14.552). Under the conditions of existence
that prevail in the civilized communities of to-day, the human
respiratory tract must necessarily encounter a large variety of
pathogenic bacteria and a great deal of irritating particulate
matter. Such exposure is inevitable in factories, schools, trains,
'buses and, indeed, in all forms of social intercourse within
confined spaces. Under these circumstances it is not to be
wondered at that acute catarrhal affections of the respiratory
mucous membranes, accompanied by pyrexia, should be common.
To such affections the name " influenza " is frequently applied;
and it is this loose employment of the word that is responsible
for much of the confusion that exists in statistical records.
The explosive pandemic of influenza that burst upon the world
in 1918 was something quite different from the sporadic pyrex-
ial catarrhs above referred to, although the individual clinical
picture, when uncomplicated, was much the same. In the ab-
sence of exact knowledge of the causative agent and in view of the
fact that the individual clinical picture is such as may follow
many different bacterial invasions, it is impossible, at present,
to formulate a completely satisfactory definition. Here the term
" influenza " will be used to imply " a pandemic outburst of
disease characterized, clinically, by a rapid course, catarrh of the
respiratory tract, pyrexia, and some degree of prostration; and,
epidemiologically, by a tendency to occur in several successive
waves at short intervals of time." This provisional definition is
applicable to the visitation of 1918-9, to the outbreaks in 1890-1,
in 1847-8, and perhaps to those in 1831-3-7, in 1803, and to other
488
INFLUENZA
outbreaks of respiratory catarrh more remote in time and about
the distribution of which less is known. It is not applicable to the
sporadic cases or even the localized epidemics of respiratory
catarrh to which the name influenza has been so often applied,
especially in the years following fairly closely upon pandemic
outbursts. In the years 1908, 1909, and 1915, for instance, un-
usually large numbers of deaths were returned in London under
the heading of " influenza." For the average Londoner, however,
there was no influenza in these years; but the average Londoner
and, indeed, the average inhabitant of Europe, Asia, Africa, and
America, is quite alive to the fact that influenza prevailed in
1918-9. Statistical records of influenza mortality are apt to be
very misleading as medical men often apply this name to fatal
respiratory diseases of indeterminate symptomatology. When
the real influenza comes, the public is at once aware of the fact
because nearly everyone either gets infected or sees friends or
relations infected within a very short space of time.
The Influenza Pandemic of 1918-9. This pandemic swept over
the world in three successive waves, the first appearing quite
suddenly in May and June 1918, the second starting at the end
of Sept. or early in Oct. and waning in Dec., and the third wave,
less uniform in character, appeared early in March 1919.
First Wave. This outbreak, attributed by France to Spain, by
Spain to France and by America to eastern Europe, seems to have
appeared almost simultaneously amongst the nations of the " En-
tente" arrayed against the enemy on the western front, and amongst
all those communities in intimate touch with them. In the armies
of the Entente in France, Belgium, and Italy; in the military camps
in England and America; in the civilian populations of England,
France. Italy, Spain, and Portugal; in transports at sea; in the
closely linked theatres of war of Salonika and Egypt, and in Gib-
raltar, Malta, and India itself, the outbreak of influenza showed the
explosive character that is only possible for a highly invasive infec-
tion assisted by conditions of swift inter-communication, such as
obtain in modern war.
The invisible barriers of hostility or neutral exclusion seem to
have imposed a slight check on its spread so that this first wave
made its appearance a little later amongst the Central Powers and
their neighbours. It was not until early in July that it attained its
full proportions in Germany, Austria, Norway, Sweden and Den-
mark, Holland and Switzerland. In several large areas of the
world's surface, this first wave seems to have been absent or so
slight as to have escaped record. In the South American republics,
in Bermuda, the British West Indies, the Azores and in the islands
on the Pacific, the summer of 1918 seems to have passed without an
influenzal outbreak. The same appears to be true of Australia and
New Zealand, though cases are said to have appeared in the latter
in Aug., the harbingers, perhaps, of the autumn, rather than the
first manifestations of the summer, wave.
This first wave passed rapidly, so that a "frequency curve" by
weeks, in which the incidence in the worst week is taken as 100%,
shows a steep ascent to a maximum, followed by an equally steep
and almost symmetrical fall, the whole episode passing within about
five or six weeks. So benign was the type that many cases among
soldiers at the battle-front escaped record, as the men never " re-
ported sick " but merely rested for a day or so in their units, and this
was fortunate as the army hospitals were soon overcrowded. The
death-rate was inconsiderable, but there was an ominous tendency
to a higher mortality amongst the later cases, just before the wave
came to an end, seeming to suggest an increase in virulence. The
clinical picture cannot be better summed up than in the words of a
consultant physician in France who, describing the first batch of
cases, exclaimed " it is like a mild attack of measles without a rash."
Respiratory catarrh, congested conjunctivae, headache, lassitude,
pyrexia of short duration, a feeling of prostration with the return of
temperature to normal, and then a rapid recovery, of health ; such
was the course in the vast majority of the cases during the first
wave. Complications were almost unknown during this outbreak;
but a few cases developed broncho-pneumonia or haemorrhagic
oedema of the lungs towards the end of the wave, and it was these
cases that sent up the case-mortality. In all these characters, the
first wave closely resembled the outbreak of 1890. In one re-
spect it showed an interesting difference. Whereas in 1890 the death-
rate was greatest amongst the middle-aged and elderly, in 1918 the
chief sufferers were amongst the " young adult " groups.
Second Wave. Towards the end of Sept., or early in Oct., the
second wave suddenly gathered force and swept over the world;
the crowning tragedy of so many tragic years. Soldiers, miracu-
lously spared in battle and for whom hope was now dawning with
the promise of victory; youths at school or college, to whom the
future might look to fill the gaps of war in years of peace : these were
the harvest chosen for the scythe of the Angel of Death. For the
character of the pandemic had changed and the benign attacks of
the summer now gave place to the terrible scourge of the autumn
outbreak. Geographically, this wave was almost universally felt,
and it seemed to mount up simultaneously throughout the world.
St. Helena is said to have escaped. Mauritius, too, had a reprieve ;
and it appears to be true that the quarantine measures applied by
Australia were successful for the moment, but throughout Europe,
America, Asia and Africa, this fatal pandemic held undisputed sway.
The upward curve of morbidity was almost precisely similar to
that of the summer and the maximum was reached as quickly as
in the previous wave, but the fall was much slower and less regular.
The outstanding difference between the two waves was the marked
tendency to pulmonary complications and the high death-rate of the
second. The singularly uniform syndrome of the summer epidemic
gave place, in the autumn, to several varieties of clinical picture de-
pending on varying combinations of several factors, amongst which
might be reckoned the virulence of the microbic invader, the resis-
tance of the patient, the nature of the bacterial flora of his respira-
tory tract, and environmental conditions such as occupation, wages
and housing. As a rule, the attack was ushered in by the catarrhal
and pyrexial symptoms noted in May and June. In many cases,
especially where circumstances permitted of immediate rest and
treatment, the disease took a favourable course towards recovery,
although prostration was nearly always a more marked feature than
in the summer. In others, the story was different. The early
pyrexial catarrh was sometimes followed by intense toxaemia leading
so rapidly to a fatal issue that there was no time for pulmonary
complications to develop. But in a very large number of cases the
lungs became severely affected and the patient passed into a state
of anoxaemia recalling that produced by exposure to the " pulmonary
irritants" of gas warfare. But there was a formidable difference
between the two conditions. While the " phosgene " patient had to
deal with a sterile exudate, evoked by a chemical irritant and ca-
pable of rapid absorption if vitality was maintained, the lungs of the
influenza patient were charged with an exudate evoked by a living
virus which had already overcome tissue resistance and could offer
to " secondary invaders " conditions of symbiosis favourable to their
growth. Here lay the danger. The virus of influenza could open,
as it were, the door to the streptococci, pneumococci, staphylococci
and other organisms normally held within safe numerical limits upon
the respiratory mucous membranes.
Those who wish to be fully informed of the clinical features of
this phase of the disease cannot do better than turn to the admirable
account of it given by Dr. Herbert French in the " Report on the
Pandemic of Influenza, 1918-9," published by the British Ministry
of Health in 1920. The appearance of the patient was often very
characteristic. Lying quietly in bed without any of the agonized and
restless dyspnoea of the "chlorine-gassed" case, he might seem to
the superficial observer to be not very ill. But a closer examination
would note the dull cyanosis of the lips and ears, the livid pallor of
the face, the rapid shallow respiration ; while the pulse, though some-
times good, was often " running " and feeble, indicative of toxic
action on the heart muscle. In such a case wisdom lay in sparing
the patient the fatigue of a comprehensive examination of the chest.
The mere effort of sitting forward or turning over, to allow of stetho-
scopic investigation of the bases of the lungs, was sometimes enough
to turn the scale against the sufferer. Where, however, an examina-
tion was carried out, it frequently afforded but little information
beyond the fact that there was a marked diminution of the breath
sounds and a loss of the vesicular quality of respiration. The post-
mortem appearances, while tending to have certain basal characters
in common, varied considerably with the nature of the " secondary
invaders " and other factors. In nearly all cases, there was a hsemor-
rhagic tendency not often seen in other acute lung affections; and
this sometimes amounted to a haemorrhagic oedema involving the
greater part of both lungs. " Wet lungs," " dripping lungs," were
expressions frequently heard in the post-mortem room. Areas
suggesting haemorrhagic infarcts with their bases extending under
the pleura were often noticed. The cut surface of the lungs showed,
as a rule, peri-bronchiolitis and patches of broncho-pneumonia with
a general state of oedema throughout the parenchyma of the lung;
or a whole lobe might give the appearances of red or, in older cases,
grey hepatization. (For a detailed account of these appearances,
together with their morbid histology, see the article by Maj. Tytler,
C.A.M.C., in " Special Report Series No. 36 " of the Medical
Research Council, 1919.)
Third Wane. The third wave had no distinctive characters.
It tended to resemble the first wave rather than the second, though
pulmonary complications and fatal cases were fairly numerous.
Etiology. As to the causative organism of influenza we remain,
after the greatest pandemic in history, still in doubt. This is no
reproach to the science of bacteriology. A moment's reflection
will show that research, to give conclusive results, must be
carried out during the outbreak at a moment when the " pan-
demic" character gives the stamp of certainty to the diagnosis
and the infectivity of the cases is at its height. But so swift is the
passage of the wave that it is over by the time that the necessary
workers, equipment and accommodation for investigation have
been provided. Before 1918 few doubted that the Bacillus
INGE, W. R.
489
influenza (Pfeiffer) was the cause of the disease. The year 1920
found expert opinion sharply divided into two schools, one up-
holding the etiological significance of Pfeiffer's bacillus, the other
maintaining that the evidence pointed rather to an invisible
" filter-passing " virus as the causative agent. This question is
ably discussed by Sir Frederick Andrewes, F.R.S., in the Report
of the British Ministry of Health (1920) above referred to.
Recent research has proved that there are several serologically
distinct organisms included under the heading of Bacillus influence
and that these vary in virulence for experimental animals. It seems
beyond question that pathological changes resembling those of hu-
man influenza may be produced by the inoculation of "some of these
strains. The same, however, can be claimed for filtrates of body
fluids, exudates and secretions from human influenza cases, and also
for " Nogouchi " cultures from these. The liability of laboratory
animals to lung injuries during experimental manipulation intro-
duces a source of error that is very difficult to exclude, and that is
equally operative in experiments with Pfeiffer's bacillus and with
" filtrates." No final answer can be hoped for until a future outbreak
finds us prepared to start our investigations before the crest of the
wave, though much spade-work can and should be done in non-
epidemic periods to narrow down the field of inquiry. One thing
is certain: that, with adequate technique, Pfeiffer's bacillus can be
isolated from almost every case of influenza. A r61e of vast impor-
tance in the production or accentuation of pulmonary complications
is played by " secondary invaders," the bacterial flora of the normal
respiratory tract, a potentially pathogenic group well calculated to
exploit the tissue injuries induced by the influenzal virus. These
bacteria were found to vary in different areas ; but certain of them,
notably the streptococcus mucosus, the streptococcus hcemolyticus,
the pneumococcus and the staphylococcus, were almost universal.
Rarer types were mcningococci, pneumo-bacilli, pyocyaneus and others.
The vast numbers of these organisms that sometimes invaded the
injured lung tissues must be seen to be believed. It was common
to find them in the blood-stream as " terminal infections " and
they were cultivable from the heart-blood after death.
Epidemiology. In the absence of final knowledge as to the
causative agent, many points of fundamental importance still
remain obscure. Was the pandemic of 1918-9 a sudden awakening
to virulence of some germ already widely distributed in western
Europe or was it a " new arrival " operating in " virgin soil "? In
spite of the weighty arguments for the former view set forth in
the Report of the Ministry of Health, we incline to the latter.
But the Question arises: " Where could such a germ come from?"
It seems justifiable to assume that previous pandemics were due
to the same agent. No doubt, somewhere, from one pandemic to
another, some human individual or chain of individuals carries
on the virus until the time shall be ripe for a fresh outbreak.
It is to be noted that the first wave coincided with the arrival of
the first large drafts of American troops in Europe. These young
contingents, gathered from the remotest ends of a vast continent,
meeting for the first time with the dwellers of far cities or countries,
each group harmlessly infested with its familiar bacterial commensals
but unprotected against those carried by its new neighbours, these
freshly improvised troops must have brought into common circula-
tion pathogenic strains that had long remained dormant in isolated
and relatively immunized communities. The crowded troopships
afforded just the incubation places that would permit of the matura-
tion of such an infection ; and Europe, with its crowded concentra-
tion areas and billets offered an unequalled opportunity for its
spread. The last influenzal pandemic had occurred just 28 years
before. There might be a few scattered " carriers " and perhaps
some residual immunity among the middle-aged and the elderly;
but the adolescents and the young adults would, in 1918, be " virgin
soil." It was just these lower age-groups that suffered most.
How, then, explain the second wave with its greater severity?
and the third ? Surely, if immunity played a part, these waves
would have been much less extensive, much more benign, and con-
fined to those persons who had previously escaped. These are
good, but not final, arguments. It is at least possible that the pas-
sage of the first wave might leave behind it a virus of exalted viru-
lence, many " carriers " and many " allergic " subjects whose
behaviour to reinfection might betray the phenomena of hyper-
sensitiveness of the respiratory surfaces and a tendency to inflam-
matory exudates on contact with the air-borne virus. Under such
conditions a fresh outbreak would be specially likely to arise in the
fall of the year, a period of rapid fluctuations of temperature when
the chill evenings drive men into the warmth and close contact of
crowded dug-outs, shelters and billets.
Such a theory, while presenting many difficulties, has many points
in its favour as well. We find it impossible to believe that the so-
called " influenza " to which deaths were attributed every year
between 1892 and 1918 was the same disease as the fulminating
pandemic that followed. Apart from the extreme contrast in in-
vasive power, a glance at the diagrams of Dr. T. H. C. Stevenson,
illustrating the distribution of " influenza " mortality by age-
groups (Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, Jan. 1919),
will suffice to emphasize the essential differences between, let us say,
the graphs for 1917 and 1918, the one showing a preponderating
death-rate amongst the old, the other, amongst the young. Such
differences can hardly leap into existence within a few months.
The known facts of increase and diminution of bacterial virulence
lend no support to the idea that such a vast alteration is probable
or even possible in so short a time.
Acquired Immunity. Many observers have brought forward
evidence indicating that morbidity and mortality were less marked,
in the second wave, amongst those who had been attacked in the
first. The evidence bearing upon this point has been thoroughly ana-
lyzed in the Report of the Ministry of Health, chap. vi. (1918-
9). After a careful examination of the facts and figures at their
disposal, the authors state that " these data show a considerable
immunizing power in the summer attacks and we conclude, although
with natural hesitation, that it is probable, on the average, that an
appreciable degree of active immunity was attained by those who
passed through an attack in its first and mildest manifestations."
This is not a very positive expression of opinion but all who
study the figures will agree that the authors show a wise reticence.
The evidences for immunity are of varying efficiency in different
places, and the populations of many areas show no tendency at all
to acquired resistance to infection as judged by a comparison be-
tween the behaviour of those attacked and those missed by the first
wave when confronted by the second.
We believe these data to be unsound as a basis for comparison.
It is highly probable that many persons were infected during the
summer and yet failed to show appreciable illness. The vast dif-
ference that may exist between the numbers infected and the num-
bers affected by a bacterial invasion can be judged from what we know
of the mentngococcus and the diphtheria bacillus. And yet these
non-pathogenic infections may confer active immunity as we know
from the " Schick Reaction " in the case of diphtheria and from many
other examples as well. It is very likely that the mere fact of a pre-
vious " attack " is a fallacious guide in classifying populations for
inquiry as to their relative immunities. After all, the best evidence
of the acquisition of immunity is to be found in the phenomena
of natural recovery of the individual and of the disappearance of
pandemic waves from the community. The fact that these groups
of pandemics are separated by long and fairly regular intervals, as
a rule about 20 years, is not without significance in this connexion,
since at least this period might be necessary to reduce the residual
immunity from the last pandemic to an ineffective level.
Artificial Immunity. No vaccine can be entirely satisfactory
unless it is known to contain the virus or germ of the disease in ques-
tion. The vaccine issued by the War Office and afterwards by the
Ministry of Health was confessedly of a provisional nature since the
causative agent was still uncertain. Its formula was as follows :
Per cub. cm. of vaccine
Bacilli influenzas (Pfeiffer) 400,000,000
Pneumococci 200,000,000
Streptococci 60,000,000
Unless Pfeiffer's bacillus be accepted as the causative agent, this
vaccine must be described as consisting entirely of the " secondary
invaders." As such, its issue was entirely justifiable and its effects
were such as might be expected : satisfactory in diminishing compli-
cations and mortality but practically nil in preventing the disease.
Vaccine, then, cannot, as a prophylactic, help us much at present ;
nor can we, in the light of recent experience, hope for great results
from general measures of hygiene. We have just passed through
" one of the great sicknesses of history, a plague which within a
few months has destroyed more lives than were directly sacrificed
in four years of a destructive war." Lacking exact knowledge, we are
vulnerable, and our watchword must be "Research." (S. L. C.)
INGE, WILLIAM RALPH (1860- ), British divine, was born
June 6 1860 at Crayke, Yorks., the son of William Inge, some-
time provost of Worcester College, Oxford. He was educated at
Eton, and at King's College, Cambridge, and won numerous
honours and prizes during his university career. From 1884 to
1888 he held an undermastership at Eton, and during the last two
years of that time was fellow of King's College, Cambridge. From
1889 to 1904 he was fellow of Hertford College, Oxford, Bampton
lecturer in 1889, and Paddock lecturer in New York in 1906.
From 1905 to 1907 he was vicar of All Saints', Ennismore
Gardens, until his appointment as Lady Margaret professor of
divinity at Cambridge. In 1911 he became dean of St. Paul's,
where his sermons attracted great attention owing to their
original power, their caustic criticism of the tendencies of modern
life, and a somewhat pessimistic tone which earned for him the
sobriquet of " the gloomy dean."
Among his numerous historical and theological works may be
mentioned Society in Rome under the Caesars (1886); Christian
490
INGLIS INLAND WATER TRANSPORT
Mysticism (1899); Types of Christian Saintliness (1915); Philosophy
of Plotinus (1918); Outspoken Essays (1919), and school-books.
INGLIS, ELSIE MAUD (1864-1917), British physician and
surgeon, was born at Naini Tal, India, Aug. 16 1864, one of the
nine children of John Forbes David Inglis, of the East India Co.,
and Harriet Thompson. After a childhood spent in India and
Australia, the family settled in Edinburgh in 1878. She pursued
her studies at the school of medicine for women in Edinburgh and
at St. Margaret's College, Glasgow, graduating M.B.C.M., and
took up private practice in Edinburgh in 1895. She was instru-
mental in establishing a second school of medicine for women in
Edinburgh and doubling the accommodation of the Edinburgh
Bruntsfield hospital and dispensary for women and children.
In 1901 she raised money to open the hospice in the Edinburgh
High Street as a hospital for women, with the double purpose of
benefiting the poor and providing greater facilities for the train-
ing of women doctors. Single-handed she developed an indoor and
district maternity service and trained her nurses herself. In
1906 the women's suffrage societies of Scotland were formed
into a federation, of which she became honorary secretary, and
for the eJght remaining years before the war she was one of
the most prominent suffrage workers in Scotland. In Aug. 1914,
inspired by her, a special committee of the Scottish federation of
women's suffrage societies, aided by the N.U.W.S.S., undertook
the organization of the Scottish women's hospitals for foreign
service, and raised 449,000. She first went to Serbia in April
1915 to relieve Dr. Soltau at Kragujevatz. In Nov., when Serbia
was invaded by Germans, Austrians, and Bulgarians, the Scottish
women retreated to Krushevatz, and Dr. Inglis, Mrs. Haverfield
and a few others remained behind till Feb. 1916 as prisoners of the
enemy to care for the Serbian wounded. In Aug. 1916 she took a
unit to the Dobrudja for service with the newly formed Serbian
division attached to the Russian army. She died at Newcastle-on-
Tyne Nov. 27 1917, the day after her return from Russia with her
unit and the Serbian division. The Serbian general headquarters
dedicated a fountain to her at Mladanovatz in her lifetime; and
she was given the Order of the White Eagle, Class V., and the
Order of St. Sava, Class III.
See Dr. Elsie Inglis, by Lady Frances Balfour (1920).
INGRAM, ARTHUR FOLEY WINNINGTON (1858- ),
English divine, was born in Worcs. Jan. 26 1858, and educated at
Marlborough College and Keble College, Oxford. His first
curacy was at St. Mary's, Shrewsbury, in 1884; in 1885 he became
private chaplain to the Bishop of Lichfield and in 1889 head of the
Oxford House, Bethnal Green, where he gained much popularity
owing to his devoted work among the East End poor. In 1897 he
was appointed suffragan bishop of Stepney, which carried with it
a canonry in St. Paul's. In 1901, after the death of Dr. Mandell
Creighton, he was nominated by the Crown to the see of London.
The appointment, which had hitherto been reserved for eccle-
siastics of marked ability as scholars or administrators, excited
much comment; but it was undoubtedly popular, and this popu-
larity was confirmed when it was realized that the bishop intend-
ed to carry on in his new sphere the democratic traditions of his
East End activities. As a preacher he proved very successful
with simple people, and during the World War he threw himself
into the work of providing religious instruction for the fighting
men, visiting both the French front and the Grand Fleet.
INLAND WATER TRANSPORT. Before the development of
the great railway systems in the igth century, warfare in west-
ern and central Europe depended very largely for its prosecution
upon the aid of inland water transport. Even the creation of
a good road-network in the late i8th century did not dispense
armies from the necessity of using water lines for their heaviest
stores, notably siege artillery and its ammunition, while in
America, and generally in the less well-developed countries, water
routes remained of first-class importance for supply services
until railways became available. The part played by the Mis-
sissippi in 1862-3 was quite as important as that played by the
Scheldt in Marlborough's campaigns or the Niemen and Vilui
in 1812.
In western Europe the rapid development of good roads and
railways naturally tended to put inland water transport into
the background, though in most campaigns it was employed to
some extent as an auxiliary and for certain special services for
which it was peculiarly suited, such as the transport of wounded
to a base or home, or that of siege guns of unusual weight. But
the course of events in the World War, and especially the advent
of trench warfare, which demanded enormous quantities of
what would formerly have been called siege stores, soon imposed
as a necessity the organization of inland water transport on a
very large scale. The following account deals with the British
I.W.T. organization during the war. 1
Personnel of the British I.W.T. service were employed at
home, in France and Belgium, in Italy, in the Macedonian theatre
of war, in Egypt, in Mesopotamia, on the Caspian, in East
Africa, and in northern Russia, but it was only on the western
front, in Egypt and in Mesopotamia that transport on inland
waterways was effected on any considerable scale.
Great Britain. In Dec. 1914 three small establishments even-
tually concentrated at Richborough were formed to supply per-
sonnel and material for the I.W.T. service then being constituted
for work on' the waterways of northern France and Belgium. From
Sept. 1916 the growth of Richborough was very rapid; it became the
headquarters of the cross-Channel barge service and the scene of
numerous other activities. The cross-Channel barge service worked
by I.W.T. personnel was instituted to save shipping and to relieve
the congestion in French ports. Abroad cargo was being discharged
from sea-going vessels to barges for transport to inland depots;
if barges capable of passing up the continental canajs could be towed
across the Channel the demand for ordinary shipping would be
reduced, and the pressure on the berth accommodation at the over-
seas ports lessened. The scheme had other advantages as well:
barges, because of their shallow draught, were practically immune from
torpedo attack; the loss of a barge from enemy action or any other
cause would be less serious than the loss of a ship; the labour of
trans-shipment at the overseas ports would be saved.
The dimensions of the type of barge built for the service were
governed by the dimensions of the continental canals (see under
France and Belgium below), but as when crossing the Channel a
greater free-board was necessary than when navigating the inland
waterways the carrying capacity when crossing the Channel was
limited to 1 80 tons. Towards the end of the war a number of 1 ,000-
ton barges were being brought into use; these could not enter any
but the largest inland waterways, but at the overseas ports they
could be discharged at berths unsuitable for sea-going ships, and could
thus secure most of the advantages which the service was intended
to afford.
The service commenced in Dec. 1916, and in May 1917 the re-
turning barges began to be used to convey traffic from France to
England. The growth of the traffic is shown in the following table.
Growth of Traffic.
Barges in
service
Average ton-
nage carried
per week
Traffic to inland
destinations
Month
X
CO
ii
bo
<u
!
a
1
<3
M -2
o >>
*
T
!
"- O
"" fe "
v. a)
6
CO
e
3
Q
9
l-o" S
is
t ~ >
re
(
'I
H""
Jan. 1917
23
1,904
IOO
114
12
June 1917 .
10,625
2,182
90
"54
IO
Jan. 1918
June 1918 .
Nov. 1918 .
161
232
IO
11,93
21,972
11,898
1.778
4.361
2,013
3
69
77
123
125
122
12
9
IS
Dec. 1918 .
245
IO
7,688
2,118
73
134
22
The total amount of traffic exported from the institution of the
service until the end of Dec. 1918 amounted to 1,415,271 tons, of
which 1,083,951 tons, or more than three-quarters, passed through
the ports direct to inland destinations. More than half of the total
was ammunition; bulky stores like hay, vehicles and air-force
material were the next largest consignments. The limitations im-
Cosed by bridges over the canals on the height to which barges can
e loaded account to some extent for the low average load of barges
proceeding inland. The tonnage imported from France during the
same period amounted to 200,049 tons. By far the greatest part of
this traffic consisted of empty ammunition boxes and cartridge cases
for re-use and of guns for repair, but many varieties of salvage were
1 It should be mentioned that the I.W.T. authorities and their
organization became by force of circumstances responsible for a
variety of activities not strictly connected with transport over
inland waterways. These activities are not dealt with here.
INLAND WATER TRANSPORT
491
carried as well. Richborough was not the only port used, a small
proportion of the traffic being to and from Purfleet and other ports on
the Thames and Medway. On the French side the only ports with
inland waterway communications were Calais and Dunkirk in the
N. and ports on the Seine farther south.
The I.W.T. service in ( Ireat Britain also undertook a certain amount
of transport over British canals, but the total traffic moved during
1918 only amounted to about 150,000 tons, of which the transport
of oil on the Forth and Clyde canal accounted for 130,000.
The towage of craft from home to the various theatres overseas
demanded of the I.W.T. directorate careful organization, and
involved the solution of many problems; during 1917 nearly 700
shallow-draught river craft were despatched to Mesopotamia alone.
France and Belgium. The extensive system of waterways in
France and Belgium naturally suggested the use of I.W.T. for
military purposes, and a beginning was made in Dec. 1914 by the
hiring locally of a few barges for loading with supplies. In Jan. 1915
an establishment was sanctioned and some 36 craft of various kinds
were ordered. The service eventually undertook much miscellaneous
work, but at the outset its main work consisted of the carriage inland
of traffic of no great urgency, such as forage, timber, bricks, stone,
sleepers, trench material and ammunition, a large proportion of the
traffic being received on barge direct off ship. Another branch of its
work was the carriage in ambulance barges from the front of seriously
wounded patients unable to stand the jolting inseparable from a
journey by train. Another development was the provision of water-
supply units, each of six barges, equipped with plant for treating
water of doubtful or dangerous quality by filtration and chemicals,
thus ensuring a supply of potable water at any point on the inland
waterways. Each unit was in charge of an expert chemist and was
capable of dealing if need be with poisoned water supplies. A num-
ber of floating bridges were constructed so that communication could
be opened rapidly across any waterway. Provision was also made for
the reopening to navigation of waterways previously in enemy hands,
a number of lock gates of special design being among the materials
provided for use when required.
During the later stages of the war the necessity of relieving the
strain on the French railways led to increased activity on the part of
the I.W.T. service. In the winter of 19167 its construction branch
built or enlarged eight large wharves. It also constructed its own
workshops and dry-docks for the repair and maintenance of craft.
On the German retreat in March 1917 it repaired and reconstructed
the banks, locks, sluices, and removed the obstructions, on the re-
covered portion of the Somme ; after the battle of Arras it reopened
the river Scarpe to navigation between Arras and Fampoux. Both
in 1916 and 1917 a large amount of pumping was done in connexion
with strategic inundation and drainage.
Although the whole of the French and Belgian waterways are linked
up, the connexions between those in the N.W. and the remainder were
in the hands of the enemy throughout the war, and the only means
of communication between She canals in the N. and the Somme
and the Seine was by sea. During 1918 a regular service of coastal
barges was instituted to ply between the northern canals and the
Seine. Much work was done for the French and Americans, coastal
trips being worked for the former and craft with crews being lent
to the latter to ply on the Seine.
The waterways used varied in size from small creeks up to ship
canals, but what may be considered the standard canal was 2 metres
deep with 3-70 metres head room under bridges, locks 38-84 metres
long and 5-20 metres wide. The standard type of barge in use in
northern France has a draught laden of I -80 metres, beam 5 metres
and length 38-50 metres; the maximum height above water-level
is 3-20 metres, giving a margin of -50 metre under bridges to allow
of slight variations in the water-level in flood time. The carrying
capacity is 280 deadweight metric tons, but the space below hatches
(being only about 300 cubic metres) governs, in the case of cargoes of
light substances, the tonnage that can be transported, the very
limited head room available preventing the carriage of cargo above
deck. The British fleet included many self-propelled barges; these
carried only 130 tons, but saved time at locks by not having to
await the passage of the rest of a convoy. Navigation is not practica-
ble in the dark, and may be interrupted by floods, ice, gales, or fog.
Egypt. Up to the beginning of 1917 such military water transport
as was used was controlled by the Royal Army Service Corps. In
March of that year an I.W.T. organization was set up of which the
principal objects were to relieve the pressure on the railways, to
undertake lighterage at the ports of Alexandria and Port Said, and
to eliminate competition between Government departments for craft.
The chief waterways operated on were those of the Delta, the
Suez Canal, the Ismailia Canal, and the upper Nile, while the bulk
of the craft employed were hired locally, only some 50 tugs and
barges being obtained by the I.W.T. service from Mesopotamia and
England. The principal traffic carried was grain and forage, but a
considerable number of passengers were carried as well. Services
were run between Cairo and Kantara, Cairo and Alexandria, and
Assuan and Cairo. The lighterage work at the ports increased
steadily, and by the last quarter of 1918 was greatly in excess of the
inland water transport work.
, Mesopotamia. In Sept. 1916 the control of river transport in
Mesopotamia, up till then in the hands of the Royal Indian Marine,
was transferred to the War Office and an I.W.T. organization was
set up. The great length and vital importance of the waterways,
their physical conditions, the great distance of the theatre of war
from home and the lack of suitable personnel, materials and ap-
pliances in the theatre resulted in the growth of the I.W.T. service
to a size unequalled in any other theatre, and in a much wider range
of activities than was the case elsewhere. The distance from Basra
to Bagdad by road is 346 m., by river 498, and up to the beginning
of 1917 the waterways provided the only possible means of transport
on a large scale. The first railways laid in thistheatre commenced to
work early in 1917, but up to the close of the campaign there was no
through connexion by rail between Basra and 'Bagdad, and car-
riage by water was the main form of transport employed on the L.
of C. ; the railways on the L. of C. eased the extreme pressure on the
river transport but did not replace it, never effecting more than one-
third of the total transport required.
The physical conditions of the rivers rendered water transport
on a large scale very difficult. Both the Tigris and the Euphrates
are shallow with tortuous and shifting channels; navigation is liable
to interruption by floods, low water, strong winds and fog. In the
stretch of the Tigris known as the Narrows, extending over a dis-
tance of 15 m., the average width of the river is only about 300 ft.,
and the depth never exceeds 7 ft. as the river overflows its bank when
water-level reaches that height above the bed. Over a length of 29
m. vessels proceeding up-stream have to tie up to the bank to allow
descending vessels to pass. The requirements of craft in order
of priority were shallow draught, strength and power of towing,
accommodation for passengers, fuel and cargo capacity. The larger
self-propelled craft were paddle or stern-wheel steamers or motor
vessels from 130 to 220 ft. long, beam up to 35 ft., draught from
3 ft. 6 in. to 5 ft., speed 6 to 12 knots, average deadweight load about
loo tons. The largest dumb barges, 170 ft. long and 25 ft. beam,
carried 200 tons at 3 ft. draught. The number of cots on ambulance
vessels varied from 100 to 200 according to the type of vessel. The
general conditions and the trying climate demanded of the I.W.T.
service the provision of numerous varieties of special craft, such
as refrigerator, ice, cold storage, filtration, water and oil storage
barges, hydro-glisseurs for despatch service, motor launches and other
vessels. The distance from home, some 6,220 m., rendered the trans-
fer to the theatre of lightly built shallow-draught vessels a matter
demanding very careful prearrangement ; while the voyage from
India across the Indian Ocean, always dangerous, was practically
impossible during the monsoon. For the erection of craft sent out in
parts, and for the maintenance of the large fleet eventually built up,
extensive and well-equipped dockyards and shops had to be pro-
vided, together with slipways, wharves, storehouses and camps for
the numerous personnel.
The organization of the service underwent various modifications
due to changing conditions; the work was eventually divided among
13 branches, viz. craft reerection, marine engineering, dockyards,
vessels, buoyage and pilotage, construction, conservancy and rec-
lamation, port traffic, transport, native craft, stores, accounts,
personnel. The craft reerection branch assembled and launched
craft imported in sections. The marine engineering branch decided
what hull and machinery repairs were necessary and controlled
engine-room personnel and stores; the vessels branch controlled deck
personnel and deck stores and fittings. The dockyards branch fitted
out vessels arriving from overseas and carried out the repair and
maintenance work called for by the marine engineering branch. The
main yards were at or near Basra, but there were subsidiary yards
and floating repair shops at the principal I.W.T. depots inland.
The buoyage and pilotage branch was responsible for facilitating
navigation by making fluvial surveys, compiling of sailing direc-
tions, marking channels by buoys and beacons, providing pilots,
salving sunken craft and refloating stranded craft. This branch un-
dertook minor dredging work, and during the low-water season em-
ployed the process known in India as " bandalling," by which
temporary training walls of matting fixed on bamboos are constructed
to divert water into the particular channel which it is desired to
deepen by scour. Reaches particularly subject to shifting silt banks
were examined daily, the channels re-marked when necessary, and
the available depth of water notified to the loading points. The work
of the construction branch was very extensive, including the con-
struction of wharves, jetties, dockyards, workshops, fuel depots,
camps, etc., with a great variety of incidental works, such as pumping
stations, power houses, pipe lines and a score of bridges, including the
bridge at Amara and the Maude bridge at Bagdad. The conserv-
ancy and reclamation branch was responsible for heavy engineering
work for the improvement of navigation and for the reclamation of
low-lying areas at Basra to provide sites above flood-level for camps
and depots; for about a year it was also responsible for irrigation.
On the Tigris by means of dams and spurs the depth of water at the
Narrows was increased, some dredging was done, and bunds breached
by the Turks were repaired. On the Euphrates side about 24 m. of
channel was dredged to give communication by water between
Basra and Nasiriya. The native craft branch controlled the fleet of
vessels hired locally. Some had been hired as early as 1915, but in
Jan. 1917 all such craft of over 12 tons' capacity were requisitioned
and some 50 of them were converted into motor vessels by the fitting
of old motor-car engines. The fleet of native vessels did much useful
492
INOUYE INSURANCE
work, handling at times as much as 30,000 tons a month. From Feb.
10.17 to Jan. 1918 the I.W.T. service was responsible for the
discharge of ocean steamers to quay or to barge at Basra. All com-
modities required by the force in the field were carried, the largest
quantities consisting of grain, forage and fuel; in addition there was
a large traffic personnel and many animals. (A. M. H.)
INOUYE, KAORU, MARQUESS (1835-1915), Japanese states-
man (see 14.587), died Sept. i 1915. Although he passed the
later years of his life in retirement in his villa in Oiso, a seaside
resort near Hakone, he was invariably consulted when matters of
moment arose in politics or finance, and his name will go down in
his country's history as one of the five Meiji statesmen, namely,
Princes Ito and Yamagata, Marquesses Inouye and Matsukata
and Count Okuma.
INSURANCE (see 14.656*). Insurance, or assurance, divides
itself into several main classes. Although the distinction is
not always observed, the word assurance is usually applied to
life business and insurance to the acceptance of risks other than
that of life. In an ordinary life assurance or endowment assur-
ance contract the policyholder has the knowledge that either
he or his dependents are assured of the payment of a sum on
the occurrence of an event that must happen. In the various
forms of insurance, such as fire insurance, marine insur-
ance, accident insurance or burglary insurance, the policyholder
pays a premium in order to be insured against a contingency
which, if he is an honest man, he hopes will never occur.
UNITED KINGDOM
During 1910-20 there was a pronounced tendency among
British insurance companies to amalgamate. The development
of the fusion idea began on a large scale when fire-insurance
companies absorbed the marine-insurance companies. There
were formerly a large number of offices registered in the United
Kingdom transacting only marine insurance. In 1921 there
were only one or two which had not been taken under the wing
of a fire company; and the large insurance offices transacted all
the principal forms of insurance. In normal years they derive
the bulk of their profits from fire insurance, but during the war
period marine insurance proved exceptionally profitable. The
earnings from life insurance are comparatively small, owing
to the competition of mutual offices which have no shareholders
to consider. Underlying all the fusion schemes of past years
seems to have been the idea of connexion. The managements
considered that it was essential that they should be able to offer
to the assured every form of policy, or otherwise the man who
was insured against one risk with a particular office would,
sooner or later, be induced to effect other assurances with it
or to transfer existing policies to it.
The business of the British insurance offices is world-wide,
mainly as far as fire, marine and workmen's compensation
insurance are concerned. London is a great school for insurance,
and credit for much of the development of the business belongs
to the underwriters of Lloyd's. Underwriters acting for them-
selves, or for a few friends, represented in a syndicate, doubtless
feel freer to act than the managers of companies who have to
report to boards of directors. In any case Lloyd's under-
writers have shown a great deal of enterprise in accepting
risks of a novel kind and thus in creating new markets. No
ordinary life assurance, is transacted at Lloyd's.
Life Assurance. Life assurance was fundamentally affected
by the World War. It will always be to the credit of British
life assurance that, in spite of tremendous blows, no office
failed to fulfil any contract into which it had entered. All
actual sums assured were paid in full. At the same time, the
majority of the offices failed to distribute bonuses on partici-
pating policies or else allotted bonuses at a reduced rate. The
ill-effects of the war fell upon the participating policyholders.
Until the war broke out the progress of the offices had been so
steady and their success so great that the likelihood of their
being unable to distribute profits hardly entered into the minds
of most people. Life-assurance agents, basing their calcula-
tions on pre-war experience, were quite able to reason that the
participating policies, in many cases, represented much better
value than the non-participating contracts. The faith of the
public in participating policies was rudely shaken by the experi-
ence of the war. There was subsequently a reaction, and non-
participating policies became the popular form of contract.
This change of feeling was really as short-sighted as the previous
blind faith in participating policies. The public was thinking
of the passing of bonuses during the war, and forgot that the
causes responsible for the passing of distributions, such as
heavy depreciation of funds and heavy mortality, no longer
obtained, and that, with a prospect of appreciation of security
values, the outlook for profits was exceptionally favourable.
Much valuable information on the effects of the war on life
assurance was contained in the paper read ty Mr. H. Brown,
Assistant Actuary of the Commercial Union Assurance Co.,
before the Insurance Institute of London on Dec. 20 1920. Mr.
Brown stated that, excluding offices which transacted indus-
trial life business as well as ordinary life business, and those
which had started to undertake life assurance since 1914, there
were 44 leading British ordinary life offices at the end of i9'2o.
Thirteen of these maintained, or slightly increased, -their pre-
war bonuses at their first valuation after the outbreak of war;
nine reduced their rates of distribution; and 22 (exactly half
the total number) either postponed their bonus distributions
or passed five years' bonuses altogether.
During the war the tendency to postpone bonuses steadily
increased. Forty-two of the 44 offices mentioned were in the
habit of making quinquennial valuations. Of those valuing
at or about the end of 1914, 2 out of 10 postponed or passed
their bonuses. In 1915 the corresponding figures were 3 offices
out of 12; in 1916, 3 out of 5; in 1917, 8 out of 8; and in 1918,
6 out of seven. Almost all the offices made arrangements for
the payment of interim bonuses on policies which might become
claims before the next valuation, although such rates were
usually below those of the pre-war period.
The offices which made their valuations for the five years
ended 1914 again came to make quinquennial valuations as at
the end of 1919. Of six offices which maintained their bonuses
in 1914, only two again maintained them. One of these and
also the only office valuing quinquennially which maintained
its bonus in 1918 were composite companies not keeping separate
investments for their life funds, but content to make good the
bulk of the depreciation out of the general funds. Apart from
these two special cases, only seven ordinary life offices succeeded
in maintaining their bonuses, and four of these, which formerly
kept exceptionally strong reserves, absorbed part of these re-
serves in paying bonuses.
A number of highly important offices made their quinquennial
valuations as at the end of 1920. The majority of these made
no distribution of profits. Depreciation of securities swallowed
up sums which would otherwise have been available. One
office paid what was regarded as a satisfactory rate of distri-
bution, its power to do so being due to profits from exchange.
An estimate of the war losses during the five years 1914 to
1918 inclusive was made by Mr. Brown as follows:
(1) Mortality in excess of the pre-war ratio resulted in a loss of
about 3,000,000 a year.
(2) Depreciation in excess of the amount provided for just before
the war was estimated at 4,000,000 a year.
(3) The reduction in the net rate of interest due to the high
income tax resulted in a loss, as compared with the pre-war period,
of about 500,000 a year.
The total loss, as compared with the period immediately
preceding the war, could therefore be estimated at, roughly,
about 7,500,000 a year during the five war years. In the
years immediately preceding the war the total divisible profits
of the British offices, in respect of ordinary life assurance,
amounted to about 6,500,000 a year, of which about 6,000,000
was divided among the policy-holders, and about 500,000 was
distributed among the shareholders of the proprietary companies.
During the war the normal profits continued, for the most part,
to be realized, subject to the deduction of the special war losses
enumerated. The special war losses, it will be seen, exceeded
the normal profits of the same period, and it may therefore be
1 These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
INSURANCE
493
stated that, down to the end of 1918, the war probably cost
the life offices, as a whole, about five years' bonuses. Naturally
the experience of individual offices varied. Some offices had a
larger proportion of lives of military age on their books, and
they were therefore more heavily hit by war mortality than others.
Then some companies had a larger proportion than others of
their investments in Stock Exchange securities, and they were
more severely hit by depreciation of Stock Exchange securities!
Besides direct war claims, all life-assurance offices were severely
affected by the influenza epidemic which swept over the world
in 1918 and 1919 and took a very heavy toll of civilian lives.
A growing tendency on the part of insurance companies to
issue policies free from all restrictions meant that in the case
of the majority of the offices transacting ordinary business the
direct war risk in respect of civilians who joined the fighting
forces was automatically assumed by the companies. Some
companies doing ordinary business and some transacting in-
dustrial life assurance had specifically excluded the war risk.
Such offices agreed, however, to waive their rights to extra
premiums and assumed the war risks. This for the Prudential
Assurance Co., by far the largest British office, meant an enor-
mous liability. In the case of professional soldiers assured before
the war, policies were issued subject either to a small extra
rate during the currency of the policy, or to extra rates of pre-
mium when the policyholders were sent on active service. At
first an additional premium of 7 ys. % per annum was charged
to cover the war risk, but the rate soon advanced to as much
as 20% per annum. Such rates were, in the majority of cases,
prohibitive, and probably comparatively little business was
done on such terms. It is known that even at these rates the
majority of the offices, at any rate, would rather have been
without it. They could point to the fact that they had assumed
vast liabilities in respect of those who had assured before the
war as civilians and then had become fighting men. The fact
that all men of military age were liable to service meant that,
as regards new business, the life assurance offices could not
hope to do more than mark time. Their own staffs were re-
duced to the absolute minimum. Distinguished actuaries
found themselves doing routine clerical work, and, for the most
part, the male 'Staffs were replaced by women.
The period of the war was undoubtedly the most exacting through
which British life assurance offices have ever passed. In addition to
the depreciation of funds, heavy claims, and lack of new business,
they were adversely affected by the rise in income-tax. The special
position of life-assurance offices as regards interest from investments,
which really represents their stock-in-trade, had led to some conces-
sion under the Finance Act of 1916. The concession was then made
that they should be allowed a refund of taxation in respect of their
expenses, so that the tax was paid on the difference between interest
and expenses, which was naturally very considerable. This con-
cession reduced the effective rate of tax by about one-sixth, or to
about 53. in the on the average on the total interest as at the end
of 1920, as compared with the pre-war rate of is. 3d. In his paper
before the Insurance Institute of London Mr. H. Brown pointed'out
that in 1914 the pre-war net rate of interest of just over 4% was
maintained. In that year the rate of tax was practically unaltered.
In the four remaining war years the average net rate realized was
33. % per annum less than the pre-war rate and was a little below
4 % net instead of being rather above that figure. The offices during
the war period had the opportunity of investing new funds at com-
paratively high rates of interest, but this increased rate did not go
far to compensate for the enormous depreciation which had to be
written off the existing funds. In 1921 there was some recovery in
the prices of high-class securities, and this fact gave encouragement
to the view that the prospect of earning profits was then brighter
than it had been for many years.
After the quiet period of the war the figures of new business in 1919
were the largest ever recorded. These, in turn, were exceeded by the
results for 1920. The return of enormous numbers of men to civilian
life and the greater appreciation of the value of life assurance were
evidently responsible for this development. It was hardly to be
expected that the figures for 1921 could be as good.
With life assurance under the heavy cloud of the war, little could
be expected in the way of devising new schemes of assurance. One
office, the Sun Life Assurance Society, continued to develop assur-
ance without medical examination of the proposer. Until the
beginning of 1921 such assurances were issued subject to certain
restrictions, the terms in other respects, including' the rate of pre-
mium, being identical with assurances effected in the ordinary way.
These stipulations were that: (l) One-third only of the sum assured
was secured if the death of the life assured occurred during the first
three months from the commencement of the assurance; and two-
thirds if the death occurred within the second three months. After
that period the claim was payable in full. If death occurred from
accident during the first six months the full sum assured was pay-
able. (2) No assignment was permitted during the first two years
from the date of the commencement of the assurance. Early in 1921
the Society announced the removal of these restrictions. It pro-
fessed itself thoroughly satisfied with its experience in assurances
effected without medical examination, and, in fact, strongly encour-
aged proposals made on such terms.
Two or three offices, notably some with their headquarters in
Canada, have been developing assurances providing for the cessa-
tion of premiums during incapacity, and for disability weekly pay-
ments during such periods. Assurances of this kind would seem to
be pnly_ in their early stages. The ordinary accident and sickness
policy is an annual contract, and a life assurance combining dis-
ability benefits would seem to have a good deal in its favour.
A rebate of income tax in respect of life-assurance premiums of
half the standard rate, or 33. in the pound, in 1921, was a very con-
siderable encouragement to the effecting of life assurances in the
United Kingdom. This meant that 100 of life assurance could be
secured for 85. Rebate at this flat rate was obtainable in respect of
all policies effected after June 22 1916. In the case of policies effected
before that date the rebate was on a sliding scale, being at the rate
of half the standard rate of tax where the total income did not exceed
1,000; three-quarters of the standard rate of tax where the total
income exceeded 1,000 but not 2,000; and the whole of the
standard rate of tax where the total income exceeded 2,000. The
rebate was subject to the provision that the total amount of the
premiums to be allowed to any individual taxpayer should not exceed
one-sixth of the income, and the amount of the premium in re-
spect of which any allowance was made should not exceed 7 %
of the capital sum payable at death, exclusive of any addition by
way of bonus.
Industrial Assurance. Criticism of the industrial life-assur-
ance system in Great Britain led to the appointment in May
1919 of a departmental committee by the Board of Trade to
inquire into the business carried on by industrial assurance
companies and collecting societies. Over this committee
Lord Parmoor presided. The report of the committee (Cmd.
614) was issued as a Parliamentary paper in July 1920.
The magnitude of the interests concerned was shown by the
facts that the total amount of premiums received in respect
of policies in the industrial branch of the companies and societies
in 1918 exceeded 25,000,000, that the number of policies in
existence at the end of that year was about 51,000,000 and that
the total number of whole-time and spare-time agents and
collectors employed was estimated to be about 70,000. The
possible clientele was estimated by the committee at about
35,000,000 persons. From the fact that there were 51,000,000
policies in existence at the end of 1918 and that some millions
of these were on the lives of children under ten years of age,
in whose cases it is unusual for more than one policy to exist,
it was evident that a great number of adults were assured
under two or more policies.
Criticism can undoubtedly be levelled against the industrial
assurance system on the ground of the high level of working costs.
On this matter the committee had much to say. They pointed out
that the remuneration of the agents is based upon the amount col-
lected, and is frequently a direct percentage of that sum, varying
from 25 % in the case of the collecting societies to from 15 to 20 % in
the case of the companies. In addition to this allowance for collecting
his renewal premiums, the agent is directly remunerated for the
new business he secures. There are various ways of calculating this
allowance, but, the committee pointed out, it is always on a generous
basis. In some cases the agent takes the whole of the premiums col-
lected during an agreed period following the issue of the policies,
i.e. the first 12, 14, or 16 weeks. In other instances lapses are set off
against new business, and the new business emoluments of the agent
are calculated, wholly or partly, on his increase. Thus the Prudential
pays ten times the weekly premium on each new policy provided that
it is kept in force for 13 weeks, and 18 times the net increase in the
weekly debit. The terms of remuneration vary widely in details,
but it would appear that, on the general average, the agents of the
companies retain about 25 % of all the premiums they collect, while
those of the large collecting societies may receive as much as 31 per cent.
The committee found that about 44 % of the total premium income on
industrial policies was absorbed by expenses and commission, and
also, where companies were concerned, by dividends to shareholders.
Thus on every shilling paid in premiums sJd. goes in expenses of one
sort or another, and only 6Jd. comes back to the assured in benefits.
Otherwise stated, of 25,000,000 a year paid in premiums by the
494
INSURANCE
insured population, only 14,000,000 come back to them, and
11,000,000 are absorbed in expenses and dividends. The com-
mittee stated that they were satisfied that these expenses were too
heavy and could be reduced.
Evidence was given before the committee that convenience and
economy in collection could be improved by the introduction of the
block system, under which an agent is assigned an exclusive area for
his operation. This'system so far has only been in the experimental
stage, but the committee suggested that it should be introduced
and extended wherever practicable. It has been put into practice
by the Prudential Assurance Co. and has already resulted in a saving
of expenses, although the actual effect has been, to a large extent,
obscured by the higher scale of wages and the generally increased
costs of working brought about by the war.
Lapsing of policies was a matter which received attention from
the committee. They pointed out that in the case of one company,
the Refuge, whose experience in this matter was held to be in no
way exceptional, there were issued in the ten years 1909 to 1918,
9,322,336 policies, while 6,426,313 policies lapsed. Further, it was
found that in ten of the offices, including most of the largest, nearly
5,000,000 policies lapsed in 1913, and that nearly 4,000,000 of these
had been effected as recently as 1912 or 1913. It was considered
probable that the premiums paid on these latter policies amounted
to fully 500,000, practically the whole of which would have been
absorbed in new business charges, chiefly procuration fees and Com-
missions paid to the agents. Taking all the offices together, it was
thought probable that lapses of policies in the year of issue, or in the
year following, reached an annual total of 5,000,000. The committee
reasoned that this vast figure could only mean that there was a
section of the population which was repeatedly induced by the
pressure of agents and canvassers to take out policies and discon-
tinued payment immediately that pressure was removed, having
lost nearly the whole of whatever premiums it had paid, since the
benefit assured at the outset was a mere fraction of the full sum
named in the policy. The committee came to the conclusion that,
as long as heavy procuration fees were allowed, it would always pay
the agents to devote themselves to the ceaseless pursuit of new
business among this class of the community, regardless of the value
of the policies to the assured or of their being kept up.
It should be noticed that the companies maintain that japses
occurred mostly in the first year or two of assurances before initial
expenditure was made good, and that they are thus a source of loss
rather than a profit to the companies. Their line of argument seems
to be that they have to pay to the agent as fees all the premiums he
collects for the first 10 to 20 weeks of the life of the policy, and that
if the policy is then dropped the agent has had all the premiums, and
there is nothing to help to pay the superintendency and head-office
expenses in connexion with the issue of the policy. The offices further
contended, in effect, that if the policy lasted a year, the agent had
been paid his collecting commission as well as the procuration fee,
and, in addition, that they had to pay head-office and branch-office
expenses in respect of the issue of the policy, accounting, etc., while
they had the risk of the policy becoming a claim, so that even at the
end of the year there remained little or nothing out of the premiums
paid on the policy. They thus arrived at the conclusion that, on the
whole, they lost money by lapses. The committee pointed out,
however, that this line of argument seemed to imply that all the
expenses relative to new business arose out of the particular poli-
cies which the agent succeeded in getting. That is to say he was
supposed to earn nothing, and the companies were supposed
to incur no expense, in respect of the people whose interest
he solicited in vain, the whole of his exertions being regarded as
concentrated upon those with whom he succeeded. They doubted,
whether such an argument was maintainable, and they added that,
whoever got the benefit of the premiums paid, whether the com-
panies or their agents, it was certain that the public lost heavily by
lapses. The committee recommended that procuration fees should
be abolished, and that minimum weekly wages should be substituted
based on a fixed collection per week, with a commission on all sums
collected above that amount.
The conduct of life assurance by the post-office was also examined.
Under the British post-office system life assurance may be effected
with Government security at any post-office transacting savings-
bank business. Premiums may be paid weekly by means of stamps
affixed to premium books handed in quarterly. The average charge
for expenses is very low, and the committee held that the terms of
assurance ought to be so much better as the result of this than those
afforded by the companies that the post-office should be able to
issue a large number of policies, in spite of the fact that it neither
canvasses nor collects the premiums at the policyholder's door. The
number of persons who effect assurances through the post-office is
extremely small, and the system as administered by the post-office
can, the committee pointed out, only be described as a failure. Apart
from the fact that the post-office system was not competitive and
provided for no canvass, the committee thought that the system was
not operated with sufficient vigour or with due regard to what the
public required. The committee found that, although the cost of
administration was so small, the sums assured did not compare to
marked advantage at any age with those offered by the companies.
As one explanation, it was pointed out that the premiums under
the post-office plan cease to be payable at 60 years of age, whereas,
under the ordinary system, they continue for the whole duration of
life or, in certain cases, to the age of 75. Possibly, the committee
pointed out, the post-office system was the better one, as official
witnesses suggested, but, the committee added, the question was
whether the system should offer what the public required or what
was thought to be more suitable to the public needs.
In the main, it would seem that the best hope for an improvement
of the industrial assurance system lies in a reduction in working
expenses. Of this leading managers of companies are doubtless fully
aware. During the war period the factors were undoubtedly against
them, owing to the rise in the cost of living. In 1910-20 there was a
distinct development of industrial assurance on the basis of monthly
premiums, and, no doubt, from the practice of this system a sub-
stantial reduction of working costs may be expected. The benefits
of the system should be developed and the drawbacks overcome.
During the World War the industrial assurance companies
In England felt the heavy strain of war mortality claims. They
were also adversely affected by the Courts (Emergency Powers)
Act, which provided, in effect, that the companies were required
to keep in force all policies should the assured be unable, owing
to the results of the war, to pay the premiums. There was
good reason to believe that the Act was much abused. Practi-
cally all those who were not in the fighting forces secured the
advantage of the high wages ruling at a time when unemploy-
ment practically did not exist. In 1921 the companies under
the Act were still required to keep in force a large number of
policies on which no premiums had been paid for several years.
In addition to receiving no premiums on such policies, they had
been called upon to pay claims in respect of many policies of
which the holders had been able to benefit by the Act. It was
assumed in the summer of 1921 that the Act would shortly be
annulled. There seemed a prospect, consequently, that it
would come to an end at a time when unemployment was common
and there was general financial stringency, so that it would be
almost impossible for many policyholders to pay the arrears
due, with the result that many policies of long standing would
lapse. It was held by some authorities that the Act had been
detrimental to the interests not only of the companies but also
of the policyholders. The committee recommended, as a way
of meeting the difficulties when the Act came to an end, that
the policies subject to it should be kept in force for six months
after the Act ceased to operate, and that the companies should
be required to notify every policyholder to whom the Act
applied his right to secure the maintenance of the policy by
paying up the arrears, the amount of which should be stated
on the notice. Alternatively, that the companies should give
the option to the policyholder of maintaining the policy in force
for a reduced amount, or in the case of an endowment assurance
for an extended period, subject to the cancellation of the arrears,
on terms to be approved by the controlling authority.
Fire Insurance. Fire insurance was much affected by the
rise in value during the war period. The rise meant that sums
previously insured were quite inadequate and additional in-
surances were effected. The rise was shown in the estimated
cost of the principal fires in the United Kingdom. In 1916 these
calculations, according to The Times, amounted to 3,300,000;
in 1917 to rather over 4,000,000; in 1918 to 5,500,000; in 1919
to 9,462,000, and in 1920 to 9,374,000.
On the whole the British insurance companies emerged from
the war period in a far stronger position than when they entered
it. After the Armistice there was much activity in the forma-
tion of new companies, especially of offices to transact re-
insurance. In the pre-war years a very large amount of re-
insurance had been placed with German companies which had
specialized in this form of business, transacting it at a low
working cost. During the war naturally no further business
was placed with such companies. The limitation of the re-
insurance market led, therefore, to the formation of new offices
and to the representation in England of companies registered
abroad. So long as values remained on the highest pinnacle
all the offices did well, but when trade began seriously to decline
in the latter part of 1920 the new companies found that matters
developed far less favourably for them. Towards the middle
of 1921 absorption schemes were announced for a number of
INSURANCE
495
the new companies. Fire managers realized that to conduct
a reinsurance business satisfactorily a large capital was needed
and only a small rate of profit could be expected.
Before the war, fire-insurance companies had been disturbed, to
some extent, by the activities of militant suffragists who set fire
to many buildings, including churches. These dangerous activities
were to be far exceeded by those of Sinn Feiners after the conclusion
of the Armistice with Germany. Immense damage was done to
property in Ireland during the course of the campaign of destruction.
Insurance companies did not admit responsibility for such damage,
special legislation in Ireland providing that the damage could be
made good by the local authorities. In the United Kingdom the
question of damage of this kind was brought to a head by the destruc-
tion of much dock property at Liverpool at the end of Nov. 1920
which was traceable to a Sinn Fein plot. The attitude of the insur-
ance companies generally was that, acting on legal advice, they paid
claims under the special riot and civil commotion policies where
these had been effected. Where no such special policies existed, or
the amount insured under such contracts was insufficient, the loss,
or balance of loss, was met under the ordinary fire policies. The
insurance companies did not admit liability under such contracts
and said that it might be necessary, in order strictly to define the
legal position, to take the matter before the Courts.
At the same time, while the insurance companies continued to
incorporate in their ordinary fire policies a clause excluding liability
for loss or damage caused by riot, civil commotion or military or
usurped power, they were prepared, either by the issue of special
policies or by the endorsement of existing contracts, to undertake
such liabilities, except in the case of Ireland. It is now possible to
obtain full protection in respect of the risk of loss or damage by riot,
civil commotion, military or usurped power (other than that caused
by a foreign enemy), strikers, locked-put workers, or persons taking
part in labour disturbances, or malicious persons taking part or
acting on behalf of or in connexion with any political organization.
In some cases the additional cover is granted for the same rate of
premium as that previously charged for riot and civil-commotion
risks alone. The risk of fire in respect of private dwelling-houses is
.included in the ordinary fire policy without extra charge, but, as a
rule, a small additional premium is quoted. The wording of the
clause giving protection against exceptional risks was, it will be seen,
devised with the Irish trouble in mind. It was intended to give com-
plete cover to the assured against risks which were definitely excluded
from the ordinary fire policy or might be held, by legal decision, to be
so ruled out. A very large number of such special insurances were
effected by business men.
Marine Insurance. In marine insurance the dominant feature
of the decade 1910-20 was the demand for war insurance, espe-
cially during the 1 period of hostilities. The war cloud was affect-
ing business and was a subject of discussion before the storm
broke. In a speech at Copenhagen in 1913, Sir Edward Beau-
champ, who was then chairman of Lloyd's, made a stir by
indicating what would happen if war with Germany broke
out. He then declared that, in any event, British under-
writers would stand by their contracts. This statement was
considered by some to have gone rather far. Yet British
insurance companies transacting business in Germany caused
statements of similar effect to be published in German news-
papers. The subject had in previous years been discussed in
German newspapers, an article, in particular, appearing in the
Neue Hamburgische Borsenhalle in Aug. 1905, under the title
of " English Insurances in the event of a German-English War."
Its intention appeared to be that of creating uneasiness in
the minds of Germans who had effected insurances in England.
Confirmation of the attitude adopted by British underwriters
was provided by Section V., Annexe III., Paragraph 16, of the
Treaty of Peace, which stated that " where the risk had attached
effect shall be given to the contract, notwithstanding the party
becoming an enemy, and sums due under the contract, either
by way of premiums or in respect of losses, shall be recoverable
after the coming into force of the present Treaty."
The ordinary policy covering hulls against the risks of marine
perils excluded the risks of war. There was, however, in the
years immediately preceding the outbreak of hostilities, a
tendency on the part of banks to insist that the risks of capture,
seizure, detention, etc., should be included. There was a small
number of underwriters in the London market who made a
feature of war-risks insurance. They studied the political
barometer closely and, as regards rates of premium, set the pace.
Other underwriters who were by no means enamoured of war-
risk business felt obliged to accept such insurances on similar
terms for fear that, if they failed to do so, they would lose the
ordinary marine-insurance business. On the whole, the accept-
ance of such insurances proved profitable.
Reference is made in the article on SHIPPING to the establish-
ment of war-risk schemes by the British Government imme-
diately on the outbreak of war. While these schemes continued
in operation and were of immense value, a large amount of
war-risk business was transacted in the open market.
Some of the difficulties facing underwriters were indicated
in a case which was taken up to the House of Lords and became
known as the " Restraint of Princes " case. The facts were,
briefly, that a steamer, bound from South America to Hamburg,
was stopped off the Lizard on Aug. 9 1914 by a French cruiser
and was told to proceed to Falmouth. There her master re-
ceived orders from the naval officer in authority to proceed to
Liverpool to discharge. This he did. The owners of the cargo
gave notice of abandonment, which the underwriters declined
to accept. The old form of marine-insurance policy included
among the risks covered " takings at sea, arrests, restraints
and detainments of all Kings, Princes, and People." Mr.
Justice Bailhache in the first Court, the Court of Appeal, and
the House of Lords decided that a declaration of war involving
the abandonment of a voyage was a " restraint of Princes,"
and entitled the assured to claim a constructive total loss. The
underwriters had maintained that actual exertion of force was
necessary to constitute " restraint of Princes," and that they
insured the safety of the goods and not the success of the venture.
They urged that, until the action was brought, there had been
no suggestion by merchants that "-restraint " meant anything
but forcible action, which they themselves understood it to
mean. In the case which was heard before the Courts the
cargo arrived safe and sound at Liverpool. It was the venture
which was not carried out as was expected. After this decisicr-
underwriters adopted a practice of modifying what was known
as the war-risk clause. This had read:
" Warranted free of capture, seizure, and detention, and the
consequences thereof or any attempt thereat, piracy excepted, and
also from all consequences of hostilities or warlike operations,
whether before or after declaration of war."
For the words " and detention " in this clause there were
substituted, after consultation with eminent counsel, the words:
" arrest, restraint, or detainment." The opinion was after-
wards expressed that, had merchants realized what the law on
this subject was, as it was afterwards defined, underwriters
might easily have been ruined, for a vast number of cargoes
might have been abandoned to them. Yet there was another
point of view. As events occurred prices of all commodities
rose enormously in the United Kingdom. Consequently, had
cargoes been abandoned to underwriters, the latter should have
been able to dispose of the commodities at a handsome profit.
Further, to meet the new situation a clause was inserted in all
policies covering war risks which ran as follows:
" Warranted free from any claim arising from capture, seizure,
arrests, restraints, or detainments by any British Government or
their Allies."
This clause was based on one which, soon after the outbreak
of war, had been inserted in all insurances against war risks
on neutral cargoes in neutral vessels and had read:
" Warranted free from any claim arising from capture, seizure, and
detention by the British Government or their Allies."
The intention of this clause was that neutrals should not
collect from British underwriters moneys for goods or vessels
which the British or Allied Governments found it expedient
to capture, seize, or detain. In one way and another under-
writers were able tcT assist materially in the conduct of the
blockade of Germany. In a striking paper read before the
Institute of London Underwriters by Mr. E. L. Jacobs, un-
derwriter of the Alliance Assurance Co., it was pointed out
that on a hint that the insurance of certain articles was inex-
pedient, no insurance was provided. Mr. Jacobs declared that:
" No proclamation was necessary. A verbal message sufficed:
No insurance, no finance, no shipment. Very simple! " A simi-
496
INSURANCE
lar system applied to the insurance of vessels. In the case of
these there were black lists. No .insurance was available in
the United Kingdom in respect of any vessel on such lists.
Wffile the work falling on underwriters and insurance com-
panies was steadily increased, the staffs of the offices were also
steadily reduced as more and more men were required for the
fighting forces. The difficulties of carrying on business at
Lloyd's became immense, and a scheme was introduced which
provided for the establishment of a Signing Bureau. An ordi-
nary marine-insurance policy may be underwritten by a large
number of syndicates of names, and the signing by hand of the
policies by the representatives of all the syndicates was a slow
undertaking. A poh'cy might be passing from syndicate to
syndicate for many weeks. Objection was raised to any de-
parture from this practice on the ground, inter alia, that it was
important for the representative of each syndicate personally
to see that the terms of the policy were in accordance with the
conditions of the insurance as underwritten. In the critical
times these difficulties were overcome, and a Signing Bureau
was established, which had authority to stamp the policies on
account of a large number of individual syndicates and names.
As regards despatch, the system had very considerable merits.
A policy deposited at the Bureau for stamping was available
a very few hours later, completed. Later the system was ex-
tended to the settlement of claims, authority being deputed by
individual underwriters to the Bureau for that purpose. The
practice of stamping the Lloyd's policies on behalf of various
syndicates was reflected in the adoption by the insurance com-
panies of issuing a joint policy. Previously each company had
issued its own poh'cy and prided itself on doing so. The issue
of the joint policy was adopted as an emergency measure, and
was not liked by the insurance companies. Most of them agreed
to adopt it, but were glad to revert to the individual system later.
In order to save paper the size of the policies was reduced dur-
ing the war, and a standard form of proposal was adopted.
Some underwriters refrained entirely from writing war risks.
Nevertheless, it was impossible for them to escape the con-
sequences of the war. Many ships, for instance, became miss-
ing. No direct evidence was available as to the loss of the
ships, whether through marine or war perils. Vessels were
being destroyed promiscuously by the enemy's submarines,
and it was clear that, largely owing to this cause, many of the
ships became missing. In ordinary times a certain number of
vessels set out on voyages and never reach their destination.
No trace remains as to the cause of loss. In such cases, after
a long interval, the circumstances of the voyage are considered
by the committee of Lloyd's. The names of the vessels are
then posted in the rooms for inquiry. If nothing, in the mean-
while, is heard of them, the vessels are posted as missing, and
settlements are then made by the undenvriters in respect of
ships and cargo. The position respecting the enormous in-
crease in the number of missing vessels during the war period
was considered by a committee representative of shipping
ownerships, insurance clubs, Lloyd's, the Liverpool Under-
writers' Association, the Association of Underwriters and
Insurance Brokers in Glasgow, and the Institute of London
Underwriters. As the result of the deliberations, an agreement
was drafted providing for arbitration in the event of vessels
becoming missing. The underlying idea was that an arbitrator,
after hearing such evidence as was possible, could form an
opinion as to the probable loss of the vessels, whereas if the
question had been taken into court, the proceedings might
have been very lengthy, and no better judgment could be
expected. In some cases the loss was apportioned by the
arbitrator in such proportions among the war-risk and marine-
risk underwriters as seemed reasonable.
In the years immediately preceding the war a good deal
was heard of over-insurance. Many ships had been built
during periods of active trade, and 9wners found themselves
possessed of ships which were worth more to them lost than if
still afloat. There was an epidemic of mysterious losses of
ships which were, admittedly, over-insured. While suspicions
may be formed, the scuttling of ships may be very hard to prove.
In order to deal with a difficult situation, which was discussed
in a paper read before the Insurance Institute, at the end of 1912,
by Mr. Edward F. Nicholls, underwriter to the London Assur-
ance Corp., a clause known as the 1 5 % disbursement clause was
prepared, which reads as follows:
" Warranted that the amount insured for account of assured and
/or their managers on disbursements, commissions, or other p.p.i. or
f.i.a. interests, other than those hereinafter mentioned, shall not
exceed 15% of the insured value of hull and machinery; but this
warranty shall not restrict the assured's right to cover premium
reducing freight, chartered freight, or anticipated freight to a
reasonable amount; provided always that a breach of this warranty
shall not afford underwriters any defence to a claim by mortgagees or
other third parties who may have accepted this policy without notice
of such breach of warranty."
Underwriters considered that by the use of this clause the
risks of under-valuation and over-insurance were eliminated.
The risk of total loss is naturally coverable at a lower rate of
premium than that of all risks, and any owner who had nefarious
designs on his ship would have been tempted to secure a large
amount of total-loss insurance at as low a rate as possible. It
was held that, by limiting the amount which could be covered
for disbursements, etc., to 15%, the inducement to an owner
to lose his ship was minimized. The disbursements clause has
been maintained throughout since its institution.
Following a period of severe competition and heavy underwriting
losses, an agreement was reached among the underwriters of the
insurance companies and at Lloyd's on the subject of the conditions
on which steamers should be insured for time. This agreement laid
down the terms on which vessels should be insured, the conditions
being reconsidered from time to time. It was carried on successfully
for many years, and then collapsed in June 1921. Agreement on
certain important points, such as values, rates of premium and the_
underwriting lead, could not be reached, and it was decided, while '
maintaining certain terms which are set out in the Institute Hull
Clauses, to give underwriters complete freedom on other important
points. This was certainly one of the most important developments
in the conduct of marine insurance for many years. It meant that
the individual initiative and enterprise of underwriters, which had
been curbed by the agreement, were once again given free play.
Instead of all owners being treated alike, underwriters were at
liberty to discriminate between the good and indifferent ownerships.
It seemed to be in the interests of the good owners, while it might
possibly be to the disadvantage of those whose record is not so good.
There then set in during the summer of 1921 a period of severe
competition, although this was restrained, to some extent, by the
withdrawal from the market of a number of offices which had been
writing considerable accounts during the period of hectic activity
traceable to the war and its effects. As long as there was an immense
amount of war-risk insurance to be effected, and values of ships and
commodities were inflated, there was sufficient business to feed a
much-increased and hungry market. When trade became extremely
quiet, some of the newcomers thought that they must continue to
secure a large share of the business, and the only way they could do
so, in competition with the older and more firmly established offices,
was to reduce rates of premium. The cutting of rates went on for
some time without apparent evil effects, while the more experienced
underwriters refused to accept business on such terms. Early in 1921
claims poured in at a rate which had never been experienced even
by the oldest underwriters. There was a cataclysm of claims, both in
respect of ships and cargoes. The claims in respect of ships were due,
especially, to the fact that while tonnage was in active request,
repairs, necessitating the laying-up of ships, were postponed, and
also to the fact that the repairing establishments were heavily pre-
occupied in making good damage done to ships through the sub-
marine warfare and the general stress of working under war condi-
tions. A very large number of ships were unfit to go to sea until
the damage they had suffered had been made good, and work on
such vessels naturally took priority over repairs which could, by
any possibility, be postponed. Incidentally, the cost of repairs was
steadily mounting for many years, owing to the rise in wages and in
the cost of materials. The following figures show the settlements
actually made by a leading insurance company on a large under-
writing account of hulls. Taking the premium income written in
1916, the first year's settlements amounted to 13%. By the end of
1917 the settlements had risen to 51 %; by the end of 1918 to 72 %;
by the end of 1919 to 84 %; and by the end of 1920 to 93 %. These
figures were only for actual claim settlements. They show that at
the end of the fifth year only 7 % of the large premium income
remained, from which the working costs had to be deducted.
An extraordinary feature of marine underwriting in recent years
has been the extended period over which claims have been made.
Before the war it was considered that an account might, for practical
purposes, be considered as closed at the end of a third year. There
INSURANCE
497
be still a few claims unsettled, but not of sufficient
. disturb the main results of the underwriting as then
After the war no such calculations could be made. The
nne important insurance company showed that of the
income 17 % had been settled in claims alone during
(I,, ir. By the end of 1918 the total settlements had risen to
eg end of 1918 the settlements represented 72%, and by
r ir,20 89%. The total showed that for the fifth-year
1 1 % of the premium income remained. The earlier
i, \ed that 9 % of the premium income was absorbed in the
i, -t dements on the 1916 figures, so that if the settlements
, i tr on the 1917 account were on the same basis, only 2 %
i 1 1 in income would remain for expenses. It thus appeared
intial loss was inevitable. The figures were extracted
ooks of a first-class office, and it is only reasonable to
i. it those of other offices which were not in the same
I v isit ion would be still worse.
T 1,-ielor responsible for heavy claims in respect of hulls
of a number of steamers under remarkable circum-
< Is flying certain foreign flags were especially prominent
. in-xion. A large number of steamers foundered near land,
if .my, loss of life. In some cases the vessels were alleged
i truck drifting mines, especially in the Mediterranean.
lie vessels were lost shortly before the expiration of policies
hem for far larger values than could be insured again. The
A-as so notorious that underwriters could not feel justified in
i claims without full inquiry into the mysterious circum-
ili I., es. In this matter Government aid was forth-
It was, perhaps, unfortunate that a large number of
hould be at sea insured for very much larger ^ums than
! I be worth undercurrent market conditions.
unexion with the values of shipping, there seemed to be
ikening of the standard of morality, there was an obvious
I of the ideals in other forms of commerce. Claims in respect
were on an enormous scale, and were attributed in
i.i to pilferage of goods throughout the world. Legal
is have been held that there is a distinction between robbery
and sneak-thieving, or pilferage. The ordinary marine-
i e policy covers the risk of robbery by force, but the risk of
i I pilferage has usually been specifically excluded. Gradually
iers were asked to accept it, and thcv did so in various
ii quoting nominal rates for the risk. Then the evil grew
V to vast proportions -encouraged, no doubt, by the nigh
' a laxity induced by the experience of vast
of men in the armies, where it was often a question of every
iking after himself as best he could. All classes of business
ramc alarmed by the growth of the pilferage evil, and com-
!< formed in the various ports, led by London, to consider
i i< in was required. The shipping companies, who were called
ly a vast number of claims, were naturally active in adopt-
ures, such as the formation of special police forces and the
i MI of special systems of tallying the cargo on loading and
iiu.. The marine underwriters, in order, partly, to bring
e to bear on the shippers and shipowners, resolved to accept
j % of t he shipping value of the goods, thus leaving merchants
^ponsibility for one-fourth of the value. Early in 1921 there
strong agitation in the London marine-insurance market in
of refusing to accept the pilferage risk at all, but this did not
ompatible with the functions ofmarine underwriters in pro-
,' the interest of their clients. Such action as they did take
'loubtedly successful. It had a good deal to do with a decision
part of the owners of lighters and barges to accept some
isibility, although of limited character, for the safety of goods
1. Until the matter was brought to a head by publicity and
ti'in of shipping managers, merchants and underwriters, the
i lighters and barges had, under the London Lighterage
, refused to accept responsibility for loss of or damage to goods
1, whensoever, wheresoever or howsoever such loss or damage
be caused. The question had many complications. Thus
s might be resold in course of transit at a profit to the original
It was pointed out that a settlement by underwriters of
more than 75% of the shipping value would not be adequate
ition to buyers of the goods at enhanced prices. This
'r, in particular, was receiving the careful consideration of
^rwriters and merchants in the summer of 1921.
r orkmen's Compensation for Injuries. Important recom-
-idations respecting the system of compensation for injuries
.vorkmen in the United Kingdom were' made by a depart-
.-Jital committee appointed by the Home Secretary in May
ICQ, which reported in July 1920. The committee was pre-
-ied over by Mr. Holman Gregory, K.C., M.P., and included
^resentatives of the workers and of the insurance companies.
I the introductory paragraphs to the report (Cmd. 816) the
nittee pointed out that the system then obtaining, which
ws based on the Workmen's Compensation Act of 1906, imposed
o employers a burden of upwards of 8,000,000 a year, and its
cost was an item which every business enterprise had to take
into account. The total number of workers within the scope
of the Act was calculated to be about 15,000,0x30, and the
negotiation and settlement of the claims of those who belonged
to organized labour were an important part of the work of trade-
union officials. Sixty-five joint-stock insurance companies
did workmen's compensation business with employers having
a wage-roll exceeding 600,000,000 a year, and their annual
premium income in respect of the workmen's compensation
risk was well over 5,000,000. Further, there were about 50
mutual indemnity associations which insured their members
against the workmen's compensation risk and paid about
2,000,000 a year in compensation. The majority of employers
in several of the most important industries in the country
covered their risks by this means.
The committee, after examining the subject thoroughly,
found that there were certain defects in the system then obtain-
ing, but were of opinion that these defects could be remedied
largely without resort to a State system of insurance, although
not without the introduction of a certain measure of State
control. They proposed that in future at least 70% of the
premium income should be expended in benefits to injured work-
men or their dependents, and that the remaining 30% should
be available for the management, expenses or profits of the
companies and the payment of commission to agents, the latter
not to exceed 5% of the premium income in any case. They
calculated that there would thus be saved on the then cost to
employers a sum of between 1,250,000 and i ,500,000 a year
which, under the existing organization would be paid away in
expenses of management, commission and profits.
In order to provide against the risk to the workman of unin-
sured employers proving unable to meet the obligations incurred
under the Act, it was proposed that every employer other than
the Crown, a local or public authority, a statutory company,
or householder in respect of servants not employed by him for
the purpose of his trade or business, should be required to insure
against the workmen's compensation risk. Employers with an
annual wage-roll exceeding 20,000 were to be entitled to claim
exemption from compulsory insurance upon compliance with
prescribed conditions. Householders were excluded from the
provision of compulsory insurance because, as the risk of
accidents to domestic servants is small, the premium charged
by insurance companies is more or less nominal, and also because
it was considered that the cost and difficulty of enforcement
would be out of all proportion to the number of persons in-
volved. The committee were informed that a large proportion
of householders already insured, and they believed that when
the proposed increased liabilities were effective " few would be
so unwise as to fail to cover their risk by insurance."
The maximum rates of premium were to be approved or
fixed by a Government official who was, for convenience, re-
ferred to in the report as the proposed Commissioner. It was
proposed to bring within the scope of the Act large new classes
of persons,. These were:
(a) Persons employed otherwise than by way of manual labour
whose remuneration is at a rate not exceeding 350 a year (instead
of 250 as under the existing Act).
(0) Employment of a casual nature for the purposes of any game
or recreation where the persons employed are engaged or paid
through a club.
(c) Taxi-cab drivers who, on the ground that they are the bailees
of their cabs rather than the servants of the cab-owner, were excluded
from the original Act.
(</) Share fishermen employed in the trawler industry.
(e) Share fishermen employed in the herring or other fishery to
be brought within the Act by order of the Commissioner, if he was
satisfied, after public inquiry, that they ought to_ be included.
(/) All persons ordinarily resident in the United Kingdom who
were emploved, or were travelling in the course of their employ-
ment, in a British ship.
Under the original Act the dependents of a workman killed
were entitled, under the Workmen's Compensation Act, to a
payment of not less than 150 and of not more than 300.
Provision was made by the committee for a substantial increase
498
INSURANCE
in benefits. They proposed that, in fatal cases, the benefits
for total dependents should be on the following scale:
(1) Where a widow is left, 250.
(2) Where the person killed leaves a child or children, a weekly
allowance of los. for the first, 7s. 6d. for the second, and 6s. for every
other child. The allowances were to be provided by the payment
by the employer into a Central Fund of 500 in every case of a work-
man dying and leaving a child or children under 15 years of age. '
(3) Where other dependents are left, in addition to the benefits
mentioned above, a further sum of 500, or where dependents are
left, not including widow or children, 250.
The provision for investing money for the children was new.
The committee proposed that, in the case of partial dependents,
a sum representing the value of the late workman's contributions
to the support of the partial dependent^ should be payable,
with a maximum of 250. By the term " support " was meant
the provision of the ordinary necessaries of life suitable for
persons in their position.
Originally the maximum benefit for total disablement was
i a week. This sum was raised after Sept. 1917, by two incre-
ments, to 355. a week. The committee proposed that the total
payment should be 66|%of the average weekly earnings, with
a maximum of 3. Since the cash value of an annuity of 3
a week for a man aged 30 might represent 1,500, the liability of
employers would become very considerable, and it was this
fact evidently which decided the committee to recommend
compulsory insurance.
The arrangements for instituting benefits under the Act
of 1906 provided that no compensation should be payable for
incapacity lasting one week or less; for incapacity lasting more
than one but less than two weeks compensation was payable,
but only for the days after the first week; for incapacity lasting
two weeks or more compensation was payable from the begin-
ning of the incapacity. The committee proposed in future a
waiting period of only three days, with no dating back.
Another provision was that any medical and surgical aid
necessary, in addition to the medical treatment already avail-
able under the National Health Insurance Acts, should be
secured for the injured workmen at the cost of the employer
under a comprehensive scheme to be worked out by the pro-
posed Commissioner in cooperation with the Ministry of Health.
It was proposed that county court registrars should be ap-
pointed to undertake the following duties under the super-
vision of the registrar:
(a) To give information, free of expense, to injured workmen or
their dependents about the benefits provided by the Act and the
necessary procedure to protect their rights.
(b) To act as mediators between the employer and the injured
workman or his dependents on the request of the parties.
_ (c) To be empowered, if both parties agreed, in the event of a
dispute as to the workman's condition, to refer the matter to the
medical referee, whose certificate should be final.
Power, it was recommended, should be given to the proposed
Commissioner to institute inquiries into the practicability of
a system of discounts from normal rates in consideration of ap-
proved safety devices or provisions, and by agreement with
insurance companies and mutual associations to prescribe a
practical scheme. The committee was in favour of a substantial
increase in the amount of compensation to which priority may
be given in the distribution of the assets of a bankrupt employer,
and recommended that the amount should be fixed at the full
amount of the claim.
The terms of the agreement concluded between the depart-
mental committee on workmen's compensation and the Accident
Offices' Association was the subject of some criticism in financial
circles. The provision that commission, expenses and profit,
if any, should not exceed 30% of the premiums was criticised
especially, since it was known that during the previous eight
years the average commission paid to agents by a large number
of offices had been about 12%, the expenses of management
had been about 19%, and the profit about 15%, making a total
of about 46%. On the insurance side, however, it was recog-
nized that, even if no committee had been appointed, the
companies would have revised their rates of premium in con-
sequence of the favourable effect on the business of the rise in
wages during the war period. It was reasoned that the in-
creased benefits recommended by the committee would certainly
involve increased rates of premium. Evidently the insurance
companies wished to make it quite clear that they had no desire
to profit unduly from such developments, and they offered to
conduct the business on terms which they hoped would not
result in actual loss to them. There was a provision in the
agreement that at the end of three yearly periods the rates
should be reviewed, so that any deficiency there might be could
be taken into account in fixing the premiums for the next tri-
ennial period. The insurance companies could well point out
that any Government scheme to be inaugurated could not work
the system on such favourable terms, and that insurance com-
panies were in a position to do so only because of the efficient
organizations which were already in existence.
Legislation was required to give effect to the proposals.
This, the Government announced, it would introduce. The
time of the Government throughout the first six months of
1921 was, however, much preoccupied with such matters as the
coal stoppage, and the necessary legislation was still awaited.
New Extensions of Insurance. In recent years there has been
a great extension in practice of the insurance principle. In
some directions this progress received a setback on the out-
break of war, while hostilities gave it an impetus in other direc-
tions. As an instance of the development of the principle there
may be cited insurance against the risks of bombardment of
persons and property in the United Kingdom by the enemy
from the sea and air. Underwriters were asked very early in
the war to cover such risks. Many insurance companies did
not see their way to undertake the business, alleging that they
had no data on which to work. But some underwriters and
insurance companies did undertake the business and wrote a
very large amount of it, to the comfort of the assured and, as
events proved, to their own profiti Insurances were issued
against the risks of damage to, or death of, individuals and
against the risk of damage to property. The demand for
insurance of this kind grew to very large proportions, and the
market was hardly large enough to deal with the whole of it. '
Thereupon, with the assistance of leading underwriters, a
Government scheme was instituted, use being made of the
organizations of all the great insurance companies, which acted
as agents for the Government in this matter.
The general insurance department of a composite company
includes miscellaneous forms of insurance. Among the chief
of these is motor-car insurance. During the war comparatively
little was done in this form of business. Many private cars
were garaged at specially reduced rates of insurance. In 1919
and 1920, when these cars came into use again, the insurance
experience was very unsatisfactory. Costs of repairs were on
a high scale, and there was an epidemic of thefts. Profits
earned from the business in 1919 were small. For 1920 some of
the leading insurance companies reported substantial losses.
Early in 1921 rates of premium were advanced.
Unfavourable results also followed the transaction of burglary
insurance during the two years immediately following the
Armistice. This was due to a general epidemic of lawlessness
which pervaded Great Britain, and was seen in the wholesale
robberies of goods in course of transit. While the large insur-
ance companies are always ready to transact the main forms of
insurance, great credit should be given to the underwriters at
Lloyd's, who are willing to consider the issue of policies covering
every conceivable risk against which the public may legitimately
expect to be insured. In this way insurances are effected
against the risks of strikes and their effects, against the risks of
changes in taxation imposed in budgets and of the special risks
of aviation. Risks of the most diverse character are constantly
offered, and those underwriters who have been prepared to
accept them are known to have secured satisfactory financial
results. Before the war efforts of underwriters were concen-
trated on forming an Aviation Insurance Association, the idea
being that one office should be maintained where risks should be
INSURANCE
499
accepted on behalf of a large number of underwriting syndicates
and also of two insurance companies. It was recognized that
aviation insurance required close study and that one or two
underwriters who could give the necessary attention to it could
expect to be more successful than those who tried to transact
it in addition to many other forms of insurance. The principle
was also adopted by many of the leading insurance companies.
Weather insurance was being developed by underwriters
at Lloyd's before the war. It was transacted in connexion with
the business side of amusements and also in connexion with
the spoiling of holidays by wet weather. Naturally little
business of the kind was transacted during the war. Yet the
importance of the weather upon world affairs was demonstrated
again and again during the war. Operations on the western
front were frequently affected by the weather, and there is no
doubt that the Germans were successful in forecasting it. The
battle of Jutland was also affected by " low visibility."
With the resumption of peaceful activities great progress
was made with weather insurance. In 1919 the ground was
being prepared and a very large amount of data was collected,
tabulated and employed respecting the experience in the United
Kingdom for many years. In 1920 the volume of business of
the kind transacted in the United Kingdom was on a large scale.
Insurances were taken out to cover losses due to a falling-off
in gate receipts, and to losses of caterers at open-air amusements
such as race meetings, cricket matches and regattas. The sum-
mer of 1920 in the United Kingdom was wet, and the under-
writing experience there was very unfavourable. The business
was gradually being extended in foreign fields and the profits
which were earned in other countries were believed to have just
offset the losses suffered in the United Kingdom. The bulk
of the business which had been transacted at Lloyd's was
transferred to a leading insurance company, and it was known
that the company was satisfied for losses to be on a substantial
scale in 1920, because these demonstrated the utility of the
business. At one time weather insurance was regarded as a
somewhat frivolous form of business, but its importance came
gradually to be recognized. It has been realized that there
is an immense field open for insurance in connexion with the
risk of damage to crops by bad weather. This is a form of
business in which large sums of money could easily be lost, and
prudent underwriters proceed somewhat carefully with it.
Credit insurance has long been transacted in the United
Kingdom by a limited number of underwriters and insurance
companies, and in 1920 and in 1921 it was hoped that the
principle might be applied to overcome the difficulties caused
by the collapse of the credit of some countries especially hard-
hit financially by the war. A number of discussions took place
between representatives of the Government, banks and insur-
ance companies, but the problem was felt to be beyond the power
of the insurance companies generally to solve, and, while the
offices showed sympathetic interest in the different schemes
discussed, they did not, as a whole, give practical support.
The Insurance Institute movement has developed notably
in recent years. It dates back to 1873, when the Insurance
Institute of Manchester was formed. The example was quickly
followed in other leading centres in the United Kingdom. At
the invitation of the council of the Insurance Institute of Man-
chester the various institutes were asked to send delegates to
a meeting held on March 12 1897, at which the decision was
taken to form an association to be called the Federation of
Insurance Institutes of Great Britain and Ireland. The objects
of this federation, as set out in its constitution, were to encourage
the study of all subjects bearing on any branch of insurance,
to promote the technical education of junior insurance officials,
and to do such things as might be deemed desirable to advance
the welfare and efficiency of the insurance profession. A
scheme of examinations was inaugurated in 1899, which has
steadily been developed. The Insurance Clerks' Orphanage
was also the outcome of the Institute movement, and has done
splendid work amongst the dependents of insurance officials
throughout Great Britain. A journal has been published
annually since 1898, and the 22 volumes now in print contain
papers on all subjects cognate to insurance business. In 1912
the federation received a Charter of Incorporation. The
objects of the new Chartered Insurance Institute were set out
in 14 clauses, of which the first reads as follows:
To provide and maintain a central organization for the promotion
of efficiency, progress, and general development among persons
employed in insurance business, whether members of the Institute
or not, with a view not only to their own advantage, but to rendering
the conduct of such business more effective, safe, and scientific, and
securing and justifying the confidence of the public and employers
by reliable tests and assurances of the competence and trustworthi-
ness of persons engaged in such business.
In June 1921 the membership of the Chartered Insurance
Institute approached nine thousand. The membership included
that of 30 local institutes in the United Kingdom. In addition,
seven institutes in British dominions overseas were affiliated
to the Chartered Insurance Institute, namely, those of the Cape
of Good Hope, New South Wales, South Australia, Western
Australia, Victoria, Toronto and the Transvaal. Primarily,
the Chartered Insurance Institute is an examining body, and its
present curriculum includes all subjects under the headings of
fire, life, accident and marine insurance. For the examinations
held in 1921, applications were received from 2,530 candidates,
who entered for upwards of 12,000 subjects. Simultaneous
examinations were held in 43 different centres throughout the
United Kingdom. The council decided in 1921 to extend their
operations in this connexion throughout the world. The
diplomas of the Institute are sought after, and a fellowship
diploma, secured as the result of an examination, may well be
regarded as a hall-mark of proficiency in insurance business.
(C. MA.)
UNITED STATES
Insurance in the United States during the years 1910-21
developed along lines of increasing adaptability to the needs of
policy-holders and solidified its standing as an essential and
reliable financial instrument.
Extent. In practically all lines of insurance the figures show
a remarkable increase in extent and variety of risks carried under
insurance contracts. This resulted from the need to provide for
hazards not previously covered, from the general expansion of
business, from the increasing recognition of the desirability of
insurance of all kinds as a means of reducing personal and bus-
iness risk, and from an increased activity on the part of insurance
carriers in providing new forms of coverage. There was also
considerable activity in the organization of new companies by
interests which had formerly specialized in fire or casualty
insurance and thus became enabled to offer coverage in all
fields with the exception of life.
Effect of the War. The World War affected in greater or less
measure all forms of insurance. The seriousness of the resulting
problems varied in proportion to the intimacy of the connexion
between war hazards and particular kinds of insurance. The
insurance business as a whole was affected by war inflation and
subsequent deflation, leading to increased expenses, increased
taxation, depreciation of securities, increase in interest rates,
fluctuating property values, and marked changes in the moral
hazard. During the period of inflation there was a general tend-
ency to increase the volume of business, with an improvement in
the moral hazard, as it was distinctly contrary to the interests
of policy-holders to have losses. With the period of deflation,
decreasing values and less intensive industrial activity, insurance
companies were confronted with a large volume of insurance on
depreciating property values. At the same time there was a
decreased interest on the part of policy-holders in avoiding
losses. In many cases it became profitable to collect insurance
rather than to preserve the values insured.
In certain lines the increased volume of business and apparent
prosperity of insurers led to the organization of many new
companies and the introduction of inexperienced personnel.
Subsequent events tested these new organizations and in many
cases caused their disappearance.
The extreme depreciation of securities might have caused
500
INSURANCE
serious problems for companies which carried large amounts of
invested funds over considerable periods of time had not insurance
officials applied new standards which took into account the
intrinsic worth rather than the market price of the securities.
At the beginning of the war considerable direct insurance and
reinsurance was carried by the American branches of alien enemy
companies. Even after the entry of the United States into the
war these companies were permitted to write business. It soon
became evident that their activities must be checked, largely
because their operations enabled them to acquire and convey to
the enemy vital commercial information. At the end of 1917
these companies ceased writing new business and were taken
over by the Alien Property Custodian. This change necessitated
a new distribution of insurance in the American market and
resulted in an increase in business for American companies and
for those of friendly nations.
Cooperation of Insurance Carriers. The years 1910-21 showed
a remarkable increase in the acceptance of the principle of
cooperation among insurance carriers. Problems involved in
the control of new lines of business, in the meeting of new condi-
tions in old lines, and in general the recognition of common
interests by insurance executives all have contributed to the
growth of cooperative organizations. These organizations have
as their chief purposes education of the public, control of
legislation, making of premium rates, adoption of uniform
contracts, discouragement of bad practices, provision of reinsur-
ance facilities, suppression of fraud. All this is a part of the
growing recognition that the business can no longer proceed
along the old individualistic lines.
Governmental Regulation. During 1910-21 there were also
notable advances in the regulation of insurance in the interest
of the public. Perhaps the most significant is the growth in
importance of the National Convention of Insurance Commis-
sioners, an organization of regulatory officials from the various
states in the interest of promoting sound and uniform methods
of regulation. Discussions at the meetings of the Convention,
and the work of its several committees, each of which deals
with some one aspect of the insurance problem, have served to
improve the quality of state regulation and to increase the
respect with which state departments are regarded by state
Legislatures, as well as insurance executives and the public.
Among specific accomplishments in the general field of regulation
may be mentioned: cooperation in the examination of insurance
companies, the uniform valuation of securities for insurance
purposes, regulation of the appointment and practices of agents
and brokers, prohibition of discriminatory acts, and the adoption
of uniform standards of practice.
Insurance Education. There has been a marked increase of
interest in insurance education. Some universities have depart-
ments of insurance with classes for college students and for men
engaged in the business, and many other colleges and universities
have devoted some attention to this subject. The Insurance
Institute of America and its constituent societies have developed
education among employees of the companies. The Casualty
Actuarial Society was organized in 1914 for the purpose of
furthering scientific research and education in casualty subjects.
United States Chamber of Commerce. Recognition of insurance
as an independent business activity of major importance was
evidenced in the creation of an Insurance Department in the
organization of the United States Chamber of Commerce.
Expansion of Operations Abroad. In 1918 the American
Foreign Insurance Association was organized to transact fire,
marine and allied branches of insurance in all parts of the world
with the exception of North America. The association was in
1921 composed of 16 leading American companies and had an
extensive system of branches ami agencies.
Life Insurance
Extent. In 1921 life insurance still held its place as financially
the most important type of insurance with assets of 253 companies
at the end of 1920, as given in the Insurance Year Book, of nearly
$7,400,000,000, a total income during 1920 of nearly $1,800,000,000,
and disbursements of over $1,200,000,000. These figures represent
a growth of over 100 % since 1909 when the same items for 189 conv
panies were, respectively, about $3,500,000,000, $750,000,000, anc
$500,000,000. Consideration of the reports of companies subject toB
the jurisdiction of the New York Insurance Department shows that
the increase of business during the 10 years was somewhat irregulars
The total number of policies in force increased from slightly overj
5,750,000 on Dec. 31 1909 to nearly 14,000,000 on Dec. 31 1920;!
insurance represented by these policies from over $11,000,000,000
to nearly $27,000,000,000. At the same time the size of the average
policy increased from $1,930 to $2,055. There were substantial ,
increases in the amount of new business written in each of the years
1910 to 1913 inclusive, a slight decrease in 1914, further increaaoi
in 1915 to 1918 inclusive, and an immense increase in 1919 which
was exceeded in 1920. The amount of new business written in 1920
was more than five times the amount written in 1910. Practically
all this new business represented an increase in the business of old
companies. At the beginning of the period there were 35 companies
operating in New York and at the end 37. In the whole United
States the number of companies operating increased in the same
period from 189 to 253, but nearly 85 % of the business was carried
by companies operating in the state of New York.
It is impossible accurately to assess the importance of each of
various reasons for the immense increase in the life-insurance busi-
ness. The following are probably the principal causes: (i) Infla-
tion and high prices, making necessary a larger amount of insurance
to achieve the same real protection. (2) Increased willingness to
pay for insurance out of high wages and profits due to the war.
(3) Education in the desirability of life insurance through wide-
spread application of the governmental war-risk scheme. (4) Devel-
opment of life insurance to cover business risks, inheritance taxes,
and other contingencies.
One result of the Armstrong Investigation of 1906 was an attempt
to limit the new business which individual companies might write
in any one year. The impracticability of the limitations originally
imposed soon became evident and modifications in the law caused
their almost complete elimination.
The following table from the Insurance Year Book presents in
detail the record for 1910-20 of new business written and insurance
in force for companies reporting to the New York Insurance
Department :
in
JB
c
,
bo
'c
a
fl
U
.S a
CO fO
II
E
s
CO QJ
3 tJ
1
"o e .
^.y 1
U
*-* '-^ oj
~5
o
^
ul
C
3
6
J3U,
S a
|
igio
33
$1,362,589,920
6,049,617
$11,669,698,842
$1,929
1911
34
1,577,846,251
6,621,386
12,802,989,205
1,934
1912
34
1,702,146,572
7,002,352
13,527,321,222
,932
1913
34
1,840,577,945
7,452,154
14,324,485,296
,922
1914
35
1,808,730,481
7,851,199
14,931,150,898
,902
1915
35
1,928,288,981
8,284,281
15,609,722,445
,884
1916
35-
2,362,193,027
8,886,568
16,784,207,636
,889
1917
35
2,879,338,785
9,502,382
18,422,349,562
,938
1918
37
2,979,783,022
10,193,211
20,018,199,440
,963
1919
37
5,213,897,389
11,602,715
23,849,488,761
2,050
1920
37
5,628,778,503
13,199,605
26,839,537,511
2,055
Mortality. The registration area of the United States showed a
decrease in general mortality from 14-7 per thousand to 12-8 per
thousand for the years 1910 to 1919 inclusive. Investigations of
mortality of insured lives showed a similar trend. This favourable
mortality experience was interrupted by the influenza epidemic. It
was at its height during the winter of 19189, resulting in such
an increase of deaths that the mortality of insured lives reached
approximately 100% of the American Experience Table, although
normally it is expected to reach only about 55 to 75 % of that table
according to the age of the company. A well-known actuary has
said that the net effect on the general body of policy-holders in
participating companies was the loss of approximately one year's
dividends. Fortunately the epidemic was brought under control
and no insurance company was unable to meet its liabilities to
policy-holders on account of it. A few small companies were seri-
ously embarrassed and some were forced to reinsure; but the large
old-line companies, although they found it necessary to reduce
dividends in some cases, were at no time in danger of becoming
unable to meet their obligations.
Mutualization. In the years 1910-21 the Metropolitan Life
Insurance Co. and the Home Life Insurance Co. passed from the
stock form of organization to the mutual. The Equitable Life
Assurance Society and the Prudential Life Insurance Co. practically
did so although they were in 1921 still technically stock companies.
With these changes the mutual form of organization became the
ruling force in life insurance, nearly all of the large companies in
1921 being operated on the mutual plan. A large majority of the
smaller companies were stock corporations.
INSURANCE
501
Group Insurance. Group insurance has as its purpose the insur-
ance of the lives of a group of employees under a blanket contract
issued to the employer who becomes responsible for the payment of
premiums although he may arrange for contributions from his
employees. The New York Insurance Department issued its first
approval of a policy of this form in Feb. 1911. On Dec. 31 1920,
according to the Insurance Year Book, there were nearly 19,000
policies and over $1,500,000,000 of insurance in force under this
plan. Although 31 companies had group insurance on their books,
4 of these wrote about 90 % of the total business. In its typical form
this insurance is written under a yearly renewable term contract
at a premium rate based on the age-characteristics of the group at
the time of writing the contract and on the desirability of the group
as an insurance risk. The individual amounts payable to the bene-
ficiaries of the employees are small, varying from $500 each to a
maximum of $5,000. This type of insurance is becoming an accepted
form for large industrial corporations.
Disability Clause, The disability clause commonly added to the
insurance contract provides for the assumption by the life insur-
ance company of the risk that the insured might become totally
and permanently disabled. In its most complete form it provides
for a waiver of premiums during the period of disability, main-
taining the amount of insurance unimpaired, and for the payment
of an annuity to the policy-holder. In its early form the clause
provided for waiver of premiums alone, but it gradually has been
liberalized as experience and the demand for protection have devel-
oped. A recent development is a provision to the effect that after a
policy-holder has been totally disabled for three months it shall be
presumed that he is likewise permanently disabled. Another devel-
opment in liberality is the practice of granting benefits after death
which might have been claimed under this clause by the insured
during his lifetime.
Tuberculosis, insanity, and accidents account for the majority of
cases of permanent and total disability. Mr. Arthur Hunter in a
paper delivered before the Actuarial Society of America presented
the following figures covering the experience of the New York Life
Insurance Co. from 1910 to 1920:
Cause of Disability
Number
of Cases
Per cent of
Total Claims
Tuberculosis
Insanity
Accident
Paralysis of all forms including infantile .
Cancers and tumours
Heart disease. . ...
Other causes ... ...
Total
730
334
1 06
77
58
5i
3H.
43-7%
20
6-3
4-6
3-5
3-1
18-8
1.670
100-0%
Double Indemnity. The so-called double-indemnity clause which
has come into general. use in life policies takes two forms: one promis-
ing a payment of double the amount of insurance in the event of
death from any accidental cause; the other promising double pay-
ment if accidental death occurs while the insured is a passenger on a
common carrier. A small extra premium is usually charged for this
feature. This coverage has developed largely as a selling point and
it seems to many to have no logical place in a life-insurance contract.
Mortality Investigations. In 1916 the Bureau of the Census pub-
lished an interesting set of mortality tables known as the United
States Life Tables, 1910. These were based on the general mor-
tality statistics for the original registration states and showed mor-
tality for males and females, whites and negroes, natives and foreign
born, and dwellers in city and country. There were also special
tables for the states of Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, New
Jersey, and New York. The Medico-Actuarial Mortality Investiga-
tion was completed and published in 5 volumes. This investigation
was undertaken jointly by the Association of Life Insurance Medical
Directors and the Actuarial Society of America. To quote Mr. Wen-
dell M. Strong (American Year Book, 1913, p. 369): . . . "The
present investigation is of even greater scope than the Specialized
Investigation and is participated in by 43 companies of the United
States and Canada, including practically all of the important com-
panies of both countries . . . the scope of the investigation will be
seen from an enumeration of a few of the subjects and classes investi-
gated, such as weight with reference to height and age, causes of
death, over-weights, under-weights, large men, small men, married
women, unmarried women, family history of tuberculosis, different
classes of miners, different classes of employees in the iron business,
and different races."
It has long been recognized that the American Experience Table
of Mortality is not an accurate statement of insurance experience,
particularly as to the younger ages. In 1915 the Actuarial Society
of America, at the suggestion of the National Convention of Insur-
ance Commissioners, undertook to prepare a new American table.
The result of the work, which was participated in by these two
organizations and by the American Institute of Actuaries, was
issued in the form of two principal tables: the American Men Table,
and the Canadian Men Table, of which the former is the more
important. These tables are based on the combined experience of
60 leading insurance companies of the United States and Canada.
The results show, for ages below 50, a considerably lower mortality
than that indicated by the American Experience Table, while mor-
tality rates above 50 are approximately the same.
Governmental Insurance. Two states have experimented with
state-managed life insurance, each contemplating principally the
elimination of the agent's commission. The Massachusetts Savings
Bank Insurance scheme, which was started in 1907, showed Oct. 31
1919 total insurance in force of $12,374,000. The Wisconsin State
Life Fund, which was started in 1912, showed insurance in force
Dec. 31 1919 of $404,000. The most important governmental
attempt to furnish life insurance during the period was of course
the War Risk Insurance Bureau, described under PENSION.
Industrial Insurance. Industrial insurance showed a steady
growth during the period, as indicated by the following table from
the Insurance Year Book:
No. of
Com-
panies
Insurance
Written
Insurance in Force (as of Dec. 31)
No. of Policies
Amount
1910
1915
1920
22
25
20
$ 749,717,264
999,079,322
I,545,989.I92
23,044,162
33.370,638
49,178,887
$3, 179489,541
4431.754.866
7,121,380,255
Fraternal Insurance. The development of fraternal insurance, so
far as figures are available, is shown in the next table from the
Insurance Year Book:
No. of
Orders
Insurance
Written
Insurance in Force (as of Dec. 31)
No. of
Certificates
Amount
1910
497
$1,331.552,713
8,558,093
$9,562,511,910
1911
396
1,200,633,063
10,122,169
9,839,909,282
1912
397
1,023,726,087
9,963,019
9,472,232,473
1913
509
1,065,071,108
8,058,317
9,622,276,590
1914
498
1.079,569,596
7,868,554
9,171,284,227
1915
472
922,890,799
7,695,944
8,694,449,483
1916
523
1,155,784,564
8,674,996
9,162,111,616
1917
533
822,041,734
7,456,551
9,129,974,447
1918
506
834,170,063
8,021,387
8,838,578,765
1919
463
1,327,957,612
10,380,132
9,531,216,614
1920
*238
1.1/7.970.840
8,439,097
8,879,451,774
*Orders showing 1920 figures.
An improvement in the conditions of fraternal insurance, most
important from the point of view of the insured, was brought about
by the Mobile Bill and the New York Conference Bill. The former
was the result of a meeting of the National Convention of Insurance
Commissioners and representatives of the fraternal organizations
held in Mobile, Ala., in Sept. 1910. It was enacted into law or
adopted by departmental rulings in many states without material
amendments and' required the societies gradually to improve their
condition under state supervision until they should reach a defined
standard of solvency. The latter bill which has since been generally
adopted is in the nature of an amendment to the Mobile Bill and is
an improvement on it in some respects. Through legislative permis-
sion the fraternal societies have also acquired the power to write
juvenile insurance.
Fire and Marine Insurance
The development of fire and marine insurance during the years
1910-20 is indicated by the appended table from the Insurance
Year Book.
It must be remembered in considering these figures that the 1920
statements do not reflect completely the process of deflation of busi-
ness, as the figures for 1921 were not available when this article
was written.
It is unfortunate that aggregates are not available separately for
fire, marine and allied lines of insurance. The figures here given
represent all lines written by companies doing primarily fire and
marine business.
Fire and Marine Insurance, 1910-20.
No. of
Insuring
Organizations
Net Premiums
Total Income
Paid for Losses
Paid for Expenses
Total Disbursements
1910
1915
1920
624
659
926
$ 267,134,029
433,995,437
1,020,241,864
$ 295,644,715
474,626,373
1,102,788,799
$125,335,702
226,867,125
461.872.894
$ 95,466,763
159,568,682
378,257,920
$256,681,453
416,275,196
907,245,187
502
INSURANCE
Fire Losses and their Prevention. The annual fire losses in the
United States during 1910-20 as compiled from various sources by the
Spectator Co. show a fluctuating tendency due probably to their rela-
tion to the changing business situation. It will be noted that for
the year 1920 there is an unusually high figure.
Fire Losses in the United States, 1910-20.
(From the Insurance Year Book.)
Aggregate Property
Losses
No. Fires Causing
Loss of $1,000,000
or More
1910
$214,003,300
'3
1911
217,004,575
12
1912
206,438,900
8
1913
203,763,55
6
1914
221,439,350
9
1915
172,063,200
10
1916
214-530,995
13
1917
250,753,640
22
1918
290,959,885
21
1919
245,793,128
28
1920
303,147,351
13
2,539,897,874
155
During 1910-20 there were 10 fires involving losses of $5,000,000
or more each, 5 of which caused losses of over $10,000,000 each.
Certain of these fires were caused in part at least by explosion.
The insurance experience of the 10 years was very favourable as
there was only one year, 1914, during which the ratio of insurance
losses to premiums exceeded the average ratio of the past 61 years.
This ratio touched its high point in 1914 at approximately 60% and
its low point in 1919 at approximately 40%. The ratio was rising
during 1920 and 1921.
In 1915 the Actuarial Bureau of the National Board of Fire Under-
writers was founded in response to a demand for complete classi-
fied statistics of fire insurance experience. To 1921 this work had
been devoted almost entirely to the classification of losses by states
and by causes and a report had been issued on this subject covering
the years 1915-19 inclusive. The following table is a condensation
of this report :
Amount of
Losses
Per cent
of total
Strictly Preventable Causes
Partly Preventable Causes
Unknown Causes
Total
$287,759,960
484,753.172
360,587,544
25
43
32
$1,133,100,676
IOO
Little was done in the development of entirely new fire-pre-
vention devices. There was considerable improvement in the
efficiency of operation of devices which were already in use in 1910,
and there was a widespread development of education and stim-
ulation of fire prevention. In 1920 the President of the United
States issued a proclamation setting aside Oct. 9 as fire-prevention
day. Education in fire prevention was extended to the schools and
a large amount of literature was distributed. Results from this work
had not yet become perceptible during 1921, though future years
were confidently expected to show a reduction of losses. During the
war important industrial and governmental property was put under
the care of fire-prevention engineers. The results furnished abun-
dant evidence of the effectiveness of preventive measures when
directed by experts.
Fire Insurance /?o/wg. Little fundamental progress was made
in the development of fire-insurance rating. Modifications of the
Universal Mercantile Schedule and the Dean Schedule still were
used throughout the country in 1921. The latter had been adopted
in new localities, notably in New England and the Middle, West,
and was used in 29 states. Interesting proposals for improvement
of the rating situation were offered in the Experience Grading and
Rating Schedule and the L. and L. Schedule, both of which Tailed
to be adopted. The former contemplates a revolutionary change of
methods of rating. It is a plan for collecting statistics on fire-
insurance experience in such a way that relative hazards may be
calculated and premium rates based upon them. The L. and L.
Schedule does not differ in principle from the older type.
Several states have passed laws dealing with fire insurance rates,
varying all the way from the prohibition of discrimination to the
creation of a special rating board for the purpose of making rates.
Better opinion seems to favour a type of law which permits the
making of rates by insurance carriers acting in concert and sub-
jects the rate-making organization to supervision. Several impor-
tant reports on investigations dealing primarily with fire insurance
were made during the period, resulting in advances in state regu-
lation and in curbing undesirable practices. The most significant of
these was the Merritt Report transmitted to the Legislature of New
York in 191 1. Others were the Illinois Report of 1914, the Pennsyl-
vania Report of 1915, the Missouri Report of 1914, and the North
Carolina Report of 1914.
Anti-Compact Laws. Attempts have been made in certain states
to prevent all forms of cooperation between insurance companies in
fixing premium rates. In the states of Missouri, South Carolina,
and Mississippi such attempts resulted in the virtual withdrawal of
the companies. Compromises were effected in the first two states
and the objectionable legislation withdrawn ; the situation in Missis-
sippi was still unsettled in 1921. Such destructive methods are evi-
dence of a poverty of constructive ability to deal with insurance
problems. They cause confusion in business and retard the adop-
tion of more adequate measures.
Underwriting Profit. The conflict of opinions concerning what
constitutes a reasonable underwriting profit for fire insurance com-
panies was resolved in some measure by the agreement between
the National Convention of Insurance Commissioners and the
National Board of Fire Underwriters. The following points of
agreement were reported by the latter body in the Proceedings of
its 55th Annual Meeting:
" I. The minimum ' reasonable ' underwriting profit is 5% plus
3 % additional for conflagrations.
" 2. Five years is a minimum term upon which to base a calcula-
tion as to underwriting profits.
" 3. The difference between earned premiums and incurred losses,
plus incurred expenses, represents underwriting profit or loss.
"4. Aconflagration isdefinedasprppertylossexceeding$i,ooo,ooo.
"5- In determining the underwriting experience in any given state
the first $1,000,000 of loss shall be charged to the particular state
and the balance distributed among all the states (including the one
in which it occurred) in proportion to the premium income of each.
" 6. That no part of the so-called ' banking ' profit shall be included
in the underwriting profit."
It is to be noted that the term " underwriting profit " is defined by
this agreement as signifying a profit drawn entirely from the opera-
tion of the insurance business as such and that there is eliminated
from consideration any profits which a fire-insurance carrier may
make from invested funds. Dividends to stockholders are in many
cases paid from the latter source, insurance profits going entirely to
increase surplus.
Revision of Standard Policy. The old New York Standard Policy
which was in use in many parts of the United States was supplanted
in New York on Jan. I 1918 by a new policy form. The new form
differed in detail and in arrangement from the old and gave effect
to the changes which some 30 years' experiences had shown to be
desirable. Substantially the same policy had been enacted in Penn-
sylvania in 1915. The new policy had been approved by the National
Convention of Insurance Commissioners and was in effect in 1921
practically throughout the United States.
Marine Insurance. The only figures indicating the extent of the
marine insurance business in the United States are those which
were compiled by Dr. S. S. Huebner of Philadelphia in connexion
with an investigation of marine insurance described below. These
show that the total net premiums received during the year 1918 by
American companies amounted to over $70,000,000 and by foreign
companies to over $39,000,000, a total of $109,000,000. Estimated
losses paid were respectively $40,000,000 and $24,000,000, a total
of $64,000,000. These figures take no account of the large amount
of marine insurance which is placed directly with the home offices
of foreign companies, of which no record appears in the American
reports. It is variously estimated that premiums for this business
aggregate 20 % to 30 % of the total for the United States.
The War and Marine Insurance. Marine insurance was more
intimately connected with the conduct of the World War than was
any other line, since it dealt with hazards involved in shipping sup-
plies to Europe. As evidence of the increase of interest in the busi-
ness during the war, the N. Y. Insurance Department reports that,
while there were but 58 organizations authorized to write marine
insurance in New York on Jan. I 1914, there were 109 so authorized
on Jan. I 1918. This total includes new companies organized
during the period as well as old companies extending their facilities.
So great, however, were the risks incident to war that it was impos-
sible for private initiative to cope with them. Accordingly the
Government established the Bureau of War Risk Insurance, which
accepted insurance against war hazards. This Bureau was a neces-
sity during the continuance of hostilities; without it American com-
merce must have almost ceased. Its operations had by 1921 been
discontinued so far as they related to marine insurance. New pri-
vate organizations were attracted into the field by the seemingly
large profits, but lack of experience and reckless underwriting
caused the disappearance later of some of these organizations and
the withdrawal from the marine business of many of the companies
primarily interested in fire insurance. Losses which were apparently
small during the war period in their final settlement turned out to
be alarmingly large. In addition there was an increase in the moral
hazard after the war, due to depreciation of values and to the tend-
ency on the part of foreign merchants to refuse to accept shipments
of goods whenever a pretext could be found. Congestion of ports
in the artificially prosperous times succeeding the Armistice was
another cause contributing to increased losses.
During this period, owing largely to the competition of new under-
writers, the marine insurance contract was quite generally extended
INSURANCE
503
to cover the risk of theft and pilferage. Experience under this cover-
age has been most unfavourable, as the existence of insurance tended
to relieve shippers and carriers of concern for the safety of the
cargo. This, with the moral irresponsibility engendered by the
war, demonstrated the need of restricting or eliminating the cover-
age. When accepted it is now frequently provided by indorsement
that only 75 % of theft or pilferage losses will be paid.
Congressional Investigation. In 1919 the Committee on the Mer-
chant Marine and Fisheries of the House of Representatives and
the U.S. Shipping Board entered upon an investigation of marine
insurance in the United States. It early appeared that what the
committee regarded as an unduly large share of American marine
insurance business was placed directly or indirectly with foreign
companies. On the ground that American marine insurance facili-
ties should be developed to a point which would enable American
companies to care for the commercial needs of the United States,
the committee recommended that combinations of companies be
legally authorized, and that the legislative obstructions, including
taxation, which hamper companies in their competition with alien
interests, should be removed. To provide increased facilities for
hull insurance and the survey of losses, three marine insurance syndi-
cates were organized with the approval and encouragement of the
Congressional Committee. Syndicate " A," which is a service syndi-
cate for the settlement of losses, operates through the United States
Salvage Association, Incorporated. There was likewise introduced
a marine-insurance bill for the District of Columbia, designed to
serve as a model for enactment in the states.
Marine-Insurance Contract. In 1917-8-9 the American Hull
Underwriters Association adopted certain new forms of marine-
insurance contracts which have come into general use, not differing
widely from the old forms but adapting them to American conditions.
American Bureau of Shipping. Increased activity in extending
the operations of the American Bureau of Shipping has placed at
the disposal of American marine underwriters improved facilities
for the classification of risks.
Casualty and Miscellaneous
Workmen's Compensation. The substitution of the principle of
workmen's compensation for that of employer's liability in the
United States (see LABOUR LEGISLATION) gave rise to an entirely new
form of insurance by which insurance carriers assume the obliga-
tion of employers to pay compensation to their workmen. Work-
men's compensation insurance occupies a peculiar place. The insur-
ance carrier is placed in the position of an administrative unit in a
scheme of social welfare. Its duties involve relieving employers of
undue risk, insuring the payment of compensation to employees,
and assisting in the prevention of industrial accidents. In this form
of insurance also there are found the only examples in the United
States of the extensive application of state-managed insurance.
In 6 states the so-called state funds are given a monopoly of work-
men's compensation insurance, in one state there is practically a
monopoly, and in 9 states the state fund competes with private car-
riers. The growth of this type of insurance followed the increasing
acceptance of the compensation principle, until in 1920 the carriers
collected some $200,000,000 in premiums, more than twice the
amount of the entire premiums paid for all kinds of casualty insur-
ance in 1910. It was by far the most important of the lines of insur-
ance written by casualty companies.
Workmen's compensation insurance is written largely by stock-
insurance companies, but the organization of state funds, mutuals,
and reciprocals has intensified competition for the business. Fortu-
nately competition is in large measure regulated by cooperative
actien and state regulation, so that it had not the disastrous effects
which might otherwise have developed. It undoubtedly improved
the service offered to policy-holders.
Regulation of premium rates by the state was from the first an
important factor in the compensation business, which is held to be
affected with a greater public interest than are most other types of
insurance. At first this regulation took the form of approval of
rates as to adequacy, with the purpose of requiring carriers to col-
lect sufficient premiums so that there might be no question of their
ability to pay claims to injured workmen. Largely through the
operation of competition, approval as to adequacy has involved
approval as to reasonableness since rates charged in individual cases
tend to be the lowest permissible. The measurement of the hazard
of workmen's compensation insurance as expressed in terms of rates
is peculiarly difficult. In" the first instance the carriers had no expe-
rience of immediate value. Even after experience was acquired it
was difficult to make use of it, because of the great variation in laws
and conditions among the states and because of the frequent changes
in the laws of each state. Further, each industry and each plant
should be rated on its peculiar hazards.
The first rates, which were largely a matter of judgment, were too
high. Successive reduction and changes in conditions brought about
a rate-level which in 1916 was seen to be too low. The state depart-
ments of insurance and the carriers realized the necessity of revising
rates and of securing the widest possible basis of experience for the
revision. Compensation rates for the entire country were revised in
1917 by the Augmented Standing Committee, a group representing
all interests: companies, mutual companies, state funds, and state
departments of insurance. The success of this conference led to the
formation in 1918 of a continuing cooperative organization, repre-
sentative of the same' general interests. This organization, the
National Council on Workmen's Compensation Insurance, con-
ducted another general revision of rates in 1920. These rates,
with certain detailed changes, were in effect in 1921. In addition
to the national organizations, there were many state rating bu-
reaus which have control over the making and application of rates
in their respective states. All but one of these organizations co-
operated with the National Council. Where exclusive state funds
are in operation each state is, of course, a unit.
The rates of premium developed in the first instance were average
rates for each industry. Further account must be taken of the varia-
tion from the average of individual plants within the industry. This
is accomplished through the application of a system of merit rating,
consideration being given in most cases to the loss experience of the
individual plant and to the hazards of the plant as determined by
inspection of its physical features. Provision is made in compensa-
tion acts for the payment of compensation in periodical installments.
An insurance loss under a compensation policy may involve pay-
ments extending over a considerable length of time. To guarantee
the ability of the carrier to make such payments it is necessary that
a reserve be set up which shall be equivalent to their probable
amount. Such reserves are required by state law, and the rules for
their calculation have gradually been improved so that there was
in 1921 little question of their adequacy.
Automobile Insurance established itself during the years 1910-21
as a major department of the business. Net premiums received
during 1920 were estimated by The Insurance Field at $185,000,000.
Full coverage under automobile policies involves several hazards,
contracts being written to cover the risk of fire, theft, damage to
the insured's automobile through collision, liability for damage to the
property of others, and liability for personal injury. Fire and theft
insurance are written by fire and marine companies, personal lia-
bility by casualty companies, while collision and property-damage
insurance are written by both. In the West and South there are
many specialized automobile insurance companies writing all forms
of coverage. Combination contracts are frequently issued by a fire
and marine company and a casualty company under a cooperative ar-
rangement. The contract of each company is, however, independent.
The rapid development of this sort of insurance has carried with
it serious problems, particularly in the fields of theft and collision
where the moral hazard is peculiarly difficult to handle. Rates for
these coverages are high, and losses so serious that in 1921 it was
apparent that some means must be found to control the hazard.
Both casualty companies and fire and marine companies had their
separate organizations for discussion and for taking cooperative
action on automobile problems. The two organizations cooperate
closely in matters of common concern. In this way the contract
and rating methods have gradually been developed. It seems prob-
able that the loss problem will receive increasingly effective atten-
tion from these same organizations.
Accident and Health Insurance. Premiums of approximately
$92,000,000 were received for accident and health insurance in
1920. This was about three times the premiums of 1910, representing
largely an increase in the business of casualty companies, although
certain life-insurance companies have developed this field recently.
Two new forms of contract appeared which are of particular inter-
est. Accident and health insurance contracts may now be secured
without provision for cancellation by the insurance company. For-
merly contracts were written only on a one-year basis with provi-
sion for cancellation at any time by the insurer, and the bulk of the
business was in 1921 still so written. It was the practice of the
companies to cancel as soon as there was any evidence of a risk
becoming undesirable; consequently, many individuals needing this
type of insurance were unable to secure it. The new form insures
the continuance of the coverage. Another recent development is
group accident and health insurance, similar in its purposes and
methods to group life insurance, described in a preceding para-
graph. It is being used in many cases as supplemental to the limited
coverage provided by workmen's compensation laws which apply
only to occupational accidents. Many of the states have enacted
standard provisions to be incorporated in policies, some of them
compulsory and some optional. These laws nave introduced an ele-
ment of standardization into the contract but the schedules of
benefits still remain bewilderingly diverse.
Other Lines. During the years 1910-20 there were tremendous
increases in the business of bonding and of plate glass, burglary and
theft, and flywheel insurance. There were considerable increases in
steam boiler, title, credit, and live stock, and a decrease in work-
men's collective and employer's liability insurance.
Several new types of insurance appeared and attained positions
of more or less importance. Among these are strike insurance, cover-
ing loss of profit and expenses due to strikes of employees; aviation
insurance, covering hazards connected with the use of aeroplanes;
weather insurance, covering loss due to interference by rain with
public ceremonies, amusements, sales and other events; explosion
insurance; crop insurance, covering the failure of crops to reach the
marketable stage ; riot and civil commotion insurance ; and parcel post
insurance, covering losses of parcels sent by mail. (R. H. B.)
504
INTELLIGENCE, MILITARY
INTELLIGENCE, MILITARY. Under this generally accepted
designation may be considered the work of obtaining, collating
and interpreting information about an enemy or potential enemy,
and also the results of that work and the organization which
performs it. In practice, " negative " or " defensive " intelli-
gence, that is the countering of an enemy's efforts to obtain
intelligence, is also included, as explained ,below.
(A.) Intelligence Generally. Up to the last few years before
the World War the function of military intelligence was in no
way separated from staff work in general, nor regarded as a
specialty. Information as to actual or potential enemies has
pf course always been required, obtained and interpreted by
Governments and commanders in the field, and individual
officers have won great distinction in the wars of the past in
obtaining news of vital importance. The employment of spies
and the questioning of prisoners date from the earliest times of
military history. But such military intelligence was casual and
ad hoc rather than systematic. Even in Napoleon's day the
secret service of his empire was controlled by the Foreign Office
in Paris, whose information sometimes took weeks to reach the
army in the field. The more immediately useful information
furnished by local agents in the theatre of war was indeed or-
ganized and paid for within the army, and then, as now, it was
the duty of every subordinate commander to collect all possible
information and pass it to his superior. But of a regular intelli-
gence service as understood to-day there was no trace in Napole-
on's armies. The collection of information was the duty of
soldiers generally and the profession of spies habitual or tem-
porary, and its synthesis and interpretation were, in practice,
the business of the commander-in-chief himself aided by those
of his staff officers whom he chose to employ. Later, we find
from time to time " intelligence corps " formed for the obtain-
ing of information, but it still remains part of the functions of a
staff and, when specialized, a general staff to collate and to
interpret this information. Nevertheless, the very organization
of such corps or agencies for collecting information implies that
it is the business of some one, in charge of the corps or employ-
ing the agents, to receive the information that is obtained item
by item and to collate it, as well as to direct the efforts of his
corps or his agents to those localities where, or to those subjects
on which, special information (positive or negative) is wanted
by the commander.
In this sense Napoleon was served by an intelligence officer
of the first class Col. Bacler d'Albe, unknown to fame save as a
cartographer, but in fact the one assistant who was present when
Napoleon arrived at his great decisions in the field. Lying
prone on the outspread maps, compasses in hand, with D'Albe
at his elbow to inform him either as to topography or as to the
enemy's dispositions and order of battle, 1 Napoleon could handle
a changing situation day by day with all the certainty that the
means of communication of his day allowed. It has recently
been remarked that, to a Napoleon, an intelligence staff is more
indispensable than the operations staff, and the remark is his-
torically justified by the facts. For an operations staff is the
product of a military system that of Germany in which the
commander-in-chief is a sovereign who may not possess the
qualities of command but yet must command, and it has devel-
oped because the growing intricacy, of operations detail has
compelled an increase in the number of workers who collab-
orate with the normal commander-in-chief. A saying of Foch
is illuminating in this connexion. The great French marshal,
asked how Napoleon would conduct the western front cam-
paigns, replied: " Were he to return he would say 'you have
weapons, numbers, communications, aircraft, transport such
as I never possessed. Stand aside, all of you, and I will show
you.' But, now as then, he would have taken care to have his
Bacler d'Albe at his side."
In so intimate a union between the master of operations
and the intelligence officer, it may be assumed without direct
evidence that a man whose military judgment was matured by
the unique experience of watching Napoleon's brain arrive at
1 Bacler d'Albe kept a card index of enemy formations and units.
conclusions, and following his thoughts so as to be ready to
supply the data on which they fed, must have added the func-
tion of " interpretation " to those of collection and sifting.
In this word " interpretation " we reach the real differentia
between the ordinary system of military intelligence work in
the past and that developed in the World War.
Napoleon was his own operations staff, and Bacler d'Albe, in'J
his own person also, was the intelligence staff. But while, as
above mentioned, the operations work of a Napoleon came, in
the middle of the igth century, to be devolved upon an organ
known as the general staff there was no collateral development
on the intelligence side. It is true that within the general staff
a branch was usually set apart for intelligence work, and that
such organizations of secret agents as existed were controlled
by the general staff. Moreover, the study of foreign languages
came to be regarded as a valuable element in a staff officer's
equipment. But these things did not amount to providing the
command (or the operations staff, which is often the command
in commission) with the organ which should play Bacler d'Albe
to their Napoleon. France, with its " Deuxicme Bureau,"
came probably as near to that ideal as any country, but the
Deuxieme Bureau was discredited and shaken to its founda-
tions by the Dreyfus affair. Moreover, a new doctrine of the
relations between operations and intelligence, to be discussed
presently, was set up about 1912, which tended to impair its
usefulness still further. In Great Britain the reorganization
following upon the Esher report in 1904 provided that the direc-
torate of operations on the general staff should deal, section by
section, with intelligence and operations together; thus, the
section charged with preparing plans of operations against, say,
Turkey was responsible for all intelligence concerning Turkey.
In the field organization, both before and during the World
War, sufficient officers were allowed on the staff of each forma-
tion for one to devote himself principally to intelligence work,
and at G.H.Q. there was provided a " brigadier-general intelli-
gence " coequal with a "brigadier-general operations." But
any real specialization of function which grew up in the war was
due rather to the immense and unforeseen volume and complexity
of the information to be handled than to any change of doctrine.
If, in the higher staffs, officers were engaged on intelligence work
to the exclusion of every other activity, on the lower staffs it
was not so. To the very end of the war the theory that, in a
division, a G.S.O. 3rd grade (Intelligence) was the understudy
of the G.S.O. 2nd grade (Operations) was rigorously maintained,
and an " intelligence officer " so called, who was expected to be
nearly as familiar with doings on the German side of the wire
as an operations staff officer with those on his own side of it, was
looked upon as a technical assistant to the general staff rather
than as a member of it. The fact that the subjects on which
information was 'required were immensely extended in the war,
did not, and quite logically did not, involve any change of
doctrine any more than the appointment of a dozen extra
foreign correspondents to a newspaper staff affects the distinc-
tion between the news-getting and the editorial functions.
But the inclusion of " interpretation " as a function of the
intelligence staff de facto if not de jure marks a difference in
kind. Once this is admitted and carried to its logical conclusion,
certain officers are told off to live, mentally, in the enemy's
camp, to form and to convey to the commander working ideas
of the opponent's life, mentality and routine, to vivify the
specific facts gleaned by them or by others. An epigram
current in the British intelligence service during the war admir-
ably sums up the new r61e: "The intelligence officer's job is to
command the enemy's army."
This is what interpretation implies. The facts have to be
given not merely a meaning, but their true meaning, or as near
an approximation thereto as possible. It is an old, but fre-
quently misleading, maxim of war that a commander should ask
himself what he would do if he were in the enemy's place. The
real question is: How will the situation strike the enemy, given
his organization, upbringing, habits of mind and predispositions?
If, for example, in the third week of Aug. 1914 Hindenburg and
INTELLIGENCE, MILITARY
505
Ludendorff had acted on the supposition that the enemy would
do what they in his place would do, Tannenbcrg would probably
never have been fought, or, if fought, would have been merely a
battle to gain time. As it was, when pros and cons were prac-
tically in equilibrium and the fate of East Prussia depended on
the choice made, one thing turned the scale a conviction
derived from intimate knowledge of the Russian army, that in
spite of recent reforms and of the evident war-readiness of the
enemy, slowness was an inherent character of his leadership.
But for this, the decision to leave a mere handful of cavalry in
front of Rennenkampf's advancing army, and to concentrate
every available rifle and gun against Samsonov, would have
been simply trusting to luck, and although luck must always
play a part in war, it is the art of command, whether the com-
mand be personal or in commission, to reduce this part to a
minimum. 1
To answer the question, then, the commander and his opera-
tions assistants must have an intelligence staff which will con-
stantly supply them with a picture of enemy movements, posi-
tions and intentions. To construct this picture a high degree of
military training is necessary, especially in the senior ranks, and
the personnel in these ranks must be drawn from the same sources
and trained to the same level as similar personnel on the opera-
tions staff. But, given this equipment, the intelligence staff
officer need have little knowledge of current events and inten-
tions on his own side. The fewer his prepossessions the better.
On this point there has been in the past not a little contro-
versy. In the French command regulations of 1913 it was laid
down that the duty of intelligence was to seek for information
on the topics and in the directions indicated by the command.
In all armies, this principle was accepted so far as cavalry recon-
naissance was concerned, the capacities of that arm, and its
fragility (exhaustion of horses) made it essential that its activ-
ity should be directed to obtaining definite answers to specific
questions. The same applies to some extent to information-
gathering by other front agencies. And so far as they are con-
cerned the wisdom of the doctrine is unquestionable. In a local
tactical situation the presence of enemy forces in certain posi-
tions, or their movements in certain directions, can as a rule
bear only one meaning. But it is altogether different in the
case of groupings and movements of major importance. Here
data, even if complete and still more if incomplete, may be wholly
misleading unless interpreted by men both qualified in respect
of military judgment and also free from preconceived ideas.
Instead of placing the intelligence staff in the position of the
enemy, with instructions to compile a picture of his grouping
and intentions, the doctrine embodied in the French regulations
fetters it by compelling it to start from prepossessions. It is to
this principally that must be attributed the miscalculations of
the French intelligence in Aug. 1914 miscalculations that were
nearly fatal to France. It was assumed a priori that only first-
line troops would be employed by the Germans, and the Deux-
ieme Bureau directed its efforts to identifying the various
active army corps as they stood in the strategic deployment.
In this it succeeded, but the presence of many duplicate corps
of reserves, bearing the same numbers and assembled in the
same areas as their parent active corps respectively, passed
unnoticed Thus the strength of the enemy's troupes de choc
came to be estimated on the eve of battle at 40 divisions, where-
as in reality there were 68.
When the intelligence staff is regarded as the mirror of the
enemy the risk of such miscalculation is minimized. The
mirror may be dark at times, and a priori reasoning by the com-
mand may then be necessary to supplement the picture, but
that is a very different matter from drawing a picture for the
intelligence staff to fill in. One argument, and one only, in
favour of coloured intelligence was and is tempting the
1 As an example of the reverse, the battle of Worth in 1870 may
be quoted. If, in the circumstances described in 28.834, there had
been present on the German side any commander or staff officer
with an intimate knowledge of the habits of the French army,
the battle would never have been fought.
psychological. General Berthelot has admitted that in the
information given by French G.H.Q. to subordinate command-
ers the enemy forces were sometimes deliberately understated
so as not to alarm the recipients. Such a proceeding the risks
of which are obvious is equally conceivable as between an
intelligence staff and a command staff. But it is the less likely
in proportion as the intelligence staff is allowed to disinterest
itself in the events and intentions of its own side. And although
it may sometimes be in the general interest that a subordinate's
local fears should be overcome by means of a subterfuge, a
G.H.Q. must always face the facts. That is the essential
quality of its supreme responsibility. Correspondingly, the
command is entitled to insist on the facts being presented to it.
The intelligence staff need not of course produce at every
moment the mass of small items on which its " appreciation " is
based, nor should this appreciation be liable to be overruled by a
different interpretation of the same evidence on the part of the
command (herein its position differs from that of an operations
staff). But it cannot expect the " appreciation " to be accepted
unless it possesses the confidence of the command, and there is no
surer way of forfeiting this than by crying " wolf " too often. 2
In this modern conception of military intelligence it is evident
that the chief of intelligence bears a responsibility that is only
less than that of the commander-in-chief or his deputy, the
chief of the general staff. The personal rank of the head of
the intelligence branch may be high or may be comparatively
low, the numerical strength of the organization that he controls
may vary from a dozen or two to some thousands not including
" agents " in either case and the scope of the work may be
purely military and local or may cover almost the whole military,
political, industrial and economic field as it did in the World
War. But whatever his rank, his system and his scope in any
particular case, his function is unlike that of any other branch
of the staff. He " commands the enemy's army," that is, he
interprets to the best of his ability that independent will over
which the commander-in-chief exercises no authority.
The collection, sifting and interpretation of data concerning
the enemy's resources, movements and intentions constitute
what is usually called " offensive " or " positive " intelligence.
There is another branch of intelligence work known as " defen-
sive " or " negative " intelligence, but which might more correct-
ly be called counter-intelligence This consists in preventing the
enemy from obtaining, or at least from gathering in, the data
for his own offensive intelligence. Within its scope fall, besides
the obvious task of detecting spies, preventive measures of
various kinds such as the enforcement of discretion within one's
own army, and the registration of aliens' movements. In some
cases, as in Great Britain, the convenience of having all secret
services handled by a single staff has produced the combination
of counter-intelligence work with that part of offensive intel-
ligence which operates by secret means. Collectively, this
service is known in the British organization as Intelligence B
or I(b), in contradistinction to Intelligence A or I(a) which
obtains information openly and collates and interprets all
" offensive intelligence " material however obtained.
(B.) Positive Intelligence. The gathering, synthesis and
interpretation of intelligence in war are all more difficult than
in peace. The work of agents in a belligerent country becomes
difficult as well as dangerous. A state at war brings into opera-
tion all the mechanism of counter-intelligence, and while the
mere collection of facts is perhaps easier because of the pre-
dominance and priority of military over other elements in the
national life, the transmission of these facts to the intelligence
office which counts them is exceedingly difficult. In the field of
operations, information at once becomes more plentiful than
2 It goes without saying that this confidence can also be forfeited
when events show that the enemy's situation has been presented
in too unfavourable a light, but the more thoroughly the intelligence
staff absorbs the enemy's " atmosphere " the less likely this is to
happen, since there are few situations in war in which one side is more
confident than the other is anxious; moreover, the less the intelli-
gence staff is exposed to the pressure of its own side's " atmosphere "
the less it is likely to make the wish the father of the thought.
506
INTELLIGENCE, MILITARY
trustworthy, and at the same time has to be synthesized in an
atmosphere of hurry and high tension, and interpreted, often
without waiting for checks and confirmations, for a commander-
in-chief who may well hesitate to stake everything on its accuracy.
Nevertheless, during the World War the service of military
intelligence reached a level of accuracy and usefulness that it
had never reached in any previous war. This success was due
(a) to the rapidity of modern means of communication, (ft) to
the enormous volume of the data obtained, and (c) to the rapid
development of aviation. These causes taken together both
compelled and justified an elaborate organization of the intelli-
gence service both in War Offices and in field armies.
In considering the organization it is better to ignore the dis-
tinction between War Office and G.H.Q., and to differentiate,
instead, between the central intelligence system of which cer-
tain branches and representatives live and work at G.H.Q.,
others in Allied and neutral countries and the rest at the War
Office and the field intelligence system. The central intelli-
gence system in all cases carries out all the processes collec-
tion, synthesis, interpretation in connexion with the enemy's
forces, recruiting and losses, internal condition and moral, eco r
nomic condition, armament and equipment. When there are
several important theatres of war, it is also the final focus of
information, and interpreting authority, for the enemy's order
of battle, and organization, distribution of force to the different
theatres, inter-theatre movements, general plan of campaign,
military moral, quality of troops, characteristics of leaders and
tactical methods. It is, further, the authority responsible for
passing information derived from one theatre to other theatres
so far as it concerns them. To it belong all organs of the secret
service and the counter-intelligence service together known in
Great Britain as I(b) whether working in a theatre of war
or not. It is an open question whether counter-intelligence
(which lives mentally on its own side of the line) and positive
intelligence (which lives on the enemy's) should logically form
part of the same organization, but it is clear in any case that all
branches of intelligence which employ secret means of news-
gathering should belong to one system, which is the central.
To field intelligence, on the other hand, belong essentially
the study, within the theatre of war, of enemy plans, as revealed
by his distribution of force, movements, and front and rear
works. If the theatre of war is single, some functions normally
" central " such as moral, order of battle, tactical methods
may come within its scope. Indeed there may be campaigns
in which field intelligence absorbs central intelligence com-
pletely. In the past, with imperfect means of liaison between
home and headquarters, this was often the case even in European
campaigns, while as regards warfare in undeveloped countries it
is often so still. But in war on the scale of the World War, in
which the front and the rear, the soldier and the citizen, the
gunner and the scientist, react upon one another incessantly, it
was imperative to organize the intelligence service effectively,
if not formally on the basis of a central system for the whole
and a field system for each theatre. This logical distinction
does not mean that central intelligence and field intelligence
operate in watertight compartments. Each is indispensable to
the other in a dozen ways. For instance, at the very least half
of the data used by central intelligence in determining the enemy's
battle order are obtained by field intelligence, and central intelli-
gence, through interrogations of rapatries and refugees, con-
tributes essential details to the stock of field intelligence.
The Central Intelligence System. We may now consider the
several elements which make up the work of central intelligence.
The enemy's order of battle is the most important of all
classes of intelligence. It forms the foundation upon which is
based the greater part of intelligence, reasoning and calculation.
Once it is established, variations both of organization and of
plan can be followed almost day by day. Forming as it does
the framework upon which the enemy's units are built up into
armies, it is so rigidly respected in practice that from the cap-
ture of three soldiers it may be not only possible but safe to
deduce the pressure of a division at A. and incidentally its with-
drawal from its previous position at B., even though these
soldiers remain silent under questioning. To the layreader it
may seem a simple and obvious course for the enemy command
to delude intelligence by constant changes in the order of battle.
So it is. But such changes seriously impair efficiency, and as a
rule " the game is not worth the candle." This was preemin-
ently true of the German army in the World War. Except at
certain crises, in which the only possible course was to seize a
battalion here and a brigade there and fling it into the fight, the
German order of battle was built up in perfectly logical sequence
from the original 25 army corps of peace-time, and, once built
up, was maintained till the summer of 1918.
The strength, recruiting and losses of the enemy are studied
minutely by organs of the central intelligence both in the field
and at home. The sources are, amongst others, statistical
enquiries in the prisoners' camps or cages, captured documents,
agents' reports from the interior of the enemy's country and the
demographic and industrial statistics collected both in peace
and in war. Strength is measured partly by multiplying aver-
age unit and divisional strengths found in establishing and main-
taining the enemy's "order of battle," partly by watching the
calling-up of recruit classes in the enemy's home territory.
Field strength in relation to available man-power is estimated
by careful work on economic data, on the munitions legislation
of the enemy's country, by reading letters from home found on
prisoners and generally by synthesizing and interpreting very
miscellaneous data. An estimate of losses of course forms an
essential ingredient of strength estimates and this is formed by
studying published casualty lists, working on captured returns,
and " analysing " prisoners. This statistical examination of
prisoners (if these are available in large numbers) is very valu-
able, as it shows the composition of typical units of the enemy,
his system of replacing casualties, and his man-power.
In the study of the enemy's general plan of campaign, his
allocation of force to different theatres and his inter-theatre
movements, the data are obtained both by organs of the central
intelligence and by the intelligence systems in the field; they
undergo, as they pass to the central system, a process of gradual
synthesis and crystallization. Other data of a collateral kind
come from the political and economic intelligence systems,
which are, or should be, asked to contribute not mere data
(i.e. items), but considered interpretations of the political or
economic situation. In these, the highest levels of intelligence
work, only the head of the service and a few of his closest and
most responsible assistants are concerned; its importance can
scarcely be exaggerated, and the synthesis must be so sound
that the interpretation can bear the anxious cross-examination
of the command and the Cabinet.
Intelligence work on enemy armament and equipment differ
somewhat from other branches in that it deals with concrete
objects rather than with estimates and appreciations, and
moreover requires the services of technicians, either as per-
manent members of intelligence or as consultants. In its nature
this work belongs to the central system. Enemy material is of
interest as indicating (a) the scale and principles upon which
the opponent is armed, (b) new weapons or apparatus, and
modifications of old ones, which may be worth copying and in
any case have to be reckoned with, (c) the state of the enemy's
munition industries with regard to raw materials, with as its
corollary the appearance of new industrial processes. In each
of these cases as indeed in all intelligence work the essence
of success is continuous collection of and systematic reporting
on varied items. Thus, a new shell used by the enemy may be
reconstructed from fragments even before an unexploded speci-
men is obtained. A new pattern of gun though it uses a fa-
miliar shell may betray itself by the number and inclination of
grooves engraved in the driving band, by a " shelling con-
nexion " established between the battery position and the point
of impact and by other methods. Fuzes even percussion
fuzes have a story to tell to the expert, and cast-iron pro-
jectiles, chlorate explosives, paper machine-gun belts, steel car-
tridge cases, interest the economist who is studying the enemy's
INTELLIGENCE, MILITARY
507
industrial condition. But the technical expert often needs the
resources of a well-equipped proving ground or laboratory to
enable him to carry out his examination, while the economist
has to consider the items just enumerated in relation to other
data not necessarily concrete, such as the enemy's internal and
imported supplies of raw material, his manufacturing equip-
ment and his industrial discoveries. But although it will be
seen from the above that command intelligence belongs essen-
tially to the central system, the role of the forward intelligence
officer in collection of data is of prime importance since he alone
can educate the soldier to realize the value of the " souvenir "
and even of the unconsidered trifle that seems not worth picking
up. It must not be forgotten that it is very largely on such
things that armament intelligence has to work, guns and appa-
ratus are not captured every day.
Field Intelligence. As the scope of field intelligence, in the
narrow sense, there remains the study of enemy plans and of
the ground within its own theatre of war. To this the central
intelligence system contributes all necessary battle order infor-
mation synthesized and interpreted; topographical information
as up to date as possible; the estimate that it has formed of the
enemy's strength: the deductions as to the general intentions of
the enemy that it has arrived at from studying his military,
economic and political and moral conditions; and any technical
matters of tactical importance, such as the probability of a new
gas being used. But with all these aids, the task of field intelli-
gence remains an exceedingly heavy one. It is concerned
with the tactical situation of every part of the front, in detail.
Trenches, dugouts, machine-gun emplacements, trench-mortar
emplacements, battery positions have to be watched day by day
for new work or for signs of evacuation. Rear areas have to be
studied to discover the creation or abandonment of dumps,
sidings, aerodromes and wireless masts and above all for indica-
tions of movement. An accurate picture in detail of the enemy's
defence system has to be formed and information obtained to
amplify or correct that already on the maps, as the basis of any
local attack scheme. And, over and above all this, field intelli-
gence provides, by means of its wire organs, much of the battle
order and other material upon which central intelligence builds
'P its appreciations.
The organization of the field intelligence service, during the
war period, was improvised, and suffered from the defects of
improvisation. Intelligence staffs were never truly separated
from operations staffs, and within the intelligence branch itself
there were distinctions of status and prospects between " staff
officers " proper and " intelligence officers " which were all the
more invidious as staff status was given in very numerous cases
to officers engaged in administrative work pure and simple. In
the case of the French army, intelligence officers were not even
given military titles, being styled " interpreters." But apart
from questions of status, the tendency to multiply intelligence
staffs at every headquarters was wasteful of personnel and
energy, led to much duplication of work and also to unnecessary
circulation of the raw material of intelligence. In the lower
formations the daily intelligence summary, which dealt with
its own side's operations as well as with the enemy's, came to be
regarded as an internal communique or local newspaper, instead
of being treated as the raw material which in fact it was. Aero-
plane photographs too, which require a special expertise to make
them practically useful, were distributed broadcast. Intelli-
gence should, of course, issue the results of its work to every
branch and person concerned, but the processes by which it
reaches these conclusions, and still more the undigested material
on which these processes are set to work, are useless and mostly
quite uninteresting to the soldier in the line.
The term Ground Reconnaissance, formerly confined to
reconnaissance of terrain as against reconnaissance of enemy
movements, is now used to denote reconnaissance of any kind
carried out by troops on the ground as against that carried out by
aircraft. Though the advent and perfection of the aeroplane
have revolutionized the art of reconnaissance, the necessity for
reconnaissance on the ground has not disappeared, for the
aeroplane has its limitations and there is much information
which can only be obtained by troops working on the ground.
An aeroplane photographic reconnaissance will enable a pic-
torial view of the country to be got in a short space of time, and
these photographs, especially if the country has previously been
mapped, will be very valuable; but of such details as the configur-
ation of the ground, the practicability of roads, the depth of
streams, the penetrability of woods, the aeroplane photograph
will give no information at all, or at best information which can
be obtained more certainly by reconnaissance on the ground.
Before an attack invaluable information may be and is obtained
by air reconnaissance of the positions to be assaulted, but it is
still necessary for the forward troops to push out patrols to
reconnoitre the ground and for personal reconnaissance to be
made by those to whom the actual attack is entrusted, though
they will be able to reconnoitre the ground to better purpose and
with greater safety from the knowledge that has already been
obtained by air reconnaissance.
Reconnaissance differs in its methods in open and position
warfare, but in both the principles are the same. It has two
objects: to prevent the enemy's obtaining information about
the belligerent in whose behalf the reconnaissance is made
that is, protective or negative reconnaissance and the obtain-
ing of specified information about the enemy, which may be
called active or positive reconnaissance. In open warfare the
first is carried out by the screen either of cavalry or infantry or
both which is sent out by the commander to deny the enemy
observation of the movements of this main body; in position
warfare by the first-trench system, or according to later ideas by
the organization of a forward zone masking the " Battle Zone "
where the real resistance would be put up. The second object
of reconnaissance is brought about by the driving in of the
enemy's protective system and so obtaining contact with his
main body, or by the employment of patrols and scouting parties,
whose object is to obtain timely information with a minimum
of deployment. Position warfare involves a state of continual
contact, that is, the protective screens of both armies are always
facing each other at close quarters. In open warfare, especially
when armies are operating over large extents of territory, ma-
noeuvre is necessary if the protective screens, to say nothing of
the main bodies, are to come into contact with each other.
The objects of ground reconnaissance are varied. It may be
purely topographical, that is, it may be concerned with the
acquisition of unmapped information about the ground in antic-
ipation of movement over or occupation of that ground. It
may be tactical (that is, it will endeavour to discover the posi-
tions held by the enemy and the strength and distribution of
this defence), or it may be concerned with the obtaining of
"identifications" (that is, information about the troops of the
enemy in line, either by the capture of prisoners or of documents) .
Air Reconnaissance, in spite of certain limitations, has many
advantages, however, over ground work. One of the latter is
its greater freedom. Machine-guns impede ground reconnais-
sance much more effectively than A.A. weapons and hostile
aircraft impede air reconnaissance. Moreover a greater area of
ground can be covered in a shorter space of time. By means of
messages dropped at prearranged stations or by wireless, infor-
mation- can be sent back in a minimum of time; and, since the
observer in an aeroplane sees the ground as a map and so can
easily " pinpoint " what he sees, positions of troops, etc. can be
given with a greater accuracy than is possible to the ground
observer. In the watching and control of enemy reserves air-
craft can perform services which are not possible for any other
means of reconnaissance. Contact with the enemy cannot at
present be obtained by the use of the aeroplane; but, owing to
the fact that the aeroplane can penetrate the protective screen
of the enemy and observe the movements of his main forces, a
type of contact can be obtained from the air with greater effi-
ciency than from the ground.
The use of the aeroplane camera makes air reconnaissance
even more valuable than it would otherwise be. Owing to the
height and also the speed of the aeroplane, many details escape
508
INTELLIGENCE, MILITARY
the eye of the keenest observer. The use of the camera almost
eliminates the personal factor. All that is necessary is that the
observer should be able to manipulate the camera and have
sufficient knowledge of the map to take the photographs at the
correct moment. The image of the ground on the plate is very
quickly developed and printed, and studied under favourable
conditions away from danger of enemy fire. Aeroplane photo-
graphs became more and more important during the World
War. Cameras were improved; the men whose task it was to
interpret the photographs after they were taken became more
and more expert; and the possibilities of their work became
more fully realized. At first several difficulties had to be faced,
the chief of which were mist and vibration. The mist in the
atmosphere rendered the photographs taken so indistinct as to
be almost useless. But by the use of filters (that is pieces of
tinted glass or celluloid placed next to the camera lens), it was
found that photographs could be taken through a mist which
the human eye could not pierce. Vibration caused more diffi-
culty. The danger that, through the throbbing of the engine, the
camera might be tilted while the photograph was being taken,
was finally eliminated by the use of rubber cushions which
absorbed the vibration of the aeroplane.
In addition to the important photographic reconnaissance,
other types of air reconnaissance were used during the war.
Each dawn and dusk, and at other times when conditions made
it necessary, reconnaissances were carried out by powerful
machines. Their principal duties were to keep close watch of
road and rail movements of the enemy. Since these movements
mostly took place during the night, dawn and dusk were the
times when results were most likely to be obtained. The day-
to-day results of the reconnaissance were plotted in " activity
maps " which made it possible to gauge the normal movement
in any railway line on the battle-front, and so, with the aid of
collateral information, to establish conclusions as to significant
abnormalities. Another type peculiar to position warfare was
the trench reconnaissance. This was carried out by an aero-
plane flying low over the trench lines. It had for its object
the discovery of the state of the enemy's defences, what portions
of the line he was holding, the location of machine-guns and
trench mortars, and all those numerous details a knowledge of
which was required in carrying out an attack or raid on strongly
organized positions.
" Artillery " air reconnaissance was primarily intended to
counteract the effects of the enemy's artillery fire on one's own
troops. Flying backwards and forwards along the battle-front,
the airman watched carefully for the fire of enemy batteries.
When a battery opened fire, its position was signalled by
wireless, and it was promptly engaged by the counter battery.
One of the chief difficulties with which a commander has to
contend during an attack is the difficulty of knowing quickly
how far the attack has succeeded and to what distance his
troops have penetrated the enemy lines. The aeroplane there-
fore has a useful function in maintaining contact with attacking
troops. In the World War machines carrying out this duty
were called " Contact Patrols." They were not intended for
fighting purposes, but to determine the position of the attacking
troops. In open warfare the aeroplane landed in or near the
forward positions and received an account of the situation
from the troops themselves. But when this was impossible pre-
arranged signals of various kinds were given by the foremost
troops to show their position. A good airman worked without
any help from the ground troops. He would fly at a low alti-
tude, sometimes as low as 50 ft., along several miles of front, and
place correctly the position of all the forward troops. To deter-
mine the position of the enemy and also to discover in what
direction counter-attacks were maturing the airman had to rely
on his powers of observation. Such work was often very dan-
gerous, since it necessitated flying low over the enemy. Various
signals were devised by means of which the aeroplane could
inform the infantry of an expected counter-attack. The duty
of watching for such threats was sometimes assigned to a separa'te
counter-attack patrol; but more usually it fell to the contact
patrol itself. Having obtained his information the pilot's
object was to give that information as speedily as possible to
those who needed it. He did this as a rule by dropping a mes-
sage or a marked map at a prearranged station; or he landed at
a headquarters and explained the situation in detail to the com-
mander; or he returned to his aerodrome where an officer of the
intelligence staff interrogated him and telephoned or telegraphed
his information to those whom it concerned.
Detecting Agencies. Differing from reconnaissance princi-
pally in the absence of " contact," but otherwise analogous, are
those means of obtaining information which may be called
collectively detecting agencies. These are visual or instrumen-
tal, and in some cases a combination of the two. V'sual observa-
tion for intelligence purposes differs from the ordinary watch-
ing duties of sentries in that it is an organized service partly
or wholly under intelligence control for the observation and
recording of all enemy activity within the range of vision of the
front-line observation post, the tree or belfry behind the line,
or the captive balloon in which the observer is stationed. Its
records go into the common stock of tactical intelligence material,
its work is facilitated by a special equipment of maps, tele-
scopes, etc., and its various elements are so placed and co-
ordinated that the exact location of the enemy activity recorded
(e.g. digging) can be fixed by intersection. In its most precise
form, observation becomes " flash-spotting," that is, the loca-
tion of an enemy battery position by simultaneous observations
of a gun-flash from two, three or more visual posts provided
with goniometers and connected electrically with a central where
the result' of the intersections is plotted. Flares, Very lights and
searchlights to facilitate night observation, are aids to defensive
sentries, not to " positive " intelligence.
Detection by instruments (other than the usual flash-spotting
in which, after all, the quickness and accuracy of the observer
is the main thing) is automatic. Instruments are disposed to
receive, transform and transmit impulses from outside, and the
human element (except in instruments of the geophone class
used in mining) is only introduced at the " central " or exchange
station i.e. at the point of synthesis, and not in collection.
Such are sound-ranging installations, wireless interception and
direction-finding apparatus, and electrical listening-posts. AL
contribute to the common stock, and each affords collatera
checks called by the French reconpements or " intersections '
on the data provided by the rest, or by reconnaissance proper,
or from other sources.
Interpretation. It remains briefly to outline the way in which
these means are used to answer the three questions that interest
the command at the front: (i) What are the enemy's disposi-
tions, (2) what and where are his defences and other installations,
and (3) what are his intentions? The third of these questions is
really the interpretation of the other two. It depends on
military knowledge, on flair, and especially on an exact appre-
ciation of what constitutes normal and what abnormal " activ-
ity." The first and second questions only concern us here.
Enemy Dispositions in the World War. The Allied and Ger-
man armies on the western front faced each other with only a
small space of ground between them. Except when an attack
was in progress contact was maintained by frequent raids into
the enemy lines, by means of which prisoners and documents
were captured. The units to which prisoners belonged was
revealed by their pay-books and identification discs. German
prisoners were, moreover, usually willing to state the units who
were occupying the line, as well as the general dispositions for
holding it. In trench warfare, then, provided that raids were
frequently and successfully carried out, the problem of identi-
fying the troops in line was not difficult.
The problem of the grouping and location of enemy reserves
is far harder. It is similar in open and position warfare with
the important exception that in open warfare the proportion of
undeployed, undisclosed reserves is, on the whole, higher. Even
if the intelligence service of an army is able to locate the re-
serves of the enemy, it does not follow that it will be able infal-
libly to predict the enemy's intentions or area of attack. The
INTELLIGENCE, MILITARY
509
concentration may lie in an area where movement in several
directions is equally easy, as in the German concentration on
the Mezieres transversal in March 1918. But the less an
intelligence service knows about the location of the enemy
reserves, the more danger is there of a surprise.
For the watching of the enemy reserves there are four chief
sources of information: the statements of prisoners and deserters,
:aptured documents and correspondence, agents' reports, and the
interception of enemy wireless messages. Much of this information
is of an uncertain character and powers of deduction and imagina-
tion are necessary to piece together and coordinate the mass of
material.
(a) When frequent contact is maintained it is easy to discover
what new formations have arrived in line and what formations have
gone into reserve. Prisoners can sometimes give information about
the movements of the unit or formation they have relieved. They
may also be able to say what formations they have seen in the
journey to the line and what formations were grouped in the area
from which they have moved.
(6) Captured documents and correspondence are of high value.
Even a small attack results in the capture of many documents. The
facilities with which maps and documents can now be produced has
resulted in the issue of numerous orders, instructions and summaries;
as regards maps, the contrast with previous wars is even more marked.
In 1870 the Government of National Defence at Bordeaux was only
able with difficulty to assemble one set of 1/80,000 maps of France
for reproduction and issue to staffs, whereas nowadays a single divi-
sion going into line may receive as much as a ton of maps. One of
the most fruitful sources of information is letters written from men
of formations in reserve to their comrades in line, which often reveal
the location of an unidentified reserve.
(c) The work of agents is dealt with in another part of this article.
The usefulness of agents in matters of tactical intelligence varies
according to the kind of warfare which is being fought. In a war
where the opposing armies are manreuvring over a large tract of
country and where the front is not fixed, the passing of agents across
the lines and their return with the information gained is compara-
tively easy. On the other hand information becomes out of date
far more quickly in manoeuvre warfare than in position warfare.
On the contrary, when the front is fixed, as in the late war, the pass-
age of agents is more difficult but their information holds good
for a longer time.
(d) The picking up of enemy wireless messages is also a fruitful
source of information. These messages are in cipher, 1 and can
sometimes be deciphered quickly enough to yield useful informa-
tion. But in any case the positions of enemy wireless masts can be
discovered by means of direction-finding wireless and valuable
deductions can be drawn from their groupings and activity, even if
not one of the intercepted messages can be decoded. At one period
in the campaign of 1918, a silent battle of which few were aware
was fought between wireless intelligence and wireless " Camou-
flage " so called, in which one side sought now successfully, now in
vain, to mislead the other by varying the positions of masts and the
volume of traffic.
Enemy Works and Installations. Information about the de-
fensive system and the organizations of the enemy is obtained
from reconnaissance, and to some extent from (b) sources, but
the most fertile and certain source of information is the aero-
plane photograph. Aeroplane photographs are of two types,
the oblique and the vertical. Those of the first type are taken
from heights of 200 to 1,000 ft. with a tilted camera. Taken at
a 1,000 ft. they show the ground as it would appear to an
observer from the top of a mountain. Not much detail is visible,
but an excellent idea of the general lie of the land is given.
Taken at a lower altitude, such details as trench construction,
loopholes and machine-gun emplacements, entrances to dugouts,
roads, trees and hedges are apparent. The more important
type of photograph, however, is the vertical, that is, a photo-
graph taken from directly above, with the camera pointing
straight downwards. The appearance of objects on the vertical
photograph is stranger, and puzzling to the uninitiated student.
All objects are seen from above, so that only their tops and
shadows are visible. Everything is seen in plan as on a map and
to be able to appreciate a vertical photograph one must, so far
as circumstances permit, accustom oneself to see the ground
from above, and in any case cultivate a sympathetic under-
standing of maps as maps.
Vertical photographs may be taken at almost any height.
If taken too low the result may be blurred owing to movement,
1 In the earlier campaigns of the war, strange to say, messages in
clear were sent on several important occasions.
but clear photographs may be obtained from 2,000 to 20,000 ft.
The scale of the photograph varies according to the height at
which the photograph is taken and the focal length (that is the
distance between the lens of the camera and the photographic
plate) of the camera used.
Different types of cameras are used according to the scale of
photograph required. If a forward trench system is required
to be photographed a short focal-length camera (say 8 in. or
10 in.) will be used on a machine flying at a low altitude (say
6,000), so as to get a photograph on a comparatively large scale.
On an extensive photographic reconnaissance of an area some
miles behind the line, where the object is to get photographs of a
large area, not for study in detail, but to discover what con-
structive work is engaging the enemy, a " wide-angle " type of
camera (i.e. a camera of short focal length, but, since the photo-
graphs are taken at a great height, [15,000 ft. to 18,000 ft.,] on a
full plate, show a large area on a small scale) is employed.
With this type of camera a larger area can be covered in a short
time. If these wide-angle photographs show details of which a
more thorough examination is desirable, large-scale photographs
can be taken from a height of 15,000 ft. and more with a long
focal-length camera (20 in. or even 48 in.) which will show clearly
small dumps of material or even the actual barrels of guns.
In working on aeroplane photos there are two stages, the
reading of the photo (often called interpretation, though the
word is avoided here as having been used in another significance
in this article) and its " annotation," that is, the redrawing of
its indications in map form for the use of the army generally.
Aeroplane photographs record colours and accidents of the
ground (such as bare earth, vegetation, woods, etc.) in terms of
light and shade. The ground appears as a simple or complex
pattern, in black, grey and white. Though the aeroplane
photographic plate is affected by colour, that effect is not so
marked as the effect of texture and shadow. For instance, a
stretch of dry earth which to the eye appears dark will appear
almost white on the photograph. The reason for this is that
being smooth it has no texture or contained shadow, and con-
sequently reflects light. Vegetation, on the other hand, which
to the eye appears light will photographically be at the dark
end of the scale because of its texture and contained shadow.
It absorbs rather than reflects light. So when the nature of
objects in an aeroplane photograph is to be determined colours
must be judged principally in relation to texture. Ti, > ground
must be visualized vertically not obliquely. .
The reading of aeroplane photographs, which necessitate ? a
keen, trained eye, consists in the " spotting " of the r.umeroL ;
details which the photograph contains; its annotation, which is
in effect the labelling of the various objects shown, presupposes
ability to appreciate these details and their relative importance
in the enemy's system of defence and organization. When a
detail has been discovered, the examiner of the photograph
must decide its probable nature and its role and importance in
the enemy's system of defence, offence or supply. Details are
often very similar in photographs and their nature can only be
discovered by considering them in relation to their position and
the surrounding details as well as in relation to the current
tactical practices of the enemy. The reading and translation of
aeroplane photographs indeed is not a solitary science. The
interdependence of all branches of intelligence work has already
been emphasized and certainly this is no exception. Many
details can be seen on photographs and their nature determined
from photographs alone; but there is much that will be doubtful
and must be reexamined in the light of prisoners' statements,
ground and air observations, captured documents and captured
maps. Conversely, the aeroplane photograph may supply miss-
ing links in a chain partially established otherwise.
Unlike photographs taken obliquely, which convey some-
thing to the merest novice, the vertical photograph must b^
carefully studied before it reveals its secrets. Only the tops of
objects and their shadows are visible and it is only through the
latter that the nature of many objects seen on a photograph
can be determined. All objects have shadows. On a dull day
INTELLIGENCE, MILITARY
they may not be apparent to the naked eye, but they always
show clearly on a photograph. The first step, therefore, in
examining a photograph is to discover from what direction the
light is coming, that is, the position of the sun in relation to the
photograph. This can always be discovered by examining the
shadow cast by some known object such as a house or a tree.
By a study of shadow not only can we discover whether an
object has height or depth, but we can also get much valuable
information about its shape and size. Thorough familiarity
with the effects of shadows is in fact an absolute essential to the
correct study and easy appreciation of aeroplane photographs.
Photographs must be examined systematically, detail by
detail, and frequent comparison of photographs taken on differ-
ent dates made. If a day's photographs are examined alone,
many small details will be missed, and it is impossible to follow
progress in the construction of enemy works, and to note in-
crease and decrease in the size of enemy's dumps and aerodromes,
etc., so important in studying enemy intentions.
Aeroplane photographs are of greatest value in position war-
fare. In open warfare their use is not so great. Armies ad-
vance over areas of so great an extent that it is often impossible
to take photographs and get the information from them before
the area photographed has ceased to be of interest. Moreover,
the defences conducted in open warfare are usually of so simple
a nature as not to be visible in photographs. Machine guns are
concealed in hedges or in the windows of houses, guns are fired
in the open from sunken roads and the edges of woods. Pro-
tection is obtained by the utilization of natural cover. Such
positions if they were occupied for any time would (unless elabor-
ately camouflaged) betray themselves by the tracks made by
men or vehicles approaching them; but if they are only occupied
for a short period these tracks do not form. In open warfare
therefore much more valuable results are obtained from air-
men's reports than from their cameras. It is only when the
enemy makes a stand for a few days on a definite line that photo-
graphs become valuable. During the first part of the German
retreat from the Somme to the Hindenburg position in March
1917 air photographs were of little value. When however the
British troops were held up by an outpost line in front of the
main Hindenburg position photographs again became of use.
On one occasion photographs were taken of a temporary enemy
position, th* photographs were brought back, developed and
printed ' . the results delivered by aeroplane to the divisional
comr der on that front in about an hour and a half. During
a p. if eat in open warfare photographs can be used in watching
r'ae pushing forward of the enemy's, communications and aero-
dromes, and during an advance in discovering what demolitions
he has carried out.
We must now consider the tactical use of photographs. At
the battle of Neuve Chapelle (1915) the maps used for the
attack were simply ordinary topographical maps, with the enemy
positions roughly marked. If defences are not of an elaborate
nature, such a map may be sufficient. But when an attack is
being made on a defensive system elaborately organized and
several miles in depth, something more exact is necessary.
First of all thick wire entanglements must be faced. When
these entanglements consist of several rows, each row from 20
to 50 yd. deep, wire cutters are useless, and gaps must be made
either by artillery or tanks. In either case, for the ranging of
the guns or for the drawing up of the plans for the tank attack,
an accurate map of the wire entanglements is necessary. Numer-
ous trench lines must be captured, dugouts both in the trench
lines and in the terrain between the lines must be dealt with,
machine-gun emplacements must be captured, and special ar-
rangements must be made beforehand to subdue strong points
of resistance, redoubts, fortified woods, farms, quarries, etc.
To make the careful preparations necessary for an attack on
such a position, not only the commander, but also his subordi-
nates, must possess an accurate map of the position, which may
be, and in the latter part of the war was, so deep that ground
observation of its real defensive heart, the " battle zone," is
impossible. The information then must come from the air,
and moreover, though a competent airman may make valuable
observations, the only means of plotting that network of trenches
and other defensive organizations on to the map is by means
of the aeroplane photograph. This may be defeated in some
details by effective camouflage or by the successful use of
natural cover, but in general an accurate map of the enemy's
defences can be constructed from it or rather, them, for a
particular photo is or should be only one of a series which shows
the changing aspect of the ground as man's works are super-
imposed on it. Besides trenches, wire, and close defence posi-
tions of all sorts, the camera attacks the enemy's artillery posi-
tions. In some cases innocent ground begins, in succession
photos, to show works, tracks and the like, until it becomes so
definite that the balloons and the sound-rangers and flash-
spotters only confirm what is already certain. On the other
hand, photo deductions may be doubtful or even impossible till
the battery reveals itself to the other agencies by coming into
action. In either case the work of the camera continues in aid
of the artillery. Amongst the most important services rendered
by the air photograph is that of recording the effects of bom-
bardment upon battery positions, trenches, wire, strong points,
dumps and communications.
Photographs are also of value in studying enemy organizations,
roads and tracks used by the enemy, billets and positions of
reserves, signal communications, i.e. buried cables, air telephone
lines, light signal stations, railways (normal and light-gauge),
unloading stations, ammunition and supply dumps, stations and
railway sidings, hospitals and aerodromes.
(C. F. A.;F. C. H.)
(C) Secret Service and Counter-intelligence. -The section of
military intelligence known in Great Britain as I (b) is charged
with two functions somewhat opposed in character, but having
this in common, that the methods employed in each are, generally,
secret. This factor makes it difficult to submit those functions
to public dissection except on general lines; what follows, there-
fore, is confined within those limits.
Broadly speaking, the duties of Intelligence (B) are: (i)
Offensive, in the acquisition of information as to the enemy's
military resources, numbers, plans, movements and dispositions,
by means other than those employed by I(a), which are iden-
tifications by contact; examination of the enemy and other
press; scrutiny of captured documents and prisoners; air recon-
naissance and photography; sound-ranging and other means.
(2) Defensive, in the prevention of the acquisition by the enemy
of similar information about our own forces. These together
make up what may be described as Secret Service, and both
involve the use of secret agents and secret methods.
Apart from the close connexion between them, the knowledge
and experience of enemy methods gained in either sub-section is
so immediately beneficial to the other that the functions of the
two sub-sections are complementary and indivisible. They
should, therefore, be controlled by one directing brain, especially
in the field, where rapidity of action and of the circulation of
information is essential. In peace-time at home, where the
urgencies and difficulties of active service conditions do not
arise, separation is permissible, though not generally desirable.
The offensive sub-section, to which alone the name Secret
Service is popularly applied, can only be referred to in general
terms. Its duties are similar in peace and war, and are directed
towards the collection of information in enemy territory. For
this purpose secret agents, or spies, have to be employed. The
duties of these agents again differ but little in war and peace;
but war increases their importance, and with it their difficulties
and dangers. Whether they work as agents <} paste fixe, like
the agents of the notorious Sticber in France before and during
the campaign of 1870; or whether they arc sent on definite
missions, or on general roving commissions, their objective
is the same: information about the enemy. This objective is
unaltered whether they penetrate into enemy territory through
the ports, in the guise of peaceful neutrals armed with all the
necessary papers, or whether they get there by other means.
In war these other means may include penetrating the enemy
INTELLIGENCE, MILITARY
lines, either in uniform or en civil, during the progress of an ac-
tion; crossing the enemy lines and landing behind them in an
aeroplane, either by the machine coming to the ground or by
means of a parachute; crossing similarly in a free balloon; or
crossing a frontier guarded by sentries and electrified wire, by
evading or killing the sentries, and climbing the wire in insulated
boots and gloves. False papers, disguises, secret ink and all the
other tricks beloved of the spy novel may form part of their
equipment, but normally the less theatrical the spy the less
likely he is to attract attention. In practice, the most dangerous
and efficient spy is probably the least sensational in his methods;
when arrested he invariably has all his papers in order and is
the most plausible person alive. Men, women and even chil-
dren of all grades of society and of all professions, may render
services of varying degrees of importance, but all useful to a
system of espionage. A spy system in war involves the employ-
ment of many thousands of persons: post-boxes, passeurs, con-
trebandistes and guides, train watchers, pigeon men, couriers,
runners, reliables who will give shelter to agents and escaped
prisoners, and notables who are capable of organizing a service.
All have their respective parts to play behind the lines in modern
war; and that part, far from being ignoble, may be, if actuated
by patriotism, as noble, as dangerous and as heroic as any
played in the armies in the field.
In spite of all the precautions adopted as the result of expe-
rience in the World War, the collecting of information is not the
difficulty; that lies in the transmission of information when
obtained. Over this subject a veil, unfortunately, must be
drawn. Agents may carry pigeons to send back, or portable
wireless sets for communication with their employers, and
messages have been shot over a neutral frontier by crossbow.
The use of directional wireless and ordinary vigilance and
common sense soon lead, however, to discovery, and necessitate
a change of venue for the agent, and the application of fresh
methods after a short time. It is only necessary here to say
that, contrary to a popular belief, signalling by an agent by any
means from, or close behind, the enemy lines is almost impossi-
ble, except in open warfare. In trench warfare, even if it were
possible, it would be of little use, as any information to be gained
there is better obtained by other means. The agent's useful
information is gleaned much farther back, and to get it he
requires a thorough and careful training. Apart from the
control of agents and of the administrative, financial and
clerical questions involved in that work, the duties of the chief
of this sub-section are to get information by all possible means.
Amongst other methods employed in the late war was the drop-
ping of pigeons by automatic release from free balloons. Advan-
tage was taken of the wind's force and direction to regulate
their fall in or near any desired neighbourhood, and there they
were picked up by the inhabitants. Following the instructions
enclosed, the latter often gave rapid and valuable information
as to the movements of the enemy.
Another form of activity on which agents may be advan-
tageously employed is sabotage, i.e. the destruction in the field
of bridges, telegraphs, lock gates- and communications, and of
munition factories and similar organizations in enemy home
territory. The Germans are alleged to have employed these
methods, even in neutral countries, where munitions and war
material were being manufactured for the Allies. In the field,
such work is most advantageously linked up with operations,
either just before they begin or whilst they are in progress. If
contemplated as a prelude to operations it must always be re-
membered that they may serve as warning of an offensive.
In any event the officer directing such schemes must remember
the probable consequences to an allied population in territory
occupied by the enemy, on whom punishment will be visited.
Sabotage of this sort is naturally easiest in crowded centres,
where circulation is difficult to control; and although in war risk
to human life, even of non-combatants, must in some cases be a
secondary consideration, this fact alone requires that sabotage,
if undertaken, should be expected to have definite results.
The duties of the other, the defensive, sub-section are popular-
ly described as contre-espionnage. Although the duties, as in
the case of Secret Service so called, are the same in peace as in
war, the machinery and methods vary considerably according
to the conditions under which they are carried out. The vary-
ing conditions referred to are: (i) in home territory, in peace
and in war; (2) in allied territory; and (3) in enemy or occupied
territory. In the two latter cases war conditions only come into
consideration.
Of these varying conditions the first provides, perhaps, the
easiest problem. The contre-espionnage section commands, in
peace and in war, all the assistance of trained police through-
out home territory; of censorship; of port control; of hotel
registration; of the erection of arbitrary barriers such as pro-
hibited areas; and of all the preventive measures which may be
the outcome of years of experience in combating enemy espio-
nage under all conditions. Although Intelligence (B) in the ( field
in occupied territory would equally enjoy these powers, and, in
addition, the arbitrary powers of the conqueror in the territory
of the conquered, and would have the advantage of knowing
that the whole population is potentially hostile, the machinery
at its disposal to cope with it would be largely improvised and,
therefore, at first, not so efficient. In allied territory the difficul-
ties are greater, as it is the ally who, naturally, controls in his
own home territory all the real preventive machinery. He is,
in addition, possibly susceptible about interference with either
his C.E. Organization, or with the native population. Under
these conditions contre-espionnage is carried on largely on
sufferance, and requires the exercise of much discretion and tact.
It is necessary to remember that the object of contre-espion-
nage is, first and foremost, prevention. The catching of spies,
interesting though it is, is entirely subsidiary; its principal value
lies in disclosing the holes in the preventive net and in directing
the attention of the controlling staff towards the proper remedies
to be applied. In the zone of the armies the principal value of
an efficient conlre-espionnage system is a moral one. Troops
and their commanders must be relieved of their anxieties about
enemy activities in their midst; but from what has been written
above it will be seen that those anxieties are often based on not
very solid grounds, at least in trench warfare. Troops com-
monly attribute to an enemy secret service of any efficiency
powers far beyond the capacity of any S.S. Organization. It
is, of course, the effect of the unknown on mass psychology;
but the influence on moral may be prodigious unless means are
taken to check it.
From what has been stated it will be seen that the contre-
espionnage sub-section falls naturally into two divisions: (i.)
the investigation of suspected cases of espionage, and (ii.) the
control of the population. It is not possible to enlarge on the
methods of investigation employed by a contre-espionnage serv-
ice; although in general they resemble ordinary police detective
methods, in details they differ widely from them. They require
technical knowledge not usually possessed by ordinary police
personnel; and even trained police-detective staffs require
special training to be useful in contre-espionnage.
In endeavouring to prevent the collection of information by
the enemy's agents it is necessary to remember that this may be
gained equally (i.) from your own troops and (ii.) from the civil
population. The former may sell or convey information delib-
erately, but it is far more probable that they may convey it to
the enemy's agents through their indiscretions. Investigation
of treachery requires no difference in treatment, whether it
occurs among troops or civilians, and the question need not
therefore be further examined. The problem of dealing with
leakage of information through indiscretion, however, is a differ-
ent one, and requires special consideration. " Leakage " may
occur in several ways; gossip amongst the troops about impend-
ing operations, especially when they are on leave and out of the
line; indiscreet conversations and messages on field telephone
and buzzer; misuse of code in telegraph and wireless; marking
of railway trucks, transport and billets, with inscriptions which
give identifications of units; indiscretion in correspondence;
careless handling of confidential papers and books; taking
512
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
orders, codes, books, papers of any kind, even private letters,
into the front line; wearing of regimental, brigade or divisional
badges and markings, which reveal identifications, and many
analogous ways. All these ' require special treatment. In
many cases this demands merely vigilance to see that these
things are not done, and that orders are constantly issued to the
troops on the subject. Careless conversations on field tele-
phones require " police " listening sets to record them, so that
action may be taken against the offenders. Gossip about
operations can be dealt with by the punishment of the offenders
when caught; otherwise it is best coped with by the deliberate
circulation of false rumours by Intelligence (B) through their
police and agents. It is therefore one of the essential duties of
the I(b) personnel that they should know what is going on
amongst the men in their own army; from this it is an easy stage
that they should keep the higher command informed of the moral,
the grievances and the current rumours, not only of their own
army, but also of the civil population and of the allied army
and even amongst allied official classes. Every case of sus-
pected espionage reported by the troops, even the most
obvious cases 'of spy fever, must be investigated, and the results
reported and circulated among the troops.
Finally, Intelligence (B) should advise the operations section
of the precautions necessary in connexion with contemplated
operations. This implies the closest cooperation with " O " ;
but it also logically involves the allocation to Intelligence (B) of
camouflage, and similar mechanical methods of preventing the
acquisition of information by the enemy. This was not the
case in the late war; and this omission was, in the writer's
opinion, a fault in organization.
The other sub-section of the contre-cspionnage section is
responsible for the control of the civil population. This in-
volves a division of the area occupied by the army into zones
for the purpose of the control of circulation, and control of the
use of telegraph, telephone and other methods of communica-
tion, which might be of use to enemy agents. These restric-
tions vary in strictness according to their proximity to the
fighting front, e.g. in the forward or army zone no access would
be permitted to civilians of any sort; in the less forward zones
civil liberties are less and less interfered with, until in the rear-
most zone life may be almost normal for war-time.
The same sub-section is responsible for the drawing up and
issue of all necessary regulations; the placing of the necessary
port, frontier, railway, road and other controls at points of entry
into the various zones. Here would take place the interroga-
tions of persons entering or leaving the zone, the issue and visa
of passes and the general supervision of civilian traffic. The
form of all necessary passes (laissez-passers, sauf -conduits,
protecting certificates, etc.) would be drawn up by the sub-sec-
tion, in consultation with the provost-marshal's branch, and all
arrangements made to fit in with his controls.
Card indexes must be maintained of doubtful persons, as full
details as possible being given, to ensure their detention. Contre-
espionnage summaries and instructions must be issued from
time to time, and provision must be made for the rapid circula-
tion of such information to all controls and I(b) personnel.
Amongst the other duties of this sub-section are evacuations of
undesirables, prostitutes and suspects; supervision, licence and
withdrawal of telephonic and telegraphic facilities to civilians,
in accordance with military exigencies; interrogation of rapa-
tries; preparations of lists of guides, notables and persons who
may be useful in territory occupied by the enemy, in case of an
advance; lectures to troops on precautions against leakage of
information, even after capture; and all general precautions
against espionage where it is a case of dealing with the popula-
tion in the aggregate, as opposed to the individual.
Both sections must keep adequate and up-to-date records,
carefully cross-indexed. In the case of the offensive Secret
Service it is undesirable that the names, tasks and whereabouts
of agents should be known to anyone but the officer under
whom they actually work. Any such records kept must be in
safes or strong-boxes.
As regards the machinery employed, both sections require
large numbers of intelligence police. Their allocation in the
zone of the armies is usually on an army, corps or divisional
basis, i.e. certain detachments of officers and men (I. P.) are
allotted to the headquarters of armies, corps and divisions.
On the L. of C., or even in the army zone in the case of pro-
longed stationary warfare, they are best allotted on an area
system, to ports, bases and areas. This has the advantage of
acquainting the personnel intimately with the areas, the inhabi-
tants and the special duties called for by special conditions.
One final duty remains to be mentioned the conveyance of
false information to the enemy. This cannot, unfortunately,
be dilated upon. It is best undertaken by the head of I(b)
himself, in consultation with as few persons as possible. The
process, if it is to be usefully employed, involves the complete
confidence in him of the higher command and a foreknowledge
of their plans and dispositions. It requires, therefore, that he
should be above all else a person of solidity and discretion.
Apart from other qualifications there is indeed no room for the
employment in Intelligence (B) of any person in any grade who
does not possess these characteristics. (R. J. D.)
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES It is usual now, as a
matter of terminology, to deal comprehensively with gas engines
and oil engines under the general description of " internal com-
bustion engines," and the present article gives some account of
the new developments that have been made between 1910 and
1021; in the earlier volumes of this work (nth ed.) a full account
will be found (under GAS ENGINE, 11.495 se 1-> an( I O IL ENGINE,
20.35 Se 9-) f the history of these very important engines up
to 1910, together with a statement of the engineering thermo-
dynamics of the subject.
Gas and oil engines in 1921 might conveniently be grouped as
follows:
GROUP i. LARGE GAS ENGINES
(a) Of horizontal, slow-speed, double-acting type, of both 4-
stroke and 2-stroke cycles.
(b) Of horizontal and vertical medium-speed, single-acting many-
cylindered type, usually 4-stroke.
GROUP 2. MEDIUM GAS ENGINES
Usually of horizontal single-acting, I- or 2-cylindered type, work-
ing on the 4-stroke cycle.
GROUP 3. HEAVY OIL ENGINES
(a) Of large Diesel design, both 4-stroke and 2-stroke.
(b) Of " semi-Diesel " type, both 4-stroke and 2-stroke:
(c) Of the low-compression hot-bulb, or Akroyd type, and normal
heavy oil engines with vaporizers.
GROUP 4. " LIGHT OIL " ENGINES
Small quick-revolution usually multi-cylindered engines of the
4-stroke Daimler, or 2-stroke Day type ; all single-acting, and usually
vertical.
GROUP 5. SPECIAL TYPES
(a) The Humphrey Pump.
(b) The Holzwarth Turbine.
(c) The Still Engine.
Group i (a). Large Gas Engines. The period 191021 saw a
considerable increase in the number of large engines of the slow-
running horizontal type. Considerable difficulties were encoun-
tered at first with large gas engines as the necessity of providing
very complete cylinder cooling arrangements was not clearly
realized, and cracked and seized pistons, failures of valves, and
ruptured cylinders were not infrequent. These difficulties had
by 1921 been completely overcome, and these large engines
work with the utmost regularity and freedom from trouble.
The type under discussion frequently referred to as the
" Nurnberg " or " M.A.N." engine, on account of the impor-
tant part taken in its development by the Maschinenfabrili
Augsburg-Niirnberg A.G. is illustrated in section in fig. i and i
external appearance in fig. 2.
The engine shown is a 4-stroke, or " Otto " cycle, tandem, double-
acting, single-crank, " blowing " engine of M.A.N. type constructed
by the Lilleshall Co., Ltd., of Shropshire, England. Rated at 1,200
B.H.P. and running at 90 revolutions per minute on blast furnace
gas, it is capable of compressing 26,000 cub. ft. of free air per minute
to a pressure of 8 Ib. per sq. in. above atmosphere.
Within each of the working cylinders A and B is a piston F 35
in. in diameter and having a stroke of 43} in. ; the pistons are mounted
upon a common piston rod which terminates towards the right in
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
FIG. i.
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
a crosshead, whereby it is attached to the crankshaft D by means of
the usual type of connecting-rod. On the left of the working cylinders
is a large double-acting " blowing " cylinder, or air pump, CC, with
a bore of 85! in. ; this is a conspicuous feature in fig. 2.
The valves are operated by mechanism driven by the crankshaft,
and a large fly-wheel E, 22 j ft. in diameter, is provided to ensure a
sufficiently uniform motion of the engine. The long piston rod carry-
ing the two working pistons and the air pump piston is borne on four
crossheads as shown; the pistons " float " in their respective cylin-
ders, thus minimizing engine friction and wear, as all the weight
is carried on these four external crossheads.
It will be observed that the cylinders and cylinder covers are well
water- jacketed ; the pistons, piston rod, and exhaust valves are also
water-cooled. For the cylinders and their covers the cooling water
is supplied at a pressure of about 15 Ib. per sq. in. above atmosphere ;
for the pistons, piston rod, and valves, the water pressure necessary
is about 55 Ib. per sq. in., due to their reciprocating motion. Close to
each cylinder is fitted an open water tank into which the various
cooling-water pipes discharge in full view of the attendant. Each
discharge is fitted with a regulating valve and thermometer, whereby
the cooling-water temperature from the several parts of the cylinders,
pistons, etc., may be separately adjusted while the engine is running.
FIG. 2.
Special oil pumps are provided for cylinders, stuffing-boxes, and
exhaust valves, so that each of these parts is lubricated directly,
with provision for separate adjustment. Surplus oil is collected in a
sump, filtered, and returned to an oil supply tank above the engine.
Enough has been said to show that in its present form this type of
large gas engine is well designed in every detail, and it has proved
itself a very safe, economical, and reliable power producer.
The engine illustrated above is installed in the works of the
Barrow Haematite Steel Co., and was built by an English
engineering firm; the type has, however, made most progress on
the European continent. Thus, from 1908 up to the commence-
ment of the World War, the M.A.N. Co. and their licensees had
built over 300 of these engines, aggregating 500,000 B.H.P.
The M.A.N. Co. had by 1921 installed engines in 22 stations,
three of which exceeded 27,000 B.H.P. each, six exceeded 15,000
B.H.P. each, and the remaining thirteen were all over 10,000
B.H.P. in capacity. Messrs. Thyssen & Co. have engined a
power station at Bruckhausen which has a capacity of 65,000
horse-power. At the Neunkirchen Works, 14,000 H.P. is pro-
vided by 2-stroke cycle double-acting gas blowing engines. It is
stated that 2,000 H.P. per cylinder is obtained from these
engines. At Heinitz, Saarbrucken, there is an installation of
nine Ehrhardt-Sehmer engines, aggregating about 16,500 horse-
power. The Schalke Mining Co. have three Haniel-Lueg twin-
tandem engines totalling 12,000 horse-power.
Of American installations may be mentioned: The Indiana
Steel Co.'s plant at Gary, Ind., where, in one engine house in units
of about 3,700 H.P., is an aggregate of fully 60,000 H.P. supplied
by M.A.N. type engines built by the Allis-Chalmers Co. The
San Mateo Power Co. have 21,600 H.P. supplied by four 5,400
H.P. horizontal double-acting twin-tandem engines built by the
Snow Steam Pump Co. ; each, engine thus comprises four cylin-
ders; these are 42 in. in diameter, with a piston stroke of 60 in.
and the speed is 90 revs, per minute. Thus each working cylin-
der supplies 1,350 horse-power. At the Carnegie Steel Co.'s
Ohio works there are four very large blowing engines of 3,000
H.P. each, capable of dealing jointly with 200,000 cub. ft. of air
per minute. An important installation is that (1921) at Kamata,
Japan, where four large M.A.N. type engines by the Lilleshall Co.,
Ltd., operating on Recovery Producer gas, supply electrical
energy required to work the railway between Tokio and Yoko-
hama. Each engine is direct-coupled to a i,5oo-K.W. alternator
the pole-pieces of which are mounted in the rim of the fly-wheel.
An idea of the size of these huge engines may be formed from the
following particulars :
in
The cylinders are 47J in. in diameter and the stroke is 51 J in.;
at loo revs, per minute each engine has an output of roundly 2,500
B.H.P. The crank-pin is 23! in. in diameter; the crankshaft at the
fly-wheel end is no less than 32 J in. in diameter; and the fly-wheel is
about 22 ft. indiameter and 39-4 in. in rim-width; an illustration of
this enormous wheel, which weighs about loo tons, is given in fig.
3 ; its great energy of rotation reduces the coefficient of fluctuation of
engine-speed at full load to less than 1/250 as required for parallel
running with alternators.
Each cylinder, complete, weighs 25 tons, and each complete
engine about 400 tons, including the fly-wheel.
FIG. 3.
Exact data of output during the World War and afterwards
are unobtainable, but it is considered that in 1921 there was
an aggregate of roundly 2,500,000 H.P. supplied by engines of
the large, slow-running, tandem, horizontal, double-acting type.
Group i (b). English designers up to 1921 had not much
favoured the large water-cooled-piston double-acting engine,
preferring the greater simplicity of the single-acting cylinder
with uncooled piston; this led to the development of an impor-
tant class of vertical and horizontal medium-speed single-acting
four-stroke multi-cylindered engines.
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
The National Gas Engine Co., Ltd., of Ashton-under-Lyne,
took a leading position in the development of the vertical type
of this class, and in 1910 erected a special factory for their
exclusive manufacture.
An illustration of a 1,500 B.H.P. " National " vertical gas engine
direct-coupled to an alternating current generator is given in fig. 4,
while fig. 5 shows a transverse section through one of the six pairs
of cylinders. It will be seen that this 1,500 B.H.P. engine com-
prises twelve cylinders arranged in six vertical tandem single-acting
pairs AA and BB respectively (fig. 5) ; the pistons EE are rigidly
connected together by a stout piston rod, and from the lower piston
the six-throw crankshaft D is driven through a connecting-rod CC.
The lower part of the upper cylinder AA is closed, and in this air is
compressed during the downward stroke of the pistons thus " soften-
: ng " the running. The engine works on the four-stroke cycle, and
he inlet and exhaust valves and gas, air, and exhaust passages are
jlearly indicated. These engines work on coal gas, Producer gas,
coke oven gas or blast furnace gas, and no explosive mixture exists
outside the engine itself. The cylinders are well water-jacketed, but
the pistons, though not water-cooled, are so designed as to facilitate
the conduction of the heat away from their crowns to the surrounding
cylinder walls.
FIG. 5.
Engines of this type are built in a series ranging from a ^.-cylinder
two-crank design of 300 B.H.P. running at 300 revs, per minute to a
12-cylihder six-crank design of 1,500 B.H.P., 200 revs, per minute.
Many fairly large plants had by 1921 been installed, among
which may be mentioned one of n,5ooH.P. at Palmer's Ship-
building Co., Ltd., Jarrow; one of 11,000 H.P. at the Government
Factory, Lanquith; one of 10,500 H.P. at the Partington Steel
Co.'s Works, Irlam, near Manchester; and one of 4,500 H.P. for
the Midland Coal & Iron Co., Ltd.
As a typical example of the horizontal type of multi-cylindered
single-acting large gas engine, the design adopted by the Premier
Gas Engine Co., Ltd., of Sandiacre, Notts., is taken. An impor-
tant installation of this type is that of the Hoffmann Mfg. Co.,
Ltd., at Chelmsford, which commenced operations in March igig. 1
This installation comprises six 500 B.H.P. four-cylinder four-
crank horizontal Premier engines running at 190 revs, per minute,
each direct-coupled to a 360 K.W.-generator ; thus here 3,000 H.P. is
produced from 24 cylinders. Gas is supplied by a Lynn pressure
producer plant with ammonia recovery. An examination of the
results of six months' working in ordinary service showed that the
overall thermal efficiency of this plant, i.e. the ratio of heat of
' For details see Patchell, Journ. Inst. of Elec. Engrs., June 1920.
electrical energy to heat of coal supplied, had the very high value of
199, *'.. 19-9%.
Group 2. Medium-powered' Gas Engines. Included in this
group are the very numerous engines principally of the single-
cylindered four-stroke horizontal single-acting- type using coal
gas or Suction Producer gas as fuel, and employed for a great
variety of purposes by the smaller class of power consumers.
In H.P. they range from 2 or 3 up to (two-cylindered) designs of
about 300. Messrs. Crossley Bros., Ltd., of Manchester, pro-
duce annually a large number of engines of this type in a series
ranging from 3! H.P. to 260 H.P.; up to the end of 1920 this firm
alone had built over 80,000 of these engines.
Many other important firms and companies are also engaged
in this industry, among whom may be mentioned Messrs.
Brotherhood, Browett-Lindley, The Campbell Co., Davey
Paxman & Co., Fielding & Platt, Gardner, Grice, Hindley, The
National Co., The Premier Co., Ruston & Hornsby, The Stock-
port Co., Tangye, The Brit. Westinghouse Co., etc.
A typical combination of Suction Producer and gas engine is
illustrated in fig. 6. Through an incandescent zone of anthracite
or coke contained in the Producer or " Generator " a mixture of air
and steam is drawn by the suction of the engine when at work. This
air and steam in passing through the hot zone is decomposed, and
issues from the generator as a very hot, smoky mixture consisting
mainly of nitrogen, carbon monoxide, carbon dioxide, and hydrogen.
A rough average composition by volume is as follows: nitrogen 55 %;
carbon monoxide 22%; hydrogen 15%; carbon dioxide 6%; miscel-
laneous hydrocarbons, free oxygen, etc., 2 %.
Such a mixture of gases is termed " Producer Gas " and has a
(lower) calorific value of 125 to 130 B. Th. U. per cub. ft. ; about 200,-
ooo cub. ft. are produced per ton of anthracite consumed.
The hot and smoky gas in the case illustrated passes first through
a chamber fitted with a baffle plate, and water-sealed at the bottom ;
here the grosser impurities are deposited ; thence it goes past a 2-way
valve which permits its escape through a chimney into the atmos-
phere when the engine is at rest ; when running, however, the gas is
drawn by the engine suction through a large cylinder filled with
small coke over which a spray of water is constantly played. This
is termed the " coke scrubber," and here the gas is cooled and freed
from dust and tarry impurities; thence finally it passes into a reser-
voir, and so to the engine.
The illustration shows in section the normal type of horizontal 4-
stroke cycle engine fitted with one or two massive fly-wheels which
by their momentum maintain the required degree of uniformity of
rotation of the crankshaft.
Vehicle and Marine Applications. In 1918-21 attention was
again given to the problem of propelling motor road vehicles by
small producer-gas engines, and a certain measure of success
was obtained by Mr. D. J. Smith and others' experiments were
in 1921 being continued. 2
Marine Producer-Gas Engines. In 1904 Herr Capitaine
fitted a tug at Frankfort-on-Main with a 70 H.P. engine and an-
thracite producer plant. In 1905 Messrs. Thornycroft fitted the
launch " Emil Capitaine " with a 60 H.P. engine and producer,
and, later, the barge " Duchess " with a similar 30 H.P. plant.
In 1908 Messrs. Beardmore fitted H.M.S. " Rattler, " 715 tons
displacement, with an experimental 500 H.P. gas engine running at
120 revs, per minute on gas supplied by an anthracite producer.
In 1910 the sailing boat " Castell san Nicolan " was fitted with
an auxiliary 60 H.P. Gardner anthracite suction power plant.
The principal difficulty encountered with marine suction-gas
plants was in obtaining efficient manoeuvring power; progress
was made, though slowly, and it is of interest to record that the
first producer-gas-engined ship crossed the Atlantic in 1919.
The largest marine producer plant in 1921 was that of the
American vessel " Wilhelmina," and comprised a 350 B.H.P.
engine supplied by two suction gas producers.
The Dutch " Van Rennes " producer-gas engines, built in
sizes up to a maximum of 200 H.P. have been fitted to a num-
ber of small cargo-boats employed in coastal service; these
engines are readily reversible, and it is claimed that their fuel
consumption is, roundly, i Ib. of anthracite per H.P. hour.
A good class ocean-going cargo steamer may be taken as of
about 8,000 tons dead weight, with steam engines of about 2,000
I. H.P. running at 65 revs, per minute and using iflb. of coal
2 Vide Proc. Inst. Auto. Engrs., xiv., 1919-20.
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
VAPORISER
SHAKER CRATE
1943.
FIG. 6.
per I.H.P. hour; this statement clearly defines the state of devel-
opment of the marine producer-gas engine in 1921.
Group 3 (a). Diesel Engines. The Diesel engine has now be-
come established as a reliable prime-mover, having a very low
consumption of fuel. A typical illustration is in fig. 7.
EXHAUST
FIG. 7.
Within a very strong water-jacketed cast-iron cylinder BB slides
a long, heavy cast-iron piston AA driving a crankshaft C by means
of the connecting-rod D. The cylinder head EE is a deep, well water-
jacketed casting containing four valves, viz. the air inlet, fuel inlet,
exhaust, and air starting valve; the latter is not shown.
On the downward stroke of the piston air only is drawn into the
cylinder through the air inlet valve; during the following upward
stroke this air is compressed to a pressure of 450 to 500 Ib. per sq.
in. with accompanying great rise of temperature. At or near the
moment of greatest compression, and continued during the first
20 to 30 of crankshaft revolution, the necessary small charge i
fuel oil is blown in the form of a very fine and uniformly diffuse
mist into this compressed and heated air. Spontaneous ignition
or " explosion " of the mixture instantly takes place, but the fuel
supply is so regulated that the pressure is but little, if at all, increased
by the explosion, the end aimed at being to cause combustion to
take place at as nearly as possible constant pressure; a typical dia-
gram is reproduced in fig. 8.
On the cessation of the fuel injection the exploded charge expand
at rapidly falling pressure during the working stroke; towards th
end of this stroke the exhaust valve opens, and continues open
until the completion of the succeeding up-stroke, the burnt gases
thence escaping into the atmosphere; this completes the cycle. The
engine is thus of the " four-stroke " type, receiving one working
impulse in each two revolutions of the crankshaft, the order of op-
erations being (l) suction of air; (2) compression of air; (3) working
stroke; (4) exhaust.
The valves are operated by rocking levers actuated from a half-
speed overhead cam-shaft H, driven from the crankshaft.
Compressed air reservoirs primarily charged and thenceforward
maintained by the engine itself-^-containing air stored at a pressure
of from 750 to 1,000 Ib. per sq. in., are used for starting the engine,
and providing the air blast for the fuel oil injection into the cylinder.
Many Diesel engines are also built operating upon the 2-stroke
cycle, and fig. 9 shows a typical design in section.
Here there is no exhaust valve, but towards the end of the down-
stroke the piston over-runs exhaust ports AA formed in the cylinder
walls whence the burnt gases escape into the atmosphere. Simulta-
neously an air pump, operated by the engine, delivers a charge of
fresh air at a pressure of 3-5 Ib. per sq. in. into the cylinder through
an air valve, or valves, in its head. This air hastens the discharge
of the burnt gases, and is compressed on the return up-stroke of
the piston at or near the end of which the fuel oil is injected, as be-
fore, and the working stroke then follows. This type has been largely
developed by Carets Bros, of Ghent ; it will be noted that every down-
stroke is a working stroke, but due to the less perfect scavenging
of the exhaust, and to the power absorbed by the air pumps, the power
output is found to be only from ij to ij times that of an equal
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
4-stroke cycle engine instead of twice as much as would be realized
in an ideal case.
A second type of 2-stroke Diesel engine, specially developed by
Sulzer Bros, of Winterthur, is valveless excepting for the fuel in-
jection valve and air starting valve. In this type fresh air, at slight
pressure, enters through ports on one side of the lower part of the
FIG. 9.
cylinder at the same time that the burnt gases are escaping through
ports on the other side, substantially as in the small two-stroke
Day-type petrol engine, but without crank-chamber compression,
as described later (see fig. 13). The fuel consumption of the 4-
stroke cycle Diesel is roundly 0-4 Ib. per B.H.P. hour, and of the
2-stroke of either type about 0-45 Ib. per B.H.P. hour.
Land Installation of Diesel Engines. Steady progress was made
between 1910 and 1921, and at the end of 1920 upwards of 100
plants existed in the United Kingdom of capacity ranging from
50 to 6,000 B.H.P., and aggregating more than 50,000 B.H.P.
Outside England more than twenty important installations had
by 1921 been erected, or extended, aggregating fully 25,000
B.H.P.; these are spread over the world, being found in Egypt,
India, Ceylon, Burma, Malay States, Hong-Kong, S. Africa,
Australia and N. and S. America. The principal makers in
Great Britain are Mirrlees, Bickerton, & Day; Willans & Rob-
inson; Hick, Hargreaves & Co.; The Brit. Westinghouse Co.;
Swan, Hunter & Wigham Richardson; and Thornycroft.
Noteworthy installations are (i) that of the Charing Cross
& City Electricity Supply Co., Ltd., London, which includes ten
Sulzer Diesel engines aggregating 6,000 B.H.P. Of these, four
are of 500 B.H.P. and four of 600 B.H.P. 3-cylinder engines, all
running at 150 revs, per minute: the remaining two are 4-cylinder
800 B.H.P. engines running at 150 revs, per minute; this installa-
tion was completed in 1912. (2) At the Southend-on-Sea Elec-
tricity Works there is a total of 3,900 B.H.P. supplied by two
high-speed 6-cylinder Koerting Diesel engines of 450 B.H.P.
each, running at 450 revs, per minute, and four 750 B.H.P.
6-cylinder " M.A.N." Diesels running at the same speed; these
engines commenced running in 1920. (3) At Letchworth,
Herts, the Electricity Supply Station contains six Diesel engines
aggregating 1,900 B.H.P.; the first of these commenced work in
1910 and the sixth in 1916. (4) The great majority of Diesel
engines are of the inverted vertical type; an interesting exception
is that of the plant at Kingston-on-Thames Electric Power
Station where are installed one 400 B.H.P. 4-cylinder 4-stroke
M.A.N. horizontal Diesel engine running at 190 revs, per minute,
and one 500 B.H.P. 2-cylinder, 2-stroke M.A.N. horizontal Diesel
running at 165 revs, per minute; these engines commenced work in
1913. Of large installations outside England may be mentioned
that of the Hong-Kong Electric Co. with an aggregate of 3,060
B.H.P. supplied by seven Sulzer Diesel engines; the first of these,
two 3-cylinder engines each of 300 B.H.P., started work in 1908,
and the last two of 4-cylinder 540 B.H.P. each in 1914. An
external view of a 500 B.H.P. 4-cylinder, 4-stroke standard Diesel
engine is shown in fig. 10.
FIG. 10.
Marine Diesel Engines. Marine Diesel engines differ in no
essential respect from the land type. The majority of Diesel-
engined vessels existing at the end of 1920 were fitted with 4-
stroke cycle crosshead type engines largely on account of the
known reliability of the 4-stroke engine in land installations.
Two-stroke Diesel engines were at first made with cast-steel
cylinder covers which not infrequently failed by cracking; this
difficulty has been entirely overcome by making the cylinder
covers of a suitable grade of cast iron, and the single-acting 2-
stroke engine will probably become the preferred type.
For the very large engines required by war-ships the double-
acting 2-stroke design is most suitable, and several had already
been built in 1921 though there was not yet an instance of one
fitted in a vessel; the cooling problem had not yet been quite
satisfactorily solved. The 2-stroke engine possesses the advan-
tages of reduced weight, reduced space occupied, greater sim-
plicity in reversing gear, and lower first cost as compared with
the 4-stroke type. Up to the end of 1920 a maximum of 1,800
H.P. had been attained in a single-acting, and 2,750 H.P. in a
double-acting 2-stroke Diesel cylinder.
The first ocean-going passenger ship propelled by Diesel
engines was the East Asiatic Co.'s i2-knot boat " Selandia,"
carrying a dead- weight cargo of about 7,400 tons, Copenhagen
to Bangkok. There were twin screws each driven at 140 revs.
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
INLET
per minute by an 8-cylindered single-acting 4-stroke Diesel
engine of crosshead type, aggregating 2,500 indicated H.P. ; the
first voyage was made in Feb. 1912. The sister ship " Christian
X."was similarly engined. In May 1913 the largest Diesel-
engined vessel afloat was the " Siam," built and engined by Bur-
meister & Wain, at Copenhagen, having a displacement of 13,200
tons; this boat is fitted with two 4-stroke engines aggregating
3,1 50 1.H.P., twin screws, and attained 12-4 knots on her trial run.
The great success of the geared steam turbine has made it a
formidable competitor of the marine Diesel engine; nevertheless,
steady progress continues to be made, and it is noteworthy that
some of the largest British engineering and shipbuilding' com-
panies were in 1921 engaged in Diesel-engined ship production.
Thus, during 1920, Messrs. Harland & Wolff launched seven
ocean-going Diesel ships, viz. five at Glasgow, one at Greenock,
and one at Belfast; while Messrs. Barclay Curie, Doxford &
Vickers also built one each ten in all; and in the United States
five or six large oil-tankers with Diesel engines were also built.
In May 1921 there were in hand in Great Britain among others:
(i) A large vessel for the Ocean Steamship Co., Liverpool, of
15,000 tons displacement and 13 knots speed; this was to be
fitted with two large 8-cylin-
dered Diesel engines by Bur-
meister & Wain, each develop-
ing 3,200 1. H. P.; the daily fuel
consumption was estimated not
to exceed 20 tons. These en-
gines were of the same type
and size as those already fitted
in four i4,ooo-ton " Glen "
liners built by Harland & Wolff;
(2) two i4,ooo-ton boats, also
by Harland & Wolff, for the
Holland-America line, in each
of which twin-screw Diesel
machinery aggregating 6,400
I. H.P. was to be installed of
the same design as those in
the Ocean Company's liner;
(3) The British India Co.'s
vessel " Domala " with engines
by the North British Diesel
Co.; these were 8-cylinder 4-
stroke engines of 26j-in. bore,
and 47-in. stroke running at
96 revs, per minute, and giving
about 2,350 I.H.P.; this was
the first large Diesel-engined
passenger liner.
Great attention was in'i92i
being devoted to improved de-
signs, and some very interesting
Diesel engines of special type
had recently appeared. Thus
Messrs. Doxford had produced
a 2-stroke inverted vertical
3,000 H.P. engine of the" Oechelhauser" 2-piston type. Messrs.
Cammell Laird have developed the " Fullagar " engine for
marine use; this is a modified Oechelhauser made in "units"
each comprising two Oechelhauser cylinders placed side by
side (fig. n) with their pistons connected diagonally by long
tie-rods as indicated; the obliquity of the rods is small, and
the side thrusts are resisted by the cross-heads and guides shown
above A and C in the illustration.
The Cammell Laird-Fullagar engine works on the 2-stroke Diesel
cycle, the oil fuel being injected between the pistons near the point
of maximum compression by a high-pressure air blast; as the inlet
and exhaust ports are at opposite ends of the cylinders excellent
scavenging is obtained.
This engine is light and low in cost relatively to its power output;
it is of high thermodynamic efficiency ; and the frame is almost wholly
relieved from stress in working. The 1,000 H.P. marine engine
comprises two " units," i.e. four open-ended tubular cylinders,
EXHAUST
FIG.
eight pistons, and a 4-throw crankshaft. The cylinders are i8J in.
in diameter, the stroke of each piston is 25 in., and the engine runs
at 110-115 revs, per minute.
Two of these engines had by 1921 been installed in a cargo vessel
for Messrs. Brocklebank ; trials made in April 1921 were said to have
shown the extremely low consumption of only 0-39 Ib. of oil per
B.H.P. hour. These engines drive their own 3-stage air compressors,
scavenging pumps, and circulating water and lubricating oil pumps.
A 4,000 H.P. marine engine of this type was in May 1921 being
built by Messrs. Cammell Laird, in a 4-cylinder unit ; each cylinder
is 26 in. diameter, stroke 42 in., and speed 90 revs, per minute.
Messrs. Swan, Hunter & Wigham Richardson had also recently
produced a design of 2-stroke 4-cylinder " Neptune-Diesel " engine
of special type.
The F.I.A.T. Co. (Turin) were building large 2-stroke Diesels
in sizes up to a 6-cylinder marine type developing 3,200 H.P.
A large number of small multi-cylindered quick-revolution Diesel
engines were fitted in submarines during the war by Thornycroft,
Vickers, White, etc. This class includes engines having up to 12
cylinders, and run usually at from 400 to 500 revolutions per minute.
They are now built in power up to 1,300 B.H.P., frequently with 8
cylinders, of both 4-stroke and 2-stroke type.
Group 3 (b). Semi-Diesel Engines. Within the period 1910-21
a large group of engines appeared, which it has become usual to
term." semi-Diesel " engines. The very high compression pres-
sure of the normal Diesel engine necessitates not only a heavy
and costly design but in addition the maintenance of an ex.tremely
high pressure in the air reservoirs for supplying the fuel oil
blast. Designers have accordingly devoted considerable atten-
tion to the problem of producing engines (i) having a lower com-
pression pressure than the Diesel engine, and (2) avoiding the
necessity of high pressure air blast reservoirs by injecting the
fuel oil into the cylinder by mechanical means through an " atom-
izer," or spraying device. Great success has been attained
with but little sacrifice in fuel consumption efficiency.
In March 1919 the Diesel Engine Users' Association adopted
the following useful definitions of Diesel and semi-Diesel engines
respectively:
Diesel Engine.
" A Diesel engine is a prime mover actuated by the gases resulting
from the combustion of a liquid or pulverized fuel injected in a fine
state of subdivision into the engine cylinder at or about the con-
clusion of a compression stroke. The heat generated by the com-
pression to a high temperature of the air within the cylinder is the
sole means of igniting the charge. The combustion of the charge
proceeds at, or approximately at, constant pressure."
Semi-Diesel Engine.
" A semi-Diesel engine is a prime mover actuated by the gases
resulting from the combustion of a hydrocarbon oil. A charge of
oil is injected in the form of spray into a combustion space open to
the cylinder of the engine at or about the time of maximum compres-
sion. The heat derived from an uncooled portion of the combustion
chamber, together with the heat generated by the compression of
the air to a moderate temperature, ignites the charge. The combus-
tion of the charge takes place at, or approximately at, constant
volume."
In the semi-Diesel engine definition it will thus be seen that
there is no limitation made as to the mode in which the charge
of fuel oil is injected, and that the essential features are (i)
the practically instantaneous introduction of the fuel oil charge,
giving approximately a " constant volume " explosion; and (2)
the use of a " hot bulb " for aiding vaporization and ignition,
whence these engines are sometimes styled " Hot-bulb Diesels."
As the " Hot-bulb " engine was invented by Mr. Stuart Akroyd
(1886-90), the " Akroyd-Diesel " would have been a more
appropriate name for this class of engine.
Nearly all recent semi-Diesel engines are of the two-stroke type
with mechanical or " solid " injection of the fuel oil, i.e. no high-
pressure air blast; a usual device comprises a small force-pump
operated by a quick-acting or " steep " cam which causes the small
charge of oil delivered by it to forcibly raise a spring-closed needle
valve in the spraying nozzle through from o-oi to 0-02 of an inch;
the charge of oil thus enters the hot-bulb in tire form of a well-
diffused fine spray. Several recent designs include simple air com-
pressors whose function it is to supply an air jet to improve cylinder
scavenging and assist in the cooling of pistons and cylinder walls,
thus rendering recourse to the somewhat crude " cylinder water-
drip " unnecessary during prolonged full-load running.
An instructive series of diagrammatic sections through nine
representative semi-Diesel designs is given in fig. 12 '; seven of the
engines are of the two-stroke type, the " hot-bulb " being shown.
1 By kind permission of The Diesel Engine Users' Association.
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
A critical examination of the type will be found in a paper by
Mr. J. Richardson read before the Diesel Engine Users' Association
on Oct. 25 1918, and reproduced in Engineering of the same date.
Messrs. Beardmore were in 1921 building this type of engine up to
600 B.H.P. and were considering a design to give 1,000 B.H.P.
g
FIG. 12. Two-stroke Cycle: (a) " Beardmore," (6) "Bolinders,"
[c) " Fetter," (d) " Ailsa Craig," (e) " Campbell," (/)" Kromhout,"
;) "Robey." Four-stroke Cycle: (h) "Cross," (i) " Hein."
The Swedish " Bolinders " engine (agents, Messrs. James Pollock
& Sons, London) has for years been successfully and largely applied
to the propulsion of fishing-boats and coastal craft. As early as
Dec. 1911 the small (6s-ft.) vessel " Lingueta," fitted with a 30-
H.P. Bolinders engine, ran from Weymouth to Pernambuco (Brazil).
In 1912, the vessel " Isleford " was fitted with a 4-cylinder 320-
B.H. P. Bolinders engine; one of the latest cases (1921) is that of the
Duke of Westminster's yacht " Belem," propelled by two 4-cylinder
Bolinders engines each of 240 B.H.P. Of this type alone it is stated
that over 650,000 B.H.P. had already in 1921 been supplied for
various services; and as many other firms build 2-stroke semi-
Diesels, the aggregate of this type must reach a very high figure.
The 2-stroke Petter semi-Diesel is also now largely employed in
land service.
Semi-Diesel engines are becoming increasingly frequent on ac-
count of their simplicity, relatively low cost, and ability to use as
fuel, with good economy, most of the heavy petroleum fuel oils
varying from 0-8 to 0-9 in specific gravity and J3O F.-25OF. in
flash point; the range at present is thus from ordinary kerosene to
Texas fuel oil.
Semi-Diesel engines are usually started by compressed air stored
in reservoirs at about 200 Ib. per sq. in. ; prior to starting the
hot-bulb is blow-lamp-heated for 10 to 15 minutes.
Group 3 (c). Hornsby-Akroyd, and Normal Heavy Oil Vapor-
er-type Engines. -There is no change of any fundamental
iportance to record regarding this group; mostly of the single-
ylindered horizontal type, their use is established in many cases
vhere the requirements call for only comparatively small powers.
Group 4. Quick-revolution "Light Oil " Engines. This group
includes the " Petrol Motors " now universally applied to the
propulsion of road vehicles of all types, motor launches, air-
craft, and small miscellaneous services.
Invented by Gottlieb Daimler, about 1887, and first applied
seriously to road transport by Messrs. Panhard & Levassor,
1890, that modern miracle the "Petrol Motor" had in 1921, in
the short space of thirty years, profoundly affected the conditions
of civilized life in both peace and war. Distributed now over
the whole world it is, par excellence, the motor for the multitudi-
nous daily wants of humanity where large power is not required,
and on land, in the air, on and under water, in agriculture,
domestic service, and in the miscellaneous smaller departments
of industry it finds universal application. Not the least remark-
able of the features of these wonderful little engines is their high
thermal efficiency, as much as 28% of the whole heat of the
petrol not uncommonly being obtained at full load.
In his presidential address to the Inst. of Auto. Engineers in
1910, Dr. F. W. Lanchester stated that the 4-cylindered and
6-cylindered petrol engine had even then reached a degree of
perfection that would have been regarded as impossible of
attainment at the commencement of the century; the weight per
H.P. developed at full load had been reduced from about 30 Ib.
to 9 to 12 Ib. only (exclusive of fly-wheel); he commented also
upon the absence of vibration and efficient silencing of the 1910
engines. Car engines of 1910 were, with few exceptions, of
the 4-cylindered vertical type, with bore ranging from 3 to 5
inches, stroke from 3 to 6 inches, and speed, when developing
90% of their maximum power, of from 750 to 1,500 revolutions
per minute, the corresponding brake mean effective pressure
ranging from 65 togslb. persq. in. approximately. Compression
pressures employed were from about 70 to 120 Ib. per sq. in.,
absolute. Very full details will be found tabulated in the Proc.
Auto. Engineers for 1910-11, vol. v., pp. 180 et seq.
Between 1910 and 1921 the advance made was purely in
refinements of detail, with no change in leading principles of
action. Six-cylindered engines for road vehicles show a slight
increase in number; and in smaller and lower-priced cars, due
to post-war cost increases, there has been some tendency observed
to the production of two-cylindered horizontal, or " V," car
engines, a few of these being of the air-cooled type. The 4-cyl-
indered vertical engine, water-cooled, still largely predominates,
as is shown by the following analysis of engines fitted to motor
vehicles exhibited at Olympia in the autumn of 1920:
Engines of Motor Vehicles, 1920.
Number of Cylinders
Number of Engines
Per cent of Engines
2
I
8
12
25
203
59
13
i
301
8-3
67-5
19-6
4'3
o-3
IOO-O
Of these 301 engines, 292 were water-cooled and only 9 air-cooled.
The provision of detachable heads is a noteworthy improvement in
design. In 1910 they were almost unknown; in 1920, of the 301 en-
gines examined, 133 had detachable heads. Valve location has
undergone but little change, 227 engines in 1920 having the usual
side-by-side arrangement; the overhead valve type showed a small
increase, 48 engines being thus arranged. Sixteen engines had
sleeve valves, six engines valves on opposite sides of the cylinders,
involving two cam-shafts, and four with the inlet valve vertically
over the exhaust. The exceedingly reliable high-tension magneto
ignition still predominated, 247 engines being thus fitted; the re-
mainder had either battery ignition or a combination of both H.T.
and battery.
The revival of battery ignition is a consequence of the introduction
of the very convenient electrical self-starting equipment with which
so many vehicles are now supplied ; ' of 262 cars examined in 1920 no
fewer than 245 were thus equipped. Recent improvements in H.T.
magneto designs enable these machines to " spark " at very much
reduced speeds; Messrs. Young & Warren 2 mention a magneto
which will spark regularly across a 5-5-mm. air gap at about 60
revs, per minute only, with the timing lever fully advanced.
1 For a valuable review see The Autocar for Oct. 23 1930.
2 Proc. Inst. Auto. Eng., 1919-20, p. 374.
520
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
With improvements in the H.T. magneto, the recently introduced
American " Impulse Starter " may be found to prove a simple, com-
pact, and low-priced solution of the starting problem ; briefly, this
comprises a spring introduced between the engine and magneto
and so arranged that on turning the starting handle the spring is at
first wound up, the magneto armature remaining stationary. At
an arranged instant the locking device is released, and the armature
at once " flicks over " very suddenly, thus producing an intense
igniting spark.
Fuels. Petrol was still in 1021 the principal fuel, though
benzol, either alone or mixed with petrol in varying proportions,
is now used so far as available; alcohol had not yet come into
use, though great efforts were being made to render it generally
available. Mixtures of petrol and benzol, or benzol alone, can
be used in existing engines usually with no change in adjustment,
but with alcohol special designs will become necessary. The
cost of petrol to the consumer rose steadily largely due to the
war from 1910 to 1921. In 1910 the price per gallon in the
London district was gd. and 6d. tax, total is. 3d. ; in August 1920
it rose to the very high figure of 45. 3d. ; by June 1921 it had fallen
to roundly 35. This great increase, added to the heavy vehicle
taxation of i per Treasury-rated horse-power ( = 0-4 X Bore 2
X No. of Cyls.) tended to some extent to discourage the use
of the private motor vehicle, but this might be regarded as a
temporary check only.
The motor-cycles of 1921 may be considered to v have nearly
attained perfection; swift, comfortable, very economical of
fuel, reliable, fitted often with 3-speed gears, " kick " starter,
free engine, electric lighting, and many other refinements, they
were veritably " cars " in miniature, and continually increased
in favour with the motoring public of all ages. In 1920 no fewer
than 186,200 licences for motor bicycles were taken out in Great
Britain alone.
M
FIG.
A great increase is also observable in that singular, though
convenient, makeshift vehicle the motor-cycle and side-car;
this is probably largely attributable to the prevailing high cost of
cars. With hardly an exception, motor-cycle engines are all air-
cooled; the principal feature of note is the large increase in the
number of engines of the 3-port 2-stroke type; the disadvantage
of a lower fuel economy than that of the 4-stroke engine is,
with many riders, more than compensated for by their great
simplicity and low first cost.
A diagrammatic section through one of these very useful little
engines is given in fig. 13; it comprises the usual air-cooled cylinder
A, piston B, connecting-rod C, and crankshaft E>; the piston has a
" lumped " crown to deflect upwards the entering stream of fresh
mixture as indicated. The crank-chamber is completely enclosed,
and to start the engine it is caused to rotate by the driver; the piston
rises, producing a partial vacuum in the crank-chamber until its
lower edge uncovers the port K when an explosive mixture from the
carburettor immediately rushes in ; on its downward stroke the piston
first covers the port K, and thereafter compresses the charge of ex-
plosive mixture in the crank-chamber until its upper edge uncovers
the port F when the mixture, at a slight pressure, immediately passes
up the passage shown into the space above the piston. Simulta-
neously the used gases are discharged through the exhaust port E,
which is uncovered by the piston shortly before F. On the following
up-stroke the piston first shuts off the ports E and F, and then com-
presses the charge into the upper portion of the cylinder; at the
instant of maximum compression it is exploded by a sparking plug
in the usual manner, and the piston is at once driven downwards;
near the end of the down-stroke the burnt gases escape through
E, at the same time that the next fresh charge is entering through F.
and the rycle is then repeated indefinitely. Thus every downward
stroke is a working stroke; the engine is valveless; the only moving
parts are the piston, connecting-rod, and crankshaft ; and the engine
will run equally well in whichever direction it may be started, a
feature of value in its application to small motor boats and launches
which are readily reversed by slowing down the engine and then
suddenly advancing the ignition.
A small compression release valve M is usually fitted in the top
of the combustion chamber, which is held open by hand-operated
gear to facilitate the operations of starting and stopping. In motor
bicycles these engines are commonly run at from 2,000 to 3,000 revs.
per minute; they are very reliable, and require no attention beyond
the occasional removal of the deposit of oily carbon which forms
on the piston crown and walls of the combustion chamber.
Engines for Aircraft. In principle these are all high-speed
petrol engines of the four-stroke or, in rare instances, two-stroke
type, characterized by their extreme lightness relatively to their
power output. Fig. 14 shows three standard types of engine to
scale, each of 75 B.H.P., and enables relative sizes and weights to
be readily compared; from this illustration the great engineering
achievement embodied in the "Aero Engine" can to some
extent be appreciated.
I
a
FIG. 14. (a) 75-B.H.P., Single-cylinder Horizontal Engine. 200
R.P.M. Weight 200 Ib. per B.H.P. Total 15,000 Ib. (6) 75-B.H.P.,
6-cylinder, Vertical, Water-cooled Aero Engine. 1200 R.P.M.
Weight 5J Ib. per B.H.P. Total 410 Ib. (c) 75-B.H.P., 7-cylin-
der, Rotary, Air-cooled Aero Engine. 1200 R.P.M. Weight 2j Ib.
per B.H.P. Total 205 Ib.
Aero engines are conveniently grouped in five classes, viz.,
Horizontal Engines, Radial Engines, Diagonal or " V " Engines,
Vertical Engines, and Rotary Engines. The horizontal aero
engine is now obsolete. A classification of seventy-six aero
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
SOME DATA RELATING TO TYPICAL BRITISH AERO ENGINES IN 1919
(From Lord Weir, of Eastwood)
521
Description
of
Engine
Bore
in
inches
Stroke
in
inches
Com-
pres-
sion
ratio
Piston
speed
in ft.
per
min.
B.H.P.
Revs, per minute
Mean eff.
Press. Lb./d.
Weight in Ib.
Lb. per normal
H.P. hour
Nor-
mal
Max.
Norm,
of
engine
Norm,
of pro-
peller
Maxm.
of
engine
Total
(dry)
Per
H.P.
dry
Per
H.P.
wet
Norm.
Max.
of
Petrol
of
Oil
Rotary g-cyl. air-
cooled Bentley
5-52
7-08
5-26
1536
230
234
1300
1300
1360
92-0
_
498
2-165
630
088
Radial 9-cyl. air-
cooled A.B.C.
" Dragon Fly "
5'5
6-5
4-42
1787
320
350
1650
1650
1750
IIO-O
635
1-980
585
028
Vertical 6-cyl.
water - .cooled
Siddeley
" Puma "
5-72
7-48
5-oo
1745
250
266
14.00
1400
1500
115-0
123
645
2-58
600
062
Diagonal, 2 rows
of 4 cyls. at
90, water-
cooled Sun-
beam " Arab "
4-73
5-12
5-3
1707
212
220
2000
1 200
2IOO
II2-0
550
2-60
3-24
486
039
Diagonal, 2 rows
of 6 cyls. at
60, water-
cooled Rolls-
Royce " Eagle
VIII." . .
4-5
6-5
5-3
1950
359
368
1800
1080
iqoo
127-2
I3I-4
at
1500
926
2-58
3-23
500
025
Diagonal, 2 rows
of 6 cyls. at
60, water-
cooled Gallo-
way " A t-
lantic " .
5-72 *
7-48
5-40
1872
550
575
1500
1500
1600
126-3
1150
2-09
2-74
504
045
Diagonal, 2 rows
of 6 cyls. at
60, water-
cooled Rolls-
Royce " Con-
dor "
5-5
7'5
5-io
%
2187
610
656
1750
222
2OOO
129-0
129-4
1350
2-21
2-86
495
023
Diagonal, 3 rows
of 4 cyls. at
60, water-
cooled Napier
" Lion " .
5-5
5-125
5-35
1708
450
468
200O
840
2200
I22-O
126-0
1318
1-86
2-51
495
023
engines in 1910 by Burls 1 showed that 10 were horizontal, 12
radial, 25 diagonal, 24 vertical or " straight " and 5 rotary.
With few exceptions the horizontal, diagonal, and vertical
engines were water-cooled, the radial mostly air-cooled, and the
rotary all air-cooled. Horse-power ranged from 15 to 130, but
in aeroplane service from 60 to 120 was usually found. The
weight per B.H.P. even in 1910 ranged from slightly under 2 Ib. in
the " Gnome " type of engine, illustrated in fig. 15, to as much
as 7 Ib. in water-cooled types in the remaining classes.
In July 1919, Lord Weir of Eastwood 2 gave a table (see above)
of data relating to current typical British aero engines; it will
be seen that vertical, rotary, radial and diagonal designs are all
represented, the last-named predominating. The largely increased
power of the 1919 engines is noteworthy; in 1910 the practical
maximum used was about 130; in Lord Weir's table the maxi-
mum is 610 B.H.P. The 1919 engines show also a very satis-
factorily low consumption of petrol and lubricating oil.
Considerable reduction has also been effected in the weight
per B.H.P. of the water-cooled diagonal-type engines, which
range from 3j Ib. down to only 2! Ib. In the engines of 1910 the
average piston speed was, roundly, 1,100 ft. per minute; the
average of the eight engines in the above table is roundly 1,800
ft. per minute, a substantial and noteworthy increase.
The power of aero engines is usually stated at ground level ; with
increase of altitude the power output diminishes owing to the lessened
density of the air; if at ground level a full power of 100 H.P. be
obtained, at 5,000 ft. elevation this falls to about 82, and at 10,000 ft.
to only about 68. To provide for this loss some aircraft engines have
been designed for partly throttled running only at ground level,
full throttle being only used when working in rarefied air at a suit-
able altitude; in these engines large compression ratio and forced
induction are usually adopted, and full power output is never at-
1 "Aero Engines," G. A. Burls (Charles Griffin).
* Proc. of N.E. Coast Inst. of Engineers and Shipbuilders.
tempted at the ground level. In other cases a blower is provided to
deliver additional air to the cylinders at high altitudes; exhaust-
driven turbines of high efficiency have been developed by Rateau
for this supercharging; by this means a nearly constant pressure
may be maintained in the cylinders at the end of the suction stroke,
with consequent constant power output at all heights.
In radial, as in rotary, engines a star- wise arrangement of the
cylinders is adopted, all the pistons operating upon one or two
cranks only, but the cylinders are stationary and the crankshaft
rotates. Designs have appeared including 3, 5, 7, 9, 10 and 14
cylinders, the two last in two planes.
The 9-cylindered air-cooled radial engine of the Cosmos Co.
developed 450 H.P. with the extremely low weight of but 1-47 Ib.
per horse-power; but large radial engines are open to objection on
account of the increased head resistance involved in their use. With
vertical or " straight " engines, i.e. those in which the cylinders are
arranged as in the normal motor-car engine, weight per horse-
power is found to diminish up to about four cylinders; thereafter,
the larger crankshaft and heavier crank-case necessary to provide
adequate stiffness tend to cause the weight per horse-power to in-
crease; designers have accordingly associated cylinders together in
two or more rows, and the " diagonal " engine with two or more
pistons operating on each crank-pin is thus frequently met with in
recent high-powered engines.
Weight is also saved and mechanical efficiency increased by
operating the valves directly from overhead cam-shafts. Aluminium
alloys are also largely used for pistons and cylinders, the latter being
fitted with thin steel or cast-iron working barrels.
In their 45O-H.P. engine Messrs. Napier have three rows each of
four cylinders, twelve in all, three connecting-rods being attached
to each crank-pin; the weight is thus reduced to only 2\ Ib. per
B.H.P. " wet."
The latest design of this form in 1921 was a sixteen-cylindered
l,ooo-H.P. aero engine, illustrated in external view in fig. 16 (Plate).
In this engine there are four rows or " banks," each of four cylinders;
the cylinders are separate, each being machined from a solid steel
forging, with water-jackets formed of light steel pressings welded on.
The vertical angle between the axes of the cylinder rows is 52^,
side angle 90, and angle at base 1275"; the engine may be regarded
as formed of two eight-cylinder 90 diagonal engines placed back-to-
back, and jointly actuating a " flat four-throw " crank-shaft, with
522
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
four pistons operating upon each crank-pin. The angular arrange-
ment adopted is considered by the builders to give the most con-
venient sequence of working impulses. Two exhaust and two inlet
valves are provided in each cylinder head, placed at such an angle
that the combustion chamber is approximately spherical in form;
each row of cylinders has its own overhead half-speed cam-shaft
operating the valves through rockers. Four carburettors are fitted,
mounted on facings on the front (propeller) end of the crank-case.
Ignition is by four high-tension magnetos.
FIG. 15.
The peremptory demands of the war compelled the rapid
development of aircraft of all kinds, and aeroplanes driven by
two, three, four and even more engines soon became necessary.
In 1914 the British depended mainly on the French for aero
engines, principally of the " Gnome " and " Renault " types,
but towards the close of the war British aero engines in both
quality and number surpassed all others. At the end of 1918
the aggregate H.P. of the British aero engines was 7,094,000, and
of this huge total 4,143,000 was contributed during 1918 alone.
Progress in the commercial applications of aircraft is slow, but
will certainly continue, and increase; its vital importance in
warfare renders it essential that adequate encouragement be
afforded to enable it to be developed in all directions.
Group 5. Special Types, (a) The Humphrey Pump. This is
an internal combustion pump, simple in principle, and of high
efficiency. Its mode of working will be understood by fig. 17.
It consists essentially of a U-tube AA'A" containing water, one
leg of which, A, is closed; within this closed end a mixture of gas
and air is introduced, compressed, and exploded, thus setting the
water column in oscillation; the water thus rises in A", and some is
discharged through B into the upper reservoir as indicated. C is a
lightly spring-supported inlet valve which opens automatically,
admitting a charge of fresh mixture, when the water-column in
descending reduces the pressure in A to below that of the atmo-
sphere; on the return oscillation C at once closes, and the fresh
charge is compressed in A, and fired by the ignition plug S at the
instant of maximum compression; explosion at once occurs, and the
water in A is driven rapidly downwards, with corresponding rise in
A" and discharge throfq;h B. Towards the end of the working
stroke the fall of the water in A causes the resultant pressure upon
the suction valve E to become vertically downwards; E thereupon
opens, admitting a fresh supply of water to the U-tube from the
lower reservoir, and simultaneously, by a simple link-work, re-
leases a pawl holding uo the exhaust valve D which at once falls
by its own weight, permitting the burnt gases to discharge into the
atmosphere. The exhaust valve D is placed at the lower end of a
short pipe projecting downwards into the combustion chamber as
shown, and remains open during the return oscillation of the water-
column in A until the water-level reaches and closes it, the pawl
then automatically locking it in readiness for the next cycle.
The residual burnt gases are next compressed by the still rising
water column in A, which is thus brought to rest. On the succeeding
downward oscillation the pressure in A rapidly falls below that of the
atmosphere, whereupon the automatic inlet valve C opens and
admits a fresh charge; the sequence of operations is then repeated.
The pump as described thus works upon the " 4-stroke " cycle,
but is also, suitably modified, arranged to work on the 2-stroke cycle;
a full account of this very ingenious application will be found in
Mr. Humphrey's paper in the Proc. Jnst. Mech. Eng. for Dec. 1909.
It will be noted that, excepting the valves, there are no moving parts,
the momentum of the water-column being utilized to charge and
compress in the working cylinder, and obtain the fresh supplies of
water to be pumped. The four strokes of the cycle, as above de-
scribed, are all unequal, the working stroke being the longest; this
is thermodynamically an advantage.
Mr. Humphrey has produced designs of pumps of this type ca-
pable of working with a suction, and for lifts of as much 33300 feet.
A very interesting installation of Humphrey pumps is that
at the Chingford reservoir of the Met. Water Board, where are
five large pumps, each of which delivers 40,000,000 gallons of
water daily into the reservoir from the River Lea. Each pump
cylinder is 7 ft. in diameter, and develops from 250 to 300 horse-
power. The pumps use gas supplied by anthracite-burning
gas-producers, and the consumption per actual pump-horse-
power-hour is stated to be about 0-9 Ib. of anthracite only.
(ft) The Internal Combustion Turbine. The exceedingly diffi-
cult problem of the internal combustion turbine has continued
to receive attention; the chief difficulty encountered has been
that of the extremely high temperature (i5oo-2oooC.) of
burning gas in relation to the metals employed in construction.
The late M. Rene Armengaud succeeded in obtaining 300
B.H.P. from a petrol internal combustion turbine of constant-
pressure type by reducing flame temperature at efflux to about
4ooC. by the addition of large quantities of steam; this may
accordingly be equally well regarded as a highly superheated
steam turbine. About 3 Ib. of petrol were required per B.H.P.
FIG. 17.
hour, which is fully five times as much as is needed by a modern
petrol engine of normal type. M. Karovodine has also built a
small turbine in which explosions from atmospheric pressure oc-
curring in rapid succession drive a small impulse wheel; this
turbine was very small, giving only 1-6 B.H.P. at 10,000 revs.
per minute, and the fuel consumption was very high. It is con-
INTERNAL COMBUSTION ENGINES
INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION
523
sidered by many engineers that a combination of the steam and
gas turbine will be found to be a satisfactory solution.
Herr Holzwarth has, however, devoted many years to the
production of the gas turbine alone, and has made noteworthy
progress. 1 The Holzwarth turbine unit comprises a small com-
bustion chamber supplied with a mixture of gas or oil vapour
and air by a suitable pump, through mechanically operated
inlet valves.
The mixture is delivered under small pressure and ignited by a
H.T. magneto. The resulting gases, at high temperature and pres-
sure, then discharge through a spring-controlled flap valve termed
the " nozzle valve," and issuing from the nozzle impinge on the vanes
of the rotor. Having passed the vanes, the gases enter an exhaust
chamber wherein a partial vacuum is maintained by a suitable
exhauster. Shortly after ignition .the nozzle valve is slowly closed
mechanically, sufficient time being allowed for a gust of scavenging
air to be passed through the combustion chamber, which is thus
cooled and cleared in readiness for the next working charge; this
air-gust also cools the nozzle and rotor vanes.
Thus the action is intermittent, and three valves and charging
and exhausting pumps are required. In an actual turbine several
such units are disposed around a turbine wheel, or " rotor."
Towards the end of 1920 the first gas turbine, using oil fuel,
was built in Germany to a definite order by Herr Holzwarth.
This turbine is direct-coupled to an alternator, and is stated to
develop 500 B.H.P. with an overall thermal efficiency of 26%.
(c) The " SHU " Engine. This is a combination of an internal
combustion engine and a steam engine. The working cylinder
at one end uses a combustible mixture of gas or oil vapour and
air, and at the other end of steam produced from the exhaust
of the " internal combustion " end of the engine. The quantity
of steam generated from the heat of the exhaust is stated to be
about 7 Ib. per B.H.P. hour at full load.
An experimental " Still " engine tested by Prof. Vernon Boys gave
an average mean effective pressure on the 4-stroke internal combus-
tion side of 90 Ib. per sq. inch, and from the steam side of 14 Ib.
per sq. inch; thus the effect was equivalent to that of a normal 4-
stroke internal combustion engine giving a mean effective pressure
of 90 (2X14) = 1 18 Ib. per sq. inch, as the " steam " end has a
2-stroke cycle.
A high thermal efficiency is claimed, and it was stated in May
192 1 2 that official trials recently carried out on a 350 B.H.P.
experimental " Still " engine under Lloyd's inspection had
shown such favourable results that Messrs. Scott's Shipbuild-
ing & Engineering Co., the licensees, had decided to standardize
designs of 6-cylinder marine sets of 2,000 B.H.P. using oil fuel in
the manner of a 2-stroke cycle Diesel engine, with " solid," i.e.
mechanically sprayed, injection of fuel into the cylinders. These
engines would be started and reversed by steam. The develop-
ment of this combination of internal combustion engine and
steam engine was one which in 1921 was being followed by
engineers with much interest. (G. A. Bu.)
INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION. An important
part of the scheme for a League of Nations embodied in the
Peace Treaty of Versailles in 1919 involved the creation of a new
International Labour Organization. The Labour part of the
Treaty (Part XIII.) rested on the principle laid down in its
preamble that there can be no social peace which is not based on
social justice. It represented the aspiration which moved all
classes to carry over into peace the community of sentiment and
of action which had held them together during the dark hours of
the World War.
Aiming therefore at the promotion of social peace, the Inter-
national Labour Organization was founded on two main beliefs
the belief that there must be international cooperation in the
industrial sphere, if suicidal competition, leading to much human
misery, and perhaps to fresh wars, was to be avoided, and the
belief that such cooperation must be based on the collaboration
between the State, Capital and Labour. The organization was
therefore to consist of all the states forming the League of
Nations, who were to meet annually in conference and draw up
international agreements for regulating and improving industrial
conditions. By raising the standard of living and the lot of the
!v. "The Gas Turbine," Holzwarth & Chalkley (Griffin 1913).
2 v. The Times " Engineering Supplement," May 1921.
worker everywhere, the worst evils of commercial rivalry, and the
penalty which it had hitherto imposed on progressive social
legislation, could be gradually removed. This could only be done
by international agreements having the force of treaties. Under
the provisions of Article 405 of the Treaty these agreements are
cast in the form of " draft conventions " and " recommendations,"
which each State is bound to lay before its legislative or other
authorities within a maximum period of eighteen months. Special
provision is made to meet the case of federal constitutions, such
as those of Canada, Australia and the United States, where
labour legislation is not within the competence of the federal
authority, but is a matter for the individual states or provinces.
There were some who took part in the Paris negotiations and
who wished to go further. They advocated that the Conference
should be vested with the powers of a super-parliament, whose
decisions should be immediately binding; but finally the more
modest proposal of the British delegation, who put forward the
scheme, was adopted, and it was left to the sovereign power in
each state to accept or reject the proposals adopted by the
conference. The constitution as defined by the Treaty provides
therefore that the final decision rests with the government or
parliament of each country. Once its approval is given to a
draft convention, the formal ratification is conveyed to the
secretary-general of the League, and the enforcement of its
'provisions becomes a treaty obligation.
This procedure is, apart from the imposition of a time-limit,
not essentially different from the usual procedure followed by
diplomatic conferences before the war, but when the composition
of the International Labour Conference is considered, several
marked departures from precedent will be observed. In the past
governments alone took part in international discussions which
were to result in creating international obligations. This meant
that the delegates were tied down to carrying out their official
instructions, and that mutual concession must be carried to the
point where virtual unanimity was reached, if any practical con-
sequences were to follow. The constitution of the International
Labour Conference broke away from the diplomatic tradition.
It provided for four delegates from each country, two only
representing the government, the other two being chosen in
agreement with the most representative organizations of employ-
ers and of workers in each country. The reason for this innova-
tion is not far to seek. In discussing labour problems it is im-
possible to ignore the great employers' associations and trade
unions, which are primarily interested and which are the con-
trolling factors in modern industry. Once unofficial delegates
were admitted, it followed as a necessary corollary that each
national delegation could not be expected to act as a whole, but
that its members must be free to speak and vote as they pleased.
Hence it was no longer possible to look for unanimity, and it was
accordingly provided that a draft convention or recommenda-
tion must be carried by a two-thirds majority, but that once so
carried, its consideration (though not its adoption) became
obligatory on the governments, whether their representatives
had voted for it or not. By this means international public
opinion could exert its influence even in countries which might
be unwilling to accept the standards of the majority.
One further point requires brief notice. During the original
discussions in Paris there was considerable division of opinion
on the question whether the governments should have one vote
or two. It was argued from the Labour point of view that the
double vote would place the workers in a hopeless minority, and
reduce them to impotence against the three votes exercised by
the governments and the employers. On the other side, it was
pointed out that not only was it probable that the official del-
egates would be as often on the side of the workers as on that
of the employers, but that on the equal voting system the latter
would with the assistance of a single government be able to block
any proposal. Moreover, unless the majority of the governments
accepted a draft convention, there was small likelihood of its
being ratified, and this in itself justified their larger voting power.
The subsequent experience of the Washington and Genoa con-
ferences may be held to have justified these contentions.
INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION
524
Supposing then that a convention has been duly ratified by a
number of states, what guarantee is there that it will be enforced?
Clearly unequal enforcement would largely destroy its value, and
would penalise the countries which had acted up to their obliga-
tions. To meet this contingency the Treaty provided that where
a state failed to carry out its obligations after having its attention
drawn to the matter, the governing body of the International
Labour Office might, if it saw fit, appoint a commission of in-
quiry. If the commission's report was unfavourable and the
state in question still refused to remove the cause of complaint,
the matter could be referred to the Permanent Court of Inter-
national Justice, who would issue a final judgment and might
suggest the adoption of the appropriate economic penalties
against the defaulting country. In practice it may be held
highly improbable that it would ever be necessary to go to such
lengths, but this attempt to provide an effective sanction for
international engagements is not without interest.
Washington Conference, ipip. The first International Labour
Conference was held in Washington in Oct. 1919 as fixed by the Treaty.
The fact of President Wilson's illness and of the failure of the United
States to ratify the Treaty clouded the atmosphere. Moreover, the
prevailing industrial strife in America did not make a favourable
setting for the first attempt at cooperation between Capital, Labour
and the governments on an international scale. Nevertheless, 123
delegates, drawn from 39 countries, assembled: 73 representing
governments, 25 the employers and 25 the workers. They were
accompanied by about 150 advisers, a good proportion of whom
were women. The conference sat for a month and, once it had found
its feet, worked with astonishing purpose and enthusiasm. It dis-
persed with the feeling that its work had not been in vain. Six draft
conventions and six recommendations had been adopted by the
necessary two-thirds majority, most of them almost unanimously.
It must suffice here to enumerate them, calling attention to one or
two points of special interest. The first draft convention provided
for the 8-hour day and the 48-hour week in industrial undertakings,
with a number of modifications and exceptions which are indispen-
sable to meet the special needs of particular industries or particular
countries. Particularly notable were the articles dealing with Japan
and India, which, though not bringing them up to the western stand-
ard at one bound, contain very considerable reductions in the hours
of labour hitherto permitted in those countries. Further draft
conventions provided for the establishment of employment ex-
changes and other measures for combating unemployment, for the
prohibition of the industrial employment of children under 14, for
the assistance of women in industry before and after childbirth, and
for the prohibition of the employment of women and young persons
at night. In addition, recommendations were adopted dealing with
the treatment of emigrants, the establishment of medical inspection
of factories, the prevention of anthrax and lead poisoning, etc.
These results of a month's work on the part of such a hetero-
geneous and polyglot assembly meeting for the first time were cer-
tainly noteworthy. They were not reached without a great deal of
keen discussion. Employers and workers stated their views with
freedom and force, but at the same time with restraint, and not
infrequently it was the r61e of the government delegates to construct
a bridge between them. But for all the differences of standpoint,
mentality, language and interest, which made the conference such
a fascinating microcosm, there was a spirit of good-will and a general
common-sense, which enabled it to arrive at solid and workmanlike
agreements. The foundation was laid for a real system of inter-
national labour legislation immeasurably in advance of anything
which had been contemplated before the war. The pioneer work of
the International Association for Labour Legislation, which suc-
ceeded in bringing together an official conference at Berne in 1906,
resulting in a convention for the prohibition of the use of white
phosphorus in matches, found its consummation at Washington in
1919, when the beginnings were made of a comprehensive inter-
national labour code.
The Washington conference completed its work by laying the
foundations of the International Labour Office, the other branch
of the permanent organization. The conference elected the govern-
ing body, which under the Treaty is charged with the control of the
office, and which consists of 24 members. Of these 12 are appointed
by governments, eight by those of the eight states of chief industrial
importance, the remaining four being selected by the government
delegates of the conference. There was some contention as to which
were the eight chief industrial states, but finally, under protest
from India, the following list was accepted: the United States,
Great Britain, France, Italy, Germany, 1 Japan, Belgium and
Switzerland. As the first named had not ratified the Treaty, and was
therefore not a member of the organization, a fifth place was pro-
visionally thrown open for election, and the following countries were
1 Germany and Austria were admitted to the organization at one
of. the first sitt ngs by 71 votes to I.
chosen to complete the number: Spam, Argentina, Canada, Poland
and Denmark. In addition to the government members, six em-
ployers' and six workers' representatives were chosen by the em-
ployers' and workers' groups, which guided their selection by the
industrial importance of the organizations which they contained
rather than by considerations of nationality. The result was some-
what ill-balanced, as 20 out of the 24 members were from Europe,
though the equilibrium would have been better preserved had
America been able to fill the three places allotted to her. The con-
ference felt the position to be unsatisfactory and passed a resolution
in this sense, which led to the reconsideration of the constitution
of the governing body.
When elected, the governing body proceeded to appoint the first
director of the International Labour Office in the person of M.
Albert Thomas, the French Socialist leader, who had created the
French Ministry of Munitions during the war, a man of great energy,
capacity and enthusiasm. He quickly set to work, and the office
took up its quarters in London in Jan. 1920. Its functions as de-
fined by the Treaty fall into two broad divisions. On the one hand, it
carries out all the preparatory and complementary work connected
with the conference. It prepares the agenda, presents a report on
each item containing all the information available on the subject,
it performs the secretarial duties, and conducts all the correspond-
ence arising in connexion with the ratification, interpretation and
enforcement of the conventions and recommendations adopted.
It also undertakes any inquiries which the conference may order.
These may be termed the diplomatic functions of the office, which
are performed by one of its main branches known as the "diplo-
matic division." The other main branch is the "scientific division,"
which, as its name implies, is engaged in the work of investigation
and research. The Treaty imposes upon the office " the collection
and distribution of information on all subjects relating to the inter-
national adjustment of conditions of industrial life and labour,"
together with the publication in French and English of " a periodical
paper dealing with problems of industry and employment of inter-
national interest." It is easy to see how huge a field the office is
thus expected to cover. There are few, if any, industrial problems
which have not their international bearing. If the war and the
economic chaos resulting from it had brought home one truth to
the world, it was that economically all the nations are to a greater
or lesser degree interdependent. And when the importance of
labour as an element in production, whether industrial or agricul-
tural, is considered, it may readily be seen that almost all labour
problems have their international aspect. It is unnecessary to
insist upon a point which is demonstrated on the one side by the
tendency of capital to create amalgamations and working agree-
ments, which take no account of national frontiers, and on the other
by the movement of the trade unions in almost every important
industry, including agriculture, towards the formation of inter-
national federations for the protection of their interests. Neither
international strikes nor international collective agreements are
outside the realm of practical politics.
Genoa Conference, 1920. The first big task of the International
Labour Office was the preparation of the second annual conference,
which was held at Genoa in June 1920. It was exclusively concerned
with the conditions of employment at sea. Of all industries the
shipping industry is the most essentially international, and of all
callings the seaman's has perhaps received the least attention from
the social legislator. The Genoa conference was more specialist
in character than its predecessor, and its results necessarily less
impressive, because they were less universal in their scope. Never-
theless, they are likely to produce considerable practical improve-
ments in the sailor's lot. The conference adopted three draft con-
ventions. The first suppresses the " crimp," who made his living
by fleecing the seaman under the pretext of finding him employ-
ment. The convention requires the abolition of all private employ-
ment agencies carried on for purposes of gain, or where they are
allowed to continue temporarily, their supervision by the govern-
ment. Moreover, each government undertakes to establish free
public employment agencies conducted either by the State or by
the joint effort of shipowners and seamen. The second convention
provides for the payment to seamen of compensation for unem-
ployment in the event of the loss of their vessel. Finally, a third
convention prohibits the employment of boys under 14 on board
ship. In addition to these conventions, recommendations were
adopted in favour of unemployment insurance for seamen, and in
favour of the establishment of national maritime codes. This last
measure was regarded as the prelude to the drafting of an inter-
national code, which would enable sailors of all countries to serve
under uniform conditions, under whatever flag they sailed. The
International Labour Office was in 1921 engaged in collecting the
material on which the joint maritime commission appointed by the
conference might begin the work of framing such a code for submis-
sion to a future conference. Finally, two further recommendations
were passed dealing with the hours of work on fishing vessels and
in inland navigation, but on the difficult question of hours of work in
seagoing ships, the conference failed to reach agreement. There were
long and vigorous debates on this subject, the main point at issue
being whether the French system of a 48-hour week with unlimited
overtime compensated either by extra wages or by time off in port,
INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION
525
or the British Government's proposal of a 56-hour week on deck
and 48 in the engine-room, should be adopted. The former failed
to obtain the necessary two-thirds -majority by a fraction, but as
several of the most important seafaring countries were in the minor-
ity, including Great Britain, Japan, Norway and Spain, the con-
vention would probably not have been generally applied, had it been
actually passed. The sequel, however, showed that legislation is
not the only method by which the International Labour Organiza-
tion can assist in promoting industrial peace.
Shortly after the dispersal of the conference the International
Seamen's Federation held a congress at which the results were dis-
cussed. A good deal of dissatisfaction was expressed at the failure to
obtain any reduction of hours, and a resolution in favour of an inter-
national seamen's strike was moved. The loss, suffering and dis-
location which such a strike would have caused, however short its
duration, require no emphasis. An amendment was eventually
carried, however, inviting the director of the International Labour
Office to intervene with a view to securing a conference with the
International Shipowners' Association, at which the matter could
be reopened on a purely industrial basis. The shipowners agreed
to the meeting which took place at Brussels in Jan. 1921 under the
presidency of M. Albert Thomas. Two joint committees were
appointed to examine in detail the revision of hours of work in the
engine-room and on deck respectively. An excellent spirit was shown
on both sides, with the result that it is proposed to make practical
experiments on selected ships to test the new system of hours pro-
posed, which may well pave the way to the first, international
collective agreement. Such an agreement would undoubtedly mark
an important landmark in industrial history.
International Labour Office. -As regards the development of
the International Labour Office itself, its early months were
largely occupied in recruiting and training the staff necessary to
carry out its numerous duties. They were gradually drawn to-
gether from different countries, and in spite of the variety of
language and tradition had at the end of six months attained a
degree of unity and cohesion, which enabled the work of the
office to reach a very reasonable standard of efficiency and its
publication to commence. To the diplomatic and scientific
divisions a number of small technical sections were attached,
manned by specialists in the problems they were appointed to
handle. These sections dealt with unemployment and emigra-
tion, agricultural questions, seamen's questions, industrial
health, social insurance, including the rehabilitation of men
disabled in industry or in war, and cooperation. A further
special section was formed to study the social aspects of the Rus-
sian revolution in consequence of a decision of the governing body
to send a mixed commission of inquiry to ascertain the industrial
conditions under the Soviet regime. Owing to the refusal of the
Bolshevik Government to admit them, the commission never
carried out their mission, but the Russian section which had been
formed to prepare the way for their inquiry succeeded in collect-
ing a great deal of first-hand evidence, which had not been
previously got together. The section made a scientific analysis of
the data thus obtained, and produced the first attempt to give an
objective account of the Bolshevik industrial system under the
title of " Labour Conditions in Soviet Russia."
Finally a small section was formed to carry out the inquiry into
production, which was decided upon by the governing body on
the motion of the employers' representatives. The object of this
inquiry was to ascertain, if possible, how far the diminution of
production was due to the shortening of hours of work, the physi-
cal and moral exhaustion produced by the war, or to other causes
affecting the output of the individual worker, or how far it was
due to deeper economic causes produced by the generally chaotic
conditions in which the war had left the machinery for the pro-
duction and exchange of goods all over the world. To attempt to
obtain a clear view of a subject of such complexity was in itself a
vast undertaking, but in response to the questionnaire which was
sent out in twelve languages to the governments, employers'
organizations and the trade unions, a great deal of valuable in-
formation about the conditions affecting production in all
countries had already been obtained in 1921.
After six months' work in London, the Office was transferred to
Switzerland. The Treaty required it to be established at the seat of
the League of Nations, and though the secretariat of the League
was still in London, the governing body decided for reasons
of convenience to transfer the office somewhat earlier to Geneva,
which was designated as the future home of the League. Con-
sequently in July 1920, immediately after the close of the Genoa
conference, the International Labour Office settled down in its
new quarters. After three months' breathing space, it was called
upon to take its part in the work of the first assembly of the
League. The constitutional relationship between the Labour Or-
ganization and the League was generally defined in the Treaty,
though some points were not free from ambiguity. The Interna-
tional Labour Office is " part of the organization of the League"
and is " entitled to the assistance of the secretary-general in any
matter in which it can be given"; but it is not subject to the
control of the council of the League, nor is the Labour Organiza-
tion as a whole in any way dependent upon or subordinated to the
assembly, except in the important matter of finance. Unlike the
other technical organizations of the League, such as the health or
transit organizations, the Labour Organization does not submit
its decisions to the council for approval and its agenda are settled
not by the council but by its own governing body. Save in the
matter of finance, it is an autonomous body attached to the
League by ties of common interest rather than by constitutional
bonds; in fact, it is a sort of self-governing dominion. The
financial link is, however, naturally one of great importance, since
money questions are not less vital in international than in nation-
al affairs. Hence when the budget of the League was considered
by the assembly, the finances of the Labour Organization, which
form part of it, also came under review.
As the taxpayer is acutely interested in all public expenditure, it
may be interesting to give a rough idea of the cost of the Inter-
national Labour Office. Its estimates, which were voted by the
Assembly for 1921, amounted to 7 million gold francs, which may be
taken as approximately equivalent to 350,000. This total is
contributed by the 48 States Members of the League, Great Britain
as a first-class State paying about 16,000. If these figures are
compared with the cost of an average civil department in England,
it will be seen that they are exceedingly modest, and it has to be
remembered that they include a great many items which do not enter
into the estimates of government departments, such as rent, repairs,
postage, telegrams, stationery, printing, etc. Again, the conduct of
correspondence and publication on a considerable scale in two or
more languages more than doubles the effort of the staff, and conse-
quently the cost, which would be entailed if only one language were
employed. In order to insure that the utmost economy was being
practised, however, and to advise as to the conditions of service, the
assembly resolved that a committee of experts should be appointed
to inquire into the organization of the secretariat and of the Inter-
national Labour Office.
At the beginning of 1921 the Office consisted of 95 men and 115
women drawn from 17 different countries. It could deal with every
language, except Chinese, in which books bearing upon industrial
questions are published. Its library consisted of about 30,000
volumes, mostly purchased from the International Association for
Labour Legislation, who had formed at Basle an unique collection
of literature on labour and economic questions. The demands made
on the office for information by governments and employers' and work-
ers' organizations were growing steadily, and were requiring a con-
stantly widening range of knowledge. A general idea of its work on
the scientific side may best be gained by enumerating its publica-
tions. Every day it issues a small pamphlet entitled Daily Intel-
ligence, which gives information about important events connected
with labour and industry, which are not usually available to the
reader of the daily press. Every week it issues an Official Bulletin,
which reports the sittings of the governing body, records the progress
of the ratification of the conventions and of the legislation for giving
effect to them, and reproduces any important official correspondence.
It is, in fact, the official organ of the International Labour Organiza-
tion. Every month the office publishes the International Labour
Review, which consists partly of studies prepared in the office dealing
with the various subjects which concern it, partly of articles con-
tributed by well-known economists or by leaders of thought in the
industrial and trade-union worlds. Apart from these regular pub-
lications, all of which appear both in English and French, the office
also issues a legislative series containing reprints or translations in
English, French and German, of the principal labour laws passed
by the parliaments of the world, as well as a number of special
studies and reports on questions of current importance, such as the
occupation of the factories by the workers in Italy, the history of the
miners' strike in Great Britain, the conditions of labour under the
short-lived Soviet regime in Hungary and similar topics, which have
an interest to the social student everywhere, but about which he
finds it difficult to get trustworthy information. In all its publica-
tions the aim of the office is to treat the subject-matter with scien-
tific accuracy and complete objectivity, so that they may come to be
regarded as really valuable and impartial contributions to social
526
INTERNATIONAL LAW
science. In the controversial atmosphere which surrounds so ^
economic problems to-day, this is not an ideal easily achieved ; bu
if it can be realized, the presentation of the facts upon which future
policies must be founded from an international and unprejudicec
standpoint will be of real service to honest seekers after truth.
Internationalism. There is one other task which lies upon the
International Labour Organization and which goes to the rooi
of its existence the creation of an international spirit. Unless
that spirit can be born and fostered, neither the League of Na-
tions nor any institution connected with it can hope to survive.
It is not a question of paying lip-service to catch-words, ol
realizing " the brotherhood of man," of reviving in the zoth
century the picturesque but shadowy idealism of Rousseau.
To create a true international spirit it is necessary to begin
practically and prosaically at the bottom instead of presumptu-
ously and poetically at the top. The first and most elementary
lesson consists of the inculcation of the fact that there are more
links, economic, social and human, which bind nations together
than there are divergent interests and antagonistic aims which
pull them asunder. It is not an easy lesson to learn. The
nationalistic impulse in a people is almost as deep-rooted and
instinctive as the egoistic impulse in the individual. But just as
men cannot live without working with and for their fellow-men in
society, so nations cannot exist without cooperating with other
nations. Because, however, the nation, being the larger unit, is
more nearly self-sufficient than the individual, national public
opinion is slow to realize its dependence on others and is apt to
believe its national self-sufficiency far more complete than in the
modern world it can possibly be. Internationalism is not the
antithesis of nationalism, but its complement. Properly under-
stood, it does not mean the emasculation of the national spirit,
which represents the embodiment of the ideals, the traditions and
the virtues built up during many generations of common national
effort. On the contrary, it means the pooling of the spiritual
resources of all nations in order to make their intercourse more
fruitful and to bring the society of which they are all members to
a higher level of prosperity and civilization. To achieve such a
result public opinion needs to possess an international as well as a
national consciousness. It must acquire a world point-of-view,
a Weltanschauung, as a corrective and an enlargement of its
national standpoint. Instead of regarding the foreigner with
instinctive mistrust, if not with sub-conscious aversion, it will
then realize that in most respects he is remarkably similar, that
he is grappling with similar problems, faced by similar needs, the
victim of similar economic disabilities, which everyone can meet
more successfully by working together to find the right solution
than by working alone without each other's experience.
Perhaps the principal work of the International Labour Organ-
ization is to bring about such collaboration in the industrial field,
and so to contribute towards the formation of a practical inter-
national spirit. In the present state of economic interdependence
which the world has reached, to hunt in isolation for the solution of
economic problems, which are in a large measure common to all
countries, is hunting deliberately in the dark. When the delegates of
the 48 states comprising the League meet at the annual conferences,
they not only discover an unsuspected community of ideas and
sentiments, but also an astonishing identity in the difficulties which
preoccupy them. The labour question, which is largely a psycholog-
ical cjuestion, is essentially the same in Japan as in Great Britain,
despite all the variations of mentality, historical evolution and
national tradition which go to make up its setting. The mere
meeting of the International Labour Conferences does much to
promote a sense of common interest and an understanding of the
value of cooperation. For its everyday work the International
Labour Office attempts to reach the same end by making known to
every country what is being thought and done in others through
the medium of its publications ana of its correspondents. In Lon-
don, Paris, Washington, Rome and Berlin, regular correspondents
are established. Their business is partly to collect first-hand and
complete information about the industrial developments in their
own country and to keep the office in touch with its government and
its great organizations of employers and workers. But an even more
important part of their duties is to make known the work of the
organization, and so to educate public opinion to see things through
international eyes. The value, indeed the indispensability, of such
a system of contact for an international organization is shown by the
frequent demands which have been received for its extension to other
countries. Such a network of international connexions can only be
gradually and carefully built up, but it is the surest method of foster-
ing the sense of international community, which is essential to the
life of the League of Nations and its allied institutions. Like all other
institutions, they are liable to feel the effects of the actions and re-
actions which affect the current of human progress. The vault-
ing idealism which marked the close of the World War has given
ground before a wave of more materialistic sentiment bred of dis-
couragement and disillusionment, because the new world is as
yet apparently no better and certainly less prosperous than the
old world we remember before the war. But the ideas embodied
in the labour part of the Peace Treaty have already obtained a
sufficient hold to justify the bdief that their survival and develop-
ment are as certain as those of any movement can be in an age when
all things are in flux and nothing can claim finality. (H. B. B.)
INTERNATIONAL LAW (see 14.694*). The World War led a
certain number of " practical " people to the length of declaring
international law to be extinct; and, no doubt, in practice dur-
ing the war the breaches of its principles were more familiar
than the cases of its observance. Yet the belligerents never
ceased to appeal to it against one another, and to make propa-
gandist capital out of violation of its teachings. In spite, there-
fore, of there being ground for discouragement, international
law has never ceased to be the usage which had grown up as
the legitimate practice of civilized mankind, and the violations
and deviations only leave it on a more solid foundation of
principle than ever. The offences committed by different bel-
ligerents against it, moreover, have served to intensify the feel-
ing that safety in the future from international intrigue and
hatreds, fomented by leaders of great material interests among
ignorant or degenerate masses, lies rather in the diffusion of the
spirit of law, its codification, and the creation of agencies for its
enforcement against those who disregard it.
i. General. The framers of the treaties of peace evidently
felt that public opinion throughout the world demanded some-
thing higher than the rule of force, and the preamble sets out
among the four purposes of the Covenant of the League of
Nations " the firm establishment of the understandings of
international law as the actual rule of conduct among govern-
ments." The whole preamble reads as follows:
In order to promote international cooperation and to achieve
international peace and security, by the acceptance of obligations
not to resort to war, by the prescription of open, just and honour-
able relations between nations, by the firm establishment of the
understandings of international law as the actual rule of conduct
among governments, and by the maintenance of justice and scrupu-
lous respect for all treaty obligations in the dealings of organized
peoples with one another."
In further recognition of the demand of the world for law in
the place of force, Article XIV. of the Covenant sets out that
the Council of the League of Nations " shall formulate and sub-
mit to the members of the League for adoption plans for the
establishment of a Permanent Court of International Justice,"
and that " the Court shall be competent to hear and determine
any dispute of an international character which the parties
thereto submit to it"; and it goes still further in providing
'or its obtaining a sort of moral influence over the League
tself in that " it may also give an advisory opinion upon any
dispute or question referred to it by the Council or by the
Assembly."
The framers of the Covenant unfortunately had inserted
Article X., which resulted in the United States refusing to
oin the League.
Yet the article at first sight seemed harmless. It provides
that " the members of the League undertake to respect and
preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity
and existing political independence of all members of the
.eague," and that " in case of any such aggression or in case
of any threat or danger of such aggression the Council shall
advise upon the means by which this obligation shall be ful-
illed." Closer examination showed that it lent itself to inter-
relations inconsistent with the objects of a League of Peace.
To the undertaking to respect the territorial integrity and exist-
ng political independence of the members of the League there
could be no objection, but the " obligation " " to preserve
hem against external aggression " or a " threat of aggression "
practically constituted the League an agent for defence of the
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
INTERNATIONAL LAW
527
provisions of the Treaty generally, and warranted a potentially
offensive attitude on mere suspicion of aggressive purposes a
possible " arming to prevent war." It might bring us back to
the old pre-war conditions, based on the profiteering maxim : Si
vis paccm para helium.
The notion that usage without sanctions is not law underlay
the introduction of Article X. into the Treaty a notion which
is not borne out by either the history of civil law or its practice.
It is seen, in short, that international law is by no means
dead. Far from being dead, it is relied upon more than ever to
become a substitute for force, and especially for the pre-war
theory of the necessity of competition in armaments.
The successful creation of numerous new societies for the
study and promotion of the reign of law among nations shows
how widespread is the feeling that we need more respect for law
and less for solutions dictated at the cannon's mouth.
Moreover, there remain the Wilsonian principles, as accepted
by all the belligerent Governments, constituting a sort of new
charter for guidance in the reform of public law which in creat-
ing the League of Nations and its adjuncts have laid the founda-
tions of new organs for the strengthening and enforcement of
law among and between Governments.
A close examination of the 14 points laid down by President
Wilson in his address of Jan. 8 1918, reaffirmed in the four of
that of July 4 1918, and the five of his address of Sept. 27 1918,
reveals several underlying principles which may be considered
as constituting a sort of fundamental international programme
adopted with one reservation by the Allies in Mr. Lansing's
reply to Germany of Nov. 5 1918, and freely accepted by Ger-
many and her allies. These principles may be summed up as
follows:
1. No secret international agreements (i ; also one of the five) ;
2. Freedom of the sea and its channels (2, 12; subject to
reservations referred to in Mr. Lansing's letter of Nov. 5);
3. Most favoured nation treatment to be generalized (3; also
one of the five) ;
4. Restriction of armaments (4) ;
5. Acquiescence of populations in all matters affecting sovereignty
over them (5, 6; also one of the four);
6. Abolition of the " right of conquest " (7, 8, 1 1 ; also among
both the four and the five) ;
7. Access to the sea a right for all States (n, 13);
8. All States as settled by the Treaty of Peace to be guaranteed
an equal right to their independence and integrity (14; also among
the four) ;
9. Racial homogeneity of population to be a ground of adjust-
ment of frontiers (9, 12).
Principle (5) may in some instances conflict with principle
(9); (3) may not always tally with (8), and some of them may
not be capable of universal application. Nevertheless, they con-
stitute the main lines on which it was promised to European
democracy that a resettlement of Europe would be based. (See
Barclay, Collapse and Reconstruction. Boston, 1919, p. 21, etc.)
A crude, and not always successful, attempt was made in the
treaties of peace to carry out these principles. Democracy in
the chief countries of the Allied Powers, unfortunately, had not
yet had time up to 1921 to grasp their importance. Moreover,
their application, to a great extent, has been obscured and per-
verted by circumstances which arose out of the chaos caused
by conflicting claims of ambitious and noisy minorities, and the
recasting by an unskilled diplomacy of Western Europe. Never-
theless, the charter exists, and with the spread of democratic
influence among Governments its importance for posterity will
probably become more distinctly obvious.
The subjects on which the war and its after-effects may be
said to ha,ve led to differences of view, and which are likely
more particularly to be influenced in the development of inter-
national law, are neutrality, contraband of war, blockade and
prize, the position of armed merchant vessels, the rights and
duties of aircraft, and the legal conditions applicable to enemy
private property.
2. Neutrality. The old theory of neutrality was that the
only restrictions to which a neutral's freedom of action in war
was subject were such as would or might constitute assistance
or favour, direct or indirect, to either belligerent. Thus neutral
ships had to submit to visit and search for contraband of war,
and to respect blockade of enemy ports and areas. But they
had, in general, the right to carry on intercourse and traffic
with either enemy without hindrance, even to supply either
side with munitions of war subject only to the belligerent right
to capture them if possible.
At the outset of the war, and during the first years of its
continuance, there was considerable diplomatic friction between
the United States and England, and between the United States
and Germany and Austria, respecting the British restraints on
American commerce on the one hand, and, on the other, on
account of the overwhelming advantage enjoyed by England
in respect of war material supplied from the United States.
One of the chief subjects of American complaint was the new
practice instituted of bringing neutral vessels into port for
search instead of the older practice of visit and search, which
interfered as little as possible with the course of their voyage.
The American Secretary of State in a communication of Oct.
21 1915 to the United States ambassador in London protested
against the British contention that "modern conditions" justify
bringing vessels into port for search, and that the size and sea-
worthiness of modern carriers of commerce and the difficulty of
ascertaining the real transaction in the intricate trade opera-
tions of the present day make it impossible to effect an adequate
search on the high sea. " It is believed," he wrote, " that com-
mercial transactions of the present time, hampered as they are
by censorship of telegraph and postal communication on the
part of belligerents, are essentially no more complex and dis-
guised than in the wars of recent years, during which the prac-
tice of obtaining evidence in port to determine whether a vessel
should be held for prize proceedings was not adopted." The
effect of the size and seaworthiness of merchant vessels upon
their search at sea, he added, had been submitted to a board of
naval experts, who had reported that:
" At no period in history has it been considered necessary to
remove every package of a ship's cargo to establish the character
and nature of her trade or the service on which she is bound, nor is
such removal necessary. . . . The facilities for boarding and in-
spection of modern ships are in fact greater than in former times,
and no difference, so far as the necessities of the case are concerned,
can be seen between the search of a ship of 1,000 tons and one of
20,000 tons except possibly a difference in time for the purpose
of establishing fully the character of her cargo and the nature of
her service and destination. . . ."
Complaints were also made respecting the detention of neutral
vessels on bare suspicion and the methods employed in respect
of evidence against them. The U.S. Government pointed out
that under the hitherto existing practice when a vessel was
brought in for adjudication, courts of prize considered " at the
first hearing only the ship's papers and documents, and the
goods found on board, together with the written replies of the
officers and seamen to standing interrogatories taken under
oath, alone and separately, as soon as possible, and without
communication with or instruction by counsel, in order to
avoid possibility of corruption and fraud." Additional evidence
was not allowed to be introduced except upon an order of the
court for " further proof," and then only after the cause had
been fully heard upon the facts already in evidence or when
this evidence furnished a ground for prosecuting the enquiry-
further. This had been the practice of the U.S. courts during
the war of 1812, the American Civil War, and the Spanish-
American War, and had been the practice of the British prize
courts for over a century. This practice was changed by the
British prize court rules adopted by the Order in Council of
Aug. 5 1915. Under these new rules there was no longer a
" first hearing " on the evidence derived from the ship, and the
prize court was no longer precluded from receiving extrinsic
evidence for which a suggestion had not been laid in the pre-
paratory evidence. The result was, contended the U.S. Govern-
ment, that innocent vessels or cargoes were seized and detained
on mere suspicion, while efforts were being made to obtain
evidence from extraneous sources to justify the detention and
528
INTERNATIONAL LAW
the commencement of prize proceedings, and " the effect of this
new procedure was to subject traders to risk of loss, delay, and
expense so great as practically to destroy much of the export
trade of the United States to neutral countries of Europe."
The interest of neutrals is necessarily different from that
of belligerents, and their standpoints are influenced accord-
ingly. It is possible that there will be other wars long before
there is again one in which the belligerents will form the bulk
of the world power. The precedents of the World War are,
therefore, subject to the qualification that neutral states, with
one exception, were not in a position to assert their rights by
force, and that the one great neutral Power in question, which
had the power to assert neutral right, came to have an interest
which was practically identical with that of one of the parties
in the struggle till it became entirely so.
We may, therefore, regard the principles and rules of inter-
national law respecting neutrality at the end of the World War
as in no essential particular different from those which civilized
mankind before the war had come to regard as binding.
3. The Declaration of London. This convention (Feb. 26
1909) had not been ratified at the outbreak of the war by
any of the Governments concerned. In the Italo-Turkish War,
Turkey and Italy as belligerents had given effect to it as a
whole, and Russia as neutral in part. 1 Great Britain had gone
the length of giving effect to it by passing an Act through the
House of Commons which the House of Lords had thrown out.
The U.S. Senate (April 24 1912) " advised and consented " to
the ratification of the declaration, but the ratification had not
been deposited in London. 2
The U.S. Government early in the war (Aug. 6 1914) made
a suggestion that the belligerent Powers should adopt the
declaration in its entirety as a code of international law. Its
acceptance by the belligerents, the Secretary of State urged,
might prevent the grave misunderstandings between bellig-
erents and neutrals to which different views on the maritime
law of war would expose their relations. The German and
Austro-Hungarian Governments declared their readiness to
give effect to the declaration subject to reciprocity. The
British Government declared, however, that it could only
observe the provisions of the declaration in so far as this did
not conflict with the " efficient conduct " of naval operations.
The French Government took the same line as that of Great
Britain. The Italian Government in due course followed their
example. The U.S. Government, meanwhile (Oct. 22 1914), in
view of the little response made to its proposal withdrew it.
A British Order in Council of Aug. 20 1914, however, had given
effect to the declaration subject to modifications and additions.
But the modifications grew with the progress of the war, and
with the " manifest developments of naval and military science,
the invention of new engines of war, the concentration by the
Germanic Power of the whole body of their resources on mili-
tary ends." 3 In view of these conditions, altogether different
from those prevailing in previous naval wars, by Order in
Council of July 7 1916 the declaration was finally withdrawn.
4. Contraband of War, Blockade and Prize. International
law forbids neutrals to do certain things for the benefit of a
belligerent. Among these are the supply of articles of direct or
indirect help to him in the prosecution of the war. As Grotius
says:
" There are still disputes as to what may lawfully be done to
those who are not our enemies, nor are willing to be thought so,
and yet furnish our enemies with supplies. This is a point which
has been sharply contested, both in ancient and modern times,
some maintaining the extreme right of war, others the freedom of
commerce. In the first place, we must distinguish between the
things themselves, for there are some things which are of use only
in war, as arms, others which are no use in war, but serve only for
pleasure; others which are useful both in war and peace, provisions,
ships, and their appurtenances. 1 '
1 See Sir Thomas Barclay, Turco-Italian War and its Problems
(London 1912, p. 99).
1 See Garner, International Law and the World War (London 1920,
vol. i., p. 31).
* Note by British Government to neutral Governments.
Grotius approves of forbidding neutrals to supply the enemy
with articles of the first kind, and of permitting traffic in articles
of the second kind. As regards the third kind, those which are
of use, both in time of war and in time of peace (usus ancipitis),
he makes a distinction:
" For if I cannot protect myself unless I intercept what is sent,
necessity will give me a right to intercept it, but under the obliga-
tion of restitution, except there be cause to the contrary. But if the
supplying of the articles will impede the execution of my design,
and he who transports them might have known this fact as, for .
instance, if I am besieging a town or blockading a port, and a sur-
render or a peace is daily expected, he will be liable to me for dam-
ages, and his property may be taken to satisfy them. If he has not
done the damage, but is only attempting to do it, his property may .
be detained until he gives security for the future; but if the injustice
of my enemy be very clear, and the supplies conveyed to him sup-
port him in his unjust war, then shall the party who conveys them
to my enemy be not only liable to repair my loss, but he may be
treated as a criminal, as one who is rescuing a notorious offender
from impending judgment ; and for this reason it will be lawful for
me to deal with him according to his offence, and for the purpose of
punishment I may deprive him of his merchandise " (" De Jure
Belli et Pads," lib. iii., c. i., s. 5).
International law at the outbreak of the war still recognized
the distinctions laid down by Grotius, the first kind being
known as " absolute contraband," and third as " conditional
contraband." And, as usual, Governments at the outbreak of
war issued lists of absolute and conditional contraband. The
Declaration of London (1909), following Grotius' distinctions,
adopted a third list of articles, corresponding to his second kind,
which are never to be declared contraband. Among them,
rather inconsistently, figured " raw cotton," which had been a
concession to England. The drafting committee stated, however,
that this free list was not exclusive, but merely indicative.
There had been a strong movement on the European conti-
nent before the war in favour of abolishing conditional contra-
band. Moved by the desire to distinguish unmistakably from,
so to speak, constructive contraband, and to protect trade
against the vexation of uncertainty, many continental jurists
had come to argue it away altogether. There were, however,
signs of a change of opinion, judging by the discussions on the
subject in the Institute of International Law, a body exclusively
composed of recognized international jurists. The rules this
body adopted in 1896, though they did not represent the unani-
mous feeling of its members, may be taken as the opinion of a
large proportion of them. In any case the majority comprised
German, Danish, Italian, Dutch and French specialists. The
rules contain a clause which, after declaring conditional con-
traband abolished, stated that " nevertheless, the belligerent
has, at his option and -on condition of paying an equitable in-
demnity, a right of sequestration or preemption as to articles
(objects) which, on their way to a port of the enemy, may serve
equally in war or in peace." 4
Thus, by the established classification goods are divided into
three classes: (i) Goods primarily used for warlike purposes;
(2) goods which may be equally used for either warlike or peace-
ful purposes; (3) goods exclusively used for peaceful purposes.
Under the law of contraband as it stood at the outbreak of
war, goods in the first class might be seized if proved to be going
to the enemy country; goods in the second class might be seized
if proved to be going to the enemy Government or its armed
forces; goods in the third class passed free. Attempts of bellig-
erents to enlarge the first class at the expense of the second,
and the second at the expense of the third, had only been frus-
trated at the expense of considerable friction with neutrals.
Under the rules of prize law, as laid down a century ago,
goods were not regarded as destined for an enemy country
unless they were to be discharged in a port in that country;
but the American prize courts in the Civil War found themselves
compelled by the then existing conditions of commerce to apply
and develop the doctrine of continuous voyage, under which
goods which could be proved to be ultimately intended for an
enemy country were not exempt from seizure on the ground
4 See Barclay, Law and Usage of War (London 1914, p. 24 et seq.).
INTERNATIONAL LAW
529
that they were first to be discharged in an intervening neutral
port. By British Order of Council of Aug. 20 and Oct. 22 1914,
and the corresponding French decrees, the lists of contraband
and free goods in the Declaration of London were rejected, and
the doctrine of " continuous voyage " was applied not only to
absolute contraband, but also to conditional contraband, if
such goods were consigned to order, or, if the papers did not
show the consignee of the goods, or if they showed a consignee
on enemy territory. The situation as regards German trade has
been officially recorded to have been as follows: Direct trade
outside the Baltic to German ports had practically ceased.
Supplies to Germany were directed to neutral ports, and every
effort was made to disguise their real destination. The power
the Allies had to deal with the then existing situation was that
they had the right to seize articles of absolute contraband if it
could be proved that they were destined for the enemy country,
although they were to be discharged in a neutral port, and to
seize articles of conditional contraband if it could be proved
that they were destined' for the enemy Government or its armed
forces, although they were to be discharged in a neutral port.
On the other hand, there was no power to seize articles of con-
ditional contraband if they could not be shown to be destined
for the enemy Government or its armed forces, or non-contra-
band articles, even if they were on their way to a port in Ger-
many, and there was no power to stop German exports.
It soon, however, became clear that the restrictions inter-
national law placed in the way of inflicting on the enemy to the
full the advantage of absolute command of the sea would deprive
the Allies of a powerful weapon. This led to the adoption in
March 1915 of more extended powers of intercepting German
commerce. The Allied Governments decided to stop all goods
which could be proved to be going to, or coming from, Germany.
This general blockade swept away all distinctions respecting
contraband, and the nature of the commodities in question
ceased to be of any importance. Once their destination or
origin was established, the power to stop them was complete. 1
The policy adopted in order to enforce the blockade of Ger-
many was as follows: (i) German exports to overseas countries
were almost entirely stopped. Such exceptions as were made
were where a refusal to allow the export of the goods would
hurt the neutral concerned without inflicting any injury upon
Germany. (2) All shipments to neutral countries adjacent to
Germany were carefully scrutinized with a view to the detection
of a concealed enemy destination. Wherever there was reason-
able ground for suspecting such destination, the goods were
placed in the Prize Court. Doubtful consignments were detained
until satisfactory guarantees were produced. (3) Under agree-
ments in force with bodies of representative merchants in several
neutral countries adjacent to Germany, stringent guarantees
were exacted from importers, and, so far as possible, all trade
between the neutral country and Germany, whether arising
overseas or in the neutral country itself, was restricted. (4) By
agreements with shipping lines and by a vigorous use of the
power to refuse bunker coal, a large proportion of the neutral
mercantile marine which carries on trade with Scandinavia and
Holland was induced to agree to conditions designed to prevent
goods carried in these ships from reaching the enemy. (5)
Efforts were made to introduce a system of rationing which
would ensure that the neutral countries concerned only imported
such quantities of articles as were normally imported for their
own consumption. 2
The result of the blockade was that the export trade of Ger-
many was substantially destroyed. With regard to imports,
some of the most important, such as cotton, wool, and rubber,
were practically excluded from Germany. Others, like fats and
oils and dairy produce, could only be obtained there, if at all,
at famine prices, which led to considerable discontent among
the population, and food riots in some of the large towns.
This means of bringing an enemy to sue for peace was on a
1 See British White Paper, Misc., No. 2 (1916), in which the
measures in question are fully set out.
2 See White Paper, Misc., No. 2 (1916).
more extended scale only the same in principle as that of the
siege of a city and cannot be regarded as a violation of inter-
national law. The power of the Allies, as shown by results, to
make the blockade effective may be regarded as its justification.
5. The s.s. "China" Case. The s.s. "China" affair was a
case of some importance, having led to an examination of the
current bearing of the famous " Trent " case, which in its time
gave rise to serious friction between Great Britain and the
United States. On Feb. 18 1916, the British cruiser " Lauren-
tic " stopped the " China " on the high seas, about 10 m. from
the entrance to the Yangtsze-kiang, boarded her with an armed
party, and, despite the captain's protest, removed from the
vessel 28 Germans, 8 Austrians and 2 Turks, including physi-
cians and merchants, and took them to Hong-Kong, where they
were detained as prisoners in the military barracks. The U.S.
Government in the note on the subject to the British Govern-
ment alleged that as none of the men taken from the " China "
were incorporated in the armed forces of the enemies of Great
Britain, the action of the " Laurentic " must be regarded by it
as an unwarranted invasion of America's sovereignty over her
vessels on the high seas. The U.S. Government referred to the
" Trent " case, and expressed surprise at this exercise of bel-
ligerent power on the high seas far removed from the zone of
hostile operations. The ambassador was directed to present
the matter to the Government of Great Britain at once, and to
insist vigorously that if facts were as reported, orders be given
for the immediate release of the persons taken from the " China."
The British Secretary for Foreign Affairs replied that the latest
attempt to define by common agreement the limits within which
a belligerent naval power may remove enemy persons from
neutral ships on the high seas is represented by Article 47 of the
Declaration of London, 1909. This article permitted the arresl
of such persons if "embodied in the armed forces of the enemy,"
without regard to the destination of the ship on which they
were found travelling. The commentary on Article 45 of the
Declaration contained in the Report of the Drafting Committee
of the London Naval Conference states that, on practical
grounds " apart from reasons of pure law " it was agreed that
the term " embodied in the armed forces of the enemy " should
be considered as not including reservists not yet attached to
their military units.
At the beginning of the war the British Government had
adhered to Articles 45 and 47 of the Declaration of London, as
interpreted by the Report of the Drafting Committee. They
had taken this step as a matter of convenience, being at liberty,
as the declaration was an unratified instrument, to cancel at
any time their adherence, provided always that their subsequent
action did not conflict with the general principles of inter-
national law. When the German authorities began to remove
able-bodied persons of military' age from the occupied portions
of France and Belgium, the British Government felt that they
could no longer accept the restrictive interpretation placed for
practical reasons on the terms of Article 47 of the Declaration
of London by the Report of the Drafting Committee, and that
they must arrest all enemy reservists found on board neutral
ships on the high seas, no matter where they might be met.
Although the U.S. Government, since their suggestion early
in the war that the belligerent Powers should adopt the Decla-
ration of London in its entirety as a code of international naval
law, did not find general acceptance, had declared that it no
longer considered the declaration as being in force, the Foreign
Secretary said he had referred to the bearings of the declaration
on this question, because Article 47 represented perhaps the
only attempt to arrive at a definition, by common consent of
the chief maritime nations of the law in regard to the matter.
The attempt, however, was necessarily conditioned by the expe-
rience of previous wars, and the definition was reached after
weighing the claims and the convenience of neutral shipping
against the importance to belligerent powers, as shown by the
experience of previous wars, of preventing enemy subjects from
proceeding to their destination, and pursuing the hostile pur-
poses for which they were organized.
530
INTERNATIONAL LAW
It was therefore of the greatest importance for a belligeren
power to intercept on the high seas not only mobilized members
of the opposing army who might be found travelling on neutra
ships, but also " those agents whom the enemy sends to injun
his opponent abroad, or whose services he enjoys without hav
ing himself commissioned them."
In fact practical considerations from the belligerents' pain
of view had changed, and the change necessarily implied a
modification in the description of enemy subjects whom it is
lawful to arrest, supposing such a description can be said to
have existed in any binding form.
With regard to the case of the " Trent " the British Govern-
ment contended that the " China " case was of an entirely dif-
ferent nature from that on which the U.S. Government relied.
At the date when the " Trent " case occurred no agreement
had been reached as to the claim put forward by certain coun-
tries that a belligerent is entitled to remove certain classes ol
individuals from a neutral ship without bringing the vessels in
for adjudication in the Prize Court. Since then a considerable
measure of agreement has been reached on this point:
" In any case the nature of the persons concerned in the episode
of the 'Trent' was entirely different from that of the individuals
removed from the ' China.' Messrs. Slidell & Mason were pro-
ceeding to Europe, according to their contention, as the diplomatic
representatives of a belligerent; at that time the suggestion that
the functions of a diplomatic representative should include the
organizing of outrages upon the soil of the neutral country to which
he was accredited was unheard of, and the removal of the gentle-
men in question could only be justified on the ground that their
representative character was sufficient to bring them within the
classes of persons whose removal from a neutral vessel was justifi-
able. The distinction between such persons and German agents
whose object is to make use of the shelter of a neutral country in
order to foment risings in British territory, to fit out ships for the
purpose of preying on British commerce, and to organize outrages
in the neutral country itself is obvious." 1
6. Armed Merchant Ships and the Submarine. The subject
of the legitimacy of arming merchant ships arose in the course
of the war, and the death penalty inflicted on Capt. Fryatt
gave a tragic importance to it, which excited British public
opinion on a matter which is not so easily disposed of, from the
point of view of international law, as the public at the time was
led or seemed to suppose.
The British Government, on the outbreak of war, at once
(Aug. 4 1914 and Aug. 9 1914) called the attention of the U.S.
Government to the distinction between a merchantman com-
missioned to act as a cruiser and a merchantman merely armed
for defence against attack. According to the British rule it was
pointed out that " British merchant vessels cannot be con-
verted into men-of-war in any foreign port, for the reason
that Great Britain does not admit the right of any Power to
do this on the High Seas." This is not perhaps very clearly
expressed by the Government communication, which goes on,
however, to state that " the duty of a neutral to intern or order
the immediate departure of belligerent vessels is limited to
actual and potential men-of-war, and, in the opinion of H.M.
Government, there can, therefore, be no right on the part of
neutral Governments to intern British armed merchant vessels
which cannot be converted into men-of-war on the High Seas,
nor require them to land their guns before proceeding to sea."
A certain number of British merchant vessels had been armed
" as a precautionary measure adopted solely for defence."
Later (Sept. 9 1914) the British Government handed to the
U.S. Government a short memorandum in justification of its
action in arming merchant ships for defence and of its claim
that they should enjoy the status of peaceful trading vessels in
neutral ports. This memorandum, which has a certain impor-
tance, was as follows:
" The German Government have openly entered upon the policy
of arming merchant ships as commerce destroyers and even claim
the right to carry out the process of arming and equipping such
merchant ships in neutral harbours or on the high seas. It is m con-
sequence of this that the British Admiralty have been compelled,
in accordance with the practice followed in the great wars of his-
1 In Sir E. Grey's letter to Mr. W. H. Page, March 16 1916.
tory, to arm a certain number of British merchant ships for self-
defence only.
" The practice of arming ships in self-defence is very old ana
has been ordered by Royal proclamation in England from early in
the seventeenth century. During the Napoleonic wars the right
to arm in self-defence was recognized by British and United States
Prize Courts in the cases of the Catherine Elisabeth (British) and
the Nereide (United States). The right of a merchant ship of a
belligerent to carry arms and resist capture is clearly and definitely
laid down in modern times. The right of resistance of merchant
vessels is recognized by the United States Naval War Code, by th
Italian Code for Mercantile Marine, and by the Russian Priz
Regulations. Writers of authority in many European countric
also recognize the right. To mention a German authority, it ma
be stated that the late Dr. Perels, at one time legal adviser to the
German Admiralty, quotes with approval Art. 10 of the United
States Naval War Code, which states " the prisoners of merchant
vessels of an enemy who, in self-defence and in protection of the
vessel placed in their charge resist an attack, are entitled to the
status of prisoners of war." The Institute of International Law at
its meeting in 1913 prepared and adopted a manual of the laws of
naval warfare, Article 10 of which expressly declared that private
ships are allowed to employ force to defend themselves against the
attack of an enemy's ship.
"A merchant vessel armed purely for self-defence is therefore
entitled under international law to enjoy the status of a peaceful
trading ship in neutral ports and His Majesty's Government do not
ask for better treatment for British merchant ships in this respect
than might be accorded to those of other Powers. They consider
that only those merchant ships which are intended for use as cruisers
should be treated as ships of war and that the question whether a
particular ship carrying an armament is intended for offensive or
defensive action must be decided by the simple criterion whether
she is engaged in ordinary commerce and embarking cargo and
passengers in the ordinary way. If so, thene is no rule of international
law that would justify such vessel, even if armed being, treated
otherwise than as a peaceful trader."
The U.S. Government replied to this memorandum by draw-
ing up some general rules which it declared to be its intention
to follow in dealing with cases involving the status of armed
merchant vessels visiting American ports. These rules, which
very clearly define what constitute armament for self-defence,
are likely to become a precedent, and are, therefore, in view of
future naval warfare, of considerable value. They were as
follows:
(a) A merchant vessel of belligerent nationality may carry an
armament and ammunition for the sole purpose of defence without
acquiring the character of a ship of war.
(b) The presence of an armament and ammunition on board a
merchant vessel creates a presumption that the armament is for
offensive purposes, but the owners or agents may overcome this
presumption by evidence showing that the vessel carries armament
solely for defence.
(c) Evidence necessary to establish the fact that the armament
is solely for defence and will not be used offensively, whether the
armament be mounted or stowed below, must be presented in each
case independently at an official investigation. The result of the
investigation must show conclusively that the armament is not
intended for, and will not be used in, offensive operations.
Indications that the armament will not be used offensively are:
1. That the calibre of the guns carried does not exceed six inches.
2. That the guns and small arms carried are few in number.
3. That no guns are mounted on the forward part of the vessel.
4. That the quantity of ammunition is small.
5. That the vessel is manned by its usual crew, and the officers
are the same as those on board before the war was declared.
6. That the vessel intends to and actually does clear for a port
ying in its usual trade route, or a port indicating its purposes to
continue in the same trade in which it was engaged before war was
declared.
7. That the vessel takes on board fuel and supplies sufficient
only to carry it to its port of destination, or the same quantity sub-
stantially which it has been accustomed to take for a voyage before
the war was declared.
8. _ That the cargo of the vessel consists of articles of commerce
unsuited for the use of a ship of war in operations against an enemy.
9. That the vessel carries passengers who are as a whole unfitted
.o enter the military or naval service of the belligerent whose flag
he vessel flies, or of any of its allies, and particularly if the passenger
1st includes women and children.
10. That the speed of the ship is slow.
(d) Port authorities, on the arrival in a port of the United States
>f an armed vessel of belligerent nationality, claiming to be a mer-
hant vessel, should immediately investigate and report to Wash-
ngton on the foregoing indications as to the intended use of the
armament, in order that it may be determined whether the evidence
s sufficient to remove the presumption that the vessel is, and should
INTERNATIONAL LAW
be treated as, a ship of war. Clearance will not be granted until
authorized from Washington, and the master will be so informed
upon arrival.
(e) The conversion of a merchant vessel into a ship of war is a
question of fact which is to be established by direct or circumstan-
tial evidence of intention to use the vessel as a ship of war. (Dept.
of State, Sept. 19 1914.)
The German Government on Oct. 15 1914 communicated by
telegram a counter-memorandum to the U.S. Government
which stated that it had learnt from " an official notice " in
the Westminster Gazette (Sept. 21 1914) that the Department of
State at Washington had ruled that ships of belligerent nations
when equipped with ammunition and armament shall neverthe-
less be treated, while in American ports, as merchant ships,
provided the armament serves for defensive purposes only.
" This ruling," the memorandum stated, " wholly fails to com-
ply with the principles of neutrality. The equipment of British
merchant vessels with artillery is for the purpose of making
armed resistance against German cruisers. Resistance of this
sort is contrary to international law, because in a military sense
a merchant vessel is not permitted to defend itself against a war
vessel. ... It is a question whether or not ships thus armed
should be admitted into ports of a neutral country at all. Such
ships, in any event, should not receive any better treatment in
neutral ports than a regular warship, and should be subject at
feast to the rules issued by neutral nations restricting the stay
of a warship. If the Government of the United States considers
that it fulfils its duty as a neutral nation by confining the admis-
sion of armed merchant ships to such ships as are equipped for
defensive purposes only, it is pointed out that so far as deter-
mining the warlike character of a ship is concerned, the dis-
tinction between the defensive and offensive is irrelevant. The
destination of a ship for use of any kind in war is conclusive,
and restrictions as to the extent of armament afford no guar-
antee that ships armed for defensive purposes only will not be
used for offensive purposes under certain circumstances."
The U.S. Government replied (Xov. 7 1914) in a telegram
that it dissented from the views of the German Government as
above expressed in regard to the treatment to be accorded
armed merchant vessels of belligerent nationality in neutral
ports. The practice of a majority of nations and the consensus
of opinion by the leading authorities on international law,
including many German writers, supported the proposition that
merchant vessels may arm for defence without losing their
private character and that they may employ such armament
against hostile attack without contravening the principles of
international law. The purpose of an armament on a merchant
vessel was to be determined by various circumstances, among
which were the number and position of the guns on the vessel,
the quantity of ammunition and fuel, the number and sex of
the passengers, the nature of the cargo, etc. Tested by evidence
of this character, the question as to whether an armament on a
merchant vessel was intended solely for defensive purposes may
be readily answered and the neutral Government should regu-
late its treatment of the vessel in accordance with the intended
use of the armament. In permitting a private vessel having a
general cargo, a customary amount of fuel, an average crew,
and passengers of both sexes on board, and carrying a small
armament and a small amount of ammunition, to enjoy the
hospitality of an American port as a merchant vessel, the U.S.
Government was (it contended) in no way violating its duty as
a neutral. Nevertheless, it was- not unmindful of the fact that
the circumstances of a particular case may be such as to cause
embarrassment and possible controversy as to the character of
an armed private vessel visiting its ports. Recognizing, there-
fore, the desirability of avoiding a ground of complaint, the U.S.
Government, " as soon as a case arose, while frankly admitting
the right of a merchant vessel to carry a defensive armament,
expressed its disapprobation of a practice which compelled it to
pass an opinion upon a vessel's intended use, which opinion, if
proven subsequently to be erroneous, might constitute a ground
for a charge of unneutral conduct."
As a result of these representations Secretary Lansing said
that no merchant vessels with armaments had visited the ports
of the United States since Sept. 10. In fact, from the beginning
of the World War only two armed private vessels had entered
or cleared from U.S. ports, and as to these vessels their charac-
ter as merchant vessels had been conclusively established. He
expressed the hope that the German Government would also
prevent their merchant vessels from entering the ports of the
United States carrying armament even for defensive purposes
" though they may possess the right to do so by the rules of
international law."
The theoretical justification of the German position regarding
the status of merchantmen armed solely for defence is that a
non-combatant ship carrying arms is not essentially different
from a non-combatant person earning arms. In practice the
really important consideration, however, was brought out by
the new situation arising out of the weakness of submarine
vessels for defence. A comparatively small projectile can destroy
a submarine. And is not defence necessarily offence where the
merchantman opens fire, though the submarine " may not have
committed any hostile act such as firing a gun or torpedo"?
(See British instructions of April 1915.) Moreover, may not
the merchant vessel, to defend itself effectively, have to round
on the pursuer and get to close quarters with him?
These considerations no doubt influenced the U.S. Secretary
of State, who on Jan. 18 1916 handed a confidential letter to
the British ambassador on the subject, in which he set out that
in order to bring submarine warfare within the general rules of
international law and the principles of humanity, without
destroying its efficiency in the destruction of commerce, he
believed that a formula might be found which would appeal
to the sense of justice and fairness of all the belligerents.
In pursuance of the object he made the following proposi-
tions:
" I. A non-combatant has a right to traverse the high seas in a
merchant vessel entitled to fly a belligerent flag and to rely upon
the observance of the rules of international law and principles of
humanity if the vessel is approached b; a naval vessel of another
belligerent.
" 2. A merchant vessel of enemy nationality should not be
attacked without being ordered to stop.
" 3. An enemy merchant vessel, when ordered to do so by a
belligerent submarine, should immediately stop.
" 4. Such vessel should not be attacked after being ordered to
stop, unless it attempts to flee or to resist, and, in case it ceases to
flee or resist, the attack should discontinue.
"In the event that it is impossible to place a prize crew on board
an enemy merchant vessel, or convoy it into port, the vessel may be
sunk, provided the crew and passengers have been removed to a
place of safety."
In complying with the foregoing propositions, which, in the
Secretary of State's opinion, embodied the principal rules the
strict observance of which would insure the life of a non-com-
batant on a merchant vessel which is intercepted by a sub-
marine, he was not unmindful of the obstacles which would be
met by undersea craft as commerce destroyers. Prior to the
year 1915, belligerent operations against enemy commerce on
the high seas had been conducted with cruisers carrying heavy
armaments. Under these conditions international law appeared
to permit a merchant vessel to carry an armament for defensive
purposes without losing its character as a private commercial
vesseL This right was justified by the superior defensive
strength of ships of war, and the limitations of armament
seemed to be dependent on the fact that it could not be used
effectively in offence against enemy naval vessels, while it could
defend the merchantmen against the generally inferior arma-
ment of piratical ships and privateers. The use of the sub-
marine, however, had changed these relations. Comparison of
the defensive strength of a cruiser and a submarine showed that
the latter, relying for protection on its power to submerge, is
almost defenceless in point of construction. Even a merchant
ship carrying a small-calibre gun would be able to use it effec-
tively for offence against a submarine. Moreover, pirates and
sea-rovers had been swept from the main trade channels of the
seas, and privateering had been abolished. Consequently, the
532
INTERNATIONAL LAW
placing of guns on merchantmen at the present day of sub-
marine warfare can be explained only on the ground of a pur-
pose to render merchantmen superior in force to submarines
and to prevent warning and visit and search by them. Any
armament, therefore, on a merchant vessel would seem to have
the character of an offensive armament. If a submarine is
required to stop and search a merchant vessel on the high seas,
and, in case it is found she is of an enemy character and that
conditions necessitate her destruction, to remove to a place of
safety all persons on board, it would not seem just or reason-
able that the submarine should be compelled, while complying
with these requirements, to expose itself to almost certain
destruction by the guns on board the merchant vessel. It,
therefore, appeared to be a reasonable and reciprocally just
arrangement if it could be agreed by the opposing belligerents
that submarines should be caused to adhere strictly to the rules
of international law in the matter of stopping and searching
merchant vessels, determining their belligerent nationality, and
removing the crews and passengers to places of safety before
sinking the vessels as prizes of war; and that merchant vessels
of belligerent nationality should be prohibited and prevented
from carrying any armament whatever.
The American statesman added that the U.S. Government
was impressed with the reasonableness of the argument that a
merchant vessel carrying an armament of any sort, in view of
the character of submarine warfare and the defensive weakness
of undersea craft, should be held to be an auxiliary cruiser and
be so treated by a neutral as well as by a belligerent.
This was a judicious and unbiased statement upon which it is
difficult to improve. The advice given was not acted upon.
The chief consideration in it was probably just the reason for
utilizing it. In the Fryatt case Capt. Fryatt on March 20 1916,
as pilot of a British unarmed merchantman, refused to stop on
being summoned by a German submarine, and instead, unsuc-
cessfully, tried to ram the submarine. He fell into German
hands later on, and was tried as a non-combatant for an act
of war against a submarine which was acting within its rights
under international law. He was court-martialled and shot.
It is seen from the above summary of the situation that the
legal relations between belligerents at sea, which have arisen
out of the importation of the submarine into maritime warfare,
call for precise regulation, though it is difficult to see the line on
which such regulations can extricate the future from the cruelty
arising, even unintentionally, from the use of this new instru-
ment of destruction.
7. Air Warfare. " Military aircraft and airmen are bound
by the rules that govern belligerents generally. To be distin-
guishable from spies and possess the rights of prisoners of war,
airmen must conform to the provisions of the Hague Regula-
tions, wear the uniform of their country, and act in accordance
with the Laws and Usage of War. They are forbidden to drop
bombs on undefended towns or villages. In case of impending
bombardment by an attacking force, it is the duty of the com-
manding officer to warn the authorities of the place thereof.
This applies to all the attacking forces, including aircraft. In
sieges and bombardments, precautions are strongly urged by
the Hague Regulations to spare historic buildings, hospitals,
and charitable institutions; the besieged authorities are recom-
mended to indicate them by visible signs notified to the besiegers.
All this affects the besiegers' aircraft as part of the attacking
force." The above was written in the autumn of 1914.' Thisisstill
the law affecting aircraft.
The sense of the word " defended," at the Hague Conference
of 1907, gave rise to some discussion in connexion with the
special convention there adopted for the regulation of naval
bombardments. Article I. of that convention forbids the bom-
bardment by naval forces of " undefended ports, towns, villages,
habitations, or buildings," to which Article II. adds the following
qualification:
" Nevertheless, this interdiction does not comprise military
1 See Barclay, Law and Usage of War (London 1914).
works, military or naval establishments, depots of arms or war
material, workshops or installations suitable to be used for the
requirements of the enemy's army or fleet, and war vessels in the
port. The commander of a naval force may, after summons with a
reasonable delay, destroy them by cannon if no other means are
possible, and when the local authorities shall not have proceeded to
their destruction within the delay fixed."
As lateral damage to " innocent " property may be caused
by bombardment, the second paragraph of the same article
provides that in case " involuntary damage is occasioned by
the bombardment," the commander of the bombarding vessel
or vessels " incurs no responsibility."
Then, as there is always the contingency of the bombarding
vessel not having time to comply with the prescribed formal-
ities, " military necessity " may be allegecf to justify any
excesses and barbarity. " If," however, adds a third paragraph
of this article, " military necessity requiring immediate action
does not admit of delay, it remains understood that the pro-
hibition to bombard the undefended town continues as set out
in the first paragraph, and that the commander will take all
the desired precautions to occasion the least possible incon-
venience to the town." It is left, as may be noticed, to the
bombarding commander to inflict, as the French original mildly
enjoins, "le mains d'inconvenients possible."
In the above-cited first paragraph of Article II. we get a sort
of definition, at any rate, of the alternative of " undefended."
The presence anywhere of " military works," " naval establish-
ments," " depots of war materials," " workshops suitable for
use by the enemy, army or fleet," " war vessels in port " does
not, however, make them " defences," but introduces exceptions
which, even in an undefended town, the commander may
destroy. In the course of the discussion on the subject at the
conference of 1907, the German naval expert, Adml. Siegel, pro-
posed to add " installations et provisions qui peuvent etre utilisees."
Asked to explain what he meant by "provisions," the Admiral
stated that he had more particularly in view depots of coal.
He ultimately withdrew his proposal, but he did so only on the
ground that " war materials " covered his point, especially as
they would include coal. It was pointed out that this view only
apph'ed to coal at a seaport. In this he seems to have acquiesced.
The same Admiral claimed the right to bombard a railway junc-
tion or floating dock as included under the term " installations "
this was not disputed. It follows that a bombarding vessel may
shell a railway junction and any dock capable of serving as a
repairing dock, and, in fact, anything else which can serve the
purposes of an army or navy. These provisions do not say or
mean that a town ceases to be undefended owing to the presence
within its area of things liable to be destroyed. Thus, the
question of what constitutes an " undefended town " was left
without a precise definition.
As regards naval bombardment, the preamble to the con-
vention relating to bombardment by naval forces states that
its object is, as far as possible, to extend to such bombardments
the principles of the regulations of 1899 concerning war on
land. The words " by any means whatsoever " (Article 25) in
the article of these regulations relating to bombardment cover
aerial navigation. It may, therefore, be said that the rules set out
for bombardment generally apply also to aerial bombardment.
Assuming it to be so, to what calamities of war are the inhabi-
tants of a city legally exposed from the air ?
They may be summed up as follows: (i) The air com-
manders may lawfully attack all undisguised military and
naval establishments. (2) They may destroy installations
capable of being used for the needs of the military and naval
forces, that is, railways facilitating communication between
them and wireless stations. (3) They may destroy workshops
for the manufacture of materials serviceable for the require-
ments of army or navy.
Operations by aircraft, in short, are bound by the rules relat-
ing to bombardment generally. If carried on by craft belonging
to land forces, the Hague Regulations for the conduct of war
are binding on them. If carried by craft belonging to naval
forces, they are subject to the Hague Convention No. IX.
INTERNATIONAL LAW
533
Unfortunately, it is practically impossible to carry out the
regulations except " in spirit." Barrage fire from the ground
prevents hostile aircraft from descending near enough to the
spot bombarded to distinguish the particular object it is intended
to damage or destroy. The same difficulty applies to long-range
guns. Thus, a whole town becomes de facto exposed to t^he con-
sequences of there being in its midst, or alongside it, any military
store, a garrison, an army staff, or legitimate object of attack. 1
8. Private Properly. It is an unchallenged principle of inter-
national law that enemy private property should be respected.
This principle was corroborated in the Hague Regulations
respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land of 1899 and
1907, even as regards occupied territory. " Private property,"
says Article 46 of these regulations, " cannot be confiscated."
This principle was violated by all the belligerents, not only
during the war but also in the Peace Treaty.
A few months after the outbreak of the war (see Trading
with the Enemy Amendment Act of Nov. 27 1914) the Public
Trustee in Great Britain was appointed custodian of enemy
property. His duty was to hold all property placed in his cus-
tody until the end of the war for the benefit of its owner, sub-
ject to similar treatment of British property in enemy countries.
An Act of Jan. 27 1916 extended these powers to those of
" prohibition " and " liquidation." The Public Trustee there-
fore proceeded to wind up German companies and sell German
property by auction, with lavish profusion. In France the first
measures taken were also purely for the purpose of preservation.
Sequestrators were appointed under the supervision of the judi-
cial authorities. The German treatment of enemy property was
at first the most liberal of all, but after the adoption of the
British Act of Jan. 27 1916, a German decree of Aug. 29 1916
directed the winding-up of British concerns in Belgium, and,
apparently by way of administrative reprisal, the same pro-
cedure was extended to enemy property throughout Germany,
including Alsace-Lorraine, where forced sales were made with
particular hardship, even of the property of German subjects,
on the ground of family connexions with France; a violation of
principle transcending all the others. The United States fol-
lowed, more or less, the example of Great Britain.
On the conclusion of the war the Allies were confronted with
a sort of dilemma. England and the United States had gone
beyond France and had pocketed proceeds of liquidation.
France had merely sequestrated the property. The simplest
way out was post hoc to confiscate all enemy property. Hence
provision in the treaties of peace (Article 297 of the Treaty of
Versailles) which empowers the Allied and Associated Powers
to liquidate all property, rights and interests belonging at the
date of their coming into force to German and other enemy
nationals or companies controlled by them within their ter-
ritories, colonies, possessions and protectorates, including ter-
ritories ceded to them by the Treaty.
Thus, one of the most glaring violations of international law
received the consecration of a treaty of peace.
9. Peace Methods: Mediation. Tenders of mediation during
the war by the United States (when a neutral), and by the Pope,
were declined by the Allies at its outbreak. However, Sir
Edward Grey records in a dispatch to Berlin 2 that the German
ambassador had said to him it was very desirable that Russia
should act as a mediator with regard to Serbia. Four days
later, Sir Edward suggested at Berlin that simultaneous and
joint action by Germany, Italy, France, and Great Britain at
Vienna and St. Petersburg might have a " mediating or mod-
erating influence." 3 Then, on July 28, Austria-Hungary
declared war against Serbia. Even in spite of this precipita-
tion, efforts to arrive at an effective mediation were continued
by Sir Edward Grey on behalf of Great Britain, and by Herr
von Bethmann HoLLweg, through the German ambassador in
1 See respecting aircraft in time of peace, a subject which is still
inchoate, Barclay, International Law and Practice (London 1917,
p. sgetseq.).
* July 20 1914.
8 Sir Edward Grey to Berlin, July 24 1914.
London, on behalf of Germany. It is certain that Great Britain,
France and Italy were prepared to offer mediation in conjunc-
tion with Germany down to as late as July 29. Germany
objected, we then learn from Italy, to the mediation of the four
Powers, 4 and on the same date (July 29) the German ambas-
sador assured Sir Edward Grey that the German Chancellor
was working in the interest of mediation at Vienna and St.
Petersburg. 5 Sir Edward then authorized Sir Edward Goschen
to make the following statement at Berlin:
"If the peace of Europe can be preserved and the present crisis
safely passed, my own endeavour will be to promote some arrange-
ment to which Germany could be a party, by which she could be
assured that no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued against
her or her allies by France, Russia and ourselves, jointly or separ-
ately. I have desired this and worked for it, as far as I could,
through the last Balkan crisis, and Germany having a correspond-
ing object our relations sensibly improved. The idea has hitherto
been too Utopian to form the subject of definite proposals, but if
this present crisis, so much more acute than any that Europe has
gone through for generations, be safely passed, I am hopeful that
the relief and reaction which will follow may make possible some
more definite rapprochement between the Powers than has been
possible hitherto."
This was practically a further promise of mediation on the
part of Great Britain for assuring the peace of Europe.
That these efforts at mediation broke down seems to have
been due to the precipitation of Austria-Hungary in declaring
war against Serbia, and her declining to suspend the outbreak
of hostilities. The rest follows as a consequence of this pre-
cipitation: Russia's precipitation in decreeing a general mobili-
zation, Germany's precipitate espousal of the quarrel of Austria-
Hungary, etc., till the bulk of the world found itself at war, and
only the United States and Spain, among greater Powers,
remained free to offer any mediation at all. 6
Arbitration received a considerable impetus under the treaties
of peace; under Article 13 of the " Covenant of the League of
Nations," the provisions of the Hague Peace Conference relating
to arbitrable matters are placed within the scope of the League's
activities. " In the event of any failure," says the article, " to
carry out ... an award, the Council shall propose what steps
should be taken to give effect thereto." The establishment,
under Article 14 of the covenant, of a Permanent Court of
International Justice, though it will not afford in principle a
substitute for arbitration, will, however, probably in practice
largely supersede it. Nevertheless, Article 12 of the covenant
provides that, if any dispute arises between members of the
League, they will submit the matter to arbitration or to enquiry
by the Council and they " agree in no case to resort to war,"
until three months after the award by the arbitrators or the
report by the Council. The treaties of peace furthermore pro-
vide for the establishment of mixed Arbitral Tribunals to deal
with a number of matters specified in the Treaty (see Article
304 of the Treaty of Versailles). These mixed Arbitral Tribunals
are composed of three members, one nominated by the late ally
and another by the late enemy in question, the third to be
chosen by agreement between the two Governments concerned.
A number of cases under sections III., IV., V., and VI. of the
Treaty of Versailles and corresponding sections of the other
treaties were referred to these Tribunals. Article 305 appoints
them practically as a final court of appeal from the national
courts in cases within their prescribed jurisdiction.
10. Self-determination and Plebiscite. " The settlement of
every question, whether of territory or sovereignty, of economic
arrangement or of political relationship, upon the basis of the
free acceptance of that settlement by the people immediately
concerned, and not upon the basis of the material interest or
advantage of any other nation or people which may desire a
different settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or
mastery." This was one of the four principles laid down by
President Wilson in his address of July 4 1918, and accepted by
4 Sir Edward Grey to Rome, July 29 1914.
6 Sir Edward Grey to Berlin, July 29 1914.
6 See Barclay, New Methods of Adjusting International Disputes
and the Future, p. 7 et seq.
534
INTERNATIONAL LAW
the Allies and enemies alike as the peace preliminaries set out
in Secretary Lansing's letter of Nov. 5 1918.
In accordance with this principle, the Treaty of Versailles
provided for plebiscites in several cases where the population
was mixed. This method was prescribed by the Treaty of
Versailles for contested areas of Schleswig between Denmark
and Germany (Article 109); Allenstein between Germany and
Poland (Article 94); Eupen and Malmedy between Belgium
and Germany (Article 34) ; Marienburg between Germany and
Poland (Article 96) ; Saar Basin, between Germany and France
(Article 49); and Upper Silesia between Germany and Poland
(Article 88). Provisions were made for applying the same
method to an area between Poland and Czechoslovakia (Teschen).
In all these cases the provisions of the Treaty vary as to methods
and period of voting, and in one case at least the construction of
the Treaty differs. Thus under Article 88 of the Treaty relating
to Upper Silesia that Treaty states that " the inhabitants
will be called upon to indicate by a vote whether they wish to
be attached to Germany or to Poland." The vote was taken
and proved favourable to Germany. The concluding paragraph
of the article, however, provides that Germany will renounce
in favour of Poland " all rights and title over the portion of
Upper Silesia lying beyond the frontier line fixed by the Prin-
cipal Allied and Associated Powers as the result of plebiscite."
This wording was interpreted by Poland to provide for the par-
tition of Upper Silesia, whereas Germany regarded it as relating
only to the line of the frontier of Upper Silesia. The wording
of Article 6 of the annex, however, speaks of " the territory
which is recognized should be German," and Article 5 of " the
line which ought to be adopted as the frontier of Germany in
Upper Silesia." And the same article provides that " regard
will be paid to the wishes of the inhabitants as shown by the
vote and to the geographical and economic conditions of the
locality." Furthermore, Article 90 provides that " Poland under-
takes to permit for a period of 15 years the exportation to Ger-
many of the products of the mines in any part of Upper Silesia
transferred to Poland in accordance with the present Treaty."
Thus, although the first paragraph of Article 88 seems to imply
that Upper Silesia is indivisible, the subsequent provisions of
the Treaty do not bear this out. The injunction that regard
be paid to " the geographical and economic conditions of the
locality " might seem a firmer ground for the German case than
any of the above interpretations.
The principle of self-determination is essentially an idea perti-
nent to high political development. To ask an ignorant popula-
tion which has never had the benefit of elementary education,
cannot read a newspaper, and is necessarily dependent on one
who has some education for its intercourse with the outer
world what its " ideals " are, is calculated, however, to turn
the notion of self-determination into ridicule. The question
how far a population is capable of self-determination was not
considered by those who gave effect to the principles in the
Treaty of Peace. Yet it was obvious that a population possess-
ing a highly developed social and political intelligence, such as
the inhabitants of Schleswig, was in a better position to express
an independent wish than an illiterate population like the miners
and agricultural hands of Upper Silesia.
ii. Penalties for Violation of the Laws of War. The Hague
Convention with respect to the laws and customs of war of
1907 provides for the case in which the regulations annexed to
the convention should be violated in the following terms (Article
3) : " The belligerent party who shall violate the provisions
of the said regulations shall be bound, if the case arises, to pay
an indemnity. It shall be responsible for all acts done by per-
sons forming part of its armed forces." The words in italics,
read in the French original, are tenue a indemnity, which may
be better construed as meaning to " make amends." This
article was an addition made in 1907 to satisfy the then growing
public feeling that it was not enough to lay down rules, and
that some sanction ought to be available against infringers.
The article confined itself to a statement of the principle and
left untouched the question of the authority which is to give it
effect. The universal principles of justice, however, exclude tl
idea that any party to a dispute should be his own judge. Th
entails the necessary corollary that the determination of th
amends to be made shall lie with an independent authority.
It was therefore with surprise that jurists learned from th
Treaty of Versailles that the Allies had imposed, and that Ger-
many had accepted, provisions in the Treaty which disregarde
this principle and laid it down that only violations of the lavi
and usages of war by Germans should be brought to trial, and
that the tribunals before which they should be brought wer
the military courts of their late enemy.
It is true that the German Government before signing th
Treaty protested against provisions forcing Germany " to hand
over to her opponents for conviction by a military tribunal any
persons accused of having committed acts of violation of the
laws and customs of war, even in cases where proceedings have
already been instituted against these persons by German
courts," on the ground that Article 9 of the German Criminal
Code forbids the extradition of German subjects to foreign
Governments. The Allied and Associated Powers, "if need be,
would thus force upon the German Republic the alteration of
an article of law which is the common property of most peoples
and which, wherever it is in force, possesses the authority of a
constitutionally authorized fundamental law. The refusal of
this proposition was a self-evident demand of German honour."
Under the law of nations, it further argued, " only the State
as bearer of the international obh'gation is responsible for acts
in violation of the laws and customs of war. If satisfaction is
to be given by the punishment of guilty individuals, the injured
State itself may not convict; it can only demand the punish-
ment of the State responsible for the guilty person." Germany
had never refused and once more declared her readiness to see
that violations of international law were punished with the full
severity of the law; and that all accusations, from whichever
party they came, would be examined impartially. Beyond this,
she was prepared to leave the decision of the preliminary ques-
tion, whether any act committed in the war was to be considered
as an offence against the laws and customs of war, to an inter-
national tribunal composed of neutrals before which ought to
be brought violations of the laws and customs of war committed
by subjects of all parties to the Treaty. Germany claimed the
same share in the formation of this international tribunal as
the Allied and Associated Powers; but she proposed that the
powers of the international tribunal be restricted to the settling
of questions of international law, punishment to be reserved for
the national courts.
These proposals were not agreed to, and the only alteration
the German representatives obtained was that the ordinary,
not the military, punishments should be inflicted on the guilty.
Articles 22830 therefore read as follows :
" The German Government recognizes the right of the Allied and
Associated Powers to bring before military tribunals persons accused
of having committed acts of violation of the laws and customs of
war. Such persons shall, if found guilty, be sentenced to punish-
ments laid clown by law. This provision will apply notwithstanding
any proceedings or prosecution before a tribunal in Germany or in
the territory of her allies.
The German Government shall hand over to the Allied and
Associated Powers, or to such one of them as shall so request, all
persons accused of having committed an act of violation of the laws
and customs of war, who are specified, either by name or by the
rank, office, or employment which they held under the German
authorities.
Persons guilty of criminal acts against the nationals of one of the
Allied and Associated Powers will be brought before the military
tribunals of that Power.
Persons guilty of criminal acts against the nationals of more than
one of the Allied and Associated Powers will be brought before mili-
tary tribunals composed of members of the military tribunals of the
Powers concerned.
In every case the accused will be entitled to name his own counsel.
The German Government undertakes to furnish all documents
and information of every kind, the production of which may be
considered necessary to ensure the full knowledge of the incrimi-
nating acts, the discovery of offenders and the just appreciation of
responsibility."
Thus the Allied and Associated Powers endeavoured to intro-
INTERNATIONAL LAW
535
duce a new principle into the public law of Europe, viz., that
the victorious Power has the right to demand the extradition
of persons merely accused of violations of the laws and usages
of war, without first submitting the presumptive evidence to
the national jurisdiction with which, under existing principles
and practice, the granting of extradition lies. It does not even
profess to grant trial by an independent tribunal not even a
tribunal independent within the national area, but declares that
the trial shall take place before " military tribunals." Nor does
it distinguish what law is applicable. The guilty are to be " sen-
tenced to punishments provided by law." The word " military,"
as has been shown, was suppressed. What law? The subjects of
any state are bound by the laws of that state, not by laws of a
foreign state which may be different from their domestic laws,
unless the incriminated acts have been committed within the
jurisdiction of the foreign state.
The Report of the Commission of the Allied and Associated
Powers on the Enforcement of Penalties recommended the
creation of a High Tribunal to be composed of representatives
of such Powers exclusively, and that the punishment applicable
should be such as " may be imposed for such an offence or
offences by any court in any country represented on the High
Tribunal or in the country of the convicted person." (Annex 4.)
The Japanese delegates on the commission placed a reserva-
tion on record. "A question," they said, " may be raised whether
it can be admitted as a principle of the law of nations that a High
Tribunal constituted by belligerents can, after a war is over, try
an individual belonging to the opposite side, who may be pre-
sumed to be guilty of a crime against the laws and customs of
war. It may further be asked whether international law recog-
nizes a penal law as applicable to those who are guilty."
In a closely reasoned memorandum of reservations by the
American representatives on the commission, Mr. Robert Lan-
sing and Dr. James Brown Scott, it was pointed out that a
" judicial tribunal only deals with existing laws," and that " an
act could not be a crime in the legal sense of the word unless it
were made so by law, and that the commission of an act declared
to be a crime by law could not be punished unless the law pre-
scribed the penalty to be inflicted "; and they concluded their
memorandum as follows: " They submit their views, rejected
by the Commission, to the Conference, in full confidence that
it is only through the administration of law, enacted and known
before it is violated, that justice may ultimately prevail inter-
nationally, as it does between individuals in civilized nations."
Nevertheless, they submitted a statement of the principles
which seemed to them should determine what may be con-
sidered inhuman and improper acts of war.
This statement is valuable as a thoughtful resume for future
guidance :
1. Slaying and maiming men in accordance with generally
accepted rules of war are from their nature cruel and contrary to
the modern conception of humanity.
2. The methods of destruction of life and property in conformity
with the accepted rules of war are admitted by civilized nations to
be justifiable and no charge of cruelty, inhumanity, or impropriety
lies against a party employing such methods.
3. The principle underlying the accepted rules of war is the
necessity of exercising physical force to protect national safety or
to maintain national rights.
4. Reprehensible cruelty is a matter of degree which cannot be
justly determined by a fixed line of distinction, but one which
fluctuates in accordance with the facts in each case, but the mani-
fest departure from accepted rules and customs of war imposes
upon the one so departing the burden of justifying his conduct as
he is pritna facie guilty of a criminal act.
5. The test of guilt in the perpetration of an act, which would
be inhuman or otherwise reprehensible under normal conditions, is
the necessity of that act to the protection of national safety or
national rights measured chiefly by actual military advantage.
6. The assertion by the perpetrator of an act that it is necessary
for military reasons does not exonerate him from guilt if the facts
and circumstances present reasonably strong ground for establishing
the needlessness of the act or for believing that the assertion is not
made in good faith.
7. While an act may be essentially reprehensible and the perpe-
trator entirely unwarranted in assuming it to be necessary from a
military point of view, he must not be condemned as wilfully vio-
lating the laws and customs of war or the principles of humanity
unless it can be shown that the act was wanton and without reason-
able excuse.
8. A wanton act which causes needless suffering (and this includes
such causes of suffering as destruction of property, deprivation of
necessaries of life, enforced labour, etc.) is cruel and criminal. The
full measure of guilt attaches to a party who without adequate
reason perpetrates a needless act of cruelty. Such an act is a crime
against civilization, which is without palliation.
9. It would appear, therefore, in determining the criminality of
an act, that there should be considered the wantonness or malice
of the perpetrator, the needlessness of the act from a military point
of view, the perpetration of a justifiable act in a needlessly harsh or
cruel manner, and the improper motive which inspired it.
When the Powers handed in their list of persons accused and
called upon Germany to deliver them up for trial, it became
evident that no German Government would be powerful enough
to override the refusal of the police and military to act, or of
the public to cooperate in the necessary arrests. Maturer con-
sideration of the question led the Powers to agree that it would
be better to leave the trial of the accused to the Supreme Court
of Germany herself. Trials eventually took place, and certain
convictions were rendered and acquittals granted.
It is of the greatest value to mankind that crimes of war should
be made punishable after its termination, but circumstances
have shown, what was apparent from the first to unprejudiced
observers, that the only proper jurisdiction before which they
can be brought is one in which the final word would rest with
judges accepted by both parties.
The advisory committee of jurists which was created by the
Council of the League of Nations, and which sat at The Hague
from June 16 to July 24 1920, recommended the institution of a
world court competent to try criminals against international
public order. Their .resolution was for the establishment, by
the Council and Assembly of the League of Nations, of a new
court called the " High Court of International Justice," with
jurisdiction over offences " against international public order
and the universal law of nations " which shall be referred to it
by the assembly or council. This court to consist of one member
for each State, to be selected by the state groups in the panels
of the Court of Arbitration, and to have power to determine
the rules of procedure, define the crime, fix the penalty and
prescribe the means of enforcing the judgment.
12. Permanent Court of Justice. Article 14 of the covenant
for the establishment of a League of Nations provides also for
the establishment of a " Permanent Court of International
Justice." The creation of such a court had been proposed by
the United States at the Hague Conference of 1907, and a plan
for its constitution and working was appended to the Protocol
of the Convention there adopted. Under the article in question,
the court is to be competent to hear and determine any dispute
" which the parties thereto may submit to it." l
Early in 1920 the Council of the League took the question in
hand, and a committee of jurists was appointed, which met at
The Hague (June i6-July 24 1920) to prepare plans for the
establishment of the court. The committee had before it the
plan which was in principle approved by the second Hague
Conference in 1907, but which had been blocked by inability
to frame an acceptable method of choosing 15 judges in a man-
ner satisfactory to small as well as great nations. In addition
to this plan, n official projects of recent date and a larger
number of non-official projects were presented to the com-
mittee. The work of the committee was urgent, the Treaty of
Versailles in several places having provided for appeals to a
court of international justice (cf. Part XII. of the Treaty,
'Article 14 reads as follows: " The Council shall formulate and
submit to the members of the League for adoption plans for the
establishment of a permanent Court of International Justice. The
^ourt shall be competent to hear and determine any dispute of an
.international character which the parties thereto submit to it. The
-ourt may also give an advisory opinion upon any dispute or ques-
:ion referred to it by the Council or by the Assembly." The French
:ext is different. It reads, instead of as printed in italics, " gue les
Parties lui soumettront." The German translation follows the
French text. The word " thereto " in the English text leaves no
doubt as to the real meaning.
536
INTERNATIONAL LAW
Articles 336, 337, 386; also in Part XIII., Articles 415-420,
423). The members of the committee unanimously approved
of a scheme which was duly laid before the Council of the
League. Its essential points are as follows:
As regards the organization of the court (Articles 1-30) it is to
consist of II judges and four deputy judges, elected for nine-year
terms and eligible for reelection, their salaries to be determined by
the Assembly of the League, upon the proposal of the council. The
president or presiding judge, to be chosen by the court itself for a
term of three years, shall receive, while holding the office, a special
grant to be determined in the same way. The assembly, upon pro-
posal by the council, may increase the number of judges to 15, and
of deputy judges to six.
Members of the Hague Court of Arbitration belonging to States
that are members of the League shall be invited by the secretary-
general of the League to form themselves into national groups for the
purpose of nominating by each group not more than two persons,
qualified to become judges in the Permanent Court. The nominees
may be of any nationality. From the persons thus named the assem-
bly and the council shall each elect judges and deputy judges.
Those who receive an absolute majority of votes in each body are
elected. Only one candidate may be chosen from any one national-
ity. The whole body of judges " should represent the main forms of
civilization and the principal legal systems of the world."
If, after three election sessions of the council and assembly, one or
mpre seats on the bench remain unfilled, a joint conference com-
mittee of those two bodies may name candidates for each vacant
seat, and may, by unanimous agreement, present new names.
If all vacancies are not filled by this method, the members of the
court itself shall complete their number by selection from among
those who have received votes, either in the assembly or in the
council. If there should be a tie vote among the judges the eldest
judge shall have a casting vote.
During their terms of office the justices may not exercise any
political functions, may not act as agent or advocate in any inter-
national case, and may not sit in any case in which they have pre-
viously taken an active part in any capacity. The members of the
court, outside of their own country, shall enjoy the privileges and
immunities of diplomatic representatives. They may not be dis-
missed from office, except by unanimous decision of the other mem-
bers, formally submitted to the secretary-general of the League.
The court shall appoint its own registrar, .who may, if the court
please, be the same as the secretary-general of the Court of Arbitra-
tion. The court shall hold at least one session a year, meeting at
The Hague where the president and registrar shall reside. A quorum
of nine judges shall suffice to constitute the court.
The court shall form annually a chamber of three judges who may,
when contesting parties demand it, hear and determine cases by
summary procedure.
If the court contains a judge of the same nationality as one of the
parties to a suit, but not of the other, the latter party may choose one
of the deputy judges, if there be one of its nationality, or, if not, one
from among those who have been nominated for election to the
bench, who may sit as a judge in that case. If the nationality of
neither party to a suit is represented among the judges, each side
may select a temporary judge, as herein provided.
The expenses of the court shall be met as the Assembly of the
League shall provide, upon the proposal of the council.
As regards jurisdiction and competency (Articles 31-36), disputes
arising between members of the League of Nations, which cannot be
settled by diplomatic means, may be brought before the court by the
complainant party, and the court has immediate jurisdiction to hear
and determine questions of a legal nature concerning :
(a) The interpretation of a treaty.
(6) Any question of international law.
(c) The existence of any breach of an international obligation.
(d) The nature and extent of reparation for such a breach.
(e) The interpretation of a sentence passed by the court.
The court itself shall decide whether any case is included in one or
more of these classifications.
The court may accept jurisdiction over disputes of any kind that
the parties to the controversy agree to submit to it.
The court shall, in its decision, interpret:
(a) International conventions of any sort, establishing rules rec-
ognized by the contestants.
(b) International custom, embodying general practice accepted as
law.
(c) General principles of law recognized by civilized nations.
(d) Judicial decisions, and the doctrine of the best-qualified pub-
licists among the various nations.
States not members of the League may bring suit in the court
under conditions determined by the Council of the League, in accord-
ance with Article 17 of the covenant. 1
1 This article provides that in such an event the non-member
of the League shall be invited to accept the obligations of member-
ship for the purposes for the dispute in question uponeuch conditions
as the council deem to be just.
The council or assembly may refer any international question or
dispute to the court for an advisory opinion. If the question so
referred does not involve any existing dispute, the court shall con-
sider the matter by means of a special commission of from three to
five members; otherwise, the court shall sit as though hearing a case.
As regards procedure (Articles 37-62) the official language of the
court is French, but the court may, if the contestants request it,
authorize the use of another language.
A State which appeals to the court shall make its application to the
registrar, who shall notify the members of the League through the
secretary-general. The hearings in court shall be public, unless the
court decides otherwise upon a written request of one of the parties,
with reasons.
For service of notices upon persons and the procurement of
evidence, the court shall apply to the Government of the State whose
territory must be entered.
The court may give a decision, even though one party does not
appear to defend his case. Decision shall be by majority vote of the
judges present. In case of a tie, the president has a casting vote.
The decision shall give the reasons on which it is based and the
names of the judges present. If there are dissenting judges, the de-
cision shall record the fact of dissent, without giving the reasons for
it. The judgment is final and without appeal. If its meaning or scope
is uncertain the court shall construe it upon the request of any party.
The discovery of a new and important fact, if previous ignorance
of it were not due to negligence, may be made the ground for an
application for revision of judgment, but such application must be
made within five years of the date of the first decision.
Before accepting an appeal for revision, the court may require
compliance with the terms of the decision. The court may, if it
wishes, grant the request of any State to appear in a pending suit as
an interested third party.
If in any case the court is construing an international convention
to which States, other than contestants, are parties, the registrar
shall notify such States, and they have the right to appear in the
proceedings. The judgment will then be binding upon them also.
Unless otherwise decided by the court, each party to a suit shall
bear his own costs.
This report of the Committee of Jurists was presented to the
Council of the League at its eighth session at San Sebastian.
The council, Aug. 5, authorized the secretary-general to send a
copy of the report to each Government in the League, in order
that the project might be carefully studied before the council
submitted the recommendations of the committee to the assem-
bly at the meeting in November. The draft scheme worked
out by this committee was adopted by the council with some
slight modifications. It was subsequently passed, with further
modifications, by the assembly at Geneva.
The election of the n judges of the court was to be carried
out simultaneously by the council and by the assembly, which
must agree upon a common list of names in accordance with
the system proposed by the Committee of Jurists; the desires
of the great Powers and the small Powers would thus be equally
respected. On the other hand, the Statute of the Court, in the
form in which it was adopted by the assembly at Geneva, does
not establish compulsory jurisdiction. The delegates, however,
adopted a kind of compromise between the supporters of com-
pulsory jurisdiction and those of voluntary jurisdiction. One of
the clauses of the statute enables the contracting States to adopt
compulsory jurisdiction for certain classes of disputes.
13. Mandates. A new international institution has been
introduced into the domain of law in the creation of " Mandates "
under Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations.
This article provides that colonies and territories which as a
consequence of the war have ceased to be under the sovereignty
of the States which formerly governed them, and are inhabited
by people not yet able to stand by themselves under the stren-
uous conditions of the modern world, should be regarded for
their well-being and development " a sacred trust of civiliza-
tion." The best method, says the article, of giving practical
effect thereto is that the tutelage of such peoples be entrusted
to advanced nations who, by reason of their resources, their
experience or their geographical position, can best undertake
the responsibility and that this tutelage should be exercised by
them as mandatories on behalf of the League.
The character of the mandate, the article continues, must
differ according to the stage of the development of the people,
the geographical situation of the territory, its economic con-
ditions and other similar circumstances. Thus, certain com-
INTERNATIONAL LAW
537
munities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached
a stage of development where their existence as independent
nations can be provisionally recognized, subject to the render-
ing of administrative advice and assistance by a mandatory
until such time as they are able to stand alone. " The wishes
of these communities must be a principal consideration in the
selection of the mandatory." Other peoples, especially those of
Central Africa, are at such a stage that the mandatory must
be responsible for the administration of the territory under con-
ditions which will guarantee freedom of conscience or religion,
subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals,
the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade, the arms traffic
and the liquor traffic, and " the prevention of the establishment
of fortifications or military and naval bases and military train-
ing of the natives for other than police purposes and the defence
of territory," and will also secure equal opportunities for the
trade and commerce of other members of the League.
There are territories, says the article, such as S.W. Africa
and certain of the S. Pacific Is., which, owing to the sparseness
of their population, or their small size, or their remoteness from
the centre of civilization, or their geographical contiguity to the
territory of the mandatory, and other circumstances, can be
best administered under the laws of the mandatory as integral
portions of its territory, subject to the safeguards above men-
tioned in the interests of the indigenous population :
" In every case of mandate, the mandatory shall render to the
Council an annual report in reference to the territory committed to
its charge." " The degree of authority, control, or administration
to be exercised by the mandatory shall, if not previously agreed
upon by the members of the League, be explicitly defined in each
case by the council."
Lastly, a permanent commission was to be constituted to
receive and examine the annual reports of the mandatories and
to advise the council as to the observance of the mandates.
The preparatory provisions of this article had been largely
carried out by 1921. It is seen that there are three kinds of
mandates which have to be dealt with (^4, B and C).
The mandate territories consist of: In Africa: German East
Africa, German S.W. Africa, Cameroon, Togoland. In Asia
Minor: Armenia, Mesopotamia, Palestine, Syria. In Austral-
asia: German Samoa and the ex-German islands in the Pacific.
These mandates have been divided up as follows:
(A) Mandates: the non-Turkish portions of the former Otto-
man Empire (Armenia, Arabia, etc.).
(J5)Mandates: German E. Africa, Togoland, Cameroon.
(C)Mandates: German S.W. Africa, Nauru, German Samoa,
and other ex- German Pacific possessions.
(^l)Mandates, it has been seen, apply to communities which,
although recognized as independent, are under " the adminis-
trative advice and assistance of the League." The covenant
itself provides that such mandates are to be conferred on certain
communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire, but it
seems to be held in official quarters that (^mandates may
be conferred on communities outside the former Turkish Empire,
and the situation in 1921 with regard to Armenia and Albania
was not greatly different from that with regard to Mesopotamia,
Palestine, and Syria.
(5)Mandates, applicable solely to Central Africa, do not
contemplate the ultimate establishment of an independent gov-
ernment, as in the case of (^4) mandates; but it follows from
the distinction between them and the (C)mandates that annex-
ation is excluded. The mandatory's powers and privileges will
therefore have to be very clearly defined to insure that the
mandatory State will respect all local religious institutions,
refrain from raising armed forces except for purposes of police
and local defence, and will apply the " open door " to subjects
or citizens of the members of the League of Nations.
(C)Mandates apply to those territories "which, owing to
the sparseness of their population, or their small size, or their
remoteness from the centres of civilization or their geographical
contiguity to the territory of the mandatory, and other cir-
cumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the
andatory as integral portions of its territory."
Although such territories are placed under " full power of
administration and legislation " of the mandatory Power or
Dominion "as integral portions" of it, even they are not to be
fully annexed to it, the mandate being conferred by the prin-
cipal Allied and Associated Powers upon a Power or Dominion
chosen by them jointly and such Power or Dominion being
expressly bound, by the terms of its acceptance, to carry out
the mandate on behalf of the League of Nations. Moreover,
the mandatory is under the obligation to make an annual report
to the council, containing full information concerning the
measures taken to apply the provisions of his mandate; while
" the degree of authority, control, or administration to be exer-
cised by the mandatory shall, if not previously agreed upon by
the members of the League, be explicitly denned in such case
by the Council." A mandate is thus different from both an
annexation and protectorate. In the case of annexation, the
annexed territory is merged altogether in the territory of the
annexing State, and becomes an integral part of the latter's
dominions. As regards protectorates it is inconsistent with the
notion of the sovereignty of the protecting State to require it to
render an account of its internal administration to a group of
Powers. And, in fact, hitherto, States had been reluctant to
accept any responsibility for internal government in other States.
Even in the case of Turkey, Article 9 of the Treaty of Paris
(March 30 1856) specifically stated that in respect of the reforms
proposed by Turkey, the Powers should not have the right to
interfere either collectively or separately in the internal admin-
istration of the Ottoman Empire. The Treaty of Berlin (July
13 1878) did contain a clause (Article 61) in reference to Armenia
which provided that the Porte should periodically inform " the
Powers " of the measures taken by it to secure the Armenians
against the Circassians and Kurds and the Powers undertook
to surveiller I' application of these measures. But nothing is
known to have been done to give effect to the article. We are
therefore in the presence of a new departure in the law of nations,
in practice if not entirely in theory.
Mandated territories, even in the case of (C) mandates, only
form part of the sovereign domain of the mandatory Power or
Dominion to the extent to which it fulfils certain conditions.
If it fails to carry out the requirements imposed on it, it may
be deprived of its mandate, which can then be conferred by the
League of Nations on another Power or Dominion; and if any
dispute regarding mandated territory arises, Articles 12 to 16
of the Covenant provide for arbitration or an inquiry by the
Council of the League.
One of the chief objects of the mandate, it has been seen, is
to prevent a mandated territory from becoming an annexed
territory, or protectorate, or even a sphere of influence, seeing
that it is subject to the maintenance of the " open door."
Drafts of mandates had by 1921 been submitted by Great
Britain and France. The U.S. Government, however, inter-
vened to prevent final settlement of their terms without its
assent, on the ground that, though the United States did not
form part of the League of Nations, " the colonies and terri-
tories concerned having been ceded by the Peace Treaty to all
the Allied and Associated Powers, no distribution of mandates
for such colonies and territories can be valid without the formal
approval of the United States " (June 1921).
14. Conclusion. The old rules as to contraband and blockade,
in so far as regarded as a protection to neutral right, return
after the war to their full effect, and England as a neutral will
be entitled to regard them as the law provided to safeguard her
position as a trading community against undue interference by
belligerents. She may suspect danger in the equipping of mer-
chantmen as auxiliary cruisers. She may not be favourable to
unmilitarized ships carrying artillery ready for use. She may
think that what under a responsible and carefully controlled
system may be allowed cannot without jeopardizing the safety
of the ocean be accorded to States less sensitive to the public
opinion of the world. In short, the practically universal strain-
ing of the law in the World War may be found to have left behind
it little change in the law itself, and the consequences of the
538
INTERNATIONAL SCIENCE
wild destruction at sea and on land and of the ruthlessness of
the methods employed generally have been so disastrous to all
concerned that progress in the future is likely to tend to such a
reaction as will bring the conduct of war more closely than ever
within the restrictions enforced by international law.
The World War was one of general destruction, not confined
to combatant forces but directed against every form of non-
combatant energy and activity, commerce, industry, innocent
and guilty alike, women and children as well as men. A hope is
warranted that its hardships may have some effect on the prac-
tice of civilized States in the future. At any rate it may produce
a reaction in favour of older and more humane practices.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. J.W. Garner (professor of political science in the
university of Illinois), International Law and the World War (2
vols., 1920) ; Walther Schucking, Nach dem Weltkrieg Schriften zur
Neuorientirung der Auswdrtigen Politik; Internationale Rechtsgaran-
tien Ausbau und Sickening der zwischenstaatlichen Beziehungen
(Leipzig 1917); Die Volkerrechtliche Lehre des Weltkrieges (Leipzig
1918); Matthias Erzberger, Der Volkerbund Der Weg zum Frieden
(Berlin 1918) ; Sir Thomas Barclay (vice-president of the Institute
of International Law), Law and Usage of War (1914) ; New Methods
of Adjusting International Disputes arid the Future (1917); Inter-
national Law and Practice (1917); with appendices containing the
Hague Conventions of 1907 compared with those of 1899, the De-
claration of London of 1909 with Draft Committee's Report, in the
form of notes, and a translation into English of the Oxford Manual
on Naval War adopted by the Institute of International Law at its
session of 1913, and full index to all the documents; Collapse and
Reconstruction (1919); Alfred Frachen, Les opinions allemandes stir
la reconstruction du Droit International (1921), containing an ex-
haustive and not unfriendly examination of Professors Schiicking's
and Quidd's and Herr Erzberger's views concerning the prospects of
international law in the immediate future; A. Alvarez, La grande
guerre Europeene et la Mentalite du Chili (Paris 1915); Le Droit
International de I'avenir (Washington 1916); J. Bartheiemy, Le
droit public en temps de guerre (Paris 1915) ; T. Baty, Prize Law and
continuous voyage (1915); Grotius Society's publications on Prob-
lems of the War (London 1916-9); Yves Guyot, Les causes et les
consequences de la guerre (Paris 1915); D. J. Hill, The Rebuilding of
Europe (New York 1917); C. H. Huberich and R. King, The Devel-
opment of German Prize Law (New York 1918); D. J. Jitta, The
. . ,
Renovation of International Law (The Hague 1919); L. Le Fur, Des
represailles en temps de guerre (Paris 1919); T. Niemeyer, Privat-
Eigenthum im Seekriege (Munich 1915); O. Nippold, Die Gestaltung
des Volkerrechts nach dem Weltkriege (Zurich 1917); P. Otlet, Prob-
lemes International et la guerre (Geneva 1916); A. Fillet, La guerre
actuelle et le droit des gens (Paris 1916) ; J. Brown Scott, A survey of
International Relations between the United States and Germany (New
York 1917); E. C. Stowell and H. F. Munro, International Cases
(2 vols., Boston 1916); H. Triepel, Die Freiheit der Meere und der
Kunftige Friedenschluss (Berlin 1917); H. Wehberg, Das Seekriegs-
recht (Berlin 1915). (T. BA.)
INTERNATIONAL SCIENCE. International scientific organ-
izations and conventions may be divided into four groups
according to their subjects and methods of procedure. Some
are intended to establish uniformity in the standards of measure-
ments, others to advance science by cooperation, and others,
again, merely to encourage personal interchange of opinion.
The second group, having scientific progress for its direct objec-
tive, may be further subdivided into two, according as the coop-
eration is essential to secure necessary observations in different
parts of the world, or is only helpful by promoting coordination
and therefore economy of labour.
In the years before the World War, it was customary, for
scientific purposes, to form a new international body whenever
the need arose a procedure which was natural and effective so
long as each subject could be treated separately without rela-
tion to others. The disadvantages of an almost indefinite multi-
plication of independent bodies dealing with mutually con-
nected subjects had, however, become apparent, and as the
World War was nearing its end, efforts were made to organize
international cooperation in scientific research on a better basis.
The following list (probably not complete) of the international
bodies that were in existence at the outbreak of war in 1914 will
give an idea of the range of subjects covered:
GROUP I. Agreements on standards and methods of observation:
1. Commission Metrique Internationale, and Bureau Inter-
national des Poids et Mesures.
2. International Committee of Electrical Units and Standards.
3. International Electro- Technical Committee.
4. International Association for Testing Materials.
5. International Committee on Atomic Weights.
6. Comite International pour la Publication annuelle de Table
de Constantes Physico-chimiques.
7. Commission on Illumination.
8. Conferences Internationales des EphiSmeVides Astronomiqu
9. International Meteorological Committee.
10. International Solar Union (see also Group II., 7).
11. International Telegraphic Union.
12. Agreements on Radio-telegraphy.
13. Bureau International de 1'Heure.
GROUP II. Associations formed for the purpose of investigatin
scientific problems in which cooperation between different nations
considered desirable:
1. Geodetic Association.
2. Association of Seismology.
3. Interchange of News concerning Astronomical Occurrences.
4. International Agriculture Institute.
5. International Council for the Exploration of the Sea.
6. Marey Institute.
7. Solar Union (see also Group I., 10).
8. Scientific Sub-Committees of the International Meteorologi-
cal Committee.
9. International Committee for the Investigation of the Brain.
GROUP III. Distribution of work bearing on the same problem fa
the purpose of economizing time and expenditure:
1. Astrographic Chart.
2. Carte Internationale du Monde au Millionieme.
3. International Catalogue of Scientific Literature.
GROUP IV. Periodic International Congresses serving mainly fot
friendly interchange of views:
1. Mathematics.
2. Chemical Societies.
3. Applied Chemistry.
4. Mining, Metallurgy, Engineering and Economic Geology.
5. Radio-Activity.
6. Botany.
7. Geology.
8. Zoology.
9. Entomology.
10. Ornithology.
11. Physiology.
12. Anatomy.
13. Anthropology.
14. Medicine.
'5- Hygiene.
16. Cancer Research.
17. Medical Radiology.
18. Geography.
An effort, emanating from Belgium, had been to centr
all international undertakings, and an " Office Central de
Institutions Internationales " was established at Brussels. On
of the publications of this office, which received no genera
recognition, gives what purports to be a complete list of
international congresses, unions and associations. Their tola
number is 279, but many of them were of a social or sen
political or trade character. Among those referring to scienc
the following are not already included in the above list:
1. Association Internationale des Catholiques pour le Pro
de la Science.
2. Alliance Scientifique Universelle.
3. Office International de Documentation A^ronautique.
4. Commission Permanente du Repertoire Bibliographique
International des Sciences Math6matiques.
5. Institut International de Statistique.
6. Comite Maritime International.
7. Comite Juridique International de 1'Ayiation.
8. Association Internationale d' Agronomic tropicale.
9. Commission Internationale pour 1'Enseignement des Sciences
Mathematiques.
10. Association Internationale pour Promouvoir 1'Etude des
Quaternions.
1 1 . Association Internationale des Chimistes des Industries de
Cuir.
12. Commission Internationale pour I'Etude de la Question
1'Unification des M6thpdcs d'Analysis des Denrees alimentaires.
13. Bureau International d'Ethnographie.
14. Association Internationale des Botanistes.
15. Comit6 Ornithologique International.
1 6. Association Internationale des Anatomistes.
17. Commission Internationale Permanente de Determination
des Phenomenes psycho-biologiques et socio-biologiques.
1 8. Office International d'Hygiene Publique.
19. International Sanitary Bureau.
20. Secretariat International pour 1'Unification des Pharma-
copees.
INTERNATIONAL SCIENCE
539
21. Association Climatologique Internationale.
22. Association Internationale contre la Tuberculose.
23. Union Internationale des Stations Electriques.
24. Bureau International des Administrations Tel6graphiques.
25. Association Internationale Permanente des Congres de
Navigation.
26. Association Scientifique Internationale d'Agronomie Colo-
niale.
27. Union Internationale des Stations de Recherches Forestieres.
28. Union Internationale de Photographic.
29. Institut International de Photographic.
30. Association Internationale des Explorateurs Polaires.
31. Institut Polaire International.
32. Laboratoire International de Physiologie du Mont Rose.
With regard to the origin and aims of some of the most impor-
tant of these organizations, the following notes may be added.
GROUP I.
1. The "Bureau International des Poids et Mesures " was estab-
lished in 1873 at Sevres as the outcome of an international com-
mission constituted in 1869 for the construction of metric standards.
The existing convention was agreed upon in 1875. Great Britain
joined the convention in 1884; the annual contribution now ranges
between 200 and 300.
2. The International Conference on Electrical Units and Standards
which was held in London in 1908 recommended that the various
Governments interested should establish a Permanent International
Commission for Electrical Standards. The conference requested
Lord Rayleigh, then president, to nominate a Scientific Committee
of 15 members to formulate a plan of such commission and, in the
meantime, to direct such work as would be necessary in connexion
with the maintenance and inter-comparison of standards. This
committee has done much valuable work, but the intended Perma-
nent Commission never came into being.
3. The International Electrotechnical Commission was formed for
the purpose of carrying out a resolution of government delegates
who met at the International Electrical Congress of St. Louis in
1904. This resolution was to the effect: "That steps should be
taken to secure the cooperation of the technical societies of the
world by the appointment of a representative commission to con-
sider the question of the standardization of the nomenclature and
ratings of electrical apparatus and machinery." The statutes of
this commission were finally adopted at a meeting held in London
on Oct. 22 1908. They provide for the formation by the Sec-
tional Societies of each country of committees who shall represent
that country on the International Commission. The central office
is in London. Each Electrotechnical Committee provides funds
for its own expenses, and contributes its share to the expenses of the
central office. At the last meeting of the commission in Berlin before
the war (1913) 24 countries were represented.
4. International Association for Testing Material. Six inter-
national congresses were held between 1884 and 1912 with the view
of introducing greater uniformity in the methods of testing materials
adopted in different countries. At the last two pre-war congresses
(Copenhagen, 1909, and New York, 1912) England was represented.
The resolutions of the congresses ar not binding on anyone, and
merely serve to express the opinion of the majority. Nevertheless,
the work of this organization has become of considerable importance.
After the congress of 1912 a report of the British delegates advocating
that the British Government should continue its official support
was laid on the table of the House of Commons. 1
5. Joint International Committee on Atomic Weights. This com-
mittee grew out of an organization formed by the leading chemical
societies in Europe and America. It was finally constituted in
1901-2, when the business of the committee was entrusted to four
men, being representatives of the chemical societies of America,
England, France and Germany respectively. The object of this
committee was to draw up annual reports on work connected with
the determination of atomic weights, to consider the results, and to
recommend any changes in the Tables of Atomic Weights which
might seem desirable for promoting uniformity in teaching and in
the literature of the subject. These reports were published each
year until the beginning of the war.
6. Annual Publication of Tables of Physical and Chemical Con-
stants. This is an undertaking with its headquarters at Paris, man-
aged by an International Committee. Special committees have also
been instituted in different countries (France, England, Germany,
Holland, United States) to assist the work.
7. International Commission of Illumination. The object of this
organization, formed by scientific societies in different countries,
was " to study and advance by congress and publications ; the
knowledge and practice of the art of illumination, and to secure
international agreement on matters of general concern to the science
and art of illumination."
8. There were two important " Conferences Internationales des
Ephemerides Astronomiques," one in 1896, which established greater
1 Cf. Sir James Wolfe-Barry, " Forrest " Lecture of the Institu-
tion of Civil Engineers. Appendix v. (1917).
uniformity in the adopted constants, such as that of the solar
parallax and aberration, and one in 1912, which arranged for collabo-
ration in different countries.
9. The International Meteorological Conference and Committee.
Beginning with 1891, the directors of the meteorological institutes
and observatories of different countries met periodically in "con-
ference," normally every ten years. The functions of the conference
are to propose measures of cooperation likely to prove helpful to
the development of meteorology, to bring about uniformity of ideas,
and to foster good relations between the workers of different coun-
tries. The conference appoints, when it deems necessary, commis-
sions with independent powers to promote the study of special sub-
jects. In addition to the purely meteorological commissions ap-
Eointed by the conference, there were, at the outbreak of the war,
ve others concerned respectively with (a) Scientific Aeronautics,
(b) Terrestrial Magnetism, (c) Radiations, (d) Solar Physics, and
(e) the Application of Meteorology to Agriculture.
10. The International Solar Union was an association of scientific
bodies. Of these, three were domiciled in the United States, three
in France, two each in Great Britain, Italy, Spain and Germany,
one each in Austria, Canada, Holland, Russia, Sweden and Swit-
zerland. Meetings were held every three years, and the business in
the meantime was carried out by an Executive Committee of three
members only. So far as fundamental measurements are concerned,
the Solar Union has, by means of its members working independently
in different countries, determined secondary standards of wave-
length spread over different parts of the spectrum. It has also,
through a number of committees, investigated questions relating to
sunspot spectra and solar radiation. In 1913 the union decided to
extend its range so as to include the whole of stellar physics.
11. The " International Telegraphic Union," an institution having
its " bureau " at Berne, and maintained by subscriptions from the
States adhering to the union. Occasional conferences were held
which led to " conventions," of which a number are in force. The
bureau issues a monthly bulletin " Le Journal Telegraphique."
The union was an official rather than a scientific body, the delegates
of the conferences being selected from the clerical staff of the Tele-
graph Office for Great- Britain and its colonies.
13. Bureau International de I'Heure. At an International Con-
ference summoned by the " Bureau des Longitudes" of Paris in
1912, the following resolutions were passed:
" I. II est utile de chercher a realiser I'unification de 1'heure.
" 2. L'heure universelle sera celle de Greenwich.
" 3. II sera utile de creer une Commission Internationale de
I'Heure."
A provisional committee was formed to give effect to the last of
these resolutions, and statutes were prepared in which the objects
of the International Commission were defined as follows: To
unify the ' hour ' by radio-telegraphic signals or otherwise, whether
for the purpose of scientific objects of high precision, or to supply
the ordinary needs of navigation, meteorology, seismology, railway
traffic, the postal and telegraphic services, public administration,
watch-makers, private individuals, etc." An International Bureau
was to be established providing for scientific assistants charged
with the conduct of special researches. The cost was to be divided
between the States forming the union either through their govern-
ments or some scientific body. The proposed statutes were sub-
mitted to the meeting of the International Association of Academies
held in 1913 at St. Petersburg and received their unanimous sup-
port. The outbreak of the war prevented further action.
GROUP II.
1. The International Geodetic Association was formed by 21 con-
tributing States and has an annual income of nearly 3,000, the
subscription for the larger States being 300. According to its con-
vention, which held for 12 years at a time, and was renewable, the
Prussian Geodetic Institute at Potsdam was its Central Bureau.
Its president, vice-president, and secretary belonged to different
countries, and retained their position for the duration of the con-
vention, which lapsed in 1916. Its most useful work dealt with the
standardization and comparison of pendulums for gravity measure-
ments. In later years it devoted itself almost entirely to investiga-
tions on changes of latitude.
2. The International Seismological Association was formed in
1903 on the pattern of the Geodetic Convention, the Imperial Seis-
mological Station at Strassburg being selected as the Central
Bureau. France, the United States and Great Britain at first
refused to join this association, and the International Association
of Academies appointed a committee to suggest such alterations in
the proposed convention as would enable these countries to take
part in the work. The principal changes proposed and ultimately
accepted were: (l) that Strassburg should not necessarily remain
the Central Bureau, the selection of its domicile being left to the
triennial meetings, (2) that the president should only hold office for
three years, (3) that a State may join through one of its scientific
societies, and not necessarily through its Government, and (4) that
the correspondence between the president and the organizations in
each State be carried out through the secretary of the association
and not through diplomatic channels as originally provided. The
United States joined as soon as these changes were accepted ; France
540
INTERNATIONAL SCIENCE
and Great Britain a few years later. The organization then consisted
of 20 States, with an annual income of 1,700; the larger States con-
tributing 160 annually. The principal functions of the bureau were
to receive and distribute information and to publish systematic
lists of earthquakes. Part of the funds was used in paying scientific
workers appointed by the association for the purpose of carrying out
special researches. The convention lapsed in 1915.
3. International Commission for the Telegraphic Distribution of
Astronomical_ Information. This was to begin with a body consist-
ing of the directors of the principal astronomical observatories in
Europe and America, which arranged for the telegraphic distribu-
tion of astronomical information. The preliminary arrangements
were confirmed by a meeting of astronomers held in Vienna in 1883,
when formal statutes for the future conduct of the work were
adopted. The headquarters of the organization were at Kiel. The
office and working expenses were met by subscriptions from the
observatories receiving the information. These were originally
fixed at 6 annually, but were subsequently reduced owing to the
facilities given by cable companies, which transmit a certain number
of messages without charge.
4. The International Permanent Agricultural Institute. This was
the outcome of an international meeting held at Rome during 1905
on the invitation of the King of Italy. The institute has its perma-
nent seat at Rome, and its constitution follows lines similar to those
of other international conventions. The principal object of the
institute is to collect, publish and disseminate statistical information
relating to agriculture, to notify new diseases in plants, and to pre-
sent, if expedient, to the Governments, for their approval, measures
for the protection of the common interests of agriculturists. Ques-
tions relating to the economic interests of States are excluded.
5. International Council for the Exploration of the Sea. This was
constituted in 1902 as a result of discussions held at conferences
meeting in Stockholm and Christiania in 1899 and 1901 respectively.
It confined itself to questions relating to sea fisheries in N. -Euro-
pean seas, and developed as an economic and political, rather than a
scientific, movement. The headquarters were at Copenhagen. The
countries originally adhering to the convention were Denmark,
Germany, England, Finland, Holland, Norway, Russia, and Swe-
den. The first convention was made for five years, but annual
meetings continued to be held. A number of committees were
appointed to deal with different branches of the work. Large sums
of money were spent on the work ; the total contribution of England
amounted to 70,000 (14,000 annually).
6. The Marey Institute. This institute was founded by M. Marey
for the standardization and improvement of instruments used in
physiological researches. Its laboratory is at Paris, and its work is
controlled by an International Committee. The French Govern-
ment contributed annually 25,000 fr., and the Swiss Government
1,000 fr. In addition, occasional money contributions were made by
the academies of Paris, Leipzig, and St. Petersburg, as well as the
Royal Society and the university of London.
7 and 8. The Solar Union and the Scientific Sub- Committees of
the International Meteorological Committee are entered both under
Groups I. and II., because their activity includes to a considerable
degree scientific investigation as well as standardization.
GROUP III.
1. The International Astrographic Chart. The idea of forming a
detailed photographic chart of the heavens originated with the late
Sir David Gill, but the organization for its practical execution was
mainly due to the efforts of Adml. Mouchez, who at the time was
director of the Paris observatory. Its programme of work was
determined upon at an international conference held in Paris in
1887. The photographs were taken at 18 observatories, of which
six were in Great Britain and its colonies, four in France and its
colonies, two in Italy, one each in Germany, Finland and Chile.
Each country paid the expenses of its own observatories.
2. Carte Internationale du Monde au Millionieme. The proposal
to issue a map of the world on a uniform plan was initiated at a con-
ference held in London in 1910. In this conference only those coun-
tries took part who were represented by ambassadors at the Court of
St. James. A second conference, in which other countries also took
part, was held at Paris in Dec. 1913. Further details with regard to
the construction of the map were settled, and it was resolved that a
permanent central office should be established in England for the
communication of data, interchange of information, and the publi :
cation of an annual report. The headquarters of the office are at the
Ordnance Survey, Southampton.
3. The International Catalogue of Scientific Literature. This
catalogue, which begins with the year 1901, has its central office in
London. Twenty-nine countries (counting the four Australian
colonies separately) participate in the work, and most of them have
established Regional Bureaux for the preliminary work of preparing
the slips which are transmitted to England. The annual expenses
before the war were approximately covered by the guarantees of
different countries, which took the form of subscriptions for copies
of the work, and the independent sales.
Sufficient has now been said to illustrate the variety both in
method of work and constitution of the great number of Inter-
national Unions that had gradually come into existence before
the World War. The freedom from tradition and convention
with which scientific men interested in a particular subject com-
bined together for a common object had undoubted advantages,
as each combination could adopt the constitution best suited to
its needs. But there were serious drawbacks. One was the
multiplication of bodies. The above list includes five independ-
ent organizations dealing with divisions of astronomy. Though
they concerned themselves with well-defined branches of the
subject, and did not interfere with each other, the great increase
in the number of meetings that had to be attended by the same
men at different times and in different parts of the world called
for some kind of unification. The formation of a more compre-
hensive body dealing with the whole of astronomy became, for
this reason alone, almost inevitable. Then there was the ques-
tion of funds, which could only be obtained with increasing
difficulty, unless some particular Government showed a special
and not always altruistic interest in the subject, and attained
its object by diplomatic pressure. The International Geodetic
Association was brought into existence through diplomatic
agencies, and its constitution was vitiated by a not very effec-
tive but nevertheless annoying attempt at Government control.
It was provided, for instance, that correspondence between the
president and the scientific organizations in each State should
only be carried out through diplomatic channels, and the asso-
ciation could not itself determine the seat of its Central Bureau.
The delegates at the meeting were appointed by the Govern-
ments, and often received definite instructions beforehand with
regard to their vote. Similar provisions were made originally
in the case of the International Association of Seismology, and
were abandoned only as a concession to France, England and
the United States, who made this a condition of their joining.
It had been hoped at one time that a combination of the
leading academies of different countries would help in system-
atizing international efforts. In the year 1899 a meeting was
held at Wiesbaden at which representatives of the principal
scientific and literary academies discussed the formation of an
International Association of Academies, and drafted statutes for
such an association. The proceedings at the meeting having
been ratified by the bodies concerned, the association was'
formed and held five meetings at triennial intervals (Paris 1901;
London 1904; Vienna 1907; Rome 1910; and St. Petersburg
1913). Twenty-four academies ultimately formed part of the
association, though two of them (the Royal Society of Edin-
burgh and the Finnish Academy of Helsingfors) , having only
been elected in 1913, never took an active part in the work.
The declared object of the association was " to prepare and
promote scientific enterprises (travaux scientifiques) of general
interest, proposed by one of the Associated Academies, and tc
facilitate in a general way scientific intercourse between different
countries." The attitude of this new body towards other inter-
national organizations was discussed at the meeting held at
London in 1904 when the following resolution was passed by 19
votes against one:
" That the initiation of any new international organization,
be maintained by subventions from the different states, demands
careful previous examination into the value and objects of such
organization, and that it is desirable that proposals to establish
such organizations should be considered by the International Asso-
ciation of Academies before definite action is taken."
This resolution only applied to the initiation of new organiza-
tions, as the Association of Academies could not claim to exercise
any control over the large number that were already in operation.
Nevertheless, it was hoped that it might promote coordination
by suggestion and advice.
The Association of Academies included the humanistic
well as the scientific branches of knowledge. It would be easy
to point out some valuable undertakings carried out by this body,
but the sum total of its effective influence was disappointing.
In view of the later period of reconstruction it is necessary to
allude to the main source of its weakness. Owing to the limita-
tions of their membership and the great subdivision of our
INTERNATIONAL SCIENCE
54i
present knowledge, the great academies of the world have lost
some of their former authority, which has passed into the hands
of specialized societies. While still supreme in questions of
general policy, they cannot supply by themselves alone such
detailed knowledge as is required in international work.
This then was the position when the World War broke out,
and scientific cooperation in peaceful pursuits was inevitably
in abeyance. In due course the work of reconstructing it on
new lines had to be taken in hand. Informal correspondence
between the secretaries of the Royal Society and the Paris
Academy of Sciences was interrupted by the death of M. Dar-
boux, a man of great experience and sound judgment combined
with a wide and generous outlook. Its resumption after a short
interval led to a conference of representatives of the scientific
academies in the Allied countries which was held in London on
Oct. ii 1918. There were two guiding principles underlying the
resolutions arrived at. The first was that no results could be
hoped for from any international organization necessitating
friendly cooperation and personal intercourse between former
belligerents until sufficient time had elapsed for the strong
resentment engendered by the initiation and conduct of the war
to subside; the second motive was not to lose the favourable
opportunity of reconstructing the whole of 'the international
work, by substituting a logical system for the haphazard jumble
of conventions and agreements to which its spasmodic historical
growth had led. It was the second as much as the first consider-
ation which necessitated a lengthened period for the exclusion
of enemy interests which were mainly responsible for the older
organizations, some of these having been largely under Govern-
ment control. For reasons already given, the academies had
to recognize that, though they could properly be the organizing
authorities, the controlling body in each country would have
to be of a more representative character. The main principles
were embodied in the following resolutions, which, it will be
seen, make special provision for the administrative relations
between public services in which cooperation of enemy coun-
tries would naturally be resumed after the declaration of peace:
1. That it is desirable that the nations at war with the Central
Powers withdraw from the existing conventions 'relating to Inter-
national Scientific Associations in accordance with the statutes or
regulations of such conventions respectively, as soon as circum-
stances permit ; and that new associations deemed to be useful to
the progress of science and its applications be established without
delay by the nations at war with the Central Powers with the even-
tual cooperation of neutral nations.
2. That certain associations, such as the Metric Convention,
depending on diplomatic agreements, be taken into consideration
during the peace negotiations.
3. It is not intended that these measures be applied to agree-
ments relating to indispensable administrative relations between
public services, such as those regulating navigation, meteorological
telegrams, railways, telegraphs, etc.
4. A committee of inquiry be constituted by the conference,
the academies of the countries at war with the Central Powers
having power to add further members. This committee shall pre-
pare a general scheme of international organizations to meet the
requirements of the various branches of scientific and industrial
research, including those relating to national defence.
5. Each of the academies represented at the conference shall be
invited to initiate the formation of a National Council for the pro-
motion of the researches specified in resolution 4.
6. An International Council, having as nucleus the committee
specified in resolution 4, shall be formed by the federation of the
National Councils.
7. The conference, being of opinion that all industrial, agricultural
and medical progress depends on pure science, draws the attention of
the various Governments to the importance of theoretical and dis-
interested researches, which after the restoration of peace should be
supported_ by large endowments. The conference urges similarly
the creation of large laboratories for experimental science, both
private and national.
At a further meeting, held at Paris at the end of Nov.
1918, representatives of the following countries were pres-
ent: Belgium, Brazil, France, Great Britain, Italy, Japan,
Poland, Rumania, Serbia and the United States of America.
The delegates of Greece and Portugal were prevented from
attending. The meeting confirmed the London resolutions and
discussed the methods of giving effect to them. A committee
of five delegates, representing Belgium, France, Great Britain,
Italy and the United States respectively, was appointed to make
more definite proposals for the proposed organizations, and the
International Research Council was finally constituted at a meet-
ing held at Brussels in July 1919. In the meantime the Treaty
of Peace with Germany had been drafted. Article 282 of this
treaty, as ultimately ratified, runs as follows: " From the com-
ing into force of the present Treaty, and subject to the provisions
thereof, the Multilateral Treaties, Conventions and Agreements
of an economic and technical character enumerated below and
in the subsequent articles shall alone be applied as between
Germany and those of the Allied and Associated Powers party
thereto." The list of 26 conventions and agreements which form
the exceptions contains only two of the scientific organizations
with which we are here concerned, viz. (20), convention of May
20 1875, regarding the unification and improvement of the
metric system, and (23) convention of June 7 1905, regarding
the creation of an International Agricultural Institute at Rome.
It would appear from this that Germany must be considered to
have withdrawn from all other scientific organizations, at any
rate from those which had received Government support. This
view is further confirmed by Article 24 of the Covenant of the
League of Nations, according to which:
There shall be placed under the direction of the League all inter-
national bureaux already established by general treaties if the par-
ties to such treaties consent. All such international bureaux and
all commissions for the regulation of matters of international interest
hereafter constituted shall be placed under the direction of the
League.
In all matters of international interest which are regulated by
general conventions but which are not placed under the control of
international bureaux or commissions, the Secretariat of the League
shall, subject to the consent of the council and if desired by the
parties, collect and distribute all relevant information and shall
render any other assistance which may be necessary or desirable.
The council may include as part of the expenses of the secretariat
the expenses of any bureau or commission which is placed under
the direction of the League.
It is a reasonable interpretation of this article that so long as
Germany remained excluded from the League of Nations it was
not intended to give financial support to international organ-
izations of which Germany formed a part. The way seemed
therefore open to reconstruct international scientific work un-
hampered by the agreements that existed before the war.
A full report of the Proceedings of the Brussels Conference
having been published (Harrison & Sons, London) , it is only
necessary here to outline the general organization that was
agreed upon. The objects of the International Research Coun-
cil, which was now constituted, are defined as follows:
(1) To coordinate international efforts in the different branches of
science and its applications.
(2) To initiate the formation of international associations or
unions deemed to be useful to the progress of science in accordance
with Article I. of the resolutions adopted at the Conference of Lon-
don, Oct. 1918 (see page 17 of this report).
(3) To direct international scientific activity in subjects which do
not fall within the purview of any existing international associa-
tions.
(4) To enter through the proper channels into relation with the
Governments of the countries adhering to the International Research
Council in order to promote investigations falling within the compe-
tence of the Council.
It should be noticed that, once an international association
has been formed, it becomes autonomous and is independent of
the parent body, subject only to the approval of its statutes
and the conditions laid down for admission. The statutes ex-
clude the Central Powers, and lay down a majority of three-
quarters for the admission of all but the specified belligerent
countries; but so far as countries neutral during the war are con-
cerned, the provision is dealt with by the unanimous invitation
extended to them. The following countries had joined the
International Research Council by May 1921: Australia, Bel-
gium, Canada, Denmark, France, Greece, Holland, Italy, Japan,
Mexico, Monaco, Norway, Portugal, Serbia, Spain, Sweden,
Switzerland, the United States and the United Kingdom.
The statutes remain in force until Dec. 1931, but can be
542
INTERNATIONAL, THE
altered at any time with the approval of two-thirds of the
adhering countries. Different countries have voting powers
according to their contributions, which depend on their popu-
lation. Self-governing dominions count as independent States.
In addition to the International Research Council, unions
were definitely constituted to organize international work in
astronomy, geodesy and geophysics and chemistry. In each
case the adhering countries constitute National Committees to
superintend their part of the work. These National Com-
mittees are formed according to the decision of each country,
under the responsibility either of its principal academy, or of
its National Research Council (where such exists), or of some
other national institution or association of institutions, or of
its Government.
While the academies of most countries have been satisfied
with nominating National Committees on a representative
basis for the special purpose of organizing the international
work, the United States has established a National Research
Council, which is subdivided according to subjects, and which
deals with national as well as international activities.
In extensive subjects covering a large range such as astronomy
and geophysics, subdivision into groups is necessary, but each
union adopts the methods that appear to them to be most
effective. While astronomy works through as many, as 32
standing committees, the Union of Geodesy and Geophysics
has divided itself into six sections, comprising (a) geodesy,
(b) seismology, (c) meteorology, (d) terrestrial magnetism and
electricity, (e) physical oceanography, and (/) vulcanology.
In addition to the three unions which were actually brought
into being at the time, the conference at Brussels formulated
proposals for adding unions in the following subjects: mathe-
matics, physics, scientific radio-telegraphy, geology, biological
sciences, geography and, finally, bibliography and documentation.
The first of these was subsequently constituted at a meeting
held in Strassburg, and already counts many countries as
adherents. The unions of physics and scientific radio-teleg-
raphy also received substantial support, and it was expected in
May 1921 that they would probably be constituted shortly.
It seems probable that the international work, which is now
established on a sufficiently uniform system to avoid over-
lapping and waste, while allowing complete liberty of organiza-
tion within their respective spheres, will in future be carried
out as efficiently as is possible in a domain which presents so
many inherent difficulties.
In conclusion, and in order to avoid any misunderstanding
or misapprehension as regards the general attitude of inter-
national science towards research, a declaration of policy which
was adopted at the Paris Conference of Nov. 1918 may be
quoted: " The International Research Council recognizes that
all great advances in science are initiated by individual efforts,
and that it has become increasingly necessary to encourage
these efforts. It includes, therefore, within its functions the
task of actively encouraging all endeavours to supply the means
and freedom necessary to those capable of conducting scientific
researches of a high order." (A. S.*)
INTERNATIONAL, THE (see 14.693). After the collapse of
the original " International Working Men's Association,"
known as the First International, there were successive attempts
to form a united International of the various socialist and labour
movements, the two chief attempts being the Second Inter-
national, which was formed in 1889 and broke down on the out-
break of the World War in 1914, but was afterwards revived in a
mutilated form, and the Third International, which was formed
in 1919 on a more exclusively revolutionary basis. In 1921 there
was no singk International for all the labour and socialist
organizations, and the movement as a whole was in flux.
The Second International. In the period following the collapse
of the First International, the national labour and socialist move-
ments grew up separately in each country with only a slight
international connexion. For the 13 years between 1876 and
1889 there was no permanent international bond, but only
occasional ad hoc international conferences of labour. These
were summoned by various convening bodies, on one occasio
(1888) by the British Trades Union Congress. The list of these
intervening conferences is given as follows in the official re-
cord of the International Socialist Bureau: 1876, Berne; 1877,
Ghent; 1881, Coire; 1883, Paris; 1886, Paris; 1888, London.
In 1889 a new step was taken by the decision of the Paris
International Congress to arrange for the periodic holding of
International congresses in future. The Paris Congress really
consisted of two separately convened conferences, one being
Marxian and the other Possibilist or moderate. Subsequent
united congresses were held at Brussels in 1891, at Zurich in
1893, and at London in 1896. The starting point of the Second
or "New International" is commonly taken as the year 1889.
It was not, however, until 1900, at the Paris Congress of that
year, that a definite constitution was set up for the new Inter-
national. The 1900 Congress established an International So-
cialist Bureau of representatives from each affiliated national
section, together with an executive, a paid secretary, and a
central office. The bureau met once a year, or more often in the
case of emergency. The central office was stationed at Brussels;
and the chairman, secretary and executive, who were entrusted
with the task of carrying on the continuous work of the Inter-
national, were composed of members of the Belgian section.
At the same Congress of Paris in 1900 were laid down the
final conditions of membership of the International. By these
conditions affiliation was open to
(1) All associations which adhere to the essential principles of
socialism: socialization of the means of production and exchange;
international union and action of the workers; conquest of public
powers by the proletariat organized as a class party.
(2) All the constituted organizations which accept the principle
of the class struggle and recognize the necessity for political action
(legislative and parliamentary), but do not participate directly in
the political movement.
Subsequent congresses under the new regulations were held at
Amsterdam in 1904, at Stuttgart in 1907, and at Copenhagen in
1910. A special conference was held at Basel in 1912 to protest
against the danger of participation by the Great Powers in the
Balkan war. The next regular congress was to have been held
at Vienna in Aug. 1914, but was abandoned owing to the out-
break of war. The last full congress of the Second International
was, in consequence, the Copenhagen Congress of 1910. That
congress was attended by 896 delegates representing 23 nation-
alities. The total number of nationalities affiliated with the bureau
at the outbreak of war was 28; and the membership was given as
12 millions.
The pre-war International was a larger organization than had
so far been achieved; but its real strength lay in the national
sections, and as a whole it lacked effective adhesion or unity.
The compromise which gave it birth in the original fusion of the
two Paris conferences of 1889 stamped its proceedings through-
out. Two leading controversies occupied its attention in the
years before the war. One was the question of socialist par-
ticipation in non-socialist governments. The other was the
question of the action of the International in the event of war.
On neither of these questions was a clear answer given, although
on both elaborate resolutions were passed, couched in revolu-
tionary but vague phraseology. The decision regarding minis-
terial collaboration by socialists was reached at the Amsterdam
Congress of 1904, and laid down that
" The Social Democracy can accept no participation in the
Government under bourgeois society, this decision being in accord-
ance with the Kautsky resolution passed at the International Con-
gress of Paris in 1900. '
This decision would in itself appear definite; but the addition
at the end introduces a covert reservation, the terms of the 1900
resolution having sanctioned the exceptional entry of a socialist
into the Ministry as a " forced expedient of ,a temporary and
extraordinary character."
The decision on the question of war is even more important
for latter-day controversies. The decision was reached at the
Stuttgart Congress of 1907 and reaffirmed at the Copenhagen
Congress of 1910. It made the following declaration:
INTERNATIONAL, THE
543
" If war threatens to break out, it is the duty of the working class
in the countries concerned and of their parliamentary representatives,
with the help of the International Bureau as a means of coordinating
their action, to use every effort to prevent war by all the means which
seem to them most appropriate, having regard to the sharpness of the
class war and to the general political situation.
"Should war none the less break out, their duty is to intervene to
bring it promptly to an end and with all their energies to use the
political and economic crisis created by the war to rouse the masses
of the people from their slumbers and to hasten the fall of capitalist
domination."
This decision would again appear definite: but a proposal at
the Copenhagen Congress in favour of a general strike in the event
of war was referred back by 131 votes to 51, with instructions
to the International Bureau to remit it to the national sections
for report. The Trade Union International had already refused
discussion of the same proposal on the ground that it was a
political question falling within the scope of the Socialist Inter-
national. The subsequent fate of the proposal is worth observing
as evidence of the pre-war position. The International Bureau,
in accordance with instructions, circularized the national sections
in 1910 with a request to report. By 1912 four replies had been
received in all, from (i) the Armenian Revolutionary Federation;
(2) the Commission of Resolutions of the Seine; (3) the Central
Unions and Socialist Party of Denmark; (4) the Socialist Party
of Finland. In 1912 the International secretary again circular-
ized the national sections, pointing out the urgency of the
subject, as Aug. 1914 (the Vienna Congress) was approaching.
This was the position reached before the war.
^The International during the War. The collapse of the In-
ternational at the outbreak of war in 1914 thus came as more
of a surprise to those outside the International than to those
acquainted with it. The International, despite its imposing
aspirations, was in reality no more than a loose federation of
political parties with no strong central authority. In the words
of M. Camille Huysmans, the International secretary, describing
it as he found it when he took office in 1904, it was " no more
than a letter-box and a postal address, a mere medium of
communication, without power and without real influence";
and he goes on to describe how efforts to improve this position
met with little encouragement.
The outbreak of the war revealed that the national sections
were stronger than the International. It is true that in Serbia,
the country first affected by invasion, the Socialist party stood
by the International and voted against the war credits; but
their example was not followed. The most important national
sections affected (with the exception of Russia), Britain, France,
Belgium and Germany, rallied to the support of what they felt
to be a war of national defence. Opposition was expressed only
by minorities in each of these countries, consisting of extreme
revolutionary socialists or of pacifist socialists.
The effect of the war was, accordingly, to break up the
International into two sections, pro-war and anti-war. The
International Secretariat was transferred to Holland; and sub-
stitute members were taken on to the Executive from the Dutch
section. There followed a period of sectional conferences. In
Jan. 1915, the neutral socialists met at Copenhagen and issued
an appeal to the belligerent socialists to act to stop the war. In
Feb. 1915, the Allied socialists met in London and passed a resolu-
tion emphasizing the necessity of continuing the war. In April
1915, the Central Powers socialists met at Vienna and passed
resolutions dealing chiefly with relations after the war.
All these conferences were held with the knowledge and sanc-
tion of the International Executive, which was endeavouring by
negotiation to pave the way for a full congress. But in Sept.
1915, the anti- war socialists took matters into their own hands,
and held an unofficial socialist conference at Zimmerwald in
Switzerland. This conference set up a permanent International
Socialist Commission, which was henceforth in tacit, though not
at first intended, rivalry with the official bureau. This rivalry
became intensified when a second conference was held under
the auspices of the commission at Kienthal in April 1916, and
the revolutionary section of the anti-war socialists began to play
a more dominant part.
The situation was brought to a head by the Russian Revolu-
tion of March 1917. An invitation for a full International
Socialist Conference to be held at Stockholm was issued by the
Petrograd Soviet in conjunction with the Dutch-Scandinavian
committee which had been formed to act for the bureau. The
invitation was accepted by all the principal sections, including
the British Labour party, the French Socialist party, and the
German and Austrian socialists. But after a protracted crisis
the refusal of passports by the British and French Governments
led to the failure of the project. It was at this stage that
the Zimmerwaldian Commission held a separate meeting at
Stockholm and finally decided on founding a new International.
In March 1918, an Inter-Allied Socialist and Labour Con-
ference was held, which drew up a statement of war aims and
communicated it to the socialist parties of the Central Powers.
The replies of the latter were received during the summer of
1918, and negotiations were proceeding on these lines when the
Armistice came. .
The Second International after the War. Immediately after
the Armistice steps were taken for the reconstruction of the
International under the auspices of a committee appointed by
the Inter-Allied Socialist and Labour Conference of March 1918.
This committee, consisting of Messrs. Albert Thomas, Henderson
and Vandervelde, acting in conjunction with M. Camille Huys-
mans, the International secretary, issued invitations for a
preliminary International Socialist and Labour Conference to
be held at Berne concurrently with the official Peace Conference.
The Berne Conference was held in Feb. 1919, and was attended
by delegates from 26 nations. Certain sections of the Left refused
to participate, including the Russian Communist party (who had
already issued their invitation for a separate conference to inau-
gurate a new International) and the official parties of Italy,
Switzerland, Serbia and Rumania.
The Berne Conference, although not strictly a conference of
the old Second International either in origin or composition,
made arrangements for the resumption of the International at a
full congress to be held the next year, and appointed a Permanent
Commission for this purpose. The conference also passed reso-
lutions in favour of a League of Nations based on a just peace,
of national self-determination, and of an International Labour
Charter. War responsibilities and Bolshevism gave rise to sharp
debates. The former subject was remitted to a subsequent
congress. On the latter subject a resolution denouncing the
dictatorship of the proletariat and declaring democracy the only
possible means of achieving socialism received a majority of
votes; but the conference decided to postpone a definite decision
until it had sent a mission of inquiry to Russia (for which, how-
ever, passports were refused).
The Permanent Commission appointed at the Berne Confer-
ence met at Amsterdam in April 1919, and at Lucerne in Aug.
1919. It made arrangements for the first full after-war congress
to be held at Geneva in Feb. 1920, and drew up a provisional
constitution. Difficulties in the way of the Geneva Congress
arose owing to the growing strength of the newly founded Third
or Communist International and the steady defection of parties
and sections from the Second International. In consequence
the Geneva Congress was postponed until Aug. 1920.
By the time the Geneva Congress was held in Aug. 1920,
the Second International had come to represent in practice the
right wing of the International Labour movement, although still
in its basis accepting all labour and socialist organizations. Its
main strength lay in the British Labour party and the German
Majority socialists, together with the parties of certain smaller
countries, including Sweden, Denmark, Belgium, Holland and
Hungary. The official parties of America, France, Italy, Spain,
Austria, Switzerland, Norway, the Balkans, Ukraine and
Russia had left it, as had also the German Independent socialists,
while of the British socialist organizations only the Fabian
Society remained with it.
The Geneva Congress adopted for the first time a regular
constitution for the International, and drew up a carefully worded
programme on the economic and political side. This pro-
544
INTERSTATE COMMERCE
gramme follows more or less the lines made familiar in England
by Fabian socialism, together with the recognition of a large
measure of workers' control in industry. The Geneva Congress
further recommended that the Secretariat should be transferred
to London; and the British section was invited to undertake
the task of negotiating with national socialist and labour bodies
not represented, in order to secure their adherence. A negoti-
ating commission was accordingly set up in Nov. 1920, consisting
of Mr. Arthur Henderson, Mr. J. H. Thomas, Mr. J. Ramsay
Macdonald and Mr. H. Gosling.
The Third International. The decision to found a new
revolutionary International, in view of the failure of the old
Second International under the test of war, was first definitely
framed by the Russian Social Democratic party (Bolshevik) at
their congress in 1915, and subsequently adopted, as has been
related, by the Zimmerwaldian International Socialist Commis-
sion at Stockholm in 1917. In Jan. 1919, the invitation for the
first congress of the new International was issued by the Russian
Communist party (the name adopted by the Russian Bolsheviks
after their revolution of Nov. 1917) together with representatives
of other Communist parties. This inaugural congress was held at
Moscow in March 1919, and was attended by the Russian
Communist party, the Norwegian Labour party, the German
Spartacusbund and other smaller parties and groups. The
congress wound up the Zimmerwaldian Commission, whose
secretary became the secretary of the new International, and
appointed an executive to arrange for the next congress, to which
was left the drafting of the full constitution and conditions of
admission. In the meantime a manifesto was drawn up expound-
ing the general principles of the new Communist International,
and inviting the adhesion of the revolutionary movements of the
world. A summary of the principles and programme of the
Communist International, as expounded in their manifesto, is
given in the article on COMMUNISM.
The first congress of the new International had been a hurried
meeting with little pretence at a fully representative character.
The policy of precipitating its foundation had been deliberately
adopted in spite of criticism as a means of crystallizing the
situation in the whole International Socialist movement. This
object received a considerable degree of fulfilment. Within the
next twelvemonth every party had to define its attitude in
relation to the new issues, and a great shifting of the centre of
gravity began in the whole International movement. Section
after section left the Second International, and a slower, but
steady, influx passed into the Third International. By the time
of the Second Congress in Aug. 1920, accredited representatives
attended from parties of varying size in nearly every country.
The Second Congress had to determine the constitution and
conditions of admission of the new International. This raised
a new problem. The effect of the world-wide movement towards
the Third International had been to produce a series of demands
for admission from parties which were not fully communist in
character. This applied particularly to the applications of the
larger parties, the parties of Italy, Germany (the Independent
Socialists), France and America. Of these Italy had joined the
Third International while retaining a small reformist section
within its ranks; France, Germany and America were applying
for admission, although all containing anti-communist sections.
The danger was that the Communist International would be
swamped and become like the old pre-war Second International.
Accordingly severe measures were taken to stem the tide, and a
series of 21 conditions of membership were drawn up to serve as
a test to sift the genuine communists from the " centrists."
These measures produced the effect desired. The Italian com-
munists broke away from their connexion with the reformist
socialists (who were not themselves numerous, but received
support from the majority of the party in the name of unity) ;
the French and German parties came over only after a break
with their right-wing minorities; the American communists, who
were also in a majority in their party, but were expelled by the
official right-wing minority, affiliated separately.
The statutes and 21 conditions of membership reveal the
basis and organization of the Third International. The object
of the organization is laid down as follows:
The new International Association of Workers is established for
the purpose of organizing common action between the workers of
various countries who are striving towards a single aim; the over-
throw of capitalism, the establishment of the dictatorship of the
aroletariat and of the International Soviet Republic, the complete
abolition of classes and the realization of socialism as the first step
:o communist society.
In contrast with the pre-war International great stress is laid
on international discipline. The World Congress is constituted
as the supreme authority of the International, and is given power
to confirm or revise the programme and policy of the national
sections. In the intervals of the congresses this power is exer-
cised by the International Executive, which has the right to
issue obligatory instructions to the component organizations.
In further contrast with the pre-war International, great stress
is laid on the necessity for illegal work and the preparation for
eventual armed conflict.
In addition to the statutes and conditions a series of theses
were adopted by the Second Congress, outlining the communist
policy and tactics in relation to Parliament, the trade unions,
cooperative societies, national and colonial movements, etc.
The statutes, conditions and theses, taken together, constitute
the official statement of policy of the Communist International,
which is held to be binding on all members.
The Vienna International. While the issues of the Second
and Third Internationals were agitating the socialist world, a
number of parties which occupied a centre position endeavoured
to start a new movement with a view to the reconstruction of the
International. These parties had left the Second International,
but were not prepared to enter the Third International. In
Dec. 1920, a conference was held at Berne which made prepara-
tions for an inaugural congress of the new movement at Vienna
in Feb. 1921. This congress was attended by the Austrian,
Swiss and Hungarian parties, the British Independent Labour
party, and the right-wing minorities of the French Socialists
and the German Independent Socialists, the Russian Mensheviks
and Socialist Revolutionaries, and one or two groups from other
countries. An " International Working Union of Socialist
Parties " was constituted, open to all parties not affiliated with
either the Second or the Third International, and with the object
of " unifying the activities of the affiliated parties, arranging
common action, and promoting the establishment of an Inter-
national which will embrace the whole revolutionary working
class of the world." A statement on the " Organization and
Methods of the Class Struggle " was adopted, which insisted on
the probable necessity of expecting the use of violent measures
by the capitalist class, but claimed national autonomy for each
party to determine its own method of action.
Thus, by the summer of 1921, there were in existence three
Internationals claiming the allegiance of the labour and socialist
movements of the world.
Bibliography. No standard history exists of the Socialist Inter-
national as a whole. The history of the Second International
before the war can only be obtained from the International Socialist
Congress Reports, and the Bulletin of the International Socialist
Bureau. The International at the outbreak of war is dealt with in
A. W. Humphrey's International Socialism and the War (1915) and
W. E. Walling's The Socialists and the War (1915); and the story is
carried down to 1917 in R. W. Postgate's The International during
the War (1918). The International after the war is dealt with in
R. Palme Dutt's The Two Internationals (1920), which goes up to the
spring of 1920. For the Third International see the Theses and
Statutes of the Communist International (English edition, 1921) and
the monthly official journal, The Communist International. See also
R. W. Postgate's The Workers' International (1920), and the articles
in the Labour International Handbook (1921). (R. P. D-)
INTERSTATE COMMERCE (see 14.711). Subsequently to
1910 numerous Acts of the United States Congress and decisions
of the Supreme Court extended the scope of Federal control over
interstate commerce. The regulation of railways was made more
complete, and the authority of the United States is now exercised
regarding railway rates on traffic within the states when such
rates affect interstate commerce. The Anti-Trust Act of 1890
INTERSTATE COMMERCE
545
was broadened and strengthened by the decisions of the Supreme
Court in the oil and tobacco cases in 191 1 and by the Clayton Act
of 1913- In the adjustment of labour disputes between employers
and employees engaged in interstate commerce the U.S. Govern-
ment plays a constantly larger role.
Railway Regulation. The Interstate Commerce Commission was
given authority by the Hepburn Act of 1906 to establish reasonable
maximum railway rates on interstate traffic, but could act only on
complaints. By the Mann-Elkins Act of 1910, the Commission was
authorized to establish reasonable rates after hearings initiated on
its own motion. By this law the Interstate Commerce Act was
made to apply also to telegraph and telephone companies. The most
important addition to the powers of the Commission by the Act of
1910 was the authority to suspend proposed increases in rates. Rates
filed by the carriers were to become effective in 30 days, but the
Commission might suspend the increase for 120 days, and, if neces-
sary, for an additional period of not exceeding six months. Another
important provision of the Mann-Elkins Act gave renewed vitality
to the fourth section, or the long and short haul clause, of the Inter-
state Commerce Act. Previously a carrier might decide whether
this clause applied to any particular route, and, as the law had been
interpreted by the courts, the fourth section had practically become
a dead letter. By the Mann-Elkins Act no carrier may charge more for
the shorter intermediate haul than for a longer haul until he has
applied to the Commission and permission has been granted because
of special circumstances.
The Panama Canal Act, passed in 1912, contains some important
items extending Federal power over interstate commerce. It had
long been thought by the public that it was the policy of the railways
to secure control of competing carriers by water and force them out
of existence. In response to this feeling, Congress, by the Panama
Canal Act of 1912, provided that it should be unlawful for any
railway company or common carrier, subject to the Interstate
Commerce Act, to secure control by stock ownership or otherwise
of any common carrier by water operating through the Panama
Canal or elsewhere, provided the carrier by water and the railway
company did or might compete with each other. The Commission
was charged with the duty of deciding the questions of fact as to
competition. The drastic nature of the law was somewhat modified
by the provision that, if the Commission was of opinion that the
public interests would be served and competition would not
be prevented or reduced by the continued control by the rail-
way company of a competing carrier by water the Commission
might extend the period of control. In enforcing this provision, the
Commission has compelled the trunk-line railways to sell the passen-
ger and freight lines which they had efficiently operated upon the
Great Lakes. The railways have been permitted to continue to
operate steamships coastwise between New England ports. The
prohibition of the use of the Panama Canal by vessels owned by a
competing railway is absolute. The Panama Canal Act also gave
the Commission authority, as regards interstate traffic, to
require rail carriers to make physical connexion with the docks
of steamship companies and to establish through routes and
maximum joint rates. Rail carriers, moreover, that have entered
into through arrangements with a carrier by water, operating
from a port of the United States to a foreign country, must
enter into like arrangements with any or all other lines of steam-
ships operating from the same port. The purpose of this pro-
vision was to insure shippers from interior points the benefits of
competition by through routes to foreign destinations.
Prior to 1915, it was the practice of railway companies by con-
tracts in bills of lading to fix a maximum value for different ar-
ticles, and in case of loss or damage the owner could collect only to
the amount of the maximum value so fixed. By the Cummins
Amendment (1915) to the Interstate Commerce Act carriers were
made liable for the actual value of commodities. Subsequently the
carriers were, however, permitted to establish a scale of rates vary-
ing with different values, provided the Commission approved.
As a result of the steady rise in cost of living after 1910, and of the
more effective organization of railway employees, a series of de-
mands was made by railway labour for increased wages. The de-
mands were only partially satisfied by arbitration proceedings, and
finally in 1916 the employees of the railways of the country threat-
ened a nation-wide strike on Sept. I unless the demand for increased
wages and for an eight -hour day was granted. The railway com-
panies were unable to grant the demand and the men refused to
arbitrate, although the President of the United States sought settle-
ment by arbitration. The urgency of the situation caused the Presi-
dent to recommend and Congress to enact a law establishing the
eight-hour day beginning Jan. I 1917, and providing that the wages
then in force should not be reduced for a period of nine months. In
March 1917 this law was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court.
On March I 1913 Congress directed the Interstate Commerce
Commission to undertake the valuation of railways to enable the
Commission -to regulate interstate carriers more intelligently and
effectively. It is expected that the Commission will complete this
work in 1923.
The most important legislation affecting the carriers enacted
since the passage of the original Interstate Commerce Law of 1887
is the Transportation Act of 1920, which returned the railways to
their owners March I (at the end of the 26 months of Government
operation), provided for a more comprehensive regulation of carriers
by the Commission, and established new principles to be followed in
the regulation of rates, revenues and capital expenditures of the
carriers. An active propaganda for the purchase of the railways by
the Government was carried on during 1919 by the leaders of the
railway brotherhoods and unions. The agitation received also the
support of socialists and other advocates of the extension of Govern-
ment functions. The movement, however, did not meet with pop-
ular approval, and Congress by a large majority decided in favour
of the continuance of private ownership and the return to corporate
operation of the railways.
In the Transportation Act of 1920 a new principle of rate-making
was incorporated. The Commission, as previously, is the final
authority as to rates. But in the future the Commission was to
adjust rates with a view to enabling carriers, as a whole, to earn
5j % on the aggregate value of their property devoted to the public
service. The Commission might also authorize the carriers to earn
one-half of I % per annum additional, the amount thus earned to be
devoted to improvements without capitalizing the amount thus
invested. Individual carriers whose net operating revenues exceed
6% were to devote one-half of the excess to building up a company
reserve fund until the amount reaches 5 %, and are to turn the other
half of the excess over to the Government to go into a fund from
which it might make advances to the carriers.
The regulation of railway securities by the Commission is author-
ized by the Transportation Act of 1920, which so amends the laws
against combinations as to permit railway companies to consolidate
with the Commission's approval. Consolidation or grouping of the
railways into a limited number of systems of approximately equal
strength is recognized to be an ultimate necessity, and there was some
sentiment in favour of making consolidation compulsory by law.
That principle, however, was not incorporated in the Act.
One of the most important features of the Transportation Act
of 1920 is that providing for the adjustment of disputes as to wages
and working conditions of employees. The Act makes it the duty of
employers and employees to endeavor by negotiation to settle their
differences. If negotiation fails, disputes as to working conditions
may be referred to boards of adjustment composed of an equal
number of representatives of the employer and employees. These
boards may be either local, district or national. The law also
provides for the appointment by the President of a Railroad Labour
Board made up of nine men, three representing the public, three
the railway employees and three the railway companies. Such
a Board was appointed by the President in the spring of 1920, and
it became active in considering many questions involving wages and
working conditions.
Intra-state 'Rates. The power of the Federal Government over
intra-state rates has been extended by important decisions of the
Supreme Court and by the Transportation Act of 1920. In the
Minnesota Rate Case (Simpson et al. vs. Shepard, 230 U.S. 352),
decided in 1913, the Supreme Court upheld the action of the state
of Minnesota establishing railway rates within the state, although
the facts showed thai these intra-state rates affected the rates on
interstate traffic and the revenues of the carriers engaged both in
interstate and intra-state traffic. Justice Hughes, speaking for the
Court, declared that the " state of Minnesota did not transcend the
limits of its authority in prescribing the rates here involved, assum-
ing them to be reasonable." But Justice Hughes was careful to
point out that " if the situation has become such, by reason of the
interblending of the inter- and intra-state operations of interstate
carriers, that adequate regulation of their interstate rates cannot be
maintained without imposing requirements with respect to their
intra-state rates which substantially affect the former, it is for Con-
gress to determine, within the limits of its constitutional authority
over interstate commerce and its instruments, the measure of the
regulation it should supply." In 1914 the Supreme Court was called
on to consider the validity of the order of the Interstate Commerce
Commission in its Shrevepqrt decision. The business interests of
Shreveport, La., had complained to the Commission that rates with-
in the state of Texas, which had been fixed by the State Commission
of Texas, were so much lower than the interstate rates that it was
not possible for the merchants of Shreveport to do business in north-
western Texas. The Commission decided that the wide difference
between the interstate and intra-state rates constituted an un-
reasonable discrimination, and the carriers were ordered to correct
this, which they did by raising the intra-state to the level of the
interstate charges. When the case reached the Supreme Court,
the Commission's order was upheld (234 U.S. 342). The principle
established by this decision was embodied in the Transportation Act
of 1920. The statute provided that when the Interstate Commerce
Commission finds that any intra-state rate constitutes an unjust
discrimination against interstate or foreign commerce, the Com-
mission may prescribe the maximum or minimum intra-state rate
thereafter to be charged. The limitation by the Federal Government
of the power of the states over railway charges within their respec-
tive territories was not accepted by the states without contest. A
test case was pending in the Supreme Court in 1921.
546
INTESTINAL STASIS
Amendments to the Anti-Trust Act of 1890 Prior to 1911, the
Supreme Court by a series of decisions (see 14.711) had denned the
scope of the Anti-Trust law of 1890; but while the Act had been sus-
tained, the net effect of the interpretations given to the law had been
to limit its effectiveness. However, in the oil and tobacco cases
decided in 1911 (221 U.S. 1-106 and 106-193) the Supreme Court
adopted a "rule of reason" formulated by Chief Justice White,
which gave greater flexibility to the Act and promised to make the
law more effective. In a previous decision involving railway com-
binations, the Supreme Court had interpreted literally the language
of the statute, and had not considered whether the combination
was reasonable or in harmony with sound public policy. This
interpretation had made the statute almost a dead letter as far as
regulating combinations. In the oil case, the Supreme Court,
speaking through Chief Justice White, said: " It becomes obvious
that the criterion to be resorted to in any given case, for the purpose
of ascertaining whether violations of the section have been com-
mitted, is the rule of reason guided by the established law and by the
plain duty to enforce the prohibitions of the Act, and thus the public
policy which its restrictions were obviously enacted to subserve."
The Court held, in effect, that the purpose of the law was to pre-
vent undue restraint of every kind and that it did not deny to in-
dividuals the right to enter into contracts when the right was not
improperly exercised.
This interpretation of the Anti-Trust law was unsatisfactory to
the extreme opponents of industrial combinations, and it was
thought by many that Congress should define combinations and
monopolies. In response, the Clayton Act of 1913 was passed, pro-
hibiting, under specified provisions, discriminations in prices and con-
taining numerous other sections intended to make the general pro-
visions of the Anti-Trust Act of 1890 more specific. It is doubtful,
however, whether the Clayton Act has really strengthened the Act
of 1890. Labour unions and organizations of farmers are exempted
from the provisions of the Anti-Trust law. Interlocking directo-
rates of banks are prohibited, and it is made unlawful for a corpora-
tion engaged in interstate commerce to acquire control by stock owner-
ship of another corporation engaged in interstate commerce when such
acquisition will lessen competition. Carriers engaged in interstate
commerce are prohibited, after two years from the passage of the law,
from dealing in securities or supplies or from making construction con-
tracts amounting to more than $50,000 with a corporation, firm or
partnership having on its board of directors or as one of its officers
a person who is at the same time a director or officer of the common
carrier. This provision was suspended until after the conclusion
of the World War, but was in force in 1921.
The most important decision of the Supreme Court subsequently
to 1911 was its finding in the case of the United States against the
Steel Corporation, March I 1920 (251 U.S. 417). By this decision,
the largest of all industrial combinations was held not to be a viola-
tion of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. It was not shown that the
Steel Corporation had unduly limited competition. The Court
decided that it " should consider not what the corporation had power
to do or did but what it has power to do and is doing." It reached
the conclusion that the public interest would not be served by re-
quiring the dissolution of the Steel Corporation, but that, on the
contrary, its dissolution might result in a material disturbance to
American foreign trade.
Adjustment of Labour Disputes. The Erdman Act of 1898' was
amended by the Newlands Act of July 15 1913, and more adequate
machinery provided for mediation and arbitration of labour dis-
putes. The Erdman Act had provided for voluntary conciliation
upon the initiative of the chairman of the Interstate Commerce
Commission and the Commissioner of Labor. If conciliation failed,
the parties might submit their controversy to arbitration. In that
case a board of three men was provided, one arbitrator selected by
each side, these to choose the third arbitrator, or, if they failed, the
third arbitrator to be chosen by the chairman of the Commission
and the Commissioner of Labor. Both the railway companies and
their employees objected to submitting their disputes to such a
small board, and the Newlands Act therefore provided for a board
of five to nine men and also created a board of mediation and con-
ciliation composed of a commissioner and two other designated offi-
cials of the Government. A series of important arbitration proceed-
ings was held under the Newlands Act, but by 1916 the railway
employees had become dissatisfied with the results of arbitration
and made a demand on the carriers for the establishment of an eight-
hour day and for a general increase in wages. The carriers resisted
and the deadlock was broken by the passage of the Adamson Act
in Sept. 1916, establishing the standard eight-hour day in the railway
service, and providing for a commission to decide upon wages. There
was much popular dissatisfaction with the Adamson Law, which was
hurriedly enacted by Congress under the pressure of a threatened
labour crisis. The Supreme Court the following spring held the law
to be constitutional, and the Adamson Law has definitely established
the standard eight-hour day in the railway service (243 U.S. 232).
The Newlands Act and the machinery it created have been sup-
plemented and in fact supplanted by the labour provisions of the
Transportation Act of 1920. Whether the machinery created by
this Act would work satisfactorily had not been fully determined in
1921, but the success of the Board in averting a threatened strike
on Nov. I of that year gave the Board increased popular support.
For details as to statutes, consult Barnes' Federal Code (1919)
and the supplement (1921). The most important decisions of the
Supreme Court interpreting the power of the Federal Government
over intra-state railway rates are Simpson et al. vs. Shepard, 230
U.S. 352 ; Houston East and West Texas Railway Co., and Houston
and Shreveport Railway Co. et al. vs. United States, 234 U.S. 342.
The most recent significant decisions of the Supreme Court inter-
preting the Anti-Trust Law are Standard Oil Co. vs. United States,
221 U.S. I ; United States vs. American Tobacco Co., 221 U.S. 106;
United States vs. U.S. Steel Corporation, 251 U.S. 417, und the
Adamson Law Case, Wilson vs. New, 243 U.S. 232. (E. R. J.)
INTESTINAL STASIS (see 8.263; 19.924; 19.430; 1.33). In
abdominal surgery during recent years some of the principal
advances have been due to the increased attention given to the
study of chronic intestinal stasis, a term which comprises a
sequence of changes which affect the entire gastro-intestinal
canal. They are in the first instance mechanical in character and
are due to the delay in the evacuation of the contents of the
intestine. Later the accumulation of material in the large bowel
leads to stagnation of the chyme in the small intestines and to
its infection by organisms. These germs extend upwards through
the ileum, jejunum and duodenum, and foul their contents from
which the body obtains its nutrition. The material absorbed
from the infected contents of the small intestine contains toxins
and perhaps organisms. These may be in a quantity sufficient to
escape excretion and alteration by the liver and kidneys. They
are carried in the blood-stream and supply the cells of all the
tissues of the body with a medium which rapidly produces degen-
erative changes in them. This infection of the contents of the
small intestine by organisms is a matter of the most serious
importance in its bearing on the health of the individual.
The Mechanical Changes in the Large Bowel in chronic intestinal
stasis usually originate early in the lifetime of the individual.
When the napkin of the infant is discarded, the child is educated to
expel the faeces only once a day, so that the product of a whole
24 hours' digestion is collected in the distal portion of the large
bowel and especially in its pelvic segment. The bulk of faecal matter
in these circumstances appears to be greater than this section of the
bowel can accommodate without undergoing alterations in form.
Changes in the intestine and in its connexion to adjacent structure
develop. These vary in character with the vitality of the subject.
In one extreme of low vitality the colon elongates and dilates, and
consequently loses in expulsive power. The elongation of the pelvi"
colon affords a serious obstacle to the evacuation of its content:
Infective processes in the mucous membrane also produce a condi-
tion of spasmodic obstruction. In the other extreme, in the more
vigorous subject, lines of resistance are crystallized as bands or
membranes which tend to retain the bowel in position and to oppose
its distension and elongation. These bands are generally distributed
along the concavity of the large bowel and reach a high state of
development at certain definite points. At first they perform a
useful function but later, as they contract, they obstruct the lumen
of the bowel and tend to shorten life. These deviations from the
normal are characteristic of two extreme types of intestinal stasis,
within which all varieties and combinations exist.
. A matter of great importance is that the cases included in the first
group do not get cancer of the large bowel any more than they get
carcinoma of the stomach and oesophagus, while those in the second
group are very liable to the formation of cancer at any of the points
of obstruction produced by the acquired bands or in the situation of
the muscle at the junction of the pelvic colon and rectum, or about
the sphincter ani. Another point is that the consistence of the con-
tents of the large intestine varies greatly throughout its length;
while in the caecum and ascending colon it is of a fluid or pasty
consistence, in the descending, iliac, and pelvic portions of the colon
it is usually firm and may be very hard. Therefore the physical
character of the faecal matter is a matter of importance in the con-
sideration of its effects upon and its capacity to pass through any
portion of the bowel whose lumen is materially constricted. The
explanation of the varying frequency of cancer in the two extreme
types is obvious. To exert traumatism at the seat of constriction
it is necessary that there should be sufficient thrust produced by the
muscular wall of the bowel, and again the mechanical effect of that
thrust varies directly with the bulk and consistence of the portion
of the intestinal contents which is forced against the partly ob-
structed segment of bowel, and with the degree of the obstruction.
In the first group the very elongated bowel with its feeble mus-
cular wall, with its inflamed mucous membrane and its very scanty
contents, exerts but a slight effect upon the mucous membrane at
the junction of elongated loops of colon, the kinking or obstruction
by membranes being non-existent in these cases. Instead of develop-
ing excessive power by the hypertrophy of the muscle coat of the
INVERFORTH, A. W. IOWA
547
bowel the proximal colon gives up the struggle readily, dilates and
prolapses. In the second group the bowel is not elongated, its wall is
hypertrophied, the faecal contents are abundant and bulky, and the
obstruction is acute and well defined. In the first group the enfeeble-
ment of the muscle coat of the bowel resulting from the extreme
degree of intestinal auto-intoxication eliminates the mechanical factor
which in the case of the large bowel is responsible for the formation of
cancer, but by causing degenerative changes in the breasts, uterus,
ovaries and other organs, it renders them much more liable to cancer.
The ileal effluent is controlled and material is dammed back in the
small intestine as the result of overloading of the caecum by its
stagnating contents. The distension and dilatation of the caecum
produce a twist or obstruction of the terminal ileum, or the ileum is
constricted by an appendix which is anchored to the back of the
mesentery, forming what is called a " controlling appendix," or by
an ileal kink due to the contraction of an acquired ligament or band.
The weight of the stagnating contents of the small intestine exerts
a drag upon the duodeno-jejunal junction. If, as is frequently the
case, this angle is abrupt it is readily blocked, so that the passage of
the contents of the duodenum into the jejunum is obstructed and
dilatation and inflammatory change take place in the duodenum.
The pylorus becomes spastic and the stomach dilates and hyper-
trophies. Inflammatory changes arise in the mucous membrane
about the pylorus over the area in which the contents of the stomach
are forcibly impacted and about the centre of the lesser curvature
where strain is greatest. Later these infected areas are liable to
become cancerous.
Toxic Changes in Chronic Intestinal Stasis. Carrel has demon-
strated that the several tissues of the body can grow and live indefi-
nitely, provided they receive nutriment and are efficiently drained.
Any interference with the drainage of effete products or with the
supply of suitable nutriment causes the death of the growing tissue.
While most of the changes which take place in the tissues of the
body in stasis are due to the effect of the deleterious products cir-
culating in the blood stream, some are consequent upon the extension
of infection from the duodenum along the ducts of the liver and
pancreas. The latter are evidenced as inflammatory changes in the
ducts and tissues of the liver; as gall-stones acting mechanically
and producing obstructive symptoms, ulceration and cancer; and
as changes in the pancreas which are degenerative, inflammatory
and finally cancerous.
The most conspicuous consequences of the effects of intestinal
auto-intoxication are: (l) Loss of fat. This in the woman is a
factor of even greater importance than in a man, since she depends
on it largely for the beauty of her curves and for the support of her
viscera and especially her pelvic organs. (2) Changes in the skin.
The skin is stained, especially about the eye-lids, side of the neck,
axillae, groins, and about the labia and thighs. This staining is
accentuated in areas exposed to friction. The skin becomes wrinkled.
Hairs appear on the cheek, upper lip and chin, also over the externs
or surfaces of the fore-arm and the legs. The perspiration is pungent
and offensive. The breasts become nobbly in their upper and
outer segments, cysts are formed later and spread through the whole
breast, cancer develops readily in these degenerated organs. (3)
The circulation is very defective, so that the extremities and ears are
cold even in moderately warm weather. The temperature of the
body is always subnormal. The heart undergoes many changes due
to degeneration of its muscle. The walls of the arteries become
atheromatous, impairing the circulation of the blood through the
tissues. The changes in the coronary arteries produce the condition
called angina pectoris, while the inelasticity and fragility of the
cerebral vessels render them liable to rupture in the soft tissues of the
brain. (4) The wasting of the muscles which occurs early in stasis is
responsible for a great variety of symptoms. It affects both the vol-
untary and the involuntary muscles. Perhaps the earliest evidence
of loss_of power in the voluntary muscles is afforded by the loss of
thoracic respiration, the patient depending for the oxygenation of
the blood upon the more reflex and less exacting action of the dia-
phragm and abdominal muscles. The attitude of rest which is as-
sumed in consequence is very disfiguring. It is interesting to note that
this condition of abdominal respiration precedes, and is responsible
for, the development of the deformities which are due to the fixation
and later the exaggeration of " resting postures," which are thus
indirectly due to the auto-intoxication of chronic intestinal stasis.
They^are "dorsal excurvation," "flat-foot," "lateral curvature,"
and " knock-knee." (5) The muscle of the intestine with its ganglia
and mucous membrane degenerate and their function becomes still
more defective. _ (6) The uterus falls back and twists or bends,
forming the various flexions and versions with which the gynaecol-
ogist is so familiar. (7) The voluntary muscles waste and become soft
and friable. They tear easily when operated on.
Changes in the Nervous System and in the Eyes. The effect of auto-
intoxication upon the brain and nervous system is very striking.
Headache, varying in intensity, is a common symptom. Neuralgias
are frequent and may involve a great variety of nerves. They may
be very intense. Rheumatic pains are constantly complained of.
The patient, while sleeping badly, may find it difficult to keep awake
during the day. On awakening in the morning the feeling experienced
may be that of extreme exhaustion, no benefit having been derived
from the night's rest. The most distressing symptom of intestinal
auto-intoxicatipn is the mental depression which so frequently accom-
panies it. It varies in severity from a feeling of incapacity to one
which not infrequently leads the sufferer to attempt to terminate
an existence which has become intolerable. All efforts at mental
concentration are futile, while any physical exertion is followed by a
period of complete exhaustion. These patients become introspective,
and women especially are liable to become intensely religious.
The term neurasthenia is very often applied to this condition
of the nervous system. In some degree it is an almost invariable
symptom of stasis. The patient loses control, and fits of irritability
or of violent passion are not infrequent. Such a person is difficult
to live with. Many are supposed to be stupid, dull, inattentive or
even imbecile. This feature is more marked in the growing child,
who is often at the bottom of the class and may be severely criticized
or punished in consequence.
The eyes are always affected. They afford an excellent and very
delicate indication of the degree of auto-intoxication and the changes
they undergo are of great value to the observer.
Changes in the Kidneys. The eliminating organ on which, after
the liver, most stress is thrown is the kidney. Upon it devolves the
strain of getting rid of abnormal toxins and organisms, together with
an excessive amount of by-products. The changes which the kidney
may undergo are most variable, some being slow and almost im-
perceptible in their progress, while others are very acute. They
include the types of Bright's disease, which probably vary with
the nature of the organisms infecting the chyme. The kidney
eliminates organisms, such as bacilli coli and others, into the urinary
tract, through which they may be discharged painlessly and without
affording any evidence of their presence.
The removal of fat results in the prolapse of the viscera, and es-
pecially of those that are dependent on it for support. The kidneys
drop and their functions are impaired in consequence. The outflow
of urine is obstructed by the angulation of the ureter at its junction
with the pelvis or over a vessel, and hydrpnephrotic conditions result.
The venous flow from the kidney is similarly obstructed, and in
consequence the organ becomes gorged with blood and very sen-
sitive. As it lies upon the hard floor formed by the iliac fossa its
sensitiveness is increased by every movement, and the pain and dis-
tress which ensue are considerable.
Changes in the Thyroid and Ductless Glands. In stasis the thyroid
becomes enlarged at the onset, and later may shrink so much that it
cannot be felt by the fingers. It would seem reasonable to argue
by analogy from the effect of stasis on the thyroid that the pituitary
and adrenal glands behave in a similar manner in their attempt to
meet the damage to structure and the drain upon their function that
must result from the supply to their cells of blood heavily con-
taminated with toxic matter. In the case of the adrenal this is
supported by the remarkable pigmentation of the skin which de-
velops in stasis, especially in those of the brunette type.
The Importance of Intestinal Auto-intoxication in the Aetiology
of Other Diseases. The depreciation in the vitality of the tissues
renders them liable to be invaded and occupied by organisms which
would not be able to obtain a foothold except for the lowered resisting
power which results from stasis.
In young life the lymphatic tissues of the naso-pharynx are those
most susceptible to infection. Later in life the gums about the teeth
are constantly exposed to invasion by organisms which probably
grow in the food which collects in this situation. This infection is
described as pyorrhoea. When it is advanced its products infect the
circulation, while the purulent material being swallowed increases
the putrefactive and other changes in the gastro-intestinal tract.
Diseases which ensue on account of the lowered vitality of the
tissues are: Tubercle, rheumatoid arthritis, Still's disease, Addison's
disease, Raynaud's disease, diabetes, exophthalmic goitre, adenoma
of the thyroid, ulcerative colitis, microbic cyanosis, asthma, demen-
tia precox, paralysis agitans, disseminated sclerosis, infective en-
docarditis, and many skin diseases.
This list of diseases might be added to largely, but the number is
sufficient to illustrate the view that they are due to infection of the
tissues of a toxic subject by organisms or other deleterious matter
which could not obtain a foothold in one whose drainage system is
efficient. (W. A. LA.)
INVERFORTH, ANDREW WEIR, IST BARON (1865- ),
British ship-owner and administrator, was born at Kirkcaldy
April 24 1865. He was educated at Kirkcaldy and afterwards
adopted a business career, founding in 1885 the firm of Andrew
Weir & Co., ship-owners and merchants, of London and Glasgow.
Having made a large fortune in business, in April 1917 Mr. Weir
entered Mr. Lloyd George's government as surveyor-general of
supply at the War Office, and held this post until Jan. 1919, when
he became Minister of Munitions and Supply. The same year he
was sworn of the privy council and raised to the peerage, being
also awarded the American D.S.M.
IOWA (see 14.732). The pop. of Iowa in 1920 was 2,404,021;
in 1910, 2,224,771; an increase of 8-1%, as against a decrease of
0-3% in the preceding decade. In 1915 the native whites of
IOWA
native parentage numbered 1,422,464; those of foreign or mixed
parentage 654,855, and the foreign-born whites 264,003. The
negro pop. was 16,744. There were in 1920 43-2 inhabitants per
sq. m. as against 40 in 1910. In 1920 the urban pop. was 36-4%
of the whole.
There were seven cities having a pop. of over 25,000, as follows:
1920
1910
Increase
per cent
Des Moines . .
Sioux City . . .
Davenport . . .
Cedar Rapids . .
Dubuque ....
Waterloo ....
Council Bluffs . .
126,468
71,227
56,727
45,566
39,141
36,230
36,162
86,368
47,828
43,028
32,811
38,494
26,693
29,292
46-4
48-9
31-8
38-9
1-7
35-7
23-5
Agriculture. In 1909 Iowa led all states in crop acreage and was
second to Illinois in crop value. In 1919 the aggregate crop acreage
in Iowa was 20,420,374, and the value of all crops $890,391,299;
two states, Texas and Kansas, outranked Iowa in acreage, Texas
alone in crop value. In 1919 Iowa was first among the states in
the acreage, production and total value of both corn and oats, and
was outranked only by New York in the production of hay. Iowa's
corn crop in 1909 was 341,750,460 bus. valued at $167,622,834 from
9,229,378 ac.; in 1919 371,362,393 bus. valued at $501,339,232 from
9,006,733 acres. The oat crop in 1909, from 4,655,154 ac., was
128,198,055 bus. valued at $49,046,888; in 1919 the yield had
increased to 187,045,705 bus. valued at $140,284,289 from 5,484,-
113 acres. In 1920 Iowa led in the value of domestic animals,
was surpassed by Texas alone in the number of cattle on farms, and
led in the number of horses and swine on farms. The value of
domestic animals was $585,889,568 in 1920 as against $393,003,196
in 1910. The number of cattle on Iowa farms in 1920 was approxi-
mately 4,567,708 and of horses 1,386,522; while in the number of
swine Iowa had increased from 7,545,853 in 1910 to 7,864,304 in
1920 (i I % of the whole number for the United States). The number
of fowls reported in 1920 was 28,352,515, valued at $27,779,633.
Manufactures, Mining and Transportation. Meat-packing con-
tinued to lead manufacturing industries, the value of products of
slaughtering and meat-packing having increased from $59,045,232
in 1909 (U.S. Census) to $221,692,868 in 1919 (Iowa statistics of
Manufactures, for the year 1919). In 1909 and in 1914 Iowa
ranked sixth among the states in the value of this product. The second
industry in value in 1919 was that of food preparations, including the
production of cereals and breakfast foods. The product in 1909 was
valued at approximately $9,795,000, but by 1919 had increased to
$80,583,382. The value of foundry and machine-shop products in-
creased from about $14,064,000 in 1909 to $4^0,632,692 in 1919, and
the value of butter, cheese, and condensed milk from approximately
$25,850,000 in 1909 (when Iowa ranked third among the states) to
$49,201,934 in 1919. The value of the production of buttons in 1909
was $4,000,000; $4,794,422 in 1919. The value of all manufactured
products was $259,237,637 in 1909; $698,035,251 in 1919.
The most important mineral product in Iowa is bituminous coal;
in 1910 the value was $12,682,106; in 1918 $24,703,237. The value
of clay and clay products in 1918 was more than five million dollars.
In 1919 cement was valued at $7,798,347, and gypsum products at
$2,403,012. The mileage of steam roads was 9, 78 1-65 m. in 1910, and
on Dec. 31 1918, according to the 1919 report of the Railroad Com-
missioner, 9,841-17 miles. The mileage of interurban electric lines,
however, had increased from 373-92 m. to 512-13, or about 37%.
Education. The Federal census of 1910 credited Iowa with the
smallest percentage of illiteracy of any state in the Union (1-7%).
In 1920, Iowa still maintained her illiteracy had been reduced
to I.I %. State aid became an important factor in the develop-
ment of public schools in the decade following 1910. Legislation
granting such aid to large, centrally located, consolidated schools,
replacing small scattered ones, fostered development and stimulated
local endeavour. At the close of 1920 there were 430 consolidated
districts, including about 25 % of the area of the state and taking care
of approximately 50,000 pupils. In 1911 state aid was granted by
law to high schools organizing normal training courses for the train-
ing of rural teachers. In 1918 172 schools in the state were main-
taining such courses. In 1917 a state board for vocational educa-
tion was established to take advantage of the provisions of the
Smith-Hughes Act of Congress, offering Federal aid for vocational
education. A law, enacted in 1919, provided for part-time schools
for the benefit of children between the ages of 14 and 16 working on
employment certificates. The establishment of these schools was
required where there were 15 eligible pupils in the district; at least
eight hours of instruction per week, between the hours of 8 A.M.
and 6 P.M., must be given; and the attendance became compul-
sory. The educational progress of the state is shown in the reports
of Dr. Leonard P. Ayres upon surveys made for the Russell Sage
Foundation. In 1910 a tabulation of the states on the basis of 10
educational items led to a final relative rating in which Iowa ranked
thirtieth. A similar rating in 1918 gave Iowa seventh place.
Legislation. The only constitutional change made during th
decade 191020 was an amendment ratified by the people in 1916.
It fixed the time of the general election for that year on the same day
as the presidential election, the time of election thereafter to be de-
termined by the General Assembly. In 1916 a constitutional amend-
ment extending suffrage to women was submitted to the electors
of the state but was defeated. The process of amendment was again
under way when the Federal suffrage amendment was adopted in
1920. The vital portions of the "mulct tax" law of 1894 (see 14.734)
were repealed by the General Assembly in 1915, thus restoring statu-
tory prohibition in Iowa, but a prohibitory amendment to the state
constitution was voted down by the electors in Oct. 1917. The con-
stitution of 1857 provided that in 1870 and every ten years there-
after the question, " Shall there be a Convention to revise the Con-
stitution, and amend the same," should be submitted to a vote of the
electors of the state, and in case of a favourable vote the General
Assembly should provide by law for the election of delegates. In the
election of 1920, for the first time, the vote showed a majority in
favour of a convention.
The General Assembly in 1913 passed an Employers' Liability and
Workmen's Compensation Act, to be administered by an industrial
commissioner; and at the same session a Mothers' Pension Act was
passed, providing for the granting to widowed and indigent mothers
of sums not to exceed $2 per week for each child under 14 years of
age. In 1915 the Perkins Law was passed providing that crippled
children of poor parents might be sent to the hospital of the medical
college of the state university for free treatment. In 1917 an appro-
priation was made by the General Assembly for the erection and
equipment of a hospital at Iowa City for such children. Two years
later the General Assembly provided that adults as well might be
sent to Iowa City for free medical and surgical treatment. In 1917
the General Assembly established at Iowa City a child-welfare
station for the consideration of conditions and measures.
An important development was the farm bureau movement. By
1917 organizations among farmers in the state were numerous, and
in that year the General Assembly passed an Act providing that
where a farm-improvement association in any county had among
its members 200 farmers or farm owners and had raised $500 in
annual subscriptions, the county board of supervisors was authorized
to contribute $2,500 for the employment of a county agent. A law
in 1919 modified the amount and terms of the payment by the
county, and made the contribution mandatory. The movement
gained rapid headway, county associations being established for the
betterment of both social and economic conditions and the im-
provement of agricultural methods. In 1920 there was a farm
bureau in each county and two in Pottawattamie county, loo in
all, with 100 county agents, and a membership of over 100,000.
Iowa had become the leading state in the Union in the develop-
ment of this movement. There was also a considerable growth
within the state of a farmers' educational and cooperative union
which had over 20,000 members in 1920.
Government and Finances. The commission plan of govern-
ment, authorized in 1907 for cities of 25,000 or more inhabitants,
was made applicable in 1911 to cities of 7,000 and in 1913 to
cities of 2,000 or more inhabitants. By 1920 nine cities had
organized under the commission plan: Burlington, Cedar
Rapids, Des Moines, Fort Dodge, Keokuk, Marshalltown, Mason
City, Ottumwa and Sioux City. In 1915 the General Assembly
passed Acts allowing cities to organize their municipal govern-
ment under either of two city-manager plans. One of these
plans which represents only a slight variation from the mayor-
council type had been adopted by 1920 in a number of the
smaller communities. The other plan, patterned closely after
that of Dayton, O., had in 1920 been adopted by only two Iowa
cities Dubuque and Webster City.
_ In 1913 the number of Supreme Court judges was increased from
six to seven; the number of district judges increased from 53 in 1910
to 64 in 1920. The General Assembly in 1913 provided that Supreme,
District and Superior Court judges should be nominated and elected
on a non-partizan ticket, but in 1919 the nomination and election of
judges was restored to a party basis.
In the interests of a snorter ballot, in 1913 the State Superinten-
dent of Public Instruction, the clerk of the Supreme Court and the
Supreme Court reporter were made appointive 1 officers. In 1917,
however, the State Superintendent of Public Instruction was restored
to the list of elective officers. In 1911 the office of commerce counsel
was created, the incumbent to be appointed by the Board of Railway
Commissioners and to serve as expert counsel for that Board. In
1913 the Department of Insurance was created, headed by a com-
missioner, and in 1917 a State Banking Department was organized
and the office of Superintendent of Banking created. In 1915 a State
Board of Audit and a State Board of Accountancy were created, and
the office of Document Editor was established to relieve the Secretary
of State. The road administration was reorganized, in 1913 when
the General Assembly established a highway commission consistin
IRELAND, JOHN IRELAND
549
of the dean of engineering of the State College of Agriculture and
Mechanic Arts and two appointive members. Highway legislation
in 1919 divided the highways into primary and secondary systems,
and arranged for the distribution of Federal and state aid funds for
the hard surfacing of primary roads.
The state and local taxes together for the year 1910 amounted to
$32,500,045; in 1919 they had increased to $80, 495, 235. The total
income of the state alone from all sources for the year ending June
30 1910 was $4,337,528; for the year to June 30 1920, $20,225,742.
History. The history of Iowa in the decade 1910-20 was marked
by no economic or political changes of great importance. The
state remained predominantly agricultural. Although its manu-
factures increased in importance, it was little disturbed by
industrial controversies. The supremacy of the Republican
party in politics was not seriously questioned. Owing to a split
in the Republican party in 1912, the Democratic candidate for
president received the electoral vote of Iowa, but the state re-
turned to the Republican ranks in 1916, and in 1920 cast an over-
whelming vote for Harding for president and for Nathan E.
Kendall for governor. Throughout the decade U.S. Senator
Albert B. Cummins continued to represent the state. The
death of Senator Jonathan P. Dolliver in 1910 caused a vacancy
which was filled temporarily by the appointment of Lafayette
Young. In 1911 William S. Kenyon was chosen to fill the
position and was reflected in 1913 and 1918.
The adjutant-general of the state estimated in 1919 from
official sources that nearly 1 10,000 men from Iowa served in the
army, navy and marine corps in the World War. The total
amount raised in Liberty and Victory loans in Iowa was
$508,935,000. In the Third and Fourth Liberty loan campaigns
Iowa was the first state in the Union to exceed its quota. Re-
publican governors were elected or reflected every two years,
incumbents being: Beryl F. Carroll, 1909-13; George W.
Clarke, 1913-7; William L. Harding, 1917-21; Nathan E.
Kendall, 1921- .
BIBLIOGRAPHY. The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, vols.
ix. xviii.; Cole, History of the People of Iowa; Shambaugh, Iowa
Applied History Series, vols. i. iii.; Briggs, Social Legislation in Iowa;
Pollock, Economic Legislation in Iowa; Gallaher, Legal and Political
Status of Women in Iowa; Hansen, Welfare Campaigns in Iowa.
(J. C. P.)
IRELAND, JOHN (1838-1918), American Roman Catholic
prelate (see 14.742), died at St. Paul, Minn., Sept. 25 1918. He
urged full support when America entered the World War, and in
May 1917 delivered a patriotic address in St. Paul before some
50,000 people assembled to bid farewell to a large body of
recruits on their departure for training.
IRELAND, JOHN (1870- ), English musical composer, was
born at Bowdon, Cheshire, Aug. 13 1879, the son of Alexander
Ireland, editor and proprietor of the Manchester Examiner. He
was educated at Dinglewood preparatory school, Colwyn Bay,
and Leeds grammar school, and afterwards entered the Royal
College of Music. Later he was organist to St. Luke's Church,
Chelsea, and obtained the degree of Bachelor of Music at Durham
University in 1908. His earliest published work was the Phan-
tasy trio for piano and strings (1908), followed by sonatas in D
minor and A minor for violin and piano and a second trio in one
movement. In 1913 appeared an orchestral work The Forgotten
Rite. His other works include Decorations (1914) and Rhapsody
(1915) for piano; Four Preludes for pianoforte (1915); a trio in E
minor (1917); a piano sonata in E (1919) and a series Entitled
London Pieces (1917-20); together with a vast number of songs
and much church music.
IRELAND (see 14.742). On March 31 1911, the pop. of Ireland
amounted to 4,390,219. Since the preceding census the pop. had
decreased by 1-7%, the smallest decrease on record. In the
preceding decade, Leinster had increased its numbers by 0-8%,
while Ulster diminished by 0-1%, Munster by 3-8% and Con-
naught by 5-6%. The urban pop. (1,470,595) continued to
grow at the expense of the rural (2,919,624); Dublin and Kil-
dare were the only counties to show an increase in the decade,
while the city of Dublin increased 6-4% to 309,272, Rathmines
and Rathgar 17-1% to 38,190, Pembroke 13-4% to 29,260,
Belfast 10-4% to 385,492, Cork 0-7% to 76,632, Londonderry
2-3% to 46,799, Limerick 0-7% to 38,403, Waterford 2-5% to
27,430, and Galway, alone of the larger towns, decreased 1-3%
to 13,249. The agricultural class fell to 780,867, the industrial
to 613,397, an d the domestic to 170,749, while the professional
class rose to 141,134, and the commercial to 111,143; 2,572,929
were classed as indefinite and non-productive.
The 1911 census gives the latest definite figures available up
to 1921; but the Registrar-General's annual return of births and
deaths combined with the emigration statistics, gave an estimated
total pop. of Ireland in 1920 at 4,470,000. Table i gives the
annual figures.
TABLE i. Vital Statistics
Year
Births'
Deaths
Marriages
Emigrants
1906
103,536
74-427
22,662
35,344
1907
101,742
77,334
22,509
39,082
1908
102,039
76,891
22,734
23,295
1909
102,759
74,973
22,650
28,676
1910
101,963
74,894
22,112
32,457
1911
101,578
72,475
23,473
30,573
1912
101,035
72,187
23,283
29,344
1913
100,094
74,694
22,266
30,967
1914
98,806
71,345
23,695
20,314
1915
95,583
76,151
24,154
10,659
1916
91.437
7i,39i
22,245
7,302
1917
86,370
72,724
21,073
2,111
1918
87,304
78,695
22,570
980
1919
89,325
78,612
27,193
2.975
1920
15-531
Religion. At the census of 1911, Roman Catholics in Ireland
numbered 3,238,656 (a decrease of 70,005 in ten years), Protestant
Episcopalians 574,489 (5,600 decrease), Presbyterians 439,876
(3,400 decrease), and Methodists 61,806 (200 decrease). Roman
Catholics amounted to 83^1 % of the pop. in Dublin city, 71 % in
co. Dublin, 25-4% in Belfast, and 33-1 % in N.E. Ulster.
Railways. The total authorized capital of Irish railways on
December 31 1919 was 45,354,724, of which the amount raised,
including loans and debenture stock, was 44,240,055. The receipts
in that year reached 9,392,599 and the expenditure 7, 607, 534,
leaving a net revenue of 1,785,065. Ordinary passengers numbered
24,581,699, workmen 3,914,400, season-ticket holders 20,016, and
786,672 were carried free on behalf of the Government. The total
mileage run was 20,521,942. The total of merchandise carried was
6,028,110 tons, and live stock 3,991,547.
Agriculture. Table 2 shows the amount of land under the prin-
cipal crops, and their estimated yield for the year 1920. The number
of acres under flax in the year 1919 was 95,610, producing 13,720
tons. The hay crop for the same year was estimated at 4,809,645
tons taken from 2,520,096 acres. The hay crop for 1920 was es-
timated at 5,547,271 tons.
TABLE 2. Crops, 1920
Extent in acres
Estimated Yield, cwts.
Wheat .
Oats . .
Barley .
Rye ...
Turnips
Mangels
Cabbage
Potatoes
50,252
1,332,050
206,888
5,580
276,507
77,447
28,409
58;.3i6
751,333
18,682,309
3,225,700
67,812
82,149,240
24,910,140
6,352,260
39,718,200
Table 3 shows the number and size of holdings in Ireland in 1918.
TABLE 3. Agricultural Holdings, 1918
Size
Leinst'r
Munst'r
Ulster
Conn't
Ireland
I ac. .
38,809
33,403
33,895
8,717
114,824
5 ...
12,752
9,327
15,964
8,302
46,345
10 ...
10,317
7,983
27,480
18,747
64,527
15 ...
8,162
6,870
24,819
19,411
59,262
30 . .
17,906
20,072
48,496
36,498
122,972
50 ...
13,224
20,486
24,683
14,594
72,987
100
13,132
22,374
15,540
6,629
57,675
2OO
6,929
9,885
4, 1 23
2,338
23,275
500 ...
2,947
2,897
I.H5
1,161
8,150
657
472
322
517
1,968
Total No. of Holdings
124.835
133. 769
196,467
116.914
571,985
The figures in Table 3 are not comparable with those published
for years prior to 1910. In many cases farms in Ireland extend into
two or more townlands, and in former years that portion of a farm
in each townland was enumerated as a separate holding. The total
number of holdings published was therefore somewhat too large. A
change was made in the method of enumeration in 1910.
550
IRELAND
Of the holdings in 1918, 372,815 were owned and 199,170 rented.
These 57I..985 holdings were held by 561,807 separate occupiers.
Agricultural Cooperation. On March 31 1920 there were, under
the auspices of the Irish Agricultural Organization Society, 334
creameries, 101 auxiliary creameries, 371 agricultural societies, 136
credit societies, and 96 other societies. The total membership was
135,669, and the total turnover for the 686 societies for which
figures were available was 11,158,583. This is approximately
equal in value to 4,463,433 in 1914 in which year the actual turn-
over was 3,666,724. The total quantity of milk received by the
creameries had, however, fallen from 92,300,561 gal. in 1914 to
78,463,271 gal. in 1919.
Land Laws. Up to March 31 1921 the rents of 383,145 holdings,
representing 11,394,275 ac., had been fixed for a first statutory term
with an aggregate reduction of 20-7% on the old rents; 144,133 hold-
ings representing 4,439,026 ac. for a second term with an aggregate
reduction of 19-3%; and 6,123 holdings representing 198,364 ac.
for a third term with an aggregate reduction of 9-1 %.
On the same date, under the Land Act of 1903, advances amount-
ing to 63,030,264 had been made to 174,053 tenants for the pur-
chase of their holdings on 6,937 estates; 1,005 estates with 33,066
tenants and a total purchase money of 8,594,952, were still pending ;
and 3,685 applications for advances amounting to 1,247,127 had
been refused. The Estates Commissioners had further purchased
909 estates direct from their owners for 8,483,941, and 17 estates,
whose purchase money was estimated at 69,720, were under con-
sideration. The Congested Districts Board had purchased 283
estates for 2,920,197, and four estates estimated at 25,990 were
under their consideration.
In 1907 an Evicted Tenants' Act was passed to enable the Estates
Commissioners to acquire untenanted land compulsorily for the
purpose of providing holdings for tenants who or whose predecessors
had been evicted from their holdings since 1878. Over 13,000 persons
applied for reinstatement, of whom over 3,500 were reinstated, and
the remainder rejected after inquiry into their claims.
The Irish Land Act of 1909 relieved Irish ratepayers of the
liability of making good the loss caused by the flotation of stock to
finance the 1903 Act at a discount. It substituted a graduated bonus
varying inversely with the number of years' purchase of the tenant's
holdings for the fixed bonus of the 1903 Act, payment of future pur-
chase agreements in 3 % stock for the cash payment of the previous
Act, and offered extra facilities to vendors who were willing to ac-
cept 2f % stock in total or partial payment of their claims in respect
of pending purchase agreements.
Under this Act, up to March 31 1921, advances amounting to
4,870,788 stock were made to 17,375 tenants for the purchase of
their holdings on 2,050 estates, and applications from 5,550 tenants
for 1,117,016 stock to purchase their holdings on 414 estates re-
mained outstanding. The Estates Commissioners had further
purchased 245 estates for 813,481 stock and 92,723 cash, and 83
estates estimated at 398,735 stock and 182,487 cash were under
consideration. The Congested Districts Board had purchased 446
estates for 2,154,417 stock and 2,457,046 cash, and had under
consideration 2 14 estates estimated at 1,603,892 stock, and 114,185
cash. On lands purchased by the Estates Commissioners under the
Irish Land Acts 1903-9, up to March 31 1921 25,325 tenants had
holdings vested in them and were paying annuities on a total pur-
chase money of 7,861,528. On lands purchased by the Congested
Districts Board, 9,227 holdings had been vested for a total purchase
money of 1,872,515.
: In all, unaer these Acts, a sum of 74,004,992 had been advanced
in cash, 10,057,975 in 2f% stock, and 7,976,435 in 3% stock.
In Nov. 1920 a bill was introduced into the House of Commons to
complete the operation of land purchase in Ireland. It made pro-
vision for fixing an appointed day not less than two and a half years
and not more than three years from the passing of the Act. Up to
that date landlords would be at liberty to enter into agreements for
sale to their tenants as under the Acts of 1903 and 1909. On the
appointed day, all tenanted agricultural land, with certain specified
exceptions, was to vest in the Congested Districts Board or the Land
Commission, according to the area in which it is situated. The land
was to be resold to the tenants at a standard price fixed at such a
figure that the annuities on it calculated at 5J % would give the
tenants in each county the same average reduction of their judicial
rents (or, on non-judicial holdings, of rents calculated on the same
principle as judicial rents) as had been enjoyed by other tenants in
the same county who had purchased their holdings under the Act of
1903. The purchase money of all sales was to be paid in 5 % bonds.
To this was to be added a sliding-scale bonus, varying inversely with
the number of years' purchase of the holdings; and where agree-
ments were made between the passing of the Act and the appointed
day, this bonus might be increased by I %. Untenanted land in
Congested Districts Counties was to vest in the Congested Districts
Board at a price fixed by that body subject to a right of appeal to
the Judicial Commissioner. This measure did not reach the Statute
Book; but it was understood that a bill, substantially identical with
it, would be introduced at a later date.
Textiles. In 1907 (the last statistics available in 1921) the linen
industry employed 75,692 operatives. In 1919 the number of spin-
dles was 955,171 and the number of power Iooms37,6oi. There are
some twenty hosiery factories and as many tweed mills working in
the country; the export of wool in 1919 decreased to 11,595,808 Ib.
The poplin trade is still practically confined to Dublin, the value of
exports for 1920 being estimated at 20,000.
Fisheries. In 1918 17,502 men were engaged in the fishing in-
dustry, the number of vessels in use being 4,717. The total capture
of sea fish, excluding salmon, was 760,986 cwt., valued at 993,421.
Shellfish was also taken to the value of 64,815; 12,006 persons were
engaged in the salmon industry.
Other Industries. In 1910 the number of gal. of spirits distilled in
Ireland was 10,758,965, in 1915 10,249,436, and in 1919 11,076,516.
The number of bar. of beer produced in Ireland in 1910 was 3,059,-
210, in 1915 3,412,520, and in 1919 1,806,046.
There has been little change in the mining industry. In 1918,
30,548 tons of iron ore were taken from the Antrim mines, and
92,001 tons of coal were extracted, valued at the pit mouth at
99,051. In 1917 5 tons of zinc were produced from zinc ore for the
first time in Ireland, and in 1918 the production was 18 tons.
The export of biscuits for the 12 months ending Jan. 1921 was
10,990 tons against a pre-war average of 16,466 tons; of butter, 26,-
441 tons as against 36,110; of cheese, 5,832 tons as against 301 ; of
bacon and ham 37,698 tons as against 55,232; of eggs, 8,986,268
great hundreds as against the pre-war average of 6,358,171 great
hundreds; of condensed milk 7,813 tons as against 13,388; of mar-
garine 3,592 as against 3,319; of stout, beer and porter, 376,332
tons against 214,717; of home-made spirits (including industrial
spirit) 36,971 tons as against 33,399 tons.
Shipbuilding. In 1920, 33 vessels were built in Ireland of an
aggregate tonnage of 147,695, as compared with the 1919 tonnage of
222,955. Of these, 21 vessels of a tonnageof 116,543, were builtat
Belfast. The total tonnage in 1911 was 183,390, in 1912 163,481, in
1913 130,899 and in 1914 256,547. In 1915, 1916, and 1917 the
tonnages were 38,095, 10,900 and 78,936 respectively, exclusive of
Government vessels. In 1918 the total tonnage was 182,356.
Commerce and Shipping. The most important part of the cross-
Channel trade is still the export of cattle and other animals, par-
ticulars of which are given in Table 4. In 1918 the number of vessels
registered at Irish ports was 809, tonnage 325,491. In the same year
the vessels entering and clearing with cargoes in the colonial and
foreign trade numbered 212 with a tonnage of about 444,000, and
the vessels entering and clearing in the trade between Great Britain
and Ireland numbered 30,522, tonnage over 9,350,000.
TABLE 4. Exports of Animals
Year
Cattle
Sheep
Swine
Total
1909^13*
1919
1920
812,688
765,251
926,836
708,280
507,145
591,816
276,525
192,540
158,877
1,797,493
1,464,936
1,677,529
*Average of five years.
Table 5 shows the value of the direct foreign imports and exports
(i.e. without transhipment at a port in Great Britain) for the last
two pre-war years, and for the two years after the war. Table 6
shows the total trade.
TABLE 5. Imports and Exports
Year
Imports
Exports
1912
17,088,219
1,338,340
1913
17,332,408
2,119,383
1919
26,341,725
1,936,710
1920
42,5<)o,409
1,555,862
TABLE 6. Total Irish Import and
Export Trade
Imports
Exports
Value at
Value at
Value at
Value at
Year
prices in
the year of
importation
1904
prices
prices in
the year of
exportation
19.04
prices
i,ooo
i,ooo
I
,ooo
i,ooo
1904
55,345
55,345
49,815
49,815
1905
57,009
57,095
5L423
50,863
1906
58,794
57,523
56,035
53,445
1907
63,022
59,075
59,190
54,522
1908
60,190
56,829
57,445
53,732
1909
65,155
59,486
60,959
54,792
1910
66,431
59,624
65,896
56,966
1911
67,610
60,322
65,071
56,323
1912
73,953
63,221
67,168
56,708
1913
74,467
62,986
73,877
60,627
1914
74,125
61,176
77.3"
63,243
1915
87,257
59,124
84,463
58,372
1916
104,517
56,619
107,171
58,716
1917
119,181
49,785
133,805
56,715
1918
126,016
44-167
152,931
50,569
1919
158,716
50,081
176,032
51,175
IRELAND
55i
The figures for 1919 have been further analyzed as follows:
Imports
Exports
Farm Produce, Food and
Drink Stuffs .
Raw Materials .
Manufactured Goods
55,244,605
24,433,511
79,037,828
L
93,709,173
6,776,687
75,545,621
Crime. In non-political crime the latest year for which statistics
are available is 1918, when 1,181 persons were committed for trial
and 737 convicted, as against 1,414 and 918 respectively in the pre-
vious year. Of the 737 convicted, 169 were for offences against the
person, 95 for offences against property with violence, 355 for
offences against property without violence, 25 for malicious injury
to property, 31 for forgery and offences against the currency, and 62
for other offences.
In the courts of summary jurisdiction there has been a notable
decline in the number of cases of assault and drunkenness. These
numbered 14,624 and 76,860 respectively in 1907, 13,085 and 64,322
in 1910, 12,869 and 59,519 in 1913, 9,397 and 40,488 in 1916, while in
1917 they sank to 7,161 and 24,788, and in 1918 to 6,899 ar >d 13,235.
Amongst political outrages up to May 7 1921 there were 75
courthouses destroyed, 541 police barracks destroyed, 285 police
barracks damaged, 3,138 raids for arms, 309 policemen killed, 491
policemen wounded, 102 soldiers killed, and 238 soldiers wounded.
Poor Law. The number of persons in receipt of indoor and out-
door relief fell steadily from 1906 to 1914, the last year for which total
figures have been published. In 1906 562,269 persons were relieved
at a total annual cost of 1,070,181, in 1907 557,138 at 1,048,465, in
1909 588,222 at 1,105,328, in 1911 553,796 at 1,022,125, in 1 9 1 3
499,588 at 1,033,863, and in 1914, 471,563 at 1,032,979.
Education. In the 1911 census the age of nine years was taken
as the datum line for those who could read and write, instead of the
age of five years and upwards which had been previously adopted ;
88 % could read and write, 3 % could read only, and 9 % could neither
read nor write. Approximately 582,446 persons, or 12.2 % of the pop.,
were returned as being able to speak Irish; of these, 16,873 could
speak " Irish only " and 565,573 could speak English and Irish. /
In the year 1919, 7,316 boys and 4,803 girls presented themselves
for the Intermediate Examination; of these, 3,819 and 2,340 re-
spectively passed. About 42,000 was paid to secondary schools in
grants and 6,413 to students in prizes. At the end of 1920, there
were about 7,900 national schools in Ireland, the average number of
pupils on the rolls being about 700,000. The Government grant
for the year ending March 31 1921 was 4,469,811.
During the session 1919-20, 1,403 students attended Trinity
College, Dublin; 1,095 attended Queen's University, Belfast; 1,332
attended University College, Dublin; 660 attended University
College, Cork, and 270 attended University College, Galway.
TABLE 7. Revenue
Estate
Prop.
Cus-
Duties
and
Post
Mis-
T'rii-n 1
Year
toms
Excise
Stamps
etc.
Inc'me
Tax
Office
cella-
neous
i otai
i,ooo
i ,ooo
i,ooo
i,ooo
i ,ooo
i ,ooo
i,ooo
1907
2,610
5,607
967
999
,060
156
",399
1908
2,679
5,579
986
996
,094
J44
11,4/8
1909
2,611
5,420
1,001
1,019
,088
H7
11,285
1910
2,742
4,487
977
388
,IIO
142
9,846
1911
3,103
5,826
,470
1,825
,155
139
13,519
1912
3.013
5,668
,262
1,206
,207
132
12,489
1913
2,951
5,599
,324
1,167
,317
146
12,505
1914
3,006
5,842
,415
1,162
,368
140
12,945
1915
3,179
6,360
,374
1,570
,379
131
13,995
1916
3,920
8,231
,399
2,912
,474
144
18,083
1917
4,340
6,822
,286
7,048
,462
137
21,098
1918
4,251
4,291
,592
9,833
,545
129
21,646
1919
6,08 1
7.838
,818
I3,4io
,869
128
31.148
TABLE 8. Expenditure
Year
Civil
Charges
Collection
of Taxes
Post
Office
Total
1907
6,226,500
243,000
1,209,000
7,678,500
1908
6,312,000
242,000
1,256,000
7,810,000
1909
7,105,500
250,000
1,312,000
8,667,000
1910
9,077,500
270,000
1,365,000
10,712,000
1911
9,642,000
298,000
1,404,500
11,344,500
1912
9,799,500
269,000
1,465,500
11,533,500
1913
10,279,000
299,000
i,559,ooo
12,137,000
1914
10,417,000
318,000
1,622,000
12,357,000
1915
10,692,000
319,000
1,645,000
12,656^000
1916
10,603,000
315,000
1,679,000
12,597,000
1917
10,700,000
308,000
1,678,000
12,686,000
1918
11,002,000
317,000
1,683,000
13,002,000'
1919
11,312,000
329,000
1,896,000
13,537,000
1 Exclusive of 8,624,500 on supplementary civil votes.
and
Labour
Problems*
Finance. For the last four years for which figures were available
in 1921, there was a surplus of income over expenditure to the Im-
perial Treasury from Ireland of 5,332,000, i 1,080,000, 13,863,000,
and 15,113,500 respectively. Tables 7 and 8 give details.
The total amount of loans, exclusive of closed services, made by
the Commissioners of Public Works up to March 31 1919 was 29,-
367,575, of which 20,027,511 had been repaid as principal, 12,645,-
401 as interest, and 472,061 remitted.
On June 30 1920, the amount of the deposits in Irish joint-stock
banks was 163,509,000, in Post Office Savings Bank 13,600,000,
and in trustee savings banks 3,353,000. By Dec. 31 1920 the
amount in joint-stock banks had increased to 182,682,000 and in
trustee savings banks to 3,414,000.
The following figures for 1919-20 provide an estimate of the
national wealth: valuation of lands, houses, etc., 16,144,000;
value of principal crops, 93,609,000; value of cattle, etc., 85,617,-
ooo; paid-up capital and reserve funds of joint-stock banks, 11,-
547,000; bank deposits 179,868,000; investments in Government
stock, 95,063,000; paid-up capital, etc., of railway companies,
44,240,055; paid-up capital of tramway companies, 4,195,000.
The net produce of the income-tax in Ireland in 1919-20 was
5,926,643. (F. C. Mo.)
POLITICAL HISTORY
The year 1910 marked the opening of a new phase in the
history of Ireland. Irish political agitation in the past had lost
its strength in proportion to the removal of economic griev-
ances. The truth of this was illustrated by the effects of the
Fair Rent Act of 1881, and once again by those of the Wyndham
Purchase Act of 1903. In the six years between 1903 and 1909
some 217,000 tenants agreed to become purchasers of their
holdings on terms advantageous to them and satisfactory to the
owners, and during this period Ireland was apparently prosper-
ous and contented. Had land purchase continued without
interruption it is possible that the contentment would have
continued also. Unfortunately in 1909 it became
insistently apparent that the financial basis of the
Act had broken down. The Act provided that the
cash payable to the owner was to be provided by the
issue of a sufficient amount of 2j% stock, and that,
if owing to the stock being at a discount, it became necessary
to issue stock in excess of the nominal purchase money, the
dividends on the excess stock should be met by the Guarantee
Fund, meaning, in the result, the ratepayers in the Irish counties.
In 1909 it became clear that the charge for necessary excess
stock would bankrupt the county ratepayers, and the Govern-
ment was compelled to take further action. Accordingly, Mr.
Birrell by the Act of 1909 provided that the general taxpayer of
the United Kingdom should take over, in relief of the Irish
ratepayer, the liability already incurred for excess stock, and
that as regards future purchase agreements vendors should be
paid in 3% stock of the face value of the purchase money.
Unfortunately, this 3% stock immediately fell below par and
continued to fall in later years. Owners would not accept their
purchase money in depreciated stock, and land purchase practi-
cally came to a standstill, while at least one-third of the country
remained unsold.
It is possible, of course, to exaggerate the social effects of
the complete carrying through of the land-purchase policy. It
is true that under the Land Acts, and as a result- of the Govern-
ment's housing schemes, the lot of the Irish peasant improved
immeasurably; that seemly cottages to a large extent replaced the
thatched hovels of an earlier day; and that the occupiers who
purchased, paying small annual instalments of purchase money
fixed before the outbreak of the World War in 1914, earned
subsequently disproportionate profits. But though the old
Irish agrarian problem arising out of the landlord system had,
since the passing of the Wyndham Act, been largely solved,
there grew up in later years another problem due to the rapid
increase of the class of " landless men," the sons of the prolific
race of small farmers, a problem greatly accentuated by the
stoppage of emigration during the war. The lot of the Irish
labourers had become worse; for they had now to deal with a
generation of close-fisted peasant proprietors in place of the
easy-going squires of the old order.
Alongside of these agricultural labourers were the labourers
of the towns. Outside Belfast and a few smaller northern
552
IRELAND
Home
Rule
Question,
1910.
towns there are few manufactures in Ireland and little employ-
ment in the towns save in transport services, wages being low
and unemployment chronic. This want of manufactures and
employment has, rightly or wrongly, been attributed in Ireland
to the selfish trade policy of England, and it is easy to see how
the revolutionary elements fostered by the distress in the cities
gained a host of recruits throughout the country. 1
Another and even more fateful influence which began to
operate in 1910 the reopening of the Home Rule question
was due to the result of the general elections, which
by leaving the Unionist and Liberal parties almost
equally balanced in the House of Commons made
it clear that the Irish Nationalists, under the
leadership of Mr. John Redmond, would hold the
scales of power at Westminster. Thus Home Rule, kept in
the background by the Liberal Government so long as it com-
manded an unchallenged parliamentary majority, became
once more a main plank in the Liberal platform. The im-
mediate effect was to revive the prestige of the Nationalist
party, which had suffered some eclipse during the dull years of
comparative contentment, and to give fresh impulse to the
political agitation in Ireland.
The nature and goal of this agitation were little understood
outside Ireland; and, indeed, from the first the issues were
obscured by dissensions among the Nationalists themselves.
Some years earlier Mr. William Martin Murphy, a leading
employer in Dublin, had founded the Irish Independent in oppo-
sition to the official Nationalist organ, the Freeman's Journal.
It was largely under his influence that, on the eve of the general
election, the unity of the Nationalist party was broken by the
secession of Mr. William O'Brien, who accused Mr. Redmond
and Mr. John Dillon of " blocking land purchase " and of having
sold the Irish vote to the Liberal party, an accusation which
was to be repeated later, with fatal force, by the Sinn Feiners. 2
In the results of the elections in Ireland the effects of the
Liberal-Nationalist alliance were significantly apparent: n
" Independent Nationalists " were returned, among
them being Mr. Tim Healy (N. Louth), and in the
Protestant north, once the stronghold of Radicalism,
only one Liberal, Mr. Redmond Barry, held his
seat in the predominantly Catholic constituency of North
Tyrone. Ulster or, rather, the solid Protestant block of the
" six counties " stood revealed as unalterably opposed to
Nationalism. And behind the forces thus arrayed for the com-
ing struggle there remained, sinister and menacing, the great
political organizations which Ireland inherited from her troubled
past in Ulster the Orangemen, fiercely Protestant in spirit,
who formed the backbone of the Unionist resistance; behind the
Nationalists, the United Irish League and the Ancient Order
of Hibernians, the latter exclusively Catholic and strong in its
1 Very large numbers of the agricultural labourers were affiliated
to the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union, the head-
quarters of which in Dublin, Liberty Hall, became the centre of the
communist movement in the British Isles, and thus introduced a
new factor in Irish political disturbances.
J In the Cork Accent, the first number of which appeared on Jan.
I 1910, Mr. O'Brien thus stated his mission: " Ireland is passing
through a grave crisis. She is being plundered by the Radical
Government (a reference to the Finance Act) and gagged by the
' Molly Maguires ' (the Ancient Order of Hibernians). The present
Government has carried out Mr. Dillon's wishes, and killed land
purchase in Ireland, thus robbing the country of the fruits of thirty
years' agitation. It was only a knave would make, or a fool believe,
the assertion that Home Rule was to be passed when the Lords'
Veto was abolished. Under the rule of the ' Molly Maguires '
no Protestant could be admitted into the National movement, be
a member of a public board or a public contractor, obtain a position
in the gift of a public body, or even get the Catholics' custom in
his shop ; and that section would either be starved out of existence or
out of the country."
On Feb. II 1910 a public meeting was held at Cork, under the
presidency of the Lord Mayor, for the purpose of founding a new
Independent Nationalist daily newspaper the Cork Free Press.
On this occasion Mr. O'Brien stated that at the elections the
candidates " opposed to the despotism of the ' Molly Maguires '
haJ received 45,547 votes, while the candidates of the Molly
Maguires ' only polled 44,865 votes put together."
Genera/
Election,
1910.
affiliation with the same order in the United States; and, la
but not least, the Irish Republican Brotherhood, contemptuous
of party alliance and constitutional methods.
Thus, while Home Rule was being debated in England as a
mere problem in local self-government, in Ireland the revival of
the question emphasized once more the cleavage in
the nation, Protestant and Catholic standing ranged % el
against each other, as they had stood since the i6th
century, marking " the contrast not only of two creeds, but
two breeds, of two ways of thinking, of two ways of looking at
all the most vital interests of men." 3 English politicians were
proposing to legislate, in the spirit of the 2oth century, for a
country which industrially was " just early igth century " and
" in religious matters had not yet emerged from the i7th "; for
in 1910, and later, it was still true that " religion is the touch-
stone by which every Irishman is tested," 4 and that creed marked
the line of cleavage in everything that made for national senti-
ment. This is the fundamental fact which must be grasped, if
the root cause of subsequent troubles is to be understood.
There were in 1910, however, other organized forces at work
in Ireland, destined to cut across the traditional lines of political
and religious cleavage. At this time the labour
movement became organized with the foundation Mo"me
of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union,
under the leadership of James Larkin, a fiery demagogue, and
James Connolly, who had founded the Irish Socialist Republi-
can party in 1896, and who returned from America in 1910
inspired with a burning resentment at the conditions of life to
which Irish working people were too often subjected. This
Labour movement, of which the centre was established at
Liberty Hall in Dublin, also threw itself into opposition to the
official Nationalists, its spokesmen pointing out that influential
Nationalist members of the Dublin corporation were responsible
for the condition of the city slums by which they profited, and
that from the point of view of labour there was nothing to
choose between the dominant political parties. Equally oppos
to the official Nationalists was another organization, whic
included among its objects the general improvement of socia
and industrial conditions in Ireland the association known
Sinn Fein (" we ourselves "). Sinn Fein was quies-
cent during the elections, but was none the less
active behind the scenes. Its more prominent members, wt
were recruited mainly from the ranks of the young " intelle
tuals," scorned the opportunist policy of the official Nationalists
gloried in upholding the tradition of Wolfe Tone and Rober
Emmet; and openly aimed at establishing an independent Irish
Republic. 6 In 1910 indeed they still advocated none but peace
ful methods; but they were already planning the application
of the policy advocated by their leader, Mr. Arthur Griffith, 8
namely that of using against " British rule " in Ireland the
methods which had been successfully employed by the Magyars
against Austrian rule in Hungary; and in their annual congress,
held Sept. 29, they proposed making fresh efforts for the with-
drawal of the Irish members from Parliament. Their ardent
nationalism, based on a somewhat reckless idealization of
Ireland's past, 7 present and future, was already a force to be
* Dr. Mahaffy, Provost of Trinity, in the Convention of 1917.
4 " Dogmatism in Irish Life," by Ernest A. Boyd, Irish Review
(1913), p. 241; ib. p. 244.
'The Sinn Fein group had originally favoured Irish independence
under the Crown, i.e. the Constitution of 1783. Republicanism wa-
first openly professed by their organ Irish Freedom in 1910.
6 In " The Regeneration of Hungary " (1904), which originall:
appeared as a series of articles in the United Irishman.
7 Most national movements have sought inspiration in the belie
in a golden age of national civilization, real or imaginary, in thi
past. It is certainly true of the Irish question that nobody can
understand it who does not realize the immense part played in
Ireland by historical tradition, true and false. As for the legend
of the golden age of Irish civilization destroyed by the English in-
vaders, the truth of this may be tested by readers of the E. B. by
reading the article IRELAND: Early History (14.756) by the late
E. C. Quiggin, an eminent Celtic scholar who wrote in a spirit wholly
detached and scientific. This may be compared with the article
BREHON LAWS by Mr. Lawrence Ginnell, the Nationalist M.P.
IRELAND
553
Land
koned with, though the politicians continued to ignore it;
it appealed to many of the better elements in the country,
[ess owing to its defiance of " British tyranny," than to its
revolt against the dubious methods of the Irish Nationalist
organization, with its local " bosses " and rings and its reliance
on the support of the publicans and " gombeen men." l
Less popular in its appeal, but none the less of considerable
political significance, was the enthusiasm of the Sinn Feiners
for the revival of the Irish (Gaelic) language and a specifically
Irish learning and culture. The Gaelic League, founded in 1893
for the promotion of these objects, was not indeed as yet identi-
fied with the Sinn Fein separatist movement; but an important
step seemed to have been taken towards the realization of the
Sinn Fein ideal when, in Sept. 1910, the Senate of the new
National University decided that a knowledge of Gaelic should be
required of all candidates for matriculation from 1913 onward. 2
Meanwhile, on the surface of Irish history during 1910 the
most conspicuous happenings were connected with the renewed
land agitation, the battle of the factions within the
Nationalist ranks, and the marshalling of the forces
for and against the Union in view of the imminence
of a Home Rule bill. The policy of violence for securing the
distribution of the land had been deliberately reaffirmed by the
United Irish League on Nov. 28 1909, two days after the passing
of the Land Act; and since, in pursuit of its policy of conciliation,
the Liberal Government had repealed the Arms Act, suspended
all " coercive " legislation, and reduced the forces of the Con-
stabulary, it proved quite incapable of coping with an organized
campaign of outrage. At the meeting of the League in Dublin,
Mr. Denis Johnston, a member of the Directory, said that " the
people should make up their minds to put a ring of fire round
every land-grabber and grazier in the country 3 and tell them to
quit," and under the auspices of the League, throughout the
year, cases of boycotting, cattle " driving," cattle maiming,
firing into dwelling houses, and the like, continued in various
counties. The conditions in this respect were not so bad as in
the days of the Land League; but they were bad enough, and
they had less excuse.
Meanwhile the struggle between the rival Nationalist factions
was a bitter one, and rioting took place between the champions
of Mr. O'Brien and Mr. Redmond. 4 In such cir-
Natiooalist cumstances the declared policy of the new " All-
for-Ireland League," started by Mr. William O'Brien
in Cork City on Marcher, seemed like irony. It
aimed at "a combination of all the elements of the
Irish population in a spirit of mutual tolerance and patriotic
good-will," at " guaranteeing the rights of the Protestants,
winning the friendship of the British people, and disarming the
prejudices of Irish Unionists against Home Rule." It was sig-
nificant of later developments that, in putting forward this
programme, Mr. O'Brien had the support of many well-known
Irish Constitutionalists, as well as of many Nationalists. 5
1 Paul-Dubois, in his Contemporary Ireland (1908), called atten-
tion to the good effects of the bill of 1898, which set up in Ireland
the British system of democratic local government. He added,
however, " Even at the present there is a tendency to ' corner '
offices and even contracts for members of this or that political league ;
the custom of combinazione is widely diffused ; everybody is on the
scent for places for his friends and relatives; and the reign of rings
and bosses seems to be opening."
2 For statistics of the rapid decay of Gaelic from 1851 onward see
5.616. The efforts to revive it have not met with any wide popular
response; which is the less surprising as modern literary Gaelic is
largely an artificial language unintelligible to the Irish who still speak
the dialects of Connaught, Munster and Ulster.
3 Ireland is preeminently a grazing country. The uncertain
climate is unfavourable to the growth of corn, and the soil which
produces magnificent pasture is often too rich for cereal crops.
4 At Kilcommon, near Ballimore, on March 21, the fighting be-
tween the factions was so severe even revolver shots being ex-
changed that the Constabulary had to interfere. At Dundalk,
on Sept. 8, a Redmondite mob invaded the town hall, where Mr.
T. M. Healy was addressing his constituents, and pelted the
platform with iron bolts and stones.
5 A letter from the Earl of Dunraven, approving the movement,
was read at the inaugural meeting.
Parties
and
Home Rule.
In general, however, Irish Unionists were less impressed by
Mr. O'Brien's conciliatory rhetoric than by the fact that the
Redmondite party had been carried to victory on the cry of
" Up the Mollies! "* The Robert Emmet celebration early in
March, conducted simultaneously in New York and Dublin,
seemed to emphasize the true aim of the Nationalist movement.
In New York aid was invited for the members of Parliament
who were "working for independence through legislation." 7
In Dublin a republican orator, Mr. Bulmer Hobson, declared
that " they had not in readiness any means to knock down an
English dreadnought, but the Germans might do it for them." 8
The impression made by these demonstrations was strengthened
as a result of the visit of Irish leaders to America in the autumn,
for the purpose of collecting campaign funds. Messrs. Redmond,
Devlin and Boyle left Ireland on Sept. 18 for the United States,
while Mr. T. P. O'Connor went on a similar mission to Canada.
Unionists duly noted the following passage from a speech
delivered by Mr. Redmond at the Buffalo Convention:
Without freedom, all these great concessions (Land Acts, etc.)
are practically valueless, or at any rate such value as they do possess
is to be found in the fact that they strengthen the aim of the Irish
people to push on to the great goal of national independence. . . .
I have come here to-day to America to ask you to give us your aid
in a supreme and, I believe, a final effort to dethrone once and for
all the English Government of our country. 9
In spite of this apparently unequivocal utterance Mr. Redmond
was loudly accused in Ireland, notably by the Sinn Feiners, ot
" lowering the flag," a charge which, after his triumphant return,
on Nov. 12 with a fund of $200,000, he proceeded to rebut.
Thus at Tipperary on the i3th he referred to the " ridiculous
rumour " that he had lowered the flag, and at Waterford, on the
27th, he defined his demands for Ireland as a Parliament elected
by the Irish people, with an executive responsible to it, and
with full control of purely Irish affairs. This definition of
" independence " only increased the wrath of the extremists,
while Unionists failed to be convinced by his asseveration that
under Home Rule there would be no " persecution of Protest-
ants." In Dublin, on Nov. 26, a great meeting of Irish Unionists
recorded their unalterable opposition to Home Rule in any form;
and two days later, another great meeting at Belfast uttered a
more ominous note, the threat being uttered that no taxes
would be paid to a Home Rule Parliament, and that any attempt
to enforce Nationalist Government on Ulster might meet with,
armed resistance. Thus the year 1910 ended with the first
rumblings of the storm to come. A minor event of this year,
which attracted no notice in England but embittered feeling in
Ireland, was the decision of the Cunard Co., with the consent of
Government, to omit the call at Queenstown of their great trans-
atlantic liners. This was due to the exigencies of competition
with the rival foreign lines, but was widely assumed in Ireland
to be a fresh example of the deliberate policy of Great Britain
to depress Irish commercial interests. 10
The year 1911 was, on the whole, uneventful in Ireland.
Agrarian unrest continued, with sporadic cases of cattle-driving,
boycotting, shooting and bomb outrages, and incendiarism; and
in many cases, owing to intimidation of witnesses, the Crown
was unable to bring the perpetrators to justice. 11 At Wexford,
in Jan., a demonstration of the Gaelic Athletic Association was
held, urider the presidency of the mayor, at which the Associa-
6 Mr. William O'Brien explained this as meaning " boycott of
Protestants." In Ireland " Unionist " and " Protestant " are, or
were, practically synonymous terms, though many better-class
Catholics are Unionists and some Protestants Nationalists.
7 Freeman's Journal of March 1910.
8 ib., March 8.
9 Irish World, Oct. 8 1910.
10 This and the natural competition of Liverpool are the sole
foundation for the charge made in the report of the American
delegates to the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate that
" England allows no ship to come trans-Atlantic to her ports "
(66th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Document 106, p. 828).
11 See, e.g., the charge of Judge Madden to the Grand Jury of
Galway. (Freeman's Journal, March 2 ion.)
554
IRELAND
Attitude
of the
North,
1911.
tion was definitely advertised as a rebel organization. 1 Demon-
strations were also organized against the celebrations connected
with the coronation of King George V. On Coronation Day
(June 22) a meeting at the Custom House in Dublin was ad-
dressed by John Devoy, Countess Markievicz and others, in
terms of violent denunciation, and the preparations made for the
reception of the King and Queen in Dublin were met by a formal
protest on the part of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, which
declined " to identify itself with the wretched compromise
sought to be effected by the misguided section of our fellow-
countrymen who seek to sacrifice the great national principle
of Ireland as a nation by the slavish adulation of a foreign
monarch." 2 This protest was reechoed in a resolution passed
by a meeting of Sinn Fein; 3 but the royal visit to Dublin
(July 7-11) was none the less a great success. Mr. Redmond,
speaking at Woodford in Essex, had indeed emphasized the
loyalty of the Nationalists to the Crown and Empire, and had
been duly denounced by Irish Freedom, a Sinn Fein monthly, for
betraying Irish Nationalism in " an orgy of Imperialism."
In view of this confusion of voices in the South it is perhaps
not surprising that the mood of the Protestant North tended to
harden; and this mood was at the moment still further
embittered by attempts on the part of certain of the
Catholic clergy to enforce the logical consequences of
the Nctemere decree 4 in the case of " mixed marriages "
already contracted. The annual July celebrations 6 in
Ulster passed off quietly, and a great meeting on Aug. 12 at Lon-
donderry did no more than emphasize the moral of the successful
defence of the city as applied to the present perils. On the 2ist,
however, a meeting of Presbyterians was held in the same city,
in w.hich a stronger note of defiance was sounded, one clergy-
man declaring that a Home Rule bill forced through the House
of Lords would be resisted by force. 6 This defiant temper was
illustrated more especially by the great Unionist demonstration
at Craigavon, Belfast, on Sept. 23, at which a hundred thousand
people were present. In an impassioned speech Sir Edward
Carson protested against the " base betrayal " of the Irish
loyalists contemplated by the Liberal Government. " Never,"
he said, " under any circumstances, would they submit to
Home Rule." 7 At the same meeting an address was presented,
signed by a thousand Ulster business men, pointing out the
disastrous effects to Ulster industry of any separation from Great
Britain; and on the following Monday, as a result of the man-
date given by the great mass meeting, a conference at Bel-
fast of delegates from Orange Lodges, Unionist Clubs and the
Ulster Unionist Council, resolved to frame a constitution for
Ulster and to set up a provisional Government, should the
Home Rule bill become law.
The imminence of the introduction of the new Government of
Ireland bill increased the agitation at the opening of 1912, and
especially in the north of Ireland. On Jan. 5 a meet-
Ulsteraad j n g o f Southern Unionists at Omagh, in Tyrone, was
addressed by Sir Edward Carson, who defended his
attitude as leader of the Ulster resistance. He
was, he said, a rebel in the sense that he desired to remain
under the king and the Imperial Parliament and was pre-
pared to face a charge on that issue. On the i6th the Ulster
Unionist Council decided not to allow Mr. Winston Churchill
to address a meeting in the Ulster Hall, Belfast, in favour of
Home Rule. The meeting, however, took place on Feb. 8 on
ground belonging to a Nationalist football club, and passed off
1 Mr. Daniel McCarthy said : " It is an organization to keep the
bone and muscle of our country from donning the red coat or the
black coat of England (i.e. from enlisting in the army or the Royal
Irish Constabulary) . . . We want our men to be physically strong,
and when the time comes the hurlers will cast away the caman for
the sharp, bright steel that will drive the Saxon from our land."
Wicklow People, Jan. 21 1911.
1 Dublin papers, June 12.
* The resolution was seconded by Mr. Sheehy-Skeffington.
*See 17.755.
' In commemoration of William III. '3 victory at the Boyne.
Notes from Ireland (1911), p. 78.
'Text in Notes from Ireland (1911), p. 84.
the Home
Rule Bill.
Parliament
and the
Irish
Question.
without disaster, Mr. Churchill explaining " that any plan for
Home Rule put forward would be an integral part of parlia-
mentary devolution, and would not be inconsistent with the
design of the ultimate federation of the Empire." The realities
of the situation were, however, more clearly revealed by the
great demonstration of Unionists held on Easter Tuesday at
Balmoral, Belfast, and presided over by Dr. Crozier, the Protes-
tant Primate of All Ireland. From the temper of this assembly it
was clear that, as Mr. Bonar Law put it, " Ireland is not a nation,
but two peoples separated by a deeper gulf than that dividing
Ireland from Great Britain."
The same moral was drawn by Sir Edward Carson in his
speech during the debate on the introduction of the Home Rule
bill on April 1 1 . The dividing line in Ireland, he said, was between
Catholic and Protestant, and any argument for Home Rule for
Ireland applied with equal force to Home Rule for the Protestant
North. Mr. Asquith, on the other hand, declared it to be "im-
possible to concede the demand of a small minority to veto the
verdict of the Irish nation"; but in the adjourned debate on
the 1 5th Mr. Balfour exposed this fallacy. The United King-
dom, he said, should be treated as a whole: " If Ireland is a
nation, what right has Great Britain to supremacy?"
The debates on the bill in the House and in the country showed,
indeed, an extraordinary confusion of mind in British legislators
as to the Irish demand. There was talk of devolution
as a step towards federalization, of " local autonomy "
and of the necessity of delegating the work of the
over-burdened Imperial Parliament. But the Irish
Nationalists, whatever concessions they were pre-
pared to yield to expediency, never budged from their prin-
ciple of " Ireland a nation," with all that this implied. This
ideal the bill did little enough to realize. It proposed to estab-
lish in Dublin a subordinate Parliament, consisting of two
Chambers, and having control over all concerns in Ireland not
specifically reserved to the Imperial Parliament; but the number
of matters thus reserved, either temporarily or permanently,
was very great, 8 while the difficulty, so long as any union existed,
of disentangling the finance of the two countries opened the
financial clauses of the bill to a destructive fire of criticism; for,
as Sir Edward Carson had said at Liverpool (Jan. 23), without
fiscal autonomy Home Rule was an impossibility.
In Ireland, the bill was endorsed by the Nationalist Con-
vention which met in Dublin on April 23, but Mr. O'Brien
pointed out in the House of Commons in the course
of the second reading debate on April 30, that, save Cation-
... . ., , . , alists and
for the reconciliation it would bring, there was no tne gm
finality about it. This, indeed, was the opinion of
most people in Ireland, in spite of demonstrations to the
contrary; and Prof. T. M. Kettle, of the National University,
expressed the general view of Nationalists when he welcomed
it as " not the end, but the beginning," and said that it had " the
seed of freedom lodged in Irish soil." 9 Sinn Fein was less compli-
mentary. According to Patrick H. Pearse, who was afterwards
to head the Easter rebellion in 1916, Mr. Redmond by accepting
the bill had " sold Ireland's birthright for a mess of pottage, and
a dubious mess of pottage at that." He himself defined the
object of true Nationalism as the completion of the work left
unfinished by Wolfe Tone:
" To break the connexion with England, the never-failing source
of all our political evils, and to assist the independence of my country
these were my objects. To unite the whole people of Ireland, to
abolish the memory of all past dissensions, and to substitute the
common name of Irishman in place of the denominations of Prot-
estant, Catholic and Dissenter these were my means."
In these words of Tone he found " implicit all the philosophy
of Irish Nationalism, all the teaching of the Gaelic League and
the later prophets." 10 It was the Sinn Fein confession of faith.
8 At Preston, on' June 13, Mr. Balfour said that the bill gave Ire-
land a National Constitution without national powers.
> Notes from Ireland (1913), p. 40. Mr. Kettle joined the army
and was killed at the front in France in 1915.
10 Address at the grave of Wolfe Tone, June 22 1913, Bodenstown
Series, No. I.
IRELAND
555
Unionists, on the other hand, whose danger had been fully recog-
nized by Mr. O'Brien, failed to be won over by the inadequate
safeguards provided for them in the bill. The Synod of the
Church of Ireland, with only five dissentients, protested against
it, and the protest was reechoed in a great meeting of Southern
Unionists at Cork on April 20. In Ireland, at least, no one was
convinced by Mr. Redmond's assertion, during the second
reading debate, that the bill would be accepted by the Irish, in
Ireland and out of it, as a final settlement.
The debate on the committee stage of the bill, which opened
on June n, is mainly memorable owing to the fact that in it the
question of the exclusion of Ulster was first definitely
Question raised, the proposal being to exclude from the scope
"ton." f ^e bill the four predominantly Protestant coun-
ties of Antrim, Armagh, Down and Londonderry.
The motion was defeated, Mr. Asquith asserting that it was
impossible to split Ireland, for which he claimed " a fundamental
unity of race, temperament and tradition," while Mr. Redmond
said that Home Rule was put forward as a national demand and
that the Irish nation must not be partitioned. There was, how-
ever, little sign in Ireland of the correctness of Mr. Birrell's
forecast th'at there would be no civil war and that the minority
would accept the situation. The temper of the Protestant North
was rapidly rising, and fortified by Mr. Bonar Law's declaration
at the meeting at Blenheim on July 27 that he could imagine no
length of resistance to which the Ulster people might go in which
he would not be ready to support them the northern Protes-
tants organized numerous demonstrations against Home Rule,
culminating on " Ulster Day " (Sept. 28) in the signing at
Belfast of the solemn Covenant pledging the signa-
e tories to stand by one another in defending for them-
Coveaaat. se l ves an( l their children their cherished position of
equal citizenship in the United Kingdom, and in using
all means which might be found necessary to defeat the con-
spiracy to set up a Home Rule Parliament in Ireland.
The impression made by this event was immense. The pro-
ceedings were attended by a vast concourse of people, and a
deep religious significance was given to them by the fact that in
some 500 Protestant churches of various denominations special
services were held on the same day, with appropriate hymns and
lessons, and closing with the National Anthem. The impression
made by it was not lessened when, on Nov. 22, it was announced
that the Covenant had been signed by half a million people.
Apart from a certain number of agrarian outrages, there were
during this year ominous signs that the old religious antago-
nisms, which had all but died down, were beginning
t0 revive - ( - )n J une 2 9 members of the Ancient Order
f Hibernians, armed with pikes, attacked a Belfast
Presbyterian Sunday School procession consisting
mainly of women and children, 1 and the Protestant shipyard
workers of Belfast retaliated by an assault on their Catholic
fellow-workmen. On Sept. 14 a serious political riot broke out
on the Celtic football ground in Belfast, in which 100 people
were injured.
While the Home Rule bill, twice thrown out by the House of
Lords, was making its painful way through Parliament, the
realities of the situation in Ireland itself were becoming more
and more apparent. Mr. Birrell was right when he said in the
House of Commons that " a new movement and a new spirit
were springing up in Ireland a national movement, full of
Irish sentiment." He went much too far, or not nearly far
enough, when he described the Ulster opposition to this move-
ment as " based on religious bigotry." It was based on the
broad conviction that in any Irish National Parliament the
religious and material interests of the Protestants and industrial
North would be sacrificed to those of the Catholic and agricul-
tural South. Their attitude was not modified by such " safe-
guards " as Mr. Asquith and Mr. Redmond were prepared to
1 Twenty-three of the Hibernians were convicted at the winter
assizes of riot and condemned by Mr. Justice Wright to three months'
imprisonment with hard labour. After a few weeks in prison they
were released by order of the Lord Lieutenant, Lord Aberdeen.
offer, e.g. disproportionate representation in the Irish Parliament,
which they rejected as undemocratic and fallacious, since it
would still leave them in the minority; and Mr. Asquith's
refusal to meet their views they interpreted as a " declaration of
war." During 1913, accordingly, the organization of resistance
in Ulster proceeded apace, and by the autumn it
was complete. On Sept. 25 the Ulster Unionist organizes.
Council formally organized itself as a Provisional
Government consisting of a central authority of 76 mem-
bers, under the chairmanship of Sir Edward Carson; with
committees for the volunteers, legal subjects, education and
Customs, excise and posts; and on the following day Sir Edward
Carson began a tour of inspection of the volunteers in various
centres, the whole force estimated at 100,000 being under
the supreme command of Gen. Sir George Richardson.
In making these warlike preparations the Ulster leaders were
careful to insist that they were actuated solely by the determina-
tion to maintain their traditional rights and liberties; they
reaffirmed their complete loyalty to the Empire, and undertook
to place the whole armed force of Ulster at its disposal in the
event of its being attacked. But the arming of the North was
bound to have an unfortunate repercussion in the. South. The
Sinn Fein organ Irish Freedom, Jan. 1913, pointed out that war
between England and Germany was practically inevit-
able, and declared such a war to be " Ireland's oppor- sla &'"
tunity"; and this was elaborated by Sir Roger armaay.
Casement in an article on " Ireland, Germany and
the next War," contributed to the July number of the same
review. 2 On Jan. 23 the Sinn Fein National Council passed a
resolution refusing to be content with anything short of inde-
pendence, and affirming it to be the duty of all Irishmen to
possess a knowledge of arms. 3 A vigorous anti-recruiting cam-
paign was started, and every effort was made to pour contempt
on the British army. " Rifles would hardly be needed, fly-
paper would surely suffice to capture the greater part of the
little ' Yorks ' and ' Berks,' " wrote a popular Nationalist paper.
" By the way, we have pigs of these breeds in Tipperary already.
Poor kiddies, poor little boy soldiers! How will they withstand
the onrush of conquering German uhlans some day?" 4 Mean-
while the arming of Ulster was hailed among Sinn Feiners as a
practical step worthy of imitation.
On the initiative of a provisional committee, consisting of
members of the Sinn Fein League, the Gaelic Athletic Associa-
tion, the Gaelic League and the Irish Republican Th
Brotherhood, a mass meeting was held on Nov. 25 in National
the Rotunda Rink in Dublin, under the presidency of Voiun-
Prof . John MacNeill of the National University, to in-
augurate the National Volunteers. It was noted that the Ancient
Order of Hibernians and the United Irish League, which were
attached to Mr. Redmond's party, were not officially represented
at the meeting, though many of their members were present.
The Transport Workers' Union, on the other hand, sent a con- .
tingent with bands. As the immediate result of the meeting
4,000 men were enrolled, and on the following day a committee
was established for their drilling and organization. The object of
the volunteers, as defined in the form of application for mem-
bership, was " to secure and maintain the rights and liberties
common to all the people of Ireland without distinction of class,
creed or politics."
A new and more dangerous element was added to this welter
by the strike of transport workers which began in Dublin in
August. The conditions of life to which labour in
Dublin was subjected were described in the report of rratt fP ort
.IT,,-, T*-. .. i Workers
the Local Government Board Commission on the strike.
strike as " the worst in Europe "; 5 and at first public
sympathy was largely enlisted on the side of the strikers. But
this sympathy was soon alienated by the violence of Larkin's
2 Under the pseudonym of " Shan Van Vocht."
3 Reported in the Gaelic American, New York, Feb. 8 1913.
4 Tipperary Star, Sept. 20 1913.
6 In Dublin 21,000 families were found to live in one-room tene-
ments, of which 9,000 were occupied by four or more persons.
556
IRELAND
language and actions. On Aug. 26 he was arrested, but released
on bail. On the 3oth the mob in Sackville Street furiously at-
tacked the Dublin Metropolitan police, who quickly quelled the
riot. On the 3ist Larkin reached the balcony of a hotel in Sack-
ville Street in disguise, delivered a violent harangue to the mob,
and this produced another riot. Delegates of the English trade
unions were called in to assist at arriving at a settlement; but on
Sept. 13 the employers, in view of the fact that " Larkinism " in-
cluded in its programme a repudiation of the obligation to keep
inconvenient agreements, refused to resume negotiations and de-
cided on a sympathetic lock-out. This threw out of work several
thousand men who refused to sign a pledge not to join or to
assist the Transport Workers' Union. On the 2ist there was
another serious conflict with the police, and the unemployed
next day were estimated to number 13,000. The strike spread
sporadically to England, owing to the refusal of English workers
to handle "tainted goods"; but Larkin's violent attitude
during a propaganda tour in England alienated the still
predominantly sober elements in the British movement,
and the strike collapsed early in 1914. There was nothing
Nationalist about it; at the Board of Trade inquiry Larkin
had exposed the failure of the Nationalist members to assist
the cause of the workers, and he denounced Redmond and
Carson as " in league with capitalism "; the arch strike-breaker,
William Martin Murphy, on whom the hatred of the proletariat
was concentrated, was owner and inspirer of the Nationalist
Independent. The strike failed, but its consequences were
momentous. Liberty Hall became definitely the centre of
that spirit which was to be known later as Bolshevist. More-
over, during the late autumn, Larkin had begun drilling and
organizing that " Citizen Army " a body distinct from the
Irish Volunteers which was to play the leading part in the
Easter rebellion. 1
The situation in Ireland was now very alarming, and compe-
tent judges, such as Sir Henry Blake and Earl Grey, pointed
out the imminent danger of civil war were the
Government policy persisted in. Liberal statesmen
began to talk of compromise, Sir Edward Grey, for
instance, affirming at Berwick (Oct. 17) and again at
Alnwick (Dec. 17) that " Home Rule within Home
Rule " for Ulster was quite consistent with the
maintenance of the essential unity of Ireland. On Dec. 6
Mr. Asquith, at Manchester, said that he saw nothing with
which he would quarrel in principle in the bases of settlement
laid down by Sir Edward Carson at Sheffield four days earlier,
namely, " that it must not humiliate Ulstermen, that they
must not be treated differently to other parts of the United
Kingdom, and that there must be no measure establishing a
basis for the ultimate separation of Ireland from Great Britain."
On Nov. 14, at Newcastle-on-Tyne, however, Mr. Redmond
had violently attacked the claim of a small minority in Ireland
to dictate to the rest. It would be worth paying a large price,
he said, to obtain a settlement by consent, but the door of the
Empire must not be slammed in the face of Ireland by the fear
of fanatics or by the bludgeons of bullies.
The opinion of the Protestant North against Home Rule was
hardened if that were possible by the continued activities of
the United Irish League and the Hibernians during
1913. Boycotting was again in operation as a
political weapon, the most notable instance being the
boycott proclaimed (Nov. 29) against 29 Sligo mer-
chants who had signed a pronouncement criticizing
the financial provisions of the Home Rule bill and declaring
that it would be fatal to the commercial interests of Ireland.
Point was given to the boycotting resolution by the state-
ment that it was a " united protest against the conduct
of a number of local Protestant merchants." 2 On the other
hand, at a great demonstration to celebrate the 2 2 5th anni-
1 See James Connolly, Labour in Ireland (1917), for the Liberty
Hall view of the strike, and Arnold Wright, Disturbed Dublin, The
story of the Great Strike (1914), for the other point of view.
2 Sligo Champion, Nov. 29 1913. The Times, Dec. I.
Attempts
to Compro-
mise the
Ulster
Question.
The Boy-
cott as
a Political
Weapon.
versary of the relief of Derry, held on Dec. 18, Dr. D'Arcy,
Protestant Bishop of Down and later (1920) Primate of All
Ireland, while affirming that Protestants bore " no ill-will to
any dwellers in this land " and were " patriotic Irishmen,"
reaffirmed the Covenant as " the inevitable outcome of the
heart and mind of Ulster." 3
In the face of this dangerous situation the Irish Government
appeared to regard itself as impotent. It would not be true to
say that the arming of Ulster had been connived at:
for more than one considerable seizure of arms was The Arms
made. 4 It was not, however, until Dec. that a proc- tioa. 3 ""'
lamation was issued prohibiting the importation of
arms altogether; and from the first, in view of the appeal of the
Arms Act, its legality was disputed. 5 At the opening of 1914
serious efforts were made to arrive at a compromise;
but the conference of the Liberal and Nationalist Tempo-
lenders with Sir Edward Carson and Mr. Bonar Delusion
Law only resulted to use Mr. Asquith's words of Ulster
in " bringing out the difficulties." In these cir- Suggested.
cumstances the Prime Minister on the second reading
of the bill (March 9), proposed a " middle course," i.e. the
provisional exclusion of Ulster for six years by county option,
the excluded counties to come automatically under the Dublin
Government at the end of that time unless the Imperial Parlia-
ment decided otherwise. This proposal Mr. Redmond sup-
ported, but as " the ultimate limit of concession." Mr. O'Brien,
on the other hand, protested against this plan for " chopping
an ancient nation into a thing of shreds and patches," and he
was supported by Mr. Tim Healy. More fatal, however, was
the attitude of Sir Edward Carson. He would, he said, never
consent to sacrifice the loyal people of the South and West,
and the men of Ulster did not want " sentence of death with a
stay of execution for six years." In the debate on Mr. Bonar
Law's motion of censure on the Government (March 19) the
tension reached breaking point. Mr. Redmond had earlier
declared that if Ulster did not accept the compromise proposed,
the bill must pass as it stood and be imposed on Ulster with all
the forces of the Crown, and on Dec. 4 Sir Edward Grey, Minister
for Foreign Affairs, had declared that a " fanatical outburst "
in Ulster would have to be suppressed by force. The leader
of the Opposition now declared that the attitude of the army
would be for the army to decide, since while " in case of mere
disorder it ought to and would obey, if it were a question of
civil war soldiers were citizens like the rest of us." Sir Edward
Carson, for his part, accused the Government of wanting an
outbreak in Ulster as a pretext for putting the Ulstermen down.
At the close of his speech he left the debate and, with eight of
the Unionist leaders, started at once for Belfast to concert
measure of resistance.
So early as March 14, the Government had taken certain
military precautions in case of " serious disorder " break-
ing out in Ulster, the general commanding in Ire-
land, Sir Arthur Paget, being instructed to convey
a force of cavalry, infantry and artillery northward,
ostensibly to protect military stores from possible
depredations by the Volunteers. This movement
was to be supported by a British squadron stationed at
Lamlash, in Arran. Whatever truth there may have been
in the belief that the Government intended to crush the
resistance of Ulster by force and this was strenuously denied
the result was to show that in any such policy they would not
have the support of the army. 6 The troops were received in
1 Irish Times, Dec. 19 1913.
4 At Belfast, in June, 1,000 rifles, shipped as "electrical plant"
were seized, and in Dublin some consigned to Lord Farnham.
6 Doubt was thrown on the validity of the proclamation by the
decision of the court of first instance in the case of Hunter v. Cole-
man, an action brought by a firm of Belfast gunsmiths at Belfast
Assizes against a Collector of Customs at the port for detaining
arms consigned to plaintiffs at Hamburg on Dec. 18 1913. This
decision was later reversed.
6 In Feb. Lord Roberts had said in the House of Lords that any
such attempt would wreck the British army.
Military
Measures
Ayalast
Ulster.
IRELAND
557
Ulster not as enemies but as friends, mutual courtesies being
exchanged, 1 while Sir Edward Carson declared that he never
could or would be associated with any movement for weakening
the Empire, and that in the event of international difficulties
the Ulster volunteers would fight shoulder to shoulder with the
British army in its defence. 2 The temper of the army, on the
other hand, was shown by the Curragh incident of March 20,
when Gen. Gough, commanding the 3rd Cavalry Bri-
The gade stationed at the Curragh with 57 of his officers
'incident. ( out f 7) preferred to accept dismissal from the
army if ordered North. The circumstances in which
this resolution was arrived at are obscure and complicated; but
there can be no doubt that the officers believed that they
had been given an option in the matter, and that they were
under the impression that an immediate aggressive movement
against Ulster was contemplated. 3 Rage and consternation
were general in the Liberal and Nationalist camps, where the
action of the officers was denounced as " militarism " and
" a second Zabern."
Affairs in Ireland were now rapidly coming to a head. On
April 17 the Ulster Unionist Council issued a statement
giving what purported to be the actual facts with
The Lame re g ar( j t o re cent military and naval operations and
running. plans of the Government, and accusing ministers
of a deliberate design to crush the Ulster movement
by force. The volunteers had completed their organization.
Their armament was now also provided; for on the night of
April 24-5, 35,000 rifles and 3,000,000 rounds of ammunition
were successfully distributed by means of 600 motor-cars to
the various centres; 12,000 rifles were at the same time landed
at Bangor and Donaghadee on the coast of Down. This
" gun-running " had been admirably organized; until the last
moment none, save the mysterious directing committee, knew
where the arms were to be landed; and the Government was
completely outwitted. Mr. Asquith described it in Parliament
as " an unparalleled outrage," and British warships were
ordered to patrol the Irish coast, to prevent its repetition. 4
Ulster, then, was armed and defiant. Meanwhile the National
Volunteers, on their side, were growing into a formidable force. 6
The Nationalist leaders were perturbed by the spread
Redmond of a movement from which they had hitherto held
%" t tl the * aloof, since it threatened to transfer power from
Volunteers, them to the extremer men who had hitherto directed
it, and on June 9 Mr. Redmond issued a statement
to the effect that his party, which had thought the movement
premature, had been converted by the Curragh incident
and the Larne gun-running, and he demanded a reconstitution
of the governing committee on representative lines, suggest-
ing that it should at once be reenforced by 25 members,
from different parts of the country, nominated at the instance
of the Nationalist party and in sympathy with its policy and
aims. Towards the end of the month the committee, realizing
that it had little support in the country for its resistance, grudg-
ingly acceded to this demand. The Volunteer movement in
the South was thus for a time saved from disruption, and in
July the Nationalists started the Defence of Ireland Fund, to
secure arms and complete the organization of the force.
There were thus in Ireland two rival armed organizations,
and in Parliament the extreme danger of the situation was
pointed out in June 16 by Lord Robert Cecil, who moved the
adjournment of the House. But nothing would disturb the
1 See, e.g., Irish Times, March 21, 24, 26 1914.
2 Irish Times, March 25 1914.
3 The whole matter later formed the subject of acrimonious
debates in Parliament. An abstract of these will be found in the
Ann. Reg. (1914), pp. 55 ff.
4 The Government at first determined to institute proceedings
against the leaders in the High Court by filing an ex-officio informa-
tion for riot, disturbance and obstructing the King's officers, and
this was actually drafted by the Irish Attorney-General. After-
wards, however, on the advice of Mr. Redmond, it was decided to
take no proceedings.
5 On May 6 their numbers were returned as 26,696, on the follow-
ing Oct. 7 as 178,649.
equanimity of Mr. Birrell, who argued that, provided that the
due formalities were observed, drilling and the carrying of
arms were alike legal; that the Volunteer movement did not
add greatly to the danger; and that discipline and the ability
to use fire-arms would be good for the Irish people.
Meanwhile an amending bill, embodying Mr. Asquith's
" middle course," had been sent up to the House of Lords,
where it underwent a drastic transformation (July
8). On July 10, at a meeting of the Ulster Union- ea
ist Council, Capt. (afterwards Sir James) Craig read BUI*"
the preamble to the Constitution of the Ulster Provi-
sional Government, and the Boyne celebrations on the r2th
were made the occasion for a series of monster demonstrations,
the moral of which was tersely put by Sir Edward Carson at
Drumbeg " Give us a clean cut, or come and fight us! " In
the South, on the other hand, opposition to any form of par-
tition was hardening, and the Wolfe Tone celebration at Bodens-
town on the i4th was attended by an unprecedented concourse
of people. A telegram from Mr. John Devoy, editor of the Gaelic
American, and later a leading spirit in the Sinn Fein-German
plot against the Entente, 6 hailed " the voice from the grave
which forbids partition and brands as infamous any man who
consents to exclude Ulster even for one day," 7 a theme enlarged
on by the Sinn Fein press. On the 2ist a conference was held at
Buckingham Palace, at the instance of the King, be-
tween ministers and the leaders of the Irish parties, to Bucking-
consider the possibilityof finding an area to be excluded pj|JJ ce
from the operation of the Home Rule bill; but on the con-
24th it dissolved, being unable, in the words of the fereace.
Speaker, who presided, " to agree, in principle or in
detail, on such an area."
Such was the situation when an unfortunate incident
poured fresh oil on the flames. On the morning of Sunday
July 26 the "Dublin Regiment" of the National
Volunteers, about 1,000 strong, marched to the little J^ e wtn '
port of Howth, some 9 m. from the capital, arriving a *.
at the harbour at about one o'clock. Simultane- running.
ously a yacht loaded with arms berthed at the pier;
and presently every one of the volunteers was supplied with a
rifle, those remaining being loaded into motor-cars. The few police
present were prevented from interfering, and shortly before
two o'clock the Volunteers set out on the march back to Dublin.
The local police had already telephoned to headquarters
in Dublin, and, in the absence of the chief commissioner, the
deputy commissioner, Mr. Harrel, believed it to be his duty
to take action. This seemed all the more necessary, if the
law was not to be brought into utter contempt, owing to the
peculiar circumstances of the gun-running at Howth. The
Ulster Volunteers had imported arms by stratagem, under
cover of night, and had been able to justify their action in
some sort by the judicial decision which had declared the Arms
Proclamation illegal. But this decision had been reversed by
the Dublin Court of King's Bench on June 15, and the act of
the Irish Volunteers was therefore one of ostentatious defiance
of the law; for the Proclamation remained in force until its
withdrawal on Aug. 5.* Unable to obtain immediate instruc-
tions from the under-secretary, Sir James Dougherty who did
not record his views till 5 P.M., when the affair was over Mr.
Harrel applied on his own responsibility for military assistance,
no Royal Irish Constabulary being available. With a small
force of Metropolitan police and two companies of infantry he
6 See Documents relative to the Sinn Fein Movement, Government
" White Paper " (Cmd. 1108), issued in Jan. 1921.
''Irish Freedom, July 1914.
8 " Some arms were smuggled into the north of Ireland, and they
were secretly and unostentatiously distributed. That proceeding
was, of course, very wrong, but the authority of the Government was
not defied. . . .The course at Howth differed altogether from the
method of the landing in the North. At Howth the arms were os-
tentatiously landed in daylight, and the constabulary_there, as well
as the coastguard officers, were overpowered with violence" (evi-
dence of Sir John Ross of Bladensburg, formerly chief commissioner
of the Dublin Metropolitan Police, before the Royal Commission
on the insurrection in Ireland : Irish Times, May 30 1916).
558
IRELAND
then set out on the road to Howth, and when the Volunteers
on their return march neared Clontarf they found this force
blocking both the main roads to Dublin.
A halt was called, and Mr. Harrel stepped forward to parley
with the two leaders of the Volunteers. On their refusal to
order their men to give up their rifles, he ordered the police to
disarm them. In the short scuffle that followed the soldiers
assisted the police; the Volunteers fought with clubbed rifles,
and some of them received slight bayonet wounds. In the
end 19 rifles and a number of wooden clubs or batons were
captured; but the rear ranks of the Volunteers had taken ad-
vantage of the fight in front to disperse and carry off their
rifles singly. After the road was clear two soldiers were wounded
by revolver shots, fired, not by Volunteers, but by bystanders. 1
The affair being now considered at an end, the troops were
ordered to march back to Dublin. They consisted of 100
Scottish Borderers, under Capt. Cobden, who were
The joined near Fairview by about 60 men of the same
'wafk' '*' re gi men t under Maj. Coke. Their route took them
/Massacre, through a low quarter of the city, where they were
followed by a crowd which, not content with hurling
abusive epithets at them, presently began to pelt them with
stones and other missiles. All down Talbot Street, Earl Street and
Sackville Street, it had been possible to hold the mob in check by
the rear-guard occasionally turning and threatening them with
bayonets. But by the time the troops, marching along the
quay of the Liffey called Bachelors' Walk, had reached the
corner of Liffey Street, matters were so serious 25% of the men
being badly hurt that Maj. Haig, who had just arrived and
taken command as senior officer, told off 30 men, who turned
and h'ned the road, four or five of them kneeling. He asked
five or six of them if they were loaded, and ordered them to be
ready to fire if he gave the order. Immediately afterwards,
owing to some misunderstanding, 21 of the men discharged their
rifles, with the result that three persons were killed and 38 more
or less seriously wounded. In the course of the inquiry into
this unhappy affair Maj. Haig stated that he was not aware
that the 100 men under Capt. Cobden had been ordered to
load at Howth Road and were still loaded. A judicial com-
mission decided that the soldiers were not justified in firing,
but failed to come to any decision as to whether or not an order
to fire had been given. 2
This Bachelors' Walk " Massacre " was a serious embarrass-
ment to the Liberal Government. Their efforts to make Mr.
Harrel solely responsible, on the ground that he had disobeyed
1 This follows the official account (for further details see report of
the Royal Commission, Cd. 7631 and 7649). In " Clontarf " a
supplement to the Irish Review, July-Aug. 1914 Thomas Mac-
Donagh afterwards executed as one of the leaders of the Easter
rebellion who was one of the Volunteer officers with whom Mr.
Harrel talked, gives a somewhat different version. He does not
mention any scuffle but says that the commissioner, after negotia-
tion, allowed the Volunteers to keep their rifles on condition of their
being at once dismissed. The force, he says, was thereupon marched
into Fairview Park and formally dismissed. His account, while
naturally magnifying the r61e played by the Volunteers, is moderate
and restrained.
2 In his evidence before the Foreign Relations Committee of the
U.S. Senate (Aug. 30 1919) the Hon. W. Bourke Cockran thus
summarized the Howth gun-running incident: "Gun-running
promised to become a favourite sport of these chartered rebels, the
Ulstermen chartered by the very Government they were defying.
But when the Nationalists undertook to bring in a cargo of arms the
British soldiery appeared on the spot and with bullet and bayonet
prevented them from landing a single rifle, shooting down women and
children who happened to be spectators " (see 66th Congress, 1st
Session, Senate Document No. 106, p. 893).
A recent German " historian " of Ireland succeeds in outdoing
even Mr. Bourke Cockran. His succinct account of the Howth gun-
running is as follows: " On July 26-1914, the Volunteers brilliantly
underwent their baptism of fire; a yacht from Rouen had secretly
landed arms and ammunition at Howth, and when the English
garrison of Dublin tried to disarm the Volunteers, it was put to flight
by them with the butt-ends of their rifles; whereupon, in anger at its
defeat, it fired into the unarmed crowd, mostly consisting of women
and children, and killed and wounded very many persons." Julius
Pokorny, Ireland (Perthes 1 Kleine Volker- und Lander-Kunde,
Band l), Gotha 1916, p. 135.
Declaration
of War.
his instructions, broke down on the fact, revealed under cross-
examination in Parliament, that these instructions had only
been written four hours after the event. A Royal Commission,
carefully selected, was more effective. Mr. Harrel was found
to have exceeded his powers in calling out the military, and was
dismissed from the force. The effect on the moral of the police was
disastrous, for henceforward it was felt that no action could be
taken by them, even in grave emergencies, without risk of
being " broken " by the Government. 3 The effect on the moral
of Sinn Fein is best explained in the words of Thomas Mac-
Donagh:
The whole moral of this story, as of the whole rise and progress of
the Irish Volunteers during the past eight months, is that if the
leaders of the Irish people act strongly and decisively, thoy can suc-
ceed in their action. The young men of Ireland have got a strong
lead from the Irish Volunteers ; and they march to victory. Ireland
has now the strength to enforce her choice of destiny. The men who
ruled Ireland in the past under Tory r6gime, and under Liberal
regime, lost their power on July 26. At Clontarf in 1914, asat Clon-
tarf in 1014, has been won a national victory. 4
Such was the situation in Ireland within a month of the
crime of Sarajevo two organized hostile forces standing face
to face, both protesting their pacific intentions, both refusing
to budge an inch from claims which made an agreed peace
impossible. 5 Small wonder that to foreign observers the
Bachelors' Walk affair seemed the beginning of troubles which
would keep the British Government fully occupied at home.*
The most surprising effect of the declaration of war against
Germany on Aug. 4 1914, however, was that it seemed at once to
unite all Ireland with the rest of the United Kingdom
in a common cause. In the House of Commons Effect
Irish Unionists and both sections of Irish National-
ists gave their support to the Government. Mr.
Redmond, in his speech on Aug. 5 in support of the
vote of credit, declared that the events of recent years had com-
pletely changed the feeling of Nationalists towards Great Britain.
The Government might safely withdraw all the troops from Ire-
land, for her coasts would be defended by her armed sons, and
the National Volunteers would gladly join with their brethren of
the North for this purpose. When Nationalists and Ulstermen
had fought together on the Continent, and drilled together
for home defence, he believed it would be possible, as regarded
Home Rule, to present a real Amending Bill to the Government
by agreement. Thus Ireland was committed to the World
War by the united voice of her representatives. " Ireland, "
said Sir Edward Grey in his speech announcing to Parliament
the declaration of war, " is the one bright spot."
It was almost at once apparent, however, that the old antag-
onisms, though obscured for the time, survived. Attempts
to settle the Home Rule controversy by negotiation
between the party leaders broke down; and on Sept. Passing
14 it was announced that the Prime Minister in- Home Rule
tended to wind up the session at once, and that BUI
then the Home Rule bill would become law auto- I9I4-
matically under the Parliament Act, but that the
Government would introduce a bill 7 postponing the operation of
the Act till after the war and pledged itself to introduce an Amend-
ing bill dealing with Ulster before the Home Rule Act should
become operative. In announcing this policy to the House
of Commons Mr. Asquith said that the new bill would provide
that the Act should not be put in operation for 12 months in
3 See Report of Royal Commission on the rebellion in Ireland
(Cd. 8279), p. 6.
4 " Clontarf," loc. cit. The writer omits to mention that, in spite
of Brian Born 's victory at Clontarf, Dublin remained after it, just as
before, a Danish city.
6 The Ulster proclamations of a purely defensive attitude have
already been noted. On June 30 the Irish Volunteers published a
manifesto stating that they would " do their utmost to promote
peace and good-will throughout Ireland," their object being " to
secure the unity of all Ireland and of all Irishmen on the ground of
national liberty."
Baron Kuhlmann cabled to Berlin " the hour has come."
7 This bill also provided for a similar postponement of the Act
disestablishing the Welsh Church.
IRELAND
559
f
any- case, or, if the war was not then ended, before such further
date, not later than the termination of the war, as might be
fixed by Order in Council.
This action of the Government in taking advantage of the
" party truce " to place Home Rule upon the Statute Book,
though it rallied the more moderate Nationalists to
cornmon cause, was strongly resented by Union-
ists both in England and Ireland; and Mr. Bonar
Law denounced it in the House of Commons as a breach of
faith. His language was reechoed by Sir Edward Carson
in a manifesto to the Ulster loyalists, in which he reiterated the
determination of Ulster never to submit to Home Rule, but
at the same time urged his followers, in view of the peril to the
Empire, to be true to their motto of " our country first." At
a great meeting held on Sept. 28 to celebrate the second anni-
versary of Ulster Day he spoke in the same sense. On Sept. 16
the executive committee of the Irish Unionist Alliance, repre-
senting the Unionists of the three southern provinces, also passed
a resolution condemning " the flagrant breach of faith by the
Government," but at the same time added another pointing out
" the duty of Irishmen to undertake their full ghare of Imperial
responsibility in the present national emergency " and calling
upon its members and supporters to continue their efforts to
secure recruits for the army.
It seemed of happy augury that on this same Sept. 16 Mr.
Redmond also issued a manifesto calling on the people of
Ireland to take their part in this great national crisis
Spilt in the an( j asking that Irish recruits for the expeditionary
vo/u/i"eer force should be kept together in an Irish Brigade
Movement, under Irish officers. The latter demand was endorsed
by the Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, at a great re-
cruiting meeting held at the Dublin Mansion House on Sept. 25,
at which Mr. Redmond again urged his countrymen to enlist.
Meanwhile, however, though there had been no outward sign
of disunion in the committee of the National Volunteers, it
had from the first been clear that its Sinn Fein members
were determined to resist recruiting in every way, and on the
eve of the Mansion House meeting (Sept. 24) 20 members of
the committee, headed by the chairman, Prof. MacNeill, is-
sued a manifesto denouncing Mr. Redmond for consenting
to " a dismemberment of Ireland " and accusing him of be-
ing willing to " risk another disruption " by announcing for
the Irish Volunteers " a programme fundamentally at vari-
ance with their own published and accepted aims and pledges,"
viz. that it was their duty to take foreign service under a Govern-
ment which was not Irish. In view of this attitude the signa-
tories declared that the nominees of Mr. Redmond ceased to be
members of the Provisional Committee, and they ended their
pronouncement by reaffirming without qualification the mani-
festo proposed and adopted at the inaugural meeting, repudiat-
ing any undertaking for the partition of Ireland and declaring
that Ireland could not, with honour or safety, take part in foreign
quarrels otherwise than through the free action of a National
Government of her own.' That this manifesto had a strong
support among the Dublin Volunteers was shown on the follow-
ing night, for while a few acted as sentinels at the Mansion
House several thousand paraded in Sackville Street amid dense
masses of spectators, in support of Prof. MacNeill. This was a
declaration of war against the Nationalist party, and Mr.
Redmond was prompt to take it up. He appealed, with strik-
ing success, to the provincial centres; and at a convention of
Volunteers held in Dublin on Sept. 30 a new Provisional Com-
mittee was elected, with Mr. Redmond as president. The Sinn
Fein leaders who had signed the manifesto of the 25th thereupon
seceded and proceeded to organize a force of their own under
the style of the Irish Volunteers.
This movement was not at the time regarded as serious.
1 Published in the Irish Volunteer, Oct. 3 1914. Among the signa-
tories were Patrick H. Pearse, Joseph Plunkett, Thomas Mac-
Donagh, and other leaders of the 1916 rebellion. Regret was ex-
pressed that, owing to his absence in America, the signature of Sir
Roger Casement was not attached.
The spokesmen of Sinn Fein were men of no particular
position or weight; and there was plentiful evidence that
their gospel of hate made little appeal to the people
at large, and that the interest of Ireland in the victory Ireland
of the Empire was all but universally recognized. al '
From Tyrone, for instance, the very storm centre of
sectarian strife, the police had reported in June that " distrust
and hatred between Catholic and Protestant had never been so
deep " within their memory ; a few weeks later they reported that,
during the mobilization, Ulster and National Volunteers were
turning out together with their bands to escort the troops leav-
ing for the front. The same was true, in varying degrees, of all
parts of the country: "the outbreak of war" to quote the
police reports " worked a revolution in the state of party
feeling." Here and there, as e.g. in Monaghan and West-
meath, agrarian trouble continued intermittently, but from
Aug. 4 1914 to the end of 1915 the reports from every county
in the four provinces agree that " there were practically no
displays of party feeling." Ireland seemed at last united in a
common effort directed to a common end. The union seemed
to be symbolized by the support given to the National Volun-
teers by the prominent Unionists in the South and the occasional
fraternization of the Ulster and National Volunteers in the
North. To those who know Ireland and its deep-seated passions
and antagonisms the mere list of the names of the notabilities
who attended the great recruiting meeting at Warrenpoint in
county Down (July 7 1915) reads like a miracle: there were pres-
ent the Lord Lieutenant (the Marquess of Aberdeen), Mr.
Justice Ross, 2 Mr. W. A. Redmond, the Lord Mayors of Dublin
and Cork and the Mayor of Londonderry. It was character-
istic of the spirit of this unique year in Irish history.
Beneath the surface, however, the passions simmered, the
antagonisms still glowed. The index to the true feelings of the
people, the measure of their devotion, were the
returns of the number of recruits to the army and to ^ c /
the various bodies of Volunteers. For the famous
Irish regiments of the regular army recruiting was at first brisk,
though even their cadres had to be filled up with English recruits
who happened to be training in Ireland. 3 In the towns of
Ulster recruiting was from the first fairly satisfactory, while
as was also the case in the South the men of the countryside
hung back. Of the Ulster Volunteers, numbering 85,000 in
Aug. 1914, 20,700 had joined the army by the end of Dec.,
this number representing the mass of those who were at that
time of military age. The returns of enlistments from the
ranks of the National Volunteers were less satisfactory; but
under the stimulus of the eloquence of the Nationalist leaders
the situation in this respect was much improved later, the
official returns showing that between Dec. 15 1914 and Dec.
15 1915, 10,794 joined the colours. It is clear, however, from
these returns that there was never any question of either body
of Volunteers joining the army en masse, and that the main
source of recruits lay outside them. At the close of the year
1915 the Ulster Volunteers still numbered 56,000, while the
number of National Volunteers, which had reached 1 78,649 in
Oct. 1914, had only sunk to 152,090.
The unsatisfactory results of the recruiting campaign have
been ascribed to a variety of causes. 4 Mr. Lloyd George himself
blamed " the folly almost amounting to malignancy of the
War Office," which had refused to entertain the idea of turning
the National Volunteers into an Irish Army Corps and had
rejected the offer of a group of loyal Irish ladies to work flags
for the new regiments. But in judging the War Office for its
refusal to consider the formation of a separate Irish Army
Corps, two things have to be remembered. In the early and
2 Sir John Ross, appointed Lord Chancellor of Ireland in July 1921.
'After the retreat from Mons the urgent need for replenishing
infantry battalions led to the drafting of Irish recruits who had en-
listed in the Irish cavalry into English line regiments. This was
greatly resented.
4 Much was due to defective organization. In many cases the
ardour of would-be soldiers was damped when they found that they
had to go 30 or 40 m. to the nearest recruiting station.
560
IRELAND
critical stages of the war mobile units were the great need, and
regiments are more quickly made efficient than army corps,
which as the experience of the two Irish divisions was to
prove take a long time to organize and train. 1 Secondly,
until the definite breach between the Sinn Feiners and the
Redmondites in Oct. 1914, it was by no means certain that the
National Volunteers were to be trusted, and even after the
breach the police reported that a considerable proportion of the
Redmondite volunteers were in sympathy with Prof. MacNeill.
It might well have seemed too speculative an undertaking to
train and arm " for the protection of the coasts of Ireland "
(which were in little danger) a force which, under influences
already at work, might be used for less innocent purposes.
It is, indeed, to these influences and to other causes which
they exploited, rather than to any action or inaction of the
The War Office, that the refusal to enlist for the war
Irish on the part of large sections of the population
Volunteers mus t be ascribed. In setting up the organization
of the Irish Volunteers, the Sinn Feiners did not succeed
in obtaining any large nominal following, but they made
up for their lack of numbers by their fanatical zeal, and the
efficiency of their organization. Of all the volunteer forces in
existence during 1915 the Irish Volunteers and their allies
the Citizen Army alone displayed any activity in drilling and
exercising, which they were allowed to do without let or hin-
drance, occasionally even enjoying the protection of the police. 2
Meanwhile their organizers and agitators were busy in those
counties where the tradition of disaffection was strongest
Limerick, Kerry, Kilkenny, Waterford, Wexford and Galway.
Their object, openly avowed, was to prevent recruiting for the
army and to build up their own force with a view to taking
immediate advantage of " Ireland's opportunity." They con-
jured up the' bogey of " conscription " with notable effect,
until the exclusion of Ireland from the Military Service Act laid
this spectre to rest for the time being. Many National Volun-
teers ceased to attend drill because they feared that, if they
drilled, they might be called upon to fight; and a certain number
joined the Irish Volunteers as the best safeguard against con-
scription. 3 The Sinn Feiners were helped, too, by the immense
prosperity of the country, which what with separation allow-
ances and the high prices of agricultural produce had never
1 Much bitterness was afterwards caused by the transference
under stress of circumstances at the front of the artillery of the 1 6th
(Irish) Division to the Guards.
'On Whit Sunday 1915, 1,100 Irish Volunteers, 700 of them
armed, held a parade in Limerick. When returning to the station
through the Irishtown quarter, where many soldiers' families lived,
they were furiously attacked by a crowd of women (wives of the
Munster Fusiliers) and had to be protected by the R.I.C.
On Nov. 19, at Loughrea in Galway, on the formation of a branch
of the Irish Volunteers, the National Volunteers marched through
the town and smashed the windows of prominent Sinn Feiners.
3 Reports of County Inspectors. The numbers of the Nationalist
Volunteers given in the subjoined table, showing fluctuations during
the year preceding the Easter 1916 rebellion, are taken from the
official returns. Those in the sections marked (a), (b), (c) were
reckoned as disloyal.
_
>
Irish
SSJ-2
rt v ft ~
Volunteers
V &
2 = g
I-*!
>
If {haz-?
iirr
g
isS
So
IJs
0^
May 6 1914
26,696
t
Oct. 7 1914
178,649
7,443
2,15
60
Dec. 16 1914
152,000
11,247
2,100
60
Jan. 15 1915
149,742
9,543
2.IOO
60
Dec. 27 1915
112,446
5-JI2
6,137 2,225
IOO
Jan. 3 1916 .
112,050
5-038
6,355 2,225
IOO
April 17 IQI6
104,984
4,457
8,381 2,225
IOO
been so full of money; for this disinclined the young men of the
more prosperous classes to exchange present comforts for the
miseries and dangers of the trenches. If, as the Sinn Feiners
reiterated, this was solely " England's war," they had the most
patriotic reasons for abstaining from it. On the whole the
wonder is, not that Ireland did not provide more recruits, but
that she provided so many.
Incredible as it may now seem, there was between Aug. 5
1914 and Dec. 5 1915 no law in force prohibiting the im-
portation of arms into Ireland. 4 Certain warrants
were, indeed, issued during this time to the police by
the Lord Lieutenant, authorizing them to seize arms, sedition.
but it was not until the amendment of the regula-
tions under the Defence of the Realm Act, on Dec. 5, that they
were empowered to seize arms and explosives landed on the
coast. 5 In spite of these laws, arms and ammunition continued
to be smuggled into the country. At the same time a flood of
seditious literature began to be disseminated by the leaders of
the Irish Volunteers. Its exuberance was to a certain extent
tempered by the existence of the military censorship, but as this
took notice only of matter which was judged to have military
importance, articles merely abusing the British Government
and army, or praising the gallantry and humanity of the Ger-
mans, gained for the ignorant public an enhanced authority by
having been " passed by the censor." From time to time cer-
tain of the seditious papers, having exceeded all bounds, were
suppressed (e.g. Irish Freedom and the Irish Worker in Dec.
1914), and others, after their printers had been warned by the
authorities, ceased to appear (Sinn Fein, Fianna Fail and
Ireland). But their place was taken by others no less violent 6
The Spark (Feb. 7 1915), The Workers' Republic (May 30)
edited by James Connolly, The Hibernian (June 24), Nationality
(June 26), Honesty (Oct. 16), The Irishman (Jan. 15 1916) and
The Gael (Jan. 29). The only one of them to reach any high
standard- of even journalistic excellence was Nationality, which,
under the editorship of Mr. Arthur Griffith, became the most
influential organ of the anti-Ally propaganda. The circulation
of these seditious newspapers was never large 7 but they passed
from hand to hand and wrought untold harm among the ignorant
people. Their circulation was never seriously interfered with. 8
4 " Up to Nov. 1914 anybody could send arms or ammunition
into Ireland provided the Customs regulations had been complied
with." Evidence of Sir Mathew Nathan, Under-Secretary for
Ireland, before the Royal Commission ( The Times, May 19 1916).
6 Sporting guns and ammunition were excepted. This exception
was cancelled on Feb. 5 1915.
6 Ireland speedily reappeared as Scissors and Paste (Dec. 12
1914). This consisted of cuttings from British and foreign news-
papers " selected for their derogatory references to the cause and
military operations of the Allies and for their praise of the methods
and successes of the enemy." It was suppressed on March 2.
7 Circulation of Sinn Fein papers:
Nov. 1915 Feb. 1916
Irish Volunteer 3,937 4,615
The Spark 1,587 2,382
Workers' Republic 1 ,390 1 ,549
Hibernian 2,555 2.567
Nationality 3,895 4,539
Honesty 1,250 1,592
Irishman 1,692
The Gael 1,246
8 In his evidence to the Royal Commission on the 1916 rebellion,
Maj. Price, Assistant-Commissioner of Police, said: "One un-
fortunate thing which hindered us a good deal was the attitude of the
official Nationalist party and their press. Whenever Gen. Friend did
anything strong in the way of suppressing or deporting these men
(the organizers) from Ireland, they at once deprecated it, and said
it was a monstrous thing to turn a man out of Ireland." On this the
commissioners made the shrewd comment: " Irishmen no doubt
appreciate the maintenance of order, but they appear to have an
inveterate prejudice against the punishment of disorder." (Cd.
8279, p. 7.)
In July 1914 orders were issued under the Defence of the Realm
Regulations for the expulsion from Ireland of four Sinn Fein agitators
Pirn, MacCullagh, Blythe and Mellowes. They disobeyed and
were arrested and imprisoned. The Limerick Corporation passed a
resolution condemning the authorities for expelling Irishmen from
their country.
IRELAND
56i
So early as June 15 1914 the inspector-general of the Royal
Irish Constabulary had presented to the Chief Secretary, Mr.
Birrell, a report of which the following paragraph reads now
like inspired prophecy:
In Ireland the training and drilling to the use of arms of a great
part of the male population is a new departure which is bound in the
not distant future to alter all the existing conditions of life. Obe-
dience to the law has never been a prominent characteristic of the
people. In times of passion or excitement the law has only been
maintained by force, and this has been rendered practicable owing to
the want of cohesion among the crowds hostile to the police. If the
people became armed and drilled effective police control would van-
ish. Events are moving. Each county will soon have a trained army
far outnumbering the police, and those who control the Volunteers
will be in a position to dictate to what extent the law of the land may
be carried into effect. 1
Throughout 1915 and the early months of 1916 the police
continued to warn the Government of the dangerous character
of the Sinn Fein agitation. At a meeting of the
Weakness Council of the Irish Volunteers, on May 30 1915, a
Govern- resolution, moved by Mr. Bulmer Hobson, in favour
meat. of an immediate rising had only been defeated by
the casting vote of the chairman, Prof. MacNeill;
and in Dec. the movement had become so menacing that the
Under-Secretary, Sir Mathew Nathan, wrote to Mr. Birrell
pointing out the futility of the efforts of Messrs. Redmond and
Dillon to minimize it, and the serious consequences that might
easily ensue if it were not dealt with in time. 2 Lord Midleton,
leader of the Southern Unionists, had already more than once
urged upon the Chief Secretary the necessity for disarming
the disloyal Volunteers and prosecuting the leaders. But none
of these representations produced the slightest effect. 3 Indeed,
so far from the arjn of the law being strengthened, it had been
appreciably weakened by the passing on March 16 1915 of
the second Defence of the Realm Act, by which any British
subject could claim trial by jury for an offence against the
regulations. In Ireland, this was tantamount to enacting that
no offender should ever be convicted, for neither the juries nor
the local J. P.'s could be trusted to return verdicts or decide
in accordance with the evidence. 4 At this time the only tri-
bunals that could be relied upon were those presided over in
the country districts by two resident magistrates, who con-
stituted under the Crimes Act a special court in cases of riot or
unlawful assembly, or by the metropolitan or stipendiary
justices in Dublin or Belfast; and these tribunals had no power
to impose a greater sentence than six months' hard labour.
In vain the heads of the Royal Irish Constabulary pointed
out to the Government, in Jan. 1916, that it was impossible
to get juries to convict on the clearest evidence, that in various
1 Royal Commission Report (Cd. 8279) t p. 8).
2 ib. p. 9.
" The witness (Maj. Price, intelligence officer of the Irish
Military headquarters) read an account of the parade of the Iish
Volunteers in College Green on St. Patrick's Day, and said it was a
translation of a letter to America dated April 14 last, written in
Irish from St. Mary's College, Rathmines, Dublin. He had de-
scribed that as an extremely bad letter, pointing to some outbreak
during the summer of this year. The letter had been sent to the Chief
Secretary, the Under-Secretary and the Lord Lieutenant. The Under-
secretary wrote re the outbreak in the summer, ' I look upon it as
vague talk.' Mr. Birrell wrote, ' The whole letter is rubbish'; and
Lord Wimborne initialed it. ' That is only typical,' added the wit-
ness." Report of inquiry by the Royal Commission (The Times
May 26 1916).
4 On Feb. 24 1915 John Hegarty and James Bolger were arrested
for unlawful possession and larceny of high explosives. At the time
of their arrest the D. R. Regulations provided for trial by court-
martial only, but as the Act was under amendment in Parliament
decision in the case was deferred, and when it was decided to try
the men the amending bill had passed, and they had the right to be
tried by jury. In April, at the Dublin City Commission, the grand
jury returned a true bill against them. But when they came to be
tried, Hegarty in spite of overwhelming proof was acquitted
on the charge in connexion with the explosives. On the further charge
of writing and uttering seditious statements the jury disagreed; and
the same thing happened at the June commission. Both prisoners
were then discharged and placed under military supervision. In
Hegarty 's bedroom the police had found 19 sticks of gelatine
dynamite, some fuse and 303 cartridges, and seditious literature.
parts of Ireland the ordinary justices whether through fear or
favour were just as bad, and that to meet the situation an
amendment of the Defence of the Realm Act was absolutely
essential. Conversations followed; but nothing was done.
The Sinn Fein organization, however, helped mightily by
the feeble efforts of the authorities to discourage it, was gaining
strength and vigour. It had won a notable vic-
tory when at the annual festival (Oireachtar) of the
Gaelic League, held at Dundalk on July 24-9 1915 the
majority of the elected candidates for the executive committee
were Sinn Feiners. The League thus became a political body,
and its founder, Dr. Douglas Hyde, resigned the presidency
as a protest against a change of character with which he,
though an ardent Nationalist, had no sympathy. From this
time onward the police reports record an ever increased activity
on the part of Sinn Fein. The movement, in spite of the efforts
of some of the bishops, had even been joined by many of
the younger Roman Catholic clergy, the most conspicuous
being Father Michael O'Flanagan, a priest from Roscommon,
who on the anniversary of the " Manchester martyrs " declared
that the work of the Irish people was to get rid of the connexion
with England, and that if there were no other way to get rid
of it, he prayed for the victory of an enemy who would deprive
England of her power. 5 In Oct. it was reported that the Irish
Volunteers had planned a rising, ostensibly in opposition to
conscription, an object which would have enlisted the sympathies
of many Redmondite volunteers, and on the 6th an attack on
the Castle was actually rehearsed by them without interference
on the part of the authorities. On Nov. 14 a large parade of
Irish Volunteers was held at Athenry, in Galway, at which
shots were fired, a display of force which according to the
police reports overawed the people, who " disapproved of the
Sinn Fein policy, but were afraid to show this, as they had no
confidence in either the will or the power of the Government
to protect them." With the opening of 1916 the seditious
activities increased. The Workers' Republic for Jan. 8 adver-
tised the sympathy of the Citizen Army for the Irish Volunteers,
and quoted with approval the words of Fintan Lalor in the
Irish Felon of 1848 that the one question was how best to kill
or capture the 40,000 men " in the livery and service of England "
who were in occupation of Ireland. Large quantities of ex-
plosives were now , continually being stolen from quarries and
railway stores, 6 and it was noted as significant in connexion
with this that articles on the use of explosives were published
in the Irish Volunteer. In Feb. the Irish Volunteers began to
take up " a truculent attitude " towards recruiting meetings,
men armed with guns and pikes attempting to break them up.
On St. Patrick's Day (March 17) they held parades through-
out the country, 4,555 turning out in the provinces and 1,400
mustering in College Green in Dublin; and the leaders issued
manifestos affirming their right to be armed and declaring that
any attempt to disarm them would be resisted by force. 7
It is now known that resistance to a threatened disarmament
was to be the pretext for the rising planned for Easter 1916 in
concert with the German Government. On April
19 Alderman Thomas Kelly, 8 at a meeting of the
Dublin Corporation, read a circular 9 purporting to 1916.
set out certain " precautionary measures " sanctioned
by the Irish Office on the recommendation of the general officer
commanding forces in Ireland, measures involving the arrest of all
6 The attitude of the Church throughout was equivocal. There
can be no doubt that, apart from the strong Nationalist sympathies
of the Roman Catholic clergy, the victory of the Central Powers
was ardently desired by many, who regarded France as an " infidel "
country, and saw in the defeat of the Entente the best hope of re-
storing the temporal power of the Papacy.
6 On Jan. 15 1916 90 Ib. of dynobol were stolen from the colliery
of Messrs. Addie and Sons in Lanarkshire, and taken to Dublin.
Two men were arrested for this.
'John MacNeill, in the Irish Volunteer (April I 1916), and the
O'Rahilly in the Hibernian (April 9).
8 Elected Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1920 while in prison in England
for sedition.
9 Report of the Royal Commission (Cd. 8279), p. II.
562
IRELAND
the Sinn Fein leaders and the occupation by the military of all
important centres in Dublin. This document was a forgery,
but it undoubtedly acted as one of the proximate causes of the
outbreak. On the previous day, the i8th, news reached Dublin
Castle that a ship had left Germany for Ireland on April 12,
accompanied by two German submarines, that it was due to
arrive on the 2ist, and that a rising had been planned for Easter
eve. On the 22nd the Irish Volunteer announced, under the
heading " Headquarters' Bulletin," that arrangements were
all but complete for "a very interesting series of manoeuvres
at Easter," and that the Dublin programme might well stand
as a model for others. But on that very day it was also an-
nounced that the German ship " Aud," laden with arms and
ammunition, had been captured off the coast of Kerry, and
that Sir Roger Casement, who had landed at Banna with two
companions from a German submarine in a collapsible boat,
had been arrested. 1 The same evening, since all prospect of a
successful rising seemed to be at an end, Prof. MacNeill, as
chairman of the Council, issued orders countermanding the
Easter parades. This action put the authorities, who were
fairly accurately informed of what was passing, off their guard;
immediate danger was supposed to be at an end; and no orders
were given to bring troops into Dublin or to stop the leave of
officers. Under the influence of James Connolly, however,
the more violent section of the volunteers the Inner Council
of which MacNeill was kept in ignorance 2 decided to go on
with the movement, owing, it is said, to information having
reached them on Sunday night that the headquarters, with
stores of explosives and arms, were to be raided on Monday.
When, on the beautiful morning of Easter Monday, the
Irish Volunteers and Citizen Army paraded in various parts of
Dublin, the holiday crowds believed it to be no more
than the usual " P la X- b y " display. They were soon
undeceived. The plan of the insurrection included
the seizure of buildings and places commanding strategic posi-
tions in the city, the Castle, the Four Courts, the Post
Office, Stephen's Green, certain factories, and, above all perhaps,
Trinity College, which commands the intersection of all the
main arteries in College Green. In the first surprise the rebels
succeeded in occupying the Post Office in Sackville Street, which
gave them the command of the whole telegraph system, 3 the
Four Courts, Stephen's Green, and Jacob's biscuit factory.
The attack on Trinity College was beaten off by a few cadets
of the Officers' Training Corps, assisted by some of the college
staff, while the Castle was made safe by the arrival of a small
detachment of troops in the early afternoon. The first attack
on the Castle had been signalized by the brutal murder of an
unarmed policeman, and the same ruthlessness characterized
the proceedings of the rebels elsewhere. Everyone in uniform
was marked out for death, and among the victims were not
only unarmed officers and police, but army doctors, wounded
soldiers in hospital uniform, and elderly members of the Vet-
erans' Corps returning unarmed from a route march. 4 In
Stephen's Green a carter was shot in cold blood for resisting
the requisitioning of his cart to add to a barricade. 6
1 He was tried in London for high treason and hanged on Aug. 3.
8 John Devoy, editor of the Gaelic American, asserted that Prof.
MacNeill had been kept in ignorance of the projected rising until
the evening of Good Friday, that " he was at first shocked, but on
hearing of the shipload of arms consented." The rising was counter-
manded by MacNeill on receipt of a message from Casement that
" all was up." Documents relative to the Sinn Fein Movement (Cmd.
1108), p. 19.
' The situation was saved by the fact that the telephone exchange
in Crown Alley, though commanded on all sides by rebel snipers,
was not captured by the insurgents. The girl operators displayed
great courage (Irish Times May 24 1916).
4 Five were fatally and many seriously wounded by a volley
poured into their defenceless ranks, without warning, by Sinn
Feiners in ambush in Haddington Road.
6 A volley was deliberately fired at a motor in which a friend of
the present writer, with his wife, was about to enter Stephen's
Green. The lady was shot through the neck and her husband through
the arm. An old man who had run out to warn them was pursued
into his house, but what happened to him the writer does not know.
It is not to be supposed that the young idealists who were the
nominal leaders of the rebellion all approved of this butchery
at the headquarters in the Post Office British officers were held
prisoner and treated kindly enough but they had unloosed
forces which they were unable to control. As soon as it was
clear that the city was at the mercy of the armed rebels the
police, who were unarmed, were withdrawn from the streets.
The under-world of Dublin seized its opportunity. A seething
mob issued from the slums, invaded the main thoroughfares
and looted the shops; but for the fact that most of the banks
and some of the best shopping centres were commanded by
the rifles of Trinity College, the loss and destruction would
have been greater than it was. Presently the terror of fire was
added to mob violence. How the fire originated is not known;
it may well have been the work of irresponsible incendiaries
among the looting mob. However this may be, on the night
of April 26-7 several fires broke out in this quarter; the fire
brigade could not get to work because it was fired on by the
rebels; and in the end a considerable part of Sackville Street,
including the General Post Office, together with part of the
surrounding area, was reduced to ruins.
The rebellion was heralded on the morning of the outbreak
by a proclamation " to the people of Ireland," issued in the
name of " the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic."
After denouncing the long usurpation of the right to govern
Ireland by a foreign people, this proclaimed Ireland a sovereign
and independent state, adding that " the Irish Republic is
entitled to, and hereby claims, the allegiance of every Irishman
and Irishwoman":
" Having organized and trained her manhood through her secret
revolutionary organizations, the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and
through her open military organizations, the Irish Volunteers and
the Irish Citizen Army, having patiently perfected her discipline,
having resolutely waited for the right moment to reveal itself, she
now seizes that moment, and, supported by her exiled children in
America and by gallant allies in Europe, but relying first on her own
strength, she strikes in full confidence of victory."
The confidence would, perhaps, not have been misplaced had
the original plot not miscarried. There were but few troops in
Ireland; these were scattered in depots in various parts of
the country; and had the unbroken strength of the Irish Volun-
teers been available, it is probable that all Dublin would have
been occupied by them and the task of putting down the re-
bellion rendered tenfold more difficult, if not impossible. As
it was, the prompt concentration of such troops as were available 6
enabled the authorities to maintain their position in the city
pending the arrival of reinforcements with artillery in sufficient
numbers to enable them to surround and isolate the rebel
detachments, and so to reduce them without undue destruction
of life and property.
The task was one of immense difficulty. The rebel leaders
had laid their plans ably enough. Apart from the occupation
of strategic positions in the heart of the city itself, they had
posted detachments in hastily fortified houses commanding
the approaches from the port of Kingstown, while armies of
snipers occupied the roofs everywhere. Their failure to cap-
ture Trinity College and the Castle, however, seriously affected
their plans, and by mid-day on the 25th the military had
succeeded in cutting off the rebels on the north side of the
Liffey from those on the south by a line of posts established
from King's Bridge Station via the Castle to Trinity College.
Towards the evening of the 25th the i78th Infantry Brigade be-
gan to arrive at Kingstown from England and was at once directed
on Dublin. It was during this advance that the military
suffered the heaviest casualties. This was especially the case
near the bridge over the canal at Lower Mount Street, where
the rebels had entrenched themselves in the schools and houses
commanding its approach. Ordered to carry this position at all
costs, the 7th Battalion Sherwood Foresters attacked it in suc-
6 On the morning of the second day of the rebellion (the 25th)
the forces in the Dublin area consisted of some 2,300 men of the
Dublin garrison, the Curragh mobile column of 1,500 dismounted
cavalrymen, and 840 men of the 25th Irish Reserve Infantry Brigade.
IRELAND
563
cessive waves, and succeeded in carrying it, but at heavy cost,
four officers being killed and' 14 wounded, while of other ranks
216 were killed and wounded. Meanwhile heavy fighting had
been taking place in the Sackville Street quarter, where the de-
struction of Liberty Hall by fire from the gunboat " Helga "
enabled the troops to make progress. It was not, however,
till the morning of the 28th, when Gen. Sir John Maxwell
arrived to take command, that troops were present in sufficient
numbers to carry out the plan of encirclement efficiently. A
complete cordon was now established round Dublin, and at the
same time detachments were ordered to clear the various
quarters of the rebels by a steady advance from house to house
and street to street. This street fighting was exceedingly trying
to the troops, nearly all young recruits, exposed as they were
to fire from snipers on all sides, and their courage, discipline
and humanity gained them the admiration even of their oppo-
nents. 1 The fact that the Volunteers were for the most part not
in uniform made the fighting doubly difficult.
On the 29th, the infantry having now been reenforced by a
battery of field artillery, the situation of the rebels became
hopeless, and at 2 o'clock Pearse surrendered unconditionally,
and, in the presence of Sir John Maxwell, wrote and signed
notices to the various " commanders " to follow his example.
Thomas MacDonagh, who commanded the garrison of Jacob's
biscuit factory, at first refused to surrender except on conditions,
and two Franciscan friars were deputed to inform Gen. Maxwell
of his desire to negotiate. The request was refused, and on the
3oth he, too, surrendered unconditionally. These surrenders
practically ended the rebellion in the city of Dublin. Through-
out the night of April 3o-May i, indeed, isolated rebels con-
tinued to snipe the troops, but during the following day these
were gradually cleared out, and a systematic house-to-house
search for rebels and arms was continued.
The rebellion in the provinces had met with even less suc-
cess. In general the country remained absolutely quiet. In
Kerry, which was to have been the focus of the
Rebellion rising, the capture of the consignment of German
Provinces, arms nipped the insurrection in the bud, and it was
only in four counties Dublin, Wexford, Galway and
Louth that the Volunteers rose in arms. In Louth the rebels
accomplished nothing but a single dastardly crime. A party
of Irish Volunteers started on the 23rd from Dundalk to Slane,
where they spent the night. On the 24th, learning that the
Republic had been proclaimed in Dublin, they proceeded to
commandeer motor-cars and carts which they met on the way,
seriously wounding a farmer who refused to stop. At Castle-
bellingham they crowned their achievements by placing Lieut.
Dunville, Grenadier Guards, whose motor-car they had seized,
and Constable Magee against some railings and shooting them
both. In county Dublin a more serious affair took place on
the 27th. A large party of rebels, led by Thomas Ashe, having
been deterred by the sight of 20 soldiers and 8 police, and the
more distant vision of two gunboats on their way to Skerries,
from carrying out their plan of cutting the English cable at
Howth, decided to attack the police barracks at Ash-
bourne, in Meath. Hearing of the attack, County Inspector
Gray, with 54 men of the R.I.C., went north from Navan in
motor-cars to engage them. Close to Ashbourne this party
fell into an ambush. The Volunteers were estimated to number
400, and the police, after fighting for five hours until their
ammunition was exhausted, were forced to surrender. They
had lost one officer and six men killed, and their inspector and
14 men were wounded.
This was the only serious encounter in the provinces; for
though the Volunteers assembled in Galway, they fled on the
slightest sign of effective opposition (only one R.I.C. man
1 Mr. James Stephens, in his " Insurrection in Dublin," p. 78,
said that there was " no bitterness . . . due to the more than
admirable behaviour of the troops you sent over." In his intro-
duction, written later, he says that " it is no longer true that there
is no bitterness in Ireland," but he ascribes this to the execution of
the rebel leaders (p. 14).
was killed) and finally melted away on the 2pth without accom-
plishing anything. 2 In Wexford the rebellion broke out on April
27 at Enniscorthy and spread to Ferns, both places being in
the hands of the Volunteers until the arrival of the military
on May i. But the police reported that the movement was
unpopular in the county generally, and that large numbers of
people assembled in arms to assist the authorities. The sur-
render of the rebels at Enniscorthy was the closing incident of
the rebellion. It had cost the lives of 450 people soldiers,
police and civilians while 2,614 wer e wounded.
As soon as the rebellion in Dublin had been crushed, mobile
columns, consisting of a company of infantry, a squadron
of cavalry, an i8-pounder gun and an armoured
car, were sent to the disturbed parts of Ireland, Punisb-
a definite area being allotted to each. In coopera- fthe
tion with the police these arrested dangerous Sinn Rebels.
Feiners and all those who were known to have taken
part in the rising. On April 25 the right to try offenders against
the Defence of the Realm Regulations had been restored to the
military authorities by royal proclamation, and field general
courts-martial were at once constituted for the trial of the
rebels. In all 3,430 men and 79 women had been arrested, and
of these 1,424 men and 73 women were released after inquiry.
170 men and one woman (Countess Markievicz) were tried by
court-martial, and of these 159 and the woman were convicted.
The remainder of the prisoners, 1,836 men and five women,
were sent to England and there interned. Of those convicted
by court-martial 15 were sentenced to death and executed, 3
the death sentence in 75 other cases being commuted into
penal servitude for terms varying from the duration of life (in
one case) to three years, while 23 were sentenced to from two
years to six months' imprisonment with hard labour.
There can be no doubt that when on April 27 Mr. Redmond
expressed in the House of Commons his feeling of detesta-
tion and horror for the rebellion, his claim to speak
on behalf not only of the Nationalist party but of
the overwhelming majority of the Irish people was Executions.
justified. The troops had been welcomed by the
people of Dublin with every manifestation of relief and joy,
and the rebellion was hardly suppressed before corporations
all over the country began passing resolutions condemning
its folly and wickedness. 4 It is the painful duty of the historian
to record how in the course of a few weeks this sentiment was
completely changed and the rebellion converted, from the Sinn
2 The centres of the rebellion in Galway were Athenry and Lough-
rea. These were described by County Inspector Clayton in his evi-
dence before the Royal Commission, as " the black spots in Gal-
way." " There were secret societies in this district at all times for
years past. They were the centres of much of the land agitation, and
many cold-blooded murders were committed there." Reported in
the Sunday Independent, Dublin, May 28 1916.
3 The leaders executed were the seven who had signed the declara-
tion proclaiming the formation of the Irish Republic, viz. P. H.
Pearse, Thomas MacDonagh, Joseph Plunkett, Edmund Kent,
Thomas J. Clarke, James Connolly and John McDermott, together
with such prominent leaders as Edward Daly, William Pearse,
Cornelius Colbert, J. J. Heaston, Michael O'Hanrahan, John Mc-
Bride and Michael Mallin. To these must be added Thomas Kent,
who was executed for the murder of Head Constable Rowe at Fer-
moy on May 2.
4 The attitude of Nationalists towards Sinn Fein before the
rebellion, and generally the temper of politics in Ireland, are well
illustrated by the following extracts from an account in the Irish
Times of Jan. 29 1916 of an attempt made by the Sinn Feiners to
give a concert at Carrickmore in Tyrone :
" Desperate fighting of a hand-to-hand character ensued, both
within and without the hall, but for the most part the Sinn Feiners
held the school, while the Nationalists remained outside. . . .
The Sinn Feiners cheered for the Kaiser, and there were shouts of
' Carson ' whilst the Nationalists cheered the Allies and the con-
stabulary. . . . Then the Nationalists, having gathered all their
reenforcements, delivered a united and determined attack on the
roof, doors and windows of the school. . . . An indescribable scene
followed. . . . There were shrieks for the Kaiser from the Sinn
Feiners, and counter-cheers for the Allies, King George and the
constabulary, from the Nationalists. The fighting continued till
half-past nine o'clock, when the Sinn Feiners decided to abandon
the concert, and they were escorted home by the police."
564
IRELAND
Fein point of view, from a pitiful failure into a famous success.
One cause of this change though not the main one was
undoubtedly the trial and execution of the leaders; for the Irish,
though they have no native horror of violence and murder,
cannot bear the long-drawn-out procedure of a trial for life or
death; and the slow and secret procedure of the court-martial,
with the execution day by day of small batches of the condemned
men, revolted every instinct of their nature. That the sentences,
according to the codes of all civilized nations, were just, made
no difference. Public opinion swung suddenly and violently
round. The book-shops of Dublin, in an incredibly short time,
reflected the public sentiment by filling their windows with the
portraits and works of the " martyrs."
To this sentimental appeal a practical one, even more potent,
was soon to be added. By Nationalist Ireland the rebellion
had been condemned as criminal folly because it was believed
that it had indefinitely postponed all prospect of Home Rule;
and it was generally thought that the Government would
seize the occasion to extend the Military Service Act to Ireland.
Mr. Asquith, however, believing that the punishment already
inflicted had been enough to prove the power of the Government,
determined to try a policy of generous conciliation. He was
helped in this by the attitude of certain of the Nationalist
members, who, feeling that their influence in Ireland was in
danger, showed a disposition to " hedge " in the matter of the
rebellion. On May n Mr. John Dillon, Mr. Redmond's
principal lieutenant, moved the adjournment of the House to
discuss the executions, and in the course of a violent speech, in
which he accused the Government and soldiers of washing out
the life-work of the Nationalist party in " a sea of blood," he
took occasion to say that he was " proud of the rebels." In
his reply Mr. Asquith defended Gen. Maxwell and the troops
from the wild charges brought against them, and announced
that he himself was going to Ireland that evening to consult the
civil and military authorities with a view to arriving at some
arrangement for the future government of Ireland that would
commend itself to all parties.
The days spent by Mr. Asquith in Ireland, May 12-8 1916,
mark an epoch in Irish history. The mere fact of having
brought the Prime Minister to Ireland was in itself
a triumph for Sinn Fein. But, in addition to talk-
ing with " representative exponents of the various
shades and complexions of Irish opinion," Mr.
Asquith visited the prisons and " talked with
the utmost freedom to a large number of those who had been
arrested and detained." 1 The effect was immediate. The
prisoners, who had been depressed and in some cases penitent,
realized that they had won a victory; their demeanour after
Mr. Asquith's departure completely changed and they became
boastful, truculent and unruly. 2 The effect was completed
when, after his return to London, the Prime Minister announced
to the House of Commons (May 25) that the dominant impres-
sion left on his mind by his visit was " the breakdown of the
existing machinery of Irish Government," and that he had
commissioned Mr. Lloyd George to negotiate with the Irish
party leaders with a view to a compromise which would enable
the Government of Ireland Act to be brought into immediate
operation. The rebellion was thus advertised to all the world
as the most successful failure in history. So far from destroy-
ing the prospects of Home Rule it had brought that blessing
within measurable distance, and what years of constitutional
agitation had failed to secure had been secured by one short
week's armed argument. At the end of the year the police
reports from every part of Ireland announced a general move-
ment of Nationalist opinion towards Sinn Fein.*
1 Mr. Asquith's statement in the House of Commons (May 25),
The Times May 26.
1 From information supplied by an official eye-witness.
* " At the time of the rebellion the people generally condemned
it, but the speeches of Mr. Dillon and others in the House of Com-
mons on the subject, and the visit of the Prime Minister to Ireland
in order to effect a settlement of the Home Rule question caused a
strong reaction in Nationalist circles in favour of the rebels, as it was
Mr.
Asquith's
Visit to
Ireland.
Irish
Opinion
and the
Proposed
"Parti-
tion."
A new weapon was put into the hands of Sinn Fein as the
outcome of the negotiations conducted, under the auspices
of MR Lloyd George, between the Nationalist and
Ulster leaders with a view to a compromise. On </o/. a
June 10 Mr. Redmond announced to a meeting Settlement.
of his supporters in Dublin that Mr. Lloyd George
had proposed in the name of the Government that the Home
Rule Act should be brought into immediate operation, but that
an amending bill should be introduced providing for the re-
tention of the Irish members at Westminster, and for the ex-
clusion of six Ulster counties from the operation of the Act
during the continuance of the war and for a short period after
it. On the I2th the Ulster Unionist Council, whilst reaffirming
its unalterable objection to Home Rule, decided in the interests
of the Empire to give full authority to Sir Edward Carson to
continue negotiations with Mr. Lloyd George on the basis of
the definite exclusion of the six counties. Mr. Joseph Devlin
used all his great influence to persuade his followers in Belfast
to agree; and on June 23 a meeting of Nationalists from the six
counties decided by a large majority to accept the principle of
temporary exclusion.
What followed is somewhat obscure. It is clear, however,
that there must from the first have been a misunderstanding
or what might be regarded as a misrepresentation;
for the Ulstermen were as little disposed as ever
to come under a Home Rule Government, except
by their own consent. By the southern Union-
ists, on the other hand, and the large body of those
living in the counties of Ulster which were not
among those excluded, the suggested compromise was
viewed with dismay, and numerous meetings of protest were
held, at which it was pointed out, with some force, that in
making special arrangements for the six counties the northern
Protestants had been guilty of breaking the solemn Covenant
to which they had subscribed three years earlier. 4 Whatever
the reason may have been original misunderstanding, or
subsequent Unionist pressure within the Cabinet the statement
made by Mr. Asquith on July 10 as to the suggested settlement,
and still more Lord Lansdowne's glosses on it in the House of
Lords, roused indignant protests from Mr. Redmond and his
followers, for it became known that a pledge had been given
to Sir Edward Carson that the six counties would be definitely
excluded from the operation of the Act 'and could not be in-
cluded again without a fresh bill. This, together with Lord
Lansdowne's statement that Gen. Maxwell would be retained
in his command, that the Defence of the Realm Regulations
would be strengthened, and that the prisoners would not be
amnestied, was described by Mr. Redmond as an insult to
Ireland and tantamount to a declaration of war against the
Irish people; he demanded strict adherence to the basis of the
negotiations to which he had agreed and announced that any
departure from this would bring the negotiations to an end.
Matters came to a crisis on the 24th, when, in answer to Mr.
Redmond, the Prime Minister said he would not introduce any
felt that the rebellion had done more than ten years of constitutional
agitation to convince the Government of the urgent necessity for
Home Rule " (police report from county Monaghan).
" Then came the visit of the Prime Minister to Ireland, his
statement in the House of Commons, the announcement that Home
Rule must immediately be granted, followed by Mr. Dillon's speech
in the House eulogizing the rebels, and finally the letters of the
Bishop of Limerick (Dr. O'Dwyer, who denounced the execution of
the ' poor boys ' who had headed the rebellion). These changed the
whole feeling. The Sinn Feiners from being objects of contempt
became heroes " (report from county Tyrone).
" The people generally had no sympathy with the rebels until
after Mr. Asquith's speech in the House of Commons and his visit
to Ireland, which, coupled with the execution of the leaders, com-
pletely changed the feelings of a large number of people " (report from
Kilkenny).
* The Ulster argument was that they were keeping the Covenant
in spirit, if not in the letter, because a separate Ulster Government,
with a Catholic minority under it, would be a better guarantee for
the just treatment of Protestants in Catholic Ireland than if the
whole Protestant body were to form a minority in a Catholic State.
IRELAND
565
bill unless there were substantial agreement between the parties.
This meant the collapse of the whole effort, Mr. Lloyd George
asserting that it was impossible to bring the Act into operation
during the war except on the terms announced by the Prime
Minister. Mr. Redmond, for his part, pointed out the " de-
plorable effects in Ireland " of the failure of the
down'of Government to carry out the terms of the agreement,
tne^Nezo- a failure which was bound to increase Irish suspicion
nations. o f their good faith, and ended by announcing that,
while he would continue to support the war, he
would henceforth hold himself free to criticize the conduct of
the Government.
The temper of the Nationalists was not improved by Mr.
Asquith's announcement on July 31 that Mr. (afterwards Sir
Henry) Duke, a Unionist, had been appointed to succeed Mr.
Birrell as Chief Secretary, and by the further appointment of
Mr. (afterwards Sir) James Campbell, junior member for
Trinity College and Sir Edward Carson's lieutenant in the
Ulster movement, as Irish Attorney-General. This " restora-
tion of the Castle regime, with a Unionist executive " was, in
Mr. Redmond's language, another insult to Ireland, and on
Aug. i a Nationalist meeting in Dublin protested against it.
The only gainers by Mr. Asquith's unfortunate attempts
at a settlement by compromise were the Sinn Feiners, who from
this moment never allowed the Irish people to
Decline of forget that Mr. Redmond and his party had con-
OTon^rs" sented to the " partition of Ireland." Mr. Redmond
influence, did his best to undo these disastrous effects of
his moderation. When, in the autumn, the question
of extending the Military Service Act to Ireland was again
raised, and its extension strongly supported by Irish Unionists,
he threw himself into violent opposition. To his constituents
at Waterford, on Oct. 6, he said that " conscription " was the
most fatal thing that could happen to Ireland, and on the i8th,
two days after the publication of the report of the Royal Com-
mission on the shooting of Mr. Sheehy-Skefnngton, 1 he moved
a resolution in the House of Commons practically amounting
to a vote of censure; charged the Government with maintaining
in Ireland a system of administration inconsistent with the
principles for which the Allies were fighting; demanded the
recall of Gen. Maxwell and the abrogation of martial law; asked
for the release of 500 untried prisoners, and the treatment of
the rest as prisoners of war; and ended by adjuring the Govern-
ment to show its trust of the Irish people by putting the Home
Rule Act into immediate operation.
To all this Mr. Asquith replied, with perfect accuracy, that
though martial law existed in Ireland, it was not in operation, 2
the occasional suspensions of the right to trial by
"i!aw "'/n J ury being under the Defence of the Realm Act. Mr.
Ireland. Duke, the Chief Secretary, said with equal truth that
the real obstacle to Home Rule was the disagreement
among Irishmen, and that the only chance of obtaining it was
for them to present an agreed scheme to Parliament. As for
1 Mr. Sheehy-Skeffington, with two others, had been captured
in the streets by a small party of soldiers under Capt. Bowen Coul-
thurst and taken as prisoner to Portobello Barracks. All three were
subsequently shot by order of Bowen Coulthurst. This officer was
tried by court-martial and was adjudged to be insane; his mind had
been affected at the front, he had been sent to Dublin to " rest,"
and it was held that the horror and excitement at the outbreak of the
rebellion had developed what the evidence showed to be religious
mania. The Royal Commission found that Mr. Skeffington had no
connexion with the rebellion, that he was in principle a " pacifist,"
and that he had been engaged in making an appeal to prevent looting
and violence. He belonged, however, to the Sinn Fein organization,
had taken an active part in the Republican propaganda, and had
lectured in the United States against the cause of the Allies. In
view of the fact that Mrs. Sheehy-Skeffington, during her lecture
tour in America, denounced the " cruel English eyes " of the un-
fortunate young officer who killed her husband, it is necessary to
add that he was not English, but belonged to a very old Irish family.
2 The present writer was in Dublin during this year and is able
to vouch for the truth of this. The life of the ordinary citizen, after
the removal of the curfew and other restrictions which immediately
followed the rebellion, was absolutely uninterfered with. The powers
under martial law were merely held in reserve to be used in case of
" martial law," peaceful Irish subjects must be protected, and
there were men still free in Ireland who were ready at the first
opportunity to repeat the proceedings of Easter week.
That this was true, and that these men were still looking
for help to Germany, is proved by the intercepted correspondence
of Count Bernstorff, the German ambassador in Washington.
" No parades of volunteers are allowed," wrote an anonymous
correspondent to him on June 30 1916, " the organization is
supposed to be dead, but they are keeping in touch with each
other and their spirit is excellent. Very few arms have been
given up in the country and no munitions. . . . Though many
arms are hidden safely there are not sufficient for future offence,
unless supplemented. . . . Our present position is this: There
is not a leader left. The men are there and the women too,
full of spirit, but all the real brains of the organization are dead
or locked up. Anyone who could voice the desires of the coun-
try to be represented at the Peace Conference is not here to do
it. ... What we need now is to get into touch with America if
possible. . . . Teh 1 John Devoy and the Clan-na-Gael that our
hearts are full of courage, but that we count on them to help
us." The fear that a measure of Home Rule might be granted
and that John Redmond might go to the Peace Conference as
Ireland's representative torments the writer: " Better martial
law and Gen. Maxwell." 3
There was in fact no martial law in Ireland; for martial
law implies the entire supersession of the ordinary law, of which
Mr. Duke, the new Chief Secretary, was a meticu-
lously jealous guardian. The result of the consequent R* vlval
friction between the civil and military authorities sinn Fein.
presently became apparent ; on Nov. 5 Gen. Maxwell
was recalled, under pressure from the Nationalist members
in Parliament; and Sinn Fein, which had fallen silent during
the months succeeding the rebellion, gathered courage to
revive its active propaganda.
On Dec. 9 The Irishman explained the policy of Sinn Fein to be
" a combination of passive resistance to foreign aggression and of
a coordinated development of national resources, together with the
fostering of national characteristics. It rejects Parliamentarism
and other such methods, and seeks in a National Council a lever to
upset the whole foreign administration of the country." 4 On the
3Oth New Ireland appeared with an article deploring the life-long
imprisonment of Eoin MacNeill, who "saw in the Irish Volunteers
the only protection against the armed violence of the Primrose
League and its dupes," another entitled " Ireland's Revenge "
ascribing the refusal of conscription in Australia to the effect of the
Easter week rebellion, and yet another (" What will Ireland do?")
in which a Catholic curate argued that it was not to Ireland's inter-
est to help to " put down Germany " and compared the lot of Ireland
under the British unfavourably with that of Belgium or Poland
under the Germans.
Early in 1917 the police reported that the seditious press
was becoming very daring and that its influence was probably
increasing. On Feb. 17 a new Sinn Fein weekly, the Irish
World, made its appearance, and on the same day Mr. Arthur
Griffith resumed the publication of Nationality with an article
in which he denounced Mr. Redmond for his speech of May 3
1916, in which he had spoken of the " guilt " of the instigators
and promoters of the rebellion. All this, in the language of
the police reports, was " a bold renewal of the campaign carried
out before the rebellion," and both Gen. Sir Brian Mahon,
who had succeeded Gen. Maxwell in the Irish command, and
the heads of the police pressed the Chief Secretary to take
strong measures. Mr. Duke, however, declined to direct the
seizure of these papers, and the seditious propaganda, as in Mr.
Birrell's day, went on practically unchecked.
absolute necessity. An extraordinary latitude, not to say licence,
was allowed to the seditious press, and even to seditious action so
long as it kept within certain limits and did not threaten to lead to
breaches of the peace.
3 Documents relative to the Sinn Fein Movement (Cmd. 1108), p. 17.
4 Note that, with the exception of the Chief Secretary, the
whole administration of the country was at that time in the hands
of Irishmen. The " Castle " is the name given to the whole group of
buildings occupying the site of the old royal castle in Dublin, in-
cluding the Lord Lieutenant's town residence and the Irish Gov-
ernment offices.
566
IRELAND
America
Eaten the
War. New
Sinn Fein
Policy.
The year 1917 was, indeed, an extremely critical one for the
Union Government in Ireland, and saw the beginnings of that
policy of alternate concession and repression which
was to lead to the disastrous situation of 1920 and
1921. The entry of the United States into the war
on the side of the Entente was, of course, a blow to
the Sinn Feiners. They did not, however, give up
the idea of securing separate representation for Ireland
at the Peace Conference, and meanwhile they revived the plan
of making " English " Government in the island impossible
by an organized system of passive resistance to, and boycotting
of, the authorities. To make this system a success, however,
it was necessary to enlist the active sympathy of the mass of
the agricultural population, and to this task they set themselves.
The old motives of agrarian discontent were no longer available
for political purposes; for owing to the rise in the value of prod-
uce the small holders were enjoying an immense prosperity;
it was only here and there that the police reported agrarian
disturbances arising out of the agitation for the breaking up of
the grazing lands. It was necessary to find other means of
appealing to the Irish farmers and peasants, and these means
were found in the possible effects upon Ireland of Great Britain's
need for men, money and food to carry on the great struggle,
which had reached its most critical stage with the beginning
of the " ruthless " submarine war by Germany in Feb. of that
year. The " anti-conscription " cry had already served its
purpose. To this were now added appeals to the farmers on
the ground that Ireland would be bled white by war-taxation
and starved in order that the British might be fed.
Of these cries the most effective, next to " conscription,"
was the promise that independent Ireland would be relieved not
only of war-taxation but also of the whole burden of the national
debt, 1 and there can be no doubt that it largely contributed to
the later victories of Sinn Fein at the polls. But more immediate
and obvious in its effect was the agitation against the system
of food-control which the submarine menace had made necessary.
" The ' clutching hand ' is out to capture our food," was the
cry; 2 the maximum meat prices would destroy the cattle trade;
and the export of bacon and butter to England would lead to
starvation in Ireland. All this had its effect. The Govern-
ment, following the traditional policy of humouring Ireland,
excluded her from the more drastic conditions of the food-control,
and actually forbade the free export of bacon and butter to
England. It is not too much to say that during the critical
years of the war Ireland was not only more peaceful and pros-
perous than she had ever been, but was the only peaceful and
prosperous country in Europe.
But Sinn Fein, encouraged by the almost complete immunity
of its press which even the censorship could only control within
very narrow limits continued its preparations. The
e ^ beginning of the year saw the launching of the
Plot. official Sinn Fein organization in the United States
(Jan. 1 8) under the auspices of the Friends of Irish
Freedom, and a beginning was made of a vast propaganda,
which was to flood the world with the most amazing myths
about conditions in Ireland. The new point d'appui in America,
however, was to be used for more than propaganda, and early
in Feb. the Government learned that the Germans had planned
to land another huge consignment of arms and ammunition
on the coast of Galway between the 2ist and 25th of the month.
1 " Ireland repudiates financial responsibility for the payment
of interest on England's war loan and proposes to back her repudia-
tion with all the forces at her command. (Mr. Arthur Griffith, in
Nationality, Feb. 24 1917.)
" The club formed at Castlemahon, Newcastle-west, is urging the
local farmers to consider the present taxation, and the trend of
future taxation. Other districts, please copy this headline." (Na-
tionality, June 9 1917.)
" Ireland will be bled of all her resources, and a terrible emigra-
tion will ensue, if she continues bound to England. If she establishes
her freedom, she will be the only nation in Europe free of a national
debt." Mr. Darrell Figgis at Ennis, July 41917 (Irish Times, July 5).
* Nationality, Aug. 4 1917.
Slaa Fein
and the
Nation-
alist Party.
" Adequate arrangements were made, and the consignments
did not reach Ireland "; but it was clear that Sinn Fein, through
its agents in America, was still in touch with Berlin and still
hoped for a German victory. It was this hope which inspired
the Sinn Fein executive with the idea of drawing up a statement
of " Ireland's Case for a Peace Conference," claiming sovereign
independence, and demanding from the Powers to be assembled
that " that sovereignty be now recognized and established
under their security." 3 In Germany the " Case" had a sym-
pathetic reception, and shortly after the American declaration
of war (April 4) a " German-Irish Society " was founded in
Berlin by Prof. Kuno Meyer, acting in concert with St. John
Gaffney, a former American consul, and Dr. George Chatterton-
Hill, " a soi-disant Irishman, born in Madras, educated at
Geneva, and resident for many years in Germany." 4 Its
organ, Irische Blatter, held out the prospect to Ireland of being
made self-reliant " by the employment of efficient German
education, industrial organization and military training."
The Irish Nationalist party viewed with alarm the growing
influence of Sinn Fein, whose organs presently increased by
a new batch of weeklies, The Leader, Irish Opinion,
The Irish Nation and The Phoenix poured derision
and abuse upon Mr. Redmond and his followers.
Mr. John Dillon took the lead in the effort to
counter this campaign. He declared publicly that he
had never stood on a recruiting platform and never would.
In response to his pressure, Mr. Duke announced on Dec. 22
1916 that the 600 rebel prisoners interned in Wales were to be
unconditionally released. But in vain did the Nationalist
organ, the Freeman's Journal, try to make capital out of this
for the Parliamentary party; the Sinn Fein papers scoffed at its
claims to have effected anything; it was fear, and fear alone,
which had dictated the action of the Government ; " one direct
appeal to America by the Dublin Corporation effected more
than all the ' blethers ' at Westminster." 6
The release of the interned rebels was greeted by the Sinn
Fein as a triumph; and on Feb. 5 it gained its first victory at the
polls by the return of Count George Plunkett, father
of one of the executed leaders of the Easter re-
bellion, for North Roscommon. 6 The discovery of
the German plan to land arms followed; the Govern-
ment decided to take vigorous measures; and 28 Sinn Fein
agitators, all of them implicated in the late rebellion, were
arrested on the 23rd and deported by order of Sir Brian Mahon
under the Defence of the Realm Regulations. The Nationalist
party now took a further step in the direction of Sinn Fein,
Mr. Dillon moving the adjournment of the House of Commons
on the 26th as a protest against the deportation of men without
trial. On March 7 Mr. T. P. O'Connor, member for the Scot-
land division of Liverpool, moved a resolution in favour of the
immediate bestowal upon Ireland of " the free institutions
long promised her," and in the course of the debate that followed
Mr. Lloyd George, who had succeeded Mr. Asquith
as Prime Minister on Dec. 5 1916, defined the principle
on which the Government was prepared to act.
The Government, he said, was willing to give Home
Rule at once to any part of Ireland which desired it,
but could not take any action to force Home Rule on
the portion of Ireland to which it was repugnant.
He suggested that the details of a settlement on this basis might
be arranged either by a conference of Irishmen or by a commis-
sion, and ended by moving an amendment welcoming any settle-
ment that did not involve the coercion of any part
of Ireland. This was met by a violent protest by
Mr. Redmond, in the name of the Nationalist party,
who said that he would enter into no more negotiations, that the
Government was playing into the hands of Sinn Fein, and that
* Copies of this " Case " were seized by the police at the Sinn
Fein headquarters in Dublin on May 18 1918.
4 See Doc. rel. to the Sinn Fein Movement (Cmd. 1108), Appendix C
' New Ireland, quoted in Notes from Ireland, No. I, vol. 26, p. 2.
The figures were Plunkett (S. F.) 1,708; Tully (Nat.) 687.
Roscom-
moa
Election.
Mr. Lloyd
George
on an
Irish
Settle-
ment.
Nationalist
Protest.
IRELAND
567
he and his followers would withdraw and consider apart what
they would do. The Nationalists then left the House in a body.
Next day they held a meeting, at which a statement was
drawn up repudiating the right of a small minority in N.E. Ulster
to have a veto on self-government for a united Ireland, and
appealing to men of Irish blood in the Dominions and the
United States to bring pressure to bear upon the Government
to act towards Ireland " in accordance with the principles for
which they were fighting in Europe."
For more than two months no further open attempts at a
settlement were made, and meanwhile in Ireland itself Sinn
Fein gathered courage and force. On Feb. 23 it had
Agitation gained a footing in the Dublin Mansion House when
Amnesty. Alderman O'Neill succeeded Sir William Gallagher
as Lord Mayor. On March 6 a Royal Irish constable
was fired at and wounded in Ennistymon a sinister portent
in the light of later events. On the 2ist Count Plunkett, who
had received the freedom of the city of Sligo four days earh'er,
issued a circular calling for a Sinn Fein conference and stating
that the duty had been cast upon him of inaugurating a policy
for Ireland. As the anniversary of Easter week approached the
tension increased. On April 2 the Dublin Corporation passed
a resolution demanding an amnesty of the rebel prisoners, and
on the pth (Easter Monday) there were disturbances in Dublin,
where the Sinn Fein flag was hoisted on the ruins of the Post
Office, and in Cork, where, after high mass in the cathedral for the
souls of the executed leaders, a noisy crowd of Sinn Fein demon-
strators had to be dispersed by the police. The most significant
episode, however, was the meeting at the Dublin Mansion
House, on April 19, of the conference summoned by Count
Plunkett. There were present between 500 and 600 delegates
from elective bodies throughout the country, and
Omaniza- from labour organizations, the Ancient Order of
'sinn'rein.' Hibernians, Sinn Fein clubs and the Women's League,
together with about 100 representatives of the
younger Roman Catholic clergy. In his address Count Plunkett
declared that " they would not be fettered slaves and that
any offer that England had to make that was short of complete
liberty would be treated with contempt," and he ended by
proposing a long series of resolutions asserting the right of Ireland
to complete independence and to representation at the Peace
Conference, and pledging those present " to use every means
in their power " to attain the complete liberty of Ireland. After
these resolutions had been carried unanimously, Mr. John
Milroy moved, and Mr. Arthur Griffith seconded, a resolution
in favour of united action between such bodies as Sinn Fein,
the Nation League, the Irish-American Alliance, the Irish
Volunteers, and the Irish Labour party, and proposing that,
in order to secure control of public institutions and elective
bodies, a Council, to be called the Executive Council of the
Irish National Alliance, be created, with instructions to bring
into being at the earliest possible moment a constituent assembly,
to be known as the Council of the Irish Nation. This resolu-
tion, however, the chairman refused to put to the meeting,
as too directly aimed against a still powerful section of National-
ist opinion, and he substituted one couched in more general
terms, namely, " That we desire to establish an organization
to unite Irish advanced opinion, and provide for action as a
result of its conclusion." This was carried by acclamation. 1
Sinn Fein was thus provided with the nucleus of a national
organization. It was soon to be provided once more with the
brains to make this organization effective.
On May 16 the Prime Minister addressed to Mr. Redmond a
letter in which he made two alternative proposals for the
settlement of the Irish question: (i) the immedi-
Fresh ate introduction of a bill for the application of the
Proposals ^cl o f I g I ^ t subject to an amendment providing
Settlement, for the exclusion for five years of the counties of N.E.
Ulster; (2) the summoning of a Convention of
Irishmen of all parties for the purpose of devising a scheme
for Irish self-government. That the first of these proposals
1 Irish Times, April 20 1917.
would find favour was improbable, in view of the unpopularity
already incurred by the Nationalist party owing to their con-
cessions to the principle of " partition "; and the improbability
was increased by another Sinn Fein victory at the polls on May
10, Mr. McGuinness, the Sinn Fein candidate, being returned
by a majority of 37 over the official candidate of the Nationalist
party. 2 Mr. Redmond, accordingly, rejected the first proposal,
but accepted the second, which certainly gave a better prospect
of some tangible result. On behalf of the Southern Unionists
Lord Midleton also agreed, on condition that the Convention
should be fully representative, and that its decision should be
subject to review by the Imperial Parliament. The representa-
tives of Ulster in Parliament said that they would lay the
Prime Minister's proposal before the Ulster Unionist Council.*
Count Plunkett, on the other hand, without waiting for the
Government scheme, announced on May 18 that Sinn Fein
would take no part in it.
Undeterred by this attitude of Sinn Fein, the Government
announced on May 21 that they would summon an Irish
Convention empowered to submit to the Imperial
Parliament a scheme for the future self-government Msh
of Ireland within the Empire. In making this % ' a v A ' n '.
announcement the Prime Minister said that if the aouaced.
Convention reached substantial agreement, the
Government would give legislative effect to its decision. It was
not, he added, to be an assembly merely of politicians, but of
representatives of all Irish interests and opinions, including Sinn
Fein. The Government letter was to define the terms of
reference, and the debates, in order to obviate undue pressure
and intimidation from without, would be held with closed doors.
On June n the Prime Minister announced the composition of
the Convention. Invitations were to be sent to 101 repre-
sentative Irishmen chairmen of county and borough councils,
with elected representatives from small towns and urban dis-
tricts; four Roman Catholic bishops, the Protestant archbishops
of Armagh and Dublin, and the moderator of the Presbyterian
Church; the chairmen of the Dublin, Belfast and Cork chambers
of commerce; five representatives of labour from the Trade
Councils of Dublin and Cork and the Trade Unions of Belfast;
five members each from the Nationalist party, the Ulster Union-
ists and the Southern Unionists, two from the O'Brienites, 4
and two Irish peers. Five seats were reserved for Sinn Fein;
and the Government proposed to nominate the chairman and
15 prominent Irishmen of all sections of opinion. Among
those thus nominated were Dr. Mahaffy, Provost of Trinity
College, and Mr. George Russell (" A. E. "), whose " Thoughts
for the Convention," published in the Irish Times, won the
approval of that fiery Nationalist, Archbishop Walsh
of Dublin. Finally, on June 15, Mr. Bonar Law Release
announced in the House of Commons that, " in sinnFein
order that the Convention may meet in an atmos- convicts.
phere of harmony and good -will," the Government
had decided to release all the prisoners convicted and sen-
tenced for their share in the rebellion of 1916.
This release was unconditional. There was no such " iron-clad "
oath as the North had imposed upon the South after the Ameri-
can Civil War. The released Sinn Feiners were free to exercise
all the rights of citizenship without first swearing allegiance to
the United Kingdom; still less were they required to make a
statement, before voting or taking office, that in sharing in the
rebellion they had been guilty of " treason and felony." It
was an act of political generosity without parallel in history.
In Ireland it was very generally regarded as an act of political
folly equally without parallel. The Lord Mayor might, in
addressing his Corporation, hail the release as " a happy omen
of peace and good-will "; but by the mass of the Irish people
2 The figures were: McGuinness, 1,498; McKenna; 1,461.
3 The Ulster Council consented on condition that no scheme
should be forced on Ulster to which its representatives did not con-
sent (June 8).
4 Mr. William O'Brien, on June 18, announced his refusal to at-
tend the Convention, on the ground that nine-tenths of its members
were " pawned beforehand to partitionist compromise."
568
IRELAND
it was looked upon as yet another victory for Sinn Fein, and the
released leaders were quick to proclaim it as the outcome not
of generosity, but of fear. 1 From the first they made their
intentions perfectly clear; and their intentions were not peace-
ful. On the very day of their release (June 18) they joined
in signing two appeals to the President and Congress
Slaa Fein of the United States, calling attention, in the name
Appeals to o f " t jj e provisional Government of the Irish Re-
Presideat , ,. ' -, ,,... , . .
Wilson. public, to Mr. Wilson s statement, in his recent
letter to the new Russian Government, that " no
people must be forced under a sovereignty under which it does
not wish to live "; denouncing the " English conspiracy against
Ireland " and John Redmond's share in it, notably the " hypocrit-
ical sham on the Statute Book " (the Act of 1914) ; representing
the proposed Convention as but a device to find out the minimum
that Ireland would accept; and ending by expressing their deter-
mination to be content with nothing short of the practical appli-
cation in the case of Ireland of the principles which the President
had enunciated, viz. that of the right of small nations to independ-
ence of foreign control. "We are engaged," the appeal of the
" officers " concluded, " and mean to engage ourselves in the
practical means for establishing this right." 2
They lost no time in setting to work to organize these practical
means. The arrival of 118 released prisoners in Dublin
was celebrated by a procession in which Sinn Fein
Return flags were liberally displayed. The return of the
Released liberated prisoners to Cork was the signal for a riot,
Pr/soaers. i n the course of which the gaol was wrecked and
the military had to fire on the mob. Edward
(Eamonn) De Valera, who had been one of the leaders of the
1916 rebellion, at once became the most conspicuous figure
in the movement. In vain the Roman Catholic
Attitude hierarchy issued, on June 19, an " instruction " to
of the priests warning them against " dangerous associa-
Cathoiic tions " and " organizations that plot against the
Church or lawfully constituted authority," and
reminding them that it was strictly forbidden by the
statutes of the National Synod " to speak of politics or kindred
subjects in church." 3 Among the younger priests national
sentiment proved in the long run stronger than ecclesiastical
discipline; and the Sinn Feiners knew well that, if they could
carry the mass of the people with them, sooner or later the
Church would also fall into line. And it seemed as though the
mass of the people were willing to be carried. There were,
indeed, spasmodic outbreaks against the revolutionists, as
when, on July 9, Countess Markievicz was attacked by a Nation-
alist mob at Ennis. But the true trend of public feeling was
soon to be revealed by the election for the parliamentary repre-
sentation of East Clare, vacant owing to the death of Maj. Willie
Redmond at the front. Mr. De Valera had already been select-
East Clan e< ~^ as ^ ^ mn ^ n can ^idate, and on July u he
Election. was returned by a majority of nearly 3,000 votes over
his Nationalist opponent. 4 He was not slow to point
the moral of his victory. In Clare itself he had said that if
the Irish people would only combine, they could easily make
" English law " impossible.
. Addressing a large crowd in Dublin on the day following
the election he explained the method of the combination. It
must be under the Republican flag, and no other, and if Ulster
stood in the way of Irish freedom, Ulster would have to be
coerced. 6 This was said on July 12, the day of the Boyne
celebrations, the resumption of which showed that the men of
Ulster had no intention of being coerced. Six days later an
event of sinister import occurred Mr. Redmond's severance
of his connexion with the National Volunteers (July 18). Col.
1 De Valera in conversation with Mr. John Balderston, McClure's
correspondent in Ireland.
2 Doc, rel. to the Sinn Fein Movement, pp. 30 ff .
* The Instruction was signed by the Cardinal Archbishop of
Armagh and the bishops of Cloyne and Ross (Irish Times, June 20
I9I7)-
4 The figures were: De Valera, 5,010; P. Lynch, 2,035.
* 7mA Times, July 13 1917.
The
Conven-
tion.
Maurice Moore, 6 their commander, now announced that a
convention would be held to nominate a governing body; and
it was held, under his chairmanship, on Aug. 5,
when it was decided to reaffirm allegiance to the Keor x aal -
original declaration of the Volunteers and to elect a* the
a committee to negotiate a reunion with the Irish Volunteers.
Volunteers. Thus began the formidable organization
of the Irish Republican Army; and such was the " atmos-
phere " in which, on July 25, the Convention met to discuss
and settle the future government of Ireland.
The meeting-place of the Convention was in the hall (known
as the Regent House) over the entrance gate of Trinity
College, which had been placed at its disposal by
the Provost and Fellows. It was felt that the selec-
tion of Trinity as the scene of its labours was sym-
bolical of the hoped-for fusion of the two conflicting
streams of Irish political sentiment; for the old college founded
by Queen Elizabeth, though traditionally loyal, had been a
fruitful mother of Irish Nationalist leaders, among its alumni
being Wolfe Tone and Robert Emmet. It was, however, of
evil augury that the assembling of the members was greeted by
no popular demonstrations. It was noted, too, that the dele-
gates were nearly all elderly men ; young Ireland stood contemp-
tuously and ostentatiously aside; and, indeed, among Irishmen
generally there was little belief in any satisfactory outcome of
the deliberations. Yet the earlier meetings gave the happiest
promise. In Sir Francis Hopwood (afterwards Lord Southbor-
ough) the Convention had a secretary who brought to its aid his
experience of the not very dissimilar problems presented by the
negotiating of the Union of S. Africa, and the general good-will
of the members was advertised by the unanimous election to
the chair of Sir Horace Plunkett, who had proclaimed his
conversion to Home Rule, but without attaching himself to
any political party. A grand committee of 20 was elected to
consider schemes presented under the terms of reference and to
select those considered suitable for discussion. On Aug. 21
the Convention met to consider these schemes, most of which
suggested a form of government on the Dominion model, but
with modifications to suit the peculiar conditions of Ireland.
These debates lasted till Sept. 27, during which time the Con-
vention visited and held several sessions in Belfast and Cork.
On the latter date it was decided to refer the various schemes
to the grand committee to report, and the Bishop of Raphoe,
one of the representatives of the Roman Catholic hierarchy,
was commissioned by the chairman to draft the heads of a
scheme to serve as the basis of discussion in the committee.
The Grand Committee met on Oct. u, and, to facilitate
business, decided to delegate the task of examining the draft
scheme to a sub-committee of nine, other sub-committees
being appointed to deal with the questions of electoral areas
and representation, defence and police, and land purchase.
The final report of the committee was presented on Nov. 21.
It stated that it had arrived at certain provisional conclusions
on most of the heads, but that these were all contingent on full
agreement being reached on the general scheme. It was soon
clear that no such general agreement was likely to be reached.
The first point of fundamental disagreement was as to the safe-
guards to be provided for permanent minorities. It had been
agreed in the sub-committee that the Unionists, 7 North and South,
should be guaranteed a 40% representation in the lower House
of the Parliament, this proportion to be made up, when necessary,
by nomination. This proposal was submitted by the Ulster
representatives to the advisory committee, outside the Con-
6 Brother of George Moore, the novelist. He had commanded a
battalion of the Connaught Rangers.
7 In Ireland the words " Unionist " and " Protestant " are
practically synonymous and are commonly used alternatively.
" Unionists," as such, would of course cease to exist under Home
Rule, and the " safeguard " suggested would therefore have meant
the stereotyping of parties on sectarian lines. The objection of
Ulster, however, was that the nomination of parliamentary repre-
sentatives is undemocratic and quite unsuitable to a democratic and
industrial community such as N.E. Ulster.
IRELAND
569
vention, which had been set up to watch and guide their pro-
ceedings; and this decided that the proposal, though perhaps
defensible in the case of the southern Unionists, could not be
accepted in the case of Ulster. Far more fateful, however,
was the failure to reach an agreement on the fiscal powers to
be given to the Irish Parliament. The Bishop of Raphoe's
scheme contemplated that, pending federation of the United
Kingdom, there should be no Irish representation in the Im-
perial Parliament; provided for the exercise by the Irish Parlia-
ment of complete control over finance, including customs and
excise; and suggested the appointment of a commission to
negotiate a trade, postal and customs union with Great Britain.
These proposals represented a great departure from the principles
of the Act of 1914 and an approximation to the Sinn Fein ideal
of an independent Ireland. They were opposed by the Union-
ists both of the South and North. The former were, indeed,
prepared to concede to the Irish Parliament control of excise;
but the Ulstermen insisted on full control of finance being left
to the Imperial Parliament. Mr. Hugh T. Barrie, chairman
of the Ulster representatives, pointed out in a letter to Sir
Horace Plunkett l that the difference which had brought matters
" nearly to a dead-lock " rested on points of principle and not
of detail. He urged that in matters of fiscal policy and economic
life the interests of Ireland were inseparable from those of Great
Britain, and that there could be no differentiation of taxation
or customs barrier between countries which must continue
to be so intimately associated. The doctrine of fiscal autonomy
was more than " a symbol of political autonomy " as Sir
Horace had described it; it would, under a colonial form of
government, separate the interests of Ireland from those of
Great Britain and thus inevitably lead to the same goal as the
Sinn Feiners desired to reach under a republic. 2 The practical
independence of Ireland, under the Crown, would mean that,
desiring to increase her industrial activities and with prac-
tically no raw material within herself, she would be cut adrift
from the strongest commercial power in the world and have to
rely on her own resources in the welter of economic trouble with
which the world would be faced at the end of the war. Ulster-
men refused to be divorced from the great industrial people
with whom they had so much in common.
On this rock the Convention split. The final report of the
sub-committee, presented on Nov. 21, stated that on the all-
important fiscal question it had been impossible to find a basis
of agreement. The grand committee equally failed; and the
question was introduced in the Convention itself, which debated
it from Dec. 18 to Jan. 24 without coming nearer to a decision,
a compromise suggested by Lord Midleton being rejected by
a combination of Nationalists and Ulstermen. The Conven-
tion was now in danger of breaking up without effecting any-
thing, and on Jan. 21 the Prime Minister addressed a letter
to Sir Horace Plunkett inviting a delegation from the Conven-
tion to go to London to discuss the crisis with the Cabinet, with
a view to arriving at a solution. The invitation was accepted,
but the resulting conferences were fruitless, and the problem
was once more transferred to Dublin for the Convention to
solve as best it might. The Prime Minister still hoped that
substantial agreement might be reached; and on Feb. 21 he
addressed a letter of appeal to Mr. Barrie, the terms of which
left no doubt of his anxiety to effect an immediate settlement
and of his readiness to do all in his power to promote it; and on
the 25th he sent another letter, in almost identical language, to
Sir Horace Plunkett. 3 No appeals and no arguments, however,
could effect a compromise when interests and sentiments were
1 Nov. 14 1917. Report of the Proceedings of the Irish Convention
(Cd. 9019), p. 68. Sched. vii.
* Cf. with this 18 of the " Report of the undersigned Nationalists "
attached to the Report of the chairman of the Convention, p. 38 :
" Federation is not in view. Even if it were, and Ireland were still
intent on retaining control of her customs, her sea boundary, and
her distinct national character, economic interests would give her
a claim in that respect which no member of a federation anywhere
else can advance."
3 The letter to Sir H. Plunkett is printed in the Report, p. 20.
in such diametrical opposition. On March 12 the Convention,
despairing of reaching agreement, passed a compromise pro-
posed by Lord Macdonnell to the effect that customs and
excise should be under the control of the Imperial Parliament
during the war, and thereafter until the question of such control
had been considered and a decision arrived at by the Imperial
Parliament, the decision to be taken not later than seven years
after the conclusion of peace. The motion was carried, but
only by a majority of four in a house of 72 members; the minority
included all the Ulster representatives and a number of National-
ists. Three days later (March 15) Mr. Barrie moved an amend-
ment providing for the exclusion of Ulster from the jurisdiction
of the Irish Parliament. This was defeated by 52 to 19, the
southern Unionists voting with the Nationalists against it. It
marked, however, the definite withdrawal of the Ulster repre-
sentatives from any appearance of compromise with the National-
ist principle, and the Statement of Conclusions reached by the
Convention shows that they voted solidly against all proposals
which involved recognition of the principle of setting up an
Irish Parliament. 4
The scheme, as ultimately accepted by a majority of the
Convention on April 5 1918, provided for the establishment
of a Parliament for the whole of Ireland, with an
executive responsible to it. The Parliament was to
consist of the King, a Senate, and a House of Com- tioa..
mons, but the supreme power and authority of the
Imperial Parliament over all persons and causes in Ireland was
reserved. The Irish Parliament was to have a general power
to make laws for Ireland, subject to certain reservations. Im-
perial matters right of peace or war, army and navy, treaties
and foreign relations, etc. were specifically excluded from its
competence. There were also to be certain restrictions imposed
on its power in matters within its competence, mainly directed
to safeguarding the liberties of the Protestant minority and
the interests of existing Irish officers. To this end also the
Convention accepted the principle that 40% of the member-
ship of the House of Commons should be guaranteed to the
Unionists, the nominated members to disappear in whole or
in part after 15 years. Representation at Westminster was
to continue, 42 members being elected by panels formed in
each of the four provinces by members of the Irish House of
Commons in that province, and a fifth composed of members
nominated by the House of Commons. All branches of taxa-
tion, other than customs and excise, were to be under the control
of the Irish Parliament. The question of customs and excise
was to be postponed in accordance with the terms of Lord
Macdonnell's motion already quoted.
The various sections of the Report had been carried by
majorities varying from 51 to 18, to 38 to 34, and the Report
itself was adopted by a vote of 44 to 29, several prominent
Nationalists, including the Bishop of Raphoe, voting with the
Ulster representatives in the minority. It was clear that on
no points had that substantial agreement been reached which
would alone have justified the Government in attempting a
dangerous constitutional experiment in the midst of the war. 6
In Ireland it was all but universally recognized that the
Convention, for all the common love of country and mutual
good-will between Irishmen of different creeds and
parties which it had revealed, had been a failure. It Failure
belongs to the history of Ireland, but on the future cbnve/i.
development of that history it had, unhappily, no tlon.
influence. It was outside the Convention that the
fate of Ireland was being shaped. The truth is that the " atmos-
phere " provided for the Convention by the release of the Sinn
4 See Report, p. 24, and compare the division list, Appendix xvii.
6 The Ulster Unionist delegates attached to the chairman's
Report a protest of their own. They ascribed the failure of the
Convention to the refusal of the Nationalist members to agree to a
modus vivendi which would both maintain existing fiscal unity,
guarantee protection for the Unionist minority, and ensure the
safety of Irish industrial enterprises, " the vast proportion of which
are situated in the N. E. counties of Ulster, and from which the bulk
of the Irish revenue is derived " (p. 3)-
570
IRELAND
Fein prisoners had been far from wholesome. The Sinn Fein
organization had never been broken up, but it had languished
because its " brains " were in prison. The sickness was now
cured, and it at once displayed an astonishing vitality, Mr. De
Valera, crowned with the double glory of his share in the rebel-
lion and his victory in Clare, becoming its recognized leader.
While the Convention was continuing its more or less amicable
discussions in the academic calm of Trinity College, Sinn Fein ora-
tors were touring the country inspiring increasing crowds of igno-
rant and excitable people with their own venom and their own
views as to how Ireland was to find salvation. Their text,
generally speaking, was the dictum of Parnell, uttered in 1883:
" It is no use relying on the Government ; it is no use relying on
the Irish members; it is no use relying on the House of Commons.
You must rely on your own determination, and if you are
determined, I tell you, you have the game in your hands." 1
Their programme remained the same; to capture the parliament-
ary representation and the elected organs of local government;
to boycott and supersede the royal courts and the officers of
the law; to organize and arm a force capable of effective re-
sistance to the forces of the Crown. The latter object was
pursued with no attempt at disguise. On July 28 the Govern-
ment issued a proclamation prohibiting the carrying of weapons,
or of objects capable of being used as such, in public places.
On the following day Mr. De Valera, after addressing an as-
sembly of 10,000 people at Tullamore, reviewed 1,000 Irish
Volunteers; and on the same day 100 men carrying hurleys 2
marched from Liberty Hall through Dublin to Terenure. On
Aug. 5, the anniversary of Casement's execution, a vast con-
course of people assembled at Tralee in county Kerry and went
in procession to " Casement's fort." Sinn Fein tricolours were
worn and waved, and it was noted that large numbers of Volun-
teers appeared in uniform. 3 From county Clare the police
reported that De Valera's advice to the people to
' 3 combme " to make English law impossible " had pro-
duced a complete condition of lawlessness, the sup-
porters of the Nationalist candidate at the recent election
being boycotted together with the police; from Tipperary,
that Sinn Fein had become violent and menacing, especi-
ally in Thurles, and that the movement was being worked up
in concerts, dances, club meetings, Gaelic athletic tournaments,
lectures and public meetings; from Cork, that serious disturb-
ances had broken out, including a cowardly attack on female
munition workers. 4 A similar agitation, with similar results,
was taking place in many other parts of Ireland. Already
there were reports of attacks on police barracks, and in many
places the drilling of Volunteers was being resumed. At the
same time the Sinn Fein clubs, and in some cases the County
Councils (e.g. Kerry, Aug. 26), were calling upon their National-
ist members to resign. The result of all this was advertised by
another victory of Sinn Fein at the polls, at Kilkenny (Aug. u). 6
It became absolutely necessary for the Government to take
action, if any semblance of authority was to remain to it;
on Aug. 14 prominent Sinn Feiners were arrested in
Death of every province of Ireland; and this was followed by
Ashe. ' the seizure of arms belonging to the Irish and
National Volunteers. The prisoners, many of whom
had taken an active part in the German plot of 1916, were
sentenced under the Defence of the Realm Act to various terms
of penal servitude or imprisonment. But the greatest care was
taken not to interfere with the free expression of opinion, so
long as this did not amount to incitement to illegal acts; and
when meetings were proclaimed, which was comparatively
rarely, it was always because, in the opinion of the police, they
1 Quoted by Darrell Figgis in Nationality, Aug. 4 1917. He adds:
" That is Sinn Fein! "
1 Practically a hockey club. The Daily News, among others,
ridiculed the prohibition to carry these " toys." It was with a
hurley that Inspector Mills was murdered in Dublin.
' Irish Times, Aug. 7 1919.
4 On Sept. 2 and 3 American sailors walking out with girls were
mobbed and maltreated by the Sinn Fein " Vigilance Committee."
The figures were : Cosgrave (S. F.) 772 ; Magennis (Nat.) 392.
would lead to grave disorder. Throughout the year, and
during the earlier months of 1918, De Valera and his lieutenants
continued their agitation practically unchecked. Their cause
was helped by an untoward event which occurred on Sept. 25 -
the death of Thomas Ashe as the result of forcible feeding in
prison. For some time past Sinn Fein prisoners had been
imitating the suffragette device of the " hunger strike," in order
to secure their treatment as prisoners of war or political prisoners.
Ashe, the hero of the Ashbourne affair, had been tried for murder
and condemned to death by court-martial after the Easter
week rebellion, but reprieved. Released by the general amnesty,
he was rearrested on Aug. 14, and on the 2oth was condemned
to one year's hard labour for attempting to cause disaffection
among the civil population. He went on hunger strike, was
forcibly fed by the prison doctor in the ordinary execution of
his duty, and died of heart failure as a result of the process.
The affair created an immense sensation, and Sinn Fein exploited
it to the full. The funeral of the latest martyr in Dublin was
attended by a vast concourse of people; the coffin was draped
in the Sinn Fein tricolour and escorted by Irish Volunteers in
uniform and armed; the Lord Mayor of Dublin (Alderman
O'Neill) and Dr. Walsh, Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin,
sent their coaches to swell the cortege, while the Dublin Cor-
poration adjourned for a week as a sign of sympathy and respect,
For the Government, which during the inquest was loudly
accused of deliberate murder, nothing could have been more
unfortunate. On the 2gth the authorities decided to modify
the treatment of political prisoners; but the hunger strikes
continued; the Government, afraid of the effect of forcible feed-
ing, and as yet unwilling to allow the prisoners to take the
consequences of their self-imposed deprivation, had recourse to
the provisions of the " Cat-and-Mouse Act," under which
prisoners on hunger strike could be released but were subject
to rearrest when they had recovered their strength. The
result in Ireland was to make imprisonment little more than a
cheap advertisement, prisoners being released after a few days'
abstention from food. By Nov. the situation had become so
farcical that Sir John Ross, in the Land Judges' Court, declared
that the government of Ireland had been abandoned. Yet
even the feeble half-measures employed by the Chief Secretary,
Mr. Duke, roused the opposition of the Nationalist members,
who saw in obstructing the action of the Irish Executive the
only surviving hope of retaining their weakening hold on the
country. In reply to Mr. Redmond, who on Oct. 23 opened the
attack on the Government in the House of Commons, Mr.
Duke enlarged on the peril of the situation, pointing out that
200,000 young men were being enrolled in Ireland for the purpose
of a new rebellion. Point was given to this by the news^ next
day that the United States had frustrated an elaborate scheme
for a new rising, with German aid, by the arrest of the Sinn
Fein agent Liam Mellowes and Dr. Patrick MacCartan, Sinn
Fein " ambassador " in America.
The forbearance of the Government was illustrated by the
assembling on Oct. 25, in the Dublin Mansion House, of a Con-
vention summoned by Sinn Fein to formulate a
constitution for Ireland. This Convention, which slan Fela
claimed to represent 12,000 Sinn Fein clubs with y on>
250,000 members, concluded with a public session on
Oct. 27, when the Sinn Fein constitution was announced. The
object of the organization was declared to be to secure the
international recognition of Ireland as an independent Republic,
and to " make use of any and every means available to render
impotent the power of England to hold Ireland in subjection
by military force or otherwise." Mr. De Valera was elected
president, Mr. Arthur Griffith and Father Michael O'Flanagan
vice-presidents, Messrs. Austin Stack a'nd Darrell Figgis sec-
retaries. " Departments," under " Ministers," were to be
created for military organization, political organization, educa-
tion and propaganda, foreign relations and finance. After the
meeting a convention of Irish Volunteers was held in a large
store in Dublin. At this meeting De Valera said that by
proper organization and recruiting Sinn Fein would secure
IRELAND
57i
500,000 fighting volunteers, that the only hope of another
rebellion with any chance of success lay in a German invasion
of England and the landing of further arms in Ireland, but
for that they must prepare. He further said:
" That there would never be peace in Ireland till they got their
independence. When the war was over England would be tottering
The Allies could not win. All nations at the Peace Conference would
claim their right to the freedom of the seas, and Ireland was of such
international importance in that respect that her claim must be
admitted. They wanted an army to back their claim. ..."
On Nov. 4 at Athy he delivered another speech, important
as an index to Sinn Fein principles and methods. England, he
urged, did not " desire another front," and therefore, if Ireland
were armed, there would be no conscription. Turning to the
attitude of the hierarchy, and possible action by the Vatican,
he said that England would doubtless like such an intervention,
but he claimed for priests in political matters full freedom, in-
cluding that to join Sinn Fein. 1
A bitter attack on Mr. Redmond 2 followed, and a stout
assertion that Sinn Fein was " not afraid of Sir Edward Carson
and his crew."
It is not surprising that the repetition of this sort of language
should towards the end of the year have produced a situation
with which the Government, hampered by the " atmospheric
theory of administration, were unable to cope. Disciplinary
measures, even of a mild sort, had according to the police
reports an instantaneously good effect; but discipline was all
but impossible when the only available punishment, imprison-
ment, was rendered nugatory by the expedient of the hunger
strike, and prisoners were released almost as soon as they were
condemned. 3 The sword of justice, dropped from the nerveless
hands of the legitimate administrators of the law, was grasped
by Sinn Fein, which did not scruple to use " any and every
means " to attain its end. Thus, even so early as this, the
effective control of affairs in large parts of Ireland was passing
out of the hands of the officers of the Crown. The process may
be illustrated by one instance. In Dec., according to police
reports from Clare, " Sinn Fein continued to rule the county,
and persons who were not Sinn Feiners must show sympathy
with the movement if they wished to live in peace with their
neighbours " in other words, if they wished to escape the
terrible weapon of the boycott or worse. 4 That Sinn Fein was
still in touch with Germany was proved when James Ruane, a
local Sinn Fein leader, was arrested on Dec. 2 at Kiltimagh in
county Mayo, when he was found in possession of two pamphlets
printed in Germany and bearing the official impress, " Kriegs-
ausschuss der Deutschen Industrie, Berlin." 6
The beginning of 1918, which saw affairs in the Convention
come to a crisis, saw also the development of grave disorders
in large parts of the country. Through the south and west a
flood of lawlessness was sweeping; in the counties of Clare,
Sligo, Roscommon and Mayo the King's writ had virtually
1 On Nov. 25 Cardinal Logue issued a pastoral condemning the
agitation. Speaking at Roscommon, next day, De Valera refused
to discuss it. The movement, he said, had two sides, destructive and
constructive; the destructive side to destroy English misgovern-
ment,and the constructive side to build up a self-respecting, self-
reliant nation, a nation able to manage for itself, without looking
abroad for help of any sort; and when the opportunity comes for
producing Ireland's case before the world, then to ask those nations
who are supposed to be fighting for small nationalities if they are not
hypocrites. It was on that plea, he believed, that England went into
the war; so far as England was concerned that plea was hypocrisy.
2 These and similar attacks threatened to have unpleasant con-
sequences, and while at Aughavanagh, in Wicklow, Mr. Redmond
was protected by a police patrol.
3 Between Nov. 15 and 21 102 hunger strikers were released from
various prisons. From County Clare the police reported that " the
arrests for illegal drilling in Nov. had a good effect until the release
of the prisoners on hunger strike, which made matters worse."
On the other hand they reported that in Dec. the cessation of arrests
had made many give up drilling, as done out of mere bravado.
4 As an indication of the spread of Sinn Fein it is interesting to note
the great rise in the circulation of Sinn Fein organs. The Irishman,
e.g., which in Feb. 1916 had a circulation of only 1,692, had increased
this in Nov. 1917 to nearly 15,000 weekly.
6 Documents rel. to Sinn Fein Movement, p. 39.
ceased to run. From Clare, especially, the police reported
that during the first four months of the year there was " utter
anarchy." There were huge cattle " drives," encouraged by
the local clergy; illegal drilling was openly carried on; R.I.C.
barracks were attacked; on three occasions small patrols of
police were overwhelmed and their arms taken; telegraph wires
were cut and roads blocked to hamper the movements of the
police and troops. " It was not until a large force of soldiers
were drafted in, and the county made a special military area
with very severe restrictions, that some sort of order was re-
stored." Similar reports, though not so grave, came from
other counties; in Gal way and in Tipperary, as in Clare, there
were numerous raids for arms on isolated country houses,
carried out by bands of masked men; and Tipperary, where
the police reported a. " reign of terror," had to be declared a
special military area so early as March 6. On the same day
there were serious riots in Limerick.
On March 6, John Redmond died in London, and with him
seemed to go the last hope of settling the Irish question on a basis
of reasonable compromise. In him, indeed, it is said
that the hope had died already, and that his death Death of
was hastened by the consciousness of the break- Redmond.
down of his life's work. On Jan. 1 1 the Ulster Unionist
Council had urged the Government to extend the Military
Service Act to Ireland, but three days later, when the new bill
was introduced in the House of Commons, Sir Auckland Geddes
announced that this course would not be followed. This was
a victory for the Irish Parliamentary party, and its reflex was
seen in the results of the Irish by-elections, Nationalist candi-
dates defeating Sinn Feiners in South Armagh (Feb. 2), at
Waterford (March 23) and in East Tyrone (April 4).' The
day following this latter election saw the last meeting of the
Irish Convention; and the set-back to Sinn Fein seemed of
favourable augury for some satisfactory outcome of its labours.
But circumstances almost at once arose which again made any
peaceful solution of the Irish question impossible.
The March offensive of the Germans, resulting in the press-
ing back of the British line with an immense loss of men and
material, made it necessary for the Government to
summon every possibly available man in Great Brit- The Man
ain to the colours, the age limit being raised to 50. p ^ er ^-
-,. , ., a Extension
It was felt, however, that to call elderly men to arms to Ireland.
in Great Britain while thousands of young men of
military age in Ireland continued to be exempt would strain
the patience of the British to breaking point; and when, on
April 9, Mr. Lloyd George introduced the Man Power bill, he
announced that he proposed to extend obligatory military service
to Ireland on the same terms as to England. On the following
day the second reading of the bill passed by 323 votes to 100,
the clause extending it to Ireland being carried two days later
by a slightly smaller majority.
The passing of this measure, which two years earlier would
probably have been accepted in Ireland without serious demur,
at once threw the whole country into fresh turmoil, which Mr.
Lloyd George's undertaking to introduce a bill to give self-
government to Ireland did nothing to allay. On March 12
Mr. John Dillon had been elected as Mr. Redmond's successor
in the leadership of the Nationalist party. Under his auspices
Nationalists and Sinn Feiners established a sort of temporary
alliance, ominous of the ultimate fate of the Parliamentary
party. On April 17, after the defeat of an amendment to
exclude Ireland from the Man Power bill, the Nationalists
left the House of Commons in a body and decided to transfer
their deliberations to Dublin. On the i8th, the day on
which the bill received the royal assent, a meeting to de-
nounce it was held at the Mansion House, Dublin, and
6 March 30.
7 The figures were: S. Armagh Donnelly (Nat.) 2,324; Dr.
VlacCartan (the Sinn Fein " ambassador " to the United States)
I .3O5; Richardson (Ind. Unionist) 40. Waterford Capt. W. A.
Redmond (Nat.) 1,242; Dr. White (S. F.) 764. E. Tyrone Harbi-
son (Nat.) 1,802; Sean Milroy (S. F.) 1,222.
572
IRELAND
was attended by the leaders of the Nationalists, of Sinn
Fein and of the various labour groups; it was noted that
Mr. Dillon referred to Mr. De Valera and Mr. Tom Johnson,
the Labour leader, 1 as his " colleagues." On the follow-
ing day they issued a joint statement protesting against the
claim of the Imperial Parliament to impose " conscription "
on Ireland, and commissioned the Lord Mayor (Alderman
O'Neill) to proceed to the United States in order to lay it before
President Wilson. 2 On the 2oth Mr. Dillon presided over a
meeting of the Nationalist party in Dublin, at which it was
decided to cease attendance at Westminster and to remain in
Ireland for the purpose of defeating conscription. On the
23rd the Transport Workers' Union carried out a one day's
strike in all parts of Ireland, except in the N. E. counties of
Ulster, as a protest against conscription. But by far the most
serious effect was produced by the action of the Roman Catholic
hierarchy. On April 18, the day on which the first anti-con-
scription conference was held at the Mansion House, the bishops
had met at Maynooth, under the presidency of Cardinal Logue,
and decided to throw the whole weight of the Church against
the Act. They drew up a form of pledge to resist conscription,
directing it to be administered by the priests after Mass to all
the faithful, and every Roman Catholic parish church in Ireland
was soon turned into an active centre of political resistance.
In vain loyal Catholics protested, while Protestants were not
reassured by the theological arguments by which the learned
Father Peter Finlay, S.J., sought to justify the incursion of the
hierarchy into politics:
" No doubt," he wrote, " political consequences of the first
magnitude have followed on the action of the bishops; but the
issue laid before them was religious and moral, not political. . . .
Laws of Parliament may be just or unjust, binding or not binding
upon conscience; and when we Catholics doubt their justice and
binding force, we appeal, not to politicians or to civil court for
guidance, but to the Catholic bishops." 3
From the point of view of Irish Protestants this justification
of the attitude of the Catholic hierarchy was even more dis-
concerting than the attitude itself. They had seen, from
recent cases of the papal " Motu Proprio " Quantavis diligentia
and the Ne temere decree, how completely the Roman Church
adhered to the most extreme claims to jurisdiction put forward
by the mediaeval popes. They knew that the principle of tolera-
tion had been anathematized by three popes during the loth
century, and they naturally asked themselves what use parlia-
mentary safeguards for their religious liberties would be under
Home Rule, if the laws of the Irish Parliament were to be
subject to the " moral" censorship of the Roman Catholic
hierarchy with an ultimate appeal to Rome. The whole " con-
scription " controversy, indeed, still further increased the un-
happy national cleavage represented by religion; for while the
Roman Catholic clergy were organizing their forces to resist,
the Protestant Archbishops of Armagh and Dublin sent out
an " urgent appeal " to the young men of the Church of Ireland
to join the colours, hoping that compulsory service would be
" cheerfully accepted," while the Moderator and General As-
sembly of the Presbyterian Church issued a similar appeal.
Unfortunately for the Protestants, at this crisis in their fate,
their own ranks were broken by an angry controversy as to
the attitude in the Convention of the five dele-
Spiit la the gates appointed by the general council of the Irish
Au'ian&. Unionist Alliance. These delegates, under the lead-
ership of Lord Midleton, had interpreted their man-
date as meaning that, in the interests of the Empire, they were
to arrive at some compromise with the Nationalists in the
1 An Englishman, formerly a commercial traveller.
1 It was believed that the Government would create another
occasion for outcry by refusing to give the Lord Mayor a passport.
The Government, however, consented to issue passports, but made
it a condition that the document to be presented to the President
should be first shown to the Lord Lieutenant. To this the Irish
leaders refused to agree, and it was made the excuse for abandoning
the whole enterprise. The Cork Corporation had also protested]
and appealed to President Wilson (April 12).
* Letter to the Irish Times, May 14 1918, afterwards amplified
in an article in the Jesuit Sinn Fein quarterly Studies.
matter of Home Rule; and, while affirming their own un-
shaken belief in the system of the Union, they had accepted
the principle of Irish self-government and voted on many occa-
sions with the Nationalists against the Ulster Unionist delegates.
On Jan. i 1918 Lord Midleton made his first report to the
executive committee of the Alliance, and this was approved by
41 votes to four. It was soon found, however, that the execu-
tive committee, which had not been renewed since the beginning
of the war, did not in this matter represent the opinions of the
great majority in the Alliance. A Southern Unionist Committee
was at once formed under the chairmanship of Mr. Richard
Bagwell, the eminent historian of Ireland, and on March 4
issued a " Call to Unionists":
The circumstances of the present time demand that all true
Unionists, especially outside Ulster, should reiterate, with no un-
certain voice, their conviction that in the maintenance of the
legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland, and in the
firm, just, and impartial administration of the law, lies the only
hope for the future of our country and security of the Empire.
It pointed out that the present revolutionary movement, which
was " gaining strength day by day," aimed like all preceding
ones at complete separation; it urged that the true policy to
be pursued towards Ireland was, in combination with firm an
just government, the development of her material resourc
and the removal of agrarian discontent by the completion of
land purchase; and it ended by stating that " the burdens and
obligations of the war, already imposed on the rest of the Unite "
Kingdom should be shared by Ireland."
This manifesto led to a heated controversy in the press.
It had, however, no effect on Lord Midleton and his followers
in the Convention, who voted in the majority for the Report.
The Southern Unionist Committee at once issued a criticism
of the Report, pointing out that the delegates of the Alliance
had publicly declared for Home Rule in its most drastic form,
and calling on Unionists to " stand firm." That this attitude
represented the dominant view in the Alliance was proved when
at a meeting of the General Council held on June 7, 16 out
20 members elected to fill vacancies on the executive committee
were nominees of the Southern Unionist Committee. Lord
Midleton's supporters were, however, still in the majority on
the executive committee, and it became necessary to amend
the constitution so as to make this representative of the views
of the General Committee. This was done at a special meeting
summoned by the Southern Unionist Committee on Jan. 24
1919. Lord Midleton proposed at this meeting to exclude the
northern members from its deliberations, should the question
of partition arise. This motion was lost by an overwhelming
majority; the amendments to the constitution were carried
by 400 votes to 62; and at the subsequent elections to the
executive committee the 40 nominees of the Southern Unionists
Committee were elected by large majorities. Lord Midleton
and his friends, taking this as a vote of censure, thereupon left
the Alliance, and formed the separate group known as the
" Anti-Partition League." The Unionist Alliance was thus
reestablished on the basis of uncompromising adherence to
the Union, with branches in every county in Ireland, including
Ulster. It continued to work in close touch with the Ulster
Unionist Council, which represented the exclusive interests of
Unionists in the six counties. From the Unionist point of
view, however, the schism was disastrous; for the seceding mem-
bers of the Alliance, though few in numbers, included many
Irish peers of great influence in the House of Lords, and their
defection greatly crippled the resources of the Alliance, which
was left practically without representation in Parliament.
Meanwhile excitement among the people had been growing
apace. In every Roman Catholic church in Ireland the people
were signing the anti-conscription pledge, and to refuse to do
so called for more than ordinary courage. It was clear that a
change of system was necessary in the administration if the
Crown was to preserve any shadow of authority in the country.
The change was heralded on May i by the retirement of Mr.
Duke, 4 and the appointment of Mr. Edward Shortt, K.C., as
4 He became a Lord Justice of Appeal.
IRELAND
573
French,
Viceroy.
Chief Secretary. On the 6th it was announced that the lord-
lieutenancy, in succession to Lord Wimborne, had been accepted
by Visct. French of Ypres; and on the nth the new Viceroy and
Chief Secretary arrived in Dublin. Sir Brian Mahon
Lord had resigned the Irish command two days earlier.
On June 5 Sir James Campbell succeeded the National-
ist Sir Ignatius O'Brien created Lord Shandon as
Lord Chancellor. The spirit of the new order was symbolized
by the changes at the viceregal lodge, where Lord Wimborne
had maintained traditions of splendour. For this was now sub-
stituted the simple discipline of a military household.
The new administration was not slow in getting to work. On
May 17 De Valera was arrested, a number of compromising
documents being found on his person. 1 Next day, a proclama-
tion announced the discovery of a dangerous German intrigue. 2
On the 2oth a large number of Sinn Fein leaders were arrested,
including Arthur Griffith, Count Plunkett, Countess Markievicz,
John Milroy and Herbert Mellowes. These were all deported
to England, and further deportations followed on the 22nd
and 24th. On the 2ist, at a meeting of the Anti-Conscription
Committee at the Dublin Mansion House, Messrs. Dillon, Tim
Healy, William O'Brien, Joseph Devlin and Tom Johnson com-
bined in denouncing the deportations as " a wicked plot of
English politicians," and on June 3 the Dublin Corporation
followed their example. On May 25 the Council of the National
University a government institution largely supported by the
British taxpayer advertised its views by reappointing Mr.
John MacNeill to the professorial chair which he had forfeited
owing to his share in the rebellion. 3 Meanwhile the Military
Service Act had not been put in force in Ireland, and on June 3
the Lord Lieutenant issued a proclamation calling for voluntary
recruits, announcing that in the event of a satisfactory response
the Act would not be applied, and promising grants of land to
men who had served in the war. An active recruiting campaign
was at once begun under the direction of a committee consisting
largely of Nationalists who had served at the front, including
Col. Lynch, who had been condemned to death for fighting
with the Boers against the British in the Boer War. The re-
sponse to this appeal, however, was slow. The meetings were
exposed to an organized interruption by Sinn Feiners, and this
sometimes developed into violence, necessitating the intervention
of the police. 4 By Nov. 12, when recruiting was stopped after
the Armistice, of some 150,000 men of military age only 11,301
had joined the colours. The only practical outcome of the cam-
paign, conducted as it was by Nationalists with a loud appeal to
President Wilson's programme, was to commit the Government
irrevocably in the eyes of the Irish people to the principle of
" self-determination."
Evidence of the revolutionary activities of Sinn Fein con-
tinued to reach the Government, and 40,000 rounds of am-
munition, concealed in corn sacks from the North,
Proctama- were seized in Dublin on June 24. The arrest of a
German agent named Dowling (alias O'Brien) in April,
and his trial in London in July, pointed the moral of
these military preparations; and on July 3 the Sinn Fein organiza-
tion, Sinn Fein clubs, the Irish Volunteers, the Cumann na
mBan (Women's Association) and the Gaelic League, were pro-
claimed as dangerous associations under the Defence of the
Realm Act. Next day the whole western sea-board of Ireland
1 They included an elaborate scheme for the military organization
of Ireland, based on the principle of compulsory service, when the
country should have secured its independence. See Documents
(Cmd. 1108), cit. Appendix A (l), pp. 47 ff.
2 ib., pp. 41 ff.
8 It is of interest to note, as illustrating the attitude of the
Government, that, in common with the other professors of this
university who ranked as Government officials, Mr. MacNeill
subsequently received a " war bonus " of 200 a year from the
Government.
* The uncertainty of opinion at this time may be illustrated by
the fact that while on July 31 the Galway County Council refused
to hear Col. Lynch and Capt. Stephen Gwynn on behalf of the
recruiting council, on the next day the Galway Urban Council gave
them a sympathetic hearing.
tlon of
Sinn Fein.
was declared a military area under the same Act. From all parts
of the south and west came reports of raids for arms by masked
men on isolated country houses. In Wexford, in Wicklow, in
Longford, in King's county, as well as in such perennially
lawless counties as Clare and Tipperary, the charges of the
judges to the grand juries, at the summer assizes, referred to a
dangerous state of thjngs " which could not go on in any civilized
country " outrages, intimidation, boycotting. The grand jury
of county Clare handed in a resolution approving of the steps
taken by the Government " to restore the rudimentary elements
of law and order," and stating their opinion that " the retention
of a competent military authority, together with sufficient forces,
was absolutely necessary to the continued maintenance of the
peace of the county." Such, however, was not the opinion of Mr.
John Dillon and the Nationalist members, who after an absence
of three months had returned to Parliament on July 23. On the
2oth Mr. Dillon moved that the Irish policy of the Government
was inconsistent with the principles for which the Allies were
fighting, and in the course of a violent speech spoke of Ireland as
" under the unfettered tyranny of military government " and
suggested that President Wilson should be called in to settle the
question. In his reply Mr. Shortt, the Chief Secretary, threw
the blame for the condition of Ireland on the Nationalists, who
were trying to outbid the Sinn Feiners in violence instead of
restraining them.
This was truer than his sanguine assertion that things in
Ireland had improved. It had early become apparent that the
union of all the Nationalist elements on the common ground of
opposition to conscription had been more apparent than real,
and that its most obvious outcome was a formidable accession
of prestige and power to Sinn Fein. It had persuaded Mr.
Dillon to accept, at least for the time, its policy of abstaining
from attendance at Westminster; it had secured the control
of the anti-conscription funds raised by the Mansion House
committee for a Sinn Fein organization; and it had made not
the slightest concession in return. The full import of this was
revealed during the contest which preceded the election for
East Cavan on June 21, and its result. Over the question of a
candidate the Nationalist party and Sinn Fein were " at one
another's throats." It was suggested that this seat, which had
been held by a Nationalist, should be left to a Sinn Feiner, for
the sake of preserving " national unity." But on May 3 Mr.
Dillon had declared that " if the spirit exhibited by the leaders
of Sinn Fein in making an attempt to capture the seat were to
prevail, national unity would be obviously impossible." 6 The
attempt did prevail, Mr. J. F. O'Hanlon, the candidate of the
United Irish League and the Ancient Order of Hibernians, being
soundly beaten by Mr. Arthur Griffith. 6
In the autumn, shortly before the Armistice and the dissolu-
tion of Parliament which followed, Mr. Dillon made another
effort to retrieve the falling fortunes of his party.
On Nov. 4 Mr. T. P. O'Connor moved in the House
of Commons that the Irish question should be taken
up at the Peace Conference and settled in accordance with
President Wilson's principle of " self-determination." This
proposal, though it had the support of Mr. Asquith, was naturally
rejected. In the course of his speech in opposition to the motion
Mr. Shortt challenged the Nationalists to say what settlement
they wanted, and drew from Mr. Dillon the admission that he
contemplated the coercion of Ulster. The Chief Secretary also
took occasion to draw attention to conditions in Ireland, which
he painted in gloomy colours contrasting oddly with his opti-
mistic picture of July. All the materials for an armed rising
were prepared, he said, and only the week before the armed
forces of the Crown had captured at the headquarters of the
Irish Republican Brotherhood enough explosives to blow up all
Dublin and Belfast. On Nov. 28, immediately after the disso-
lution of Parliament, Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Bonar Law,
on behalf of the Coalition Liberals, and the Coalition Unionists
respectively, issued a joint manifesto on the Irish question:
6 At Bailieborough, E. Cavan. (Irish Times, May 3.)
The figures were: Griffith (S.F.) 3,785; O'Hanlon (Nat.) 2,581.
574
IRELAND
Ireland is unhappily rent by contending forces, and the main
body of Irish opinion has seldom been more inflamed or less dis-
posed to compromise than at the present moment. So long as the
Irish question remains unsettled, there can be no political peace
either in the United Kingdom or in the Empire, and we regard it as a
first object in British statesmanship to explore all practical paths
towards the settlement of this grave and difficult question, on the
basis of self-government. But there are two paths which are closed
the one leading to a complete severance of Ireland from the British
Empire, and the other the forcible submission of the six counties of
Ulster to a Home Rule Parliament against their will.
Thus the Unionist party, after 30 years' resistance, surrendered
to the principle of Home Rule. The surrender was perhaps
justified, from the point of view of party tactics, by the political
situation after the war. In Ireland, however, its effect was not
reassuring. It did not reconcile the Nationalists, still less
Sinn Fein, to what remained of the Union; among the Unionists
of the South it strained the ties of sentiment connecting them
with Great Britain almost to breaking point.
The general election under the new franchise, which practically
amounted to universal suffrage, was held on Dec. 14 1918.
Save in Ulster and in one or two constituencies in
The Dublin, the struggle was wholly between the National-
eiectioa. ist party and Sinn Fein, 1 and in this contest Sinn
Fein was bound to win. The Nationalist party was
disorganized, and its funds all but exhausted. The Sinn
Fein leaders, on the other hand, had had plenty of time to per-
fect their organization after their release in 1917, and the easy
conditions of their internment had made it possible to direct
it even after their rearrest. Irish-America, too, having taken
up their cause, supplied them with plentiful funds. All the
conditions, therefore, favoured them. Owing to the state of
the country, no police were available for maintaining order.
Personation was rife the dead voted in large numbers, while
known opponents of Sinn Fein were warned not to vote if they
did not wish to be dead; and since the polling clerks were almost
exclusively Sinn Fein, the electors believed, rightly or wrongly,
that their voting-papers would be examined and they them-
selves marked. The result was that there was a vast number
of abstentions. 2 All this, in addition to the undoubted swing-
round of opinion in the direction of Sinn Fein, secured for the
Republicans a sweeping victory. John Dillon himself was
rejected, and the Nationalist party, which had crumbled under
his leadership, was all but wiped out, retaining only six seats
out of 68 ; 3 the Independent Nationalists (O'Brienites) vanished
altogether; Sinn Fein captured 73 out of a total of 105 seats.
The Unionists improved their position; before the election they
had returned 18 members, they now returned 26, and the 400,000
Protestants of the South were actually represented in the new
Parliament by three members two for Trinity College and
one for S. Dublin.
The victorious group assumed the title of the Irish Republican
party, and styled themselves not M.P., but F.D.E. (Feisire
Bail Eireann, i.e. members of the Assembly of Ire-
land). On Jan. 8 1910 they held their first meeting in
the Dublin Mansion House, under the presidency of
Count Plunkett, and on the zist the first formal meeting of Dail
Eireann 4 was held in the same place. The proceedings were
opened with prayer by Father O'Flanagan. Mr. Cathal Brugha
(Charles Burgess) was then elected speaker, and a solemn
Declaration of Independence was read in English, Gaelic and
French, the 29 members present rising and subscribing to it
in a body. The proceedings closed with the nomination of
Count Plunkett, Mr. Arthur Griffith and Mr. De Valera as
1 At the suggestion of Cardinal Logue, who pointed out the danger
of losing seats to " the enemy," the Sinn Feiners and Nationalists
agreed not to stand against each other in certain Ulster con-
stituencies, the Cardinal acting as arbitrator in their apportionment.
2 " The only totals that can be estimated are those of the seats
where a contest took place, and where Sinn Fein was admittedly
polled to the last man. Yet in those seats, with a total electorate of
over 1,452,000 voters, Sinn Fein polled only 480,000 votes less
than one-third " (The Times, Jan. 17 1919).
3 Mr. Joseph Devlin held his seat in East Belfast, and Major
Redmond his father's constituency in Waterford.
4 Pronounced dahl eerahn.
Dall
Eireann.
"delegates to the Peace Conference." This meeting was pub-
lic. On the following day a private session was held at which
Mr. De Valera was elected " President of the Irish Republic, 1 '
and a ministry was established, with departments for finance,
home affairs, foreign affairs, and defence. Among the "min-
isters " was the redoubtable Michael Collins, 5 who as head of
the " War Office " was later to organize the reign of terror.
That an opposition Parliament should have been allowed to
debate openly, and to set up an opposition Government, in a
country under " martial law," may well surprise
those who judge events in Ireland by the universal
experience of other countries, and the spectacle of erameat.
the metropolitan police guarding the peace of a rebel
assembly would have yet more surprised them. In order to
account for this singular phenomenon, and much else that hap-
pened during the time of troubles to come, it is necessary to
explain the powers possessed by the Irish Government and
the principles on which these powers were exercised. Ireland
had not been put under martial law in the sense in which the
South was after the Civil War in the United States. 6 The
Defence of the Realm Act, which gave large powers to the
Government to deal more or less summarily with persons
dangerous to the State, was a temporary war measure common
to the whole United Kingdom, and its operation was very
jealously safeguarded. In addition to this, however, the
Government had a reserve weapon in the Criminal Law and
Procedure (Ireland) Act of 1887, but nearly all the clauses of
this Act required a proclamation of the lord lieutenant in council
before they came into force. The principle followed was to
use these powers only in cases of grave necessity, so as to interfere
as little as possible with the ordinary life of the country, and to
apply them only temporarily and to certain disturbed areas.
Meetings were only interfered with when, in the opinion of
the police, they were likely to lead to grave breaches of the
peace, and the ban at times fell on Orange demonstrations as
well as on those of Sinn Fein. Thus the murder on Jan. 21
1919 of Constable MacDonnell the first indication of a cam-
paign which was to reach terrible proportions was followed on
the 28th by the proclamation under the Defence of the Realm
Act of S. Tipperary as a " military area "; the murder of Mr.
J. C. Milling, a resident magistrate, on March 31, led to West-
port being proclaimed; the murder of Constable O'Brien and the
wounding of several others, during the rescue of a Sinn Fein
prisoner from Limerick workhouse infirmary on April 6, led to
the proclamation of the district of Limerick. 7
The same policy was pursued, during the greater part of
the year, towards the various revolutionary associations. They
were allowed to carry on their propaganda, but whenever and
wherever this led, or threatened to lead, to serious breaches
of the peace they were* proclaimed. Thus after a series of
outrages, including a bomb attack on a police hut (July 21),
the ambushing and murder of a constable (Aug. 6), and
the murder of a boy of 15 (Aug. 15), Sinn Fein" and kindred
bodies " were proclaimed in county Clare. On Sept. 10 they
were suppressed in the county and borough of Cork, and on the
same date Tipperary, Limerick, Clare and the county and
borough of Dublin were proclaimed under sec. i of the Crimes
Act (1887). All these proclamations were the result of definite
outrages, which showed an alarming tendency to increase as
6 He had been a junior clerk in the Post Office.
6 When on May I, in the debate on the Budget, Mr. Joseph
Devlin denied the moral right of the Government to tax Ireland, on
the ground that martial law had been substituted for the Constitu-
tion, he was merely indulging in the usual wild exaggeration.
7 The prisoner, R. J. Byrne, condemned to a year's imprisonment,
had gone on hunger strike and been removed to the infirmary.
During visiting hours 30 armed men, who had mixed with the
visitors, suddenly fell with bludgeons and revolvers on the five
policemen guarding the prisoner; Byrne himself seized Constable
Spillane from behind round the waist, while others shot and blud-
geoned him. The constable, however, succeeded in drawing his
revolver and shooting Byrne under his arm. The Sinn Feiners got
away with the prisoner, but he was mortally wounded. Some of the
rescuers were traced to county Clare and arrested.
IRELAND
575
Party
Groups.
the year went on, though as yet they were confined to a number
of more or less limited areas in the South and West.
On Jan. 25 the situation was further complicated by a great
strike of the Belfast shipyards workers; but this had nothing to
do with politics, and was settled on Feb. 19. More
significant of political undercurrents was the attack
by Mr. Joseph Devlin, in the House of .Commons
(March 4), on the Belfast Harbour bill, the rejection of which
he moved on the ground that, under the actual franchise, no
Catholic was ever elected on the Board of Commissioners.
Asked what religion had to do with this, Mr. Devlin replied,
" Religion, or irreligion, has everything to do with everything
in Belfast." 1
Meanwhile the result of the general election was leading to
certain developments of opinion in the South, which are histor-
ically more important rather for the influence they ex-
erted outside Ireland than within it. On Jan. 24
occurred the split in the Unionist party already men-
tioned, the Anti-Partition League, under the lead-
ership of Lord Midleton, supporting a moderate form of Home
Rule for all Ireland. On the same day was established, under
the chairmanship of Capt. Stephen Gwynn, 2 the Irish Centre
party, which advocated self-government on the Dominion
models for a united Ireland within the Empire. This subse-
quently developed into the Irish Dominion League, of which
the secretary and moving spirit was Capt. Henry Harrison,
(b. 1867), who in early life, though coming of a well-known
north of Ireland family, had cast his lot in with Parnell, becoming
Nationalist M.P. for mid-Tipperary (1888-1892), and during
the war, having obtained a commission in the Royal Irish
Regiment, had won the Military Cross and Bar by distinguished
gallantry on the western front. This organization was sup-
ported by a certain number of former Unionists as well as
Home Rulers of the less extreme type, including Sir Horace
Plunkett and Gen. Sir Hubert Gough, and had for its chief
organ the Irish Statesman, a high-class weekly. Its effect on
public opinion was, however, relatively small in Ireland. Its
main success was in encouraging Lord Northcliffe to use his
powerful influence in the English press in favour of a full measure
of Irish self-government. During the year 1919 the columns
of the newspapers, both in Ireland and Great Britain, were
filled with the most varied suggestions for a solution of the
problem, 3 but in Ireland itself mass opinion seemed to have
become stereotyped, under one influence or another. With the
internment of the leading Sinn Fein orators, the flood of elo-
quence, punctuated with revolver shots, which enlivened the
first half of 1918, had stopped, and Ireland was divided into
two camps, by no means silent, but more concerned with acts
than arguments. In the North, though no attempt was made
to revive the Volunteer force, the Ulstermen remained as de-
termined as ever, and they made full use of the tactical advan-
tage given them by the refusal of the Sinn Fein M.P.'s to
attend at Westminster. In the South Dail Eireann claimed the
undivided allegiance of Irishmen, and enforced this claim by
penalties which, since they were ruthlessly applied, tended
more and more to make it effective.
The prestige of Dail Eireann in Ireland was increased by
American support. The proclamation by President Wilson of
the principle of " self-determination " as the basis of
America tne com i n g peace treaty, and its acceptance by the
other Powers, gave Sinn Fein a lever which it was
not slow to use; and the President himself, before
the experience of a month or two in Europe had taught him
prudence, had held out hopes that the Irish question might be
1 Parliamentary Debates, 119, vol. cxiii., p. 329.
2 Son of the Rev. John Gwynn, D.D., Professor in Dublin Univer-
sity and senior fellow of Trinity, b. 1864. He was Nationalist mem-
ber for Galway city from 1906 to 1918, enlisted in Jan. 1915, and
obtained a commission in April, and served in France till 1917, when
he was nominated by the Government,. as a member of the Irish
Convention. He was a well-known writer.
3 The more important of these are noted under their dates in
the " Diurnal " given in Notes from Ireland (Ir. Un. All).
and
Ireland.
raised at the Peace Conference. To the Sinn Feiners, at a very
critical period, this hope seemed about to be realized when it
was announced that Mr. Lloyd George, then in Paris, had
authorized the issue of passports to a deputation of three Ameri-
can-Irish gentlemen whose ostensible mission was to report
to President Wilson on conditions in Ireland, but whose prin-
cipal aim was to confer with " President " De Valera on the
question of securing international recognition of the Irish
Republic at the Peace Conference. These envoys, who appeared
to be invested with a quasi-official status from the Peace Con-
ference, arrived in Dublin on May 3, and on the gth were
welcomed by Dail Eireann in special session. On the i2th
they left for Paris, to prepare their report and lay it before
President Wilson. The nature of this report could hardly be
doubtful. The three American " commissioners," Messrs.
Frank P. Walsh, Edward F. Dunne and Michael J. Ryan, were
closely associated with the Clan-na-Gael and other extremist
American-Irish organizations, the first named being chairman of
the " American Commission on Irish Independence." It is not
surprising then that an eight days' stay in Ireland sufficed
to supply them with the most amazing stories of English " atroc-
ities " and of English misgovernment and misbehaviour gen-
erally, which they proceeded to present to the American people
and the American Congress as facts proved by unimpeachable
evidence. 4 But their efforts to persuade President Wilson
to champion the cause of Irish independence at the Conference
were vain, and on May 31 the American Peace Delegation
definitely refused to request the Conference to receive " the
representatives of the so-called Irish Republic." 6 In vain they
pointed out, in a personal interview with President Wilson,
that he himself had stated at the plenary session of the Confer-
ence on Jan. 25 that among the instructions of the American
delegates, of which " they would not abate one jot," was that of
seeing " that every people in the world shall choose its own
master." 6 The President had realized by this time that, in
loudly championing the principle of " self-determination,"
he had brought to Europe not peace but a sword. " You have
touched on the great metaphysical tragedy of to-day," he said,
" my words have raised hopes in the hearts of millions of people.
. When I gave utterance' to those words, I said them
without the knowledge that nationalities existed which are
coming to us day by day." 7
Disappointed in their hopes of obtaining satisfaction from
the Peace Conference, the Sinn Feiners determined to use
their wide-spread organization in an attempt to wreck its work,
and especially the League of Nations, which they had supported
so long as they believed that independent Ireland would be
represented in its Assembly. To this end an intensive propa-
ganda campaign was set on foot in the United States. On Feb. 4.
Mr. De Valera had succeeded, with two others, in escaping
from Lincoln gaol; and the release of all interned Sinn Fein
prisoners early in March, which regularized his position, enabled
him to receive the American delegates in Dublin. After the
breakdown of the negotiation at Paris, the " President " decided
4 " Much of the detailed evidence of atrocities committed against
women prisoners in Ireland was furnished us by Countess Mar-
kievicz." This was written by Messrs. Walsh and Dunne in a letter
to Mr. Lloyd George, dated Paris June 19 1919 (see 66th Congress,
1st Session, Senate Document 106, p. 817). The report of evidence
given by the three envoys, with others, before the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee of the Senate is given verbatim in the Document.
The value of this evidence may perhaps be gauged by one or two
quotations. " When the Irish get together, north and south, they
always agree " (p. 835). " Ireland is the most law-abiding country
on the face of the earth " (p. 835). Liberty Hall is the headquarters
of " the most conservative labor organization in the world " (p.
853). " England allows no ship to come trans-Atlantic to her
(Ireland's) ports " (p. 828). " There is no religious question in the
Irish movement " (p. 859). " Mercenary Gurkhas are imported to
police Ireland " (p. 906).
5 Senate Document 106 cit., p. 809.
7 Interview between President Wilson and Messrs. Edward F.
Dunne and Frank P. Walsh, at the President's house, II, Place des
Etats-Unis, Paris, Wed. June II 1919 (ib., pp. 835 seq).
576
IRELAND
to transfer his activities to the United States, which he suc-
ceeded in reaching in disguise. The agitation conducted by
him in the United States belongs to the history of Ireland only
in so far as it reacted upon it. The reaction was, of course,
great. Sinn Fein was encouraged by the sympathy with its
views manifested by large sections of the American people,
culminating in the amazing action of the Foreign Relations
Committee of the Senate in adopting the isth reservation to
the Covenant of the League of Nations, which would have
committed the United States not only to the support of Irish
independence but to that of the principle of self-determination
generally. It was helped in yet more practical fashion by the
response to the invitation issued in Sept. by Dail Eireann to
subscribe to a loan guaranteed by the Irish Republic.
The organization of the terror in Ireland proceeded apace
during the year 1919. The Irish Republican army (I. R. A.)
was supplied with arms, partly by numerous raids
" g on private houses, partly by the overwhelming of
Terror. small parties of police and soldiers, and increasingly
as time went on by shipments from the United States
and elsewhere, which on a coast so wild and indented as that
of Ireland there was little difficulty in smuggling in. Illegal
drilling continued, and occasionally led to fights with the police,
as at Kilrush, in W. Clare, on April 15. But the most effective
weapon was the boycott. It had early been applied against
those who had dared to vote against Mr. De Valera in E. Clare;
at the " President's " request it was now to be applied univer-
sally to the police. Before Sinn Fein brought its blessings to
Ireland, the Royal Irish Constabulary had been friends of
every one. The service was exceedingly popular, there being
often a hundred applications for one vacancy in the ranks.
It was an armed and disciplined force, it is true, but in so wild
and lawless a country as much of Ireland is, this was as necessary
as the arming of the sheriffs in the western states of America.
The force, moreover, was wholly manned by Irishmen, drawn for
the most part from the ranks of the Catholic peasantry. These
men very rarely used their arms. Their main duties consisted
in checking ordinary crime, in preventing the illegal distillation
of potheen, in protecting boycotted persons, and in saving the
tails of " unpopular " farmers' cattle from the knives of their
neighbours. They were debarred from voting or taking any
other part in politics. Their functions in this respect were limi-
ted to trying to keep the peace between the contending factions,
and they never intervened in debates until the champions of
rival ideals had exhausted their armoury of abuse and, as is the
way in Ireland, continued the argument with weapons more or
less lethal. These men, whose courage and faithfulness to their
trust had been so often proved, were now to be treated as pariahs
and outcasts. On April 26 the executive committee of Cumann
na mBan, the quasi-military Sinn Fein women's organization,
issued instructions to its members not to be in company with
nor to speak to a policeman, not even to occupy the same bench
in church. 1 This might have been borne with philosophy;
but an economic was added to a social boycott, and in many
districts no tradesman or farmer dared to supply the police or
their families with the very necessaries of life. In view of
this, and of the campaign of wholesale murder to which they
were presently subjected, it is perhaps not surprising that,
after many months, the discipline of the force suffered, and its
members occasionally took the law into their own hands. 2 The
first "reprisals," however, were the work not of the police but of
The following diatribe against the police was circulated at the
same time. It was headed " Aceldama " (the field of blood).
For money their hands are dipped in the blood of their people . . .
They are the eyes and ears of the enemy.
Let those eyes and ears know no friendship.
Let them be outcasts in their own land.
The blood of the martyrs shall be on them and their children's
children, and they shall curse the mothers that bring them
forth.
(Copy this out accurately four times, and send it to four of your
friends.)
* During 1919 II policemen were murdered, in addition to many
seriously wounded.
soldiers. On Sept. 7 at Fermoy, in Cork, a small party of
soldiers leaving Mass were attacked by armed men on the
steps of the church, one being killed and three wounded, the
assailants making off in a motor with their rifles. The coroner's
jury returned an open verdict, which so enraged the soldiers that
in the evening they paraded the town and wrecked the shops
of the tradesmen who had acted on the jury.
Speaking at Glasgow on Sept. i Mr. Joseph Devlin said that
Ireland had never "been more prosperous." 3 It had also
rarely been more disturbed; and at Belfast on Sept. n Lord
French declared that to restore order the Government would, if
necessary, use the most drastic means. On the following day
Dail Eireann was at last proclaimed as a dangerous association,
and extensive military raids on Sinn Fein centres were carried
out everywhere, in a systematic search for arms and seditious
literature. During the month, also, a considerable number
of Sinn F'ein newspapers were suppressed in Dublin and the
provinces. On the 22nd the seriousness of the situation was
advertised by the arming of the constabulary with hand-grenades.
Outrages, however, including several brutal murders, 4 continued
and were followed by further proclamations and arrests. The
arrests were followed in their turn by hunger strikes, and the
prisoners continued to be released. Matters became worse
in Nov.; systematic attacks on police barracks now became
frequent; raids for arms continued, including one on the Ameri-
can steamship " Pensacola " at Cork (Nov. 5); on the roth
and nth there were serious riots in Cork city; and on the igth
a new precedent was set by the burning down of the petty
sessions court at Liscarroll, county Cork. In these circum-
stances the Government found it necessary to take additional
powers. On Oct. 16 the city and county of Dublin had been
proclaimed under the Crimes Act; on Nov. 13 the proclamation
was extended to considerable areas of the country; on the 24th
the Government announced in Parliament that hunger strikers
would no longer be released, but must, " if they would not take
their food, take the consequences "; and on the zyth the Sinn
Fein organization, the Sinn Fein clubs, Cumann na mBan, etc.,
which had been proclaimed in Dublin on Oct. 16, were banned
by proclamation in all Ireland.
Meanwhile abortive efforts had been made to arrive at an
accommodation, Lord Southborough's 5 offer of his services
to this end (Oct. 30) being contemptuously rejected
by Mr. Arthur Griffith in the name of Sinn Fein. e
The situation was not improved by the issue (Nov. s/nn p ela
20) of the report of the Irish Dominion League, Terror.
which advertised the tendency of the " moderate "
elements towards Sinn Fein; by the declaration of Sir Horace
Plunkett that " civil management must be substituted for
Prussian militarism"; 6 and by his denunciation of the proc-
lamation of Sinn Fein. The endorsement of this attitude by
an influential section of the British press merely persuaded the
Sinn Feiners that their policy of violence was on the eve of
success, and that it only needed to be accentuated to make
success certain. The month of Dec. accordingly saw a great
increase in the number of outrages, which gave evidence also
of increasing organization. All Dublin was horror-stricken by
the murder on Dec. i of Detective-Sergeant Barton, a very pop-
ular officer, which was carried out in a populous thoroughfare
in the heart of the city. It was the beginning of the terror
which was to dominate the country during many months to
come. The nature of this terror may be understood by the fact
that when, on the igth, a school-teacher named Blanchfield
was murdered near Kinsale, the body lay for hours where it
fell, as none of the villagers dared to touch it. 7 On the zoth
a murderous attack was made on Lord French, the Lord Lieu-
Writing in The Times (Nov. 4) Prof. A. L. P. Dennis, of Wis-
consin University, described Ireland as " a land of plenty."
4 In Clare, on Oct. 21, a farmer was murdered, and his wife
kicked and beaten, by masked men.
6 Secretary to the Irish Convention (see above).
6 At the National Liberal Club, Oct. 30.
7 Policemen, mortally wounded, sometimes lay unattended in
crowded streets, no one daring to give them a drink of water.
IRELAND
577
tenant, as he was motoring from Ashtown station to the vice-
regal lodge. Happily none of the bombs and shots discharged
at the viceregal party took effect; but one of the assailants,
a youth named Michael Savage, was killed. On the aznd the
offices of the Irish Independent were raided and the machinery
smashed, by masked men, because the editor had described
this young man as " a would-be assassin." Murders, assaults,
highway robberies, burnings, attempts to wreck trains such
was the situation in Ireland when, on the eve of the close of
the parliamentary session, the Chief Secretary, Mr. Ian Mac-
pherson, and Mr. Lloyd George, introduced the new Government
of Ireland bill.
This measure proposed to set up in Ireland two parliaments, one
for the six counties of N.E. Ulster, another for the rest of Ireland.
The unity of Ireland was to be preserved by a Council
/ h7/" e ^ I re ' an d, consisting of members nominated by the
injn ' two parliaments, " with a view to the eventual establish-
ment of a parliament for the whole of Ireland, and to
bringing about harmonious action between the parliaments and
governments of Southern Ireland and Northern Ireland, and to the
promotion of mutual intercourse and uniformity in relation to
matters affecting, the whole of Ireland, and to providing for the
administration of services which the two parliaments mutually
agree should be administered uniformly throughout the whole of
Ireland." It was proposed, under Sec. 3, that the two parliaments,
by identical Acts agreed to by an absolute majority of the House of
Commons of each parliament, should have power to establish, in
lieu of the Council, a parliament for the whole of Ireland. Imperial
services army, navy, foreign relations, etc. were reserved to the
Imperial Parliament; but certain services, e.g. the post-office, were
to be transferred if and when the two parliaments should agree
to merge into one, while, in this event, the vexed question of customs
and excise was to be settled by agreement between the Irish and
Imperial Parliaments. The contribution of Ireland to Imperial
expenditure was provisionally fixed at 18,000,000 per annum.
The reception met with in Ireland by this attempt to reconcile
the principles of the self-determination of Ireland with that
of the self-determination of Ulster and the in-
. terests of Great Britain and the Empire was not
encouraging. The Sinn Feiners and Nationalists
generally refused to have anything to say to a scheme which,
in view of the temper of Ulster, seemed to make the partition of
Ireland permanent, and certainly fell very short of the ideal
of national independence. The Unionists in the South, and
especially those of the three Ulster counties excluded from the
northern parliamentary area, denounced the bill as a betrayal
of their interests, since it left the Protestants elsewhere than in
the N.E. in a hopeless minority; while the Roman Catholic
hierarchy equally denounced " an impossible scheme " which
subjected the Catholics of the North to a Protestant parliament.
Only the Ulstermen accepted the settlement, not because they
liked it, but because they saw in it the only alternative to the
automatic coming into force of the Home Rule Act of 1914. l
Even more immediately unhappy was the effort of the Govern-
ment to clear the way for Home Rule by removing the deep-seated
grievance of the Irish school-teachers, which had been
Education one ^ the strongest recruiting agents of Sinn Fein.
BW. The teachers had for long past been grossly under-
paid; they were at the mercy of their clerical school
managers; and neither of these wrongs could be righted without
introducing into Ireland the principle of popular control which
had long been established in Great Britain. Two specially
appointed viceregal commissions had recently reported on
the subject, and their reports had been signed unanimously
by the Irish Roman Catholic representatives. When, therefore,
on Nov. 24 Mr. Ian Macpherson, the Chief Secretary, introduced
in the House of Commons an Education bill embodying the
recommendations of the reports, he did so with some confidence
that it would be welcomed in Ireland. By the school-teachers
1 Resolution of the Ulster Unionist Council. The Times, March 1 1
1920. " The decisions of the Council that day had been momentous.
They would take no responsibility for the Home Rule bill. ... It
was all very well to say ' Why don't you go on fighting as you did
before?' What were they to fight for? Could they fight for more than
the freeing of Ulster from a Home Rule Parliament in Dublin? If
the bill passed, they had won, and won without fighting." Sir
Edward Carson to the Ulster Unionist Labour Association, ib.
it was indeed welcomed; but the hierarchy at once protested
against a measure which threatened their autocratic control
of the schools, their protest was supported by the Council of
the (Catholic) National University, and after nearly a year
of abortive effort the bill was shelved.
One great remedial measure had thus broken down once
more on the opposition of the Irish hierarchy ; another, the Labour-
ers' (Ireland) Act, passed unnoticed in the general
turmoil. The situation, indeed, was rapidly pass- The
ing beyond the stage when the Government could campaign.
hope to meet it by a policy of alternate " concilia-
tion " and " coercion." Hitherto the campaign of murder and
of intimidation generally had been sporadic and to a certain
extent spontaneous. Early in 1920 it received a definite or-
ganization, which was developed during the year with such
thoroughness that there was scarce a house in Ireland where the
ordinary citizen felt safe from the activities of Sinn Fein spies
and agents. To speak with disapproval of the policy of murder
was to risk incurring a sentence at least of " banishment," con-
veyed by anonymous letter; and, since the police were powerless
to give effective protection, the sentence had to be obeyed.
Death was the penalty for disobeying the orders of the " Repub-
lic " and the executive of this Republic was a body shrouded in
mystery. " Executions " of " traitors," or " informers," or
of those who dared continue in the service of the " foreign "
Government, were carried out ruthlessly in broad daylight,
in the crowded streets of cities, in the smoking-rooms of clubs,
in the bar-rooms and bedrooms of hotels, and no one knew by
whom the sentences were passed nor what process of trial, if
any, was used in arriving at them. The murders were, with
a few exceptions, carried out with perfect impunity; for such
was the terror that no one dared interfere or come forward
as a witness, 2 and in the few cases where arrests were effected
the Government had generally to depend on the evidence of
soldiers and police, if any happened to have been present.
It is impossible here even to outline the terrible tale of crime
which stains the annals of Ireland during 1920, the most
bloody since the mutual slaughter of 1798. Most of the victims
were of humble rank, usually policemen and soldiers, done to
death on the instructions issued towards the close of 1919 3 by
Sinn Fein or the hidden force of the old Irish Republican
Brotherhood masquerading under its name. The comparative
numbers tell their own tale. From May i to Dec. 31 1919
1 8 policemen had been murdered in Ireland; the number from
Jan. i to Dec. 18 1920 was 176 killed and 251 wounded. 4 From
time to time there were more conspicuous victims. On March
20 the Lord Mayor of Cork, Alderman MacCurtain, was done
to death in his own house by a band of masked men. The
affair was surrounded with mystery, for the victim was a prom-
inent Sinn Feiner. The coroner's jury, on April 18, found that
the murder had been committed by the R.I.C., acting under
the directions of the Government, and brought in a verdict
of wilful murder against Mr. Lloyd George, Lord French, Mr.
Ian Macpherson, Acting Inspector-Gen. Smith, R.I.C., and
District-Inspector Swanzy; 6 on the 24th the Cork Corporation
resolved to call on the Executive of the Irish Republic to bring
this verdict to the notice of foreign Governments which showed
a characteristic lack of the sense of humour. It was very
generally believed, however, that the Lord Mayor, who had
expressed strong disapproval of the murder campaign, was
" executed " as an object-lesson to other weak-kneed supporters
of the cause. The same fate was, later, to fall upon the Mayor
and Ex-Mayor of Limerick, who, though Sinn Feiners, had used
their local influence in favour of peace and order. Of other
crimes, three of outstanding atrocity need mention. On March
27 Mr. Alan Bell, an experienced resident magistrate who had
2 i.e. for the prosecution. Witnesses for the defence, to prove an
alibi, could always be found in abundance.
3 The instructions to murder police and soldiers were published in
the Belfast Newsletter (Jan. 2 1920).
4 In addition 54 soldiers were killed and Il8 wounded.
6 Murdered later at Lisburn.
578
IRELAND
been holding a secret inquiry under the Crimes Act, was dragged
from a crowded tramcar near Dublin by a band of armed men
and shot dead by the roadside. On July 31 Mr. Frank Brooke,
a member of the Irish Privy Council and chairman of the S. E.
Railway Co., was shot dead by armed men in his office at West-
land Row Station. In neither of these cases were the murderers
caught. But the blackest day of crime was Sunday Nov. 21,
when, at 9 o'clock in the morning, bands of armed men visited
the houses where certain young officers, mainly engaged in
court-martial work, were lodged, found them all unarmed,
some still in bed and others dressing, and shot them down in
cold blood. Some succeeded in escaping, but in all 14 were
killed. This crime, which showed the most elaborate prepa-
ration, gave proof of the most revolting treachery, and for a
moment awakened the British public from its apathy about
Irish affairs, received the high approval of Mr. De Valera in
America, and to judge by the description of it by Father
Dominic, Lord Mayor MacSwiney's chaplain, as " a wonder-
ful day " was regarded by the fanatics of Sinn Fein as a
glorious victory. 1
Yet to say that Sinn Fein organized or approved these crimes,
without qualification, would be to give a false impression.
For certainly all Catholic Ireland did not approve
them; and Catholic Ireland, with, rare exceptions,
Sinn Fein, was by this time Sinn Fein. In the case of very many
people this adherence was due to the terror, but
it would be untrue to pretend that this cause alone operated.
Among the young people, especially, the Sinn Fein creed had by
this time developed into something like a religious fanaticism.
Since the rebellion of 1916 a whole new generation of boys and
girls had grown up, baptized in the blood of the martyrs, trained
to regard Ireland as the centre of the universe and England as
the barbarous oppressor who for 700 years past had arrested its
development and obscured its glory, and firmly convinced
that, if only the yoke of the barbarian could be shaken off,
Ireland would once again become a pattern of civilization to
the nations. And behind this crude idealism was the economic
pressure of the young manhood of the country, cooped within
its narrow limits, without work, without money, and without
prospects. These were the recruits, inexorably conscribed,
of the armies of the " Republic " and the executors of its decrees.
The great majority of this army consisted of shop-assistants
and town labourers. If the farmers and the petty tradesmen
professed and called themselves Sinn Fein, this was often but
an accommodation to circumstances; and the term Sinn Fein,
covering a variety of aspirations, might mean much or little
at most an intransigeant faith, at least a mantle of protection
against an ever-present fear. And the terror was the more
poignant since its sources .remained obscure. None could tell
what sinister forces lurked behind the self-styled " Republic,"
who really issued the orders in the name of Dail Eireann, or
who held command at the elusive " headquarters " of the Irish
Republican army. And to the welter thus produced was pres-
ently added on orgy of private crime, ancient vendettas being
satisfied under the disguise of one or other of the warring forces, 2
while burglaries and highway robberies became common.
Against certain private crimes Sinn Fein for a time attempted
to set its face. With the breakdown of the legal organs of
Government, during the early months of 1920, in
< theMuai- * ar 6 e P arts of the country, the Sinn Fein organization
cipaiities. gradually took over the administration. The mu-
nicipal elections in Jan., though the new principle
of proportional representation introduced under the Act of 1919
here and there produced remarkable results, 3 placed Sinn Fein
1 For an eye-witness's account see " Experiences of an Officer's
Wife in Ireland." Black-wood's Magazine for May 1921, vol. ccix.,
No. mccixvii. " Studies in Green," published serially in the same
magazine, also give a vivid picture of conditions under the terror.
2 This accounts for several mysterious murders, charged (accord-
ing to taste) to Sinn Fein or Crown forces. Outrages were often
committed by men dressed in stolen police and army uniforms.
1 A few Unionists were elected in constituencies which had always
been solidly Nationalist, while the Belfast corporation included a
minority of Nationalists and Sinn Feiners.
in the majority in most of the corporations and councils of the
South and West, which is not surprising, since apart from the
intense resentment at the proposed partition of Ireland, the
Sinn Fein organization had long since made it clear that those
who refused allegiance to the " Republic " would be under its
ban. 4 The election of Alderman T. Kelly, who was interned
in England, as Lord Mayor of Dublin (Jan. 24), the hoisting of
the Sinn Fein flag on the City Hall, and the removal of the sword
and mace from the council chamber as " relics of barbarism,"
advertised the new spirit of the Nationalist municipalities.
It was not, however, until May 4 that the Dublin Corporation
resolved formally to acknowledge the authority of Dail Eireann
and to undertake to give effect to its decrees, and its example
was soon followed by other corporations, and county and
district councils. On April 14 Sinn Fein " headquarters " had
defined its policy with regard to these bodies; all the old council-
lors were to stand aside and give place to younger men who
would refuse to recognize the Local Government Board, and
who, being without property, could not be made liable for
damages in resisting the Government. The result was, of
course, the- complete confusion of local administration; for the
refusal of the elected bodies to submit their accounts to the
Board's inspector was met by the refusal of the Government
to make the statutory grants in aid of rates. The mutual
boycott continued in many cases into the following year. It
was combined with the wrecking and burning of inland revenue
offices and the looting of Government money from post-office
vans and mail trains. At the same time a general destruction
of Government property began, starting with the police " bar-
racks," which in many parts of the country had been left unpro-
tected owing to the necessity of concentrating the police. 5
Many empty country houses, suspected of having been requi-
sitioned by the military, were also burned down.
Meanwhile Sinn Fein had set out to cure the anarchy which
it had created by setting up an organized system of justice.
Sinn Fein courts were early in operation; on May 12,
at Kilfinane in Limerick, two Sinn Feiners were Tfte
put on trial before such a court for cattle-" driving." c'ourt
Such irregularities were no longer to be permitted,
and on the igth, at Balh'nrobe, the first public court established
in Ireland under the aegis of Dail Eireann was opened to de-
termine land disputes and effect settlements of agrarian trouble.
By the $rd of next month Sinn Fein courts had been established
in 21 Irish counties, 6 and a fortnight later it was reported that
a Sinn Fein supreme court was to be established in Dublin.
Before the end of the summer, in two-thirds of Ireland, Sinn
Fein justice was alone available; the King's writ had ceased
to run; the royal judges still went on circuit, but their courts
guarded by police and soldiers were empty of litigants, who,
often unwillingly enough, had to transfer their suits to the
improvised tribunals of the " Republic."
These tribunals might or might not be honest and effective. They
usually consisted of a Roman Catholic curate and one or two
prominent local Sinn Feiners; and sometimes a lawyer's clerk, or
others with a rudimentary knowledge of the procedure of the courts,
took part in their decisions, which were often reported as reasonable.
Substantial court fees were exacted from the litigants, which went to
supply a fund for salaries for the members of the court.
In course of time people of all political opinions found it expedient
to apply to these courts, if they were to have any redress; solicitors,
deprived of practice in the ordinary courts, made no scruple of
appearing before them, and even loyalists, compelled to sell their
property occasionally, weakened when they found that the Sinn Fein
land courts imposed a higher price for land compulsorily purchased
than that allowed by the Land Commission. And, so long as it
lasted, the authority of these courts was absolute, and for a sufficient
reason the ultimate penalty for disobedience was death.
4 " The candidates for the chairmanship of the Granard Rural
District Council are requested to attend the Executive meeting
and sign the Sinn Fein pledge." Nationality, Aug. 4 1917.
6 These " barracks " were usually cottages, privately owned,
which had been leased to the Government. Their destruction im-
posed a heavy burden on the ratepayers of the county including
the owners who were assessed for compensation.
e Freeman's Journal, June 4 1920.
IRELAND
579
The existence of these courts was, of course, a criminal offence
under the ordinary law of sedition; but in Ireland, after the proc-
lamation of Sinn Fein under the Crimes Act as a dangerous associa-
tion, they came within the prohibitions of the Crimes Act of 1887,
and every person taking part in them was liable, after conviction
before a court of two resident magistrates, to a sentence of six months'
imprisonment. But the difficulty of the Government in dealing
with them lay in the fact that evidence was almost impossible to
procure as to their personnel or the proceedings that took place before
them. It was, in short, not until the ordinary law was superseded
by military administration that the Sinn Fein courts were dis-
solved, not by the ordinary processes of law, but by force. Once
scattered, under the influence of counter-terror, they ceased to appeal
even to the sentiment of the people, who on the whole had had reason
to fear the incidence of a justice wholly irresponsible and arbitrary in
its methods. 1
For the highly idealized Sinn Fein account of the organization
and work of these courts, see " The Republican Police and Courts of
Justice," in the Irish Bulletin, vol. v., No. 46, Aug. 4. For the Sinn
Fein Land Settlement Commission, see ib. No. 49, Aug. 9.
In the spring of 1921 the Bang's writ was once more running
in the " disturbed " counties, the courts were sitting, juries were
attending, and litigants were appearing to press their suits.
This change, with many others, was due to the more con-
sistently vigorous policy introduced by Sir Hamar Greenwood,
who had succeeded Mr. Ian Macpherson as Chief Sec-
sirffamar retary on April 4 1920. Though formerly a Liberal
0re T H Home Ruler, he realized that the distempers of Ire-
woou ana ijij j fl ,.
the Coa- iand nad passed beyond hope of cure by any panaceas
stabuiary. which British Liberalism was prepared to apply,
and that the choice for the Government lay between
yielding to force or opposing force to force. The first necessity
was to restore the moral of the forces of the Crown. The men
of the R.I.C. had for more than a year borne with amazing
patience and courage the campaign directed against them.
But with the intensification of this campaign towards the middle
of 1920 their patience and their discipline had begun to break
down. Time after time they had seen men they had arrested,
for serious crimes against the State, released after a few days
of easy imprisonment. Again and again they had been " let
down " owing to a clamour in Parliament and the press which
threatened to become inconvenient to ministers. They were
murdered wholesale, and none of their neighbours dared to help
them in their death agonies, still less to give evidence against
their assassins, not one of whom was punished. They were
subjected by order of the " Republic " to a rigorous boycott,
and the tradesmen, the farmers and the creameries refused
to supply their wives and their babies with the very necessaries
of life, since to do so was to involve themselves in the same
penalty. For armed and organized men to endure this for ever
was not in human nature, and least of all in Irish human nature.
In short, there was apprehension that the police, realizing that
Sinn Fein had succeeded in breaking down the law, would
begin to take the matter into their own hands.
The Royal Irish Constabulary, indeed, was by this time
but a remnant of a once magnificent force. The campaign
of murder and boycott had largely done its work;
the men were resigning under a threat of murder or
aad-Taas." other outrage on their parents, and any young
man who was announced as going to join the force was
promptly shot. At the same time the catalogue of crimes of
all descriptions in Ireland was reaching appalling proportions;
and it became necessary for the Government to adopt a far
stronger policy, if the country was to be saved from lapsing
into utter anarchy. In March Mr. Ian Macpherson, in answer
to a question in the House of Commons, had estimated the
numbers of the Irish Republican army at 200,000, thus out-
numbering the forces of the Crown in Ireland by about five to
one. In July the troops in Ireland were increased to 60,000, and
the supreme command was taken over by Sir Nevil Macready,
1 Dail Eireann had fixed a prescription of 20 years as giving legal
title to land. A Sinn Fein Court in county Cork ordered the sale
of his farm by a man whose family had held it since 1847, and the
distribution of the proceeds among people who claimed to be
descendants of the owner who had emigrated to America after the
great famine. (Private information.)
The
"Black
a general 2 with a long and distinguished record. On the loth
the Government issued instructions for the reorganization of
the R.I.C., the depleted ranks of which were to be filled up
with English and Irish ex-service men; and at the same time
there was created an auxiliary police force consisting of 1,500
ex-officers, divided into 15 mobile companies, for the purpose
of carrying out special duties wherever they might be required.
Since there were not enough of the dark green uniforms of the
R.I.C. to supply all the new recruits, these were clothed tempo-
rarily in military khaki, with a black hat and arm band to
distinguish them as constables whence the name " black-and-
tans." They must be distinguished from the auxiliary police,
whose uniform continued to be khaki with a black glengarry
cap, and who were therefore also sometimes known as " black-
and-tans." The whole of this force was placed under the con-
trol of Maj.-Gen. Sir Henry Tudor, 3 who was established in
the Castle as Police Adviser.
The presence of this force soon altered the condition of things
in Ireland. The military, who after the great disbandment
had consisted mainly of raw boys hardly able to bear the weight
of their rifles, had been no match for the strapping guerrillas
of Sinn Fein. The " black-and-tans " and the auxiliary cadets
(it is well to distinguish them) were men hardened by years of
service at the front and brave to recklessness, as they needed
to be. Systematically distributed over the disturbed areas
of the country, they proceeded to break up the Sinn Fein organ-
ization; soon its leaders were " on the run "; and the authority
of the Crown was gradually reestablished in wide districts
where for months past the de facto Government had been that
of the " Republic." In the performance of this difficult and
very dangerous task serious irregularities were sometimes com-
mitted, but on the whole the " black-and-tans " were not
unpopular; for they broke the Sinn Fein terror and as the
women put it saved the boys from being forced into the
murder gangs. 4 Soon, however, the wildest reports began to
circulate about the outrages committed by them, reports grossly
exaggerated, but none the less having a basis in fact. There is,
indeed, no evidence whatever to support the accusations of
outrages on women, or indeed of any gross crimes committed
on innocent people, and these may be characterized as absolute
lies. But there is evidence that some of these men by no
means all brought to Ireland the loose view as to the rights
of property which had been current during the war at the front,
and helped themselves to what they needed without always
discriminating between the loyal and the disloyal.
More serious were the issues raised by the " reprisals " carried
out by the force, or rather by some of its members, when any
of them were murdered. In matters of this sort it
is not the function of the historian to approve or to
condemn, but to explain; and in this case the explanation is
not far to seek. The general attitude of the " black-and-tans "
is explicable by the abnormal conditions under which they
worked. They found themselves in a country nominally and
even apparently at peace, for its normal life continued through
all the troubles, and among a people polite and outwardly
even demonstratively friendly. They soon discovered that
this was all illusion; that the country was a prey to civil strife
in its most cruel and barbarous form; and that the seeming
urbanity of the people was too often a treacherous mask. It
is not surprising if, not knowing the people as the old R.I.C.
men had intimately known them, they were often unable to
distinguish realities from appearances, and confounded the
veiled Sinn Feiner with the real Sinn Feiner, and the loyalist
with both. As for reprisals, they are best explained by instances.
2 B. 1862. In addition to distinguished war service in Egypt, S.
Africa and the World War, Sir Nevil Macready was commissioner
of the London Metropolitan Police 1918-20 and had dealt success-
fully with the great police strike.
3 B. 1871. Served with distinction in the S. African War and
throughout the World War. He commanded the gth Division in
France in 1918.
4 From private information. Reports about this, as about most
matters in Ireland, are very contradictory.
Reprisals.
58o
IRELAND
The first serious act of reprisal took place at Balbriggan,
county Dublin, on Sept. 21, when District-Inspector Burke,
an exceedingly popular officer, and another constable were
shot dead in the bar of a public-house. The murderers used
expanding bullets, and when the disfigured corpses of the two
constables were carried into the police barracks the men " saw
red," and that night the houses and shops of the Sinn Fein
leaders in the town went up in flames. Similar scenes followed
the ambushing and murder of six constables at Rinneen, county
Clare, on the 29th. The infuriated police descended on the
neighbouring towns of Miltown-Malbay, Lahinch and Ennisty-
mon, set fire to certain houses and shot two men. 1 Continued
murders of police led, at the end of Oct., to a renewal of these
reprisals, armed men invading and causing much destruction
in the towns of Granard, Tralee, Ballymote, Tipperary, Athlone,
Killorglin, Miltown-Malbay, Longford and Templemore. 2 The
discovery of five constables lying on the high road, with their
brains battered out, led to similar reprisals at Tubercurry
(Oct. 2). In vain their officers tried to restrain the enraged
men; they turned savagely upon them and threatened to shoot
them if they interfered. 3 The ambushing of a party of auxiliary
police at Dillon's Cross, Cork, on Dec. 18, was followed by
incendiary fires in Cork city, in the course of which the City
Hall and the Carnegie Library were destroyed, but there is no
information as to jwho was responsible, though public opinion
fixed responsibility upon the police. But though, in these
other cases, the discipline of .the police gave way, the cases were
far more numerous in which it stood the awful test. No reprisals
followed the treacherous massacre of the young officers in Dublin
on Nov. 2 1 . No reprisals followed the horrible affair of Macroom,
county Cork, when (Nov. 29) 17 auxiliary cadets were lured into
an ambush of 100 Sinn Feiners disguised as British soldiers,
and 15 of them murdered, no quarter being given and the dead
savagely mutilated. 4
The irregular reprisals, moreover, were not all the work of
the police. When Inspector Swanzy was murdered at Lisburn
on Aug. 8 1920, the Protestants, who were in a great majority
in the town, doubly, enraged by this outrage in evangelical
Ulster, rose and in spite of all the efforts of the local clergy
to stop them burned many Catholic houses. The murder
of a policeman in Belfast was followed, on Sept. 25, by attacks
of Orangemen on Sinn Feiners and a renewal of the sectarian
riots which in July had kept the city in a turmoil and now
again necessitated its occupation by the military. 6
The temper of the constabulary placed the Government in
a delicate position. To approve of irregular reprisals was
impossible, to condone them was dangerous, and worse. Yet
to take stern and drastic measures against them was equally
impossible in view of the general feeling among the troops and
the police, for this might easily have led, either to their resigna-
tion en masse (which was what Sinn Fein was aiming at), or to
their getting utterly out of hand and sweeping with fire and
sword through the country. Above all, to have shown the
slightest sign of a disposition to " let the police down " again,
would have been almost certainly disastrous. It is not the
present writer's intention either to attack or to defend the
apparently equivocal attitude at first assumed by the Govern-
ment towards this question of reprisals, which was bitterly
criticised, but merely to state the conditions by which it was
determined. It is certainly true to say that Sir Hamar Green-
wood-, by his consistent championship of the forces of the Crown
against their critics and detractors, succeeded in winning their
confidence and thus in re-creating the essential conditions for
1 The fires were put out by the military, assisted by police.
1 Irish Times, weekly ed., Nov. 6 1920.
' Private information. All these reprisals up to Oct., were the
work of the old R.I.C., not of the " black-and-tans."
* It was reported at first that Macroom had been burned, but
this was contradicted next day. One fire broke out, but was ex-
tinguished with the aid of the soldiers and auxiliary police.
6 During 1920 the partisan war had been assuming more and more
a " religious " character, many outrages on Protestant churches
and murders of Protestant farmers being reported from the South.
the restoration of effective discipline. One lesson, moreover,
the irregular reprisals had taught the Government, namely,
that fear will open the lips that fear has sealed. On the very
night of the Balbriggan reprisal, for the first time, men came
to the police to denounce the murderers, moved by fear that
their own houses might be burned.
In view of the refusal of people to come lorward except under
pressure of this kind, the Government decided to make certain
areas collectively responsible for the murder of soldiers and
police. Where ambushes were elaborately prepared for days
beforehand, telegraph wires being cut, and the roads for miles
round being made impassable by trenches or felled trees, it was
assumed that these treacherous attacks must have been delivered
if not with the connivance, at least with the acquiescence, of
the people. While, then, irregular reprisals were to be sternly
repressed and punished, Gen. Macready issued an order that
houses in the immediate neighbourhood of an ambush were to
be burned, not as a reprisal, but as a punishment for the failure
of the inhabitants to give information which by law they were
bound to do. This was the origin of what were known as " offi-
cial reprisals," which began to be carried out early in 1921.
Such was the condition of things in Ireland frankly recog-
nized as " a state of war " when, on Dec. 23 1920, the new
Government of Ireland bill became law. It had few friends
even in Parliament; it had been debated in empty Houses; it
received no welcome outside, except in Ulster, where it was
welcomed as an ark of salvation from worse things. It gave,
it is true, greater powers to the Irish legislatures than those
given by the Act of 1914; it provided machinery for safeguarding
the essential unity of Ireland in spite of " partition," and for
securing corporate unity whenever the dissevered halves of
the Irish people should arrive at an understanding. But the'
machinery for conciliation is useless without the driving force
of the spirit of conciliation; and to the mass of the Irish people,
who do not know the meaning of the word compromise, it seemed
but a cumbrous device for burdening their shoulders with a
responsibility which was not theirs. In the North preparations
at once began to put the Act in force whenever " the appointed
day " should be named, Sir James Craig for this purpose taking
over the Ulster leadership from Sir Edward Carson. In the
South nobody believed that the day would ever be named, at
least so far as Ireland outside Ulster was concerned; for it was
thought improbable that sane men would try inflammatory
constitutional experiments in a political powder magazine.
In this, however, the South was mistaken; for in April the
Government fixed the appointed day, and on the zist instruc-
tions were sent to Dublin to make all the preparations necessary
for the elections. At the same time it was announced that
the lord lieutenancy had been accepted by Lord Edmund
Talbot (created Viscount Fitzalan of Derwent), a brother of
the late and uncle of the actual Duke of Norfolk, who, as a
Roman Catholic, had become eligible for the office owing to
the removal of the last remnant of Catholic disabilities by the
Act. 6 The attitude of the Government at this stage on the
question of " reprisals " can be best explained by quoting from
a letter written on April 19 1921 by Mr. Lloyd George to the
Bishop of Chelmsford, who with 19 other English Protestant
prelates and ministers had addressed to him a strong remon-
strance against " the whole reprisals policy " and a plea for
negotiations for a " truce." 7 The Prime Minister wrote:
That there have been deplorable excesses I will not attempt to
deny. Individuals working under conditions of extraordinary
personal danger and strain, where they are in uniform
and their adversaries mingle unrecognizable among the J, he
ordinary civilian population, have undoubtedly been
guilty of unjustifiable acts. A certain number of un- " m
desirables have got into the corps, and in the earlier days
discipline in the novel and exacting conditions took some
time to establish.
There is no question that, despite all difficulties, discipline is
improving, the force is consolidating, and that the acts of indisei-
* Hitherto the Lord Lieutenant had by law to be Protestant.
' It may be noted that no such remonstrance came from the
Protestant bishops or Presbyterian ministers of Ireland.
IRELAND
581
pline, despite ambushes, assassinations and outrages, often designed
to provoke retaliation for the purposes of propaganda, are becoming
increasingly infrequent. I venture to believe that when the history
of the past nine months in Ireland comes to be written, and the
authentic acts of misconduct can be disentangled from the vastly
greater mass of reckless and lying accusations, the general record of
patience and forbearance displayed by the sorely tried police, by the
auxiliaries as well as by the ordinary Constabulary, will command
not the condemnation but the admiration of posterity.
The deplorable condition of Ireland Mr. Lloyd George as-
cribed mainly to the intransigeance of Sinn Fein:
I do not wish to minimize in the least Great Britain's share of
responsibility for the present state of the Irish question. But at
last all parties in Great Britain had united, in the general elec-
tion of 1918, in asking and securing from the electorate a mandate
to give to Ireland the Home Rule which had been pleaded for by
Gladstone and asked for by all the leaders of Irish Nationalism since
Isaac Butt, including Parnell, Dillon and Redmond. The only un-
settled question was the treatment of Ulster, and as to that, both
the Liberal party had recognized in 1914, and the Irish Nationalists
in 1916, that if there was to be a peaceful settlement Ulster must have
separate treatment.
Sinn Fein rejected Home Rule and demanded in its place an Irish
Republic for the whole of Ireland. Sinn Fein went further. It
deliberately set to work to destroy conciliation and constitutional
methods, because it recognized that violence was the only method
by which it could realize a Republic. The rebellion of 1916 was its
first blow to conciliation and reason. Its refusal to take part in the
Convention was the second. Its proclamation of a Republic by the
Dail Eireann and abstention from Westminster was the third. Its
inauguration of the policy of murder and assassination in order to
defeat Home Rule, rather than to discuss the Home Rule bill in
Parliament or enter upon direct conference outside, was the fourth.
I do not think that anybody can doubt that the principal reason
why the war did not bring a peaceful settlement, and why Ireland
is more deeply divided to-day than it has ever been, has been the
determination of Sinn Fein to prevent such a settlement and to
fight for a republic instead.
But there is another aspect of the question to which I must allude.
Sinn Fein does not confine its activities to attacks on servants of the
Crown. It has inaugurated a reign of terror in Ireland which is
certainly equal to anything in Irish history. Its hold on the country
is due partly, no doubt, to the fanatical enthusiasm it invokes, but
partly it is due to terrorism of the most extreme kind. Its opponents
in Ireland are murdered ruthlessly, usually without any form of
trial, with no chance of pleading their case, simply because the Sinn
Fein leaders think them better out of the way.
The case of Sir Arthur Vicars l has excited horror because it is the
murder of a well-known man. But it is only typical of what is
going on all over the country. I may mention two other instances.
In the first, William P. Kennedy, a Nationalist Irishman of the
school of Dillon, refused to close his premises, at Borris, county
Carlow, on the occasion of the death of Lord Mayor McSwiney of
Cork. 2 He was boycotted, and thereupon took an action for damages
against a number of his enemies, Michael O'Dempsey being his
solicitor. A short while after, both Kennedy and O'Dempsey were
shot from behind a wall in front of Kennedy's house.
In the second case William Good, an ex-captain in the army, who
had resumed his studies at Trinity College, Dublin,, after being
demobilized, returned home to attend the funeral of his father who
had been murdered at his own door a few days before. He drove in
I to Bandon on marketing business. On his return he was waylaid by
armed and masked men, carried some way and done to death, the
following notice being found: "Tried, convicted, and executed;
spies and informers beware."
The last two cases seem even worse. The first was the atrocious
case recorded in the newspapers of April 8, where an unarmed,
defenceless, and war-crippled ex-soldier was murdered with revolting
brutality in the presence of his mother and sister, who were spattered
with his blood. The second is in the papers this morning, where a
poor woman named Kitty Carroll, the sole support of her aged father
and mother and invalid brother, was dragged from her house by a
party of masked men, who murdered her and attached to her body
this legend: " Spies and informers beware! Tried, convicted, and
executed by I.R.A." 3
I cite these cases because I think it is essential that people should
realize the character of the Sinn Fein policy, the principles upon
which it acts, and the nature of its campaign. Sinn Fein has never
issued any condemnation of murder. Assassination and outrage
1 Formerly Ulster King-at-Arms and head of the Irish Heralds
College. He was dragged from his house by a roving band of armed
men on the night of April 14 1921 and riddled with bullets, his house
being burned.
2 He died as the result of a hunger strike of 63 days on Oct. 25
1920 in Brixton prison. This ended the policy of hunger strikes.
3 She had rashly given information, through post, to the police of
the existence of a still for the illicit distribution of whisky. This came
out after the date of the Prime Minister's letter.
are the weapons which it has deliberately chosen as the means by
which it is to gain its ends. I should like to repeat that it was not
until over 100 of their comrades had been cruelly assassinated that
the police began to strike a blow in self-defence. . . . The present
state of affairs is due to one cause, and one cause only that there is
still an irreconcilable difference between the two sides. The one
side or, rather, the group which controls it stands for an inde-
pendent Irish Republic; the other stands for maintenance in funda-
mentals of the Union, together with the completes! self-government
for Ireland within the Empire which is compatible with conceding
to Ulster the same right of self-determination within Ireland as
Nationalist Ireland has claimed within the Union. . . _.
A truce in itself will not bridge the gulf, though it might be useful
if there were any doubt on either side as to where the other stands,
or a basis for discussion were in sight. What really matters, if we
are to attain to peace, is that a basis for a permanent settlement
should be reached.
I fully admit, and I have always admitted, that the declared
policy of Sinn Fein and the policy of His Majesty's Government are
irreconcilable. I believe that the policy of establishing an Irish
Republic is impossible for two reasons; first, because it is incom-
patible with the security of Great Britain and with the existence of
the British commonwealth ; and second, because if it were conceded
it would mean civil war in Ireland for Ulster would certainly resist
incorporation in an Irish Republic by force and in this war hun-
dreds of thousands of people, not only from Great Britain but from
all over the world, would hasten to take part.
On the other hand, I believe that the policy of the Government
the maintenance in fundamentals of the unity of the kingdom,
coupled with the immediate establishment of two parliaments in
Ireland with full powers to unite on any terms upon which they can
agree upon themselves is not only the sole practical solution, but
one which is both just and wise in itself.
But the present struggle is not about the Home Rule Act at all.
Fundamentally the issue is the same as that in the War of North
and South in the United States between secession and union.
At the outbreak of the great American struggle nearly everybody
in these islands sympathized with the South and was against the
North. Even Gladstone took this view. Only John Bright never
wavered in his adherence to Lincoln's cause. That war lasted four
years. It cost a million lives and much devastation and ruin. There
was more destruction of property in a single Confederate county than
in all the so-called " reprisals " throughout the whole of Ireland.
Lincoln always rejected alike truce and compromise. As he often
said, he was fighting for the Union and meant to save it even if he
could only do so at the price of retaining slavery in the South. . . .
Is not our policy exactly the same? It is by reason of the con-
tiguity of the two islands and their strategic and economic inter-
dependence that it is necessary to fight secession and to maintain
the fundamental unity of our ancient kingdom of many nations from
Flamborough Head to Cape Clear, and from Cape Wrath to Land's
End. I believe that our ideal of combining unity with Home Rule
is a finer and a nobler ideal than that excessive nationalism which
will take nothing less than isolation, which is Sinn Fein's creed to-
day, and which if it had full play would Balkanize the world. . . .
I do not see, therefore, how we can pursue a different line of
policy. It has never been our policy to refuse compromise about
anything but the Union itself and the non-coercion of Ulster.
Throughout the whole of last year when the Home Rule bill was
before Parliament, I invited negotiations with the elected representa-
tives of Ireland, stating that the only points I could not discuss were
the secession of Ireland and the forcing of Ulster into an Irish
Parliament against its will. . . .
To these overtures there was never a reply. And there has never
been a reply, for the good reason that the real Sinn Fein organization
is not yet ready to abandon its ideal of an independent Irish Re-
public, including Ulster. That there are many Sinn Feiners who
recognize the folly and impossibilism of this attitude is certain.
But I regret that no less certainly up to the present the directing
minds of the Sinn Fein movement, who control the Irish Republican
army the real obstacle to peace believe that they can ultimately
win a republic by continuing to fight, as they fight to-day, and are
resolutely opposed to compromise. . . .
So long as the leaders of Sinn Fein stand in this position, and
receive the support of their countrymen, settlement, is in my judg-
ment, impossible. The Government of which I am the head will
never give way upon the fundamental question of secession. Nor
do I believe that any alternative Government could do so either.
Such was the situation when, on May 2 1921, the new Lord
Lieutenant took the oath of office, with all the old world cere-
monial, in Dublin Castle. The realities of the situa-
tion were more clearly suggested three days later.
On May 5 Sir James Craig, the Ulster leader, ac- viceroy.
cepted an invitation to a conference with the Sinn
Fein " President," Mr. De Valera. Rumour was rife as to the
significance of this meeting. Sinn Fein had declared " war "
582
IRELAND
Elections
for the
Irish Par-
liaments,
1921.
against secessionist Ulster; the campaign of outrage had been
extended to the North ; and in the South a boycott of goods coming
from Belfast was said to be spreading consternation in Northern
trading circles. It was suggested that De Valera had merely
invited Sir James Craig in order to impress upon him the ulti-
mate consequences of this policy to Ulster, and to invite him to
come to terms with the " Republic." The general opinion,
however, was that the meeting was a genuine sign of a desire
to find a modus vivendi, and this impression was deepened by
the manifesto issued by the Ulster leader next day. Sir Edward
Carson, in resigning the leadership, had said that the supreme
object of the new Government of the six counties ought to be
peace. " Rather than fight these people," he said, " try to
win them over to us." Similarly Sir James Craig now put in
the forefront the " earnest desire for the peace of Ireland."
There was little enough evidence of the growth of a spirit
of compromise. Sinn Fein had decided to take part in the elec-
tions for the new Parliament, but without thereby
receding an inch from its intransigeant position. In
the actual conditions of the country it was clear
that no one would dare to stand in opposition to a
Sinn Fein candidate, and the unopposed return of
a Republican member for every constituency in the
South and West of Ireland, combined with the solid refusal of
those returned to attend the new Parliament or to take the
oath of allegiance, would be the best possible advertisement
to the world of the deliberate verdict of the Irish people on the
policy of " partition." In effect, when on May 13 the nomina-
tions were made, it was found that in no single constituency
was there to be a contested election. Of the 128 constituencies
of the South and West 124 returned Sinn Feiners unopposed.
The four members for Dublin University, also returned unop-
posed, were not Sinn Feiners; but they were nominees of no
party and were bound by no pledges save to study the interest
of the university and to work for a settlement which should
bring peace and unity to Ireland. The elections for the Northern
Parliament, which took place on the 23rd, produced results
scarcely less unequivocal as an expression of the temper of
the Protestant North. The Unionists had only counted on
winning 32 of the 52 seats; they actually won 40. Six National-
ists, including Mr. Joseph Devlin, were returned, and six Sinn
Feiners, including De Valera, Arthur Griffith, and Michael
Collins, all in the preponderantly Roman Catholic constituencies.
Both Nationalists and Sinn Feiners announced their intention
of not taking their seats.
The triumph of Sinn Fein at the elections was followed by
an intensification of the " war," which was now carried into " the
enemy's country." During the week-end May 14-6
large numbers of armed and masked men engaged in
shooting and burnings in London, St. Albans and
Liverpool, the objects of these attentions being the
relatives of members of the R.I.C. In Ireland itself
the same week-end witnessed two horrible crimes the murder
of District-Inspector Maj. Biggs and of Miss Barrington,
daughter of Sir Charles Barrington, between Glenstal and
Newport, and the murder of District-Inspector Blake and his
heroic young wife, together with two young army officers, as
they were returning from a tennis party at Ballyturin House in
Gal way. On the 22nd, the day before the Ulster ^lections,
there was read in all the Roman Catholic churches a letter
of Pope Benedict XV. to Cardinal Logue, in which His Holiness,
while urging peace, gave discreet encouragement to the Sinn
Fein cause by suggesting that the Treaty of Versailles had not
given " sufficient consideration to the desires of the nations."
Three days later the Customs House, a lovely example of late
1 8th century classical architecture and the most beautiful
building in Dublin, was entered by a large band of armed men
and set on fire; it burned for three days, till only the shell re-
mained. This act was ordered by Dail Eireann, which justified
its action in the Irish Bulletin by saying that the destruction
of this noble monument was necessary in order " to save the
lives of four million people." Of the attackers more than 100
" War" la
Ireland
and
England.
were arrested, while 30 or 40 are said to have been trapped in
the building and burned to death. Some inconvenience was
caused to the Government, owing to the destruction of the rec-
ords of the Local Government Board and the Board of Inland
Revenue, but far more to private individuals, since an immense
number of deeds and other documents were lost. Claims for
damages amounting to several millions of pounds sterling were
immediately lodged against the Dublin Corporation.
On the day following this outrage (May 26) Mr. Lloyd
George declared in Parliament that it would be necessary to
send more troops to Ireland, and two days later a considerable
number were accordingly dispatched. Meanwhile Sir James
Craig had gone to London, and on the 3ist it was announced
that further efforts were to be made to secure peace. The
omens were not auspicious. In Sinn Fein Ireland the more
turbulent elements were entirely out of hand, and the utter
insecurity of life and property, together in many cases with the
complete interruption of ordinary communications, were quickly
strangling the economic life of the country. The organization
of the I.R.A. in the county districts had been largely broken up,
and many once disturbed areas were now peaceful; but " flying
columns," which owed their mobility to " commandeered "
motor-cars and bicycles, scoured the country, ambushing small
parties of constabulary as in Kerry on June 2 levying " taxes,"
burning country houses and kidnapping gentlemen, and some-
times ladies, of unpopular views. The cutting of telegraph
and telephone poles, and the digging of trenches across roads,
were organized on a large scale, men of all classes and opinions
being forced at the revolver's point to take part in this work.
On June 2 telephone posts were cut down at Liverpool, and
on the night of June 7-8 hundreds of wires were cut in places
so far apart as Cardiff, Hatfield and Bexley; the outrages in
England culminated on the night of June 16 in a series of attacks
on signal boxes and signalmen in the suburbs of London with
the object of wrecking trains, attacks which were renewed at
Manchester on the i8th. On June 9 the Government published
as a " white paper " (Cmd. 1326), under the title of " Inter-
course between Bolshevism and Sinn Fein," the text of a pro-
posed treaty between the Russian Soviet Government and the
Irish Republic which Dr. McCartan, M.P. for King's county,
had gene to Moscow to negotiate.
Meanwhile, on the yth, the Northern Parliament had been
opened at Belfast, and the Government constituted. Sir James
Craig became Prime Minister; Mr. H. McD. Pollock,
chairman of the Belfast Chamber of Commerce, Min-
ister of Finance; Sir R. Dawson Bates, Minister for
Home Affairs ; Mr. J. M. Andrews, Minister of Labour;
the Marquess of Londonderry, Minister of Education,
and Mr. E. M. Archdale, Minister of Agriculture and Commerce.
The Hon. Hugh O'Neill, son of Lord O'Neill, was elected Speaker.
The Parliament was opened by Visct. Fitzalan, the Lord
Lieutenant, whose speech excited particular attention because
of its reference to the Government of Ireland Act. " The Act,"
he said, " is not perfect. It needs amending, and I should not
be surprised if it were amended in the near future."
The significance of this statement was taken to lie in the fact
that in parliamentary circles in London the opinion was gain-
ing ground that, before applying " crown colony "
Government to the refractory South of Ireland as
provided for in the Act, an attempt should be made
to win it over by further concessions. On June 21 the
Earl of Donoughmore, a large landowner in county
Tipperary, moved in the House of Lords that " the situation
in Ireland urgently requires that His Majesty's Government
should be prepared to propose and authorize negotiations to
be opened on such terms as they think calculated to terminate
the present deadlock." In opposing the motion the Lord
Chancellor, speaking presumably on behalf of the Government,
denied that anything in Lord Fitzalan's speech implied any
intention of the Government to bring in an amending bill,
and said that the amendments referred to were only concerned
with minor matters. He admitted the gloom of the situation;
The
Northern
Parlia-
ment,
The Gov-
ernment
and Sinn
Fein.
IRELAND
583
The
Klax la
Belfast.
bat there was a " small war in Ireland "; and that " our military
riethods had failed to keep pace with and to overcome the
lilitary methods of our opponents." The establishment of
he Northern Parh'ament had emphasized the fact that there
vas not one Ireland, but two Irelands. The only hope lay in
the representatives of these two Irelands coming together and
working out a basis of agreement, and from this point of view
the meeting of Sir James Craig and Mr. De Valera was of hopeful
augury. If it were still necessary to deal with the situation
by force, the force would be forthcoming, whatever sacrifices
this might involve for the people of Great Britain. As for the
' suggestion that the Government should negotiate, " those
with whom we should negotiate are most illusive . . . there
will be no peace until an adjustment is made if, indeed, that
be possible with those actually carrying on, or inspiring, the
policy of violence."
This speech showed an accurate appreciation of the situation
in Ireland; it was less accurate as an interpretation of the mind
cf the Government, or at least of the Prime Minister.
On the next day (June 22) a new phase of the ques-
tion was opened by the visit of the King and Queen
to Belfast to open the first session of the new Parlia-
ment. The news that the King intended to open the Parliament
in person had been received with misgiving in the South of
Ireland, not because of any possible danger involved, but be-
cause it was feared that this action might compromise the posi-
tion of the Crown as an impartial influence, and that Republican
sentiment, which in Ireland is not very deep or strictly logical,
might be still further alienated by this royal patronage of Bel-
fast to the neglect of Dublin. These fears were, however, speedily
belied. Their Majesties were, indeed, received in Belfast with
splendid demonstrations of popular loyalty, but in his speech
from the throne the King made it clear that his visit was not
intended for Belfast or the six counties alone. " This is a great
and critical occasion for the six counties," he said, " but not
for the six counties alone, for everything which interests them
touches Ireland, and everything which touches Ireland finds
an echo in the remotest corners of the Empire. ... I appeal
to all Irishmen to pause, to stretch out the hand of forbearance
and conciliation, to forgive and forget, and to join in making
for the land they love a new era of peace, contentment, and
good-will."
Two days later (June 24), a troop train carrying the loth
Hussars, who had formed part of the King's escort in Belfast,
was blown up by a land-mine at Adavoyle, some 10
m. south of Dundalk; three soldiers and a guard
were killed, an d a I ar 8 e number of horses were muti-
lated and killed. On the same day Mr. Lloyd
George addressed a letter to Mr. De Valera, as " the
chosen leader of the great majority of Southern Ireland," inviting
him to attend a conference in London, " to explore to the ut-
most the possibility of a settlement," and to bring with him for
the purpose any colleagues whom he might select. A similar
invitation was addressed to Sir James Craig, the Ulster Prime
Minister, who at once accepted. Four days later (June 28)
the Parliament of Southern Ireland was opened in the Council
Chamber of the Department of Agriculture; but the only mem-
bers of the Lower House present were the four representatives
of Dublin University, together with 15 out of 64 senators, and
the Parliament was at once adjourned. On the same day a
special issue of the Irish Bulletin, the official publication of the
Sinn Fein " Government," published the "President's" reply
to Mr. Lloyd George. Mr. De Valera said that he was in con-
sultation with such of the principal representatives of the Irish
nation as were available, that he and they desired most earnestly
to bring about a lasting peace between the English and Irish
peoples, but that he could see no avenue by which a lasting
peace could be reached if the British Premier " denied Ireland's
essential unity and set aside the principle of national self-
determination." He added that he was seeking a conference
with certain representatives of the political minority in Ireland.
The five gentlemen invited to this conference were, as announced
Negotia-
ment.
in the same number of the Bulletin, Sir James Craig; the Earl
of Midleton; Sir Maurice E. Dockrell, Unionist member for
S. Dublin in the Imperial Parliament; Sir Robert H. Woods,
an eminent surgeon who had been elected as a Unionist for
Dublin University mainly as a representative at Westminster
of the medical faculty; and Mr. Andrew Jameson, head of the
famous firm of whisky distillers and chairman of the Dublin
Chamber of Commerce. Sir James Craig refused the invitation
on the ground that he had already accepted the Prime Minister's
invitation to London. This refusal and Mr. De Valera's com-
ment on it illustrated the fundamental cleavage between Sinn
Fein and the Ulster Unionists. " Mr. Lloyd George's proposal,"
wrote the " President," " because of its implications is impos-
sible of acceptance in its present form." Irish political differences,
he urged, ought to be settled on Irish soil, and in negotiat-
ing with Great Britain the Irish delegation ought to act as a
unit on some common principle. It seemed, indeed, from the
first as though it would prove impossible to find a basis even for
discussion, let alone a settlement. Throughout the preliminary
negotiations the Sinn Fein President and officials carefully
avoided using a single phrase susceptible of being interpreted
as a modification of their claim to be the legitimate Govern-
ment of Ireland negotiating with a foreign Power. The repre-
sentatives of the six counties, on the other hand, " stood with
both feet on the Better Government of Ireland Act," and, as
Sir James Craig put it, made no offers because they " had
nothing to give away."
On June 30, as an earnest of the genuineness of the Govern-
ment's desire for an accommodation, four members of Dail
Eireann, Messrs. Arthur Griffith, John McNeill, Staines and
Eamon Duggan, were released from Mountjoy gaol, where they
had been interned for eight months, in order that they might
take part in the discussion. Meanwhile, the four " representa-
tives of the minority " they were, of course, representatives
in no strict sense had accepted the invitation of Mr. De Valera,
and the first conference between them and the Sinn Fein leaders
took place at the Dublin Mansion House on July 4. The fact
that the conference did not at once collapse, but was adjourned,
was announced in the Irish Bulletin of the 5th as affording
gratifying proof " that Irishmen of hitherto widely divergent
opinions can continue to deliberate upon the best means of
snowing a united front to England at this crisis." To em-
phasize the moral of this phenomenon, Mr. De Valera directed
that the day of the first meeting of the conference should be
celebrated by a display of American flags, in significant com-
memoration of the Declaration of American Independence.
On the 5th Gen. Smuts visited Dublin and had a meeting
with the Republican leaders. On the 8th the conference reas-
sembled at the Mansion House, and at its close Mr.
De Valera addressed a letter to the Prime Minister
accepting his invitation to a conference in London.
At the first Mansion House meeting it had been agreed that
it would be impossible to conduct negotiations with any hope
of achieving a satisfactory result unless there was a cessation
of bloodshed in Ireland, and Mr. Lloyd George had subsequently
addressed a letter to Lord Midleton concurring in this view.
Gen. Sir Nevil Macready, the British commander-in-chief in Ire-
land, accordingly attended the second Mansion House confer-
ence, with a view to discussing a cessation of hostilities, and as
a result of this, on Saturday the xoth, a formal truce was signed
on the one part by Gen. Macready and on the other part by
Risteard Ua Maolchatha (Richard Mulcahy), chief of the staff
of the Irish Republican army. This truce was to take effect as
from noon on the following Monday (July n), so as to allow
time for the news of it to be communicated to all parts of the
country. In Dublin, where the news was welcomed with uni-
versal rejoicing, the suspension of hostilities came into effect at
once, the curfew being suspended, and the unarmed soldiers and
" black-and-tans " mixing freely with the people. Mr. De Valera
had issued a proclamation as President on the gth calling on all
" soldiers and citizens " to observe the strictest self-control and
discipline during the truce. It was, however, a question of
The
"Trace."
584
IRELAND
curious interest as to how far this direction would be obeyed.
If it were not obeyed, it would show that the Sinn Fein Gov-
ernment had no power to come to decisions in the name of the
nation; if it were obeyed, it would prove that this Government
was responsible for the whole policy of outrage, terrorism and
murder by which the extremists had sought to gain their ends.
The signs during the days spent in negotiation were not
hopeful; indeed the week-end before the coming into force of
the truce was one of the bloodiest on record in Ireland. On
July 8 the murder of a constable by Sinn Feiners in Belfast
led to serious rioting, in the course of which 14 people were
killed and over a hundred wounded, and this rioting continued
intermittently for over a week, with further casualties. .On
the pth Mr. George B. O'Connor, who had been a Unionist
candidate in Dublin, was murdered in Cork, where, on the
evening of the same day, four unarmed soldiers were kidnapped
and done to death. 1 On the same date three soldiers were
killed in an ambush in Castleisland; one was murdered in
Doneraile; an R.I.C. sergeant was murdered in Castlerea; and
near Clonmel a girl of fifteen was killed by Sinn Feiners in an
effort to murder her brother, an ex-soldier. On the loth a
farmer was murdered at Kilbride, Portarlington. On July 7
the Irish Bulletin denied the statements made in certain British
journals that there had been an " easing-up " on the part of
the Crown of its measures of repression since Mr. Lloyd George's
letter, and described the " terror " as still " in full blast," and
in its issue of the 8th it gave a lurid account of the " war on
women and children." Except in Belfast, however, not only
the operations of the Crown forces, but Sinn Fein outrages,
seem to have ceased from the coming into force of the truce,
officers of the British army and the R.I.C. in some cases con-
certing with officers of the I.R.A. measures for the preservation
of order. 2
Sinn Fein, with its accustomed ability, meanwhile exploited
the situation in order to secure foreign support for its claim
to independence. On the gth Mr. De Valera ad-
dressed a series of messages to the United States, to
France, to Norway and to Denmark, of which the
World. general moral was that, in the event of the coming
conferences leading to the satisfaction of Ireland's
just demands, " British prestige will be restored, and Young
Ireland will live in history as having saved, by its courage and
by its steadfastness, the ideals for which millions were led to
offer up their lives in the Great War." To impress upon the
outside world the nature of this courage and steadfastness the
Irish Bulletin issued on July 13 a number of " thrilling stories
of the Guerrilla War," as a counterblast to " the British Govern-
ment's ignoble propaganda against the Republican army, the
daily descriptions of these unpaid Irish Volunteers as ' murder
gangs ' and ' hired assassins.' " On the I2th Mr. De Valera
travelled to London, accompanied by Mr. Arthur Griffith, Mr.
Austin Stack, Mr. R. O. Barton and Mr. Erskine Childers, and
on the I4th had his first interview with Mr. Lloyd George.
Next day the Prime Minister held a separate conversation
with Sir James Craig and other members of the Parliament
of Northern Ireland. Sir James Craig returned to
^Ulster* f Ireland almost at once, and there issued a declara-
tion which showed that he had not budged an inch
from the position he had always taken up. To De Valera's
talk about self-determination for the whole of Ireland he op-
posed the accomplished fact of self-determination for Northern
Ireland, whose Parliament the King had so recently opened,
and pointed out that De Valera himself had acquiesced in this
fact by standing as a candidate for the Belfast Parliament.
From this position the North had no intention of receding,
though it would meet the South at any time on equal terms,
and work with her in a spirit of good-will and cooperation.
1 They were being " treated " by a friendly publican in celebration
of the truce.
2 The Irish Bulletin of July 21 rightly pointed out that this dis-
posed of the legend of a moderate " and an " extreme " section of
Sinn Fein.
The
Govern-
ment's
Otter.
De Valera, on the other hand, continued the conversations,
and on July 20 Mr. Lloyd George handed to him the proposals.
of the Government, which were still, however, kept
secret from the public till Aug. 1 5. After a preamble en-
larging on the desire of the British people that nothing
should " hinder Irish statesmen from joining together
to build up an Irish State in free and willing coopera-
tion with the other peoples of the Empire," the document went
on to offer 'to Ireland forthwith " the status of a Dominion,"
with " complete autonomy in taxation and finance," the right
to " maintain her own Courts of Law and Judges, . . . her
own military forces for home defence, her own constabulary
and her own police," that she should " take over the Irish
postal services and all matters relating thereto, education,
land, agriculture, mining and minerals, forestry, housing, labour,
unemployment, transport, trade, public health, health insurance
and the liquor traffic," and " in sum, that she shall exercise all
those powers and privileges upon which the autonomy of the
self-governing Dominions is based," subject, however, to
six conditions, " vital to the welfare and safety of both Great
Britain and Ireland, forming as they do the heart of the Com-
monwealth." The control of the seas round Ireland was to be
reserved for the British navy; the Irish territorial force was to
be kept " within reasonable limits," to conform in numbers
with the military establishment in Great Britain; the Royal
Air Force was to have facilities in Ireland for air defence and
communications; voluntary recruiting for the Empire forces
was to be permitted in Ireland; no protective duties were to
be imposed between all parts of the British islands; and Ireland
was to assume responsibility for a share of the debt of the United
Kingdom and of the liability for war pensions, this share, fail-
ing agreement, to be determined by an independent arbitrator
appointed from within His Majesty's Dominions. The con-
ditions of settlement on these lines were to be embodied in a
treaty ratified by the British and Irish Parliaments, but the
settlement must " allow for full recognition of the existing powers
and privileges of the Parliament and Government of Northern
Ireland, which cannot be abrogated except by their own con-
sent." The British Government would leave Irishmen to de-
termine by negotiations among themselves whether the new
powers should be taken over by Ireland as a whole and ad-
ministered by a single Irish body, or taken over separately by
Southern and Northern Ireland, with or without a joint authority
to harmonize their common interests. The Government would
willingly assist in the negotiations of such a settlement. But
they would not consent to any proposals which would kindle
civil war in Ireland.
On July 22 Mr. De Valera returned to Dublin to consult his
colleagues as to the answer to be given to this offer. A meeting
of Dail Eireann, by permission of the Government, was convoked
for Aug. 16. It was noted, however, that De Valera had taken
the position throughout that he was negotiating with Great
Britain as the elected head of the Irish republic and on equal
terms. To the National University, which had elected him
chancellor during his absence, he sent a letter acknowledging
this honour done to " the Head of the State." There were
ominous signs, too, that Sinn Fein was in no mood for compro-
mise. In the execution of the Government's order for the
release of the interned and convicted members of Parliament
in order that they might attend the Dail, what the Irish Bulletin
described as " a disastrous exception " was made in the case of
John McKeon (Sean McKeown), a commandant of the Irish
Republican army who had been convicted of the murder of a
district inspector of the R.I.C. while resisting arrest. This
exception was resented by Sinn Fein, and the Government
gave way rather than incur a break-down at this part in
the negotiations. Mr. De Valera, however, did not wait for the
meeting of Dail Eireann before intimating on his
own account to Mr. Lloyd George (" on the occasion
of our last interview ") that his offer was unaccept-
able; and on Aug. 10 (" having consulted my colleagues ")
he addressed to the Prime Minister a letter confirming this
IRELAND
585
judgment. The Government's draft was appreciated and
accepted " to the extent that it implies a recognition of Ireland's
separate nationhood and her right to self-determination "; but
the offer of " Dominion status " was rejected as " illusory "
unless the " right to secede " was sufficiently guaranteed. The
" independence " of Ireland wa's claimed " on the basis of moral
right "; and Mr. De Valera asserted " for myself and my col-
leagues our deep conviction that true friendship with England
. . . can be obtained and most readily through amicable
but absolute separation." The present proposals were such
as the Irish people could not be asked to accept, though he would
have been ready to recommend " a certain treaty of free associa-
tion with the British Commonwealth group " if it would secure
the allegiance of " the present dissenting minority," or to
negotiate treaties about trade, armaments, etc. They were
prepared to leave Ireland's share of the national debt to be
determined by three arbitrators, one chosen by Ireland, one
by Great Britain, and a third by agreement, or, in default,
" to be nominated, say, by the President of the United States."
The question at issue with " the political minority " (i.e. Ulster)
was one " for the Irish people themselves to settle," but " we
cannot admit the right of the British Government to mutilate
our country, either in its own interest or at the call of any
section of our population." They did not " contemplate the
use of force," however, in bringing Ulster to terms, and if
conciliation failed the question might, he suggested, be sub-
mitted to " external arbitration."
On Aug. 15 the Government at last published the text of
the terms offered to Mr. De Valera on July 20, his reply on
Aug. 10, and a rejoinder from Mr. Lloyd George on Aug. 13,
together with a letter addressed to De Valera on Aug. 4 by
Gen. Smuts advising him to accept the "Dominion status"
offered and " to leave Ulster alone for the present " in the sure
hope that, sooner or later, economic considerations would lead
her to seek union with the rest of Ireland. In Mr. Lloyd
George's rejoinder on Aug. 13, he declared emphatically that
no right of Ireland to secede from allegiance to the King could
be admitted, and no claim that she should negotiate with Britain
as a " separate and foreign Power," nor could the relations
between Southern and Northern Ireland nor any other question
be allowed to be referred to foreign arbitration. He repeated
that, if the conditions of the Government's offer were accepted
in principle, their application in detail would form material
for discussion.
On Aug. 16, Dail Eireann assembled at the Dublin Mansion
House. The proceedings, which were conducted according to
all the forms of an ordinary parliament, began by the taking
by all the members of an oath " to support and defend the
Irish Republic and the Government of the Irish Republic."
Then followed the address of " President " De Valera, in which
he asserted once more the right of Ireland to complete inde-
pendence, " which could not be realized at the present time in
any other way so suitably as through a Republic," and declared
it to be impossible to negotiate to any effect with the British
Government, because the two parties to the negotiations had
no common basis of principle. 1 At the adjourned meeting on
the following day he reasserted this attitude yet more uncom-
promisingly. "We cannot, and we will not," he said, "on
behalf of this nation, accept these terms." As for the Six
Counties, the Irish Republic would " go a long way in order
to satisfy the sentiments of Ulster "; but he insisted that " the
minority problem in Ireland had its origin in British policy." 2
De Valera's attitude caused something like consternation
in those circles in England which believed or affected to believe
that Sinn Fein might be conciliated by the concession of "Do-
minion status." English Radical organs like the Nation,
which had consistently supported Sinn Fein and vilified the
police and the soldiers in Ireland, betrayed their discomfiture
by efforts to find in De Valera's utterances phrases which might
be twisted into an expression of some willingness to compromise.
1 Ir. Butt, v., No. 55, Aug. 17.
Ir. Bull, v., No. 56, Aug. 18.
The Northcliffe Press, 3 whose criticisms of the Government had
previously done so much to encourage Sinn Fein, enlarged on
the far-reaching character of Mr. Lloyd George's offer, and
for the first time for about two years warned De Valera that
British opinion would not tolerate an Irish Republic. On
Aug. 19 the Prime Minister, in the House of Commons, declared
that the terms offered to Ireland by the Government had defined
the issues more clearly than they had ever been defined before,
and that their rejection would be " an unmistakable challenge
to the authority of the Crown and the unity of the Empire in
the very heart of the Empire." In the House of Lords the
Lord Chancellor defended the action of the Government in
attempting to reach a settlement, but went still further in
warning Sinn Fein that, in the event of a rejection of the offer,
Great Britain would be committed to hostilities in Ireland on
an unprecedented scale. This declaration by Lord Birkenhead
was attacked by a small section of the Liberal Press as provoc-
ative, but, in general, British newspapers of all complexions,
with surprising unanimity, emphasized the inevitable result
of a refusal by Sinn Fein to come to terms. On the other
hand the Irish Bulletin commented caustically on the con-
tradiction involved in threatening dire consequences in the
event of the Irish " declining as ' a free Dominion ' to ' join
voluntarily ' ' a free association' of ' free nations ' " (v., No. 57,
Aug. 19). The Bulletin, indeed, which represented day by
day the views of the republican leaders, denied that the British
offer was really one of "Dominion status" as understood in the
overseas Dominions; and it protested against the publication
of Gen. Smuts's letter, the comments contained in which, it
argued, were not justified by the actual proposals made by
the Government', which implied the " military subjection of
Ireland," and were " incompatible with an independent voice
in foreign affairs." The rights and privileges of the Dominions,
it argued, were all summed up in the right to secede, which
" gives them the authentic stamp of freedom; that is, of free
choice; self-determination." The Bulletin denied, however,
that the phrase " the right to secede " was applicable to Ireland,
" which can never be said to ' secede ' from an authority never
acknowledged." 4
On Aug. 21 Dail Eireann met in secret session in order to agree
upon its formal answer to the Government's terms. From all
parts of the world came messages urging the Sinn Fein leaders
to listen to reason. They were, however, in a singularly diffi-
cult position, and therefore, both in order to safeguard them-
selves and to add weight to whatever decision might be arrived
at, they determined to consult those who might be con-
sidered more closely in touch with opinion throughout the
country than the members of the Dail, who had been elected
under the conditions already described. For this purpose the
executive council, representing all the district councils of Sinn
Fein in Ireland, was summoned to Dublin to sit concurrently
with Dail Eireann, and met at the Mansion House on Aug. 24.
On Aug. 26 a public session of the Dail was held. At the outset
of the proceedings Mr. De Valera announced that, as this was
a new Dail, the " Ministry " had resigned. On the motion
of Mr. McKeon, Mr. De Valera was next reelected " President
of the Irish Republic," and in this capacity proceeded to nominate
8 In 1919 The Times, departing from its previous policy, had pub-
lished a scheme of its own, on Home Rule lines, for an Irish settle-
ment.
4 This claim, frequently repeated by De Valera and others, that
Ireland never acknowledged the sovereignty of the Crown, is, of
course, quite without foundation either in history or in public law.
It was examined, from the point of view both of a historian and a
canonist, by Father Walter McDonald, D.D. (d. 1920), Professor
of Moral Philosophy in the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth,
in his Some Ethical Questions of Peace and War (1919). In this,
Father McDonald demolished the Sinn Fein position with pitiless
logic, his intimate knowledge of Ireland and its history giving his
arguments special weight. The book was violently assailed in The
Catholic Times (No. 22," Ireland's Plain Rights "), to which Father
McDonald replied in a Postcript in Reply to Certain Criticisms
(1920). For the issues of principle involved in the Sinn Fein claim
see SELF-DETERMINATION.
586
IRELAND
a new " Ministry," all of whom were at once elected. The
most notable perhaps of the appointments were those of Michael
Collins as Secretary for Finance, and Countess Markievicz,
a popular figure at Liberty Hall, as Secretary for Labour.
Before the nomination of the new " Ministers " the " Presi-
dent " read the letter addressed by him on the previous day
to the Prime Minister, in which he announced the Bail's unan-
imous rejection of the proposals for a settlement made on
behalf of the Government. In this document Mr. De Valera
once more enlarged on the principle of self-determination,
stigmatizing as fundamentally false " in Ireland's case to speak
of her seceding from a partnership she has not accepted, or
from an allegiance she has not undertaken to render," and as
fundamentally unjust " the claim to subordinate her independ-
ence to British strategy." Bail Eireann, he concluded, was
willing to appoint representatives to negotiate a peace " on the
broad general principle of government by consent of the gov-
erned " ; the responsibility for a renewal of the conflict would
rest upon the Government, if it refused to come to terms on
this principle.
The Prime Minister replied, in the name of the Cabinet, on
Aug. 26. In a lengthy statement, he declared it to be " play-
ing with phrases " to say that the principle of government
by the consent of the governed involved the recognition of the
demand to recognize Ireland as a foreign Power. The demand
that Ireland should be treated as a separate sovereign Power,
with no allegiance to the Crown and no loyalty to the sister
nations of the Commonwealth, was one which the most famous
national leaders in Irish history, from Grattan to Parnell and
Redmond, had always explicitly disowned. In reply to the
contention that Ireland had never undertaken to render alle-
giance to the Crown, Mr. Lloyd George pointed out that for
over a hundred years the representatives of Ireland in the Im-
perial Parliament had, without protest, taken the oath of
allegiance. The British Government had offered to Ireland all
that O'Connell and Thomas Bavis asked, and more; and from
all quarters of the world had come nothing but praise for the
generosity of their policy. The Government did not believe
that the permanent reconciliation of Great Britain and Ireland
could ever be attained without a recognition of their physical
and historical interdependence, which made complete political
and economic separation impossible for both. Pressing this
point, Mr. Lloyd George quoted from President Lincoln's
first presidential address:
Physically speaking we cannot separate. We cannot remove our
respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall
between them. ... It is impossible, then, to make that intercourse
more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than be-
fore. . . . Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and
when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease
fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are
again upon you.
" I thought I had made it clear," wrote Mr. Lloyd George,
" both in my conversations with you and in my two subsequent
communications, that we can discuss no settlement which in-
volves a refusal on the part of Ireland to accept our invitation
to free, equal and loyal partnership in the British Common-
wealth under one Sovereign." He pointed out that action
was being taken in various directions 1 which, if continued,
would prejudice the truce and must ultimately lead to its
termination. While, therefore, he was prepared to make every
allowance as to time which would advance the cause of peace,
he added that the Government were not prepared to prolong
a mere exchange of notes, and that it was essential that some
definite and immediate progress should be made towards a
basis upon which further negotiations could usefully proceed.
They could not proceed unless the essential facts of the situation
were recognized and admitted. Mr. Be Valera's letter, un-
fortunately, had shown no progress towards such an under-
standing.
1 e.g. Reorganization of and recruiting for the I.R.A., and or-
ganized attacks by Sinn Feiners in Ulster, aimed at exciting re-
prisals, which culminated in serious rioting in Belfast.
A second phase of the negotiations between Mr. Lloyd George
and Mr. Be Valera opened after the definite rejection by Bail
Eireann of the British Government's proposals of
July 20. Cabinet meetings were held, on the Prime First Con-
Minister's summons, at Inverness, in order that his
holiday in Scotland might not otherwise be inter- 'paJis".
rupted; and eventually, on Sept. 7, they resulted in his
sending to Mr. Be Valera an invitation to a conference at Inver-
ness for which the date of Sept. 20 was proposed. The basis of
the conference was to be, " How the association of Ireland with
the community of nations known as the British Empire can best
be reconciled with Irish national aspirations "; and the Prime
Minister's letter of invitation laid down no other condition than
that the British Government could not accept the setting up
of an Irish Republic or any repudiation of allegiance to the Crown.
On Sept. 14 Mr. Be Valera's answer, as agreed to by Bail Eire-
ann, was published, in circumstances distinctly embarrassing to
a continuation of the negotiations. In its first paragraph it
accepted the invitation, but it then went on aggressively to
reaffirm that Ireland had already declared its independence as
a sovereign state, and that its representatives would enter into
the conference on that basis. This reply had been sent a day
or two earlier to Mr. Lloyd George at Inverness by Sinn Fein
emissaries, and he had sent word to Mr. Be Valera that he was
willing to treat it as withdrawn if it were redrafted and an
acceptance sent without the latter part, which would make a
conference impossible. But this diplomatic suggestion was
ignored by Mr. Be Valera, who incontinently sent the Sinn Fein
reply, as originally communicated, to the press. Once more
the negotiations had come to a dead-lock. On Sept. 15 Mr.
Lloyd George telegraphed to Mr. Be Valera, cancelling his in-
vitation to the proposed conference, on the ground that it was
impossible to proceed with it now that Mr. Be Valera had insisted
on the independence of Ireland as a sovereign state a point
on which the British Government could not give way. At the
same time he intimated that, owing to his being unwell, he
would take time for consultation with his colleagues before
taking further steps. On Sept. 16 Mr. Be Valera sent a reply
telegram, expressing surprise at the way in which his acceptance
of the proposed conference had been received, and saying that
his own view was that the negotiators must meet " without
prejudice " to the claims made on either side. The inevitable
comment on this rejoinder, and one that was generally made, was
that, if that was what he had meant, he would have been well-
advised to use that phrase, which would have contained no
offence, rather than make an aggressive statement which was
bound to be offensive. Any lawyer, or experienced negotiator,
would have known that" without prejudice " would be harmless.
Up to Sept. 29 the detente was maintained, further communi-
cations passing meanwhile between Mr. Lloyd George and his
colleagues, among whom Lord Birkenhead played
an active part in counselling moderation. The British
Cabinet then decided to assume that Mr. Be Valera
had not intended deliberately to wreck their propos-
al for a conference, and on Sept. 29 a new invita-
tion was sent to him, opening a third phase in the pourparlers.
After premising that the result of the previous correspondence
with regard to a meeting at Inverness was that the British Gov-
ernment could not now accept it as the basis of negotiations,
since it might be argued, if they did, that they had recognized
the claim made for Irish independence, " which no British Govern-
ment can accord, " Mr. Lloyd George wrote that they were,
nevertheless, keenly anxious to make, " in cooperation with
your delegates, another determined effort to explore every
possibility of settlement by personal discussion." He therefore
sent " a fresh invitation to a conference in London on Oct.
n, where we can meet your delegates as spokesmen of the people
whom you represent, with a view to ascertaining " and here
the formula of Sept. 7 was repeated " how the association of
Ireland with the community of nations known as the British
Empire may best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations."
On Sept. 30 Mr. Be Valera sent in reply a simple acceptance of
London
Confer-
ence Ac-
cepted.
IRELAND
587
this invitation, merely adding the words, " our respective posi-
tions have been stated and understood."
Thus at last the two sides were brought to the council-table,
after three months' parley. Mr. De Valera did not include
himself among the Sinn Fein delegates, and Bail
Agreemtat Eireann nominated for this purpose Mr. Arthur
Free /r ' S Griffith (in the Gaelic form, Art of Griobhtha), Mr.
state. Michael Collins (Michael O. O. Sileain), Mr. Robert
C. Barton (Riobard Bartun), and Mr. George Gavan
Duffy (Seorsa Ghabgain ui Dhubhthaigh), with Mr. Erskine
Guilders as principal secretary. They duly attended in London,
and the conference began as arranged on Oct. u, the British
Government being represented by Mr. Lloyd George, Mr.
Austen Chamberlain, Lord Birkenhead, Mr. Winston Churchill,
Sir L. Worthington-Evans, Sir Gordon Hewart and Sir Hamar
Greenwood. For many weeks there were " alarums and excur-
sions " in the press as to the way in which the attempts at a
settlement were proceeding; and from time to time, owing to
" die-hard " criticisms and objections on both sides, and to the
unwillingness of Ulster, as now represented by the Parliament of
Northern Ireland and its Premier, Sir James Craig, to waive
any point in its own newly acquired status, agreement seemed to
be unobtainable. It must suffice here to say that, at last, on
Dec. 6, a scheme was found to which both the Sinn Fein delega-
tion and the British Government's representatives were able
to affix their signatures. It was in the form of a definite treaty
for the establishment of an Irish Free State, and is of such
historic importance that its terms must be set out in full:
Article I. Ireland shall have the same constitutional status in the
community of nations known as the British Empire as the Dominion
of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion of New
Zealand and the Union of South Africa, with a Parliament having
powers to make laws for the peace, order and good government of
Ireland, and an executive responsible to that Parliament, and shall
be styled and known as the Irish Free State.
Article II. Subject to provisions hereinafter set out, the position
of the Irish Free State in relation to the Imperial Parliament and
Government and otherwise shall be that of the Dominion of Canada,
and the law, practice and constitutional usage governing the rela-
tionship of the Crown or the representative of the Crown and of the
Imperial Parliament to the Dominion of Canada shall govern their
relationship to the Irish Free State.
Article III. The representative of the Crown in Ireland shall be
appointed in like manner as the Governor-General of Canada and
in accordance with the practice observed in the making of such
appointments.
Article IV. The oath to be taken by members of the Parlia-
ment of the Irish Free State shall be in the following form :
" I ... do solemnly swear true faith and allegiance to the Con-
stitution of the Irish Free State as by law established, and that I will
be faithful to H.M. King George V., his heirs and successors by
law, in virtue of the common citizenship of Ireland with Great
Britain and her adherence to and membership of the group of nations
forming the British Commonwealth of Nations."
Article V. The Irish Free State shall assume liability for the serv-
ice of the public debt of the United Kingdom as existing at the date
hereof and towards the payment of war pensions as existing at that
date in such proportion as may be fair and equitable, having regard
to any just claims on the part of Ireland by way of set-off or counter-
claim, the amount of such sums being determined, in default of
agreement, by the arbitration of one or more independent persons
being citizens of the British Empire.
Article VI. Until an arrangement has been made between the
British and Irish Governments whereby the Irish Free State under-
takes her own coastal defence, the defence by sea of Great Britain and
Ireland shall be undertaken by His Majesty's Imperial Forces, but
this shall not prevent the construction or maintenance by the Govern-
ment of the Irish Free State of such vessels as are necessary for the
protection of the Revenue or the Fisheries. The foregoing provisions
of this article shall be reviewed at a conference of representatives
of the British and Irish Governments to be held at the expiration of
five years from the date hereof with a view to the undertaking by
Ireland of a share in her own coastal defence.
Article VII. The Government of the Irish Free State shall afford
to His Majesty's Imperial Forces (a) in time of peace such harbour
and other facilities as are indicated in the annex hereto, or such other
facilities as may from time to time be agreed between the British
Government and the Government of the Irish Free State, and (6)
in time of war or of strained relations with a Foreign Power such har-
bour and other facilities as the British Government may require for
the purposes of such defence, as aforesaid.
Article VI II. With a view to securing the observance of the princi-
ple of international limitation of armaments, if the Government of the
Irish Free State establishes and maintains a military defence force,
the establishments thereof shall not exceed in size such proportion
of the military establishments maintained in Great Britain as that
which the population of Ireland bears to the population of Great
Britain.
Article IX. The ports of Great Britain and the Irish Free State
shall be freely open to the ships of the other country on payment
of the customary port and other dues.
Article X. The Government of the Irish Free State agrees to
pay fair compensation, on terms not less favourable than those
accorded by the Act of 1920, to judges, officials, members of the
Police Forces and other Public Servants who are discharged by it or
who retire in consequence of the change of government effected in
pursuance hereof.
Provided that this agreement shall not apply to members of
the Auxiliary Police Force or to persons recruited in Great Britain for
the Royal Irish Constabulary during the two years next preceding
the date hereof. The British Government will assume responsibility
for such compensation or pensions as may be payable to any of these
excepted persons.
Article XI. Until the expiration of one month from the passing
of the Act of Parliament for the ratification of this instrument, the
powers of the Parliament and the Government of the Irish Free State
shall not be exercisable as respects Northern Ireland, and the pro-
visions of the Government of Ireland Act, 1920 shall, so far as they
relate to Northern Ireland, remain of full force and effect, and no
election shall be held for the return of members to serve in the Parlia-
ment of the Irish Free State for constituencies in Northern Ireland
unless a resolution is passed by both houses of the Parliament of
Northern Ireland in favour of holding such elections before the end of
said month.
Article XII. If before the expiration of the said month an address
is presented to His Majesty by both houses of the Parliament of
Northern Ireland to that effect, the powers of the Parliament and the
Government of the Irish Free State shall no longer extend to North-
ern Ireland, and the provisions of the Government of Ireland Act,
1920 (including those relating to the Council of Ireland) shall, so
far as they relate to Northern Ireland, continue to be of full force
and effect, and this instrument shall have effect, subject to the
necessary modifications.
Provided, that if such an address is so presented, a commission
consisting of three persons, one to be appointed by the Government
of the Irish Free State, one to be appointed by the Government of
Northern Ireland, and one, who shall be Chairman, to be appointed
by the British Government, shall determine in accordance with the
wishes of the inhabitants, so far as may be compatible with economic
and geographic conditions, the boundaries between Northern Ire-
land and the rest of Ireland, and for the purposes of the Government
of Ireland Act, 1920, and of this instrument, the boundary of North-
ern Ireland shall be such as may be determined by such Commission.
Article XIII. For the purpose of the last foregoing article the
powers of the Parliament of Southern Ireland under the Government
of Ireland Act, 1920, to elect members of the Council of Ireland,
shall, after the Parliament of the Irish Free State is constituted, be
exercised by that Parliament.
Article XIV. After the expiration of the said month, if no such
address as is mentioned in Article XI I. hereof is presented, the Parlia-
ment and Government of Northern Ireland shall continue to ex-
ercise as respects Northern Ireland the powers conferred on them
by the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, but the Parliament and
Government of the Irish Free State shall in Northern Ireland have
in relation to matters, in respect of which the Parliament of Northern
Ireland has not power to make laws under that Act (including
matters which, under the said Act, are within the jurisdiction of the
Council of Ireland), the same powers as in the rest of Ireland, sub-
ject to such other provisions as may be agreed in manner hereinafter
appearing.
Article XV. At any time after the date hereof the Government
of Northern Ireland and the Provisional Government of Southern
Ireland, hereinafter constituted, may meet for the purpose of dis-
cussing the provisions, subject to which the last foregoing article
is to operate in the event of no such address as is therein mentioned
being presented, and those provisions may include: (a) Safeguards
with regard to patronage in Northern Ireland; (b) safeguards with
regard to the collection of revenue in Northern Ireland; (c) safe-
guards with regard to import and export duties affecting the trade
or industry of Northern Ireland; (d) safeguards for minorities in
Northern Ireland ; (e) the settlement of financial relations between
Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State; (/) the establishment and
powers of a local militia in Northern Ireland and the relation of the
Defence Forces of the Irish Free State and of Northern Ireland, re-
spectively, and if at any such meeting provisions are agreed to,
the same shall have effect as if they were included amongst the provi-
sions subject to which the powers of the Parliament and of the
Government of the Irish Free State are to be exercisable in North-
ern Ireland under Article XIV. hereof.
Article XVI. Neither the Parliament of the Irish Free State nor
the Parliament of Northern Ireland shall make any law so as either
directly or indirectly to endow any religion or prohibit or restrict
the free exercise thereof or give any preference or impose any dis-
588
IRELAND
ability on account of religious belief or religious status, or affect
prejudicially the right of any child to attend a school receiving public
money without attending the religious instruction at the school, or
make any discrimination as respects State aid between schools under
the management of different religious denominations, or divert
from any religious denomination or any educational institution any
of its property except for public utility purposes and on payment of
compensation.
Article XVII. -By way of provisional arrangement for the ad-
ministration of Southern Ireland during the interval which must
elapse between the date hereof and the constitution of a Parliament
and Government of the Irish Free State in accordance therewith,
steps shall be taken forthwith for summoning a meeting of Mem-
bers of Parliament elected for constituencies in Southern Ireland
since the passing of the Government of Ireland Act, 1929, and for
constituting a provisional Government. And the British Govern-
ment shall take the steps necessary to transfer to such provisional
Government the powers and machinery requisite for the discharge
of its duties, provided that every member of such provisional Gov-
ernment shall have signified in writing his or her acceptance of
this instrument. But this arrangement shall not continue in force
beyond the expiration of twelve months from the date hereof.
Article XVIII. This instrument shall be submitted forthwith by
His Majesty's Government for the approval of Parliament and by
the Irish signatories to a meeting summoned for the purpose of
the members elected to sit in the House of Commons of Southern
Ireland and, if approved, shall be ratified by the necessary legislation.
Signed on behalf of the British delegation :
LLOYD GEORGE. L. WORTHINGTON-EVANS.
AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN. HAMAR GREENWOOD.
BIRKENHEAD. GORDON HEWART.
WINSTON S. CHURCHILL.
On behalf of the Irish delegation:
ART O GRIOBHTHA (ARTHUR GRIFFITH).
MICHEAL O COILEAIN rMICHAEL COLLINS).
RIOBARD BARTUN (ROBERT C. BARTON).
E. S. DUGAN (EAMON J. DUGGAN).
SEORSA GHABGAIN UI DHUBHTHAIGH (GEORGE GAVAN DUFFY).
Dated the 6th of December, 1921.
ANNEX
An annex was attached to the treaty. Clause I specifies that Ad-
miralty property and rights at the dockyard port of Berehaven are to
be retained as at present date and the harbour defences and facilities
for coastal defence by air at Queenstown, Belfast Lough and Lough
Swilly to remain under British care, provision also being made for
oil, fuel and storage.
Clause 2 provides that a convention shall be made between the
two Governments, to give effect to the following conditions : That
submarine cables shall not be landed or wireless stations for com-
munication with places outside of Ireland established, except by
agreement with the British Government, that existing cable rights
and wireless concessions shall not be withdrawn except by agree-
ment with the British Government, and that the British Govern-
ment shall be entitled to land additional submarine cables or estab-
lish additional wireless stations for communication with places
outside of Ireland, that lighthouses, buoys, beacons, &c., shall be
maintained by the Irish Government and not be removed or added
to except by agreement with the British Government, that war signal
stations shall be closed down and left in charge of care and main-
tenance parties, the Government of the Irish Free State being offered
the option of taking them over and working them for commercial
purposes, subject to Admiralty inspection, and guaranteeing the
upkeep of existing telegraphic communication therewith.
Clause 3 provides that a convention shall be made between the
two Governments for the regulation of civil communication by air.
On the announcement being made that the agreement had
been signed, the greatest relief was felt on practically all sides.
Ulster, it was noted, might " contract out "; and the
^ e , misgivings of the Ulster leaders about the terms on
Opposition, which the Irish Free State was to be set up were on
that account regarded as of minor moment. From all
parts of the world, congratulations began to pour in on Mr.
Lloyd George. Summonses were at once sent out for Parlia-
ment to meet, in order to ratify the treaty; and the Govern-
ment took immediate action for recognizing its validity by re-
leasing all Sinn Fein prisoners. It was not known till Dec. 8 that
there was opposition in the Sinn Fein camp itself. On that day,
however, Mr. De Valera issued a " message to the Irish people,"
disavowing and disapproving of the agreement. It ran as fol-
lows:
" You have seen in the public press the text of the proposed treaty
with Great Britain. The terms of this agreement are in violent con-
flict with the wishes of the majority of the nation, as expressed
freely in successive elections in the past three years. I feel it my
duty to inform you immediately that I cannot recommend accepN
Msh Free
State
Adopted
and
Started.
ance of this treaty either to the Dail Eireann or to the country. In
this attitude I am supported by the Ministers of Home Affairs
(Austin Stack) and of Defence (Charles Burgess). A public session
of the Dail Eireann is being summoned for Wednesday (Dec. 14).
I ask the people to maintain in the interval the same discipline as
heretofore. The members of the Cabinet, though of divided opinions,
are prepared to carry on public service as usual. The army, as such,
is, of course, not affected by the political situation and continues
under the same orders and control.
" The great test of our people has come. Let us face it worthily
without bitterness, and above all, without recrimination. There is a
definite constitutional way of resolving our political differences. Let
us not depart from it, and let the conduct of the Cabinet in this
matter be an example to the whole nation."
In spite of this repudiation from Mr. De Valera, the situation
was dominated by the fact that the agreement had been signed
by all the Sinn Fein delegates to the conference. As the leading
Irish plenipotentiary, Mr. Griffith thus became its chief champion.
So far as the British Government was concerned, no time was
lost. On Dec. 16 Parliamentary sanction was obtained, after
comparatively short debates in both Houses, in which
adverse criticism played a very small part, except for
a hot denunciation by Lord Carson, in the Lords, of
the betrayal of the Unionist cause in Ireland. The
fact that Mr. De Valera was hostile to the agreement,
and that Dail Eireann had met on Dec. 14 and was
starting what seemed likely to be an interminable debate, with
rather doubtful prospects, created, however, a somewhat deli-
cate situation for the Government. It was not till Jan. 7 that
the discussion in Dail Eireann was at last concluded, Mr.
Griffith's motion for the approval of the agreement being car-
ried by a narrow majority of 64 to 57. During the debates
a profound gulf was disclosed between Mr. Griffith and
his supporters on the one side, chief among whom was
Mr. Michael Collins, and Mr. De Valera and the irrecon-
cilable Republicans on the other. Many things were said, in-
deed, which might seem to bode ill for the future, should the
result only be to create opposing factions in the new Irish Free
State. Mr. De Valera passionately urged his view that the
delegates had had no right to abandon " the republic." Great
play was made with the contention that the agreement had been
signed "under duress" the suggestion being that the British
Government had finally threatened a renewal of "war" should
it not be signed. The fact was entirely ignored that "duress"
had been exerted much more from the Sinn Fein side, since it
was only the intolerable situation of the past two years that
had made English opinion ready to accept "dominion status"
for Ireland at all. No "threat" had, in fact, been made except
in so far as Mr. Lloyd George had frankly intimated that a
break-down in the negotiations, resulting from a refusal of Sinn
Fein to accept anything but an independent republic for Ireland,
would leave Great Britain no option but to fight. Mr. Griffith,
Mr. Collins and their supporters, while anxious to show them-
selves no less determined than Mr. De Valera to stand for the
independence of the Irish Free State, hotly resented the charge
that the Sinn Fein delegates were not acting within their man-
date. In all parts of Nationalist Ireland, moreover, resolutions
were passed in favour of ratification and peace.
The final division developed into a theatrical resignation of
De Valera as "President," and the reconstitution of the Dail
Eireann "Cabinet." On Jan. 10 a further meeting of Dail
Eireann was held, at which only Mr. Griffith's 64 supporters
attended, and he was unanimously elected "President" in Mr.
De Valera's place, an adjournment then being taken till Feb. 14.
On Mr. Griffith's summons, the Irish Southern Parliament
(under the Home Rule Act of 1920) was convened on Jan. 14,
and formally ratified the agreement. A Provisional Government,
for the purpose of bringing the new Irish Free State into being,
was constituted at the same time, consisting of Mr. Michael
Collins, Mr. William Cosgrove, Mr. Eamon J. Duggan, Mr.
P. J. Hogan, Mr. Finian Lynch, Mr. Joseph McGrath, Prof.
John McNeil!, and Mr. Bryan O'Higgins, Mr. Griffith himself
not being included, since he wished to continue for the present
to act as the head of the Dail Eireann. With the formation of
the Provisional Government, as provided by the agreement, a
IRELAND
589
start was made at once with the transfer of authority to the
new administration; on Jan. 16 Lord Fitzalan, at Dublin
Castle, handed over the reins of Government to Mr. Michael
Collins, as acting Premier; and the Irish Free State came
formally into being.
Here, at a dramatic turn in Irish history, our record breaks
off in Jan. 1922. The igth-century Union had been definitely
dissolved. Ireland, under the Act of 1920 or under the Treaty
of 1921, had been given self-government. Southern Ireland,
under Sinn Fein, had been granted a constitution which put
her on , practically the same footing as Canada. Northern
Ireland, under its separate Government, had, however, declined
so far to make common cause with it. The future would have to
show how this latest experiment in the loose federalism of the
British Empire would succeed.
AUTHORITIES. Of the vast mass of literature on the Irish question
published in 1910-21 very little has any independent critical value.
The numerous books or pamphlets written on one or other of its
aspects are for the most part useful only as reflecting particular points
of view. Subject to this last limitation, it may be said that the Sinn
Fein propaganda works are almost wholly useless for purposes of
scientific history, and must be used with extreme caution. The
Government publications are valuable as " sources," in so far as
they either reprint original documents or, as in the case of the Re-
port of the Royal Commission on the Rebellion of 1916, provide
evidence of first-hand witnesses under judicial examination. These
publications, however, only coyer a very small field.
By the courtesy of the Chief Secretary the present writer was
given access in 1921 to the unpublished documents in thearchivesof the
Castle, without conditions or censorship of any kind. Among these
he found the confidential reports submitted annually by the county
inspectors of the R.I.C., and they are of exceptional value for the
light they throw on the general conditions of the country and the
shifting phases of popular sentiment in the several counties. These
reports are printed, together with an annual statistics of crime and
other matters with which the police are concerned. In addition to
these, the enormous number of unprinted reports on special cases,
dossiers of the depositions of witnesses, recommendations of par-
ticular policies by the police and military authorities, with the
departmental comments upon them, and so on, were freely placed at
the writer's disposal for the elucidation of particular points.
Of great value, especially as affording some sort of check on the
official records, are the Sinn Fein official publications, especially
Sinn Fein and, later, the Irish Bulletin. As a record of Sinn Fein
policy and activities they are indispensable, but, as propagandist
publications, they must of course be used with caution. As regards the
Irish Press it may be said generally that the local newspapers are
more valuable as historical material than those published in Dublin,
since they throw a more intimate light upon the life of the people.
Of the publications referred to in the text, Notes from Ireland
needs some comment. This was published monthly, and later every
quarter, by the Irish Unionist Alliance. Its intention is, therefore,
to present the case from the Unionist point of view. Subject to this
caution, its volumes provide an invaluable supply of historical
material. It gives a. whole series of quotations from speeches and
from the Press of all political complexions, which may be relied on as
accurate; it also provides in its " Diurnal " a very full chronological
record of events. For this record the weekly editions of the more
important Irish newspapers, e.g. The Irish Times, may also be re-
ferred to. A complete collection of all published materials for the
recent history of Ireland is preserved at the National Library in
Dublin. (W. A. P.)
IRISH (GAELIC) LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
The decade following 1910 was a period of much activity in the
publication of literature written in the Irish language (see 5.622 seq.).
This activity took two forms, one the editing of older texts which
had never seen the light before, and the other the creation of wholly
new works. The Irish Texts Society in London, the learned mag-
azine Erin published in Dublin, the Zeitschrifl fur celtische Philologie,
published at Halle, the Revue Celtique of Paris, and the Celtic Re-
view of Edinburgh (which ceased publication after 1915) were the
principal media for the publication of the older texts. The Irish
Texts Society in especial published a number of handsome volumes,
all editiones principes of important works, the Poems of Daibhi
o Bruadair in three vols., the Contention of the Bards in twovols.,
an ancient Irish book on astronomy, the fourth vol. of Keating's
history, the poems of Carolan, an Irish version of the wars of
Charlemagne, and some lives of saints. The Cath Catharda, an
extended Middle Irish version of Lucan's Pharsalia, had already
been finished by Whitley Stokes in 1909. It was the last work of
that great scholar and was published posthumously in Leipzig as
one of the Irische Texte series. In the following year Kuno Meyer
printed his researches into the Finn Saga, with the oldest texts
bearing upon it, in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Todd
Lecture series. The same scholar published in the Preussische
Akademie der Wissenschaften a masterly article on the early Irish
poetry of the first half of the seventh century, in 1913. He died in
1919, and in the same year appeared the first half of his work on
Fragments of the Oldest Lyrics of Ireland. Two other works which
have lately appeared are Manus O'Donnel's Life of Columcille and
O'Clery's recension of the Book of Conquests. The first was published
in America in a sumptuous volume by the Irish Foundation of
Chicago, and edited by Father Kelleher and Miss Schoperle; the
second was published by University College, Dublin, and edited by
Professors MacNeill and Macalister.
The Gaelic Journal, which had been founded in 1882, came to
an end in 1906, with the I9?th number, and the want of a scholarly
magazine dealing with the phases and difficulties of the more modern
language was keenly felt. In 1912 T. O'Rahilly started a magazine
Gadelica, to which he himself was the chief contributor, which re-
produced all the best and most scholarly features of the old Gaelic
Journal. Unfortunately this magazine came to an end in 1913, and
nothing of quite the same kind has since taken its place.
Other editiones principes of valuable Irish texts published by
various scholars are Sean O'Neachtain's Adventures of Edmund
Clery, edited by O'Neachtain; the poems of Padraigin Hackett,
many of which had been wrongly ascribed to the historian Keating,
edited by Prof. O'Donoghue; a collection of One Hundred Ulster
Poems by Morris; the romance of The Son of the Eagle by Brian
O'Corcorain, who died in 1487, edited by Digby and Lloyd ; Art Mac-
Cooey's poems, edited by Morris; the poems of John Murphy " na
Raithineach," edited by O'Donoghue; The Maguires of Fermanagh,
an historical tract, edited by Dinneen; The Flight of the Earls,
edited by Walsh; The Book of the MacSweeneys, by the same; and
many others. All these works, now for the first time given to the
press, have had a considerable effect in directing the eyes of the
Irish people to their own past. They showed them what their
language was capable of doing, and they stimulated modern writers.
It would be invidious to mention the names of some of these
new authors while leaving out others whose claims to mention may
be just as good. But the name of the late Canon Peter O'Leary,
parish priest of Castlelyons, must be mentioned above all others.
Although he began to write late in life, after the rise of the Gaelic
League, he produced an amazing number of excellent works, of
which his first book, Seadna, is nearly sure to live. He wrote another
long Irish novel, Niamh, about the battle of Clontarf ; he retold the
old stories of Ireland in several volumes; he translated much of Don
Quixote, The Catiline Conspiracy, the Imitatio Christi (of which two
other Irish versions have been also printed), the Fables of Aesop
and other works. He also wrote two volumes of sermons. His great
merit is that he was the first to turn his back resolutely upon every-
thing that was bookish and old and unclear, and to turn for his
mode of expressing himself to the folk speech of his native county
of Cork, which he wrote with a clarity and power that have never
been surpassed. How suitable the speech of the people became in
his hands to express the whole gamut of the emotions was to many
a revelation. He died in 1920, and has left his trace upon the lan-
guage more deeply than any other writer of his time. Father
O'Leary stands for the most representative writer of the Southern half
of Ireland. Padraig O'Conaire (or Conry) would probably be re-
garded by many in 1921 as the best living writer of the Northern
half. No two people could well be more different. Coming from
Connemara, he had spent a considerable time in England, and many
of his stories, notably the powerful tale called Exile, deal with life
outside of Ireland. In him we see a determined tramp camping out
beneath a tent or the stars, and walking all over the country, stick in
hand, or driving a donkey before him with his belongings. Entirely
fin de siecle, he never resorted to the past for his subject-matter,
which he draws wholly from his own experience or imagination. In
many ways he reminds the reader of Maupassant.
Of late many stories have been translated from modern European
languages into Irish, and these have helped to make the idiom flex-
ible, although they are not original work. Irish literature got a
great set-back during the political troubles following the rebellion
of 1916. Two monthly magazines which published stories and folk-
lore were burnt, one in Munster and one in Cpnnacht. The Con-
nacht editor was " on the run " in the mountains, and of the joint
editors of the Southern paper one was " interned " and the other
had his house burned, with all the MSS. which he had spent half
a lifetime collecting, and all the songs and music he had taken down
from old people, now for the most part dead. Padraig O'Conaire too
had his little hut in the Dublin mountains burnt and several plays
destroyed. The most scholarly work, and the latest upon Irish saga
literature, is that of Thurneysen published at Halle in 1921, Die
Irische Helden- und Konigsage, a volume of over 700 pages, the first
part of which contains a general treatment of the subject and the
second the Ulster saga.
It is difficult to say with any certainty how far the Irish language
has maintained itself in Ireland since 1910. The action of Dail
Eireann (the " Irish Republican Parliament ") in making it the
official language of their first meeting, nothing else being spoken
on that day, gave it a great lift in popular estimation. Many people
might have been noticed, especially young men and women, wearing
a gold ring on their dress, in the streets of the bigger cities and
towns. This was to show that they spoke Irish and wished to be
590
IRIGO YEN IRON AND STEEL
addressed in that language. It was observed that many of these
people came to a violent end, and the wearing of this ring was con-
sequently to some extent discontinued. Finally it may be said that
whilst the reading, writing and speaking of the Irish language have
increased very much amongst the cultured classes in the towns, the
language, where it is still naturally spoken in the north-west, west
and north, has not fared equally well, and it is in many of these
places barely holding its own against English. (D. HY.)
IRIGOYEN, HIP6LITO (1853- ), President of Argentina,
was born in Buenos Aires in 1853. He attended private schools,
the Colegio Nacional, and for three years the Facultad de
Derecho, in Buenos Aires. He early became identified with the
activities of the Union Civica (see 2.472), of which his uncle,
Leandro N. Alem, was a founder, and in 1890 he was in charge of
a revolutionary force attacking Buenos Aires. From 1891 to 1909
he was professor of civic instruction in the Universidad de
Buenos Aires, and for many years held at the same time a similar
chair in the Escuela Normal de Mujeres. On the death of Alem
he succeeded him as head of the Radical party, which nominated
him president in 1916. On March 1 2 he was elected president, re-
ceiving 152 out of the 298 votes of the Electoral College, and on
Oct. 12 was inaugurated as the successor of Dr. Saenz Pena (see
ARGENTINA). He was the first Radical to hold this office. He
possessed considerable wealth and neither as teacher nor president
did he accept his salary, but turned it over regularly to the
Sociedad de Beneficencia for use in charities.
IRON AND STEEL (see 14.801*). Developments in the second
decade of the 2oth century in iron and steel were improvements
in processes and equipment rather than new methods. An
increase in the per capita consumption, far greater than the
remarkable increase of the preceding decade, forced attention to
means of securing maximum outputs as well as to the ever-
present effort to secure economies. Larger units of manufacture
were generally favoured and so-called " duplexing " and " tri-
plexing " were outstanding features in steel-making. The latter
part of the decade was marked also by a marvellous growth in
popularity of the electric furnace, until at the end of 1920 there
were 960 such furnaces in the world for steel-making alone,
against 114 in 1910. The World War gave an artificial stimulus
in general to plant expansion to meet the demands for ships and
shells and resulted in a realignment of national capacity. In the
main the following analysis is devoted to the economic side of the
evolution of the decade.
Iron Blast-Furnace Construction. Design was influenced by
local experience of experts in the different iron-producing dis-
tricts. Profiles depend on raw materials quality of coke, nature
and concentration of ores. Generally speaking, tendency
toward greater bosh and shaft angles continued (bosh angle 75
to 80; shaft angle 84 to 86). The size of stack increased only
in the districts treating low-grade ore, while with high-grade ore
(50% to 62% iron) the 500- to 6oo-ton-per-day size became the
standard and many old furnaces were enlarged. In the Minette
district of Europe, where the ore charged contained between 30%
and 35% iron, the 200- to 2$o-ton unit became popular in all
new construction. The cubical capacity of a blast furnace range
between 40 and 100 cub. ft. per ton of pig-iron blown in 24 hours.
Individual parts of blast furnaces received particular attention.
The hearth construction became reenforced and often cooled to
avoid breakouts of the molten metal, and greater attention was
given to brickwork to limit the downward destructive action of
the metal. Emergency tuyeres at mid-height of the bosh
standard in the Minette district lost their popularity and dis-
appeared in nearly all new furnaces. For the handling of the
material ore, limestone and coke mechanical devices won
increased favour owing to the enormous masses involved and to
the growing scarcity of labour. In America the simple skip
hoist was almost universally adopted in new plants, while in
Europe the drop-bottom-bucket hoist became popular and its
design was ingeniously varied. It is noteworthy that the drop-
bottom bucket, which was originated in America (Duquesne
works) and was perfected in Germany during the years 1905-10,
was little used in the United States 10 years later. It had
been supplanted by the cup-and-cone top with a rotary dis-
tributor (McKee), while in Europe the double cup-and-cone
construction, giving low drop height and assuring less breakage
of the softer coke, was preferred. These two solutions were more
or less linked to the hoist system adopted. The furnace interiors
were bricked up in America of standard-shaped refractories
giving a multitude of joints, while it was customary all over
Europe to use special large-volume brick, shaped to reduce the
joints. Both systems seemed to give satisfaction to the opera-
tors, and comparisons were not possible owing to the difference
in the operating conditions. Speaking generally, the American
design with a plate lining involved less steel for construction,
while the Luxemburg-Lorraine type of blast furnace was con-
servative and substantial.
Blast-Furnace Operation. General progress was marked;
greater familiarity with the chemical problems and increased
mechanical equipment made operation more easily controllable,
results more positive and disturbances less frequent. The use
of excessively fine ore was accompanied by a high-solution loss
of coke, and agglomerating of ore was recognized as desirable.
This led to increasing attention to sintering fine ore mixed with
flue-dust, and recharging of dust without treatment seemed
likely to die out. Higher temperature of the air blast was a
noteworthy development, as each increase of 200 F. has been
reflected by 4% to 5% reduction in coke consumption. In the
Minette district 850 to 900 F. blast temperatures were quite
common. The blast pressure, which remained without much
change, varied according to districts and the forcing of the
operation, from 4 to 15 Ib. per square inch. In case of a rela-
tively cold spell within the furnace due to overfluxing, bad coke
or dropping of a hanging, the introduction of kerosene (paraffin)
through the tuyeres proved a quick remedy, although it neces-
sarily required care and progressive application to avoid accidents.
The use of this cure rendered superfluous the auxiliary tuyeres
at mid-height of bosh. The use of the oxygen torch to burn out
the iron notch in case of metallic incrustations extremely difficult
to remove proved a great help to the working crews. Mechanical
appliances in cast-houses were installed in increasing numbers to
supplant hand work, especially in sand casting floors. Cranes
equipped with lif ting magnets and pneumatic hammers elastically
suspended proved a step toward the best method of moulding,
breaking and handling of sand-cast pig-iron. For all qualities of
pig-iron the continuous casting machines continued to be the
accepted standard. In plants adjoining steel-works transport
ladles of larger size (30 to 50 tons) and designs assuring better
insulation and easier skimming of slag were evolved.
Blast-Furnace Gas. Continuously increasing price of coal and
coke affected the economics of the blast-furnace gas and made
it a by-product of great importance. The fuel value of this
original waste became more and more recognized in America.
The first effort, to avoid all gas losses so far as possible, led to the
installation of double furnace tops, which became universal. Next
gas-cleaning processes were developed to remove dust impurities
from the by-product fuel, thus increasing its adaptability to
combustion and securing greater efficiencies in its utilization.
To facilitate operation and render supervision automatic,
pressure-regulating devices were evolved and accumulators were
installed to equalize supply and provide steady outflow. Gas-
cleaning attracted the attention of operators in European
countries greatly in need of fuel, because the calorific value of
the gas counterbalanced the cost of purification. In America
the coal shortage, due to inordinate demand and dislocation of
railway service, produced the same result. The first step in gas-
cleaning was the installation of a dust collector close to the off-
takes and the downcomers of each blast furnace. In it the coarse
dust was deposited by a slowing-down of the gas flow and a
sudden change in its direction. This apparatus was independent
of all further cleaning methods.
To separate the fine dust particles two different processes were
applied: (i) wet method; (2) dry filtration.
(i) By the wet method the gases were cooled by injection of
water, and the dust particles, passing through the fog artificially
produced, were arrested by scrubbers. Experience led to a subdivi-
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
IRON AND STEEL
59i
sion of the operations, called medium cleaning and fine cleaning,
with apparatus protected by patents. The sludge of dust and water
was removed by the application of centrifugal force, separating gas
and liquid in specially designed fans or washers (Theissen, Brassert,
etc.)- The disposal of the water created a problem, as contamination
of rivers is against the law in most industrial countries. In deposit
ponds the settling of the impurities was incomplete and its removal a
tedious manual operation ; and the Dorr thickener, developed in ore-
concentration districts, was adopted, as assuring continuous service
automatically by means of a special mud pump requiring little atten-
tion. A drawback of wet systems was that the sensible heat of the
blast-furnace gas was absorbed by the cleaning water and lost be-
yond recovery. On the other hand, it permitted the installation of
smaller gas-piping and dispensed with the insulation of the lines
against heat loss, thus saving appreciable capital outlay in the case of
long-distance distribution. Another drawback of the wet method was
that recovery of the dust required driving off the water from the
heavy mud in any briquetting or concentrating process attempted.
(2) The dry methods of gas-cleaning had their advocates where
every little economy was watched, such as retaining the sensible heat
of the gas and saving the expense of water- handling in keeping the dust
dry. To separate the dust out of the hot gases, filtration appeared
to be the best process. With mechanical filtration, finely woven
cloth or asbestos-fabric bags or slag-wool layers let the gas pass at
low velocity but retained the solid dust, which was removed periodi-
cally by return currents of clean gas. The principle was adopted in
the Beth-Halberg system in Europe and the Kling-Weidlein appara-
tus in the United States.
Through the researches of Dr. F. G. Cottrell, in the United States,
electricity promised to serve as a filtering medium in the so-called
electric precipitation process. By creating high-tension discharge
currents in the flow of the gas the solid particles became separated
from the gas. At the end of the decade 1910-20 high potential electric
deposition had its noteworthy applications among non-ferrous blast-
furnace installations. The utilization of the thermal value of blast-
furnace gas was sometimes credited against the conversion cost of
ore, plus limestone, plus coke, into pig-iron. A ton of iron blown, re-
quiring 2,200 Ib. of coke of about 80% pure carbon (equal to 1,700
lb.), produced an amount of gas, expressed in cub. ft., equal to 90 to
100 times that weight, or some 160,000 cub. ft., averaging about 100
B.T.U. per cub. ft. In assuming a value of 2 cents or id. per 1,000
cub. ft., the gas would represent an asset of some $3.20, or 133. to
145., per ton, a figure indicating the great importance of the by-
product gas in the cost-sheet of the plant. The gross valuation must
be diminished by such factors as the cost of cleaning, but a net surplus
of about $l per ton per day was not uncommonly left after allowing
for material and conversion outlays of the plant.
The chief ways in which blast-furnace gases were utilized were as
follows:
(a) Cowper or Hot-Blast Stoves. The absence of dust in the gas
provided for rational stove design, as the complicating side issues of
clogged-up passes and slagged-up checker holes disappeared, as well
as the periodic waste of cooling, cleaning and warming-up of each
unit. The clean gas meant a reduction of the area of heating surfaces
and brick volume expressed by fewer stoves per blast furnace three
to four per furnace against four to five 10 years earlier. Then began
a systematic study of the heat-transmission phenomena within the
mass of checker work, a study which in 1920 was not yet completed.
Close observation and scientific research, coupled with improved
combustion methods regulating more closely and more positively
the two elements of combustion gas and air, promised at that time
to lead to a further reduction of the number of stoves, and also to
higher blast temperatures and less gas consumption.
(b) Boilers. Clean blast-furnace gas allowed for advantageous use
in connexion with steam boilers; first, through more efficient com-
bustion, in effect less gas per pound of steam produced; second,
higher ratings of boilers, in effect more steam per unit of boiler
evaporating surface or fewer boilers for a given plant capacity; and,
third, quick adaptation to any load required, in effect flexibility or
ease of operation. Many efficient burners were invented and some
were installed on a large scale.
(c) Metallurgical Furnaces. The removal of flue-dust made
possible a wider distribution of the blast-furnace gas, and in Europe
use was made of the surplus gas with success in all kinds of furnaces.
The low calorific value coupled with the small amount of air required
for complete combustion opened fields where so-called mellow heating
flames are demanded, such as core drying, mould drying, annealing,
roasting and ore concentrating.
(d) Gas Engines. The principle that clean gas was indispensable
for internal-combustion engines was long recognized, but its practical
application did not occur until after 1910. Also a cool gas was re-
. garded as essential to secure adequate volumetric efficiency of each
cylinder. Among gas engines the four-cycle type outranked con-
siderably the two-cycle type. Devices for close regulation were
developed on the principle of qualitative-quantitative mixture.
The built-up cylinder seemed to win greater favour than the one-
piece casting. The safety of operation reached a parity with that of
steam-engines or turbines, the gas being clean. The exhaust heat
of the engines, representing some 40% of the energy, was utilized
to generate steam, and 70 % was thus recovered in some instances.
Of all the various uses made of the gaseous by-products of the blast
furnace only the heating of the hot-blast stoves was universally
applied. All experts agreed that 30 % to 40 % of the gases are best
employed for that purpose. The surplus of 60 % to 65 % was utilized
for the other purposes already mentioned. In the utilization to
produce blast pressure and to develop power, the battle for suprem-
acy between the gas-engine using blast-furnace gas and the steam
boiler using the gas to supply energy to engine or turbine remained
undecided. Thermal efficiencies were not the only issues at stake.
In Europe the gas-engine had the firmer standing, while in America
the boiler seemed to be the more in favour. Even for generating the
blast pressures, the competition between gas-engine-driven air com-
pressors, steam-engine blowing engines and turbo-blowers had gone
on without absolutely proving the superiority of any one combina-
tion. Varying economic conditions in each country and different
local considerations, as well as the purely technical aspects of the
problem, were deciding factors. Europe, with its skilled workmen
and more stabilized market conditions, presented a background
different from that of America with its fluid trade conditions and its
unsettled, unskilled labour.
The fact that the dust in blast-furnace gas is made up of coke, ore
and flux additions, combined with the fact that the cleaning plants
provide for collecting it, led to the reintroduction of the material
into the furnaces. By previous nodulization, as in rotary kilns, or
briquetting under presses with or without binding agent, the flue-
dust became available for use. Numerous processes were developed,
of which the Dwight-Lloyd sintering system gave good results,
judging from the number of installations in America.
Plant Layout and Size. A single blast furnace built alone on a
site, no matter how well chosen, proved not to be a logical industrial
enterprise. The number of such plants existing was the result of
competition, of fluctuating market conditions, and constituted an
economic waste, speaking generally. With combined units the ac-
cessory equipment became cheaper in installation cost and in terms
of iron output and more efficient in operation, through flexibility
and insurance against breakdown. Three to six furnaces grouped
in well-laid-out plants were established as an economic whole.
To avoid the loss of the sensible heat of the molten pig-iron and to
refine the metal without cooling, steel-works were logically joined
to blast-furnace plants. The two separate departments were thus
combined in one industrial unit, with the added advantage that the
surplus of power available at the furnaces could be absorbed in the
rolling-mills.
Electric Pig-Iron Furnaces. Tests at Trollhattan, Sweden, made
on a cooperative basis by steel interests and the Government, were
conclusive only for high-grade pig-iron similar to the Swedish char-
coal pig-iron. Since 1918 the Domnarfret works in Sweden had
operated several shaft-type furnaces (with gas circulation using
60 % to 62 % of iron ore and charcoal as a reducing agent). Mixtures
of charcoal and coke up to 50 % coke were found satisfactory. Per
ton of pig-iron produced, 3,400 lb. of ore (containing 61-5% Fe),
120 lb. of lime and 740 lb. of charcoal were charged; 15,000 cub. ft.
of gas at 240 B.T.U. per cub. ft. were captured at the top; 2,150
kilowatt-hours was the electric energy consumption per 2,000 lb.
of pig-iron. The problem of using electric current for supplying heat
in the blast-furnace reactions had particular interest for the eastern
Pyrenees in France, British Columbia, Brazil, Italy, as well as
Sweden and Norway, where fuel is scarce and low-priced electricity
might be made available.
The Steel Plant. The usefulness of mixers as an important adj unct
of the steel-making plant was universally recognized, as numerous
installations attest. Their field was established in equalizing quali-
tatively the successive outgivings of the blast furnaces and in de-
sulphurizing the molten metal. To accelerate the removal of sul-
phur, less than 0-5 % of manganese proved most helpful. The shape
of the mixer that gave best results was the simple cylinder rotating
on its axis. The most popular size proved to be 1 ,000 to 1 ,400 tons'
containing capacity. Simple oil or gas burners without regenerating
chamber in the United States, with pre-heating checkers sometimes
in Europe, completed the equipment. In Germany a 2,ooo-ton-
capacity mixer was reported built, but only after considerable dis-
cussion as to its size. The mixer was r c4uCDurse, brought into being for
receiving metal from the blast furnace and delivering to the ladle
for transport to the steel plant as needed. Slag that floats on the top
of the bath must be skimmed off from time to time.
Converter Plants. No noteworthy development took place in the
acid operating (Bessemer) converter or in the basic operating
(Thomas) converter for making steel. The 20- to 25-ton-capacity
vessel remained nearly universal. A 4O-ton size was proposed in
1918 by a Belgian engineer. As between Europe and the United
States, the hydraulic tilting mechanism of the former did not give
way to the electric drive of the latter, nor did the gas-engine blowing
units succumb to the turbo-blowers of American practice.
Open-Hearth Plants. Without radical change in type, sizes of
open-hearth furnaces increased up to and above loo tons' capacity,
but the tendency was toward fully controllable sizes. The practice
in the United States settled to 80 to loo tons and in Europe 40 to 50
tons. Volumes of checker chamber increased to get better so-called
flywheel effect. Greater attention was paid to port and head con-
struction to lengthen life, and to a reinforced roof. Reversing valves
592
IRON AND STEEL
were marketed for reducing flow resistance and waste of gas. Waste-
heat boilers were more generally installed, but not universally adopted
because of their interference with concentration and general electri-
fication of plants. Marked superiority or inferiority was not shown
for the tilting construction of furnace when tested by use beside the
stationary type. Natural gas disappearing in America, producer gas
was the more generally adopted fuel. Powdered coal was tried with
some success but without proved superiority ; one difficulty was that
checker chambers got clogged by ashdust. By-product tar and
crude oil proved fuels well suited for the purpose if available at low
price and in large quantities.
Electric Steel Furnaces. The electric steel furnace for refining
and melting iron and steel developed to a surprising extent in the
decade 1910-20 in size and in number of installations. It proved
ideally suited for quality products and high-grade materials, because
no complication through fuel medium exists and because atmosphere
and temperature are attainable practically at will. From soo-lb.
capacity, single furnaces were built to 40 tons, with most of them of
5- to 8-ton capacities. (For electric furnace statistics, see Iron Age,
Jan. I 1921 .) Of the 960 known electric steel furnaces in existence in
Jan. 1921, 356 were in the United States, 150 in England, 100 in
Germany, 69 in France and 43 in Canada. Of the total, 308 were
Heroult arc furnaces, 102 Rennerfelt induction furnaces and 90
Greaves-Etchells furnaces. The electric furnace was adopted for
making metal mixtures, ferro-alloys, special steels of high quality
in large amounts-j-strict repetition being possible in an absolute
positive way. A disadvantage was that the metal is not at rest but
always in motion, through electric or magnetic influences. Though
agitation was often desirable, the action hampered the separation of
the slag and the rising of impurities out of the molten mass. A
remedy for this was repeated skimming of slag and careful super-
vision. One unusual utilization of the electric furnace was the making
of pig-iron out of scrap, especially in the United States, to supply
deficiencies in the amount of low phosphorus pig-iron, particularly
in the manufacture of ordnance. It amounted to a synthetic recon-
version of steel into pig-iron. Fine coke was added to the slagged
refined scrap for carburization, and the method promised to be com-
mercially feasible in regions having electric power but little local fuel
available and situated so that delivered pig-iron was high in price.
For deoxidation in the refining process and for recarburization,
ferromanganese and spiegeleisen retained their popularity in spite of
high prices under erratic market conditions. In Europe pre-heating,
often pre-melting, of the addition was the current practice, to save
in the amount needed and to accelerate effects. In America the
wasteful method of cold additions prevailed. Ferrotitanium, with
carbon or carbon-free, was used, as well as ferrosilicon and aluminium
in small quantities. Some steel plants made additions in the ladle,
others finished the operation in the furnace.
Steel-making Operations. The outstanding feature of steel-
making operations was the recognition of splitting the refining process
into two phases, or the two-slag method, to increase production and
to lower production costs. The efforts of Bertrand-Thiel and Talbot
recognized in effect this principle; and duplexing and triplexing were
only operating variations of the same principle, to remove the im-
purities of the pig-iron stepwise in the furnaces best suited for each
purpose. Thus sulphur and manganese pass out in the mixer;
silicon and part of the carbon in the converter; the rest of the carbon
and phosphorus in the open-hearth furnace; additions were made and
alloys were added in the electric furnace. The plant necessitated
considerable equipment, but it secured ease of operation, exact
control of results and made possible quantity production. Below
1 ,600 tons per 24 hours, savings in operation were regarded as hardly
possible, as in slack market periods overhead expense was too large.
During the World War about 10 duplexing plants, refining in an acid
converter and finishing in basic open-hearth furnaces, were built in
the United States under the pressure created by an ammunition
famine. Electric duplexing plants (meaning melting and preparing
in open-hearth furnaces and finishing in electric furnaces) were built
in large numbers, offering a special-quality product on a large scale.
A number of new independent efforts were made to produce steel
direct from the ore without the interpolation of the iron blast fur-
nace, but none could be said to have been proved feasible on a scale
beyond that of the laboratory.
The problem of casting crude steel, particularly the ingot problem,
received close study. The mould may be stationary, located in pits,
or put on railway bogies moved on tracks by locomotives. Both
systems have their field, the former being more suited for small plants.
The sizes of the ingots varied from 1,000 Ib. to 6 tons. In America
6,ooo-lb and 8,ooo-lb. ingots were in wide use, while in Europe 4,000-
kgm. to 5,ooo-kgm. sizes were adopted in large up-to-date plants. To
facilitate the stripping operation, that is the separation of mould
from ingot, about 80% of all moulds were made slightly conical with
top smaller than bottom. Most of the pouring was done direct into
the mould from the ladje, some by attaching to the ladle a little
dished pan to break the jet and to produce a quiet overflow pouring,
while in another class the metal flowed upward from the bottom by
means of a special riser connecting through refractory channels with
the several moulds. About 20 % of the steel-makers used the conical
mould that is larger at the top than at the bottom, and in some cases
a refractory or heated top was placed on top of the mould to secure
better results; these moulds require a tilting-over to allow for the
stripping. All these mould forms were evolved by the study of the
cooling of steel in ingot form and the defects occurring in the metal
the volume shrinkage due to change of physical state from liquid to
solid ; cooling by strata ; crystallization and segregation phenomena;
inclusion of solid and gaseous impurities, called blowholes, piping,
sonims, etc. One type of ingot mould which was well received in
America provided a bulk of metal in the lower part, thus to absorb
more heat from the lower strata of the molten steel and leave the up-
per ones as the last to freeze or solidify and afford an opportunity
for the segregation of gaseous and solid impurities.
The Shaping of Steel. Rolling-mills (used if the demand for a
product is large and if its shape lends itself to a continuous process,
like rails, angles, plates, bars, etc.) and the forge-shop (if the shapes
to be produced are complicated, short in length, unsuited for the
rolling-mill), both change the shape of the metal heated at high
temperature, about 2,000 to 2,300 F. Both require finishing de-
partments to straighten, shear or bundle the rolled product or to
clean off the fins, rough off the unevenness of the forging operations,
and they may need annealing and pickling facilities to improve the
quality of the product. A special process of milling the top and bot-
tom of rail blooms, to remove cracks and roughness from the semi-
finished steel and also surfaces decarbonized in the heating furnaces,
was put into use at the Lackawanna mills in America and resulted in
a reduction in the number of finished rails classed as seconds.
In the period 1908-20 the development of the rolling-mill was
influenced, first, by the great manufacturing principles of concen-
tration and specialization, and, second, by the electrification of the
motive power. Concentration demanded large production in one
unit and suitable equipment to attain that aim; in other words,
mechanical devices in preference to hand operation. Specialization
was applied to the shape to be rolled as well as to the mill used for
production. Standardization of rails, beams, and angles, the reduc-
tion of the number of profiles, and the simplification of shapes were
consequences, as well as the installation of mills for specific purposes.
The application of these rational principles was accelerated by the
use of the electric motor. The advantages were recognized about
1905, but the next 15 years brought their practical realization. The
numerous little steam-engines disappeared and the electric motor
revolutionized the handling of the material by cranes and overhead
trolleys as well as the mill accessories, like tables, skids, transfers,
etc. The first step was the creation of central power plants where
electricity was generated either in turbine or gas-engine generators,
preferably with the help of the surplus gas from the blast furnace.
Many steel plants in 1920 were equipped with 20,000- to 4O,ooo-K.W.
power stations. The second step was the development of speed-re-
ducing devices made necessary by the high speed of electric motors.
The advance of the gear-cutting industry and the advent of spiral-
type teeth, single or herringbone, and the development of new types
of teeth giving less wear, more rolling surface, and, later, the use of
special hardened, heat-treated steels were eagerly taken up by the
designers of mill machinery to increase the quality of their product.
Reduction gears transmitting up to 5,000 H. P. came into daily use,
and the ratioof 10 or 12 to I in one reduction gave satisfactory ser-
vice. The third step was the development of speed-regulating de-
vices, especially in connexion with alternating-current motors, to
secure efficient operation for variable conditions. The fourth step was
the solving of the load problem of large, intermittently operating
motors, reversing their direction of rotation by means of the motor-
flywheel set advocated by the Austrian engineer Ilgner in connexion
with suitable controllers of which the Ward-Leonard system was the
prototype. Much work and inventive genius were concentrated on
these difficulties to bring about in less than 15 years the high effi-
ciency and great safety of operation by electricity of steel-mills. The
development of the rolling-mills by 1921 is shown in the diagram.
A rolling-mill proper consists of its motor (steam-engine or elec-
tric motor), a universal coupling (speed-reducing drive or not),
pinion stand transmitting power to all rolls by means of toothed
pinions, together with spindles and couplings, and one or more roll
stands solidly bolted to foundation shoes. A roll stand has two hous-
ings with adjusting mechanism and is fitted with two or three rolls
and called either two-high or three-high, according to the number of
rolls. But rolling-mills bear various other designations that are
confusing. Sometimes they are characterized by their roll diameter
(a 2O-in. mill or a 35-in. mill) ; sometimes they are called after their
inventor (Mannesmann mill, Lamberton mill); sometimes they get
their name from the product (blooming-mill, plate-mill, wire-mill) ;
sometimes their direction of operation is judged most important and
then they are called reversing or non-reversing mills. Slabbing-
mills are large mills with two horizontal rolls of 30- to AO-in. diam-
eter and two vertical rolls of 24- to 32-in. diameter, built to roll
slabs, which have a rectangular section. They roll the four sides of
the slab without the need of handling or tilting. They are expensive
in installation, requiring two reversing motors developing 15,000
and 10,000 H.P. respectively. They are seldom provided for in new
C" its (perhaps the latest installation being that in the Gary plant,
iana, 1910) and were superseded either by universal-mills or
blooming-mills. Blooming-mills have two horizontal rolls of 24-
to 4p-in. diameter, mostly of the reversing type equipment, with
manipulators for the mechanical turning-over of the ingot, and side-
IRON AND STEEL
593
REHEATING FURNACE
ARMOUR PLATE MILL
SPECIAL USE OUTSIDE OF
REGULAR INDUSTRY
SLABBINQ MILL
BLOOMING MILL
BLOOMS
FORGE
> [ FORGE ^.
I FURNACES
v!V
-HAMMER
AIR
STEAM
-PRESS HYDRAULIC
-BULLDOZER
MOTOR
DRIVEN
SEAMLESS TUBES HOT FINISHED
A
I
POLISHING MILL
t
REDUCING MILLS
*
ROUGH SEAMLESS TUBES
t ,
I ""
UNIVERSAL MILL
\
UNIVERSAL PLATES
(rf TO 6rf WIDE *"TO f THICK)
PLATE
MILL
1
SHEARED
PLATES
SPECI/
(QREY. PU
'
H-GIRDERS.SP
* ir
BIG SHAPE MILL
OR
RAIL MILL
SHAPES. RAILS /SHI
LARGE SECTIONS / ,
1 Pt
r \FURN
L MILL \^^
>PE.SACK) SHEE
J
=CIAL SECTIONS
1
BILLET MILL
SHEET BAR MILL
- < T >
MEDIUM SHAPE
MILL
-^ Y
/ \MEDIUM SHAPES
/ BILLET \
"rXSBF Blu f s
* w ' 1 ^
ACES/ ^FURNACES/
r MILL ^ 1
f SHEET MILLS 2O TO 10 DIA. WIRE MILL
ETS f t
SMALL SHAPES. SQUARES. ROUNDS WIRE
BANDS, ETC.
FIG. I. Steps in the Process of Making Various Forms of Steel.
guards ; they roll either blooms or slabs. Plate-mills carry cylindrical
rolls to produce sheared plates (or plates which are subsequently
sheared to required width), but may have in addition two sets of
vertical rolls driven from the main pinion housing, to produce
universal plates which require no shearing, both sides of the slabs
being rolled. Both forms may be of the three-high continuous run-
ning or the two-high reversing type. Their roll diameters are 24 up
to 42 in. The three-high or Fritz form of plate-mill is often called the
Lauth type and is characterized by the fact that the middle roll is
smaller and not direct-driven, but rotated by friction from the
upper or lower roll. For large blooming-mills preference for the
reversing drive was shown in the decade 1910-20. Three-high bloom-
ing-mills were seldom built in the larger units because of clumsy
accessories. For the heavy plate-mills, also, the two-high reversing
type was preferred. For small knocking-down or cogging-mills and
the smaller plate-mills, the two types were in competition, with no
apparent superiority of either system.
For driving continuous mills electricity was preferred to the
steam-engine. The uniflow steam-engine found favour up to 3,000-
H.P. units, but installations were few. Where the effort was to bring
about a complete electrification of the plant, steam-engines proved
unpopular, possible economy being counterbalanced by complica-
tion of maintenance and other administrative considerations. For
the reversing drive of large units, requiring loads up to 20,000 or
25,000 H.P., the electrical drive was not necessarily in the ascen-
dency. The high initial cost of the motor generator flywheel set
with direct-current motor directly connected to pinion and mill was
made the chief argument against universal adoption of electricity,
and numbers of old plants were reluctant to change their somewhat
obsolete steam equipment. In America only a few engines as large
as 25,000 to 30,000 H.P. (Weirton and Lukens) were installed in
new work, and in England large vertical engines were built. The
electrical units, however, increased considerably in number and size
and considerable progress was realized in the matter of mano3uvring
capacity, in standardization of winding and accessories, in records of
output and efficiency of running. In 1920 the electrical industry was
aggressively working on betterments, while the partisans of the
steam-engine rested on past laurels. Parity existed on all points
except first cost of installation. Even for smaller mills of the reversing
type electrical drives were built, such as 24-in. mill (Mark, Indiana
Harbor), 26-in. mill (Atlanta, Ga.). Two-high reversing plate-mills
also disputed the field with the three-high type in the medium-sized
equipment, and latest universal-mill installations were of the revers-
ing type electrically driven. The largest mill for plates, 192 in. wide,
at Lukens, Pa., which was completed in 1918, was of special design,
reversing, and steam-driven. (Iron Age, Jan. 2 1919.)
In shape, billet and smaller mills no revolutionary change was
made. In shape- or rail-mills great subdivision of rolling-passes into
individually driven stands proved to be an exaggeration, and later
installations concentrated the drives. The use of a second reversing
roughing-mill, however, bade fair to become standard, in relieving
the burden of the first blooming-mill and in preparing quickly for the
finishing stands. Billet and sheet-bar mills, usually of the continuous
type, were standardized into two units, the 24-in. mill of four to six
stands and the 2i-in. mill of six stands. Patented mills for special
beam shapes having wide flanges were built under Grey patents in
Differdange, Luxemburg, in 1904, and in Bethlehem, Pa., 1908 and
1915, and under Puppe patents in Peine, Germany, in 1914, and Sack
patents in Rombach, Lorraine, in 1912. Mechanical solutions of the
reversing problem were attempted by the Lamberton mill or the
Fawell mill but were not put into any wide use. Sheet-mill construc-
tion changed little except that the electric drive became universal.
The design with two overhung flywheels on pinion shaft proved
efficient and final. The reduction ratio showed a tendency to in-
crease from 8 to i to 12 to I.
Billets (in.)
5x5 to 2x2
Bars (in.) below
ijwi
Bloom ingots(in.)
12x12 to 24x24
Blooms (in.)
6x6 to 12x12
Sheet bars (in.)
15x2 to 8xJ
Slab ingots (in.)
20x8 to 40x16
Slabs (in.)
10x3 to 36x10
Plates up to 190
in. wide
The concentration of production in large well-balanced plants
with adequate resources and sales organization permitted a logical
subdivision of the rolling-mill programme with a subsequent reduc-
tion of production cost. The smallest bloom section, 6x6 in., had a
tendency to grow toward 8x8 in., as some experts claimed that 50
sq. in. was the economic limit of the range of a large mill. To reduce
the time required for roll changing, complete spare housings, com-
pletely mounted, came to be good mill practice, these being dropped
on the shoeplates by the cranes. In some specialty plants sometimes
two or three housings were changed together.
Furnaces. The development of soaking, reheating and annealing
furnaces was influenced by the increasing price of fuel and consider-
able efforts were made to boost heating efficiencies. In Europe gas-
firing with recuperation and regeneration of waste heat was the
favourite, especially because producer-gas firing was much used and
remarkable results achieved. In America continuing shortage of
natural gas for industrial purposes in regions such as the Pittsburgh
district made a substitute market for crude oils, coke-oven gas and
powdered coal. Especially since 1915, the use of powdered coal
developed to a surprising degree for all kinds of metal-heating appli-
594
IRVING, H. B.
ANNUAL PRODUCTION OF PIG-!RON AND STEEL
(In thousands of metric tons)
Pig-iron
Steel Ingots
1910
1913
Best year in
1911-20
1920
1910
1913
Best year in
1911-20
1920
Austria-Hungary
2,010
2,370
2,418
2,188
2,682
3,337
Belgium
1,852
2,485
2,485
1,132
1,450
2,467
2,515
1,237
Canada
726
1,024
1,085
991
746
i, 060
1,700
l!l28
France
4,038
4,207
5,939
3,317
3,506
4,687
4,687
2,961
Germany
14,793
19,292
19,292
7,000*
13,699
'8,959
18,959
9,000*
Italy
215
427
472
635
846
1,332
Japan
57
77
384*
14
2 4
1,050*
Russia
3,042
4,548
4,548
3,479
4,827
4,900
Spain
367
425
498
365
470
Sweden
604
735
821
469
583
United Kingdom
United States
All other countries
10,381
27,637
525
10,482
31,482
495
10,482
40,092
550
8,139
37,530
6,477
26,512
315
7,787
31-823
325
10,434
45,786
350
9,205
42,821
66,190
78,029
59,792
76,425
*Estimated.
cations. Mechanical stokers were evolved in numerous designs to
dispense with hand labour and to control by mechanical contrivances
the combustion of coal in an efficient way.
Mill Equipment. Roller tables, skids, transfers, cooling-beds and
titters were perfected and installed in increasing numbers owing
mainly to the efficiency and handiness of electric motors. Variable-
speed drives gained in favour. Straighteners, saws, punches and
shears were made in conformity with the availability of electric
power. Hydraulic devices were pushed in the background and elec-
tric drives supplanted engines in the field of these mill accessories.
Melallographic Progress. Metallographic knowledge spread
in the decade 1910-20 from the university laboratory to the
steel-mill, outgrowing the narrow circle of students to become
the helpmate of the operator. Pyrometers or temperature re-
corders and the scientific control of temperature came as a matter
of course in numbers of steel-mills. The variety of alloy steels
offered for practical uses was due to the theoretical investigations
of the metallograph. Chromium and vanadium, nickel and
cobalt, tungsten and molybdenum added their special properties
to steel, and improved heat-treating methods enhanced these
qualities with a skill and positiveness hitherto unknown.
Beyond the realm of iron and steel making, properly regarded,
but coming within the purview of the industry, the remarkable
development of the second decade of the aoth century was the
heat treatment of metals. It went hand-in-hand with the study
(by means of the microscope, and thus of the photomicrograph)
of grain structure and the transformations which take place
in the so-called solid solutions, according to the degree of heating
and cooling given to the metal. Practical applications of the
investigations of the scientist were numerous, and the history
of the temperature experience of a given metal product going into
an article of commerce was accepted as every bit as important
as the chemical constituents, for two pieces of steel, identical
chemically, may be made to behave physically very differently
according to their crystalline state.
Other developments which must be briefly enumerated were:
Efforts to test a material's fitness or agreement to specifications with-
out destroying it, as by X-ray photographs (sheets), or by magnetic
analysis (by noting changes in permeability of an article of constant
cross-section, as a rifle-barrel, wire or steel rail, by moving it through
a magnetic field) ; these, however, were not definitely of commercial
dependence, pending further investigation ; success in making large
chains of cast-steel links followed by heat treatment, such as anneal-
ing; efforts to cast in centrifugal moulds, such as cast-iron pipe by
introducing molten iron into the rotating mould; commercial re-
covery of potash from blast-furnace flue-dust deposits at the base
of hot stoves finding a market ; making iron pipe by an electrolytic
process of depositing iron on a rotating cathode in a ferrous-chloride
electrolyte; commercial manufacture of a stainless steel having
IO% to 15% of chromium, which, Harry Brearley in England dis-
covered, gave amazing resistance to corrosion, so that it became the
base of an important cutlery industry and offered a satisfactory
material for rifle-barrels, turbine blades and steel articles subject to
both erosion and corrosion ; additions to the numberless varieties of
alloy steels, largely to secure some desired physical characteristic for
specific needs, such as increased tensile strength in terms of lighter
members of a fabricated steel product; elements like cerium and
zirconium entered the ferro-alloy circle, but a delineation of the vari-
ous alloys and of their definite fields of usefulness was not completed.
Production. The appended table was compiled to give some
measure of the relative producing capacity of the leading in-
dustrial nations of the world. The figures are of actual produc-
tion before the World War for such countries as France, Bel-
gium and Russia, but during the war for the United States, the
United Kingdom (in steel) and Canada. Authoritative informa-
tion was not obtainable as to the realignment of Europe's
capabilities after the war, but the effect of the Versailles Treaty
was to bring Germany down close to the level of England in this
respect, and to raise France, on the completion of rebuilding
plans, to 80% of Great Britain's capacity.
The world's steel-making capacity was put in 1920 at ico,-
000,000 tons in round numbers. Nearly one-half was credited
to the United States, which could make four times as much as
Great Britain. The United States' percentage of the world's
pig-iron-making facilities was somewhat over 45 %. More than
one-third of the total annual output of iron ore in the world
came from the United States, and of the American produc-
tion 85% came from the Lake Superior district. The Lorraine
ore fields supplied about 25% of the world needs and 80% of
it went to France and Germany.
World statistics of the production of ore, pig-iron and crude and
finished forms of steel are obtainable from the National Federation
of Iron and Steel Manufacturers, London. (W. W. M.)
IRVING, HENRY BRODRIBB (1870-1919), English actor,
elder son of Sir Henry Irving (see 14.855), was born in London
Aug. 5 1870. He was educated at Marlborough and New College,
Oxford, and was called to the bar in 1894; but he quickly aban-
doned this profession for that of the stage, for which his inherited
aptitude had always been very marked. At Oxford he had be-
longed to the O.U.D.S. and had played the leading parts in
Browning's Stra/ord and Shakespeare's King John. His first pro-
fessional appearance in London was made Sept. 1891 with John
Hare at the Garrick theatre in Robertson's School. Three years
later he joined Mr. Ben Greet's company, where he met Miss
Dorothea Baird, whom he married in 1896 at the time of her great
popular success in Du Maurier's play of Trilby. His earliest
notable success was in Barrie's The Admirable Crichton in 1903,
and he followed it by an interesting impersonation of Hamlet in
1905. His picturesque appearance and strong likeness to his
father induced him to repeat many of his father's famous parts;
but he did original work of a high order in Stevenson's Dr. Jekytt
and Mr. Hyde, in Stephen Phillips's The Sin of David, in Walter
Hackett's The Barton Mystery, and in other romantic and
melodramatic productions, many of them produced at the Savoy
theatre, London, of which he was lessee and manager from 1913
until his death. Throughout his life he was a keen student of
criminology, and he published a Life of Judge Jeffreys (1898);
French Criminals of the igth Century (1901); A Book of Re-
markable Criminals (1918) and other papers on the subject. He
died in London Oct. 17 1919.
His younger brother, LAURENCE SYDNEY BRODRIBB IRVING
(1871-1914), English actor, was born in London Dec. 21 1871.
ISOSTASY ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
595
He was educated at Marlborough and abroad, being destined
for the diplomatic service; but he joined Frank Benson's Shake-
spearean company in 1893 and made his first professional appear-
ance in London a year later with J. L. Toole in Barrie's Walker,
London. He married the actress Mabel Hackney, and with his
wife played in Brieux's The Three Daughters of M. Dupont and
The Incubus, as well as in The Unwritten Law his own adapta-
tion of Dostoievsky's Crime and Punishment and in Lengyell's
Typhoon. In 191 2 he acted lago in Herbert Tree's production of
Othello. He wrote Peter the Great, produced by his father in 1898,
Bonnie Dundee and Richard Lovelace, as well as a number of
translations and adaptations of plays. Both he and his wife lost
their lives when the " Empress of Ireland " sank in the St. p
Lawrence river May 29 1914.
ISOSTASY, in Geology. When the Great Trigonometrical
Survey of India was initiated, it was found that the deflection of
the plumb-line by the Himalayas was much less than the cal-
culated amount due to the theoretical attraction of the visible
mass of the mountains. Sir G. B. Airy suggested that this might
be caused by the presence of a mass of matter, of less than the
average density, under the mountains; this explanation was
further investigated by Archdeacon J. H. Pratt, who applied the
term compensation to the negative effect of the underlying defect
of density, in compensating the direct effect of the attraction of
the visible mass of the mountains. In 1892 Major C. E. Dutton,
discussing the greater problems of physical geology, deduced a
general principle that the weight of matter under any unit area
of the earth's surface tended to become uniform, and suggested
that this was brought about by an underground transfer of ma-
terial to balance the visible surface transport from regions of
erosion to those of deposition. To this principle he gave the
name isostasy (tow, equal, and ordfftj, position), not as a
synonym for Pratt's compensation, but as a name for the princi-
ple and process by which it was brought about. In 1909 there
appeared a very complete and elaborate investigation of the
subject, by J. F. Hayford, in which the word isostasy is used
throughout as synonymous with what Pratt called compensation,
and this use of the term has since become general among geode-
sists. Some inconvenience results from this change in the mean-
ing attached to the word, for it is still largely understood by
geologists in the sense intended by its inventor, as the process by
which the fact implied by Pratt's word, compensation, is brought
about (see also GEOLOGY).
See G. B. Airy, Phil. Trans., cxlv., 1855, p. 101 ; J. H. Pratt,
Phil Trans., cxliv., 1859, p. 745; C. E. Dutton, Bull. Phil. Soc.
Washington, xi., 1892, p. 51 ; J. F. Hayford, The Figure of the Earth
and Isostasy, from Measurements in the United States (Washington
1909). (R. D. O.)
ISRAELS, JOSEF (1824-1911), Dutch painter (see 14.885),
died at The Hague Aug. 12 1911.
ISVOLSKY, ALEXANDER PETROVICH (1856-1919), Russian
statesman, was born in 1856 in the government of Vladimir, of a
family which for generations had appertained to the lower
officialdom. At the age of 20 he received his first diplomatic
appointment at Rome, and was thence transferred to Philippo-
polis and Bucharest, where, by the patronage of Princess Urussov
(wife of a future Russian ambassador at Paris), he made his
reputation. Thence he was sent to Washington and the Vatican.
At this time he was already so much the coming man that, upon
the retirement of Count Lobanov, his mother-in-law, Countess
Toll, saw fit to inform Count Muraviev that her son-in-law, upon
his appointment as foreign minister, would bear him in mind.
Muraviev, who already carried his nomination in his pocket,
resented this condescension, and relegated Isvolsky to Belgrade
and to Munich, where he had the rank of a minister plenipotenti-
ary. Returning to favour in 1 899, he was promoted to the Legation
at Tokio, where, however, under the influence of German reports
concerning the Japanese army and especially its artillery he
misjudged Japan's advent as a Great Power. His eleventh-hour
conversion could not avert the conflict of interests which led
to the war of 1904-5, from which Russia emerged defeated, but
enabled him to veil a serious diplomatic error by relinquishing
the odium of failure to his successor, Rosen. He himself went
to Copenhagen, where he negotiated the passage of Adml.
Rozhestvensky's fleet through the Great Belt (Oct. 1904).
There also, in July 1905, he had his historic interview with the
Emperor William II. in which an alliance between Russia,
Germany and France was proposed. Isvolsky was ignorant of
the " personal " treaty of defensive alliance " between Germany
and Russia, entered into by the respective sovereigns at Bjorko."
Though this secret compact did not bear his signature (since he
had not been present), the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Count Lambsdorff, fell over its repudiation, and was, in May
1906, succeeded by Isvolsky.
Russia's military prestige was at a low ebb, her finance in a
state of chaos, the Tsarist r6gime discredited and the country
in the throes of revolution. At this time, Isvolsky displayed
great physical courage in that he went about St. Petersburg un-
attended, but also great lack of faith in the existing order, since,
having discovered that through an irregularity his pay depended
on the Privy Purse, he caused it to be charged to the Treasury
as the first act of his tenure of office. He also raised his brother
to the office of Procurator of the Holy Synod and his Goadachev
relations to high diplomatic appointments.
Slowly he restored the national prestige, for he asserted loyalty
to France as the first principle of policy and brought about the
Anglo-Russian agreement in Persia of Aug. 31 1907, which
was followed on June 9 1908 by a meeting between King Edward
VII. and the Tsar Nicholas II. near Reval. The long Balkan
troubles of 1908-12, which originated in Count Aehrenthal's
exploitation of Russia's transitory weakness, called for great
care, especially during the crisis of 1908-9, which laid bare
Russian impotence. After four years at the Foreign Office, which
gained Russia the time she needed to recuperate, Isvolsky suc-
ceeded M. Nelidov as Russian ambassador in Paris. He lived
to see the World War of 1914 and the Russian revolution of
1917, which forced him into impoverished retirement at his
villa at Biarritz. He died on Aug. 18 1919. An accomplished
man of letters, a competent critic of art, a linguist of rare per-
fection and charming in manner, but cynical and pleasure-
loving, he was certainly one of the chief diplomatic per-
sonages in the reign of the last of the tsars. He married Mar-
guerite Carlovna, nee Countess Toll, a Bait of great charm whose
influence at court was impeded by her ignorance of the Russian
tongue. By her he had one son, who fought in the Dardanelles.
(W. L. B.)
1TAGAKI, TAISUKE, COUNT (1837-1920), Japanese statesman
(see 14.887), died in 1920. True to his radical principles, he for-
bade his son to apply for the succession to his title, and it
lapsed.
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS, 1915-8. At the outbreak of the
World War the Italian general staff had no worked-out plan
for an offensive campaign against Austria-Hungary. The
omission was not due to the fact of the Triple Alliance, for
the prospect of war on the N.E. front had always been faced,
but to the relative military position of the two countries. The
Habsburg Empire had a great superiority over Italy in organized
and potential man-power and in material, but the controlling
factor which seemed to deny the possibility of Italian offensive
action was the frontier drawn in 1866. The Trentino salient,
thrust down like a great wedge to within a few miles of the
Lombardo- Venetian plains, dominated the strategical situation.
Nor was the hampering influence of the frontier confined to a
practical veto upon attack. Its length in relation to Italian
military strength, and above all the fact that the threat of the
Trentino came so far west in the long line, meant that Italy's
defensive frontiers were far from being coterminous with her
political boundaries. The first possible line of defence was held
to be the Tagliamento, with its fortified bridgeheads at Osoppo,
Codroipo and Latisana; plans had been drawn up with the Piave
as the main line of resistance, though with the intention of meet-
ing the enemy in the plain E. of the river; but there was much
to be said for the contention that the true military frontier
of Italy was still the line of the Mincio and the Po.
596
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
The plans and studies of peacetime had been based upon the
supposition of a duel between Italy and Austria-Hungary, and
the outlook changed in view of the general conflagration. The
prospect of a break with Austria-Hungary was at once considered
by the Italian general staff, and by Aug. 21 1914 a scheme of
offensive operations had been outlined. This plan was based
upon the supposition of Italy's entry into the war within a
month and upon the consent of the Italian Government to
provide at once for the requirements put forward by Gen.
Cadorna, chief of the general staff. As neither condition was
fulfilled, the plan need not be discussed, and it was in fact with-
drawn by Cadorna a month later. The preparations of the
winter and spring and the march of events on the French and
Russian fronts determined the plan of operations which it was
hoped to carry out upon Italy's entry into the war.
Gen. Cadorna, who took command of the Italian armies on
the declaration of war, had worked out his scheme on the idea
that Italy's object should be to hold on the N. and push towards
the E. He had not sufficient strength to attack in both sectors.
This decision, however, did not imply a passive defensive on the
mountain front. On the contrary, the choice of the eastern
sector for the main offensive demanded an active defensive, or
rather a limited offensive, on the mountain front, and especially
in the Trentino. If the operations towards the E. were to be
developed with reasonable security it was absolutely essential
to improve the position in the Trentino, to reduce, at least, the
threat to Italian communications caused by the great salient.
The long frontier may be divided into three sectors: (i) the
Trentino salient; (2) the great barrier of the Cadore and Carnic
Alps; (3) the eastern frontier from Pontebba to the sea. In the
first of these sectors the Austrians had an overwhelming advan-
tage in the natural lie of the terrain and the use which had been
made of it. The salient was well protected on the flanks; on
the W. by the great Alpine mass that is broken only by two
feasible passes, the Stelvio and the Tonale, and on the E. by
the mountains N. of Asiago and the great rocks of the western
Dolomites, a wall that had only two gaps, the narrow valley
of the Brenta and the road that runs from Feltre by Fiera di
Primiero and the Passo di Rolle. The Austrians were in this
position, that they could defend the salient with a comparatively
small number of troops thanks to the immense natural strength
of the positions they occupied and the system of fortifications
which had been prepared, while within their mountain walls and
behind these fortifications they could concentrate forces for an
attack through the comparatively narrow mountainous zone
which lay between the frontier and the plains. Three classic
military routes led into Italy, through the Guidicaria, Lagarina
and Sugana valleys, and other roads had opened up the difficult
country between the Adige and the Brenta. East of the Trentino,
from the Marmolada through the Alps of Cadore and Carnia
as far as Pontebba, operations on an important scale were almost
equally difficult for both sides, in face of the natural advantages
that lay with the defensive. The Italians had a greater depth
of mountainous zone to back their first lines, but the Austrians,
with the Pusterthal and the Gailthal, were very much better off
for lateral communications. The third sector of the front, from
Pontebba to the sea, was less unfavourable to an Italian attack,
but here also the conditions were very difficult. Between
Pontebba and the Isonzo great mountains blocked the way,
while the upper and middle reaches of the Isonzo flow through
a wild, mountainous country with few roads. South of Tolmino
indeed the mountain masses decrease in height and steepness,
but the country still has the aspect of a giant ridge and furrow.
The plain of Friuli narrows rapidly as it approaches its eastern
limits, and at the old frontier the gap between the lagoons and
the foothills of the Julian Alps is not 15 m. in width. And this
gap has little depth; less than 10 m. to the E. of the old frontier
begins the plateau of the Carso. The approaches from the W.
are completely commanded from the Carso and the hills about
Gorizia, and to the E. the ground rises again. Here, too, Italy
had to fight over country where the enemy had a very great
advantage in position. Still, the natural obstacles were much
less formidable towards the Isonzo than elsewhere along the
frontier; communications were fair in the plain and' there was
space for an attack upon a relatively wide front. Above all, a
successful advance in this direction would lead somewhere, would
threaten a vital part of the monarchy. An invasion of the
Trentino held no such promise. At the most, success would have
meant the reduction of the salient and the occupation of the
" unredeemed " territories, for northern Tirol must be considered
impregnable. The choice of Cadore and Carnia for the main
offensive was open to the same objection. Given the strong
defensive positions near the frontier, the Austrian superiority
in communications and the distance of any objective of first-
class importance, the prospects of an advance in strength afforded
by this region were not tempting, the less so as the district
afforded little in the way of supplies. There was a further
argument in favour of attacking towards the E., that an attack
in this direction would be calculated to occupy a much greate
number of enemy troops than an attempt to advance in the
mountains. The fact that Austria-Hungary was already heavily
engaged elsewhere gave the Italian general staff the chan
of attacking but there were corresponding obligations. The
Italian campaign had obviously to be planned as part of a whole,
and it was the duty of the Italian command not merely to strike
for Italian aims but to cooperate in the general struggle.
Cadorna decided on the plan that offered the chance of tn
greater success, and he framed his scheme of operations on th
supposition that in May 1915 he could expect simultaneou
offensive action on the part of Russia and Serbia. The objection
to an offensive in the direction of Trieste and Laibach we
obvious enough: a successful advance meant the lengthening <
a front that was already very long in proportion to the numt
of troops and guns available, and, moreover, increased tt
menace of the Trentino salient. But the drawback was lesser
by the expectation of Allied action on the N.E. and S. fronts i
Austria-Hungary, which would prevent the enemy from takir
advantage of this weakness.
Cadorna's plan, completed in detail while the Russians wer
still upon the Dunajec, was as follows. Gen. Roberto Brusat
with the I. Army was to conduct a limited offensive against th
Trentino salient, with the object of shortening the line an
securing strong defensive positions. Gen. Nava with the IV.
Army was to push N. from Cadore to threaten the enemy con
munications in the Pusterthal and cooperate in an advance fron
Carnia. This advance was to be conducted by a separate fore
under Gen. Lequio, consisting mainly of mountain troop
which was to move in the direction of Tarvis. The II. and II
Armies, under Generals Frugoni and Zuccari respectively, wer
to cross the Isonzo and attack E. with all speed. A large number
of troops, with units brought up to war strength by the recall of
several classes, had been in the neighbourhood of the frontier
for many months. They were not in sufficient strength for attack,
but were aligned with the object of covering mobilization; fo
the enemy was already fully mobilized, and the prospect of
sudden attack on his part had to be considered.
As the discussions between Rome and Vienna gradually le
towards the final break, the Austro-Hungarian command pre
pared for defence. In addition to the strong permanent work
already existing on the main routes, " barrier lines " we
constructed in the valleys and on the open sectors of the front
many of the fortress guns were removed and placed in we
concealed positions, and wire was lavishly employed. At the
end of April the Austrian covering troops, under the command of
Gen. von Rohr, numbered about 80,000 infantry, 1,400 cavalry
and 54 batteries, in addition to fortress troops and guns. Two
divisions under Gen. von Koennen-Horac were stationed in the
Trentino; one division under Gen. von Langen watched the
approaches to Carinthia; two divisions under Generals von Boog
and ron Kuczera were upon the middle and lower Isonzo respec-
tively, or, rather, E. of the river, in the mountains, on the Carso
and about Gorizia. These divisions were improvised forma-
tions, with a considerable proportion of second-line troops and
volunteer battalions.
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
597
When Italy denounced the alliance with Austria-Hungary,
on May 3 1915, Vienna was already convinced that war was
certain. The attempts to continue discussions had only been
undertaken for the purpose of gaining time, and military prepara-
tions were hastened. It was the first intention of Gen. Conrad
von Hotzendorf to wait for the Italians at Klagenfurt and
Laibach and attack them as their columns came out of the
mountainous country, but the plan was not approved by the
German command. Falkenhayn declined to give the 10 divisions
which Conrad required for this plan, and it was abandoned.
Conrad wished to smash Cadorna's offensive by manoeuvre
and counter-attack. Falkenhayn was not only unwilling to
spare the troops for this plan but he doubted whether Cadorna
would allow himself to be led into Conrad's trap; he feared the
difficulties of recovering territory once abandoned, and he
realized the great natural strength of the Isonzo and Carso
lines. It was decided to conduct an obstinate defensive rather
than to attempt Conrad's plan. The command of the Austro-
Hungarian armies on the Italian front was given to the Archduke
Eugene, who had commanded the Balkan armies. His chief of
staff was Gen. Krauss, and under his direction Gen. Dankl,
lately in command of the I. Army, was entrusted with the
Tirol and Trentino sector; Gen. von Rohr commanded on the
Carinthia front, while Gen. Boroevich von Bojna, lately in
command of the III. Army, took charge of the Isonzo-Carso
front. It was not until May 21, three days before the declara-
tion of war, that the main body of Boroevich's army, consisting
of five divisions brought from the Serbian front, began to
be entrained from near Agram. When war was declared the
Isonzo front, from Tolmino southward, was lightly held by three
divisions under Gen. Ludvig von Goiginger.
Meanwhile Cadorna had to adapt his plans to the quickly
changing circumstances. The Russian armies N. of the Carpathi-
ans had given way under the attacks of Mackensen and Boehm-
Ermolli, and had begun the great retreat that was to go so far.
There was no word of movement, even of demonstration, on the
Serbian front. The request of the Allies that the Serbian armies
should resume action, or at least make a show of action, met
with no response, and in May the Austro-Hungarian troops on
the Serbian front were reduced by five divisions, their place
being taken by three newly formed German divisions, which
had not yet completed their establishment. Various reasons,
military and political, have been given for the inaction of the
Serbians, but in the present connexion it is simply the fact
that matters, the fact which allowed five Austro-Hungarian
divisions to be transferred en bloc from the Serbian front to the
Italian theatre of war.
The altered circumstances compelled Cadorna to revise his
immediate objectives, but not his general plan of attack. A
further handicap, in his view, was imposed by the denunciation
of the alliance with Austria-Hungary three weeks before the
declaration of war, and by the immediate leakage regarding the
London agreement between Italy and the Entente, which gave
the enemy more grace to prepare against his initial moves. The
time for preparation was further lengthened by the political
crisis caused by the last efforts of Berlin and Vienna to keep
Italy out of the war. On the other hand, the main body of the
Italian army was not ready for an earlier advance. It was not
fully ready when war was declared. Mobilization was nearly
complete as far as the men were concerned, for drafts had been
brought up gradually during the previous months. The armies
were ready to fight in their positions against an Austrian attack,
or for preparatory movements on a limited scale. They were
not ready, the eastern armies in particular, for a big advance.
On the eve of war, Cadorna's dispositions were as follows:
Brusati's I. Army, with 5 divisions and 10 battalions of Alpine
troops, was to push forward in the Trentino, and carry out the
limited offensive already indicated. The IV. Army under Nava
was to advance, the right wing upon the Pusterthal, the left
wing across the great Dolomite road, past the peaks of the Sella
group, to threaten the valleys running down to the Eisack.
Nava had five divisions and seven Alpine battalions, while a
sixth division of his army was at first held in reserve about
Spilimbergo, near where the Tagliamento runs out into the plain
of Friuli. To this army, in view of the positions which it had
to attack, especially the Landro and Sexten fortifications, was
assigned the bulk of Cadorna's very limited supply of heavy
artillery, including practically all the guns above 149 mm., with
the exception of seven batteries of zio's, assigned to the Carnia
force. The task of Lequio's Carnia force, which consisted of
an infantry division and 16 battalions of Alpine troops, was that
designed in the original plan, the probable movements, in the
event of success, depending upon those of the armies to right and
left. The II. and III. Armies were to attack with all speed upon
the Isonzo front, but their movements were to be inspired by
strategic caution. They were to get under way as quickly as
possible and break through the enemy's covering troops. Further
movement was to depend upon what they found, and upon the
news from the other fronts. While initial speed was obviously
the essence of Cadorna's plan, he was handicapped by the
fact that another fortnight was required for complete mobiliza-
tion. Frugoni's II. Army was to consist of three army corps
(eight divisions), and Zuccari's III. Army of three corps (six
divisions) -with three cavalry divisions. On May 24 only three
corps and two cavalry divisions were ready for the initial
attack. Meantime there had been a difference of opinion between
Cadorna ard Zuccari, and the clash of two strong characters
made the difference irreparable. As a result Zuccari was relieved
of his command and the III. Army was entrusted to the Duke of
Aosta, on the very eve of the declaration of war.
In addition to the divisions already mentioned, a central
reserve of 10 divisions and one cavalry division was in process
of mobilization in the plains of the Veneto and Friuli, 5 infantry
divisions in the rear of the Trentino sector, the other 5 and the
cavalry between the Tagliamento and the eastern frontier, but
these troops could not be ready for action for some three weeks.
The first shots of the war were fired by Austrian guns upon the
Carnia front, a few hours before midnight on May 23, the hour
fixed for the opening of hostilities, and early on May 24 the
Italian advance began.
The opening moves of the campaign, all-important as they
were in relation to the future operations which depended upon
them, failed to obtain the results hoped for in Cadorna's design.
The I. Army was prompt to carry the limited objectives assigned
to it, overcoming the weak resistance of the enemy covering
troops and occupying positions which not only were in them-
selves much better adapted for defense than the frontier, but
greatly reduced the length of the line to be held. The IV. Army
was very slow. Its heavy guns were not ready when hostilities
began, and Nava waited upon their arrival, preoccupied by
the strong positions which faced him and the permanent fortifica-
tions which lay beyond. It would appear that he was influenced
by the positions themselves and assumed the existence of an
opposition which in fact he would not have found. He was not
ready himself to carry out his plan of advance, which was based
on the supposition that the enemy resistance was already
adequately organized. He held by his plan and may have missed
an opportunity of reaching his objective by changing it. His
initiative was hampered by adherence to method. Lequio's
Carnia force was quick to move, and found that the enemy was
equally quick. This sector was all-important to the Austrians,
from the point of view both of offence and defence. It was essen-
tial to prevent a break-through to Tarvis and Villach, and if
they could hold the frontier line it preserved for them the
chance of the attack down the valleys converging upon the
Tagliamento which had long figured in the plans of their general
staff. This sector had been quickly reenforced as the danger of
war became imminent; and here alone, in the first days of the
campaign, there was, roughly speaking, an equivalence of infantry
strength. The contending troops met on the passes and the
mountains that flanked them; and though the Italians had the
best of the fighting which folio wed, and wrested several important
positions from the enemy, it was quickly evident that the
way was blocked here against all but an attack in overwhelming
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
strength. On the other hand, Lequio's quickness had locked a
door upon which the enemy had his eye.
Meanwhile the II. and III. Armies were on the move. Frugoni
with two corps (5 divisions and 14 battalions of Alpini) attacked
along the line of the Isonzo from Saga to opposite Gorizia. The
Duke of Aosta, with a single corps and two cavalry divisions, was
to force the passage of the lower Isonzo and push on towards the
Carso, his other divisions following rapidly as their preparations
for movement were completed. The II. and III. Armies were
in theory organized for quick movement; their artillery, except
for 12 batteries of i49-mm. guns, consisted entirely of field-guns,
mountain-guns and I4g-mm. field-howitzers (19 batteries), and
the proportion of guns to men and shells was very low. Speed
and initiative were essential to the success of the opening moves,
and at various points speed and initiative were lacking.
The Austrians had withdrawn beyond the line of the Isonzo,
except at the two bridgeheads opposite Tolmino and Gorizia,
which were held in force, and S. of Gorizia the line of defence
chosen was the Carso plateau, only a few covering troops being
disposed along the lower reaches of the river, which leaves the
Carso at Sagrado. For the II. Army the first obstacle was the
river line and the two bridgeheads, and the main initial attack
was to come from the II. Army, whose preparations were further
advanced and which was echeloned forward; but the I. Cavalry
Division, which was attached to the III. Army, was to dash for
the Pieris bridges and secure the crossing for the infantry. The
cavalry were inexplicably slow, and the bridges were destroyed
just before they arrived. This failure would have mattered
less, and might have mattered not at all, but for a sudden and
violent flood which filled the wide bed of the Isonzo with a
deep and rapid stream and made the fords impassable. And the
pontoon trains were far away. Cadorna had counted on passing
the lower reaches of the river by bridge and ford, and his very
inadequate supply of bridging material had been designed for
later use or use in other sectors of the front. It was not until
June 4, when the river was falling, that it was possible for the
right wing of the III. Army to throw troops across in force.
Meanwhile the left wing had advanced from Cormons against
the northern half of the Carso, where the Isonzo flows like a
moat under the plateau, and farther N. the II. Army had come
in touch with the enemy all along its front. The long ridge which
separates the valleys of the Judrio and the Isonzo from Kolovrat
to Verhoolje, was occupied without resistance, but the Austrians
had fortified the bridgeheads opposite Tolmino and Gorizia,
and here an unexpected opposition was found. Both bridgeheads
were naturally very strong. In neither case, owing to the course
of the river, did the Austrian position form a salient. The defence
of the hills of Santa Lucia and Santa Maria opposite, Tolmino,
and of Monte Sabotino and Podgora, N. and W. of Gorizia, was
supported by direct flanking fire from the positions to the N.
and S. on the left bank of the river. The right wing and centre
of the II. Army were quickly brought to a standstill in front of
the bridgeheads; tentative attacks, carried out by small detach-
ments, were readily repulsed, and a pause followed. The bridge-
heads were invested, and here too, perhaps, the theory of " fixed
positions," the old rule that these could not be ignored, had too
much weight with the attacking forces. For every day lessened
the chance of breaking through the thin enemy line, strong only
at selected points. On the other hand, the country is extra-
ordinarily difficult, and roads were few and mostly bad. And
those which were suitable for the movement of troops and guns
led only to the points where the enemy was holding in some
force. On the left wing of the army the IV. Corps under Gen.
Di Robilant crossed the Isonzo N. of Tolmino and pushed up
into the mountains E. of the river, hoping to turn the Tolmino
position. Appalling weather made movement in the mountains
impossible during the critical week, and when the chance of a
surprise had gone the great barrier of the Julian Alps was an,
insuperable obstacle to such forces as the Italians could bring
against it. Guns, shells, machine-guns and transport were lacking.
The Austrians were rushing troops to the Italian front, and
by the middle of June Boroevich had eight divisions to put
against the II. and III. Italian Armies. Rohr's Carinthian
army had been reenforced by two divisions and a mountain
brigade from the Russian front. Dankl's Trentino army, which
was not organized in divisions, but in groups assigned to various
defensive sectors, had been increased to 96 battalions, including
the Bavarian Alpenkorps which had come into line by the end
of May. The Austrians were greatly inferior in numbers they
had on the front some 20 divisions against Cadorna's 35 but
they held positions which were naturally ideal for defence,
and these were well fortified by art, too well for the limited
means of destruction at the disposal of the Italians.
Cadorna had counted upon surprising the enemy, but this
advantage had been partly denied him. When he heard of the
denunciation of the treaty with Austria-Hungary he pressed
for an immediate declaration of war, which would allow him to
move at once and reach the positions he had designed as his
first objective. A striking force was ready then there were
nearly as many troops available for immediate movement in the
first week of May as there were at the outbreak of war and
he would have gained between 15 and 20 precious days. Political
considerations stayed his hand, and the initial delay was length-
ened by the Biilow-Giolitti crisis. Bad weather and hesitation
on the part of junior generals did the rest. The operations N. of
Tolmino were practically stopped by the fierce mountain storms,
and the advance of the III. Army only reached Monfalcone on
June 6. Nor even then was it possible to attack the plateau in
force. By blowing out a bank of the Sagrado-Monfalcone canal
and closing the dam across the river, the Austrians had used the
flood waters of the Isonzo to inundate a great stretch of low-
lying ground below the Carso. It was not until June 1 1 that the
dam near Sagrado was destroyed and the flooded area ceased
to be fed by the waters of the river. During the following days
the Italians succeeded in throwing troops across the Isonzo
near Sagrado and by June 27, after prolonged and heavy
fighting, they had pushed the Austrians up the slopes S. of
Monte San Michele and established the bridgehead that was
necessary for a general attack on the whole front of the Carso.
Meanwhile a small bridgehead had been established at Plava,
a few miles N. of Gorizia. The quick-flowing waters of the
Isonzo, which here run pent in a narrow gorge, were crossed on
June 9, 10 and n, with great difficulty. The bridgehead won
was very limited in area, and dominated by the mountains on the
eastern bank; it was long before it could be enlarged to any
great extent. Attacks were made along the greater part of the
front from Tolmino to the sea at the end of June and during the
early days of July, but these hardly reached the standard of a
methodical, organized offensive on the scale that was now clearly
necessary. There was some very stiff fighting during these
days, and both sides lost heavily, especially on the slopes of the
Carso, where the Austrians gave ground here and there and
on more than one occasion were very hard pressed to maintain
their lines intact. Two fresh divisions were brought from
Carinthia to strengthen the threatened h'ne between Gorizia
and the sea, while another division was brought from the Balkan
front and a mountain brigade from Pola. The Italian attacks
had hitherto been conducted at " long range ": that is to say,
the point of departure for the infantry advance was at a consider-
able distance from the enemy entrenchments. In many cases
the attacking infantry was checked before it reached the wire
entanglements; too often when the wire was reached it was
found nearly intact, for the destructive power of the Italian
guns was insufficient to clear the way for the infantry, and many
gallant attempts with wire-cutters and gelatine tubes were
inevitably condemned to failure. Gradually it became evident
that the hopes of a war of movement must be given up, that only
the slow processes of trench warfare could lead to success.
Sporadic attacks continued during the first half of July, and
though the Austrians held on to most of their positions the
Italians established themselves at much better jumping-off
places than those which they had occupied before.
On July 18 the Italian III. Army attacked in the most
determined manner, and after three weeks' hard fighting, during
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
599
which the Austrians made a great attempt to push the Italians
back across the river near Sagrado, the struggle came to an
end with the latter firmly established under the crest of Monte
San Michele and the village of San Martino del Carso, and in
possession of most of Monte Sei Busi. Similar attacks by the
II. Army made little impression on the Austrian lines, and losses
were heavy, but the Austrians also suffered severely, losing more
than 10,000 prisoners. The lesson of two months' fighting,
apart from the necessity of learning the business of trench war-
fare, was that the artillery, and especially the heavy artillery,
at the disposal of the II. and III. Armies was altogether inade-
quate. There were not enough heavy guns and not enough shells,
and much of the ammunition was defective. The bursting charge
was weak, and there were a large number of " prematures."
It was essential to increase the weight of artillery fire if the
infantry were to have a chance. It was clear that developments
in artillery technique were necessary, and the importance of
counter-battery work began to impress itself upon some of the
commands. But shells were few, and observation from the air
was not taken seriously, so that it was long before the advocates
of counter-battery work made any headway.
After two months' preparation a fresh attempt was made to
break through on the Julian front. This action was preceded
by various attacks in other sectors of the front, some of which
resulted in useful territorial gains, while others carried the line
forward without improving the general position or even with
the result of weakening it. By his main attack Cadorna hoped
to turn the Gorizia positions both from the N. and the S., and
as a secondary operation, after crossing the middle Isonzo, to
threaten Tolmino from the S. while the bridgehead and the
town were attacked from the W. and N. It was also hoped to
gain ground on the southern Carso, in the direction of Trieste.
Cadorna had a great numerical superiority in men. The II.
Army now consisted of 12 divisions and the III. of 7, while a
reserve of 5 divisions lay ready in the Friuli plain. In all, Cadorna
could dispose of 312 battalions on the Julian front. When the
attack began Boroevich had about half this number of troops,
but within three weeks he had the equivalent of 15 divisions at
his disposal. It was on the II. Army front that the Italian supe-
riority in number was great; on the Carso indeed the Duke of
Aosta had no great advantage in numbers over the Archduke
Joseph, who had assumed the command in this sector in July.
But the terrain on Boroevich's right was such that he could
expect to hold with greatly inferior forces, especially in view of
the Italian weakness in artillery. Cadorna had put upon the
Julian front every piece he could collect. He reduced the guns
in the other sectors to the barest minimum; he dismantled the
forts at Mestre and the lines of the Tagliamento, and so was able
to form 20 batteries of medium-calibre guns, of old pattern.
Altogether he had been able to give to the II. and III. Armies
some 300 medium and heavy guns, but many of these were
obsolete. And the supply of shells was very meagre, 25-30 per
gun per day. The III. Army had the bulk of the heavy artillery,
only 125 pieces being given to the II. Army, which had to attempt,
by sheer superiority in infantry strength, to make up for its
deficiencies in material. Along the whole Julian front there
were some 1,250 guns of all calibre, and a million shells had been
collected by the date fixed for the attack Oct. 21.
The offensive went badly, like all the Allied offensives of
those days. The means were insufficient for the width of front
attacked; the artillery technique was not adapted to modern
requirements, nor, as was natural at this stage, had the staffs
as a whole, army, corps or divisional, fully realized the necessity
of minute preparation and strict attention to detail. And a
tendency noticeable during the first months of the war, especially
in the II. Army, to use men in isolated petits paquets, first one
detachment and if that failed then another and another, was still
observable. The attempt to cross the river between Plava and
Tolmino never promised success, for the preparations were
insufficient and the crossing-points not well chosen. Although
some successes were obtained N. and W. of Tolmino the attack
in this region was not persisted in, owing to the failure farther
south. The attempt to extend the Plava bridgehead and so
gain room to threaten Gorizia from the N. was equally unsuc-
cessful. After various attempts both these actions were broken
off, and the battle was concentrated upon the Gorizia bridgehead
and the Carso. Sabotino had been taken by direct assault on
the first day of the battle, but, owing to defective staff work
and an attitude on the part of the army command that can
best be described by the phrase " laisser alter," this success
was not promptly backed up, and a fierce counter-attack
drove the Italians off the ridge they had so gallantly stormed.
All subsequent attempts to retake Sabotino failed, and the
prolonged struggle for the hills about Oslavia and the battered
hog-back of Podgora was little more successful. The Italians
gained ground here and there, eating into the Austrian lines,
but they could not break through. Farther S. the attacks of the
III. Army met with similar fortune. Ground was gained, a
trench here, a trench there, and the Italian line was carried almost
to the summits of Monte San Michele. The attacks were
renewed again and again, and the troops displayed remarkable
gallantry and resolution. They were met by a resistance no less
determined, and the losses on both sides were very heavy indeed.
Early in Dec. the offensive died down. Cadorna's battalions
were worn out by their prolonged and gallant efforts, and drafts
were not forthcoming to fill their terribly depleted ranks.
During the six weeks' fighting Cadorna lost nearly 140,000 men,
and he had little to show in the way of tangible prize. Nor did
the mere figures of the casualty list give the measure of the loss
suffered. The gravest loss was that of the trained officers and
under-officers, who could not be replaced. Cadorna could not
claim a victory, but he had reduced the forces of Boroevich to
the last extremity. He had come very near performing what he
had not means to perform, and only stubborn valour and an
ample supply of machine-guns saved the Austrian lines.
Boroevich had his back to the wall when the Italian offensive
came to an end. He had lost nearly 0,000 prisoners; his bat-
talions were worn out and his reserves were exhausted; but
Cadorna had no strength left for a further attack.
The results of the first seven months' campaigning were
disappointing to those and they were many, both in Italy and
in the Allied countries who had hoped for far greater effects
from Italy's intervention. Some of the reasons for Cadorna's
comparative lack of success have been indicated in the course
of the narrative and some are illustrated more fully in other
articles. First of all stands the fact that in May 1915 the
Italian army was very meagrely provided with the material
necessary to modern war. Cadorna's only chance of early
success on the lines expected by the optimists lay in quick
movement against an enemy unable to man the passes and
defensive lines that lent themselves so well to resistance, even
in face of greatly superior forces. The southern half of the Julian
front offered a far better chance of an Italian success than any
other sector. There was no comparison as regards terrain or
communications. Yet it was the Austrian positions in this
region that Falkenhayn described as " ideal for defence against
superior numbers." When, for the various reasons which have
been given, Cadorna's first move failed to secure the results
hoped for, the Italian armies were forced into a warfare for which
they were very badly prepared. It is true that they were badly
prepared for any kind of warfare, and would hardly have fared
better in a campaign of movement. In any case, a new technique
had to be learned and the means for developing it were not
available. The story of the first seven months of the Italian
campaign is the story of a magnificent attempt to supplement
deficiencies in skill and material by resolution and heroism. Not
that resolution was always evident. Instances of the contrary
have been given, and there were others: the long tale of general
officers dismissed by Cadorna during the first months of the
war bears witness to failures.
During these early months the Austrians, both officers and
men, were clearly superior in skill to their opponents. They had
the advantage of nine months' experience when Italy took the
field, and they made good use of it. And their superior skill was
6oo
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
backed by a spirit which the armies of the Dual Monarchy
sometimes failed to show on the eastern front. The Slav troops
which fought with reluctance against Russia displayed a very
different demeanour against Italy, and, according to Gen. von
Cramon, head of the German Mission at Austro-Hungarian
headquarters, this was specially noticeable in the case of the
Southern Slavs, whose country was immediately threatened
with invasion, and who had ambitions of their own which
conflicted with those of Italy. The rest of the Habsburg peoples,
moreover, were embittered by Italy's transformation from an
ally to an enemy, and both Falkenhayn and Hindenburg bear
witness to the fact that the Austrian army showed a very
different spirit against its two main adversaries.
Many lessons were learned by the Italian army during the
campaign of 1915, and the experience of these months bore
fruit also in other quarters. It began to be realized in Rome that
the army must have what it needed, that " conservative finance "
had to give way before the imperious requirements of modern
war, that every idea or estimate regarding numbers of men and
supplies of munitions had to be revised in the light of new
experience. The winter months were busily employed, especially
in the munition factories. A great effort was necessary, for at
the end of the 1915 campaign Cadorna had lost half of his small
supply of middle-calibre guns through " prematures " or other
accidents, and the factories, instead of augmenting his artillery
strength, had so far scarcely kept pace with wastage. But the
preparatory work was beginning to tell, and as far as artillery
was concerned the situation was largely transformed during
the winter of 1915-6. The small total of heavy and medium
guns was increased sevenfold. But shells were still scarce in
proportion to modern requirements, especially as these went on
increasing with each month. And if Cadorna's artillery strength
was greatly increased, so was that of his adversary.
The supply of men, no less than that of material, required
to be replenished and augmented. In seven months the Italian
losses in the field were close upon 280,000 66,090 killed,
190,400 wounded, and 22,520 prisoners. This was in addition
to casualties from sickness, which were heavy, including as they
did the losses from an outbreak of cholera which originated
with prisoners freshly arrived from the eastern theatre of war.
This outbreak was promptly tackled, and did not spread widely,
but there were several thousand deaths in the isolated area.
Men had to be found, not only to fill up the gaps but to make new
formations, for it was clear that the war was going to make
untold demands upon man-power. During the winter the gaps
were filled and eight new divisions were ready in the spring, while
others were in process of formation; and Cadorna had succeeded,
after some difficulty, in having the classes required for drafts
called up well ahead of his immediate needs. This was especially
necessary, as, owing to the small annual contingent taken
before the war, the bulk of each class was practically untrained.
It was, moreover, necessary to instruct the trained units in the
new methods which the trench warfare was evolving, if these
new methods were to be carried out successfully. Unfortunately,
the necessity for this methodical training was not generally, or
even widely, understood, and the Italian army and nation
paid heavily for the absence of properly organized training
schools and camps. On the other hand, it must be admitted
that, to begin with, at least, except for the drafts there was
little opportunity for instruction. The men were fully occupied
either in fighting or working at the trenches and shelters which
had to be made out of live rock, working at roads or hutments
or other necessary constructions. There was not even time for
necessary rest in these first months. The front was very long in
proportion to the number of men available, and if there were
relatively few men required to hold the mountain positions,
the number required to supply these few with food and drink
and fuel and ammunition, especially in winter, was far greater
than in the plains.
During the early months of 1916 there was a good deal of
sharp fighting on the Julian front, especially at the Gorizia
bridgehead. The long struggle of the autumn and early winter
had left the Italians in possession of an irregular and unsystem-
atized line, unsuitable for prolonged occupation, and both
sides carried out numerous small operations with the object
of " rectifying the front." The Austrians were the more skilful
at this game, as they were in conducting raids with the object
of securing information, but the work done by the Italians with
sap and mine on Monte Sabotino advanced the line by more than
600 yd., and brought it close under the main Austrian trenches,
eliminating the wide stretch of open ground, exposed to both
frontal and flanking fire, which had led to the failure of repeated
attacks. In March, when the German attacks upon Verdun were
at their fiercest, and rumour said that Austrian reinforcements
might be sent to increase the weight of the offensive, Cadorna
opened a big demonstrative action against the Gorizia bridge-
head. This was only a demonstration, but brisk fighting took
place, and both sides suffered considerable loss. Meanwhile
preparations for a real offensive on the Julian front were well
advanced, when news came that the Austrians were preparing
a big attack in the Trentino. Cadorna was slow to believe in
this project, which was first reported to him by Brusati on
March 22. He considered that the news was a deliberate
attempt on the part of the enemy to distract his attention from
the Julian front, but further information convinced him that
the Trentino offensive was really intended, and meanwhile he
had taken what seemed adequate measures against the threat.
It was not unnatural that Cadorna should doubt the report
of a really formidable enemy offensive in the Trentino. The
situation on the Russian front hardly seemed to justify an
Austrian offensive on the grand scale in a sector so " eccen-
tric " (in the literal sense of the word). Conrad, however, had
calculated that he could carry out the attack in the Trentino
before Brusilov's armies could move. Relying upon his ad-
vantage of interior lines and the late passing of winter on the
Russian front, he made his preparations gradually and secretly
throughout the winter and spring, collecting vast quantities of
stores and ammunition about Trento, and sending his reen-
forcements piecemeal until March, when troops were hurried
to the front with all speed. Conrad had proposed the plan to
Falkenhayn in the previous Dec., but Falkenhayn disapproved,
and in the end Conrad acted independently, stripping his
eastern front, especially of guns, to a dangerous extent. Accord-
ing to Falkenhayn, no official intimation of the offensive was
given to Germany, and Falkenhayn himself did not know the
extent to which Conrad had weakened his forces in the east.
On the other hand, Falkenhayn attacked at Verdun without
informing Conrad, so that each would seem to have the like
ground for complaint.
The Sir aj expedition, as it was termed in Austria, before the
event, consisted of 14 divisions of picked troops, with over
2,000 guns, including a large proportion of heavy artillery. It
is clear that such a force was by itself insufficient to " knock
out " Cadorna's armies, but it is equally clear that a successful
drive through the Italian lines in this sector might have compelled
a rectification of the whole Italian front, and might have
prepared the way for a further offensive in greater strength. And
in the worst event there seemed the prospect that Cadorna's
programme for the summer would be seriously upset. But the
Austrian staff underestimated the resistance of the Italian in-
fantry and Cadorna's power of manceuvre; and it was mistaken
about the date on which Brussilov could attack.
To meet the Austrian attack Brusati had a sufficient number
of troops, but a considerable proportion of these were untried,
and he was greatly inferior in artillery. He had 850 guns of
all calibres, of which 336 were heavy or medium. Apparently
both Cadorna and Brusati considered that the I. Army was
sufficiently strong to resist the coming attack, and, though
both had underestimated the weight of fire that was actually
brought to bear on the Italian lines, their estimate of the
situation would probably have been justified if the troops
available had been more skilfully disposed, if the defensive
positions had been better chosen and adequately prepared.
Cadorna has been much criticized for his hesitation to believe
.
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ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
601
in the forthcoming attack, and for his tardy concession of
reserves for the threatened sector. The reinforcements sent
before the battle may have been insufficient in view of the
dispositions made by Brusati, but these dispositions did not
fit in with Cadorna's general plan, and, in fact, transgressed his
definite instructions. The positions held by the I. Army were
at many important points well in advance of those laid down
by Cadorna as the definite line of defence upon which he relied
for relative freedom in his operations on the Julian front.
And much labour had been expended in fortifying these advanced
lines, while the " battle positions," marked out as such by
nature and by the orders of the supreme command, had been
inexplicably neglected. There had already been friction between
headquarters and the I. Army command in regard to the tendency,
of the latter to go outside the role allotted. The difficulty was
to some extent an outcome of the difference of opinion in
regard to Cadorna's strategy which prevailed in the Italian
army. It was natural that those who had to deal with the
Trentino and Cadore sectors should see opportunity for offensive
action and chafe because they were not given the means to act.
It was perhaps natural, too, that they should be inclined to do
what they could with limited means in the hope of inducing,
by the bait of actual success, a revision of the general plan. But
such experiments in despite of discipline can only be justified
by success. This attitude, and these actions, were inspired
partly by the wish to exploit the opportunities that seemed
to offer and partly by the difficulty of maintaining permanently
an inactive defensive; but they were probably influenced by
the belief, which was widely shared, that an offensive in the
Trentino would give better results than continuance of the
attempts upon the Julian front. In any case, Brusati's I. Army
was aligned as though for an offensive. Its main infantry posi-
tions and the bulk of its guns were alike badly placed for defence
against a resolute attack. By Cadorna's direct intervention
the lines were modified in the Val Lagarina and Val Sugana,
and on May 8 Brusati was relieved of his command, a measure
which Cadorna had wished to take at a much earlier stage.
He was succeeded by Gen. Pecori-Giraldi, commander of the
VII. Corps (III. Army).
A week later the Austrian offensive was launched. The
Italian wings in Val Lagarina and Val Sugana held firm, though
some of the positions which should have been prepared had not
been touched; but in the centre, between the Val d'Assa and
the Val Terragnolo, where the Austrian fire was heaviest and
the positions occupied were not suitable for defence, and where
the Italian line was thin, the front was driven in. Cadorna, who
had himself assumed direct control of the operations, ordered
a withdrawal to S. of the Posina and E. of the Astico and Assa,
while he dispatched ample reinforcements to support the
retiring troops and gave orders for the concentration of a large
reserve force, to be known as the V. Army, E. and S. of Vicenza.
Heavy fighting went on until June 17, but a fortnight before
that date the Austrians were held. By June 2 Cadorna felt
himself safe, though his opinion was not generally shared. The
line was holding; his V. Army was practically ready in the
plains, and still untouched; and in fact, although the Austrians
were to gain a little more ground at heavy cost, his confidence
was fully justified. The Sir aj expedition was already condemned
to failure when Brussilov, answering the appeal for cooperation
made by Cadorna on May 19, attacked the weakened Austrian
lines in front of him on June 4, and won the great victory that
came within an ace of being decisive, if Cramon may be
believed. At the Allied Conference held in the preceding March
Brussilov's offensive had been fixed for the first half of May.
As the time drew near the delay of a month was proposed, but
when Cadorna asked for Russian cooperation and pointed out
that the Austrian front in the E. had been weakened in order to
carry out the Strafexpedition, the answer came that Brussilov
would attack on June 2. His offensive, according to Falkenhayn,
was not expected by the enemy to take place until the beginning
of July; and, though it was delayed by two days in order to
bring more troops into line, the surprise was complete. The
attack in the Trentino, based on a miscalculation, nearly ended
in the collapse of Austria's eastern front and it brought no gain
corresponding to the risk run and the losses suffered.
The Austrians were loth to give up the attack that had
begun so well. For a fortnight after the beginning of Brussilov's
drive they struggled to break through from the mountains to
the plain, but at the end of that time, having made but negligible
progress, they found their left wing attacked. Cadorna had
begun his counter-offensive, and after a week's pressure the
Austrians withdrew, flattening the salient which their advance
had made. They withdrew skilfully and steadily, before the
Italian counter-attack was fully under way, to a line considerably
in advance of their old positions, including as it did Cima Dodici,
both sides of the Val d'Assa and the Tonezza plateau. This
advance was the sole gain made, and the immediate price paid
for it, apart from the disaster on the Russian front, was a casualty
list that was estimated at over 100,000 men. Nor did the penalty
end here. Cadorna refrained from knocking his head against
the lines upon which his retreating enemy turned and stood.
The positions which he had regained were adequate to his aims
in the Trentino, which were purely defensive, and instead of
persisting in his counter-offensive he rapidly swung his reserves
back to the Julian front, smashed through the Gorizia bridgehead
and took Gorizia, and drove the Austrians from the western
regment of the Carso plateau.
Cadorna had judged rightly and Conrad wrongly, and the
former's swiftness of decision and manoeuvre led to a big
Italian success. But there was a moment when the situation
compelled Cadorna to consider and prepare for the possible
retreat of the II., III. and IV. Armies from the Julian and
Cadore fronts. Ten days after the opening of the Austrian
attack he had to reckon with a possible failure of the troops
of the I. Army to prevent the enemy reaching the plains in
force. Cadorna made his plans for such a retreat, from the
Isonzo to the Piave, and his frank statement of the possibility,
together with his request for the recall of a division from
Albania and one from Libya (one division had already been
recalled from Albania towards the end of April), caused natural
alarm in Rome. Salandra suggested a meeting of the commander-
in-chief, the four army commanders, the premier, the Minister
of War and two other members of the Cabinet, a suggestion
which Cadorna declined, insisting that the responsibility for
military decisions lay with himself, and not, as Salandra's
proposal claimed, with the premier and council of ministers.
He requested that if he no longer enjoyed the confidence of the
Government he should be replaced at once. Salandra replied
that his proposal had been misunderstood; but when the
measures taken preparatory to a possible retreat from the
Isonzo line were communicated to the Cabinet he returned to
the charge, maintaining that such provisions could not be
regarded as being confined to the province of the military
authorities, but must be subordinate to the decisions of the
Government. In reply Cadorna pointed out that military
exigencies might demand immediate decisions which could
not wait upon the deliberations of a Government, and that
responsibility must lie with the commander-in-chief. Fortu-
nately the question was not put to the test. The Austrian
offensive was now fairly held, and it was not necessary to con-
sider further, at this time, the question of a general retreat. The
incident, however, has an importance as exemplifying a difference
of opinion regarding the relative functions of the Government
and the supreme command, which was to grow more serious as
time went on. It was difficult, if not impossible, to say where
precisely the functions of each should begin and end, and at a
later date the friction increased.
During July, while a gradual transference of troops from W.
to E. was being carried out, and preparations for an offensive
on the Julian front were being hastened, the counter-offensive
on the Trentino front was continued and several positions were
taken, while the Austrians were kept on the gui vive by move-
ments in Tirol. The attacks against the new Austrian lines in
the Asiago and Arsiero uplands were not very fruitful; and on
602
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
July 9, with his eye on Gorizia, Cadorna gave orders to slow
down the offensive and return to the idea of defence. The
attack farther N., on the other hand, gave good results. It was
clearly unexpected by the Austrians, and the Italians made a
considerable advance in the region of the Fassa Alps, occupying
the Passo di Rolle and the mountains of Cavallazza and
Colbricon on July 22, and seizing the village of Paneveggio,
in the Val Travignolo, at the end of the month. The Austrians
made repeated attempts to recapture their lost positions,
hurrying reenforcements into the Val Travignolo, but their
efforts were useless, and as the summer went on the Italians
gained more ground in successive sharp actions, though operations
on the grand scale were never undertaken and were indeed
practically excluded by the nature of the terrain and the lack
of communications. But the continued threat kept the Austrians
nervous, and by the autumn some three divisions of picked
mountain troops were concentrated in the valley of the Avisio.
During the winter of 1915-6, in preparation for an attack on
Gorizia and the Carso, the right wing of the II. Army had been
transferred to the III., so that the whole front from N. of Monte
Sabotino down to the sea was under the command of the Duke
of Aosta. Both III. and II. Armies had been temporarily
weakened by the withdrawal of troops to form the V. Army, but
even at the most critical moment of the Asiago battle the Duke
had eight divisions and a dismounted cavalry division at his
disposal. During July he was reenforced by three divisions,
and a considerable number of heavy guns, and at the end of the
month four more divisions with their artillery were rapidly
transported from the Vicentine plain to the III. Army front.
A further division was given to the army from the general
reserve, so that the Duke of Aosta had under his direct command
16 divisions and a dismounted cavalry division. He had 1,250
guns, of which 520 were heavy or medium, and these were
supplemented by nearly 800 trench-mortars (bombarde), of
which 138 were of 24o-mm. calibre. These bombarde had been
constructed during the winter in order to make up for the de-
ficiency in heavy artillery which the manufacturing resources
of Italy were inadequate to meet. The bombarda was in fact
much more than what is usually understood by the term trench-
mortar. Its range was much longer, and the destructive power
of its big projectile was very great. Its advantage over the big
gun, given Italy's poverty in manufacturing resources, was
obvious. Its disadvantages are equally obvious: its forward
position and the big flame of its discharge made it a relatively
easy mark for the enemy's guns. The question of ammunition
supply was also complicated by the forward position. The
bombarda was a pis oiler, but thanks to the devotion of the
bombardieri it rendered great service.
On the Carso and about Gorizia Boroevich was badly prepared
to meet the Italian attack, for Cadorna 's quick transference of
troops to the III. Army front enabled the Duke of Aosta to
throw an overwhelming force against the Austrian lines.
Boroevich had only five divisions in line and one in immediate
reserve between Sabolino and the sea when the Duke launched
his attack, and the Austrians were taken by surprise. The Duke
began with a feint. On Aug. 4, after a heavy bombardment, the
Italian VII. Corps attacked the low hills E. of Monfalcone,
which had already seen much stubborn fighting. They stormed
the enemy lines, but were driven back ugain by a counter-
attack. The thunder of the guns continued all along the III.
Army front a far heavier fire than had ever come from the
Italian side, and on the morning of Aug. 6 the intensity of the
bombardment was redoubled. The infantry attack came in
the afternoon, when the VI. Corps attacked the Gorizia bridge-
head and the XI. the summits of Monte San Michele. The
VI. Corps, commanded by Gen. Luigi Capello, had outgrown
the dimensions of an army corps, for Capello, acting under
the Duke of Aosta, was in command of no fewer than six divi-
sions. His attack was brilliantly successful. Sabotino was taken
on the run, in 40 minutes, while farther S. the greater part of
the Podgora ridge was torn from the Austrians and some detach-
ments reached the river at sunset. The Austrians defended
themselves with the most obstinate valour. They counter-
attacked frequently, and on the afternoon of Aug. 8, when they
were finally driven across the river, they had gained precious
time for their hard-pressed commander. Italian troops crossed
the river the same night and the town of Gorizia was occupied
next day without resistance, while a general attack on the
Carso was breaking down the stubborn defence which had
survived the loss of the summits of San Michele early in the
first day's fighting. On Aug. 10 the Austrians were driven
back across the Vallone, the deep cut that separates the San
Michele-Doberdo section of the Carso from the main plateau.
Only at the extreme S. of their line, on the low ridges abov
the Lisert marshes, did they succeed in preventing a break
through their original lines of defence.
Both to the E. of Gorizia and on the far side of the Vallon
the advancing Italians found themselves faced by new line
hidden among the woody slopes beyond the town or the stony
undulations of the Carso. Cadorna still hoped to go through,
for it was not yet clear whether the Austrians were standing on
a line which they had fully prepared, or whether they were
fighting to cover a retreat to positions still farther east. Hoping
to find a way round, and at the same time to prevent a concentra-
tion of force against the advance of the VI. Corps, he ordered
an attack by the II. Corps from the Plava bridgehead, at the
same time restoring the VI. Corps to the II. Army, and instruct-
ing the Duke of Aosta to continue his attacks on the Carso. The
attack from Plava came to nothing given the difficulties
the terrain, the artillery preparation and support, through
shortages of guns and ammunition, was totally insufficient and
the VI. Corps was held up by hidden machine-gun posts. The
information regarding the new enemy lines was meagre, and they
were well concealed among the trees. Only the III. Army con-
tinued to make progress, and Cadorna broke off the action in
the plain of Gorizia, deciding that careful preparation wa
necessary for an attack upon the new positions. He reenforced
the artillery of the III. Army with guns taken from the II.,
and the Duke of Aosta carried on his attack for a few days mor
before it became evident that on the Carso also the enemy line
were too strong to be taken in the later stages of an offensive,
with ammunition ebbing and troops already weary. The enemy
troops, of course, were still more worn-out. Their reserves wen
all in line, and to back these were only broken units and march
battalions. If Cadorna had been able to bring, immediately, a
fresh weight of destructive fire to bear upon the new lines he
would almost certainly have gone through. He was still handi-
capped by lack of material.
The loss of the Gorizia bridgehead was a serious blow to the
Austrians, but the advance on the Carso was a still greater
threat to their line as a whole. It gave the Italian III. Array
ample room beyond the Isonzo, and an admirable line of
observation posts. The Duke of Aosta's divisions were no longe
attacking a formidable glacis, with every inch of their
ground under the observation of the enemy, and with no
" eyes " themselves to view his country. And an advance upon
the Carso, now rendered more feasible by the alteration ir
relative position, threatened to turn the enemy lines E. oi
Gorizia. To complete the scheme, it is clear, a simultaneou
attack to the N. of the town was indicated. Such an attack wa
always in Cadorna 's mind; it had been attempted more tt
once. But he had not been able, nor was he now able, to collect
the means necessary to the simultaneous attack. His artiller
strength, both in guns and shells, was altogether insufficient
He had to choose between the Middle Isonzo and the Carso,
and he chose the latter, with Dornberg, the Iron Gates and the
Hermada as his objectives.
This idea governed the operations on the Julian front durir
the rest of the year 1916. Three times Cadorna attacked on
the main Carso plateau, between the Vippacco and the Brestovic
valley, using the right wing of the II. Army in the Gorizia plair
to support the main operation, the attack by the Duke
Aosta's left. The first attack, launched on Sept. 14 and pursue
for three days, was affected by bad weather and gave disappoint-
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
603
ing results, though considerable progress was made. The
handicap of bad weather continued, and delayed each of the
two short, sharp blows dealt by Cadorna before winter closed
down. In four days' heavy fighting in Oct. and three days'
still fiercer struggle at the beginning of Nov., the Duke of Aosta
punched out a big salient on the northern half of the Carso,
driving the Austrians back to their last line of trenches and
occupying the important position of Faiti Hrib. In each of these
three actions the attack was broken off as soon as it slowed down.
The second and third were in fact only preparatory actions, not
offensives on the grand scale. Previous experience had shown
that more men and more guns and shells were necessary for a
successful attack on a wide front; and it had now become an
axiom that only with a wide front of attack was success possible.
Cadorna was ready to strike another blow if the weather had
let him, but winter came early with heavy mists and much
rain, and in Dec. he decided that he must reserve his strength
for the following year.
The early advent of winter put a stop to other operations,
in the mountain zone, which had borne considerable fruit. Good
progress had been made in the region of the Fassa Alps, towards
the Val d'Avision, and in Oct. an attack N. of Pasubio gained
a wide stretch of high plateau which gave additional depth to
the Italian defensive position and freed some 10 m. of the
Vallarsa road from direct observation and worrying fire. Both
here and in the Fassa Alps bad weather put an end to active
military operations in the middle of Oct.; and an attack in the
Asiago uplands, which was planned for the middle of Nov., had
to be given up owing to the heavy snows that came a few days
before the date was fixed.
The year had seen much heavy fighting, and both sides had
suffered severely. The Italian casualties were nearly 120,000
dead, 285,000 wounded and 78,000 prisoners. The bulk of the
latter were taken in the first days of the Austrian offensive in
May, when the front lines, too full of troops, were overwhelmed,
and a number of detachments were cut off in isolated mountain
positions. The Austrian losses were also heavy. The Straf-
expedition is said to have cost about 100,000 men. The Italian
offensives on the Julian front, from Aug. to Nov., yielded more
than 40,000 prisoners to the attacking forces, and the list of
killed and wounded during these months came not far short of
100,000. If the territorial gains at the end of the year's fighting
were not great, Cadorna's continued attacks, following upon the
costly failure of the Austrian offensive in May, had done their
work in occupying an increasing number of the enemy's troops
and wearing down his powers of resistance. The Italian casualty
list, as was the rule with the attackers, greatly exceeded that of
the Austrians, but the advantage of man-power lay with the
Entente, and the policy of attrition was generally, though not
universally, accepted as indicating the only road to victory.
No other policy, certainly, was open to Cadorna while the plans
of the Allies were based upon this idea. His role was clearly
marked out: he had to hammer when he could, with what means
he could collect from month to month as the output of guns and
munitions increased and fresh troops were trained, keeping
always in view as an essential aim that of attracting to his front,
and wearing out, the maximum number of enemy forces.
Judged from this standpoint, the Italian effort in 1916 was of
the greatest value to the Allied cause. Some 35 Austrian
divisions, with their march battalions, were pinned to the
Italian front; and Ludendorff in his Memoirs refers to the
impossibility of detaching any Austrian troops from the Italian
front to assist in other operations, notably to continue the opera-
tions against Rumania.
Although Cadorna was strongly opposed to the dispersal
of his forces in petits paquets and had resisted the suggestion
of an expedition to Libya to quell the rising which had reduced
the Italian occupation to a few points on the coast, the impor-
tance of the Balkan front had not been lost sight of by the
Italian Government. In March a strong force was dispatched
to strengthen the Italian position at Valona. The Austrian
attack on the Trentino caused two divisions to be recalled to
Italy almost at once. It is worthy of note that the Albanian
expedition was dispatched at a time when Italy was being
criticized in the British and French press for her supposed
refusal to cooperate in the Allied operations towards the Balkans.
That cooperation was only delayed. When the situation on the
Italian front permitted, fresh troops were sent to Albania, and
in Aug. a strong force arrived in Salonika under the command
of Gen. Petitti di Roreto to take part in the Allied advance
upon Monastir. Early in Oct. an Italian column occupied
Argyrokastro and before November the Italians were in touch
with the left wing of the Allied forces based upon Salonika.
Up to the end of 1916, except in the case of the Balkan
campaign, the question of military cooperation between the
Allies had been confined to the timing of the individual efforts,
on each front, so as to minimize the advantage possessed by the
Central Powers by their possession of the interior lines. The
suggestion was now put forward that a wider meaning should
be given to the word cooperation, that an Allied force should
join the armies of Italy in an attempt to " knock out " the
weaker of the two enemy Powers and so hasten the end of the
war. The idea had been the subject of discussion in Italy in
1916, but the formal proposal was made Jan. 1917, during
the Allied Conference held in Rome. The chief work of this
conference, on the military side, was the organization of a line
of communications through Italy to Salonika, via the south
Italian ports, a route which greatly lessened the dangers from
submarine attack, and at the same time made a much smaller
demand upon the diminishing tonnage of the Allies; but the
question of a joint offensive on the Italian front was also
discussed. The French and British general staffs were against
the proposal which came to be known as " Cadorna's plan,"
but it appealed to Mr. Lloyd George, who was in favour of
Allied troops and heavy guns being sent to Italy, in order to
add that extra weight to the attack which, to judge from the
experience of 1916, would lead to important military successes.
In spite of Mr. Lloyd George's advocacy, the French and British
military authorities decided that they could not spare the men
and guns asked for, but they offered to send 300 heavy guns
for an immediate offensive, on condition that they were returned
to the French front by the month of April, in which it had been
decided to launch a general offensive. This offer was refused
by Cadorna, on the ground that the season was not suited to an
offensive on his front, and that the guns would have to be
returned at the moment when they would be most useful. The
discussion and rejection of Cadorna's plan gave rise to many
rumours, among them the report that he had asked for " a
million men or nothing." This legend found consecration even
in serious commentaries published after the war.
Cadorna's actual proposals, embodied in a memorandum
written after the Rome Conference, were as follows: If the
Allies would send at least 300 heavy guns he would make two
attacks, on the Trentino and Julian fronts his own artillery
was insufficient for this double offensive and so find the enemy's
weak point. He had the advantage of interior lines, and would
move his reserves of guns and men from the Venetian plain
according to the development of the two actions. If, on the
other hand, the Allies would send a minimum of eight divisions
in addition to the heavy guns, he would concentrate upon the
Julian front and attack from Tolmino to the sea, with the
object of breaking through towards Laibach. Such an attack,
in Cadorna's view, would have had decisive results. He believed
that Austria could not recover from such a blow.
The plan was tempting, but it did not commend itself to the
Allied commands. French and British military opinion was
against any further diversion of effort from the western front,
for there was the chief enemy, upon whose defeat the result of
the war depended. Great things were hoped from the offensives
which had been planned for the spring, and it was not realized
that Russia's active military contribution to the Allied cause, so
valuable in the past, was practically ended; still less was it
foreseen that before the finish of the year the Russian front
would cease to exist at all. It was realized that Cadorna was
604
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
short of munitions, but he was stronger than he had been in 1916,
when he had pressed the Austrians very hard. There was
reason to think that he and Brussilov between them could be
trusted to deal with the hard-tried armies of the Dual Mon-
archy, even though these were reenforced by German armies in
the east. There were, moreover, obvious technical reasons
against the choice of the Julian front for a joint offensive. The
front lay far from the French and British bases and from their
munition factories, and communications from France to Italy
were not too good. On the other hand, Cadorna was right in
pointing out that on the Isonzo front the enemy was more
vulnerable than anywhere else in the whole western theatre of
war, and that the Habsburg Monarchy was " less disposed to
persist in the struggle " than Germany. An advance on the
Julian front would have the great advantage of carrying the war
well into enemy territory and so bearing more directly upon the
resisting power of the people.
There were excellent arguments for both plans, but it is not
surprising that the "Westerners" prevailed. If it had been
realized that Germany and Austria were one for the purposes
of the war, if the Italian front had been regarded as the right
wing of the front in the W., a different decision might have
been reached. But at this stage the tendency was to distinguish
between Austria and Germany and rather to consider the Italian
operations as being linked up specially with the war in the East.
Still, the idea which was brought forward in Rome did receive
consideration during the following months, and in the spring
of 1917 both Nivelle and Robertson visited the Italian front.
These were the first visits of any important British or French
military authorities since those of Joffre and Kitchener in the
autumn of 1915, and the occasion was taken by Cadorna to
press the question of closer cooperation, especially in the event
of an Austro-German offensive against Italy. Both Nivelle
and Robertson agreed to the principle of direct cooperation by
the dispatch of troops and guns, but both were inclined to
prefer cooperation by a simultaneous attack, and, while a
scheme for the quick transport of troops from France to Italy
was prepared, no definite engagements were taken. It was
agreed, on the other hand, between Cadorna and Nivelle that
the French and Italian spring offensives, which had been
provisionally planned at Chantilly the previous autumn, should
be timed to coincide as nearly as possible. The Chantilly agree-
ment had in view an attack in Feb. but the date was deferred
till April. In the meantime the Austrian forces on the Italian
front were considerably increased, and the fact of the German
retreat in France, which upset the French and British plans,
seemed also to increase the possibility of an Austro-German
offensive on the Trentino front, or even of the double attack on
the Trentino and Julian fronts which had strong advocates in
Austro-Hungarian military circles. The prospect of an attack
from the Trentino seemed to be increased by the fact that
Conrad, who had been replaced by Arz von Straussenburg as
chief of the general staff, was now in command at Bozen.
Cadorna held that he could not attack on the Julian front until
he could feel reasonably safe in regard to the Trentino, for his
offensive would imply the weakening of the Trentino front,
especially in artillery. His request for guns had not been met,
and to give his attack a chance he had to strip the Trentino
front of its heavy artillery. His case seems unanswerable, but in
March Nivelle demanded the assurance that Cadorna would
attack in the middle of April and suggested diplomatic pressure
upon the Italian Government. Cadorna maintained his position,
that he would attack when the situation in the Trentino per-
mitted him to move eastward the heavy guns he required for
his offensive. In April he received n batteries of British 6-in.
howitzers and 35 French heavy guns, but this assistance, useful
though it was, fell far short of the requirements he had indicated.
Three days after launching his ill-fated offensive, Nivelle called
upon Cadorna to attack, but the latter had already given the
order, fixing the date of May 7. Bad weather caused a short
delay, but the Italian guns opened fire on May 12. But for the
weather Cadorna would not have exceeded the margin of three
men
lain
'*
weeks by which the Chantilly agreement had enlarged the
expression " contemporaneous." The threat from the Trentino
obviously justified a delay, but even with this handicap Cadorna
succeeded in attacking within, or nearly within, the limits al-
lowed by the provisional agreement. In the circumstances it is
difficult to understand Nivelle's attitude or the comments made
at the time, still less the criticisms published after the war.
Cadorna attacked on the morning of May 12, feinting with
the III. Army on the Carso, and making his real attack against
the hills N. and E. of Gorizia. North of the town the greater
part of the long ridge (Kuk Vodice) running southward from
above Plava was gallantly stormed and held against the most
determined counter-attacks, but on the hills E. of the town little
progress was made. As soon as the occupation of the Kuk
Vodice ridge seemed assured Cadorna moved the bulk of his
heavy guns southward, and attacked with the III. Army on the
Carso. Lack of guns and ammunition made it impossible to
attack in both sectors at once. Useful progress was made here
also, a number of enemy positions being captured on the Carso
proper, and the VII. Corps on the right carrying one line after
another till they were half-way up Monte Hermada, which
dominated all the southern Carso and was the enemy's ma
bastion in this sector. But ammunition was running low: th
offensive had to be broken off at a moment when it seemed
though further success lay very near.
There was only a short breathing space. On June 4 the
Austrian troops on the Carso, now grouped under the command
of Gen. Wenzel von Wurm, counter-attacked in the most
determined manner. Against the Italian left and centre they
had no success, but on the right they found a weak resistance
on the part of the troops who had come into line as reliefs
They freed the lower slopes of the Hermada and took a lar;
number of prisoners. This was the limit of Wurm's succes
though his attacks were conducted with great determination ;
his artillery fire was both accurate and intense. If Cadorna 1
been able to increase his artillery, his adversary had kept pa
The Austrian gunfire, both in defence and attack, was far heav
ier than it had been in former actions.
During the four weeks' fighting Cadorna used 31 division
and his casualty list was very heavy: 132,000 killed and wounde
He also lost more than 23,000 prisoners, the bulk of them due
the weak resistance in the Austrian counter-offensive in
Hermada region, though a considerable number of captures we
those of troops who had pushed on too far in the Italian attack
Boroevich had held his ground, or nearly, with 17 divisions, an
his losses, including 25,000 prisoners, were close upon 120,0
Once more he had been pushed to the last extremity, and one
more the fighting power of his troops and an ample supply
machine-guns had checked the Italian effort, handicapped as i
was by lack of ammunition for the guns.
The rumour of battle had scarcely ceased on the Julian fron
when the Italians attacked N. of Asiago, in an attempt to driv
the Austrians off the line which they had occupied after the
offensive in 1916. The Italian attacking force consisted of 12
divisions, with 1,500 guns and trench-mortars, and the front did
not exceed 9 miles. In spite of the strength of the forces employed
and the weight of fire brought to bear upon the enemy lines,
the general attack was a failure. On the extreme right alone,
in the region of Monte Ortigara, the Alpine troops of the 5211
Div. made good headway and captured 500 prisoners. The le
wing also gained ground to begin with, but could not maint
their success. Bad weather interfered with the artillery wor
and the troops suffered very heavily. The feeling was genera
that the Austrian positions were nearly impregnable, and some
of the troops fell below the usual standard. After a pause
Alpine troops renewed their magnificent effort, gained mor
ground in spite of the extreme difficulty of the terrain, an
captured another 1,000 prisoners with several guns. But the
advance left them in an impossible position, completely don
nated by the enemy's reserve lines, and largely isolated from
rest of the Italian force. The Austrians brought up strong
serves of guns and men, and after a heavy artillery fire, whic
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
605
caused heavy losses among the troops who were lying on the
bare rocky slopes of Monte Ortigara, they counter-attacked in
force. The Alpini were driven off the summits of the Ortigara,
but after a long struggle kept the Passo dell' Agnello.
The Italian losses in this abortive action were very heavy
indeed, 24,000 killed and wounded and 2,000 prisoners, and it
was commonly felt that in view of the initial failure farther
S. it was a mistake to persist in the attack upon the Ortigara
positions. An isolated success at this point was useless, as it
could lead nowhere. The officers in command of the Alpini,
who knew what was possible in such difficult conditions of
terrain, were opposed to the further attempt and their mis-
givings were fully justified. The record of the Alpine battalions
was proof that they had no objection to attempting the impos-
sible if there were sound reason for the attempt. On this
occasion they felt that their sacrifice was useless, and though
they fought and died as staunchly as ever, the remnants who
came back from the Ortigara had the bitterness of failure.
The general situation at the end of June gave cause for
disappointment and some anxiety. The big battle on the
Julian front had come very near triumphant success. It had
brought the Austrians close upon disaster, and it had shown
once more that with a little added weight, especially of heavy
guns and shells, the stubborn resistance of Boroevich might
jjave been overcome. But the balance was swinging against
the Entente. The whole military situation threatened to be
altered by the disorganization which had followed upon the
Russian revolution. While it was not yet fully clear that the
revolution meant the defection of Russia, it had already meant
the possibility of a considerable transference of guns and men
from E. to W., and it had heartened the weary soldiers of
Austria-Hungary. The prisoners taken by the Italians boasted
that the whole effective strength of the monarchy would shortly
be concentrated against Italy; and the information that came
from the East all tended to confirm the fear that the Russian
front, which had filled such an important part in the war for
nearly three years, would shortly become a vast rest-camp for
the soldiers of the Central Empires.
Russia was going out of action, and the consequences for the
Western Allies showed clear enough. Nor was it only in Russia
that signs of war-weariness had made themselves evident.
This was in fact the critical year. France for the first time, after
the failure of Nivelle's offensive, had to deal with serious disaf-
fection in the army which had borne the heaviest burden, and
suffered most, of the Western Allies. In the case of England,
I though the army was sound, there were disquieting symptoms
among the population. In Italy war-weariness was showing
itself in various ways. The troops who failed on the slopes of
the Hermada had displayed a mutinous tendency before going
into line, and in the attack in the Asiago uplands some of the
units had shown less than the usual spirit. Cadorna was
disturbed by these manifestations, especially by the first, which
he put down to " defeatist " propaganda in the country. He
addressed urgent protests to the Government, claiming that the
Ministry of the Interior did not show sufficient severity towards
anti-war propaganda. The fact of war-weariness could not be
':, disputed, and there were ample reasons for its existence, both
in the army and in the country. Units were kept too long in
the trenches, partly because the wearing effects of these long
spells were not fully realized, but partly also because the number
of troops available was small in relation to the length of the
front, which was nearly as long as the Allied front in France.
Nor was it then generally understood that the soldier who comes
into rest billets requires " remaking " as well as rest. In the
first place, little or nothing was done in the way of providing
comforts and recreation. It was only in the summer of 1917 that
recreation huts began to be established and the idea of organizing
amusements found favour with the authorities. Another lack
was the almost complete absence of the volunteer canteens near
the front which proved so useful in France. For his modest
additional comforts the Italian soldier had to depend almost
entirely upon the speculative ventures of small dealers who
made large profits. And the pay of the soldier gave him no
margin for such expenditure. There was little to soften the
hardships or lessen the dreariness of life in the war zone.
In the second place, the rest periods were not utilized as they
might have been for the training of the troops in the methods
of warfare that experience was constantly developing. The loss
was double. Both officers and men suffered from lack of knowl-
edge and practice, and, not less important, they suffered from
ennui. They were either occupied in dull fatigue duties, or, in
many cases, they were not sufficiently occupied at all. Too
often they had little to do but to wonder when the war would
come to an end. Socialist newspapers preached that the enemy
was ready for peace, and among the new drafts were some who
told the same story. Anti-war propaganda was active both in
the country and in the army, and neither at the front nor
among the public was there efficient counter-propaganda.
Another reason for depression was the actual shortage of
food, both in the army and in the country. Conditions had
grown very difficult in Italy. The soldier's ration had to be
cut down to a very low standard, so that the lack of extra
comforts was all the more severely felt. And at the same time
the troops were distressed by the news that their families were
suffering want, and even actual hunger. The allowance to
soldiers' families was altogether insufficient in view of the
great rise in the cost of living. In all these ways the strain
upon the army was far greater than that experienced by the
troops of England or France. To those conversant with the
conditions it was a matter of surprise, not that there was
discontent here and there, but that the willingness and cheer-
fulness of the troops as a whole triumphed over circumstances
that tried them so hardly.
There was reason for anxiety owing to war-weariness, but
there were many signs of the same trouble in the enemy's camp.
It was felt that Austria-Hungary was very near the end of
her tether, and subsequent revelations showed how grave the
situation was. The chief cause for anxiety lay not in the
occasional symptoms of weariness, which had become evident
elsewhere as well as in Italy, but in the hard fact of the Russian
catastrophe. The effect of this disaster was both material and
moral. It definitely altered the military balance, and, while
it encouraged the Central Empires to go on, it clearly removed
to a distance the prospect of an Entente victory with which
the year had opened. The advocates of " peace without vic-
tory " were heartened in their efforts to show that a continu-
ance of the struggle was useless.
The military situation was changing for the worse, but there
seemed a chance of striking the enemy hard before he could
definitely ignore the eastern front. At the end of July there
was a further inter-Allied discussion regarding plans, in Paris
first and then in London. In Paris, Cadorna was urged to
undertake two big offensives, one in Aug. and one in Oct.,
but it was not difficult for him to show that his supply of shells
would not permit of two attacks on the grand scale. Nor were
his trained reserves adequate, in view of the casualties with
which he had to reckon. The discussions were continued in
London, when Cadorna had returned to Italy from Paris, and
the idea of a joint offensive on the Italian front was brought
forward again by Gen. Albricci, who represented Italy. It was
clear that such an attack could not be undertaken at once,
in view of the great Flanders offensive which had just begun,
and from which so much was hoped. Albricci's proposal was
to delay the Italian offensive planned for Aug. until the
Allies could spare troops and guns to give the added weight
which experience had shown to be necessary. The idea was not
at once rejected on this occasion. The suggestion was made
that Allied reinforcements should be sent in Oct., when it was
hoped to have reached objectives set for the Flanders attack.
Albricci feared that this might mean losing the favourable
season for an Italian offensive. The experience of the previous
year had shown that the autumn mist and rain on the Isonzo
front were a serious handicap to artillery fire, and the counter-
vailing advantages to an attack were not yet realized by the
6o6
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
Allies. It was decided to keep to the Paris plan and attack in
Aug. without reenforcements. The efforts of the Italian munition
factories and depots had provided many new heavy batteries,
and there were now 99 British and French heavy guns on
the Italian front. Altogether Cadorna could dispose of 2,300
heavy guns for his attack.
The army was strung to the highest point of tension, awaiting
the order to attack, when Pope Benedict XV. launched his
appeal for peace. A forecast came first, in the clerical press,
on Aug. 14. Next day, the festival of Ferragosto, there were no
newspapers, but the text was published on Aug. 16. Forty
hours later Italian guns began, from Monte Nero to the sea;
and on the night of Aug. 18 the offensive began. Parts of the
army were shaken. For the Pope in his impartiality placed the
two contending groups of Powers on the same level; he held out
the hope that Germany and Austria were ready to consider
certain territorial questions " in a conciliatory spirit," taking
into account " the aspirations of the peoples"; and to the long
and weary struggle he attached the label " useless slaughter."
The Papal Note in itself was vague, and promised little. But
it hinted much, and some of the press comments upon it filled
in the gaps. The word ran round that a peace might be arranged
which would give Trentino and Trieste to Italy. Some of the
commands were anxious about their men when the attack began.
As a matter of fact the troops put aside their questionings,
and the blow dealt to the Austrians was a very heavy one.
The Isonzo was crossed in many places between Tolmino and
Plava, and the greater part of the Bainsizza (Bainsitsa) plateau
was occupied by troops of the II. Army, while the southern end
of the Chiapovano valley was passed, and a footing obtained
on the western corner of the Ternova plateau. No progress was
made against the positions E. of Gorizia, and the action in this
sector was quickly broken off, but the right wing of the III.
Army gained ground, especially on the southern edge of the
main Carso plateau and in the Hermada sector. The Carso
action was broken off when it was clear that the initial impetus
would carry the troops no farther, and guns and men were
moved N. to endeavour to make the most of the success gained
by the II. Army. The extreme difficulty of the country and,
above all, the lack of roads called a halt after 10 days. The
infantry had outrun the heavy guns in position on the right
bank of the Isonzo, and they found the Austrians, as the pressure
relaxed, strongly placed among the hills to the W. of the
Chiapovano valley. Capello's II. Army had won a big victory,
but at two vital points the Austrians had held their own, on
the Lorn plateau S. of Tolmino and on Monte San Gabriele,
N.E. of Gorizia. While these positions were maintained the
Italians could not obtain the fruits of their initial tactical
success in breaking through the lines on the Bainsizza.
Little progress had been made by the left of ihe Italian
attack. Austrian reenforcements had been hurried to the spot,
and an immediate renewal of the attack, without further
preparation, did not commend itself to the Italian command.
It was decided to concentrate against the Austrian centre,
and attempt the capture of San Gabriele, while the troops on
the Bainsizza dug in and roads were made from the left bank of
the Isonzo to join those leading to the old Austrian positions.
In spite of prolonged and furious bombardments, and infantry
attacks renewed again and again, the defenders succeeded in
maintaining their principal line of resistance on the battered
mountain, though they were driven off more than once. With
the failure of the attack on San Gabriele, the hope of finding,
at least, a way through the defences of the Gorizia zone was
abandoned for the time.
Cadorna hoped to renew his offensive at the end of Sept.,
when he had rested his troops and replenished his supply of
shells, by an attack against the Ternova plateau, in the hope of
definitely turning the Gorizia positions from the N. and cutting
the main line of communications between the Austrian right
and left. The III. Army was to hold the troops on its front
and pass to the attack when the right wing of the II. Army had
made the necessary ground. The drawback to this plan was
that it left the Tolmino bridgehead in undisturbed possession
of the Austrians, and by advancing the Italian right increased
the danger which would come from an Austrian drive in this
sector. But Cadorna had faith in the natural and prepared
strength of his positions opposite Tolmino, and if he were to
succeed in his attack upon the Ternova plateau, the chances
were that his adversary would be too busily employed to
attack his left at Tolmino.
Towards the middle of Sept. news came of increased enemy
forces and a probable counter-offensive at an early date, and
when Cadorna took stock of his forces he decided that he could
not go on. He came to this decision on Sept. 18, and on that
day he gave orders to the II. and III. Armies to " concentrate
all their activities in preparations for defence." At the same
time he communicated his decision to the Allied commanders,
explaining his reasons. Unfortunately, there was a misunder-
standing caused by a hasty and incomplete transmission of
Cadorna's memorandum to the Allies. The first news received
by Gen. Robertson did not give Cadorna's reasons for suspending
his offensive action, and the result was a telegram which said
that the 64 British guns sent to the Italian front had been
given for offensive purposes, not for defences, and requested
their withdrawal. A similar request came from France, for the
return not only of the 35 guns which had been in action already,
but of a further reenforcement of 102 guns which were arriving.
Cadorna at once ordered the guns to be returned, but he pointed
out that he was the only judge of what should or should not be
done on the front for which he was responsible, and he took
very natural exception to the tone of the communications which
he received from England. The arrival of Cadorna's explanator
memorandum relaxed the tension, and some of the Britis
batteries were left in Italy. The others, however, were sent
Egypt, and the French guns were withdrawn. This misunder
standing emphasized the drawbacks of the absence of a pe
manent inter-Allied war council, which was only to come int
being when disaster had taught a further lesson.
Cadorna's reasons for suspending his offensive, or rathe
for giving up the idea of a new attack, can hardly be questione
The four weeks fighting in Aug. and Sept. had cost him ovt:
166,000 men 40,000 killed, 108,000 wounded, and over i8,c
prisoners. His casualties from May to Sept. reached the tola
of 92,000 killed and 226,000 wounded. The toll taken
sickness had also been very heavy. There had been muc
malaria among the troops in the low ground near Monfalcon
a severe type of jaundice had made its appearance in variou
parts of the front, and the II. Army had suffered severely fron
an intestinal epidemic which had been prevalent in the Judrir
and Natisone valleys. The units were at a low strength, and
the new drafts had not been satisfactorily absorbed. A breathing
space was urgently needed.
A number of Cadorna's critics have urged that the best way
of meeting the forthcoming enemy attack was to anticipate it
by renewing his own offensive. But the weakness of his units
and the shortage of ammunition made it very doubtful whether
he could win even an initial success. The one thing certain was
that he would suffer heavy losses and reduce to danger-point
his limited reserve of shells. He had to look forward, and face
the fact that if strong enemy reenforcements were already
coming from Russia these were only the advance-guard of what
was to be expected within a few months. If he were to gain the
small amount of ground that seemed all he could hope for, he
would find himself in a much less favourable position to meet
a later attack from still stronger forces:
The Austro-German success against the II. Army, and the
subsequent retreat of the Italian forces to the line of the Piave,
and the resistance in the new positions, are fully described in a
separate article (see CAPORETTO, BATTLE OP), and only a bare
record of facts need to be given here. The Austro-German forces
under the command of the German General Otto von Below
(XIV. Army), divided into four " groups," attacked the left
wing and centre of the Italian II. Army on the morning
Oct. 24. The Italian line was pierced between Tolmino an
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
607
Caporetto, and by the afternoon of the 24th the situation was
already serious. Owing to a complex of causes the situation
grew rapidly worse. The Italian left wing crumbled, and on the
night of Oct. 26-7 the order was given to retire beyond the
Tagliamento. This was only a first step in the move decided
upon by Cadorna. In view of the breakdown of the II. Army
and the danger of attack from the N., Cadorna decided that it
was essential to shorten his line by a retreat to the Piave. He
had already foreseen such a contingency (see ASIAGO, BATTLE
OF), and after the failure of the Austrian offensive of May 1916
he had given orders for the preparation of a line of defence on
the mountain ridges between the Piave and the Brenta and to
the N.E. of Asiago.
By the end of the first week in Nov. the Italians were in
line W. of the Piave. The III. Army, reenforced by the VII.
Corps of the II., held the greater part of the river line, and was
in touch with the IV. Army, which had come down from Cadore
and occupied the northern sector of the river line and the moun-
tains between the Piave and the Brenta, where it had estab-
lished contact with the right wing of the I. Army. The rem-
nants of the II. Army and the Carnia force were being reas-
sembled in the Venetian plain.
In the meantime France and England had acted with all
possible speed. As soon as the gravity of the situation became
apparent the order was given for six French and five British
divisions to entrain for Italy, precedence being given to the
French troops, and Foch and Robertson hastened to the spot.
Foch arrived at Treviso, where Cadorna had been for three days,
on the morning of Oct. 30, and the situation was fully discussed.
Cadorna felt that the troops available for the defence of the
Piave line were dangerously weak in numbers, the more so as
he was anxious to detach two divisions of the III. Army to
reenforce the line W. of Lake Garda, where there were rumours
of intended attacks, and he suggested to Foch that as soon as
the French troops arrived they should go into line on the
Montello, between the III. and IV. Armies. Later in the day,
having received further news regarding the threat W. of Garda,
he asked that Foch should detach a French division to reenforce
this sector. Foch was unwilling to divide the French X. Army,
and it was finally agreed that the French, as they arrived, should
be aligned between the Mella and the Adige, ready to reenforce
the I. Army in case of necessity, the defence of the Piave line
being left to the Italian troops. Foch agreed with Cadorna's
dispositions for the defence of the Piave line, but he was natu-
rally much preoccupied by the appearance which the situation
presented: weary disheartened troops, insufficiently provided
with guns and ammunition and relatively weak in numbers,
facing a greatly superior army flushed with a victory that had
exceeded all hopes. And behind these, their only reserve, with
the exception of the young boys recently called to the colours
and a limited number of troops from the depots, was a great
mass of broken troops largely without arms and equipment, who
had lost order in the immense confusion of the heavy retreat.
These troops, disorganized, worn-out, sullen and bewildered,
might well have seemed more of a danger than a potential
reserve of strength. There had been a failure in moral among
certain units in the first phase of the fight. It had spread during
the retreat. None could be sure how far it had gone or would go.
The Italian losses, both in men and material, had been
enormous. To the casualties suffered in the enemy attack upon
the II. Army, some 10,000 killed and 30,000 wounded, were
added some 230,000 missing, who had already surrendered, or
were still fighting hopeless isolated actions among the mountains,
cut off and doomed. The retreat was not yet over, and the list
was sure to be swelled still further. Many guns which had been
brought safely as far as the Tagliamento had been lost owing
to the premature destruction of the main bridges between
Codroipo and Casarsa. When the material losses came to be
calculated, the figures were as follows: 3,152 guns, 1,732 trench
mortars, 3,000 machine-guns, 2,000 " pistol " machine-guns,
considerably over 300,000 rifles, and an immense mass of stores
and war material of every kind.
On Nov. 4 Mr. Lloyd George, Gen. Smuts, Gen. Sir Henry
Wilson, M. Painleve and M. Franklin Bouillon arrived at
Rapallo, and were there met by Gens. Foch and Robert'ion,
Signer Orlando (who had just succeeded Signer Boselli as
Italian premier), Baron Sonnino, the Foreign Minister, Gen.
Alfieri, Minister of War, Gen. Porro, sub-chief of the Italian
general staff, and M. Barrere, French ambassador in Rome.
From the Rapallo discussions were born the Supreme Allied
Council which was to meet, once a month if possible, at
Versailles, and the Versailles Military Council, which was to
sit permanently. It was agreed that the failure of the Italian
armies to resist the enemy attack called for a change in the
Italian command, and Cadorna was appointed Italian military
representative at Versailles. He was succeeded by Gen. Armando
Diaz, commander of the XXIII. Army Corps, and the functions
of Gen. Porro, who was also relieved of his post, were divided
between Gen. Giardino, who had been Minister of War during
the summer, and Gen. Badoglio, commander of the XXVII.
Corps. These were all comparatively young men, who had
come to the front during the war. Diaz was not yet 56, Giardino
was 53, and Badoglio was only 46.
The moment was critical in the extreme, for the reasons given
above, but the work done by Cadorna during the last days of
his leadership had laid solid foundations for the wonderful
recovery that put a term to the enemy advance. Cadorna's
conduct of the great retreat was a masterpiece of military skill
and cool judgment, and he had long ago made his plans for a
defensive battle on the Piave line.
A legend was put about both in France and in England that
the Italian command wished to continue the retreat to the line
of the Adige, and it was asserted that only Foch's intervention
prevented this further retirement. The legend had no basis of
fact. Both the Italian and Allied press indicated the possibility
of a further retreat, and their opinion was no doubt inspired by
soldiers who realized the dangers of the situation and by
politicians who wished to prepare opinion for the possibility of
a further enemy success. But neither Cadorna nor Diaz had
any intention of leaving the Piave line, unless, of course, the step
was compelled by a new defeat. The line of the Piave was to be
defended " to the last." Cadorna's orders are quite explicit,
and he never entertained the idea of a retreat to the Adige
unless he were forced back from the Piave line, or had his flank
turned by an attack from the north. Diaz was no less resolved
that resistance on the Piave line was the only possible course.
An order of the day published by Cadorna on Nov. 7 fixed the
Piave as the line on which " the honour and life of Italy "
must be defended, and this blunt statement unhedged by
reservations, frightened the politicians. They feared that
after such a statement the effect of further disaster, if it should
come, would be more serious. But the soldiers realized the
mistake of playing with the idea of a further " strategic
retreat," and when Diaz was asked his view, he said plainly
that he would resign rather than carry out such a plan.
Both Cadorna and Diaz, who succeeded him on Nov. 9, were
convinced of the necessity of standing on the Piave, and they
had good hopes that their troops would hold. The Allied
commanders were equally against any further retreat, but they
were strongly impressed by the uncertainty of the situation.
The break-through at Caporetto was universally attributed
to a failure in moral. Since that failure the Italian armies had
undergone the trial of the retreat, and they were weakened by
great losses of men and material. Would they " come again,"
or would their moral suffer a more widespread breakdown under
a new strain? It was natural that both British and French
commanders should hesitate to send in the Allied troops to
the front to stiffen it by units as they arrived. There was the
chance that they might be involved in a fresh disaster, and in
the circumstances it was obviously more prudent that both
French and British armies should be held intact on a reserve
line. The French X. Army stood behind the Italian I. Army,
while the British divisions under Gen. Plumer, which began
to arrive as soon as the railway communications from France
6o8
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
were free from their transport, were detrained at Mantua and
assembled near the Adige.
On Nov. 10, the day after Diaz took over the command from
Cadorna, came the first enemy attack against the new lines,
a tentative action on the Middle Piave, but after several
unsuccessful attempts to pierce the line W. of the river, the
Austro- German efforts were concentrated on the mountain
front, between Asiago and the Piave. The main thrust was
between the Brenta and the Piave, where a desperate struggle
raged for weeks, though Conrad gained ground in the Asiago
uplands, and might perhaps have gained more if he had been
given the reenforcements for which he called in vain. The
critical period was the fortnight from Nov. 10-25, and the
end of the month saw the line fairly established. The Austro-
German attack was to continue for another four weeks, and
the Italians were to lose more ground in the mountains, more
prisoners and some guns. But the crisis was past.
At the end of the third week in Nov. the Allied divisions
began to move up to the front, and at the beginning of Dec.
they took over the sectors assigned to them, three French
divisions occupying the Monte Tomba-Monfenera ridge W.
of the Piave and a similar British force holding the Montello
sector, on the Middle Piave. It was expected that the enemy
would attack at both these points, but throughout Dec. Boroe-
vich's Isonzo army lay practically idle to the E. of the Piave, nor
were the French attacked. The aim, naturally, was to attack as
far W. as possible and so turn the Italian positions from the N.,
and compel a further retreat. Conrad in the Seven Communes
and Krauss in the Grappa sector hammered in vain, favoured
by the late coming of the snow, but hampered by bad weather
and insufficient communications. Their efforts were fruitless.
On both sides of the Brenta the Italians fought them to a
standstill, and on Christmas day the long struggle ended, with
the Italians counter-attacking, and 1 the enemy hard pressed to
hold the slight advantages they had won.
The Italian recovery on the Piave-Grappa line, that great
triumph over disaster and despair, was one of the most remark-
able achievements of the war. On the result of the fighting in
those November days depended the ability of Italy to continue
playing a principal part in the world-struggle. Further defeat
would not have meant submission, for the Austrian invasion had
stilled the questioning voices and bound the nation in one resolve.
But further defeat, with its consequent loss of war material
and territory, would have so weakened Italian military strength
as to render still more critical the position of the Allies. If
Austria had been able to assist Germany the following spring,
the course of the 1918 campaigns would certainly have been
changed. Hence the service rendered to the Allies by the men
who held fast on the Piave and in the mountains was incalculable.
During Nov. and Dec. the Italian armies suffered further
heavy losses, some 20,000 killed and 50,000 wounded, and the
total number of prisoners lost in the last three months of the
year, including those belonging to labour battalions and the
sick and wounded left behind in hospitals or on the field, was
increased to 335,000. The total loss in men from Caporetto
to the end of the year was close upon 450,000. When to these
are added the disorganized troops of the II. Army, and the
Carnia Force and the stragglers from the III. Army, the
temporary loss may be calculated at 750,000. But the prompt
arrival of the British and French troops and the quick reorgani-
zation of a portion of the broken units shortened the critical
period. The Allied divisions, as has been said, were in position
by the beginning of Dec., and before that time two corps of the
II. Army had been reconstituted and had gone into line. Another
followed immediately afterwards, and by the end of the year two
others were reformed and ready. For the remaining three dis-
banded corps, which were reorganized as the V. Army, under
the command of Gen. Capello, late commander of the II.
Army, a longer period was necessary. In the case of these units
the loss of cohesion had been more complete, and, moreover,
the supply of guns, rifles, etc., was insufficient to arm them.
When they moved into the zone of operations in Feb. they were
still partially equipped with French guns and rifles, but befo
long these were replaced by Italian material. In addition to
the reorganization of these units, a system of march brigades
was instituted for the retraining of stragglers and other troops
superfluous to establishments.
The winter saw a comprehensive reorganization of the whole
Italian army. There was a technical reorganization, based on a
recognition of new war conditions, and greater attention was
given to specialized instruction, both for officers and men. More
important still were the measures taken for the welfare of the
troops and their families. The shock of disaster and invasion
had brought about a great reaction both in the army and the
country, but it was clearly necessary to alter the conditions
which had made some of the troops inclined to lend an ear to
the peace propaganda which had been rife during the summer.
Diaz devoted special attention to this work, and it would be
difficult to exaggerate the value to the Allied cause of the great
task of reorganization carried out by him during the winter.
After the failure of Krauss and Conrad to break through to
the Venetian plain, the Italian front saw no action of first-class
importance for nearly six months, but there were several minor
combats worthy of mention. The first of these was a brilliant
attack by a French division on Monte Tomba, which finally
drove the Austrians down the northern slope of the ridge to the
Ornio torrent. The artillery preparation was particularly
destructive, and the positions were stormed with great dash.
Nearly 1,500 prisoners were taken, and the French losses wer
insignificant. This attack was followed by two small Italian
attacks, on the Lower Piave and on Monte Grappa respectively,
which showed that the troops had regained their offensive spirit
and, at the end of Jan., by a notable success in the Asiago uplands
Two important positions were wrested from the Austrian
and held against repeated counter-attacks. More than 2,50
prisoners were taken, with six guns and 100 machine-guns. The
only other important feature during the winter months wa
supplied by the Austro-German air raids against Padua* and
Venice and the little towns of the Venetian plain, and the
activity of the Allied airmen along more legitimate lines.
Gen. Otto von Below and the German divisions left tb
Italian front at the beginning of 1918, in anticipation of th
great offensive which was being prepared on the western front
Austrian and German divisions were now coming W. in increas
ing numbers from the Russian front, and it was clear that bot
armies would attack at the earliest possible moment. Gei
Plumer left Italy to take up his old command when it wa
'evident that the German blow would come first. He had acquired
a great popularity among all with whom he came in contac
and his departure was much regretted. Fortunately he left in
the Earl of Cavan an admirable successor.
The spring saw a change at the Italian headquarters,
the appointment of a commission to enquire into the Caporctt
disaster Cadorna was recalled from Versailles and replaced by
Giardino, who had shared with Badoglio the duties of sub-chie
of staff. This appointment was only temporary, for shortly
afterwards Giardino and Di Robilant changed places,
Robilant going to Versailles and Giardino assuming comman
of the IV. Army.
When the German offensive in March 1918 pierced the lit
of the British V. Army four French and two British divisior
were immediately withdrawn from Italy to reenforce the Allie
armies in France. These were followed by the Italian II. Cor
under the command of Gen. Albricci, which was to distinguis
itself in the fighting W. of Reims. This left Diaz with 55
divisions (50 Italian and 5 Allied) as against 60 freshly organiz
Austrian divisions. The Austrian command had taken the op
portunity of the winter lull to reorganize the army, of whic
60 divisions were now concentrated on the Italian front, and
according to Krauss, the reorganization gave rise to grea
confusion and much unnecessary work and fatigue. It was
probably due to this work of reorganization that the Austrian
offensive which was expected in April was planned for the en '
of May or beginning of June.
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
609
.e original proposal of the Austrian command was to make
ia drive on both sides of the Brenta and concentrate upon this
single attack, but Conrad thought the sector unsuitable and
pressed for an attack upon the line in the Asiago uplands.
Krauss was consulted, and disapproved of both plans. He
argued that the aim of an offensive must be the destruction of
the Italian army, and that this could only be achieved by an
attack farther W., on both sides of the Lake of Garda. A
successful break-through by the Val Lagarina and the Giudicaria
would cut off the whole Italian army, while the other attacks
could do no more than force a retreat. He pointed out the
great difficulty of movement, both of guns and troops in mass,
in the Brenta and Asiago sectors, and claimed that his plan,
based upon good communications, was in every way preferable.
Krauss's plan found no support, and it was arranged that
Conrad should have his way. But Boroevich urged that the
main offensive should be accompanied by a straight drive by
his armies across the Piave. He apparently thought that this
should be the main operation, and opposed the attack in the
Asiago uplands, but a compromise was effected, and both army
groups attacked on June 15. Conrad attacked with Scheuchen-
stuel's XI. Army, from S. of Asiago to Monte Grappa, the
main drive being against the British and French divisions S.
of Asiago, who had taken over this sector in March, while the
Archduke Joseph attacked the Montello and Werzel von Wurm
crossed the Lower Piave. Conrad had 27 divisions at his
disposal, and Boroevich 23. Conrad's attack was a complete
failure. It went well to begin with, but by the end of the day
all hope of success had gone. Counter-attacks had retaken most
of the positions lost in the first rush, and by the evening of
June 16 Conrad was finally beaten. Boroevich on the other
hand made good headway on the first two days. Though his
principal attack, astride the Oderzo-Treviso railway, was
immediately held up, he succeeded in establishing three bridge-
heads across the Piave, and at two of these on the Montello
and opposite San Dona del Piave, the attacking troops penetrated
some distance westward. In various places the Italian front
lines were quickly overrun, and many prisoners were taken.
But a very thorough defensive system had been prepared, and
while the front lines had been comparatively lightly held, there
were ample reserves on the spot and within easy reach. After
a week's fighting, at the end of which time the Austrians were
being closely held within the limited room they had won, and
had lost ground in various places to Italian counter-attacks,
the order was given to retire across the Piave. Some days
previously the attacking troops had been handicapped by the
sudden rising of the Piave, but the river was falling again before
the retreat was ordered and Boroevich, in a letter written after
the battle, lays the blame, not on the Piave, but on Austrian
headquarters, which had failed to organize the attack on proper
lines and give the necessary supplies in time.
It is clear that the offensive suffered from the struggle between
two opposite views, that of Boroevich and that of Conrad,
and that strength was distributed instead of being concentrated.
But Conrad probably had as many divisions as he could use in
the sector he chose for his attack, and it is difficult to see that
Boroevich could have won a big success even if he had been
able to dispose of more troops. A concentration of force in the
mountains and an extension of Conrad's attacking front farther
W., to include the Val d'Astico and even the Val Lagarina,
might perhaps have offered a better chance, but judging from
the circumstances and issue of the fight it is hardly likely
that any different plan would have led to a victory worth
gaining. Even' where the attack was initially successful, it
was fairly held when the reserves of the defence came into
play. The fact is that the Austrians had greatly under-estimated
the Italian powers of resistance. Von Cramon stated that the
spirit of the Austrian troops was excellent, and that every
technical preparation had been made that both Conrad and
Boroevich reported in this sense to the Emperor.
The Austrian failure was costly, for the casualty list totalled
over 135,000 and more than 24,000 prisoners were taken; but
the moral effect of the defeat was far more important than the
material loss, grave though that was. Few single weeks through-
out the whole war saw more bloodshed, for the Italian list of
killed and wounded was over 40,000. No single week, perhaps,
up to this point, led to so evident a victory or marked so clear
a turning point. The defeat on the Piave and in the mountains
broke forever the offensive power of the Austro-Hungarian
Empire, and the fact was plain to see. There was, moreover,
a further significance in the Italian victory. It was the first
Allied success of the year, and it came at the end of a period
in which the resistance of the Allied arms had been tried to the
uttermost. The message which Mr. Lloyd George sent to
the Italian premier, Signor Orlando, gave full emphasis to the
fact. " This great success has been a deep source of encourage-
ment to the Allies. Coming as it has at the most fateful hour
of the whole war, it is a good augury that the alliance of free
nations will ere long free the world once for all from the military
domination which has threatened it so long."
The defeat made a profound impression in Austria-Hungary,
and led to much criticism of the army command. The discussion
was specially bitter in the Hungarian Parliament, for the
Hungarian troops had suffered very heavily, and it was alleged
that the attack had been conducted with insufficient means.
This charge was not borne out by the facts, and it was proved
that the attacking armies were stronger in artillery and better
supplied with shells than ever before, a comparison with the
guns and shells available for the Caporetto offensive the previous
year showing a very large increase. But the consciousness of
impending disaster grew and spread through the monarchy
and the troops were greatly disheartened by failure.
Prior to the Austrian attack the Italian command had had
under consideration the question of an anticipatory offensive,
on the Asiago plateau, with the object of gaining depth of posi-
tion, and, if possible, of reaching the main Austrian line of com-
munication between Trento and Feltre. When the extent of
the forthcoming enemy offensive became apparent, this plan.
was given up and the Italian armies stood on the defensive.
The general situation, and particularly the supply of guns
and men available, did not allow the concentration on the
Asiago plateau of a force sufficient to carry out the attack
contemplated. When the Austrian offensive was broken and
the armies of Conrad and Boroevich thrown back in disorder,
the question of a counter-offensive on the grand scale was
considered by the Italian command. Lord Cavan urged that the
original plan should be carried out, and was of opinion that
Conrad's troops were so demoralized that an attack in the
Asiago uplands early in July would lead to a very important
success. Local counter-attacks by Italian troops, both on the
Piave and in the mountains, gave good results, important
positions being occupied and many prisoners taken W. of the
Brenta, in the Grappa sector and on the Lower Piave, but as
the enemy put up a stout resistance and the Italian losses
were heavy, Diaz did not feel himself strong enough to attack
in force without further careful preparation. His armies on the
Piave had suffered severely, he had only six fresh divisions on
the spot, and, above all, as his report states, " the supply
services never very ample had been severely strained and
were quite unequal to fresh operations over a wide area." A
general counter-offensive, to include an attack across the
Piave, was not practicable without prolonged and careful
preparation. The same considerations did not apply in equal
measure to an offensive operation on the Asiago plateau, where
there was no treacherous river to cross, but Diaz was preoccupied
by the question of reserves. Excluding the boys of the 1900
class, who were being held in reserve against the possibility
of the war continuing into another year (at that time the
possibility was generally regarded as a probability, if not a
certainty), his supply of men was little more than sufficient to
make good the normal wastage of the next six months. An
immediate attack in the Asiago uplands might very well have
led to important results looking back after the event with
further information available, the chance of success can be seen
6io
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
more clearly but at the moment the general circumstances of
the war seemed to impose caution. In July Germany was still on
the offensive, though the failure E. and W. of Reims in the
middle of the month and Mangin's great counter-blow a few
days later were finally to, put an end to all hopes of victory on
the western front. But Diaz had to count upon his own resources,
and he had to take into consideration the possibility that
Germany might succeed in establishing a defensive front in
France, and join Austria-Hungary in a last attempt against
Italy. He had to be prepared for defence as well as attack, and
his weakness in man-power and material enjoined caution. He
decided to wait until his units were remade, his stores of am-
munition replenished, and his supply services reenforced. Plans
were drawn up and preparations made for an offensive between
the Vallarsa and the Brenta in the middle of September.
The considerations which governed the Italian preparations
were resumed by Diaz in a report published in the spring of
1919. " The plan for the offensive, considered by itself, had
to aim at assisting the general effort of the Allies to the utmost
in accordance with two different and possible solutions; to
drive the attack home with all available forces, throwing even
the last available man into the scale, in case the possibility
presented itself on the fronts of the Entente of obtaining a
real superiority of forces and of gaining a decision at one blow;
or else to make a preparatory attack as a first phase of a more
complex effort, in case the enemy, although already beaten,
should succeed in reestablishing a solid defensive front in all
the theatres of war." Diaz did not think that the time was ripe
for the more ambitious effort, but he did not lose sight of the
possibility which might be afforded by a change in the course
of events. He prepared for the attack between the Vallarsa
and the Brenta, but at the same time, according to his report,
" another and bigger scheme was being silently matured in the
interior of the Comando Supremo, entrusted to a few men only
to be worked out and guarded with the strictest secrecy."
In the meantime a joint Franco-Italian offensive in Albania
had caused the Austrians some trouble and compelled them to
reenforce their line. They had lost several thousand prisoners,
and the Italians had occupied both Berat and Fieri. This
occupation was only temporary. When Gen. Pflanzer-Baltin
arrived with reenforcements in Aug. the Italian line, which was
too far ahead of the French on their right, was withdrawn to the
high ground S. of Berat and the Semeni river. Although the
Italians had a large force in Albania (nearly 100,000 men),
the difficulties of communications and the ravages of malaria
made prolonged operations nearly impracticable, but the
advance upon Berat served a useful purpose in detaching enemy
reserves from a sector where they were badly needed, for the
Allied attack against Bulgaria was imminent.
Early in Sept. Diaz went to Paris to discuss the situation.
He was still preoccupied in regard to his reserves, and in view
of the very large number of American troops now in France he
urged that a strong American force should be sent to Italy,
not to take part in the offensive planned for the middle of the
month, but to act as a reserve in case of need. He pointed out
that he was still inferior in numbers to the enemy, and that
in spite of great efforts on the part of the munition factories
he had no marked superiority in guns. He had to attack an
enemy who held very strong positions, and he was without
what an Allied committee of experts had agreed were the two
essentials to a successful offensive tanks and yptrite gas.
He was not satisfied that the moral of the enemy troops had
fallen so low as to have any marked effect upon their powers
of resistance. Several minor actions undertaken with the
express object of testing their moral had found no lack of
combative spirit. The appeal for American reenforcements did
not commend itself to the Allies, who thought that the situation
demanded the concentration of every available man and gun
against the German armies, now very hard-pressed. Diaz was
urged to attack with his own forces, and it was pointed out
that the desperate internal conditions in the Austro-Hungarian
Monarchy must have affected the spirit of the army.
Diaz was not convinced by the arguments addressed to him
in Paris, and the denial of American reenforcements, to be on
the spot in case of need, was strongly felt at Italian headquarters.
Diaz was determined to choose his own time for his attack,
and Badoglio was at one with him. Waiting meant an increased
supply of guns and shells, apart from other advantages. The
situation was summed up in the report already quoted: " The
Comando Supremo would never have been induced to incur a
useless sacrifice of men, but it was ready to take any risks as
soon as ever the situation rendered this useful and necessary."
The Italian command was severely criticised for its cautious
attitude, in Italy as well as in the Allied countries, and as time
went on, leaving the date originally fixed for the Asiago offensive
so far behind as to preclude the explanation of a delay due to
weather or to the necessity of putting the finishing touches to
preparations, criticism in some quarters descended to the level
of recrimination. Italy's difficulties and Italy's losses had never
at any time been properly realized in England and France, and
it was only natural that now, while British and French troops
were slowly driving the Germans back and no news came from
the Italian front, there should be a revival of the suggestion, so
strangely current at various periods of the war, that Italy
" was not pulling her weight."
This was ignorant criticism, but the Allied commands also
felt strongly that Diaz was now in a position to attack, and the
order had already been given to withdraw a portion of the
British force in Italy when Diaz disclosed his plan for an early
offensive on the grand scale. The general situation had been
definitely changed shortly after the Paris visit. In the middle
of Sept. the victorious advance from Salonika began, and seemed
to offer the chance for the more ambitious scheme which had
already been under consideration. The final details of this
scheme were quickly worked out, and " on Sept. 25, four days
before the conclusion of the Bulgarian armistice, orders were
issued for a rapid concentration of troops, artillery, and technic
services in the sector chosen for the attack, which was no long
the plateau, but the Middle Piave " (Gen. Diaz's report).
The Italian plan was to concentrate on the river front betwe
Pederobba and Ponte di Piave (E. of Treviso)," to cross ti
river and break through by way of Conegliano to Vittorio
Veneto, dividing the Austrian V. and VI. Armies. The gener
situation rapidly improved, and it was clear that the German
request for an armistice on Oct. 4, to which Austria-Hungary
subscribed, would further weaken the resisting power of the
troops of the monarchy. The attack was fixed for Oct. 16,
but bad weather and a rise of the Piave caused a delay whic
was used to extend the plan of operations. It was decided
open the action with an attack by the IV. Army in the Grapp
sector, with the double object of drawing the enemy reserve
from the Feltre sector and of breaking through in this direction
The attack on the Piave was to be carried out by three armie
the XII., VIII. and X., of which the first and last had be
formed specially for this offensive. The XII. Army, whic
included a French division, was commanded by Gen. Grazian
the commander of the French troops in Italy; and the X. Army
which included the British XIV. Corps, was commanded
Lord Cavan. The main drive was to be made by the VII
Army, attacking from below Pederobba to Ponte della Frit
The. XII. Army was to advance northward astride the Piav
while the X. Army was to attack the right wing of the Austria
V. Army and form " a defensive flank to cover and protec
the principal manoeuvre of the VIII. Army " (Gen. Diaz's
report). The attacking mass consisted of 22 divisions, of which
two were British and one French, while 19 divisions were held
in reserve. Against this force the Austrians had 23 divisions
in line or immediate reserve, with 10 more divisions within
reach. Nearly half the Austro-Hungarian force (30 divisions)
lay between the Stelvio and the Brenta, or along the Lower
Piave, while in these sectors the Italian forces had been reduced
to a total of 16 divisions.
The IV. Army attacked at dawn on Oct. 24, and though some
headway was made the enemy put up a very stubborn resistance.
ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS
611
In the early hours of the same day British troops occupied the
long shoal island of the Grave di Popodopoli, crossing the main
channel and driving back the Austrian outposts. The general
offensive should have followed the next night, but a sudden
rise in the river counselled delay, and it was not until the night
of Oct. 26 that the bridges began to be thrown across the river
for the main attack. Next day three bridgeheads were estab-
lished: opposite Pederobba, N. of the Montello, and opposite
the Grave di Popodopoli. The most important advance was
made in the latter sector, where the X. Army succeeded in
advancing to a depth of over two miles, and took over 5,000
prisoners. North of the Montello the left wing of the VIII.
Army gained about a mile, though its bridges were all destroyed
during the day, but the right wing of the army was unable to
throw its bridges and only a detachment of storm-troops
reached the left bank. There was a gap of some six miles
between the left wing of the VIII. Army and the British Corps
which formed the left wing of the X. Army, and the chief move
in the general manoeuvre was checked. No better fortune
attended the efforts made the following night. The swift
current and the enemy guns defied all attempts to establish
the bridges, and the engineers suffered very heavy casualties.
In spite of the initial successes, the situation was unsatisfactory,
but after the first failure to cross the river E. of the Montello
Gen. Caviglia, who commanded the VIII. Army and had the
general direction of the attack, had detached the XVIII. Corps
to cross by the X. Army bridges, push N. and clear the front
of the troops who were held up. The move was entirely suc-
cessful. The XII., VIII. and X. Armies all made good progress,
especially the X.; the separation of the Austrian V. and VI.
Armies was effected, and on Oct. 29 troops of the VIII. Army
reached the town of Vittorio Veneto. By that evening the
attacking armies had taken 33,000 prisoners, and the position
of the Austrian troops on the Piave front was hopeless. Next
day resistance broke down, and the retirement which had already
begun became a complete rout. The troops on Monte Grappa
had hitherto held firm against the repeated attacks of the IV.
Army, losing little ground, but here too, on the night of Oct. 30,
a retreat began that was to turn into a flight.
Late on the evening of Oct. 30 the Austrian command an-
nounced that in view of the discussions regarding an armistice
which were being conducted between Germany and the United
States " our troops fighting on Italian soil will evacuate the
occupied region." On the same day the order for a general
retreat was given, and that evening, in the Val Lagarina, Gen.
Weber von Webernau, commander of the VI. Corps, made a
formal demand for an armistice. Next day he and his staff
were taken to the Villa Giusti near Padua, and discussions were
begun. It was, of course, necessary to communicate with
Versailles, where the Allied War Council was discussing the
question of a reply to Germany's demand for an armistice.
Meanwhile the fighting continued, and the armies of the
monarchy crumbled away. The Italian VI. and I. Armies
attacked on the Trentino, and the III. Army, which had crossed
the Piave two days before, was already taking part in the
pursuit of Boroevich's broken divisions. On the night of
Nov. 2-3, although the armistice was not yet signed, the Austrian
command issued an order for the cessation of hostilities. It
was at first revoked by the Emperor Charles, but was reissued
and reached the front on the morning of Nov. 3. In point of
fact the terms of the armistice were only agreed on verbally
on the afternoon of Nov. 3, and signed at 6:30 P.M. Hostilities
were to terminate at 3 P.M. on Nov. 4.
The Austrian surrender was complete. The troops of the
monarchy were to retire beyond the Treaty of London line,
leaving all war material and railway equipments. The army
was to be demobilized except for 20 divisions at pre-war peace
strength, and the Allies were to have the right to occupy any
strategic points in Austria-Hungary which they might deem
necessary, and were to have free right of passage and use of
Austro-Hungarian means of transport " over all road- and
rail- and water-ways in Austro-Hungarian territory."
When hostilities ceased Italian troops were far up the Trentino,
in the Upper Adige valley and in the hills to the S.W. of Bozen,
while in the main valley they had pushed beyond Trento and
reached Salorno. Other troops had advanced far into Cadore,
and to the E. the line of the old frontier was passed and the
middle waters of the Isonzo were reached. On Nov. 3 Trieste
had been occupied from the sea, and half an hour before the
expiration of the armistice term an Italian force was landed at
Zara in Dalmatia.
When the hour struck for the cessation of hostilities, more
than 300,000 prisoners had already been counted by the Italians,
and the total figure exceeded half a million. A number of troops
who had been cut off were allowed to pass the frontier after
being disarmed, but not much more than half of the Austro-
Hungarian troops on the Italian front reached the territory
of the crumbling empire. All material was left behind, in-
cluding some 7,000 guns. The defeat was overwhelming.
The Austro-Hungarian armies, in spite of their bad food and
growing depression, began by putting up a stout resistance.
The troops in the Grappa sector in particular not only resisted
firmly but counter-attacked with great vigour, and punished
the Italian IV. Army very heavily. The seven divisions of the
IV. Army lost over 20,000 men, nearly three-fifths of the total
casualty list, which exceeded 35,000. The fighting on the
river front was stiff at first, but the defenders were heavily
out-gunned (their main artillery concentration was in the
Grappa sector), and they were outmanoeuvred and outfought
by the attacking infantry. They were already soundly beaten
when the order to retreat was given, and when that order reached
them they threw up the sponge. Some of the reserve units
had shown a disinclination to move up to the front, and two
brigades had previously been sent to the rear because they could
not be trusted. The troops in reserve had been more affected
than those in line by the news of the general breakdown in
Austria-Hungary, and they had no stomach for what must
have seemed to them a useless fight. In the end the leaders
too threw up the sponge. They knew, although the troops did
not know, the hopelessness of the situation.
It was exactly a year after the great disaster of Caporetto
that Italy shattered the armies of Austria-Hungary. Seldom
in history has so great a disaster been followed by so complete
a triumph. Yet the final overwhelming success of Vittorio
Veneto was not Italy's greatest victory. The way to it was
paved by greater deeds, the wonderful recovery on the new
line after the great retreat, and the successful resistance against
the last Austrian offensive that was the first ray of light to
break upon those gloomy months when the fortunes of the
Allies seemed at their lowest. Nor can the sum of Italian
achievements be judged by the issue of those battles which
were crowned with victory. Italy's achievement, her contribu-
tion to the great effort that led to the final triumph of the Allies,
can only be gauged by a review of the campaign as a whole, by
a realization of the extent to which she drained the resources
of Austria-Hungary, and of the price which she paid. Her dead
totalled 564,000 (a revision promised to increase this figure);
her wounded exceeded 900,000; 570,000 men were permanently
disabled for military service by wounds or disease. The propor-
tion of dead to population (in 1915) was over 1-5%, nearly as
great as the proportion suffered by the United Kingdom, and
greater than the percentage of dead among the white population
of the British Empire. For the first two and a half years of
the war the Italian armies were fighting almost entirely in
enemy territory, threatening the Austrians in a vital spot and
keeping employed a number of enemy divisions that increased
from 20 to 40 (in the summer of 1917). During the last three
months of 1917 the number of enemy divisions rose to 55, and
in 1918 practically the whole effective strength of Austria-
Hungary was arrayed against Italy, the number of divisions
at one time approaching 70.
The figures speak plainly, and Ludendorff, in an interview
published in the spring of 1919, gave Italy her due in placing
among the chief causes of the German defeat " the lack of sup-
612
ITALIAN LITERATURE ITALO-TURKISH WAR
port from Austria, gripped ever more tightly at the throat by
Italy." Cadorna rightly claims that Italy's " grip on Austria's
throat from 1915, compelling her to immobilize against us ever-
increasing forces, constituted the most notable result of our
war, although it was little apparent to the eyes of civilians.
It contributed largely to the victory of the Allied arms and
to our final triumph." (W. K. McC.)
ITALIAN LITERATURE (see 14.897). In the decade after
1910 the best Italian writers had given up that exaggerated
imitation of D'Annunzio which had prevailed at the opening of
the century. Among the poets Giovanni Pascoli, Giovanni Ber-
tacchi, Francesco Pastonchi and Ada Negri continued to pro-
duce actively. Pascoli was the most prolific, with his Canzonl di
Re Enzio, II Paradise, II Carroccio, the Inni to Rome and Turin,
and the Poemi italici; Bertacchi published the Canzonieri delle
Alpi and A fior di silenzio; Pastonchi // Randagio; and Ada
Negri some more lyrics, of which the most remarkable are Dal
profondo and // libra di Mara. G. A. Cesareo, best known as a
literary critic, published a volume of verse entitled / canli di Pan.
Among the younger poets Sem Benelli, chiefly a dramatic author
and an active politician, published a fine poem entitled L'altare;
Guido Cozzano a volume of lyrics / colloqui; Giovanni Castanzi
Luce lontana; and Francesco Gaeta Poesie d'amore. The most
prolific of the dialect poets was " Trilussa " (Salustri), who has
written a number of clever satirical poems in the Roman dialect.
An author of excellent Latin verses who came to the fore was
Francesco Sofia Alessio, with his volume Musa latina, which
also includes an Italian translation.
Among the novelists D'Annunzio brought out a strange tale
in three volumes entitled La Leda senza cigno, and Forse die si,
forse che no, a long novel in which aviation plays an important
part. Grazia Deledda continued her output of Sardinian stories,
all more or less in the same grey pessimistic key La colpa altrui,
Marianna Sirca, La madre. Luigi Pirandello, one of the most
prolific of Italian novelists, was in 1921 perhaps the best living
Italian humorist; the most important of his recent novels are
Si gira, Suo marito, I iiccchi e i giovani (a political novel), Ter-
zeiti. Dora Melegari, essayist and literary critic, who writes in
French as well as in Italian, has published a novel with a back-
ground of Risorgimento history, La citta del giglio. Matilde Serao
was still active, with her novels Stella mattutina, Addio atnore,
Ella non rispose and Preghiera. Cesare Pascarella, the well-
known Roman dialect poet, produced a novel, Le memorie d'uno
smemorato. Luciano Zuccoli, another very active young writer,
published numerous novels, among which may be mentioned La
freccia nel fianco, perhaps his best, depicting the development of
a boy's soul from early youth to manhood; Farfui, La dimna
fanciulla. Giulio Bechi, a regular officer who was killed in the
World War, wrote a novel, / seminatori. The Anglo-Italian
writer, Annie Vivanti (Mrs. John Chartres), published two
novels, I divoratori (about the war) and Naja tripudiam. Alfredo
Panzini, a young writer of originality, produced La madonna di
Mama, a war novel; Santippe, a half -classical, half- modern
novel; and // mondo e rolondo. Another very young writer is
Rosso di San Secondo, author of La fuga and La fcsta delle rose.
Perhaps the " best seller " in 1921 was Guido da Verona, whose
novels, La vita comincia domani, Cold che non si deve amare,
Sciogli la treccia Maria Maddalena, etc., combine a good deal
of rather cheap philosophy with amorous adventures; his Mimi
Bleuette, fiore del mio giardino is written partly in French. Of
Virgilio Brocchi's many novels, // labirinlo, Miti, Secondo il cuor
mio, II posto nel mondo, may be mentioned, as well as several
vojumes of short stories. G. A. Borgese, professor of German
literature and well known as a journalist and critic, tried his
hand at fiction with Rube, a novel of the post-war period and
spirit. Among Mario Mariani's stories, / colloqui colla morte,
impressions of the war and life in the trenches, is particularly
striking. Francesco Sapori also wrote a war novel, La trincea.
Guido Milanesi wrote some good sea stories, such as La wee del
fondo, dealing with life on a submarine. Marino Moretti, Raf-
faele Calzini and Massimo Bontempelli are all prolific short-
story writers, while the last-named is further known for his es-
says on the Greek classics. Ugo Ojetti, who is more generally
known as an art critic, has also written a number of witty and
satirical but somewhat bitter short stories.
The Italian stage is still too much under the predominance
of foreign and especially of French influence to offer much
attraction for first-rate native talent. D'Annunzio has, however,
written much for the stage, and during the decade he produced
his picturesque Venetian-Byzantine poetical -drama, La nave;
Fedra, a classical reconstruction; the mystery play, // mistero
di San Sebastiano, originally written in French; and La Pisanclla,
a vivid presentment of the mediaeval Levant, also written in
French. His // ferro is a drama of modern life with a plot remi-
niscent of Hamlet. Sem Benelli, already mentioned as a poet,
has achieved considerable success with his historical plays, La
maschera di Bruto, II mantellaccio, and, above all, La cena delle
bejfe; L'amore del tre re was less successful. Domenico Tumiati
has written some plays on the Risorgimento Giovine Italia and
// Tessitore, the latter with Cavour for its hero. The novelist
Luigi Pirandello is also a dramatic author (Pensaci Ciacomino,
II giuoco delle parti, II berretlo a sonagli). Alfredo Testbni,
Fausto M. Martini, Dario Niccodemi have all written for the
stage with some success. Among the most popular dialect plays
should be mentioned those of Salvatore di Giacomo in the Nea-
politan vernacular (he has also written a good deal of dialect
poetry) and Nino Martoglio in that of Sicily.
The " futurists " continued their strange vagaries, and a
small number gave proof of some real literary quality, but they
showed signs of ceasing in consequence to be pure futurists and
tending to become more normal. This is particularly the case
with Marinetti, generally recognized as the leader of the move-
ment, who was better appreciated as he became less futurist.
Diego Angeli produced an excellent translation of Shake-
speare's plays into Italian verse; while Adolfo de Bosis's tra
lations of Shelley and Homer reach a very high level.
The war gave rise to considerable literary but especially jour-
nalistic output in Italy. A large number of writers published
articles, essays, and books on the various political and economic
problems, especially those concerning Italy's rights and aspira-
tions. Among the names appearing most frequently in the press
and in the booksellers' windows are those of Virginio Gayd
author of valuable writings on Austria and Russia; the ecoi
omist Prof. Antonio de Viti de Marco; Giuseppe Prezzolin
Giovanni Preziosi, the ardent Nationalist and editor of t
monthly La vita italiana; Giuseppe Bruccoleri; Attilio Tama:
a specialist on Adriatic questions; Umberto Zanotti-Biano
the Nationalists Ezio Maria Gray, Francesco Coppola, Can
lupo, Leonardo Vitetti, the late Gualtiero Castellini, and t
embittered anti-Nationalist historian Gaetano Salvemini.
The most eminent of the purely military writers is undoubted!;
Gen. Cadorna, whose important work La guerra alia fronte ital;
ana, in spite of its somewhat polemical character, is a
valuable contribution to the history of the war, and also a pie
of real literature. Gen. Capello's books, Note di guerra a;
Per la verita, are also useful, while Col. Angelo Gatti's essa;
on various aspects of the war contain admirable criticism.
A curious book which does not come into any of the abo-
categories is Giovanni Papini's Vita di Cristo, a paraphrase
the Gospels by an erstwhile freethinker turned mystic.
Perhaps the most distinguished living stylist in Italy in 192
was Emilio Bodrero, professor of philosophy at the universit;
of Padua and author of numerous literary and aesthetic essa;
articles, reviews, as well as of some purely philosophical worl
of high scientific value. His literary activities were interrupt
by the war, in which he distinguished himself for conspicuo'
gallantry in the field, but he subsequently resumed them
well as his lectures at the university. (G. B.*)
ITALO-TURKISH WAR, 1911-2. Following upon the
cussions which took place between Rome and Constantinop
during the summer of 1911, an ultimatum from Italy was d
livered to the Porte on Sept. 28, demanding Turkey's conse:
to a military occupation of Tripolitana and Cyrenaica.
period of 24 hours was set by the ultimatum, and as the Tu
ITALO-TURKISH WAR
613
ish reply did not meet the Italian demands a state of war was
declared as from 2 130 P.M. on Sept. 29.
Military action was slow to succeed the formal declaration of
war: the political situation had developed so rapidly that the diplo-
mats had far outrun the soldiers. On Sept. 3 at the close of the
Italian grand manoeuvres, the 1889 class of conscripts had been
dismissed, leaving only the 1890 class with the colours. On Sept. 23
the 1888 class was called up, and two days later secret mobilization
orders were issued. It was no doubt in the belief that Turkey would
yield to pressure that the ultimatum was presented more than a
week before an expeditionary force could be dispatched from Italy.
In the interval the Italian navy had to act alone, at first by demon-
stration and later in earnest.
On Sept. 28 an Italian squadron appeared off Tripoli, and the
following morning an officer landed and informed the acting Vali
that if a satisfactory answer were not received from' the Porte that
afternoon a state of war would begin. Next day, the news of Turkey's
refusal having arrived, the blockade of Tripoli was declared, and
the Turkish authorities were notified that if the town were not sur-
rendered in three days it would be bombarded. Most of the Italian
subjects resident in Tripoli had already left and those who remained
were taken off on the morning of Sept. 30. Next day the cable
between Tripoli and Malta was cut.
Meanwhile hostilities had begun elsewhere. On Sept. 29 and 30
Italian destroyers, under the command of the Duke of the Abruzzi,
sank two Turkish torpedo boats off Prevesa, on the coast of Epirus,
and on Oct. I Adml. Aubry left Augusta to go in search of the
Turkish fleet, which the declaration of war had found at Beirut.
He had with him the two battleships " Roma " and " Vittorio
Emanuele " and the torpedo cruiser " Agordat," and on the way he
was to pick up the battleship " Napoli," which was in the narrow
seas between Sicily and Tripoli, and the two cruisers " Amalfi "
and " Pisa," which had been sent to Derna, in Cyrenaica, to destroy
the wireless station there. But the orders given to Adml. Aubry
were suddenly countermanded. Instead of steaming for the Aegean
in order to intercept the Turks, he was sent to Tobruk, which was
occupied by a detachment of sailors on Oct. 4. Tobruk, which had
been much discussed as a potential naval base, was thus the first
point on the long coastline of Turkish N. Africa to be occupied by
the Italians. The first detachment of the expeditionary force,
moreover, which left Naples on the evening of Oct. 5i was sent to
Tobruk instead of to Tripoli.
The renunciation of the attempt to cut off the Turkish fleet was a
political move. The Italian Government believed that the Porte
would soon realize that it was impossible to defend the Tripolitan
provinces, and would be willing to enter into some arrangement
which would satisfy Italian aspirations and save the face of Turkey.
In these circumstances there was a natural disinclination to embitter
relations by the destruction of the Turkish fleet. Another reason
was the desire to localize the conflict, if a real conflict had to come.
Italy was well aware that in declaring war against Turkey she ran
the risk of stirring up further trouble, and if hostile operations could
be confined to the African coast, the danger of other complications
would certainly be lessened.
On Oct. 2 Adml. Thaon de Revel, who commanded the Italian
cruiser squadron, landed in Tripoli under a white flag and again
demanded the surrender of the town. The Turkish authorities,
after a good deal of discussion, declined, and next day the Italian
fleet bombarded the obsolete fortifications for about two hours.
There was a mere show of resistance. The bulk of the Turkish garri-
son had already begun to leave Tripoli, and by the next day, in
pursuance of the last orders received from Constantinople, all the
troops had retired into the sandy plains. At noon the German con-
sul reported the evacuation of the town. He stated that the Arabs
had begun to pillage, and asked that troops should be landed at
once. Next day a force of 1, 600 sailors was disembarked, and two
days later Adml. Borea-Ricci assumed the governorship of the
town and received the submission of about a hundred sheikhs and
other men of position, among them Hasuna Pasha Karamanli,
lineal representative of the family which had ruled Tripoli prior
to the Turkish occupation, and mayor under the Turkish regime.
A week elapsed between the landing of the sailors and the arrival of
the expeditionary force, and during this time the sailors, besides
patrolling the town, had to hold a defensive line some 8 m. in
length. If the Turks had chosen to attack, they could almost cer-
tainly have retaken Tripoli. But they made better use of the time
allowed them. When the Turkish garrison retired from the town
and the Italian sailors landed, the majority of the Tripolitan chiefs
were ready to make submission. They had no love for the Turk,
and little objection to a new overlord. Two men turned the scale
in favour of resistance by supporting the efforts of Neshat Bey, the
Turkish commander in Tripoli^Ferhat Bey, deputy for Tripoli,
and Suleiman el Baruni, a Berber from Fessato, who was deputy
for the Jebel region. Each was possessed of great influence in his
own district, and was able, first, to prevent the submission of the
tribesmen, and, as time went on, to bring native levies to support
the Turkish regular troops.
The first Italian transports appeared off Tripoli at dawn on
Oct. II, and the disembarkation at once began. But bad weather
made it difficult to land guns, stores and transport, and it was not
until Oct. 20 that all the equipment had been put on shore. 1 he
expeditionary force consisted of some 9,000 rifles with a few field and
mountain batteries and two squadrons of cavalry, but this force had
only a very limited radius of action owing to lack of transport. The
conviction that the Turks would not receive support from the native
tribesmen, and consequently, would never retreat toward the
interior, had limited the transport organization to what was neces-
sary for a two days' march. General Caneva, who was in command
of the troops in the two provinces and had assumed the governor-
ship of Tripoli, was practically tied to his base. He was faced by an
unexpected situation, caused by the retreat of the Turks, but all his
information was to the effect that the Italian occupation would be
welcome to the Arabs and Berbers. He believed that he could deal
with the Turks at his leisure. He had not yet realized that the
Turkish garrison was now a nucleus round which a formidable
resistance was being built up, and that already a reaction against
the invader was imminent.
Meanwhile Derna, Horns and Bengazi (Benghazi) had been
occupied. At Derna and Horns the Turkish garrisons retired south-
ward after a short bombardment. At Bengazi the Italian landing
was opposed, and the town was only occupied after a long day s
fighting, the Italians, who had disembarked to the south of the
little port, losing over 100 men. There was no further fighting in
the Bengazi district for a considerable time, but both at Derna and
Horns there were sharp encounters during the first few days after
the landing of the troops.
The blow against the Italians in Tripoli came unexpectedly.
During the early days of the occupation the belief that the Arabs
would never make common cause with the Turks led to an over-
confidence and lack of vigilance. There was little apprehen-
sion of an attack now that the Italian troops were in great su-
periority over the Turks, and the conviction that the Arabs were
friendly led to no hindrance being placed upon communications
between the town and the surrounding country. Arabs, and sup-
posed Arabs, came and went freely. It was due to over-confidence
also that the disarmament of the natives was not pursued with
vigour or system until it was too late. In this way it was possible
for the Turks, and those Arabs who were opposed to the coming of
the Italians, to arrange for a rising behind the lines which should
coincide with an attack.
To the west and south the Italian lines faced the open, rolling
plain, but on the east, for a distance of two miles, they ran through
the wide strip of palm groves and fruit gardens that stretches east-
ward from the town for nearly a dozen miles. Against this part of
the line the Turks and Arabs, favoured by the thick vegetation,
attacked suddenly on the morning of Oct. 23, simultaneous demon-
strations being made on the south and west. The attack upon the
regiment of Bersaglieri who held the long line in the oasis was car-
ried out with decision and was aided by a simultaneous attack from
a number of natives within the lines. On the left, by the village of
Shara Shat, two companies were overwhelmed and cut to pieces,
and the rest of the regiment was hard put to it to hold its own.
Supporting troops were sent up from the town, but they had to
fight their way through the network of gardens, sniped by those of
the local Arabs who had joined in the fight, and the much greater
number who had come through the gap made by the destruction of
the two companies at Shara Shat. The fighting lasted all day, but
in the evening the assailants were, finally driven off.
There was much excitement in the town during the morning, and
a few Italian soldiers were killed, one of them by a kavass of the
German Consulate. The streets were rapidly cleared, and there
was a good deal of firing by the troops, mostly in the air. A few
Arabs were shot out of hand, and the kavass above mentioned was
executed after a summary trial. In the oasis, not only to the east
of the town, but behind the southern lines, sniping went on all day,
and the order was given that the oasis within the Italian lines should
be cleared of its inhabitants, and that those found in arms against
the Italians should be shot. The oasis was cleared during the next
few days, and several thousand Arabs were brought into the town.
There was a good deal of sniping, especially at first, and those who
were found in possession of arms were either shot or brought into
Tripoli under guard. Undoubtedly, innocent persons were killed
during these days, but they were not very many, and most of them
were shot by mistake in the confused bush fighting that succeeded
the first inrush at Shara Shat. In all, according to the figures fur-
nished by the Arab authorities, a little over 400 inhabitants of the
oasis lost their lives. There were some cases of excess on the part
of the Italian troops. Careful subsequent investigation showed
that they were very few.
The European press, and especially that of England and Ger-
many, was filled with messages which multiplied the number of
Arabs killed by ten, and assumed that they were practically all
unarmed and harmless peasants. It was soon realized that there
had been gross exaggeration, and European opinion changed, but
the fact that the repression had been eyere, and that some inno-
cent persons had been killed, was exploited to the utmost by the
Turks in Tripoli and their supporters. Many men of the Tripoli
district fought against Italy for a year in the mistaken belief that
their families had been massacred.
614
ITALO-TURKISH WAR
The attack of Oct. 23 was followed three days later by another.
The Turks and Arabs who attacked in the eastern oasis were beaten
off after some hours' fighting, but south of the town the line was
rushed by a large body of Arabs who penetrated into the gardens
and were dislodged with difficulty by the reserves. For a short time
the situation was anxious, but after about five hours' fighting the
attacking tribesmen were driven off, leaving many dead. This
fight showed that the line occupied was too long for the number of
troops available, and it was reduced in extent by a considerable
withdrawal in the eastern oasis. This withdrawal was made the
subject of alarmist rumours in the European press and many
thought that Tripoli would shortly be retaken; and the United
States cruiser " Chester " was sent with orders to embark the Ameri-
can consul and any other American subjects. The consul declined
to go, and his action was of value in indicating the true situation.
No doubt, in addition to frightening Europe, the withdrawal encour-
aged the Turks and Arabs, who appeared to be in the position of
besieging Tripoli. For a month the town did give the impression of
being beleaguered ; in reality, during this period, Gen. Caneva's
chief enemy was cholera. The disease broke out towards the end of
Oct. and for some weeks it caused much loss and still more anxiety.
In all, nearly a thousand soldiers died of cholera, and the native
population suffered heavily. The problem of tackling the epidemic
was rendered more difficult by the large number of " immigrants "
from the oasis, who had sought refuge in the town in the early days
of the occupation, or had been brought in when the oasis was
cleared. Prompt and effective measures were taken, but it was not
until the middle of Nov. that the authorities could breathe freely,
and for some weeks the situation required vigilance.
From the events of Oct. 23 and the following days it was clear
that the calculations of the Italian Government had been at fault.
Turkey was not prepared to lose the Tripolitan provinces without a
struggle, and the local tribesmen were joining in the resistance of the
garrison. Reinforcements were immediately dispatched to Tripoli,
and on Nov. 5 a decree was published in Rome, annexing the two
Turkish provinces. Italy was no longer inclined to consider a com-
promise, and the annexation was proclaimed in order to stop all
efforts in that direction and define her intentions, not only to
Turkey, but to the European Powers. Further reinforcements
followed, and by the fourth week in Nov. Gen. Caneva had under
his command 34 battalions of infantry (nearly 25,000 rifles) and 1 6
batteries of field and mountain artillery. On Nov. 26 an advance
was made through the oasis on the east and the old lines were occu-
pied after stiff fighting. Eight days after, on Dec. 4, a force of
12,000 men, with five mountain batteries and two squadrons, sup-
ported from the trenches by field guns and a few heavy guns which
had arrived some days earlier, advanced into the plain against the
main body of the enemy, which was based upon the little oasis of
'Ain Zara. It was hoped that the Turks would stand, but this was
not their policy. They fought a stubborn containing action, and
lost the few guns they possessed, but they retreated in good time,
leaving to the quick-moving tribesmen the task of delaying the
Italian advance. "Am Zara was occupied in force by the Italians,
and Turkish headquarters were established at 'Aziziya, some 30 m.
south of Tripoli, while a strong force, mainly Arab, was encamped
at Suani Beni Adham, a day's march from the town. The eastern
oasis was deserted by the Arabs, and its farthest point, Tajura, was
occupied by the Italians on Dec. 13.
At the beginning of Nov. the Italian Government had considered
the possibility of extending the theatre of war, by sea at least, in
the hope of inducing Turkey to give up the struggle. Austria-
Hungary intervened, backed by Germany, and on receipt of a report
of Italian activity off Salonika, Count Aehrenthal told the Italian
ambassador in Vienna that Italian action " on the Ottoman coasts
of European Turkey or in the Aegean Islands could not be allowed
either by Austria or by Germany, as it would be contrary to the
Treaty of Alliance." He said further that he considered " the bom-
bardment of ports in European Turkey such as Salonika, Ka valla, etc.,
as contrary to Article VII." (of the Alliance). Italy's action being
limited in this way, it was necessary to solve the Tripoli problem
directly, but the task was more difficult than it need have been
owing to other limitations laid upon the military authorities by the
Italian Government. Gen. Caneva's orders appear to have been
that he must not risk reverses or suffer heavy loss. In the circum-
stances a desert expedition in pursuit of the Turks and their mobile
auxiliaries seemed hardly practical. In any event, the four months
following the battle of 'Ain Zara passed without any action of
importance in Tripolitana. A flying column sent southwards from
'Ain Zara on Dec. 1919 had a stiff fight near Bir Tubras. The oasis
of Gargaresh, 2 m. west of Tripoli, was occupied on Jan. 20, after
a skirmish with a body of Arabs who came up from the south when
the Italians advanced into the open. Five weeks later the situation
at Homs was improved by the capture and retention against counter-
attack of the Mergheb, a hill which dominates the little town. No
other fighting took place in the western province until the spring
was nearly over, though in feb. the arrival of camels, motor lorries
and Eritrean askaris seemed to point to an early advance.
During the period of inaction the relations between Italy and
France came under a cloud. On Jan. 15 and 18, respectively, the
French mail steamers " Carthage " and " Manouba," en route
from Marseilles to Tunis, were stopped and brought into Cagliari
by Italian cruisers. The grounds given were that the " Carthagp "
was carrying an aeroplane destined for the Turks, and that a Red
Crescent Mission which was on board the " Manouba " included
several Turkish officers. The French Prime Minister, M. Poincare,
made a speech that was exceedingly sharp in tone, and the press of
both countries heaped fuel on the flames kindled by the incident.
The matter was referred to The Hague, where the verdict was
given in favour of Italy, but M. Poincare's speech and the threats
of the French press were not forgotten by Italian public opinion.
In Cyrenaica progress had been no more speedy than in the region
of Tripoli. No effort, in fact, had been made to advance towards
the interior, or even to extend the area of occupation round Bengazi,
Derna and Tobruk. Nothing, certainly, was to be gained by an
advance into the blank desert behind Tobruk, and it was decided
to make no move from Bengazi and Derna. Enver Bey succeeded
in reaching Cyrenaica early in the winter, and by his energy and
personality he succeeded in organizing a formidable resistance,
securing a unity among the tribesmen, and a willingness to cooperate
with the Turks, which had never before existed. Under Enver's
direction both Bengazi and Derna, but especially the latter, were
closely beset throughout the winter. The Derna lines, which were
dominated from the hilly ground immediately behind the town,
were harassed frequently, and between the end of Dec. and the
first week in March four important attacks were delivered at inter-
vals of about three weeks. All these attacks were repulsed after
hard fighting, and the result of the engagement of March 3, in which
the attack was directed by Enver Bey in person, seemed to con-
vince the Turks and Arabs that their attempts were useless. The
neighbourhood of Derna remained quiet for nearly five months.
At Bengazi, except for one reconnaissance in force at the end of Nov.
when an Italian column went out some 6 m. from the town and
returned after a sharp fight, there was no action of any importance
till March. Blockhouses were built to secure the Italian lines, and
these were occasionally attacked, but the Italians made no move-
ment until March 12, when Gen. Briccola, who commanded the
garrison, sent out a column to attack a large body of Arabs who
had occupied an oasis, or rather a collection of gardens, known as
the Two Palms, less than half-a-mile from one of the Italian redoubts.
A mixed force of Turks and Arabs also approached the town from
the south-east, but did not press home their attack. The Arabs in
the oasis stood firm, but they were overwhelmed by the Italian
attack and suffered very heavily.
After the battle of the Two Palms there was practically no fight-
ing in the Bengazi district, but in April the long spell of inaction in
the western province came to an end, and from that time onward
the resistance of the Turks and Arabs was gradually broken by a
series of operations at various points. On April 10 and II a landing
was effected, without opposition, at Ras Makabes, a headland not
far from the Tunis border, and a base was established near the old
fort of Bu Kamesh. The Italian force consisted of two brigades,
one from Tripoli and one from Italy, under the command of Gen.
Garioni, and it made short work of a few minor attacks delivered
by the Arabs. A landing on this part of the coast would have been
effected earlier if it had not been for the difficulty of keeping up
supplies during the winter. 1
In April Italian warships appeared off the entrance to the Dar-
danelles. They were fired on by the Turkish forts, and their answer
to this fire drew a fresh and very energetic protest from Vienna. The
Italian ambassador was informed that if Italy " wished to resum
her freedom of action " Austria could do the same. Any furthe
action on similar lines " might have grave consequences.' After a
daring exploit by Capt. Millo, who penetrated the Dardanelles in a
small destroyer, the northern Aegean was left alone by the Italians,
but in May the island of Rhodes and 12 small islands of the Sporades
were occupied by Italy. Only in Rhodes was there any resistance,
but the Italian force under Gen. Ameglio, which was formed in the
main of troops from Tripoli and Bengazi, fought a brilliant little
action at Psithos and captured some 2,000 Turkish regulars.
On May 2 Gen. Reisoli pushed back the Arabs some distance to
the east of Horns, inflicting considerable loss, and five weeks later
the Tripoli district once more became the scene of fighting. Encour-
aged by the long period of quiet the Turks and Arabs had come
nearer the town, and a considerable force was entrenched near the
oasis of Zanzur, a few miles west of Gargaresh. On June 8 two
Italian brigades drove the enemy out of their positions, while a
reserve brigade nearer Tripoli awaited the expected arrival of enemy
reinforcements. The Arabs came up in strength, but were soundly
beaten, losing nearly 1,000 killed, while the Italians had over 300
casualties. A few days later the Arabs attacked the Italian posi-
tions near Homs, but were driven off with heavy loss (about 700
killed). They were taken in flank by a battalion of Bersaglieri,
and after this repulse Homs was undisturbed by any further fighting.
On June 15 an Italian force under Gen. Camerana landed near
Misurata, and occupied the town some days later, and on June 27
Gen. Garioni started a series of operations from Bu Kamesh, which
ended, after various successful actions, in the occupation of Zuara
1 Transports actually left Italy for Zuara (Zoara) in Dec. but
returned after being a month at sea in persistent bad weather.
ITALY
615
and an advance towards the oases of Regdaline, from which the
Arabs were driven on Aug. 16.
Peace negotiations were already being conducted at Lausanne
but progress was very slow, and two important actions were fought
before a conclusion was reached. On Sept. 2 Gen. Caneva was
recalled to Italy, and the command of the troops in Libya was
divided, Gen. Ragni becoming governor and commander-in-chief
in Tripoli, and Gen. Briccola, who had hitherto been subordinate
to Gen. Caneva, being given independent authority in Cyrenaica.
Gen. Briccola's first action was to improve the position at Derna,
which had been a daily target for a few Turkish shells for more than
eight weeks. The Derna garrison had been weakened in order to
provide troops for the Rhodes and Misurata expeditions, but early
in Sept. detachments were sent from Bengazi, Horns, Zuara and
Rhodes, and on the I4th three columns moved out from the lines,
and occupied new positions on the high ground to the south. Three
days later the Turks and Arabs attacked in force, but though they
fought with the most reckless bravery they met with a very severe
defeat, and lost some 1,500 men in killed alone. A week later a
further Italian advance, both south and east, met with little resis-
tance* and a number of unwounded prisoners were taken.
Meanwhile one more blow had been struck near Tripoli. Large
numbers of Arabs had concentrated on the far side of Zanzur, and
at dawn on Sept. 20 the Italians attacked. The battle, known as
Sidi Bilal, followed the same course as that of the Zanzur battle
on June 8, large numbers of Arabs and Turks coming up from the
south, and the result was the same. The Arabs fought with great
determination, and with greater skill than they had shown before,
but their bravery was useless. The Turks and Arabs between them
lost over 1,500 killed, while the Italian casualty list was nearly 600.
The Arabs of the plains were now convinced that further resis-
tance was useless, and the I talian advance in preparation would prob-
ably have met with little opposition. But peace was imminent. The
Treaty of Ouchy was signed on Oct. 15.
The conduct of the Tripoli campaign, as the narrative of events
alone would indicate, was prejudiced, first, by the failure of the
Italian Government to judge the situation correctly, and, secondly,
by the limitations which were laid upon the military authorities.
When it became evident that the original plan of campaign, which
provided more for demonstration than for action, had failed, the
Government were slow to admit the necessity for a change of policy.
It was not possible at once to launch a desert expedition, and the
difficulties of an advance to the Jebel, through country largely
waterless, may be said to have justified the adoption of a less ambi-
tious plan. What is difficult to understand is the practical veto
upon action of any kind, which immobilized large forces in Tripoli
from Dec. till April, and delayed the carrying-out of the policy which
eventually put an end to hostilities, the policy of extending the area
of operations and striking a blow whenever the chance offered. It
was after long hesitation that the bulk of the native tribesmen joined
those who had thrown in their lot with the Turk in the early days of
the war. The Arab forces in the Tripolitan plains quadrupled be-
tween Dec. and March, the numbers increasing from 5,000 or 6,000
to over 20,000, and the cause of the increase was Italian inaction
during that period. The operations of the summer changed the
views of the Arabs, but Italian prestige was not wholly restored by
the later successes. The policy of the Government bore heavily upon
the army, which was the subject of much unfair criticism, and
increased the difficulties of those who undertook the administration
of the country after the peace. The troubles which were to come
with the outbreak of the World War may be traced in part at least
to the hesitations and uncertainties of the six months following the
first landing. (W. K. McC.)
ITALY (see 15.1*) *. The area of Italy in 1921 was 110,664
sq. m., to which 3,550 had been added for the new territories.
In 1919 the pop. was estimated by the statistical department at
36,099,657, or slightly lower than in 1914 (36,120,118.) This
does not, however, take into account the very large number of
temporary emigrants who returned on the outbreak of the
World War, few of whom reemigrated since; some 600,000
should therefore be added to the total. It was estimated that
the census on Dec. i 1921 would show a total pop. (including the
newly annexed provinces) of about four millions more than at the
census of 1911 (34,686,683). The figures for the new territories
are: Trentino and Alto Adige 632,380; Trieste 235,509; Gorizia-
Gradisca 326,674; Istria 372,117; Zara 18,930. In 1916 the pop.
had been 36,546,400. While the immense majority of the pop.
are of Italian race and language there are in the old provinces
(1911) 87,350 Albanians (Calabria, Puglie and Sicily), 85,960
French in the Val d'Aosta, 9,960 Germans in the same valley and
in the Veneto, 40,080 Slavs in the district of Cividale and a
1 Much of the statistical information in this article is drawn from
Prof. Giorgio Mortara's Prospetti economiche. Other figures have
been obtained from Government publications.
few in the Abruzzi and Molise, 30,290 Greeks in the South, and
11,740 Catalans in Sardinia. The pop. of the new provinces
comprises 215,345 Germans in the Alto Adige, 13,920 in the
Trentino and a few at Tarvis, 326,715 Slovenes, and 141,663
Croats in Eastern Istria. The non-Italian-speaking peoples in the
territories annexed after the war Represent a far smaller percent-
age than that of any other victorious nation on the Continent.
The religion of the overwhelming majority is Roman Catholicism ;
there are 123,253 Protestants, 34,324 Jews, and 874,532 declaring
themselves to be without religion.
Marriages, which in 1914 were 7-08 per 1,000 inhabitants,
fell to 2-72 in 1917, rose to 3-03 in 1918, and to 8-82 in 1919.
Births for the same years were: 31-07, 19-45, 17-91 and 21-19,
and deaths 17-94, 19-20, 32-29 and 19-01. These figures do not
include deaths due to the war. The heavy rise in the mortality
in 1918 was due to the influenza epidemic.
The pop. of the chief cities is as follows (1915): Naples
697,917, Milan 663,059, Rome 590,960, Turin 451,994, Palermo
345,891, Genoa 300,139, Florence 242,147, Catania 217,389,
Bologna 189,770, Venice 168,038, Messina (1911) 126,557,
Bari 109,218, Leghorn 108,585, Padua 105,135, Ferrara 102,550,
Brescia 89,622, Verona 86,448.
During the period 1909-13 the average number of emigrants was
about 650,000 per annum, to France, Germany, Austria, Switzer-
land, Tunisia, and other European and N. African countries (tem-
porary emigrants), and to the United States, Canada, Argentina,
Brazil and other parts of America (partly temporary and partly
permanent). About 500,000 emigrants returned to Italy each year,
and the average excess of emigrants over immigrants in 10 years
amounted to 1,500,000. The high birth-rate prevented the popula-
tion from decreasing, in spite of this heavy drain. In 1914 there
were about 6,000,000 Italians residing in foreign countries (2,400,000
in the United States, 1,500,000 in Brazil, 1,000,000 in Argentina,
450,000 in France, 220,000 in Switzerland, 150,000 in Tunisia, Al-
geria and Morocco, and 120,000 in Germany). The outbreak of the
World War, if it did not absolutely put an end to emigration, greatly
reduced it; in 1913, 873,000 persons emigrated, in 1914 the number
fell to 479,000, in 1915 to 146,000, in 1918 to 28,000. As soon as the
war was over emigration rose again, and in 1919 it was 230,000, in
1920 364,944. More than half of these emigrated to America, and
about 150,900 to European countries (of whom 72 % went to France,
chiefly for reconstruction work, 14% to Switzerland and only 3%
to Germany and Austria). In the first quarter of 1921 81,000 persons
emigrated, of whom 71,000 went to America. In 1919 90,000
emigrants returned to Italy. Emigration was in 1921 still restrained
by the high wages in Italy, legal restrictions against immigration in
the United States and some other countries, the generally unfavour-
able conditions of trade almost everywhere, and to some extent by
the temporary insufficiency of shipping accommodation. It was
estimated that before the war emigrants sent or brought home
some 500,000,000 lire a year.
Government. The only important change in the form of Govern-
ment is the electoral law of 1919, whereby the 508 single-member
constituencies were abolished and replaced by 54 constituencies
returning 5 to 20 members each, elected by scrutin de lisle (each
voter votes for one or other of the party lists en bloc, but he can add
preference votes to any three names within his own list). At the
elections of May 1921 the number of constituencies in the old pro-
vinces was reduced to 40 somewhat larger ones, returning the same
508 members, while six new ones were added for the Trentino, the
Alto Adige, Trieste, Istria, Gorizia and Zara, returning in all 27
members, thus bringing the total number of deputies to 535.
Labour. The war and the epidemics which followed it caused
the death or disablement of some 1,250,000 men; even if the normal
death-rate for the war period (120,000) and the normal number of
men disabled through illness or accident (30,000) be deducted, the
war losses above the normal still are over a million. These were,
however, made good by the return of large numbers of emigrants
and the almost complete suspension of new emigration. On the
other hand, the war undoubtedly reduced the capacity and above
all the will to work in a large number of men, at least temporarily,
although many unskilled workers learned new skilled trades while
in the army. The great mass of the working classes after the war
felt a positive distaste for work, and demanded ever higher wages
quite out of proportion even to the increased cost of living, and
ever shorter hours. The strike movement assumed an extent and
intensity never before dreamed of, and workmen "downed tools"
continually. In 1920 no fewer than 1,781,230 workmen went on
strike, with a loss of 21,650,200 working days.
The trade crisis, which began to be felt in the autumn of 1920
and became more extensive early in 1921, had a salutary effect
however, on labour, and the workmen began to realize that unlimited
strikes did not bring increased prosperity. In April 1921 it was esti-
mated that there were about 145,000 unemployed, besides 300,000
' These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
6i6
ITALY
men working on short hours. Unemployment was greatest in the
metallurgical and mechanical industries.
Cost of living. The rise in prices after the war was very consider-
able. Taking the average prices of the various goods in 1901-5 at
100, the increases were as follows:
Cereals
Other food-
stuffs
Textiles
Minerals
General
Aug. 1914
Jan. 1918
1919
1920
114
326
370-8
436-5
127-2
264-3
438-7
578-1
116-9
513-8
398-4
937-4
ni-6
869-4
357-3
811-9
115-6
457-6
410-1
634-7
The increased inflation of the paper currency was one of the chief
causes of the rise of prices, while the rise itself led to further inflation
to meet the increased expenses of the Government. Wages on the
whole increased to a greater extent than prices, and in many trades
the workmen were paid seven to ten times what they were before the
war. But the result was that certain trades, such as building, suffered
severely and were indeed almost suspended long before the general
trade slump, so that those categories of workmen remained un-
employed most of the year, unless they changed their occupation,
and thus derived no benefit from the general increase. Professional
men were able to increase their earnings in proportion to the rise
in prices, and the shop-keeping class sold dearer what they had
bought dearer, so that they were not hard hit. People with fixed
incomes, on the other hand, found themselves several times poorer,
but this had the effect of stimulating many rentiers to seek occupa-
tion and go into business to make good the deficit in their budgets.
Pensioners and persons incapable of earning were the worst off.
Government officials received various increases of salaries, bonuses,
allowances for the increased cost of living; but the total rise did
not more than double their former earnings, whereas prices were
very much more than doubled. During the first half of 1921 whole-
sale prices showed a downward tendency, and there were also signs
of a slight decline in retail prices.
Finance. In 1913-4 the budget revenue was 2,245 million lire,
and there was no deficit. The budget for 1921-2 was estimated as
follows: revenue 14,786 million lire; expenditure 24,497 million lire,
divided as follows: (a) ordinary recurrent expenditure (interest
on the debt, peace-time military expenditure, colonies, civil service,
railways, etc.) 11,806 million lire; (b) extraordinary non-recurrent
expenditure for the liquidation of the war (military expenditure con-
nected with the Armistice, maritime transport, bread subsidy, extra
expenses due to the unfavourable exchange) 9,807 million lire;
(c) expenditure due to the war, but of a less transitory nature (war
pensions, indemnities for war losses, reconstruction in the liberated
provinces) 2,884 million lire. A deficit was thus shown of 9,711
million lire; but it was anticipated that, by the dropping of the bread
subsidy and other steps, this could be considerably reduced.
The cost of the war, to Nov. 30 1918, amounted to 48,490 million
lire, not including certain sums still owing, while the long delay in
the settlement of the Adriatic question added very considerably to
post-war military expenditure. The public debt rose from 15,705
million lire on Aug. I 1914, to 70,599 on Feb. 28 1919, and 108,072
on Oct. 31 1920. Excluding the paper currency which bears no
interest and the 20,600 million lire of foreign debt on which no
interest was being paid, the interest-bearing debt amounted to 65,000
million lire, of which the annual service was 3,000 million lire. The
foreign debt, mostly held in the United States, was in 1921, owing
to the depreciation of the Italian currency, equivalent to 80,000 or
90,000 million lire, with interest accumulating at the rate of about
3,000 per annum. The foreign debt was a much debated problem,
and although the Italian Government had repeatedly confirmed its
intention of meeting its obligations, public opinion demanded that
some arrangement should be agreed to by the creditor Allies, bearing
in mind Italy's financial difficulties, the fact that the money was
lent when Italian currency was almost at par, whereas if payment
were immediately exacted the country would have to disburse
nearly four times that amount, and the consideration that a large
part of the loans served to pay for war material and supplies at a
rate allowing for very large profits. At all events it was expected
that Italy would be accorded a long delay so as to allow for an
improvement of the currency and other facilities.
In 1914 the lira was at par; during the war its value declined
(see EXCHANGES, FOREIGN) ; but after the Armistice the decline was
far greater, and the fluctuations in exchange were such as to render
the most ordinary commercial transactions with foreign countries
highly speculative operations. The depreciation of the lira was due
partly to the greatly increased inflation and partly to the unfavour-
able trade balance, as well as to the constant strikes and disorders,
which diminished public confidence abroad. The reached 106
lire in the autumn of 1920, the Swiss franc 4-53, the French franc
1-90, the dollar 28-58 lire.
The capital invested in Italian limited liability companies (mostly
industrial and commercial undertakings) increased very rapidly in
1910-20. In 1911 the amount of new capital invested was 310,800,000
lire, whereas in 1920 the figure was 5,077,583,124^ lire, from which
243,041,168 lire must be deducted for capital withdrawn, leaving
a net addition of 4,834,541,956, or about two milliards more than
the average of the two preceding years. In comparing these figures
with those of the pre-war period the decreased value of money must
be taken into account, but even so the increase is considerable. In
all from 1911 to 1920 over I4i milliards of new capital were in-
vested, and the net increase was over 13 milliards.
The cooperative movement in Italy greatly developed during
1900-20, and was acquiring ever greater importance. In 1915
there were 7,429 cooperative societies (production and labour 3,022,
consumption 2,408, farming 1,142, building 752, insurance 105).
The membership was nearly a million, and the capital over 118
million lire, with a turn-over of nearly 650 million lire in one year.
The cooperative movement is favoured by all parties Socialist,
Catholic and Liberal, while the Government confers many privileges
on the societies, including exemption from taxation and preference
in the assignment of contracts for public works. Unfortunately,
they were also exploited for party purposes; and cases were known
in which groups of five or more persons formed themselves into a
bogus cooperative society in order to obtain valuable Government
contracts on easy terms. The Socialists of Emilia were particularly
active in this connexion.
Agriculture. The production of cereals declined during the war
years owing to the scarcity of labour, and after the Armistice on
account of bad harvests and of the Government requisition of crops
at inadequate prices.
Production of Cereals, in 1,000 quintals.
Wheat
Indian
Corn
Oats
Rice
Other
Cereals
Total
1909-14 (average)
1919
1920
49.2/2
46,204
38,500
25,682
21,806
22,000
5.ii8
5,936
3.500
4,867
4,867
4.300
3436
2,074
2,430
88,375
80,887
70,730
The harvest of 1920 was exceptionally bad; prospects for 1921 were
better, as the Government requisitions were gradually ceasing.
The grape-producing area of Italy was in 1909-14 4,400,000
hectares, or nearly half of the world total, but the wine produced
45,5OO,ooo hectolitres was only 3/10 of the whole, as a large part
of the land under grapes is cultivated by small farmers for their own
use and not with the scientific intensity of the French or Rhenish
vineyards. During the war the wine output fell to an average of
35,800,000 hectol. and in 1919 to 35,000,000 hectol.; in 1920 it
rose to 42,000,000 hectol., the new provinces excluded. Only a
comparatively small part was exported: in 1909-13 the yearly
average was 1,410,000 hectol. and 180,000,000 bottles; in 1919 it had
fallen to 638,000 hectol. and 87,000,000 bottles.
Olives were cultivated over 2,300,000 hectares before the war,
producing 10,769,000 quintals of olives, from which 2,200,000 hectol.
of oil were extracted, valued at (including by-products) over 300,000,-
ooo lire. The output during the war years was about the same; in
1919 there was a slight diminution of the better qualities. Exports
before the war averaged 340,000 hectol. and in 1919 were 86,000,
with prospects of improvement.
Fruit is an important item in Italy's agricultural production,
and one capable of considerable development, but it has been
hampered by want of organization and lack of capital among the
producers, the excessive numbers of intermediaries, and insufficient
care in packing and preserving. In the period 1909-14 the average
crop of agntmi (oranges and lemons) was 7,888,000 quintals; chest-
nuts, 6,070,000; apples, pears, quinces, pomegranates, 2,823,000;
almonds, nuts and walnuts, 2,333,000. During the war years the
averages for these crops were 7,347,000, 6,642,000, 2,468,000 and
1,288,000; in 1919 the decline was further accentuated (6,625,000,
4,900,000, 2,104,000 and 881,000). Prospects for 1920 were better.
The production of silk cocoons in 1909-13 was 41,000,000 kgms.
according to Government statistics, or 46,000,000 kgms. according
to those of the Silk Association ; but even this figure is said to be an
undervaluation, and 50,000,000 appears to be nearer the mark.
During the war the output was about 42,000,000; it fell to 23,500,000
in 1919, owing to unfavourable weather conditions, but it rose to
35,500,000 in 1920. The hemp crop improved steadily after 1914,
owing to the great demand and increased price of textiles; whereas
it was 860,000 quintals in 1909-14, it averaged 880,000 in the war
years, rose to 940,000 in 1919 and to 960,000 in 1920. The wool
crop, which was 280,000 quintals in 1909-13, rose to 300,000 in 1920
(valued at 500,000,000 lire).
Mining. Italy has no coal-mines and therefore has to import all
her coal. Lignite mines, however, exist in various parts of Italy, and
the war stimulated their development owing to the urgent need
of fuel and the ever-increasing cost of imported coal. Thus, while
in 1909 555,000 tons were extracted, in 1918 the amount was 2,171,-
ooo tons; in 1919 it fell to 1,158,000, and in the first half of 1920
600,000 tons were extracted. The chief source of the coal supply
before the war was Britain; in 1909-13 the average annual imports
were 9,820,000 tons, of which 8,810,000 came from Britain alone.
During the war, owing to the greatly increased cost and difficulties
of transport, the imports fell to 7,420,000 (6,080,000 from Britain),
and in 1919 to 6,220,000, of which only 4,690,000 from Britain,
while the United States sent 1,160,000 as compared with 80,000 in
1909-13. In the first half of 1920 only 2,800,000 tons were imported
(1,880,000 from Britain and 680,000 from the United States).
ITALY
617
The tendency to try to tap other sources of supply than the United
Kingdom was increasing; more and more coal was being imported
from the United States, Germany, the Saar basin, etc. Much was
also hoped from the Heraclea concession on the Black Sea. Prospects
for 1921 were more satisfactory; the demand was less owing to the
industrial crisis, and supplies more abundant and cheaper. Before
the war coal cost about 40 lire per ton in Italy; during the war and
at certain periods after the Armistice it rose to as high as 800 lire.
At the end of 1920 it had fallen to 650 lire, and lower in 1921.
Italy is almost as poor in iron as in coal, but she had nevertheless
developed her iron and steel industry to a fair degree. In 1909-13
the average annual amount of iron ore mined was only 535,000 tons
while the yearly output of iron and steel was 1,048,000 tons. During
the war, owing to imperious military necessities, mining was greatly
intensified, and in 1917 1,000,000 tons of iron ore were extracted;
in 1918 the amount fell to 695,000, and in 1919 to 466,000, owing
to the reduced demand. The total known deposits are estimated
at only 40,000,000 tons, but the amount is probably larger, and the
Cogne mines in the Val d'Aosta and those at Nurra in Sardinia are
capable of much greater development. The output of iron and steel
during the later years was as follows: 1913, 933,000; 1914, 911,000;
1915, 1,009,000; 1917, 1,332,000; 1918, 993,000; 1919, 732,000 tons.
In 1913 840,000 tons of iron, steel, scrap iron, rails, pipes, plates,
etc., were imported; 789,000 tons in 1919, and 378,000 tons in the
first half of 1920.
Electric Power. Electric power and its applications have been
developed to a very high degree in Italy, and extensive use has
been made of the water-power, which is taking the place' of steam
in many fields of industrial activity. In ft)i4 900,000 H.P. produced
by water-power were in use, and at the end of 1920 the figure had
risen to 1,500,000. There is still a great deal more water-power
available, notably in the newly annexed territories, but the high cost
of setting up new plant and of materials and labour has been a
deterrent to further development. There are several lines with
electric traction, of which the most important are the Simplon
tunnel, the Turin-Modane line with the Mt. Cenis tunnel, Genoa-
Arquata, Genoa-Savona, Milan-Sondrio, Naples-Piedimonted'Alife.
It was intended to adopt electric traction on several other lines as
soon as possible, including the new Rome-Naples short line which
was under construction in 1921. Altogether it is estimated that
there are 3,000,000 H.P. available in Italy.
Raw Materials. Scarcity of raw materials seriously handicapped
Italy during the war, but then, at least, the Allies accorded her cer-
tain facilities for obtaining them. After the Armistice not only
were these facilities withdrawn, but several countries imposed what
practically amounted to export duties on raw materials, while in
some cases they altogether prohibited their export. The worst
difficulties were those connected with coal and wheat. The system,
by which British coal was being exported in 1919-20 at a far higher
price than was charged to the home consumer resulted in Italian
consumers having to pay 555. more per ton than the British, which
with the exchanging for 90 lire, meant an annual tribute on 4,000,-
ooo tons of 1 ,000 million lire, not counting freights. Even apart
from this discrimination the Italian consumer had to pay four times
as much as the British for coal. For a long time British coal en-
joyed a practical monopoly of the Italian market, as there were few
other sources of supply available. Afterwards American and
German coal came to be imported into Italy in increasing quantities,
and the British discrimination was removed. Argentina for a
time imposed an export duty on wheat, and afterwards prohibited
its export altogether. France stopped the export of scrap iron, of
which Italy had great need. All these restrictions caused much hard-
ship and not a little ill-feeling. At the Brussels Financial Conference
(Sept. Oct. 1920) the Italian delegates complained of the tendencies
of certain countries richer than Italy in raw materials to improve
their budgets by raising their export prices, and asked for freedom
of circulation for raw materials. Senator Schanzer, Italian delegate
at the League of Nations Assembly in Dec. 1920, supported the
theory of economic solidarity, demanding that artificial barriers
and differential prices should be eliminated and that the whole
world be regarded as one great economic system.
Trade. Before the war, Italy's trade returns had shown annual
imports from 25 % to 50 % higher than the exports. But the differ-
ence was made up by " invisible " exports the sums sent or brought
home by emigrants, those spent by foreigners in Italy, freights earned
by Italian ships, etc. During the war and after the Armistice the
trade deficit grew very considerably, owing to the immense quanti-
ties of war material and foodstuffs which had to be imported, with-
out a corresponding increase of exports, visible or invisible. In
1919 the imports amounted to 13,677,169,245 lire and the exports
to 4,500,653,431 lire. The following year the imports declined slightly
to 13,038,034,351 lire, while exports rose to 6,219,585,088 lire.
Transport. The total railway system of Italy increased from
3,728 m. in 1870 to 11,895 m - n Dec. 31 1919, to which must be
added 870 m. for the new territories. Before the war there were
6,000 locomotives, 12,000 passenger coaches and 112,000 goods vans
and trucks. After 1914 the rolling-stock slightly increased, but a
good deal of it was worn out during the war and would have been
scrapped had it not been for the difficulty of obtaining new material.
On June 30 1919 there were building 860 locomotives and 17,000
cars of all sorts, but the necessary repairs to the old ones were
going on very slowly, and a large number of passenger coaches re-
mained in a very bad state. The number of railwaymen before the
war was 170,000. During the war a number of men were taken on
temporarily (awintizi) to replace those who were serving in the army,
and after the Armistice, when the old ones were taken back, the
new ones were not dismissed; this fact, the introduction of the
eight-hour day, and the decreased efficiency of the bulk of the rail-
waymen, resulted in a large addition to the staff. The State rail-
ways alone, which before the war employed 154,000 men, had
200,000 on their pay-rolls in 1921. In 1913 the railways transported
130 million passengers and 47 million tons of goods, and the revenue
was 655 million lire, which was 45 millions less than the sum neces-
sary to cover expenditure, including the 3^% interest. The inade-
quacy of the revenue was due to the low traffic of the lines in the
south and in the islands, which were also the most costly to build.
During the war the traffic increased considerably, but more than
half of it was war traffic ; expenses also increased enormously, owing
to the rise in the price of coal, the inferior quality of much of the
fuel used, and the huge increase of wages, which varied from 158 %
for the higher management to 643 % for the lowest grade of linesmen
in 1920^-1 as compared with 1913-4. Expenses in 1920-1 were
1, 800 million lire for wages, 1,000 million for fuel and 500 million
for other items a total of nearly 3,500 millions. The revenue was
barely 2,000 millions, in spite of the increase of the tariffs.
The total length of the interurban tramway system (steam and
electric) was 2, 796m. in 1921 ; and that of the motor-omnibus service,
conveying passengers and goods, was 8,700 m. in 1917.
Shipping. The total tonnage of Italy on Aug. I 1914 was 1,534,-
738 ; her losses during the war were higher in proportion than those
of any other country, amounting by Nov. II 1918 to no less than
905,393 tons, or 58-93 % of the whole mercantile marine. But the
large development of shipbuilding, encouraged by high freights,
and the addition of the greater part of the Austro-Hungarian ship-
ping, brought up the total to more than the pre-war figure 2, 1 1 8,-
ooo tons. Freights rose during the war from 9 to 15 times what they
were before, and in 1921 were still three times the pre-war rate. In
1913 31,800,000 tons of goods were transported on Italian ships;
the amount fell to 16,800,000 in 1918, rose to 19,200,000 in 1919, and
continued to increase slightly until 1921.
HISTORY 1909-21
The general elections of March 1909 had returned a strong-
majority in favour of the Government of which Sig. Giolitti
was the head. A new Shipping Subsidies bill was now introduced
by the premier, the old agreements with the steamship companies,
having lapsed, but attacks made on the measure by the opposi-
tion, led by Baron Sonnino, so shook the Cabinet's position that
Sig. Giolitti deemed it prudent to adjourn the debate until the
autumn. When Parliament reassembled he modified the steam-
ship bill, but the Cabinet was defeated on a point of procedure
and resigned on Dec. 2. Baron Sonnino was now called upon,
for the second time to form a Ministry, which comprised some
of the best brains in Italy Count Guicciardini (Foreign Affairs),
Sig. Luzzatti (Agriculture), Sig. Salandra (Treasury), Adml.
Bettolo (Marine), and Gen. Spinfardi, who remained at the
War Office. But the new Government, though widely supported
in the country, had no stable majority in the Chamber, which was
still Giolittian at heart. On. March 21 it was defeated over the
new shipping bill and resigned. Sig. Luzzatti succeeded, with the
Marquis di San Giuliano at the Foreign Office, Adml. Leonardi
Cattolica as Minister of Marine, and Signori Tedesco, Facta,
Credaro and Sacchi in other departments. In spite of his great
financial ability and abundant self-confidence, the new premier
proved unequal to his task, and it was obvious to all, save to
himself, that he only held office on sufferance, until Sig. Giolitti
saw fit to return to power after the shipping bill and one or two
other awkward questions had been disposed of. The Govern-
ment was extremely feeble in dealing with agrarian disorders in
Romagna and other internal troubles. On Dec. 21 there was a
division on the Cabinet's extension of the Franchise bill;
although a majority voted in its favour, the Radicals opposed it,
and the two Radical ministers (Sacchi and Credaro) felt bound
to resign. The whole Cabinet followed suit on March 18 1911.
The King sent for the inevitable Giolitti, who formed a new
Cabinet comprising most of the former ministers, including
Sacchi and Credaro. Sig. Bissolati, one of the leading but
moderate Socialists, declined office at the last moment.
The year 1911 being the soth anniversary of the creation of
the Italian Kingdom, exhibitions were organized in Rome, Turin
6i8
ITALY
and Florence; but although they proved interesting in themselves,
defective management, an exceptionally hot summer and an
outbreak of cholera made them financially unsuccessful; the
charges of dishonesty brought against certain officials in con-
nexion with them proved, however, unfounded.
The Cabinet's programme, presented to the Chamber on
April 6, included an extension of the franchise, increasing the
number of voters from three millions to eight, the payment of
members, and a Government monopoly of life insurance. These
bills were chiefly designed to win the favour of the Extreme
Left, but found little support in the country and aroused much
opposition even in Parliament, especially as regards the insurance
bill. The monopoly, however, eventually became an important
source of revenue. The final debate on these bills was adjourned
to the autumn, and the Chamber rose on July 10. In the summer
a dispute broke out with Argentina over the sanitary measures
which the latter wished to impose on Italian immigrants in
connexion with the cholera epidemic. An agreement was con-
cluded on Aug. 17 1912, giving full satisfaction to Italy.
During the last few years relations with Turkey had become
strained. With the advent topowerof the Young Turks the si tua-
tion got worse instead of better, and the new Ottoman
Turkey. Government, while hating all things foreign, showed
particular animosity towards Italy, whom it re-
garded as the weakest of the Great Powers. Italian enter-
prise throughout Turkey was hampered, especially in Tripolitana,
where Italy's reversionary interest had been recognized by
Britain and France. Italy had intended to extend her influence
in that province by peaceful means, but numerous diplomatic
incidents embittered the feeling on both sides, while the reopen-
ing of the Morocco question by Germany made it clear that the
last unoccupied lands in the Mediterranean were about to be
divided up, and that Italy's final chance of acquiring a colony
on the North African coast had come. The Nationalist party,
which had been constituted at the Florence Congress in Dec.
1910, had conducted a propaganda in favour of a more vigorous
foreign policy, in opposition to the professed anti-patriotism of
the Socialists and the sentimental pacifism of the Democrats and
now roused public opinion to the need for bold action. Although
the Cabinet was anxious to avoid international complications it
could not afford to disregard the new spirit animating the
Italian people. In July it informed the Powers that the conduct
of Turkey was becoming intolerable, and as no improvement in
the situation occurred, military preparations were commenced
on Sept. 20. On the 23rd the class of 1888 was called back to the
colours, and on the 26th a Note was presented to the Porte
calling its attention to the risks to which Moslem fanaticism was
subjecting Italian residents in Turkey, and adding that the
sending of reenforcements or arms to Tripolitana would be
regarded as "a very serious act." The next day the Turkish
steamer " Derna," flying the German flag, arrrived at Tripoli
and landed 15,000 rifles and much ammunition, which were dis-
tributed among the local Arabs. The Italian Government
presented an ultimatum to Turkey on the 28th, and, no satis-
faction having been obtained, declared war on the 29th (see
ITALO-TURKISH WAR). Public opinion supported the Govern-
ment in its African policy, which was not merely a colonial
adventure, but represented a patriotic reaction against the
bad old policy of " quieto vivere," while the gallantry displayed
by officers and men offered a welcome relief from the petty
bickerings of Parliamentary politics.
On Nov. 4 1911, Italian sovereignty was extended to Tripoli-
tana and Cyrenaica (as the eastern part of the Tripoli vilayet
was now called) by royal decree. The international preparation
of the African war had been inadequate, and public opinion and
the press in foreign countries were not well disposed. The most
violent attacks came from the German and Austrian press, and
the Austrian Government placed its veto on the extension of
Italy's military and naval operations to the Balkans. France
was also not too friendly, and the stopping and searching by
Italian cruisers of the French steamers "Carthage" and
" Manouba," suspected of conveying contraband to the Turkish
Socialist
split.
forces, provoked a serious Franco-Italian diplomatic incident and
caused a violent outbreak of anti-Italian feeling in France.
Although the episode was settled by arbitration at The Hague, it
did not improve relations between the two countries. Various
unsuccessful attempts at mediation were made by the Powers,
but in July 1912 unofficial negotiations were opened between
Italian and Turkish delegates in Switzerland. After laborious
discussions the peace preliminaries were signed at Ouchy on
Oct. 14, and the final peace treaty on the i8th. Turkey renounced
her sovereignty over Libya (as the whole territory was now
called), and undertook to withdraw her troops from it, the Sultan
retaining only spiritual authority over his former subjects, while
Italy agreed to restore to Turkey the islands she had occupied in
the Aegean during the war (Rhodes and n islands out of the 12
constituting the Dodecanese) as soon as Turkey fulfilled her own
undertaking. Although the settlement gave Italy the objects for
which she had fought, it was not considered satisfactory by
public opinion, which believed that if the Government had
conducted the campaign with more vigour and supported the
gallant efforts of the troops more adequately, a fuller victory
might have been obtained in a shorter time. The total cost of the
campaign amounted to 458,000,000 lire, including the value
of uncorisumed supplies; this sum was paid out of the budget
surpluses of the last few years, redeemable Treasury bills,
Treasury reserves, credits with banks, etc. No new loans were
raised, nor fresh taxes imposed. Business had not been much
affected; in fact exports and revenue continued to increase.
An unsuccessful attempt on the King's life by an anarchist
named D'Alba on March 14 1912, provoked an enthusiastic
demonstration of loyalty among all classes. The
insurance monopoly, the extension of the franchise and
payment of members were voted without much opposi-
tion, as Parliament did not wish to embarrass the Ministry dur-
ing the war. The Socialist party had always opposed the war
because it feared that patriotic feeling would divert public inter-
est from the class war on which Socialism battened. But some
of its ablest leaders refused to put party before country and
supported the Government's African policy; the result was that
at the Socialist Congress of Reggio Emilia (June 1912) they were
" excommunicated " by the majority. The party thus split into
two separate groups or those who were ready to collaborate
with the Constitutional parties, calling themselves " Reformist "
Socialists and comprising such men as Sig. Bissolati and Sig.
Bonomi, both future Ministers, and the others who remained
uncompromisingly hostile to the constitution and assumed the
style of "Official" Socialists. The Reformists ended by beii
absorbed into the Liberal groups, while the Official Socialisi
assumed a more and more revolutionary attitude.
In Nov. 1912 a new Ministry of the Colonies was created, with
Sig. Bertolini as minister. His attempt to extend to the African
territories the less desirable features of the home
bureaucratic system greatly hindered their peaceful
development. The peace of Ouchy did not immedi-
ately put an end to the fighting in Libya. Most of Tripolitana
was quickly pacified, except in the Garian, where a large body of
rebels under Suleiman el Baruni held out until they were defeated
by Gen. Lequio's column at Assaba. The situation proved more
difficult in Cyrenaica, where a number of Turkish officers and
soldiers, as well as local Arab chiefs, commanded by Aziz Bey
and acting under the inspiration of the head of the powerful
Senussi sect, organized resistance and caused considerable trouble
which resulted in serious fighting. The extent of occupied ter-
ritory gradually increased, but sporadic outbreaks among the
tribesmen of the interior continued.
The parliamentary session following on the conclusion of the
peace, which was ratified Dec. 4, was a somewhat agitated one.
The Socialists attacked the Cabinet for its war policy
with their usual violence, supported by a few non-
Socialist democrats while the scandals which came to
light in connexion with the building of the new Pal-
ace of Justice, implicating three or four deputies, provided ma-
terial for "scenes" in the Chamber. Adml. Leonardi Cattolica
'
res
ITALY
619
resigned from the Ministry of Marine owing to the Senate's
opposition to his naval pensions bill, and was succeeded by
Adml. Millo, the hero of the Dardanelles torpedo raid. The
Triple Alliance was renewed on Dec. 7 1912. In the labour
field the chief event was the strike at the F.I.A.T. works, Turin,
which lasted three months and caused a loss of 10,000,000 lire,
an agrarian strike in the Ferrara province and a general industrial
strike at Milan m the summer of 1913.
The Balkan War had broken out when the Libyan War had
ended. After the victories of the Balkan Allies over Turkey
the Serbs had descended to the Adriatic and occupied
Durazzo, while the Greeks from the south invaded
Austria. South Albania. Austria, not wishing the Serbs to have
an outlet on the Adriatic, demanded the evacuation
of Durazzo, and was supported in this demand by Italy,
both because she was a member of the Triple Alliance and
because she had always felt an interest in the Albanians.
She also opposed the Greek advance into South Albania for
similar reasons, and because she did not wish Valona to fall into
the hands of a possibly hostile power, who might use it or let
others use it as naval base against Italy. Austria and Italy
therefore agreed on the creation of an independent Albanian
state under the protection of the Great Powers. Italo-Austrian
relations had often been strained to' breaking point, but the
Marquis di San Giuliano's foreign policy was based on a complete
agreement with Austria, and he hoped to achieve his end by
removing one of the chief causes of conflict the struggle for
influence in Albania. In spite of this settlement, the petty
persecutions by the Austrian Government against its Italian
subjects, the frequent anti-Italian utterances of prominent
Austrian generals and public men and the constant expulsions
of Italian citizens from Austria for the most trifling pretexts,
served to keep up ill-feeling. Just as matters were beginning to
improve Prince Hohenlohe, the governor of Trieste, on Aug 23
1913, ordered the municipality to dismiss all foreigners, i.e.
Italians, from its employ and that of the municipalized public
services. Although, after much controversy, the Austrian
Government allowed the Hohenlohe ordinance to lapse, the
incident left a trail of irritation behind it.
On Oct. 26 1913, the general elections with the extended
franchise were held, followed by the second ballots of Nov. 2.
The result was an increase in the Socialist vote. Social-
i st victories were particularly notable in Milan, Flo-
rence, Turin and Naples. Although some 300 Con-
stitutionalists were returned, the Cabinet was faced by 53 Official
Socialists, 26 Reformist Socialists and 70 Radicals of uncertain
attitude; the Republicans were much reduced, while 33 Catholics
were elected it was the first time that a real Catholic party
presented itself to the polls, a fact which the Pope had rendered
possible by withdrawing the non-expedit. The Nationalists,
who alone had the courage to attack the Socialists with vigour,
captured all the five constituencies which they contested. Of
the new members the very eloquent Sig. Raimondo (Reformist
Socialist), and Sig. Federzoni (Nationalist), were real acquisi-
tions for Parliament. A number of anti-Giolittians of all shades
were elected, and Sicily for the first time returned several
anti-Government members. The elections were accompanied
by some serious disorders, for which both Sig. Giolitti and the
Official Socialists were responsible.
A considerable sensation was caused soon after the elections
by a statement made by Count Gentiloni, president of the
"Unione elettorale cattolica," that 228 of the Constitutional
members owed their election to Clerical support, obtained by
undertaking to oppose all legislation hostile to Catholic interests.
The anti-Clericals rose up in wrath, and many of the 228 in-
dignantly denied having subscribed to the " potto Gentiloni."
Parliament met on Nov. 27, and the Socialists renewed their
attacks on the Cabinet, but there was reason to believe that they
were by no means as hostile to Sig. Giolitti as they professed to
be, and that, even w^iile giving utterance to virtuous indignation
at his shortcomings, they were ever ready for a deal. The Cab-
inet's African policy was voted by a large majority, and new
Strike
Move-
ments,
1913.
taxes, estimated to bring in 3 5 million lire, were imposed on to-
bacco and alcohol.
The premier's position was now somewhat shaken. The
elections had shown that the country was getting tired of the
predominance of one man. Giolitti had ruled supreme,
save for a few brief interludes, for 10 years. He now
realized that the Albanian tangle, the need for fresh oioiitti.
taxation, the divisions among his own supporters
over the question of Catholic support, and the rumours of a
threatened railway strike, were likely to cause considerable
difficulties in the immediate future, and that a period of rest
procul negotiis was desirable for his health. He therefore seized
the occasion of a hostile vote of the Radical group to resign on
March 10 1914. Sig. Bertolini, his chief henchman, having spoilt
his chances by his mismanagement of the Colonial Office, Sig.
Antonio Salandra, who had been Treasury Minister in the second
Sonnino Cabinet, was induced, after protracted negotiations, to
take office. He enlisted some of the best political' men in Italy
San Giuliano (Foreign Affairs) , Adml. Millo (Marine), Ferdinando
Martini (Colonies), Dari (Justice), Ciuffelli (Public Works),
Daneo (Education), Cavasola (Agriculture and Trade), Rubini
(Treasury), Rava (Finance) and Riccio (Posts and Telegraphs).
Gen. Spimgardi refused to remain at the War Office, and several
other generals to whom the portfolio was offered would not
accept it, as they could not obtain from the Treasury the amount
necessary to reorganize the army and replenish the depots left
empty after the Libyan War. Finally Gen. Grandi was appointed.
The first problem which the new Cabinet had to face was the
truculent attitude of the Sindacato dei Ferrovieri, a nominally
economic but in reality a revolutionary political
organization of railwaymen. The Sindacato began by
demanding a general rise of wages for the whole staff,
threatening a strike in case of non-compliance. The
Government recognized that the lowest categories
were inadequately paid, and was ready to grant them
an increase involving an outlay of 15 millions; but it could
do no more, as the railways barely paid their working
expenses. The railwaymen blustered and threatened, but ad-
journed the strike to a more favourable opportunity.
On the national festival of the Statute (June 7) some anarch-
ists, revolutionary Socialists and Republicans at Ancona organ-
ized a demonstration to protest against the authorities for
forbidding an anti-militarist meeting; riots ensued, and the
police, overwhelmed by an armed mob of hooligans, fired on
their assailants, killing two and wounding several. This was
the signal for a general strike in Ancona which spread to other
towns. There were no economic demands, the movement being
of a purely revolutionary character, and it was so well organized
as to prove the existence of an understanding between the
various local groups. The soul of the movement at Ancona was
the anarchist Enrico Malatesta, who had been condemned to a
long term of imprisonment for murder years ago but had sub-
sequently been amnestied, while in Romagna it was the work
of the agricultural syndicates who had been conducting an
active campaign at first to improve the conditions of day
labourers, but subsequently to get possession of the private
estates. The railwaymen at Bologna and some other towns
struck, and for nearly a week Ancona, Rome, Florence, Naples,
Bologna, Milan and many smaller towns, especially in the Marche,
were under mob rule. Gangs of anarchists and thieves terrorized
whole districts. A popular reaction, however, soon set in, and
the Nationalists organized patriotic counter-demonstrations
which cleared the streets of revolutionary elements in the large
towns and caused the shops to reopen and the trams to operate.
In the smaller centers of the Marche and Romagna, where there
was an old tradition of faction fights, the agitation lasted some
days longer, and in a few cases ridiculous mock republics were
set up. But then large bodies of troops were sent into the
rebellious districts and numbers of the leading agitators were
arrested, order was restored without recourse to violent measures.
The civil authorities had been .reduced to impotence, several
public and private buildings and churches had been pillaged
62O
ITALY
The World
War.
and burnt, but not much violence was done to persons, except
to the soldiers and police, many of whom were wounded and a
few killed. Several of the arrested persons were found guilty
and condemned to varying terms of imprisonment, but Malatesta
escaped abroad. The Government came in for much criticism
on account of its slackness in dealing with this criminal outbreak.
Sig. Salandra's position was not very secure, and while the
Socialists lashed themselves into a state of hysteria in their
mock indignation over his " reactionary " methods, a group of
Giolittian deputies, led by Signori Orlando and Schanzer,
tried to make political capital out of the recent disorders and
conspired to bring about his fall. But the premier parried the
stroke with skill, and the Chamber howled down the plotters.
On a vote of confidence the Government obtained a majority
of 254 against 112, and the Chamber rose on July 5. The mun-
icipal and provincial elections, which had begun in June 14,
resulted in some important constitutional victories in Rome,
Turin, Genoa, Venice, etc., whereas in Milan and Bologna
Socialist town councils were elected. The railway syndicate
now threatened another strike if the railwaymen guilty of
participating in the June disorders were punished, but this time
the Government held firm and let the law take its course, with the
result that some 50 railwaymen were dismissed and many others
received lesser punishments. At the same time the class of 1891
was called back to the colours.
There now seemed to be some chance of a quiet spell, after
all the recent agitations, when suddenly the international
situation began to assume an alarming aspect. On
June 28 the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his
wife were murdered at Serajevo. Although it was
realized that the Austro-Hungarian Government would demand
serious guarantees against anti-Austrian propaganda and plots
conducted from Serbia, the famous Note of July 23 burst like a
bombshell on the Italian as on most other Foreign Offices. The
gravity of the situation was grasped at once, for few in Italy
doubted that Austria was spoiling for a quarrel whereby she might
regain her lost prestige in the Balkans, that she would be sup-
ported by Germany, and that Russia would not allow Serbia
to be humiliated and perhaps dismembered. The Italian
Government cooperated heartily with that of Great Britain in
the last desperate efforts to avert a catastrophe. The terms of
the Triple Alliance had been kept secret, but, while public
opinion realized that if a casus foederis were to arise Italy would
be in honour bound to stand by her Allies, the idea of siding
with Austria, especially in so unpopular a cause, was profoundly
repugnant to the immense majority of the nation. Events
now moved rapidly.
To the relief of practically the whole of Italy, the Italian Gov-
ernment on Aug. 3 issued its declaration of neutrality. The
grounds on which this decision was based were the following. ( i )
According to the terms of the Triple Alliance none of the con-
tracting parties might undertake an action likely to compro-
mise the common interests of all without first notifying the
other two and coming to an understanding with them; this
Austria had failed to do. In the case of Balkan affairs this
principle had been reconfirmed by special agreements between
Austria and Italy. (2) The Austrian Note to Serbia not hav-
ing been previously communicated to Italy, the latter had had
no opportunity of exercising diplomatic action in favour of
peace. (3) The Triple Alliance being essentially defensive in
character and based on the maintenance of the territorial status
quo, Italy was not bound to assist her Allies in an aggressive
policy. (4) Not having been warned in time of the intentions
of her Allies, Italy had been unable to take the necessary mili-
tary measures even if she had been willing to assist them. The
relief at the proclamation of neutrality was further enhanced
when Britain entered the lists against Germany, for it would
have been as repugnant to the enormous majority of the Italians
to be at war against Britain as to be on the side of Austria.
It was afterwards officially announced in Italy that no casus
foederis could arise in the event of Britain being in the conflict,
but at the time the public did not know this.
It was felt, however, that at any moment Italy might herself
be involved in the conflict, so that it was necessary to prepare the
defences of the country. The classes of 1889 and 1890 were called
out, so that, with that of 1891, previously summoned, and the two
regular classes of 1892 and 1893, there were five classes under
arms, to which the recruits of 1894 were added in the autumn.
But the stores had to be replenished, immense quantities of
arms and ammunition manufactured, and everything reorgan-
ized, as the army had been left in a deplorable state after the
Libyan War, because the Giolitti Government had not wished
to risk unpopularity by asking for the necessary funds. The work
of practically re-creating the army was colossal, and that it was
achieved in a few months is chiefly the merit of the chief of
the general staff, Gen. Cadorna, appointed on July 27 1914.
The question which now preoccupied the public was no
longer whether Italy should intervene in favour of the Central
Empires or not, but whether she should remain neutral until
the end of the war or intervene on the side of the Entente. The
Triplicisti were fairly numerous among the diplomatists and in
a part of the army, but hardly anyone went so far as to advocate
intervention on the side of Germany and Austria; German viola-
tion of Belgian neutrality and the German atrocities in their con-
duct of the war had alienated many sympathizers. The Nation-
alists, Radicals, Republicans, Reformist Socialists and a large sec-
tion of Liberals of various shades, realizing that this war would be
the last opportunity for completing Italian unity, were in favour
of intervention against Austria with the primary object of liberat-
ing the Italian territories of the Dual Monarchy. The Official
Socialists declared for absolute neutrality, on the orthodox
Socialist theory that all wars are wicked (except class war) and
waged only for the benefit of the capitah'sts; the party afterwards
developed this theory into a more or less avowed sympathy with
Germany and Austria. On the other hand a large number of
Socialists rejected this policy and favoured Italian intervention,
provided it was on the side of democratic France; even Benito
Mussolini, the fiery editor of the Socialist Avanli, resigned his
appointment when the party voted for neutrality, became one of
the more ardent interventionists, and fought himself as a volun-
teer in the war. The Catholics were opposed to intervention
against the Central Empires because they disliked France as the
" atheist " nation, admired Catholic Austria and feared the
triumph of Orthodox Russia. A good many people, even in the
upper classes, were opposed to intervention, apart from any
question of sympathy, because they were afraid of Germany and
thought she was bound to win. A still larger class, belonging to
all parties and representing perhaps the bulk of public opinion,
hesitated on the ground that though Austria had not shown much
regard for Italy's interests or feelings, it would be wrong to
attack an ally without a definite casus belli; they felt that it
was advisable to wait for fresh developments of the situation
and only intervene when there should be a real danger that the
unredeemed provinces might be annexed by some other Power.
This view prevailed until about the end of March 1915, and the
Government was supported on this understanding.
The economic effects of the war were at first severely felt.
Prices did not rise to any great extent, but there was a run on
the banks which necessitated a moratorium. For a
few weeks many factories had to shut down owing
to lack of funds, while large numbers of temporary the War,
emigrants (estimated at 350,000) in Central Europe
were forced to return home on the outbreak of hostilities. All
this produced a considerable amount of unemployment. But
the measures adopted by the Government and the ac-
tivity of many private committees alleviated the distress,
and more or less normal conditions were gradually restored.
The moratorium was made less stringent, and an agreement
with Britain averted the danger of a coal famine, although in
the spring of 1915 the price of coal rose considerably; other raw
materials were again imported after a short suspension due to the
interruption of maritime traffic, and the Italian steamship lines
did profitable business. The export of food-stuffs, of certain
other goods and of war material was prohibited; in Oct. 1914
ITALY
621
Valona
Occupied.
Soon/no
Foreign
Minister.
mport duty on wheat was reduced by more than one-half
make up for the rise in freights, and in Dec. it was removed
altogether. By somewhat relaxing the export prohibition Italy
saved Switzerland from famine and sent large shipments of
sugar to Britain.
Internal affairs aroused little interest, as public attention was
monopolized by the war, and even the death of Pope Pius X.
and the election of Benedict XV. passed almost unnoticed. On
Oct. 9 Gen. Grandi resigned from the War Office on account of a
isagreement with Gen. Cadorna over the needs of the army, and
as succeeded by Gen. Zupelli (a native of the unredeemed
provinces), who provided the chief of the staff with the necessary
supplies. A week later the Marquis di San Giuliano died, and
the premier temporarily took charge of the Foreign Office.
Throughout the autumn anarchy had been spreading in Albania
and soon after the outbreak of war Prince William of Wicd
and the foreign contingents had departed. The
Greeks had seized the opportunity to invade and
devastate South Albania, and Italy feared that they
or one of the belligerent Powers might occupy Valona, which
would be a serious menace to Italian security. A landing party
from the Italian fleet began by occupying the islet of Saseno,
which dominates Valona harbour, on Oct. 30. On Dec. 26 sail-
ors landed in the town, followed by a regiment of infantry.
A new Cabinet crisis now occurred. Sig. Rubini, the Treasury
Minister, refused to supply the funds required for the army
unless they were immediately covered by correspond-
ing increases of revenue. Sig. Salandra, however,
realizing that a new scheme of financial reform required
time, whereas military necessities were urgent, backed
up Gen. Zupelli; Rubini resigned on Oct. 31, and the whole
Cabinet followed suit. But the King, after consulting the leading
statesmen, entrusted Salandra himself with the formation of a
new ministry. This was accomplished by Nov. 5; the chief
innovation was Baron Sonnino at the Foreign Office, an appoint-
ment which strengthened the Cabinet considerably; other new
appointments were Orlando (Justice), Grippo (Education),
Daneo (Finance), and Carcano (Treasury). Thus the Cabinet
came to represent practically every section of the Chamber
except the Extreme Left. On Dec. 3 Parliament met, and Sig.
Salandra in a dignified speech explained the reasons for Italy's
neutrality and insisted on the necessity for the nation to be well
armed so as to defend her interests and realize her aspirations. It
was on this occasion that the premier pronounced the famous and
much-discussed phrase about " sacro egoismo," i.e. the duty of
subordinating everything to the higher interests of the country.
The intervention of Turkey on the side of the Central Empires
affected Italy very closely, for there was every reason to doubt
that the limitation of the Holy War, proclaimed by the Sultan
at Germany's suggestion, to the territories held by the Entente
Powers would be respected. These doubts proved indeed
justified, and there was a recrudescence of rebellion among the
tribesmen of Libya, fomented by German as well as bv Turkish
agents. On Dec. 17 Prince von Billow, the new German ambas-
sador, arrived in Rome with the mission of exerting all his
influence, through his aristocratic and political Italian connexions,
to secure Italy's neutrality to the end of the conflict.
The year 1915 did not begin auspiciously for Italy; on Jan. 13
an earthquake of unusual severity was felt over a large part of
Central Italy, and destroyed Avezzano and many other smaller
towns and villages in the Abruzzi and the provinces of Caserta
and Rome. The total number of victims was 30,000.
The diplomatic activity of the Government was now greatly
intensified. The current in favour of intervention was growing
ever stronger, in spite of Prince von Billow's efforts and
Fore/jrn the pacifist tendencies of certain classes. But both
tio X as. a Sig. Salandra and Baron Sonnino were determined
that Italy should not emerge from the European
conflict without realizing at least a part of her aspirations, ac-
quiring some of the Italian districts of Austria and correcting
;e iniquitous frontiers of 1866 designed to leave the country
the mercy of invasion. As early as Dec. 1914 the Italian
Government had called Austria's attention to the fact that the
invasion of Serbia tended to destroy the balance of power in the
Balkans; Art. 7 of the Triple Alliance Treaty gave Italy, in these
circumstances, a right to compensation. Austria at first rejected
this claim in toto, then admitted it grudgingly, but offered
Italy by way of compensation territories belonging to her
enemies (Nice, Corsica and Tunisia were mentioned). Baron
Sonnino, however, insisted that only territories already in
Austrian possession could form a basis for negotiation. To this
Austria gave evasive replies and then offered a small part of the
Trentino, to be ceded after the war. But Sonnino replied that no
territorial cession could be considered unless it was to be made at
once. Germany did her best to bring about an agreement between
Italy and Austria, and tried hard to induce Austria to be more
conciliatory. Austria having at last reluctantly accepted the
principle of immediate cession, Sonnino presented Italy's
minimum demands. These were: the Trentino as far as the
frontiers of the Napoleonic kingdom of Italy, a strip of territory
in the Isonzo valley comprising Gorizia, Gradisca and Monfal-
cone, and the Curzola group of islands in the middle Adriatic,
to be ceded to Italy; Trieste and the N.W. part of Istria to form
an independent state; Italy to have a free hand in Albania.
In return Italy would remain neutral to the end of the war.
But Austria, still convinced that Italy had no intention of going
to war and was merely bluffing, continued to raise objections,
in spite of the extremely candid remarks of the German Govern-
ment. Italy now came to the conclusion that agreement was
impossible and that war was inevitable.
Negotiations for intervention were opened with the Entente,
and on April 26 an agreement was concluded with Britain, France
and Russia known as the Pact of London; it was in p^ot
reality a memorandum presented by Italy and agreed London.
to by those Powers, and completed by military and
naval conventions. Italy was to conduct the war against the
Entente's enemies with all her means, and was to receive the
following compensation at the end of the war: The whole of
the Trentino and South Tirol as far as the natural geographic
frontier, i.e. the Brenner range; the city and district of Trieste;
the county of Gorizia and Gradisca; Istria to the Quarnero,
including Volosca and the Istrian islands; the islands of Cherso
and Lussin and some adjoining smaller islands; Dalmatia as
far as Cape Planka, with some of the Dalmatian islands; Valona
and its district; and full possession of Rhodes and the Dodecanese.
In Southern Asia Minor she was to have a zone of influence and
a share in its partition if it should be effected. If Great Britain
and France obtained any part of the German colonies in Africa
Italy was to be compensated by French and British colonial
territories adjoining her own possessions. The E. coast of the
Adriatic from Cape Planka to the Voyusa was to be neutralized,
except from a point S. of the Sabbioncello peninsula to 10 km. S.
of Ragusa Vecchia. The Croatian coast, with Fiume, and the
Dalmatian coast S. of Cape Planka, was to go to Serbia, Croatia
and Montenegro. If a neutral Albanian state were created its
foreign policy was to be under Italian guidance 1 , but if Britain,
France and Russia so desired Italy would not oppose the cession
of the northern and southern districts of Albania to Serbia,
Montenegro and Greece. The Pact of London was kept secret,
but most of its clauses soon became known. It was first published
by the Russian Bolshevists after the revolution in 1917.
The poet Gabriele D'Annunzio, by his fiery eloquence, largely
influenced Italian public opinion in favour of intervention,
particularly by his speeches at Quart near Genoa and
in Rome. On May 3 Italy declared that the Alliance
with Austria was at an end. Prince von Billow, TrtpUce.
realizing that this meant war, made a last desperate
effort to save the situation through Sig. Giolitti's ambition.
That politician could not resign himself to be out of office
at this critical juncture, and, as his friends declare, he genuine-
ly believed that Italy's interests could best be served by
neutrality. On the eve of the reopening of Parliament he returned
to Rome, and, although the premier had informed him that the
Alliance was dissolved and that Italy had contracted obligations
622
ITALY
with the Entente, he announced, in a public letter to his faithful
henchman Sig. Peano, that he believed still that Italy might
obtain a great deal (the famous parecchio) without going to war.
He knew that he could rely on a majority in the Chamber (300
deputies left cards on him during those days), and that if he
declared his opposition the Cabinet was bound to fall. Salandra
realized this too and on May 13 he resigned, on the ground
of the disagreement between the various Constitutional groups
as to Italy's foreign policy, but in reality in consequence of
Giolitti's manoeuvre. It seemed as though the latter's triumph
were assured, but at this juncture the true voice of the country
made itself heard. Huge demonstrations against Giolitti, and
in favour of Salandra and the war, were held in every town, and
in an instant the whole political system built up by Giolitti was
swept away. The various leading political men summoned by the
King all advised him to refuse Salandra's resignation, as he evi-
dently enjoyed the country's favour, and this advice was followed.
Prince von Billow now informed Giolitti of Austria's final offer
(before communicating it to the Government), which comprised,
besides the Trentino, a strip of territory as far as the Isonzo,
the town of Gradisca, but excluding Gorizia and all the east
bank of the river, while Trieste was to be autonomous. But it
was now too late, even if Austria's terms had been satisfactory.
On May 20 Parliament met, and the Chamber granted the
Cabinet full powers by a large majority, only 74 members
(about half of them Official Socialists and the rest impenitent
Giolittians) voting against it. Giolitti himself retired to Pied-
mont, while most of his supporters disappeared or voted for
Salandra. The Senate, in spite of its strong neutralist tendencies,
voted the bill unanimously. Neutralism and Germanophilism
disappeared as if by magic. Many former opponents had been
genuinely converted, to a large extent by the revelations con-
tained in the official " Green Book," which set forth the dip-
lomatic history of the preceding months, while others found it
expedient to draw a veil over their feelings. The Official Social-
ists remained in opposition, but they thought it safer not to run
counter to the general trend of public opinion too openly, and so
kept in the background. On May 23 the general mobilization
was ordered and on the 24th war against Austria declared. It
was not then declared against Germany, but the German
ambassador, his staff, the consuls and most of the
""'y German residents left Italy together with the Aus-
War. trians. The Austrian, Prussian and Bavarian rep-
resentatives to the Holy See also departed, although
the Italian Government did not obh'ge them to do so. The
outbreak of war was received with sober enthusiasm. The
mobilization had to a considerable extent been carried out
already, and the staffs of many corps as well as large numbers
of troops had been concentrating in the Veneto for some weeks.
Consequently there was no general disorganization of the
economic and commercial life of the country. In July an internal
loan at 45% was floated and brought in 1,100 million lire. A
new member was added to the Cabinet in the person of Sig.
Salvatore Barzilai, deputy for Rome, without a portfolio but
entrusted with the civil affairs of the Austrian districts occupied
by Italian troops. The significance of the appointment lay
in the fact that he was one of the leaders of the Republican
group in the Chamber, but, being a Triestino, he was an ir-
redentist first and a Republican afterwards.
Although Italy did not declare war on Turkey, Italian subjects
in the Ottoman Empire were persecuted and those in the Asiatic
provinces prevented from leaving, while the Turkish Government
continued to send officers, emissaries, funds and supplies to
foment rebellion in Libya, in violation of the Treaty of Ouchy.
On Aug. 3 the Italian ambassador at Constantinople presented an
ultimatum to the Porte, and, no satisfactory reply having been
received, war was declared on the 2ist. When Bulgaria invaded
Serbia in Sept. 1915 Italy followed the example of her Allies and
declared war on the former. No operations were conducted
either against Turkey or Bulgaria except the bombardment of
the Bulgarian port of Dede Aghach by an Itah'an cruiser. In Dec.,
in view of the invasion of Serbia by Austrian, German and
Bulgarian armies which constituted a menace to Albania, an
expeditionary force was sent to that country. The Albanian
expedition, in addition to other operations, was instrumental in
saving the remains of the beaten Serbian army, which had been
driven from its own country by Mackensen's offensive. It is
indeed chiefly due to Italian assistance that 150,000 Serbo-
Montenegrin troops were spared death by starvation and
disease, and could be afterwards transferred to Corfu to refit
and eventually to Macedonia to fight again. Large numbers of
civilians found a refuge and a cordial welcome in Italy, while
some 30,000 Austrian prisoners captured by the Serbs were
interned in Sardinia. On Dec. i Baron Sonnino informed
Parliament that Italy adhered to the London agreement, where-
by the Allied Powers undertook not to conclude a separate
peace with the enemy.
In Feb. 1916 a new internal loan brought in 3,000 million
lire. When the Chamber reassembled on March i there appeared
to be some opposition to the Cabinet. The Giolittians and the
Socialists regained courage from the fact that the war still
continued and no, decisive success had been achieved on any
front, which they hoped would alienate the country from the
Government's policy. The interventionists, on the other hand,
criticized the Ministry for what they regarded as its insufficient
energy in conducting the campaign, and, above all, they were
anxious that war should be declared against Germany. Criti-
cisms were also levelled at the Government's economic policy:
facilities for the import of wheat and coal had proved inadequate,
nor had anything been done to keep down freights, the rise of
which had resulted in large increases in the price of many
imported goods (coal had risen to six times its normal price).
But the general opinion of the country was unfavourable to a
change of Ministry, and when Sig. Salandra asked for an explicit
vote of confidence, he obtained it on March 19 by 394 to 61,
the Nationalist group voting this time with the opposition. On
Feb. 7 the Government issued a decree absolutely forbidding
trade with Germany. Trade relations had practically been
broken off since Italy entered the war, but a small amount of
trade had still been carried on through neutral countries; the
new measure put an end even to this, and brought the declara-
tion of war against Germany a step nearer.
In the winter of 1915-6 an exchange of visits between Allied
statesmen and military chiefs began. In Feb. M. Briand, the
French premier, visited Rome, and as a result of his conversa-
tions with Sig. Salandra and Baron Sonnino, a joint inter-Alli
council was created; the first meeting was settled for the end ol
March. On March 20 Gen. Cadorna departed for Paris and the
French G.H.Q., after which he visited London and then returned
to Paris to take part in the above-mentioned council, on which
Italy was represented by the premier and the Minister for
Foreign Affairs. On the return of the two statesmen to Rome
they were visited by Mr. Asquith, the British Premier, who was
very warmly welcomed; he also went to the Italian front and was
received by the King. Gen. Zupelli resigned from the War
Ministry on April 6, as the result of a disagreement with Gen.
Cadorna about the Albanian force, which the latter insisted on
having under his own control as commander-in-chief and not
under that of the War Ministry. Gen. Morrone, one of the
corps commanders at the front, succeeded him.
The initial successes of the Austrian offensive in the Trentino
and on the Asiago plateau (May 1916) caused a painful impres-
sion, as it was the first setback which the Italian
troops had suffered and resulted in the first enemy oc- ^*''^ ej>
cupation of any part of Italian territory. Coming
after a long period of only partial Italian successes, combined
with the very heavy losses suffered, it caused a certain revival of
anti-war tendencies. There was also much criticism of the
Supreme Command, which had apparently allowed itself to be
taken by surprise. Gen. Brusati, commanding the I. Army
(Trentino-Asiago), was relieved of his command, together with
several other generals. As a matter of fact Gen. Cadorna,
knowing that the great Russian offensive was imminent, never
believed that the Austrians would have attempted their famous
ITALY
623
Straf expedition, which, with the forces at their disposal, they
could not conduct to a successful issue. Gen. Brusati cer-
tainly appears to deserve censure, in spite of the whitewashing
he afterwards got from the Caporetto commission. Gen. Ca-
dorna's counter-offensive succeeded in holding back the enemy
before Gen. Brussilov's offensive in Galicia had begun. By
June 24 most of the lost territory had been regained.
Undoubtedly the Trentino-Asiago offensive weakened the
Cabinet's position; the hostility of the Democratic Alliance,
composed of the interventionist groups, turned the
scale, and on June 10 the Salandra Ministry was
defeated on a vote of confidence by 197 to 158; the
next day it resigned. It had never had a majority of its own,
but had been accepted on sufferance by the Giolittians. But
while the latter regarded this result as a success of their own, they
were to be disappointed in the outcome, for instead of a new
Cabinet being formed from their ranks, the general feeling of the
Chamber indicated the veteran statesman, Paolo Boselli, as
the obvious successor to Salandra; as he was outside and above
the militant factions of the Chamber, he alone could hope to form
a national ministry representing all parties. After a laborious
crisis he succeeded in his task by June 19. The new premier
remained without a portfolio; Baron Sonnino, Gen. Morrone,
Adml. Corsi and Sig. Carcano retained their departments;
Sig. Orlando passed from the Ministry of Justice to the Interior;
the Radicals, Sacchi and Fera, became Ministers of Justice and
of Posts and Telegraphs; Meda, the Catholic leader, Minister
of Finance; the Reformist Socialist Bonimi Minister of Public
Works; Giovanni Raineri Minister of Agriculture; the new
Ministries of Industry and Labour and of Transport were
assigned to Giuseppe de Nava and Enrico Arlotta; the Giolittian
Colosimo obtained the Colonies; while the Reformist Socialist
Bissolati, the Republican Comandini, Leonardo Bianchi and
Vittorio Scialoja were made ministers without portfolio.
The Austrian spring offensive had delayed Gen. Cadorna's
main operations, the objectives of which were Gorizia and
Trieste. The attack on Gorizia was begun on Aug. 4,
%%%"' and after n days of strenuous fighting the town
Qorizia. and the formidable positions to the W., N.W., S. and
S.E. were captured. Gen. Cadorna and his lieutenants,
among whom the young Col. (later Gen.) Badoglio deserves es-
pecial mention, conducted the whole offensive with consummate
skill, while the troops behaved with great gallantry. But there
were other lines of defence E. and N.E. of Gorizia still in enemy
hands, and there were not enough reserves to complete the
action. The victory, however, revived public confidence. Italy
now decided to participate in the expedition to Macedonia,
where a mixed force of French, British, Serbs and Russians had
been fighting in very difficult conditions for nearly a year.
The Italian Supreme Command was not very favourable to such
a dispersion of forces. But the Government thought that Italy
should be represented. On Aug. n the first detachments,
commanded by Gen. Petitti di Roreto, landed at Salonika; the
expeditionary force eventually reached the total of 55,000 men,
and was commanded from June 19^ by Gen. Mombelli. After
taking-part in the operations for the capture of Monastir (Nov.
1916), it was entrusted with one of the most dangerous sectors of
the whole front. The Italian force in Albania, commanded by
Gen. Ferrero, extended its occupation northward to the banks
of the Voyusa in Aug. 1916, and then eastward, so that by the
end of the year contact with the French army of the east had
been established at Ersek. In June 1917 Gen. Ferrero at
Argyrokastro proclaimed an Italian protectorate over Albania.
On Aug. 1916 Italy declared war against Germany. Many
reasons have been assigned for the delay in taking this decision.
Germany had no reason to declare war against Italy,
War and in fact she always hoped that at the future peace
Germany- conference she would have in Italy, if not a friend,
at least a friendly enemy among the Entente Powers.
The Italian Government believed that, while public opinion
fully realized the necessity for war with Austria, it did not see
that Germany was the predominant partner in the hostile coali-
tion, and that, as Italian forces were not in direct contact
with those of Germany, except for a few detachments in the
Trentino at the beginning of the war, there was no need to pre-
cipitate matters. In view of later events, and especially of the
Allies' attitude towards Italy, the delayed declaration of war is
now generally regarded as a mistake. The immediate cause of the
declaration of Aug. 27 1916 was the assistance afforded by
Germany to Austria in the recent operations and the seizure of
Italian property by the German Government. On the same day
Rumania declared war against Austria. The Italian military
attache in the former country, alone of the Allied representatives,
had deprecated Rumanian intervention at that moment and
disapproved of the plan of invading Transylvania while neglect-
ing the Bulgarian front. The course of events was to prove his
judgment only too accurate. In Jan. I9i7'a conference of Allied
premiers and commanders-in-chief met in Rome. Gen Cadorna,
supported by Mr. Lloyd George, advocated an inter-Allied
offensive on the Austrian front. But the French view that the
western front alone was decisive prevailed. In April 1917 the
British, French and Italian premiers and foreign ministers met
at St. Jean de Maurienne, in Savoy, to discuss the future settle-
ment of the Eastern problem. The meeting was the result of
Baron Sonnino's insistence that the previous agreements between
Britain, France and Russia concerning the same questions, and
especially the fate of Constantinople and Asia Minor, were
invalid as Italy was not a party to them. At St. Jean it was
agreed that, in a future partition of Asia Minor, Smyrna Was to
be assigned to Italy, an undertaking subsequently broken.
During the autumn of 1916, and again in the spring and sum-
mer of 1917, operations on the Carso-Isonzo front were carried
out. Many thousands of prisoners were captured and! some
important positions conquered, especially on the Bainsitsa
plateau. But no decisive victory was achieved, and the losses
were terrible. What the Italian public only half realized, and that
of the other Allied countries hardly at all, was that by these
frightfully costly operations the Italian army was pinning
down Austria's best troops and after the Russian revolution
practically all her troops and preventing her from sending
any reinforcements to the Germans on the western front.
It now became known that the Austrians, free of all danger
on the Russian side, and aided by several German divisions
and by the advice of Marshal von Ludendorff, were
preparing an offensive on a large scale against Italy.
Their preparations were not limited to the accumu- 1917.
lation of reserves and artillery, but comprised an ac-
tive and subtle propaganda among the Italian troops and,
above all, in the interior of the country. The protracted
struggle, the slow progress achieved, the serious defeats on many
Allied fronts, the fearful losses, the grave privations of the civil
population and, above all, the collapse of Russia, had accentuated
the sense of depression which had begun to be felt in Italy more
than a year before. Among the troops themselves the discomfort
of life in the trenches, as well as the constant danger, the too-
long periods at the front which each unit had to undergo, and the
absence or inadequacy of the arrangements for providing amuse-
ments in the rest camps, began to react on the men who had
fought for over two years. The more extreme Sociah'sts were
not slow to profit by this state of feeling; some of them were no
doubt in the enemy's pay, others hoped to reestablish their
influence over the masses by provoking a military mutiny which
would bring about peace, and all were influenced by the example
of the Russian revolution and by the prospects of unlimited
plunder which a similar movement in Italy would offer. An
immense number of people, both civilians and soldiers, were
simply war-weary, and there were other influences at work
besides that of the Socialists. A " defeatist " campaign had
already been started in Giolitti's organ La Stampa of Turin.
The Clericals, who had never approved of the war, were ever
suggesting that peace might be obtained by agreement, and the
Pope's Encyclical about the " useless carnage " made a con-
siderable impression, although it must be added that many
individual Catholics, including nearly all the army chaplains,
624
ITALY
had done their duty nobly. The German " peace offensive,"
and a speech by the Socialist deputy Treves, in which he promised
that in the following winter no one should be in the trenches,
all served to accentuate the state of mind which made Caporetto
possible. A minor cause was the revolutionary strike in Turin
in Aug. 1917. The pretext of the rioting was that on a certain
day the city's bread supply had failed. The men who promoted
the trouble were very highly paid workmen in the munition
and motor factories, who had not a shadow of a grievance, but
merely wished to imitate the Russian Bolshevists; German
and Austrian money was probably not unconnected with the
affair. The authorities repressed the rising with considerable
energy and several of the rioters were killed or wounded. Many
of those implicated were punished by being deprived of their
exemption from service in the army and sent to the front, where
they at once initiated a revolutionary propaganda among the
other troops. Many of these men were incorporated in the bri-
gades which afterwards collapsed at Caporetto, while others,
employed in the motor transport service, were able to spread
their suggestions throughout many units.
There had been signs of unrest and of a diminished military
spirit among certain regiments, notably in the fighting on the
Monte Ortigara on the Asiago plateau (June 1017), and in the
operations against the Hermada on the road to Trieste in
Aug., which, after a successful beginning, had been held up
owing to the failure of certain units. This state of things had
certainly not escaped Gen. Cadorna, but, in spite of his warnings,
the Government, and in particular Sig. Orlando, the Minister
of the Interior, had failed to pay attention to them or to take
any adequate measures against the Bolshevist, defeatist and
pacifist propaganda. Papers like the Avanli were not only
published freely with only the mildest censorship, but were even
allowed to reach the troops at the front.
The enemy offensive began on Oct. 23 1917, at Caporetto
on the upper Isonzo. The objective had been not only to drive
the Italians out of Austrian territory and to inflict a
crushing defeat on the whole Italian army, but, as
far as Austria was concerned, to reconquer Venetia for the
Monarchy. The attack on Caporetto was followed immediately
by another on the Asiago plateau. The results actually achieved
were the breaking of the eastern front and the collapse of the
whole of the Italian II. Army (Gen. Capello), which involved
the retirement, albeit in order, of the III. (Duke of Aosta) from
the Carso, and of the IV. (Gen. di Robilant) from the Cadore.
The whole of the provinces of Udine and Belluno and parts of
those of Venice, Treviso and Vicenza were occupied by the
enemy. On the Asiago plateau, on Monte Grappa (between the
Brenta and the Piave) and along the lower course of the Piave
the Austro-Germans were held up, but no one knew if it would
be possible to resist for long. The consequences of the disaster
were grave indeed. The enemy had captured 300,000 prisoners,
2,500 guns (including most of the heavy artillery) and vast
quantities of stores. Venice was now only 30 km. from the front
and its fall at one time seemed inevitable, together with that
of other important towns, manufacturing centres and rich
agricultural districts. Depression and gloom spread throughout
Italy, intensified by the throngs of refugees flying panic-stricken
before the invaders, who murdered, raped, plundered and burnt
their way onward (see CAPORETTO, BATTLE or). 1
Germany and Austria were convinced that a knock-down
blow like this would have left Italy prostrate, and they counted
on a revolution leading to a separate peace, as was afterwards
to take place in Russia at Brest Litovsk. Then all the enemy
armies would be able to concentrate on the western front and
obtain a decisive victory there before American help could
arrive. Even in the Allied countries and in Italy herself it was
thought impossible that after so crushing a disaster the army and
people could recover. But the impossible happened. The feeling
1 The report of the Royal Commission on the responsibilities of
Germany and Austria for violations of international law, published
in April 1921, contains a vast mass of evidence of the atrocious be-
haviour of the enemy in the united provinces.
Caporetto.
of dissatisfaction at the length of the war, the hope of peace by !
compromise, Germanophil sentiments, and the general sense of
hopeless weariness gave way to the determination to resist at j
all costs. Everyone from the King to the poorest peasant realized
that the new lines must be held. " Di qui non passer anno"
(" Here they shall not pass ") became the universal cry. The
King's example was splendid. Since the beginning of the war
he had always been at the front, constantly visiting the trenches
and the most exposed positions, but without interfering in the
conduct of military operations, although nominally commander-
in-chief; he took only the same leave as any ordinary soldier, ,
1 5 days a year. But now he multiplied his efforts a thousandfold.
His proclamation of Nov. 10 was a stirring trumpet call to the
whole nation. " As neither My House nor My People, united
in a single spirit, have ever wavered before danger, so even
now we look adversity in the face undaunted. Citizens and
soldiers, be a single army! All cowardice is treachery, all
discord is treachery, all recrimination is treachery." Another
man who did much to rouse the country was the poet D'Annunzio.
He had given proof of wonderful courage in fighting, and he now
influenced public opinion by the marvellous eloquence of his
speeches and articles. Between Nov. 10 and 22 the defeated
Italian army, which had pulled itself together, resisted on the
Asiago-Grappa-Piave line, and the enemy, in spite of repeated
attacks, failed to break through.
As soon as the extent of the Caporetto disaster was realized
the Boselli Cabinet resigned (Oct. 26), and on the 3oth Sig.
Orlando succeeded in forming another, with himself
as premier. Baron Sonnino remained Foreign Minis- Ministry
ter and the other portfolios were distributed as fol-
lows: Gen. Alfieri (War), Adml. Del Bono (Marine), Meda
(Finance), Nitti (Treasury), Colosimo (Colonies), Dari (Public
Works), Gen. Dallolio (Arms and Munitions), Sacchi (Justice),
Fera (Post Office), Miliani (Agriculture), Ciuffelli (Trade and
Industry), Bianchi (Transport), Bissolati (Pensions), Crespi
(Supplies). Gen. Cadorna now ceased to command the army, and
Gen. Diaz was appointed chief of the general staff in his place,
with Gens. Badoglio and Giardino as assistant chiefs.
The Allies came forward generously to aid Italy in her dire
need, and at once hurried fresh troops to the Italian front,
amounting eventually to six British and five French divisions.
Marshal Foch also visited the Supreme Command to assist with
his valuable advice, but he endorsed all that Gen. Cadorna
proposed almost without suggesting any change. The arrival
of the Allied contingents exercised a most inspiriting moral
effect on the Italian troops and public. But it must be remem-
bered that no French or British contingent actually came into the
fighting line until after the enemy had been definitely held up by
Italian troops alone between Nov. 10 and 22. This fact had an
important bearing on events yet to come, but is apt to be for-
gotten. On Nov. 5 the prime ministers of Italy, France and
Britain and the Italian Ministers of War and Foreign Affairs met
at Rapallo, where the permanent Inter- Allied Military Committee
of Versailles was constituted. Gen. Cadorna was the first
Italian representative on*it, and remained there until, the
Caporetto inquiry having been ordered, he was recalled.
A very serious problem which faced the new Government
was the relief of the refugees from the invaded area. About
4-4% of Italy's territory had been occupied by the enemy and
one-third of the inhabitants of those provinces had been able
to escape and were scattered all over the country. The Govern-
ment granted large sums for their assistance, and 35,000,000
lire was raised by public subscription. Their presence did much
to strengthen the national spirit of resistance, and much valu-
able propaganda was carried out by the association of disabled
soldiers (mutilati di guerra), the organization of which was
largely due to the heroic Capt. Paulucci di Calboli, who, although
hopelessly crippled, toured the country advocating resistance
to the bitter end, until he died in consequence of his wounds.
In the meanwhile the army was almost wholly reorganized, and
the losses in artillery and other material more than made good
in about four months' time, largely owing to the patriotic
ITALY
625
he 14
ttts.
act of
ome.
nterprise of the Italian manufacturers and the organizing and
chnical genius of Gen. Dallolio. On Feb. 8 1918 Gen. Giardino
vas appointed to Versailles in the place of Gen. Cadorna, who
was placed on the retired list, and on the 2oth Gen. Alfieri
signed from the War Ministry, to which Gen. Zupelli returned,
/aluable work was done by the American Red Cross, whose
elief workers penetrated into every corner of Italy, and not
only gave the most generous and efficient material assistance to
the needy, but carried on a most vigorous political propaganda,
he British Red Cross was also extremely active, especially at
he front. At the same time both the Government and numerous
Italian private committees set to work with energy to care for
he comfort of the troops at the front and in the rest camps.
On Jan. 8 1918 President Wilson published his Peace pro-
gramme containing the famous 14 points. Those which referred
to Italy and the Adriatic question were of a nature
Italy and ^ o ra i se some doubts as to his policy. He spoke in
fact of " rectifications of the Italian frontiers on clear-
ly recognized national lines," a phrase which has
no meaning where the population is mixed. Point 10 speaks
" autonomy " for the peoples of Austria-Hungary which might
nply the maintenance of the Dual Monarchy; but as long as that
lonarchy existed Italy could never hope to retain peacefully
ven Trieste. To Serbia he offered no more than a free outlet to
he sea, which might have been obtained outside the Austro-
lungarian dominions; this point also implied an unspoken
esire to preserve the Monarchy. In Italy, even among the most
ardent interventionists, there were a few who did not wish for
he total destruction of Austria-Hungary, but their desire was
obviously incompatible with the realization of Italian aspirations.
Between April 8 and 10 the congress of nationalities oppressed
by Austria-Hungary was held in Rome, and, although organized
by a private committee, its delegates were received
on the nth by the premier, to whom they presented
the so-called "Pact of Rome." Sig. Orlando had
previously received in private the Yugoslav delegation to the
Congress headed by M. Trumbich. The Pact of Rome, if
arried out, meant the death-knell of the Dual Monarchy,
nasmuch as it provided that each of the peoples subjected
vholly or partly to Austro-Hungarian rule "proclaim its right
constitute its nationality and state unity and to complete it
and attain full political and economic independence." The
Italian and Yugoslav delegates recognized further that "the
unity and independence of the Yugoslav nation are a vital
aterest for Italy, as the completion of Italian unity is a vital
nterest of the Yugoslav nation." They also agreed " to settle
itnicably the various territorial controversies on the basis of the
principle of nationality and of the right of self-determination
of peoples, and so as to avoid causing prejudice to the vital
nterests of the nations, which will be defined at the moment
of making peace." Guarantees for the maintenance of their
anguage, culture and moral and economic interests were promised
to the racial minorities which might be included in each state.
This agreement was an earnest of mutual good-will and the result
of the tendencies of Bissolati and certain political men and writers
who wished Italy to assume the leadership of the movement for
the liberation, of Austria-Hungary's subject peoples. But it
eally had no binding force, and it failed to offer a definite
olution for the practical territorial problems which were des-
tined later to assume so acute a character. The Nationalists
aimed that the attitude of certain Italian representatives,
who seemed prepared to give up Dalmatia, was responsible for
the future intransigeance of the Yugoslavs. 1 At the same time the
Yugoslav propagandists were conducting an active campaign to
induce Britain and France to go back on the territorial agree-
ments with Italy contained in the Pact of London, and they tried
to enlist the support of the United States, which was not a party
to that convention. In Sept. 1918 they actually proposed that,
Italy remained obdurate, Britain, France and the United
States should force her to give way by cutting off her supplies of
1 See the whole correspondence on the subject in La Vita Italiana,
July-Aug. 1919, p. 120.
food and coal. It need hardly be said that this suggestion was
not accepted by the Allies.
Italy had already sent a number of territorial troops to France
to form labour corps (about 70,000 in all). But now, in view
of the very serious situation on the French front caused by the
successful German offensive of March and April, and as a return
for the assistance of Allied forces on the Italian front, it was
decided to send an Italian fighting force to the western front,
consisting of an army corps under Gen. Albricci. The announce-
ment was made in the Chamber on April 18. In May there were
certain Cabinet changes: Gen. Dallolio left the Munitions
Ministry, and Senator Villa succeeded Sig. Bianchi at that of
Transport, and on the 22nd Sig. Crespi was appointed to the new-
ly created Ministry of Supply. On the 24th the third anniversary
of Italy's declaration of war was celebrated in Rome, and the
Prince of Wales took part in the ceremony.
After the great German offensive in France the Supreme
Command received information that another Austrian offensive
on the Italian front was in preparation. Although
the spirit of the army and of the country as a whole
was much higher than it had been before Caporetto,
and it was generalfy believed that the enemy would be ulti-
mately held up, it was feared that the enemy push would
result in at least a temporary occupation of more Italian terri-
tory, containing rich industrial and agricultural areas which
the country could not afford to lose. Fortunately the re-
organized intelligence service was able to obtain full details of the
enemy's plans in good time. This was partly due also to the
Italian and Allied air forces, which had now acquired a complete
mastery of the air on the Italian front, and to some extent to
the work of propaganda carried out among the Austrian troops
belonging to the oppressed nationalities. Among the Austrian
prisoners captured, those of Czechoslovak, Rumanian and
Polish nationality were formed into special units to serve at the
front the Czechoslovaks eventually constituted a division
which took part in the fighting. Negotiations were also opened
with a view to raising a Yugoslav force, but the plan failed. On
June 15 1918, the Austrian offensive was launched on the Asiago
plateau and on the Piave-Grappa front, and on the 23rd, after
eight days' desperate fighting, the Austrians were completely
driven back to their old positions, defeated and in disorder.
This victory, in which the Anglo-French divisions had an
important share, produced a general sense of relief.
The internal economic situation was difficult enough, but
the public were ready to support all necessary privations.
Bread, rice, macaroni paste, meat, sugar and many
other food-stuffs were strictly rationed. The bread
ration was reduced to 250 grammes per day per head,
meat could be obtained only twice a week, and the manufacture
of cakes and sweets was prohibited. Coal, which had risen
enormously in price, was so scarce that the railway service for
passengers had to be greatly curtailed on all lines. The size of
newspapers was strictly limited so as to avoid wastage of paper.
On the other hand, war industries assumed an enormous develop-
ment, and the whole country became one huge arsenal, in spite
of the fact that practically all the raw material had to be im-
ported. Some mines, however, such as the iron-mines of the
Val d'Aosta and several lignite-mines, which had remained
idle for many years because it did not pay to run them, were
now reopened and proved valuable war assets. The shipping
losses were very serious, as the enemy submarines were partic-
ularly active in the Mediterranean and Adriatic, and by the
end of the war Italy had lost just over half of her mercantile ton-
nage. This, together with the losses of British and other Allied
shipping, enhanced the supply difficulty.
Italy had now contingents on five fronts outside Italy France,
Albania, Macedonia, Palestine (since June 1917) and Libya.
Before the war ended other detachments were to be sent to the
Murman coast and to East Siberia. The Albanian force had
not taken part in important operations since the end of 1916, but
in the spring and summer of 1918 it came in for a good deal of
fighting and extended the occupied territory considerably, in
626
ITALY
Vittorio
Veneto.
cooperation with the left wing of the French Armee d'Orient.
After the occupation of Fieri and Berat, Gen. Ferrero's corps
suffered a setback owing to the enemy's strong reenforcements,
while his own effectives had been greatly depleted by fever, but
it subsequently contributed to the success of the Macedonian
offensive in September. In the latter operation Gen. Mombelli's
contingent played a useful part. During the summer of 1918
preparations were being made for an Italian offensive on the
Asiago plateau and in the Pasubio sector. But a vaster general
offensive was also being prepared with the object of completely
breaking the Austrian front. Events in France rendered any
help to Austria from Germany improbable, while
the surrender of Bulgaria constituted a new menace
to the Dual Monarchy from the south-east. The army
under Gen. Diaz comprised 51 Italian, 3 British, 2 French and
one Czechoslovak divisions and one U. S. regiment. The
attacking force consisted of 22 divisions divided into four armies,
of whom one was commanded by Gen. the Earl of Cavan and
another by the French Gen. Graziani; the two Italian army
commanders were Gens. Caviglia and Giardino. The total
enemy forces amounted to 73 j divisions, but they were inferior
in artillery. The offensive known as the battle of Vittorio
Veneto began on Oct. 24 a year and a day after the beginning
of the Caporetto disaster. By Nov. 3, " what had been one of the
most powerful armies in the world," as Gen. Diaz's victory
communique states, " was annihilated." Some 600,000 prisoners,
7,000 guns and an immense quantity of material of all kinds
were captured the biggest haul of the whole war. The same
day, at Villa Giusti, near Padua, an armistice between the
Italian and Austro-Hungarian armies was signed. By its terms
the enemy troops were to evacuate not only all Italian territory,
but also all the territory assigned to Italy by the Treaty of
London, and all Italian prisoners were to be liberated without
reciprocity. At the moment it was signed the Italian troops
were well beyond the old frontier in the western and central
sectors of the front; Rovereto, Trento and the Val Sugana were
occupied; and a column, descending the Val di Sole, was rapidly
approaching Bozen. The enemy had also been driven out of a
large part of the province of Belluno and most of the Friuli,
while the city of Trieste had been occupied by troops under
Gen. Petitti di Roerto transported by sea from Venice. The
armistice went into force on the 4th, and on that day Cividale,
Cervignano, Grado, Aquileia and Gorizia were reoccupied, and
detachments landed at Monfalcone, various Istrian ports, Zara
and on the islands of Lussin, Lagosta, Maleda and Curzola.
There had been at first no intention of occupying Fiume, but it
was done at the urgent appeal of the inhabitants, who were in
fear of violence at the hands of the Croat bands.
Meanwhile the Armistice of Nov. 1 1 with Germany was being
concluded in France, as the result of events there, to which
the victory of Vittorio Veneto had been an important
contribution. For Bavaria was now open to the
Italian armies. The first difficulty with which Italy
was confronted immediately after her armistice with Austria was
the handling of the enormous and unexpected number of enemy
prisoners, to which were added the very numerous Italian
prisoners who had been suddenly set free, or had freed
themselves, without any arrangements for their food or transport ;
a considerable number who had been employed in Hungary,
Rumania, Bulgaria and South Russia came pouring down into
Macedonia, taxing to the uttermost the very limited resources of
Gen. Mombelli's force. It was also urgently necessary to
provide food, seed corn, cattle and clothing for the inhabitants
of the liberated territories, whom the Austrians had plundered
of everything. The problem of the prisoners was rapidly and
efficiently handled, and in a comparatively short time the
Italian prisoners were repatriated, although not a few of them,
especially those in the Balkans, died of starvation and exhaus-
tion on the way home. The question of the terre liberate proved
far more serious; a special ministry was created for it, but
in 1921 much still then remained to be done before those prov-
inces could.be restored to normal conditions.
The
Armistice.
Occupation
of Italia
Irredenta.
Italian
Losses.
After Vittorio Veneto the Italian troops occupied the whole
territory assigned to Italy by the Pact of London, and also
certain other points beyond the line for the main-
tenance of order. Troops landed at Pirano and Muggia
on Nov. 5, and a naval division entered Pola harbour
the same day; Bozen in Tirol and Sebenico in Dal-
matia were occupied on the 6th, and on the loth the north-
ernmost limit of the line arranged with Austria, the Brenner
pass, was reached. The Duke of Aosta, commanding the III.
Army, entered Trieste, where he established his H.Q., and on the
same day a detachment under Gen. di San Marzano, together
with a U.S. battalion, entered Fiume. On the .2 2nd the greater
part of the former Austro-Hungarian mercantile fleet, which
had taken shelter in the Prokljan lagoon near Sebenico, was
taken over by Italian warships. Innsbruck and Landeck, at the
request of the local authorities, were occupied on the 23rd for
the maintenance of order, while on the 24th Italian patrols
reached the high peaks of the Vetta dTtalia and the Pizzo
dei Tre Signori, where they planted the Italian flag. The
final settlement of Italy's new frontiers was of course a matter
for the Peace Conference to decide.
The extremely heavy losses suffered by Italy in the war
materially influenced public opinion in the country during the
discussion of the peace terms, for it was generally felt
that in the other Allied countries these losses were
not adequately appreciated, neither in their absolute
nor in their relative importance. With a total pop. of about
38,000,000 inhabitants (including the African colonies) Italy
had mobilized 26 classes, or 5,615,000 men. Her losses in men
were 496,921 killed (of whom 15,500 were officers) and 949,576
wounded (slightly wounded not included); of these 219,145
remained permanently disabled. The killed alone represent
I- 3% of the population. The fact that Italy entered the war
10, months later than the other Powers makes her percentage
of losses still more significant.
Italy's territorial claims had been set forth in the Pact of
London, although certain Nationalist elements aspired to
somewhat wider lands. The reasons for Italy's
aspirations, as stated in the memorandum presented (*'*''* .
* i T ,. f territorial
by the Italian Delegation to the Pans Conference on claims.
Feb. 7 1919, may be summarized as follows:
1. The Trentino. This was a purely Italian province, whose
inhabitants had always demanded union with Italy; on this point
there was no controversy.
2. The Alto Adige. The upper valleys of the Adige and its
affluents as far as the Brenner were necessary for Italy's strategic
security, and although they contained a German pop. of 180,000,
it would be very difficult to find a possible geographical frontier
south of the Brenner. This was one of the cases in which geographical
considerations prevailed over purely ethnical ones.
3. The Venezia Giulia. This territory comprised the city and
district of Trieste, Gorizia-Gradisca, Istria and certain adjoining
districts of Carinthia and Carniola. The total pop. was 893,000;
according to Austrian statistics 48 % were Italian, 32 % Slovenes and
20% Croats, but these figures were, as is well known, doctored to
make the Italians appear less numerous, while the Slav element had
been largely increased in recent times by the importation of numbers
of Slovene officials and workmen for the Government services, rail-
ways and State industries, always with the object of reducing the
Italian percentage. On the other hand, the numerous Italian citizens
permanently settled in the Venezia Giulia, although included in the
total population, did not affect the Italian official percentage,
being aliens, although they would affect it under Italian rule; if
they were included the total of Italians would be 482,000 to 411,000
Slavs. Furthermore, even under Austrian rule, 70% of the total
population lived in communes administered by Italian councils.
4. Dalmatia. In this province the majority of the population
was Slav. According to Austrian statistics, out of a total of 645,000
inhabitants only 18,000, or 3 %, were Italians. According to Italian
statistics the proportion of Italians amounted to 10% of the total.
All the Dalmatian deputies to the Reichsrat were Slavs, and so were
all the communes except Zara. But in 1861 the Diet comprised 30
Italians and 13 Slavs, and in 1869 seven Reichsrat deputies were
Italians and two Slavs. The whole civilization, traditions, manners
and customs of Dalmatia were undoubtedly Italian rather than
Slav, and until after 1866, when Austria inaugurated her policy
of fomenting hatred between the two races and of backing up
the Slavs, Italians and Slavs had lived amicably together. Of this
province, whose total area was 12,385 sq. km., Italy, by the Pact
ITALY
627
of London, claimed 6,326 sq. km. with a pop. of 287,000, or 44% of
the total, including at least 15,000 Italians. Italy demanded Dalma-
tia also for strategic reasons. The Dalmatian coast, with its in-
numerable bays, inlets, ample natural harbours and islands, repre-
sented a danger for Italian security if it was held by an unfriendly
Power, more especially as the opposite Italian coast had practically
no ports from Venice to Brindisi.
5. Fiume. Though the Pact of London did not include Fiume
in Italy's claims, a memorial as to what Italy should demand,
presented to the Government in April 1917 by Senator Franchetti
and bearing 3,000 signatures, expressly included Fiume as well as
the other territpries provided for in the Pact.
Italian public opinion was not unanimous as to Italy's ter-
ritorial aspirations, and this was one of the causes of the weakness
of the Italian position at the Peace Conference. The Nationalists
demanded all the territories of the London Treaty plus Fiume,
and some claimed South Dalmatia as well. The rinunciatari
on the other hand, as those who were prepared to give up part
of these claims, were ready to abandon Dalmatia and part of
Istria and of the Trieste hinterland, because they wanted to
conciliate the Yugoslavs and took no account of Italy's strate-
gical necessities, but they demanded Fiume as an Italian town.
Sig. Bissolati was the leader of this group, and he even wished
to give up the Alto Adigc because of its German majority. Among
the Italian delegates at Paris there were also differences of tendency
if not actually of opinion. While Baron Sonnino held to the Pact
of London and did not insist on Fiume, Sig. Orlando demanded the
latter but was ready to compromise on Dalmatia. Military
opinion attached especial importance to the Trieste hinterland, as
far as the Monte Nevoso line, as indispensable for the defence of
Trieste and Pola, but it was less certain about Dalmatia, which
it would be difficult to defend. Naval opinion, especially Adml.
Thaon di Revel, the chief of the naval staff, was strongly in
favour of retaining Dalmatia owing to its geographical situation
and its many ports and islands. The general mass of public
opinion demanded above all a good frontier the Brenner and
the Julian Alps with the Nevoso line and the protection of the
Italian character of Fiume and the other Italian communities
on the Adriatic coast so that they should not be wiped out by the
Slav tide. This latter point of view appealed to nearly every
Italian, to whom the idea that civilized Italian communities
should be ruled by semi-civilized Balkan races was profoundly
repugnant. In the case of Fiume this feeling became peculiarly
bitter owing to the subsequent developments of the controversy.
To the Italian claims on the eastern Adriatic the Yugoslavs
now opposed their demands. The minimum on which they
insisted would have brought the frontier to the
Yaxoslav i sonzo leaving even Trieste outside Italy, while their
Counter- "
Claims. maximum claims extended to the old Auslro-Italian
frontier and even beyond it so as to include the
eastern part of the province of Udine. The difference between
the Italian attitude and that of the Yugoslavs was that, whereas
in Italy only the ultra-Nationalists made exaggerated demands,
and many moderate-minded men were ready to brave unpopular-
ity by reducing Italy's claims very considerably and pleaded
earnestly for conciliation with the Yugoslavs, among the latter
no one said a word in favour of an understanding except the
gallant Voivoda Michich, the Serbian commander-in-chief.
Italy and the Yugoslavs. Rivalry between Italy and the Yugo-
slavs did not date from the end of the war. Under the Austrian
regime bitter hatred had grown up, fostered by Austria herself,
between the Italian and Slav elements of the population, and this
antagonism had repercussions in Italy. Italians wishing to com-
plete Italian unity hoped that on the day when the Dual Monarchy
should collapse Italy would acquire those of its territories which had
an Italian population and civilization. The Slavs, who also looked
forward to their own unity most of them believed that it would be
realized under Austrian aegis laid claim to those same territories
on the ground that a part of their inhabitants were Slavs. As long
as Austria-Hungary existed this rivalry assumed an acute form only
in the disputed territories themselves and did not affect Italian
policy very closely. But with the outbreak of the war the national
aspirations of Italy and of the Yugoslavs came into more direct
conflict. At first Italian sympathies, regardless of Serbia's eventual
aspirations to Austria's Adriatic lands, were undoubtedly with the
small and gallant Serb nation struggling against a brutal and over-
bearing bully, and when Italy was about to enter the war coopera-
tion between the two nations seemed the obvious course. A plan of
campaign whereby Serbia was to attack the Austrians in the direc-
tion of Agram, while Italy was attacking on the Carso, had been
agreed upon ; but it fell through at the last moment, in spite of the
insistent appeals of the Allies to the Belgrade Government, owing
to the influence of the Serbian secret societies, who dominated the
army and refused to countenance any action which might be of ad-
vantage to Italy. The Serbs, although they did not then know the
exact terms of the Pact of London, knew that Italy claimed Gorizia,
Trieste, Istria and parts of Dalmatia and the islands. There seemed
then little prospect of a complete break-up of Austria, but the Serbs,
who aspired to a union of all the Yugoslav peoples, laid claim to all
these territpries; some even of the Serbs would have been ready to
accept national unity under Austrian suzerainty. The Yugoslav
soldiers in the Austrian army fought with particular energy against
Italy, because they considered that they were defending what they
regarded as Yugoslav territory against an Italian invasion. The
fact remains that, owing to the failure of the Serbs to attack, Austria
was able to withdraw five out of six divisions from the Serb front
and send them to the Italian front.
During the war the first contact between the Italians and the
Serbs occurred in Albania, where Italian assistance materially helped
to save the remnants of the Serbian army from annihilation by
starvation and disease. Incidents, however, occurred in that con-
nexion which caused bitterness of feeling on the part of the Serbs,
for some individual Italian officers, including one general, failed to
show proper consideration and tact, and subjected them to certain
moral humiliations. These lapses were not forgotten. Later, indeed,
when Italian and Serb troops were fighting side by side in Mace-
donia, relations between the two armies became excellent, and on the
eve of the Sept. offensive the Crown Prince Alexander deplored
the fact that the plan of operations precluded a direct liaison between
Italian and Serb troops. A certain amount of tension was caused,
however, by the question of the Yugoslav prisoners in Italy. The
Serbian Government wanted Italy to send those prisoners both
those captured by the Serbian army and interned in Italy and those
captured by the Italians to fight under Serbian command in
Macedonia. The Italian Government raised difficulties, not so much
from hostility to the idea of Yugoslav unity, as the Serbs asserted,
as because most of these prisoners were Croats and Slovenes and
had no wish to go and fight against Austria or her allies. There
were other difficulties concerning the choice of officers, and the result
was that only a very small number were sent to Macedonia.
It must be remembered in explanation of Italy's attitude, that the
notion of Yugoslav unity independent of Austria-Hungary only
assumed practical shape at the very end of the war save in a very
limited circle. Austria's Yugoslav soldiers fought valiantly against
the Italians, and even against the Serbs. Throughout the war the
Yugoslav subjects of the Dual Monarchy were most emphatic in
their expressions of loyalty to the dynasty. Thus on May 8 1917,
the Serbo-Croat coalition in the Croatian Diet presented an address
of loyalty to the Emperor Charles, demanding the formation of
" Trialism," with a Yugoslav state which would constitute " on the
Adriatic coast the most powerful bulwark of the greatness and splen-
dour of Your Majesty's throne." On Oct. 19 1917, Herr Korosete, 1
president of the Yugoslav club in the Austrian Reichsrat, after
speaking of the heroic sacrifices of the Yugoslav people " for the
Emperor and the Fatherland," stated that Yugoslavism was " the
warden of the Monarchy as a great Power on the Adriatic. 1 ' On
May 30 1918, the Yugoslav Congress in Trieste protested against
the friendliness towards Italy displayed by the Yugoslav delegates
at the Rome Congress, and insisted that Trieste and all the coast
from the Isonzo to the last town in Dalmatia must belong to the
Yugoslav state under Austrian auspices. It was only on the eve of
the Armistice, when the defeat of the Central Empires appeared
inevitable even to their own subjects, that the project of breaking
away from the Dual Monarchy was openly entertained by the
Austro-Hungarian Yugoslavs. The Croatian Association did not
actually proclaim the independence of Yugoslavia until Oct. 30
1918. An attempt was then made to secure the Austro-Hungarian
fleet for the new state, and on Oct. 31 the Austro-Hungarian Govern-
ment ordered the ships at Pola to place thejnselves under the Serbo-
Croat-Slovene National Council created at Agram. The Yugoslav
colours were raised on the fleet, but of course such a change of flag
during war-time was null and void, and the Italians torpedoed the
dreadnought " Viribus Unitis " in Pola harbour on Nov. I.
Italy after the War. Orlando and Baron Sonnino returned to
Italy from the Versailles War Council on Nov. 4 1918, and great
demonstrations were held to celebrate the victory. On the i4th
the King returned to Rome from the front and had a triumphant
reception. The Government was now faced by the difficult
task of bridging the gulf between the state of war and the state
of peace. It was still necessary to keep a large number of troops
at the front until the frontier question was settled; and Serbia,
now the Serbo-Croat-Slovene state, or Yugoslavia, instead of
demobilizing, was increasing her army by taking over ex-Austro-
1 Who was afterwards a member of the Yugoslav Cabinet.
628
ITALY
Hungarian units en bloc and even calling up recruits in the new
territories. There was also a state of anarchy in certain Austrian
and Slav districts along the Armistice line, while the Italian
forces in the Balkans had to be kept up to strength for the
occupation of all Albania, now that the Austrian forces had left,
to garrison Bulgaria and to provide contingents for Constantinople
and other points in European Turkey. The internal situation
also required careful handling, as the Socialist and anarchist
elements, now that the war regime and the censorship were
relaxed, took advantage of the general weariness of the people
to foment revolutionary agitations. The economic situation
was serious. On Nov. 26 Sig. Nitti presented the budget state-
ment for 1917-8, which showed a revenue of 19,496 millions
(of which 12,000 millions were borrowed) and an expenditure of
25,339 millions, leaving a deficit of 6,271 millions. The Cabinet
obtained a vote of confidence from the Chamber on the 27th
(325 to 33), after which Sig. Orlando and Baron Sonnino left for
London for a series of preliminary meetings in view of the coming
Peace Conference. On Dec. 12 the first demobilization order
was issued, and the classes from 1878 to 1884 were disbanded.
Owing to a disagreement with his colleagues over foreign policy,
and particularly over the questions of the Alto Adige and
Dalmatia, Sig. Bissolati resigned from the Cabinet. Sig. Dari,
the Minister of Public Works, also resigned on account of ill-
health, and was succeeded by Sig. Bonomi. On Jan. i 1919, the
state of war was declared at an end throughout Italy except
in the Veneto. On the 3rd President Wilson arrived in Rome,
and was received with a frenzied enthusiasm as the man who had
most contributed to bringing the war to an end. But the
ministers who had occasion to discuss politics with him suspected
that he was by no means too favourable to Italy's claims.
The ministerial crisis which had been brewing since Bissolati's
resignation came to a head on Jan. 18, and resulted in the
resignation of Signori Sacchi, Nitti, Villa, Miliani
and Gen ' Zu P el]i from the ministries of Justice,
1919. Treasury, Transport, Agriculture and War; their
portfolios were assumed by Signori Facta, Stringher,
De Nava, Riccio and Gen. Caviglia, while the newly constituted
ministry for the liberated territories was entrusted to Senator
Fradeletto. The Italian delegation to the Peace Conference,
which held its first meeting in Paris the same day, was composed
of Sig. Orlando, Baron Sonnino, the ex-ministers Salandra and
Barzilai and the ambassador Marquis Salvago-Raggi.
The Italo- Yugoslav conflict soon broke out in an acute form.
An initial mistake of the Italian delegation was their failure to
protest against the presence of Herr Zolger, the ex-
Austrian minister , among the Yugoslav delegates.
On Feb. 17 the Yugoslav delegation in Paris proposed
to refer all territorial disputes to the arbitration of
President Wilson, but Baron Sonnino replied that Italy could
not accept arbitration on a question for which she had fought for
three years and lost half a million of her sons, and it must now be
submitted to the Conference. The following day the Yugoslavs
presented their territorial claims, which corresponded to the mini-
mum mentioned above, plus Montenegro and North Albania. On
the Armistice line frequent incidents occurred between Italian and
Yugoslav troops, and the latter even expelled the Italian military
mission from Laibach, where it had been sent to regulate through
traffic to Czechoslovakia. As a result of the report of a special
Inter-Allied Commission the Italian mission returned to Laibach.
On Feb. 24 Italian officers were insulted by Croat roughs at
Spalato. At Belgrade the Government refused to accept the
credentials of the new Italian minister, Don Livip Borghese,
because they were addressed to the King of Serbia and not to the
King of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Italy not having recog-
nized the new state. The discussion of the Adriatic question at
the Peace Conference was adjourned and the peace with Germany
given precedence. The Italian delegation practically agreed to
all the proposals of her Allies in this connexion, and raised no
objection to the division of Germany's colonies solely between
France, Britain and Belgium, without asking for any concessions
in return. For this the delegation was afterwards criticized in
Italy, where bitter and sometimes extremely violent attacks
on the Allies were made in a section of the press, for their
supposed unfairness in support of the Yugoslav claims.
When the Adriatic question itself came up for discussion the
Italian delegation maintained that the Pact of London assigned
certain territories to Italy, and that on these there
could be no controversy; Fiume, admittedly, was not ^ /a/te
comprised in them, but as the population had by Question.
an overwhelming majority demanded union with
Italy, its wishes deserved every consideration. To facilitate a
settlement Italy was disposed to agree to certain modifications of
the Pact of London. The French and British Governments
seemed at first inclined to agree to this view. But President
Wilson insisted that the territories inhabited by a Yugoslav
majority must be assigned to the Yugoslavs even if the Pact
assigned them to Italy, and that Fiume must also be given to
them because it was the best outlet for them on the coast,
regardless of the wishes of the inhabitants. Matters had reached
a deadlock by April 22, but conversations still continued appar-
ently in a friendly tone, when suddenly, on the 23rd, Wilson
published an appeal on his own account to the Italian people,
over the head of their Government, in which he set forth his
reasons for opposing Italy's claims. The arguments contained
in the message were said to have been communicated privately
to Orlando a few days previously, but the President
had stated that he had no objection to further wrisoa's
discussions, so that there was nothing to suggest Bomb-
this new move. The message caused widespread
astonishment, as an unprecedented violation of the rules of cor-
rect diplomacy. Orlando at once declared that he must go to
Rome to consult Parliament and the country. 1 On the 24th he
left Paris, followed two days later by Sonnino and Salandra.
There were enthusiastic demonstrations throughout Italy in
favour of the Government and against Wilson, and the Fiume
problem became now a question of national honour. On the
29th the premier recounted the story of the Fiume negotiations
to the Chamber, which supported his policy by 382 votes to 40.
The Government found support even in the Socialist camp and
among the rinunciatari. Sig. Bissolati confirmed his conviction
that Fiume must be Italian on ethnical grounds, and the
labour organizations, in reply to appeals from the British La-
bour party and the French C.G.T. to uphold Wilson's policy,
declared that they could not accept a one-sided Wilsonism,
unbending towards Italy and accommodating where the in-
terests of other Powers were concerned.
The poet D'Annunzio took up the question of Fiume and Dal-
matia with his accustomed ardour, and the Nationalists urged
the Government to annex both. But Orlando refrained from
hasty action. The other Powers were very anxious that Italy
should sign the Treaty with Germany, for, although it could have
been signed without her, her absence would have strengthened
1 Italy's attitude with regard to President Wilson's 14 points has
often been misapprehended. When President Wilson originally
asked the Allied Powers whether they were prepared to accept his
14 points and subsequent declarations of policy as a basis for an
armistice and eventually for peace, their delegates (premiers and
ministers for foreign affairs) met in Paris at the end of Oct. 1918 to
concert a reply. At one of these meetings Sig. Orlando formally
declared that he must make reservations as to point 9 concerning
the future frontiers of Italy, as it was " liable to interpretations which
Italy could not accept." Lloyd George and Clemenceau replied
that the question concerning Italy did not arise, as the Armistice
with Germany was the sole object of the discussion. Orlando ac-
cepted this statement, but at a subsequent meeting, on Nov. I, at
which experts and American representatives were also present, he
repeated his reservations, saying that he wished to make the matter
clear also in this plenary sitting. Again Lloyd George and Clemen-
ceau replied, with some impatience this time, that the matter con-
cerned Germany alone and not the frontiers with Austria. Orlando
again accepted this declaration, adding that he would renew the
exception at the proper time and place. When Orlando left the Peace
Conference on April 24 1919, in consequence of Wilson's action, the
press in Britain and America said that Italy had spoilt her case by
accepting the 14 points. But the fact is that the above-mentioned
reservations of Orlando, stated also in the presence of American
delegates, although published in Italy and in a few foreign papers,
were ignored by the great bulk of foreign public opinion.
ITALY
629
the position of Germany. But Sig. Orlando failed to take
advantage of this situation, and on May 5 returned to Paris,
without having obtained those guarantees in favour of Italy's
interests which the Italian public believed he had secured. On
the contrary, on reaching Paris the delegation found its situation
less favourable than when it had quitted the Conference. The
German treaty was ready, and contained certain modifications
concerning reparations, introduced during the absence of the
Italian delegation, and against which Sig. Crespi, assistant
delegate, had protested. A defensive alliance between France,
Britain and the United States had also been concluded without
Italy being asked to participate, and although she would probably
have refused, the Italian public considered that want of considera-
tion had been shown in not asking her. On the yth the peace
terms were presented to Germany by the combined delegations.
Discussions on the Adriatic question were now resumed. The
British, French and U.S. ambassadors in Rome proposed that .
Fiume be placed under the League of Nations, but the scheme
fell through owing to President Wilson's opposition to any
solution which gave Italy any predominance, however slight,
over Fiume. Mr. Nelson Page, the U.S. ambassador in Rome,
went to Paris to impress on the President the violence of Italian
feeling on the Fiume question, but he proved obdurate. Violent
personal attacks against him were being made in the Italian
press, often of a scurrilous nature and some of them penned
by D'Annunzio. One of the French delegates, M. Tardieu, came
forward on May 27 with yet another proposal: Fiume with a
strip of territory to the W. was to form an independent state
with a mixed administration, Zara, Sebenico and most of the
islands to go to Italy, the rest of Dalmatia to Yugoslavia. The
Italian delegation could not accept the scheme quite as it
stood, but was ready to discuss it. At one moment it seemed as
if an agreement had been reached, but Wilson and the Yugoslav
delegates met again and both decided to reject it.
Sig. Orlando now returned to Rome to inform Parliament of
the course of the negotiations, and was defeated by 259 votes
to 78 (June 19). The Cabinet in consequence resigned. Sig.
Nitti was entrusted with the formation of a new ministry, and he
had accomplished the task by June 22 in the following manner:
Nitti (Presidency and Interior), Tittoni (Foreign Office), Luigi
Rossi (Colonies), Mortara (Justice), Tedesco (Finance), Schanzer
(Treasury), Adml. Sechi (Marine), Gen. Albrici (War), Alfre-
do Baccelli (Education), Pantano (Public Works), Dante Ferraris
(Industry), De Vito (Transport), Chimienti (Post Office), De
Nava (Liberated Provinces). A new peace delegation was
formed, without the premier, and composed of Senators Tittoni,
Scialoja, Maggiorino Ferraris and Marconi, to whom was added
later the Marquis Imperial!, ambassador in London. It left for
Paris on June 28, the same day the Treaty of Peace with Germany
was signed by Baron Sonnino and Marquis Imperial!.
During this agitated period of international politics, the
internal situation in Italy was also grave. Prices rose rapidly
after the Armistice, and there was a serious dearth of many goods,
such as coal, wheat, meat and sugar. Government measures
to meet these difficulties proved quite inadequate, and consisted
in a series of regulations for limiting prices which merely made
the goods disappear for a time and then reappear at higher
prices: in selling bread below cost, which involved a huge deficit
in the budget; in doles and subsidies which encouraged idleness,
and in innumerable regulations which hampered trade and
transport. The working-classes were enjoying very high wages,
and squandering their earnings, but were discontented because
prices had risen, largely in consequence of the rise in wages.
War profiteers, on the other hand, were seen indulging in an
orgy of extravagance and vulgar display. It was only the people
with fixed incomes who were really hard hit by the rise of prices
and of taxation, but everybody alike grumbled and was dis-
satisfied. The extreme Socialist leaders exploited this situation
for their own purposes, and encouraged the working-classes in
the belief that they had been made to fight in the war for the
benefit of the capitalists, while it was now their right to obtain an
ever-increasing share in the nation's wealth, with no correspond-
ing obligation to work and produce. The example of Russia was'
made the most of, and by depicting the condition of the unhappy
country as an earthly paradise they persuaded large masses of
the people that if a similiar regime were introduced into Italy
everyone would be happy. Ex-neutralists in the political field
also contributed to the general sense of discontent, by a persistent
propaganda of " I told you so," claiming that they were right in
opposing the war.
A new party now arosewhichwasdestinedtoplayanimportant
part in future political development the Popular or Catholic
party. There was already a Catholic group in the .
Chamber and many communes were run. by Catholic
administrations. But the Catholics were now p ar ty
absorbed into the wider Parlito popolare italiano, Formed.
whose constitution was announced in the Osservatore
Romano on Jan. 20 1919. It rapidly developed its organization,
under the leadership of the Sicilian priest Don Luigi Sturzo,
who had set forth its general lines in his speech at Milan on
Nov. 17 1918. The executive committee, of which Count
Santacci was president, met in Rome, and on Jan. 18 1919
presented as its programme a series of far-reaching reforms
of a Christian Socialist character, especially as regards the land
question, so as to take the wind out of the sails of the Socialists.
It advocated the breaking-up of the large estates with compensa-
tion to the landlords, collaboration between capital and labour in
industry, freedom of religious education and as to divorce, and a
patriotic foreign policy. It gained support chiefly in the Veneto
and parts of Lombardy, and in general among the peasant class,
largely through the activity and good organization of the
Catholic cooperative societies and banks. It also included a
great many persons of the middle-class and the aristocracy.
The general consequence of this state of discontent was a
series of strikes in every trade, including the public services, a
repugnance for work, and a diminution of output. The extreme
Socialists hoped to be able to bring about a real revolution of the
Russian type, while even those members of the Socialist party
who were too sensible to agree in this were too much afraid of
losing popularity with the masses to speak out openly. During the
war, funds had been received from Germany and Austria; now
the wind had to be raised by blackmailing timorous shopkeepers
endangered by riots, and by pillaging the shops of those who
refused to be blackmailed when the riots occurred. Socialist
orators were vigorous not only in denouncing the supposed sins
of the bourgeoisie, but in warning them that it was
no use struggling against the inevitable. On Dec. 22 Revoiu-
1918 the Socialist party held a meeting at Bologna, strikes.
and immediately afterwards the Postal Employees'
Committee of Action threatened a strike which was only averted
by the Government's promise of higher wages. Other strikes oc-
curred during the winter and spring, and on April 10 there was a
24-hour strike in Rome because the authorities had forbidden a
manifestation in favour of the Russian Bolshevists. A similar
demonstration was held in Milan on the i3th, and a few persons
were wounded in a scuffle. A shot fired by a Socialist against a
patriotic procession near the offices of the Avanti resulted in
the wrecking of the latter by the crowd. The G.C.L. ordered a
protest strike throughout Italy, but it was carried out in only a
few places, and in Rome ended in a great patriotic demonstration
on the 1 7th. On May 4 a strike of the tramwaymen and second-
ary railwaymen began, involving 80,000 persons; it was the first
of the strikes in the public services with which the Socialists
hoped to disorganize the economic life of the country. A couple
of days later the National Seamen's Federation, presided over
by the fire-brand " Captain " Giulietti, held up an Italian
steamer conveying munitions to British troops in Russia.
In the domain of foreign affairs the Government had to deal
with a complicated Oriental situation. In addition to the general
provisions of the Pact of London for an Italian
occupation of southern Anatolia, by the agreement
of St. Jean de Maurienne (April 1917), Italy had been
promised Smyrna and its district in the future repartition of
Asiatic Turkey. But at the Peace Conference it became clear
630
ITALY
that the other Allies were not anxious to fulfil this promise.
British troops had occupied various points in northern and N.W.
Asia Minor, and on March 29 a landing party from the Italian
fleet occupied Adalia. When, after President Wilson's famous
message, the Italian delegation left the Conference, in April
1919, the British, French-and U.S. representatives reconsidered
the whole question of Asia Minor, and while Mr. Lloyd George and
M. Clemenceau hesitated to tear up the St. Jean de Maurienne
agreement altogether, President Wilson forced the hands of his
colleagues into deciding to send the Greeks to Smyrna under the
belief that a massacre of Christians was imminent. Immediately
after the Greek landing at Smyrna (May 15), Italian troops
landed at Scala Nuova and other points in S.W. Anatolia; the
Meander valley was to divide the Italian from the Greek zone of
military occupation, but the exact delimitation was not yet
denned and gave rise to various incidents. On the 24th an
Italian battalion was sent to Konia. All Allied troops in Asia
Minor, including Italians a.nd Greeks, were under the orders of
Gen. Milne, commanding the British forces at Constantinople
(Army of the Black Sea) . Other Italian forces were in the East.
The Macedonian expeditionary force garrisoned Bulgaria until
July 1919, while three battah'ons formed part of the Allied
garrison in European Turkey. Italian policy in the East was
dominated by the feeling that it was unwise to exasperate the
Turks too much, and that peace could only be secured by a more
conciliatory attitude, even towards the Nationalist movement
organized by Mustafa Kemal Pasha in Asia Minor. At the same
time Sig. Tittoni tried to conciliate Greece, and in July he
concluded an agreement with M. Venizelos for the delimitation of
the respective military zones in Asia Minor and providing that
the Greeks should have a free hand in S. Albania. The agreement
afterwards was rescinded and most of its clauses modified, but
the provisions concerning Albania had an unfortunate reaction
on Italo-Albanian relations. In the meanwhile Italian banks
and business men showed considerable enterprise in the Near
East; the steamers of the ex- Austrian Lloyd and other lines
obtained practically the monopoly of the passenger traffic and a
large share in the goods traffic between Europe and Constanti-
nople and the Black Sea ports. The scheme to send an Italian
expedition to the Caucasus, which had been suggested at the
Peace Conference and practically accepted by Sig. Orlando, was
abandoned when Sig. Nitti came into power. Various Italian
commercial undertakings were, however, started in Transcaucasia,
including the Italo-Caucasian bank at Tiflis and a concession
for developing the coal-mines of Ochemchiri.
The Adriatic negotiations dragged on without reaching a
conclusion. Fresh trouble broke out at Fiume, where the antag-
onism of the soldiers attached to the French base
xioand"' ( mostl y colonials) to the Italian inhabitants, and their
Flume. open support of the Croat element, provoked reprisals
and some French soldiers and Annamites were killed
and several wounded (July 2 and 5). In consequence of these in-
cidents the Peace Conference appointed a Commission of Inquiry,
on which Gen. Di Robilant was the Italian representative. It
advised the dissolution of the Fiume National Council, elections
to be held under an Inter-Allied Commission, the disbanding of
the Fiume volunteers, a considerable reduction of the Italian
forces in the town, and the importation of British or U.S. police.
These latter steps were in course of being taken, when D'An-
nunzio suddenly arrived (Sept. 12) from Ronchi, at the head of
some Italian troops whom he had induced to follow him to Fiume
in order to save it for Italy. Most of the Italian troops in Fiume
and the crews of the warships in the port joined htm also, and
he became master of the town. The Allied troops then left.
The effect of D'Annunzio's enterprise throughout Italy was aston-
ishing. The premier stigmatized it in violent terms, established a
blockade round the place, and practically appealed to the Social-
ists to back him up against D'Annunzio. But a large section of
public opinion supported the latter. Volunteers from all parts
of the country flocked to his standard, including Gen. Ceccherini,
one of the bravest men in the army, and a number of other offi-
cers of the army and navy, Prof. Pantaleoni, many young men of
the highest character as well as not a few adventurers. D'An-
nunzio's adventure became, in the eyes of a large section of public
opinion, the symbol of Italian patriotism and idealism. But it
placed Italy in an awkward international situation and intensified
the suspicions of foreign Governments. The Yugoslavs made no
move, but although D'Annunzio informed them that they were
free to use the port of Fiume for their trade, they refused to do so.
Riots against the ever-increasing high cost of living broke out
in Italy in the summer. Though it was chiefly due to the inflated
paper currency, high freights, scarcity of goods and
the perpetual strikes, and only in a lesser degree to
the greed and speculation of the shopkeepers and
merchants, the populace attributed it wholly to the
last-named cause. Troubles began at Forli on June 30, but were
more serious in Florence on July 3, in Turin, Alessandria, Milan,
Pisa, Genoa and Bari. Shops and markets were pillaged, much
property destroyed, including precious food-stuffs; and agents
of the Camere del Lavoro (organizations for promoting strikes
and riots, camouflaged as labour exchanges) requisitioned food
in the shops, warehouses and country estates, paying for then
at rates below the market price. Calmieri (minimum prices)
were imposed locally, at 40% or 50% of the previous price
with the only result that the opportunity was taken for resellin
at a large profit. The Government did nothing to stop thes
outbreaks, and the Socialist leaders concluded that the time
ripe for revolution. An international strike of protest again
the hostile attitude of the bourgeois Governments towards the
Soviets of Russia and Hungary was announced for July 20 i
21. Sig. D'Aragona, secretary of the G.C.L., tried to organ
the movement, but the Labour parties of Britain and France
whose Governments still kept troops in Russia to fight tt
Bolshevists, refused to agree. In Italy, whose troops had bee
withdrawn from Russia, the working-classes seemed prepared to
join, but a reaction was already at work among the masses ;
well as the bourgeoisie itself. The reign of terror which tt
Socialists had been trying to establish all over Italy was fir
countered by the Association of Combatants (ex-soldiers);
citizens' committees were formed, and afterwards the fasci
combattimenlo, societies of energetic young men of all parties an
classes who had fought in the war and organized themselves fo
patriotic objects and the maintenance of order. The result wa
that the Labour protest of July 20-21 was a failure. Work-
suspended in most of the factories of N. Italy, and the tramway-
men in certain towns took a holiday, but the railwaymen worke
as usual, and in many towns of the N. there was no strike and
the whole of the S. was unaffected. There was no revolutio
and no rioting to speak of. This fiasco was due to the action <
the bourgeoisie itself far more than to any official precautions.
After the July manifestation there were other strikes an
riots in various parts of Italy, but not of a general or alarming
character. Disorders at Trieste on Aug. 3 ended in a patriot
demonstration in which the offices of the Bolshevist orga
II Lavoratore were wrecked. There was also an agricultur
strike for an eight-hour day affecting 80,000 persons in the
districts of Novara, Vercelli, Pavia and the Lomellina. Th
Government as usual hardly took any action at all. Apparently
Sig. Nitti's theory of the general state of disorder was that
was a form of madness consequent on the war, and that the only
thing to be done was to let it work itself out.
Throughout all the strikes and disorders the troops and polk
behaved admirably. Sig. Nitti deserved credit in this connexio
by his reorganization of the police; he increased the number <
the excellent carabinieri to 60,000, and while abolishing tl
unsatisfactory Guardie di Pubblica Sicurezza, he created tl
A genii investigativi of plain-clothes detectives (Aug. 14), and
the corps of Guardie Regie under the orders of the Ministry of
the Interior, comprising cavalry and machine-gun detachments
(Oct. 2); the number of the latter was gradually brought up to
25,000. The premier's policy towards the army, on the other
hand, was open to serious criticism. While huge increases of
wages were being granted to civilian labour, the pay of military
officers, even of high rank, was left miserably low; and when
ITALY
631
officers were insulted and even murdered in the course of the
riots the Government did nothing but order them to go about
unarmed. A decree was issued by the War Minister, inspired
by the premier, amnestying deserters (Sept. 2), and thereby
placing them on the same footing as soldiers who had done their
duty. The previous Cabinet, moreover, had instituted a care-
fully packed commission to inquire into the causes of the
Caporetto disaster; and on July 24 it presented its report,
apparently condoning the Socialist propaganda and attributing
the whole blame to certain generals who were in bad odour with
the Government. In consequence of its findings, Gens. Cadorna,
Porro, Capello (commanding the II. Army), and Cavaciocchi
(commanding the IV. Corps) were placed on the retired list,
Montuori, Bongiovanni and Boccacci at the disposal of the
Ministry without commands, while Gen. Brusati, who had been
exonerated after the Trentino offensive of 1916, was recalled into
service. The report intensified public depression, by recalling
only the more painful aspects of Italy's military effort.
On Sept. 10 the Peace Treaty with Austria was signed at
St. Germain-en-Laye. Italy thereby acquired the frontiers as-
signed to her by the Pact of London, as far as the
Peace Trentino and Alto Adige were concerned, with the
^Hh' y addition of the Sexten valley and the Tarvis district.
Austria. Thus were the roads of invasion from the N. closed.
The new territory was rich in water-power and forests,
and contained some good agricultural and fruit-bearing land,
a few mines and many fine mountain resorts. The population
comprised 383,367 Italians 1 of a sturdy mountain stock and
235,165 Germans. But although the latter showed no Italian
sympathies, the Government treated them with liberality and
showed every intention of granting the widest freedom for their
language and culture. But the public was so obsessed by the
unsatisfactory state of the Adriatic question that the Austrian
Peace, which gave Italy such considerable material and moral
advantages, passed almost unnoticed. On Nov. 12 Senator
Tittoni returned from Paris and resigned both from the Peace
Delegation and the Foreign Office, on account of his bad health,
and was appointed president of the Senate and Italian rep-
resentative on the League of Nations Council. He was succeeded
at the consulate by Senator Scialoja, the eminent Neapolitan
jurist. It was under increasingly onerous economic conditions
throughout the country that the elections of Nov. 1919 were
held. Wheat had risen from $1.01 per 60 Ib. in 1913-4 to $2.40
in 1919, and the value of the dollar had risen from 5.20 lire to
13.07. Freights had risen from 35. per 480 Ib. to 173., with the
pound more than doubled in value. The Government made the
wheat trade a State monopoly; it tried to reduce consumption
by mixing wheat-flour with that of cheaper cereals and rationing
the supply. It requisitioned home-grown wheat at a price below
the cost of production, but as it had to pay for imported wheat
(with Russia and Rumania no longer available as sources of
supply) at the market price, it could only sell it cheap by paying
the difference; thus wheat-growing was discouraged at home and
the State budget involved in a deficit of many milliards. The
war had also caused a serious disorganization of transport.
Locomotives, trucks and permanent way had been over-used,
coal had risen enormously in price and could not be obtained in
sufficient quantities nor of the best quality, so that the train
service had been reduced, and the staff, while increasing in
numbers from 154,000 in 1914 to 180,000 in 1919, had become
less efficient and more undisciplined. Thefts of goods on the
railways were increasingly frequent, and the innumerable
restrictions on trade made life ever harder. By the new electoral
law the country was divided into 54 constituencies, each return-
ing from 5 to 20 members, and the elector voted not for an
individual but for a list. The object of the system was to prevent
elections from being based on purely local interests,
but its weak point was that the voter could not
scratch any name he did not like, but had to swallow
the list as a whole; he could add a preferential vote to any
particular candidate, and this gave rise to bitter rivalry among
1 Austrian pre-war statistics.
candidates in the same list. The consequence was that a very
large percentage of the voters, mostly in the constitutional
parties, abstained.
The two parties which presented themselves to the polls with
a complete organization and a definite programme were the
Socialists and Catholics. The former held a Congress in Bologna
on Oct. 5-8, where they decided to participate in the coming
elections with a revolutionary " maximalist " programme, with
the object of abolishing capitalism and instituting a Socialist
republic on the Russian model; only a small section led by Prof.
Bardiga declared for abstention from the polls and for a revolu-
tion by armed risings. The Congress also adhered to the Moscow
Third International. The Popular or Catholic party had made
rapid progress, and on June 14 1919 a general Congress had been
held at Bologna where a resolution in favour of going to the
country with its own candidates, instead of cooperating with the
other parties, was voted by a large majority. But during its
first year of existence a more extreme tendency appeared within
its ranks, headed by Sig. Miglioli, whose principles and tactics
differed but little from those of the ultra Socialists; the extrem-
ists were particularly active among the peasantry, especially
in the province of Treviso, parts of Lombardy and Tuscany, and
their agitations and excessive demands often led to strikes and
riots, in spite of the disapproval of the bishops and even of the
Vatican. The various constitutional groups were split up without
a programme; the Government was discredited and unpopular,
the foreign situation of the country in a hopeless tangle, and
everyone more or less discontented.
The elections were held on Nov. 16 1919, without serious
incidents. The result was that the Official, or Maximalist,
Socialists elected 156 members, and the Catholics 101. These
were the two most successful parties; the Republicans were
reduced to 8 or 9, while the Combattenti won some 30 seats. The
Socialist members were by no means all authentic " proletarians ";
50 of them were lawyers, a large proportion " organizers,"
and only 19 more or less genuine working men. Quite a number
were wealthy, and at least eight were millionaires.
On the opening of Parliament (Dec. i), the King was greeted
with enthusiasm by the majority, but the Socialist deputies
shouted " Long live Socialism ! " and left the Chamber.
As a protest against this offence to the King, popular Atftatton
demonstrations were held outside Montecitorio, and
a number of Socialist members were attacked and injured. The
leaders of the party ordered a general strike throughout Italy
as a protest: work was stopped in many towns, and there were
riots in some places, which often took the form of assaults by
bands of hooligans on isolated officers. At Mantua on Dec. 3 a
crowd of anarchists succeeded for a few hours in making them-
selves masters of the town: they burnt the prison and let loose
200 criminals, pillaged a number of shops and committed several
murders. The next day, reenforcements having arrived, order
was restored. The strike ended in most places on the 2nd, but
in a few cases continued until the 4th or sth. Sig. Nitti's
position was certainly not strengthened by the result of the
elections. The Socialists rejected his advances while taking his
gifts, and constituted a noisy and violent opposition; the
Catholics, although bitterly hostile to the Socialists, could not
be relied upon to support the Cabinet, as they had their own
policy to further; the mass of Constitutionalists were divided
into many groups, some of which, such as those of Nationalist
sympathies, were in opposition, while others were but lukewarm
supporters. The Ministry remained in office because there was
no other combination ready to succeed it.
On the Adriatic coast, meanwhile, further incidents were
occurring; the French base was withdrawn from Fiume (Oct. 2),
and the Yugoslav mob at Spalato continued to
attack the Italian inhabitants under the eyes of the
American admiral. A series of fresh proposals to
unravel the Adriatic tangle were made. Early in Oct. Sen-
ator Tittoni had suggested to D'Annunzio a modus vivendi where-
by the Italian regular troops would occupy the town pending
the settlement of the problem at Paris, Italy undertaking not
632
ITALY
to permit Flume's annexation to Yugoslavia; but D'Annunzio
refused to agree. On Oct. 27 the U.S. Government presented
a new scheme whereby Flume was to be made into an independ-
ent state, under the League of Nations, but comprising not only
the ancient corpus separatum, but also a large part of Istria.
Since the Slav population would then have swamped the Italians
of the town, the plan was not acceptable to Italy nor to the
Fiumani. President Wilson on Nov. 13 followed this with a stiff
message to the Italian Government, in which he insisted on the
question being settled on the lines of the American scheme. On
Dec. 9, however, the British, French and U.S. Governments
presented a memorandum to Senator Scialoja, proposing cer-
tain modifications the town of Fiume to enjoy full autonomy
(not independence) within the proposed buffer state, but without
territorial contiguity with Italy (as the latter demanded),
and Zara to choose which state should represent it diplomatically.
The tone of this communication was regarded in Italy as un-
friendly, and Senator Scialoja, in his speech in the Chamber on
Dec. 21, set forth the state of the negotiations and the reasons
why the various Allied proposals were inacceptable to Italy
above all the fact that they failed to provide for the security of
the Italian frontier and coast. M. Clemenceau's speech of the
24th was considered offensive to Italy and also inaccurate, as
he spoke of Fiume having been " promised " by Italy to Croatia,
whereas the Pact of London merely contained a declaration on
that point and not a bilateral agreement, as Croatia was not a
party to it and indeed did not then exist as a separate state.
To this Sig. Scialoja replied on the 2gth that Italy had only asked
for the execution of the Pact of London, that the Fiumani them-
selves had asked to be annexed to Italy, and that the Allies
seemed to ignore Italy's readiness to compromise on Dalmatia:
he would enter into direct negotiations with the Yugoslavs, pro-
vided the latter were acting solely on their own account and
were not guaranteed a minimum by other Powers.
After trying again, but without success, to induce D'Annunzio
to leave Fiume, the Italian Government presented a new project
on Jan. 6 1920, on the following lines: Independence within
the buffer state for the town of Fiume, the latter being connected
by a strip of territory with Italy, and the S.W. frontier of the
buffer state corresponding to that fixed by the Pact of London;
Cherso and Lagosta to be assigned to Italy, as well as the islands
which Wilson was ready to cede to her; the coast from Fiume to
the Voyusa to be neutralized, and the Italian element in Dalma-
tia guaranteed adequately. On Jan. 9 the British and French
Governments (the U.S. having now withdrawn from the Allied
Supreme Council) stated that they were ready to apply the Pact
of London, or, if Italy considered it no longer applicable under
present conditions, the Memorandum of Dec. 9, with certain
modifications suggested by the Italian note of Jan. 6. The
following day the Italian Government replied to the Memoran-
dum of Dec. 9, objecting above all to the proposed Istrian frontier,
which would only be 18 km. from Trieste and 22 from the de-
fences of Pola. On Jan. 14 the following agreement was arrived
at in London between Sig. Nitti, Mr. Lloyd George, and M.
Clemenceau: Fiume under Italian sovereignty, but Susak to
Yugoslavia, the port and railway under the League of Nations;
Lussin, Lissa and Pelagosa to Italy but demilitarized; Zara
independent, but free to choose its own diplomatic representa-
tion; Albania under an Italian mandate but certain districts
of it ceded to Greece and Yugoslavia.
The Yugoslav delegation objected to the whole scheme, and
even Nitti's offer to renounce Italian sovereignty over Fiume,
which would remain quite independent, failed to satisfy them,
and they referred the matter to the Belgrade Government. The
latter insisted on the Wilson line as the only possible frontier for
Istria, and objected to Fiume and Zara being free to choose their
diplomatic representation. On Jan. 20 the U.S. Government
protested against any decision being taken without their having
a voice in it; to this Britain and France replied on the 23rd that
they had come to an agreement with Italy on the basis of the
Nitti compromise, but that if the latter were not accepted; the
Pact of London, which satisfied no one, would be the only
Further
Strikes
and Dis-
orders,
1920.
alternative. The Yugoslav Government objected to having t
choose between these two proposals, and professed itself un-
acquainted with the contents of the Pact of London; this was
now communicated to it officially. President Wilson, on his side,
replied to the Allies on Feb. 10 (in a note communicated on the
I3th) that their new proposals of Jan. 14 contained several unjust
modifications in favour of Italy as compared with the Memoran-
dum of Dec. 9 to which he had agreed, while he rejected the Pact
of London altogether; unless the Memorandum of Dec. 9 was
accepted he would seriously consider the withdrawal of the
Versailles treaty now before the American Senate. There fol-
lowed-a further exchange of correspondence and notes between
Italy, France, Britain, Yugoslavia and President Wilson, without
any solution being arrived at.
In the domestic situation, one of the first consequences of
Socialist successes at the polls in Nov. 1919 was an increase
indiscipline and revolutionary spirit among the rail-
waymen and postal employees. On Jan. 13 1920, the
postal workers went on strike. Citizen committees,
however, were formed who supplied volunteers, and
this action broke the back of the movement; when the
Government undertook to present the demands to
Parliament, the employees returned to work (Jan. 22). The
railwaymen, too, declared a general strike throughout Italy on
the 2oth, though only 66,000 men actually responded out of
a total of 193,000. Here, again, it was the provision made by
volunteers that enabled the Government to face the situation.
On no line was the railway service wholly suspended: 1,063 trains
ran on the first day, and the number was raised to 1,789 on
Jan. 29, when, after Sig. Nitti came forward with concessions,
the strike ended. All strikers were readmitted and although
their wages were not paid to them the amount was to be devoted
to a building fund for railwaymen's dwellings, the decision on
the men's original demands being referred to Parliament, whi'
the eight-hour day was to be extended as soon as possib
to the few categories to whom it had not yet been applied.
Other strikes and disorders followed, of which the m<
serious were the strike of men on the secondary railways
Lombardy, which lasted several weeks (Feb.-April) ; the stri
in the Mazzonis cotton mills at Luserna and Ponte Canave:
where the workmen occupied the factories for a few days;
metal workers' strike at Turin, which began on March 24 over
dispute about a clock that had been tampered with at the F.I. A.'
works, and ended on April 23 with the defeat of the strike:
The railwaymen caused further trouble by refusing to run trai
which conveyed troops or police; and on June 8-24 the Cremon
railwaymen struck because the under station-master had insist
on forwarding a train which they suspected of conveying wi
material to Poland, the strike extending to Milan and otb
places. At Viareggio there were serious disorders on May i, 2
and 3, which began with a row over a football match. On June 26
a mutiny broke out at Ancona, promoted by anarchists. There
had been a good deal of discontent among the men of the nth
Bersaglieri because their regiment, of which they were justly
proud, was to be disbanded; furthermore, the anarchists spread
the false report that they were to be sent to Albania, an un-
popular destination. On the morning of the 26th some anarchists
disguised as Bersaglieri entered the barracks and induced a
certain number of the soldiers to revolt and disarm the officers.
Other officers, however, quickly succeeded in restoring discipline,
and when bands of anarchists and other criminals in the town,
who thought that the mutiny in the barracks was succeeding,
proceeded to pillage the shops and terrorize the inhabitants,
the Bersaglieri, including the ex-mutineers at their own request,
went out into the streets and quelled the disorders, seizing the
labour exchange, which was the anarchists' headquarters, by
assault. Disorders continued outside the town a little while
longer, as the anarchists from the neighbouring hills fired on
passing trains, killing and wounding several persons. By the
27th order was fully restored and large numbers of arrests were
made: in all 25 persons had been killed. The mutineers were
tried in March 1921 and got sentences up to eight years.
ITALY
633
In the meanwhile there had been another Cabinet crisis.
On March 12 Sig. Nitti, finding himself unable to conduct the
Government in the face of the growing opposition,
Nitti resigned. But as no one could be found ready to
Cabinet assume office, he was again entrusted with the for-
structed. mation of the Cabinet, which included Sig. Bonomi
(War), Schanzer (Finance), Luzzatti (Treasury), Torre
(Education), De Nava (Public Works), Falcioni (Agriculture),
Alessio (Post Office) and Raineri (Liberated Provinces) ; the other
ministers retained their portfolios, but the Transport Ministry
was suppressed. Count Sforza, High Commissioner at Constan-
tinople, was made Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs. The new
Cabinet was not well received in the Chamber, and on a vote of
confidence it only got 250 votes to 195 (June 30). The Chamber
voted in favour of continuing the uneconomic policy of selling
bread under cost price, and proposed to make up the deficit by a
bill confiscating war profits.
On April 17 1920, the Supreme Council met at San Remo
under the presidency of Sig. Nitti, Britain being represented
by Mr. Lloyd George and Lord Curzon, France by
Council"" M. Millerand, and Italy by Sig. Nitti and Senator
Scialoja. Some of the other Allied Governments were
also represented, and numerous military, naval and air experts
and commercial specialists were present. The bases of the
treaty with Turkey were there laid down, and the Adriatic
question was also raised. Mr. Lloyd George and M. Millerand
stated that the only alternatives were the Memorandum of Dec. 9
or the Pact of London. Of the two the latter found more favour
in Italian circles, especially in the army, because the former,
while providing an unsatisfactory solution of the Fiume problem,
.gave Italy an impossible eastern frontier. But before the Italian
delegation could come to a decision, M. Trumbich, the Yugoslav
Foreign Secretary, telegraphed to Sig. Nitti stating that the
Yugoslavs preferred direct negotiations with Italy as more likely
to lead to an. amicable solution. The premier having agreed to
this, the Adriatic question was adjourned to an Italo-Yugoslav
meeting, and the conference broke up on the 26th. Senator
Scialoja met the Yugoslav delegates, MM. Paschich and
Trumbich, at Pallanza on May 10; but in the meanwhile Sig.
Nitti's parliamentary position had become worse again owing to
the general dissatisfaction at his internal policy, and on the i2th
the Cabinet, outvoted by 193 to 112, resigned; the crisis, of
course, broke up the Pallanza conference.
After a protracted interval, during which Sig. Bonomi was
entrusted with the formation of a Cabinet but failed, Sig. Nitti
was again sent for, and on May 21 succeeded
MM/*' * n composing a ministry for the third time, with
the following changes: Ruini (Colonies), Falcioni
(Justice), De Nava (Finance), Schanzer (Treasury), Rodino,
of the Partito Popolare (War), Peano (Public Works), Micheli
(Agriculture), Abbiate (Industry), Paratore (Post Office) and La
Pegna (Liberated Provinces). But even at its third reincarnation
the Nitti Ministry was stillborn, and found little favour in any
quarter. The arrest of all Dalmatians and Fiumani in Rome,
ordered by Nitti, in consequence of a riot between a patriotic
students' demonstration and the police in Rome on May 24,
provoked violent indignation throughout Italy. The premier's
failure to solve the Adriatic problem alienated his remaining
supporters. His fall at last came over his bread policy. On June 4
the Cabinet issued a decree raising the price of bread to 1.50 lire
per kgm., but Sig. Nitti, yielding to the Socialists, withdrew it
five days later. The Cabinet now resigned, and Nitti's premier-
ship came to an end.
With Nitti's fall, Giolitti was the only man capable of forming
a Government. The wheel had come full circle in Italian politics.
The advent of Sig. Giolitti at first caused some alarm
a'over'n. in Allied countries. But the composition of his Cabi-
meat. net, constituted on June 16, to some extent dispelled
both fears and expectations. It comprised Count Sforza
as Minister for Foreign Affairs; Meda, of the Partito Popolare,
at the Treasury ; Tedesco, afterwards replaced by Facta (Finance) ;
Bonomi (War) ; Luigi Rossi (Colonies) ; the eminent philosopher
Benedetto Croce (Education) ; Peano (Public Works) ; Labriola,
a reformed revolutionary Socialist (Labour) ; Alessio (Industry) ;
Fera (Justice); Micheli (Agriculture) and Sechi (Marine). The
ministry contained only two pure Giolittians Tedesco (after-
wards substituted by Facta) and Peano; the other ministers
represented all shades of Constitutional opinion, from the Catholic
Meda to the Radical Alessio and the ex-revolutionist Labriola.
On June 24 Giolitti presented various treaties to Parliament for
ratification and laid several bills before the Chamber the
obligatory conversion of bearer shares and bonds into nominative
certificates, so as to prevent evasion of the new levy on capital j 1
the confiscation of war profits; the increase of sundry taxes; a
bill for enforcing the cultivation of cereals, and one instituting
an inquiry into war expenditure. On the 27th Sig. Meda made
his financial statement for 1920-1, which showed a deficit of
one milliard for ordinary expenditure; but the extraordinary
expenditure, including the sale of bread under cost, raised the
deficit to 14 milliards.
No appreciable change was made in Italy's foreign policy.
Public feeling towards the Allies had not been too cordial for
some time past. With Czechoslovakia relations were
cordial, while Italian sentiment towards the Poles
and the Rumanians was also friendly. Towards the
Yugoslavs alone there was antagonism. With regard to the ex-
enemy states feeling had certainly changed since the Armistice.
Now that the Habsburg Monarchy was broken up and the Alpine
frontier satisfactorily settled, Italy felt no longer any bitterness
towards Austria. Against Germany there had never been the
same hatred as against the Habsburg Monarchy, and the hard
attitude of the French over the execution of the Peace Treaty
produced a certain reaction in Germany's favour. In the Allied
conferences Italy's representatives, while admitting the neces-
sity for disarming Germany, always tried to introduce a spirit
of conciliation, for the common good of Europe; and in this they
usually found themselves in agreement with their British
colleagues. For Hungary there was also a certain amount of
sympathy, and Italy was much relieved when that country suc-
ceeded in liberating itself from Bolshevism under Bela Kun.
With regard to the League of Nations the Government and public
opinion were rather sceptical. The fact that President Wilson
was the author of the idea was not a recommendation in Italy.
A small group of earnest and high-minded men, of whom the late
Sig. Bissolati and Senator Rurfini were the most eminent,
strenuously advocated the League's principles, while Senator
Tittoni, Italy's representative on the Council and the Assembly,
supported them with vigour and ability. Still, the League found
considerable support both among the Radicals and among the
Catholics'. The Pope, in his encyclical of May 23, while authoriz-
ing Catholic heads of states, for the first time, to visit Rome, ex-
pressed his hope for its success.
In June trouble had broken out in Albania. Gen. Ferrero, who
had commanded the Italian forces there during the war, had
proclaimed an Italian protectorate in June 1917, but
the legal status of Italo- Albanian relations had never
been properly defined. Italian troops had occupied
all Albania south of the Voyusa, and in the last months of the war
had pushed beyond the river; some civil officials had also been
appointed. After the Armistice the rest of Albania was also
occupied, but unfortunately the officers and civil officials who had
at first taken a real interest in the people were recalled, and were
succeeded by others who were less sympathetic; this proved a
cause of some discontent. The various agreements whereby Italy
was to hand over parts of Albania to Greece and Yugoslavia
aroused great dissatisfaction. An Albanian Government had
been formed at Tirana, and the Italian garrison had been reduced
to a minimum; and in the spring of 1920 Albanian bands began to
be formed, composed largely of men who during the war had been
armed and trained by the Italians. On June 5 they attacked
various Italian outposts, and some of the smaller outlying gar-
risons, including that of Tepeleni, were surrounded and captured.
Valona itself was attacked on the i ith, and some of the Albanians
'This measure was finally dropped.
634
ITALY
with
Turkey.
in the town rose in revolt; but the rebels were beaten off with
heavy losses. P.eenforcements were hurried across, and sub-
sequent attacks were repulsed. But on June 24 Sig. Giolitti
announced that Italy would withdraw her troops from Albania,
and open negotiations with the Tirana Government. The
negotiations initiated on July 4 were concluded at Tirana on
Aug. 3, Italy agreeing to evacuate Albania, retaining only
the island of Saseno, which dominates Valona harbour. The last
Italian troops left Valona on Sept. 2.
At the Spa Conference (July 5-16) Italy, represented by
Count Sforza and Sig. Bertolini, who was Italian delegate on the
Reparations Commission, succeeded in getting her
Treaty share of the German indemnity raised to 10%, that
of the Austrian, Hungarian and Bulgarian indemnities
to 25 %, while Great Britain and France ceded to Italy
their share of the Austrian tonnage. On Sept. 6 a meeting of
Italian, British, French and German delegates met at Stresa
to deal with the distribution of foodstuffs and coal. Incidents
occurred between Italian and Greek troops in Asia Minor, as the
latter constantly tended to go beyond the limits assigned to their
occupation. On Aug. 6 Count Sforza announced that, as the
Turkish treaty was about to be signed, the Tittoni-Venizelos
agreement was rescinded. The treaty with Turkey was signed
at Sevres on the roth. Italy obtained economic priority over a
wide zone in Anatolia, extending from the Gulf of Adramit, round
the territory assigned to Greece, to the watershed between the
Great and the Little Meander, then along the latter to the sea
coast and from Scala Nuova to a point between Adalia and Se-
levke, and inland as far as Konia; she also acquired a concession
for exploiting the Heraclea coal fields. A separate agreement was
concluded with Greece concerning the islands; Italy would cede
the Dodecanese minus Khalki and Castellorizo, which together
with Rhodes would remain under Italian rule for 1 5 years, and
then, if Britain evacuated Cyprus, a plebiscite was to decide to
whom they were to belong. On Aug. 21 Sig. Giolitti had a
friendly meeting with Mr. Lloyd George at Lucerne, when it was
agreed that, as long as Russia tried to impose on Poland condi-
tions incompatible with her independence, it was impossible to
have dealings with her. On Sept. 11-14 ne conferred with M.
Millerand at Aix-les-Bains on the general political situation.
These conferences tended to improve Allied relations.
For some months the Adriatic question was not discussed,
but numerous incidents occurred in Dalmatia between Italians
and Slavs. Serious disorders occurred on July n at Spalato,
where the Croatian mob murdered the commander of the Italian
cruiser " Puglia " and wounded other officers and sailors. Protest
demonstrations were held at Trieste on the I3th, and, in conse-
quence of shots being fired from the offices of one of th'e Yugo-
slav institutions, several of the latter were burnt to the ground or
wrecked. At Fiume the National Council resigned on Sept. 7,
and D'Annunzio proclaimed the independence of the town and its
territory under the name of " Reggenza del Carnaro," for which
he composed a curious semi-mediaeval constitution, but its
frontiers were not defined. Incidents also occurred in the
plebiscite area of Carinthia, where Yugoslav bands attacked
and wounded some Italian officers and men (Sept. 26); the Yugo-
slavs were, however, obliged by the Allies to evacuate that region,
and the plebiscite resulted in favour of union with Austria.
As long as Mr. Wilson was president of the United States
no settlement of the Adriatic problem was possible. Now, how-
ever, that his term was nearly up, the Yugoslavs
felt tnat a di fect understanding with Italy was the
best way out of the tangle. The Italian Government
communicated to Britain and France the conditions it intended
to propose to the Yugoslavs, and both the Allies brought
pressure to bear on Belgrade to accept them. A meeting was held
at Rapallo on Nov. 8, Italy being represented by Sig. Giolitti,
Count Sforza and Sig. Bonomi, assisted by Gen. Badoglio and
Adml. Acton, and Yugoslavia by MM. Vesnich, prime minister,
Trumbich, Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Kosta Stojanovich,
Minister of Finance, assisted by Col. Kalafatovich. Negotia-
tions were rapidly conducted, and on Nov. 12 the treaty was
signed. 1 Italy agreed to waive her rights based on the Pact <
London over Dalmatia, while Yugoslavia renounced all claims to
Trieste, Gorizia and Istria, and certain adjoining districts of
Carinthia and Carniola. The following frontier was agreed
upon: Monte Pec (where Italy, Austria and Yugoslavia meet)
to Mt. Yalovets (Jalovec), the watershed between the Isonzo
and the Wurzen See and then the Wocheiner Save, N.E. slopes
of Mt. Mozik, E. slope of Mt. Porzen, W. slope of Mt. Blegos
(leaving the Podlanisham passes to Italy), Zelse, Cabranska,
E. of Mt. Trstenik, E. of Griza, E. of Matuglie, frontier of
Fiume on the Fiume-Castua road; the islands of Cherso, Lussin,
Lagosta and Pelagosa were assigned to Italy, and also the
town of Zara. Italy and Yugoslavia recognized the full independ-
ence of the state of Fiume, consisting of the ancient Corpus
Separatum and a small strip of Istrian territory. All Italian-
speaking natives of the territories assigned to Yugoslavia were
granted the right to opt for Itab'an citizenship without having
to leave the country, and full freedom of language, culture and
religion, with reciprocity for Yugoslavs in Italy; special provisions
in favour of economic concessions accorded to Italian citizens
before Nov. 1 2 1920 were agreed to. Italy renounced her rights to
the part of Dalmatia assigned to her by the Pact of London,
except for the town of Zara, to all the islands except those men-
tioned above and to Longatico and a couple of other small districts
on the eastern frontier. All that she obtained in exchange was
the recognition of the Italian character of Fiume. By a secret
clause, however, which soon became public property, Porto Ba-
ros, an integral part of the Fiume port system, was practically
promised to Yugoslavia. The Rapallo Treaty was ratified by the
Prince Regent of Serbia on Nov. 22, by the Italian Chamber <
the 27th (263 votes in favour, 14 against and 50 abstentions), by
the Senate on Dec. 17 by 215 in favour and 29 against; 87 senator
signed a statement that they accepted the treaty, but declare
that it left the Adriatic defence problem unsolved and create
difficult conditions for Fiume and Zara. The treaty became lav
on the iQth and ratifications were exchanged on Feb. 2 1921.
Italy thus acquired 9,200 sq. km. with 948,768 inhabitants.
There still remained the question of D'Annunzio. He refused
to recognize the validity of the treaty, because he disapprove
of the cession of Dalmatia and of the frontiers assigned
to Fiume: as the latter had not been a party to the
treaty, he considered himself free to disregard it. He
sent detachments of his legionari to Castua, Veglia and Arbe at
attempted to invade Dalmatia. But the Government wa
determined to enforce the treaty, and, after protracted bu
fruitless negotiations with D'Annunzio, it established a blocka
round Fiume. D'Annunzio again tried to tamper with the loyalt
of the blockading troops and seamen, and succeeded in inducin
the crews of two destroyers and two torpedo boats to arrest their
officers and go over to the Fiumani; the same thing happene
with the crews of two armoured cars. Many of D'Annunzio's
followers, however, including Gen. Ceccherini and Prof. Panta
leoni, abandoned him. On Dec. 23, D'Annunzio having refused to
obey Gen. Caviglia's summons to submit,' operations of a mor
serious character were begun. There was some fighting tha
day and the two following days, and on the 3oth D'Annunzio
authorized his plenipotentiaries, Sig. Giganti, mayor of Fiume,
and his war minister, to accept the conditions imposed by Gen
Caviglia. The town was to be placed under the authority of th
municipal council and order maintained by local volunteer
D'Annunzio's legionari to be disarmed and to leave the town, and
the Italian soldiers who had deserted to D'Annunzio to be par-
doned and sent back to their units, except those who had deserte
after the Rapallo Treaty these were arrested and courtmar-
tialled. Italian carabinieri would enter Fiume to assist th
local levies until after the elections to the Constituent Assembly.
D'Annunzio himself left Fiume on Jan. 18 1921. The end of i
Fiume adventure was received with a feeling of relief by
1 The negotiations at Rapallo and those leading up to that meetin
and immediately following it (May n 1920 to Feb. 2 1921) are set
forth in a " Green Book " published by the Italian Foreign Office (
June 20 1921.
ITALY
635
except a few irreconcilables; now that the iialianitd of Fiume was
guaranteed there seemed to_be no reason for continuing in an
illegal situation. The evacuation of Dalmatia began in the
spring of 1921. Subsequently, on April 24, the election for the
Constituent Assembly in Fiume caused disorder, necessitating
the intervention of Italian forces. The port question, left
unsettled at Rapallo, was the subject of an Italo- Yugoslav
agreement at Belgrade in June 1921, the whole port system,
including Porto Baros and Sussale, being placed for 12 years
under a governing board consisting of two Italians, two Fiumani,
and two Yugoslavs.
During the summer and autumn of 1920 there were further
internal troubles in Italy itself. Sporadic strikes and disorders
had been going on through the summer; the employees
Comma- o f [ ne secondary railways had been again on strike
f r some time; on July 14 the tramwaymen in most
Italian towns proclaimed a sympathy strike, and the
electricians in Rome interrupted the electric supply spasmodically
and continued to do so for several nights. On the ipth the
secondary railways strike came to an end on the understanding
that the strikers would not be dismissed. The Rome tramwaymen
on returning to work tried to make a demonstration with red
flags, but the people rose against them; a general protest strike
attempted on the 2ist failed and resulted in the wrecking of the
Rome offices of the Avanli, while several Socialist deputies,
including Modigliani, were beaten by the crowd. The electri-
cians' strike ended on the 29th. The agrarian strikes in Romagna,
after a long period of agitation disastrous to production, ended
on Sept. 3, when the Government requisitioned the crops to save
them from destruction.
A more serious movement now broke out in the metal trades.
The metallurgical industry had greatly developed during the war,
and Italian manufacturers had rapidly transformed their plants
after the war in view of peace production. They had made large
profits, and had been able to grant very large increases of wages
to their men. But working costs were now very high and there
were signs of a coming trade slump; the workmen nevertheless
demanded still higher wages. On Aug. 13, after a three-day
conference, the representatives of the Industrial Metallurgical
Federation finally rejected the demands of the delegates of the
workmen's union, the F.I.O.M. (Federasione italiana operai
metallurgici), on the ground that the conditions of the industry
made any further concessions impossible. On the 2oth the work-
men began to adopt obstructive tactics, impeding all production
and in some cases committing acts of sabotage. This was
particularly the case at the Romeo works at Milan, where a
lock-out was proclaimed in consequence. Thereupon the F.I.O.M.
ordered the workmen of other metal factories in Milan to remain
in permanence at their works so as to prevent an extension of the
lock-out. On Aug. 31 the Federation of Mechanical Industries
proclaimed a general lock-out throughout Italy. The workmen
then proceeded to seize a number of metallurgical works, at first
in Lombardy alone, then in Piedmont and other parts of the
country; these occupations were also extended to plants of
other kinds (chemical works, textiles, etc.). The Socialists
regarded this action as a beginning of practical Communism,
and, although there were but few acts of violence at first, the
extremists, encouraged by the passive attitude of the authorities,
attempted to force the owners, managers and experts to continue
to conduct the works in the exclusive interests of the workmen;
" red guards " were organized, revolutionary tribunals set up,
and persons trying to enter the factories or even passing near
them were shot at. At Turin, where the movement was more
general, the factory counrils attempted even to sell the goods
manufactured, but the owners warned the public that they
refused to recognize the validity of such sales. In any case, the
workmen found it more and more difficult to run the factories
without the managers and experts, as they could get no credit to
purchase raw materials, and ended by making the occupation of
the factories merely an occasion for drunken orgies. On Sept. 6
the General Confederation of Labour declared that the action of
the metal workers was justified, but that the conflict must be
placed under its own guidance in order eventually to achieve
collectivist management; it did not, however, authorize the
extension of the seizures to other industries for the moment.
On the other hand, the General Confederation of Industry ap-
proved the conduct of the Mechanical Federation in resisting
the workmen's imposition. The Socialist party now attempted
to get control of the movement, but at the meeting of the general
council of the G.C.L. a resolution in favour of control by the
latter was voted by 591,245 votes to 409,569 and 93,623 absten-
tions; this confirmed by a small majority the economic as op-
posed to the political character of the agitation.
The Government now instructed the prefects of Milan and
Turin to open negotiations for a peaceful solution. The extrem-
ists were becoming every day more truculent, and in some cases
the leaders had broken open the safes and pocketed the contents.
At Turin acts of violence were more frequent, and on Sept. 22
the " red guards " brutally murdered a Nationalist student
and a detective who happened to be passing near a factory; the
murderers were, however, apprehended soon afterwards. The
police at last began to act, and seized and occupied the Gilardini
works, where the worst criminals were concentrated. Sig. .
Giolitti, on his return from Aix-les-Bains, had continued his
holiday at Bardonnecchia with Olympic serenity ; but he, too, now
felt that he must do something. He summoned representatives
of the owners and workmen to meet him at Turin, and formed
a joint commission to formulate proposals for introducing some
form of syndicalist control into factory management, which was
what the G.C.L. and the union leaders were now demanding.
The National Council of the Industrial Confederation expressed
its willingness to consider the question of syndicalist control,
but protested against the outrages committed by the extremists
and the tolerance of the authorities. On the igth the delegates
of the conflicting parties, summoned by the premier, met in
Rome and came to a settlement concerning the demand for a
rise in wages, and the ow T ners agreed to pay for the work actually
done during the occupation of the factories on condition that all
damage done should be deducted. The principle of syndicalist
control was also accepted, the Government undertaking to
present a bill embodying it to Parliament. The owners would not
agree to the readmission of all the workmen, and only ended by
accepting it under protest as an imposition by the Government.
The Congress of the F.I.O.M. accepted the Rome agreement by
118 votes to 18 on the 22nd, and submitted it to a referendum of
the local section,which approved it by 127,904 votes 1044,531 and
a few abstentions. The agitation committee of the F.I.O.M.
then ordered the workmen to evacuate the factories on the 27th;
work was resumed on Oct. 4, after the plants, which had been
left in appalling state of filth and disorder, had been tidied up. The
evacuation did not take place everywhere at once, and there were
some further troubles, but gradually normal conditions were
reestablished. As an attempt on the part of the extremists,
represented by Bombacci, to promote a revolution and establish
Communism, the movement had failed. But it did a great deal of
harm to Italian industry and credit, for which even the. more
moderate leaders, such as Buozzi, were responsible.
About the same time agrarian troubles had broken out in
various parts of Italy, especially in Sicily, where the associations
of ex-soldiers and other agricultural labourers demand-
ed land and seized many estates: but the movement Trouble"
was directed chiefly against the middlemen and large
farmers, and settlements were usually effected by agreement with
the landlords, who were willing to rent their estates to the
agricultural and cooperative associations. Estates were forcibly
occupied by the peasantry in the province of Rome and in the
Tuscan Maremma, but the disputes were usually settled without
serious incidents. In the Veneto, in parts of Tuscany and in the
provinces of Bergamo and Cremona, the troubles were more
serious; the peasantry demanded ever more favourable land
contracts, which, if granted, would have left the landlord without
enough income to pay the taxes. The movement was usually
promoted by the Popolari, especially by Sig. Miglioli and
Cocchi, the leaders of the Catholic extremists. In the Puglie
6 3 6
ITALY
similar movements occurred, attended by more violent episodes,
including the murder of a few landlords and farmers, whose
colleagues retaliated with equal violence. As a rule, however,
the agrarian troubles never assumed the widespread or revolu-
tionary character of the industrial agitations, except in Romagna.
Meanwhile, the public, including the great bulk of all classes,
was getting heartily sick of these constant disorders and of the
tyranny of a factious minority composed in part of
Kasc.iV/. doctrinaires, but largely of criminals of a degenerate
type. The middle-class suddenly realized that it was
by no means dead, and that if it only organized itself it could
again assume the lead. It now set to work to perfect the various
associations for social and political defence already mentioned.
The movement of the Fascisti, destined to play an important
part in the immediate future, was an outcome of the combatants'
associations; the Fasci were composed of young men, mostly
ex-officers and soldiers, university students, and not a few of
the more intelligent workmen, peasant proprietors and small
farmers. Their " extreme left " was constituted out of the ex-
arditi (assault troops), comprising all the more adventurous
spirits, while at the other end were older and steadier persons,
professional and business men, professors and intellectuals. The
Fasci comprised people of all parties, including not a few Socialist s
who were disgusted with the tendencies of the party. Fasci
were formed in one town after another over the whole country.
On Nov. 4 the great Victory Parade, which had been delayed
for two years because Sig. Nitti had been anxious to make
people forget the war, was held in Rome, amid scenes
Local o f great enthusiasm. The administrative elections
1920. were held in Oct. and Nov. and resulted in a decline of
Socialist influence as compared with the political elec-
tion of 1919. Notable successes were gained in Rome, Naples,
Florence, Venice, Genoa and even Turin, while at Milan the
Socialists got in by a small majority; at Bologna alone among the
large towns the Socialist success was overwhelming. The Catho-
lic party came out badly, although it achieved some successes in
the Veneto and Lombardy. These successes raised the spirits
of the country considerably, but the reign of disorder was not
yet over. The formal assumption of authority in the Socialist
municipal councils was to offer a pretext for fresh outbursts of
violence. What happenedatBolognawasparticularlyremarkable.
On Sept. 20 the Bologna Bolshevists had determined to or-
ganize a demonstration as a counterblast to the official celebra-
tions on that day; a patriotic procession of modest
Red Terror proportions went to lay wreaths on the monuments
g na ' of Victor Emmanuel and Garibaldi, and when it was
about to break up it was fired at from a restaurant
which was the haunt of the extremists, but some members of the
patriotic group fired back. It was the first popular reaction
against red tyranny in Bologna, but it was the beginning of the
end. On Oct. 14 a strike and demonstration were organized in
Bologna and other towns to protest against the "white terror"
in Hungary. The anarchist Malatesta came to Bologna and the
demonstration ended with the murder of a Royal Guardsman
and a police inspector. These crimes provoked a violent reaction.
Small groups of Nationalists and Fascisti paraded the streets;
tricolor flags appeared everywhere, and the council of, the
labour unions ordered a cessation of the strike. The authorities
showed greater energy and arrested a number of anarchists.
The municipal elections were lost, because the anti-Socialist
movement was still too recent; but a week later occurred the col-
lapse of the deputy Bucco, who had made himself dictator of
Bologna, with a sort of praetorian guard of bravos. Now, however,
he began to fear for his own safety, and asked for the protection
of the Royal Guards against the Fascisti. Being arrested for
having arms in his possession, he tried to buy his liberty by
accusing his comrades. This was the end of his power; and after-
wards a deficit in the accounts of the labour exchange of which he
was secretary, for nearly a quarter of a million, was discovered.
On Nov. 21 the first meeting of the new town council was
intended to be the occasion of a general revolutionary move--
ment, organized by a certain Martelli, an elementary school-
master, and other communist leaders. Two of the constitution
members of the council, one of them Sig. Giordani, a disable
officer, were shot in the council hall by hired assassins,
upheaval of public opinion was now irresistible; the leadin
organizers had to fly for their lives to San Marino, many arres
were made, and the whole fabric of Bolshevist organization
Bologna crashed. The council never met again, as most of it
members were in prison or fugitives from justice, and
eventually dissolved. The Fascisti now proceeded to attack ;
wreck a number of Socialist and Bolshevist institutions; th
best-known Socialist leaders hardly dared show themselves
the streets except under large escorts of Royal Guards
carabinieri. At Modena, a Fascista having been murdered
band of Socialists, a number of Fascisti from Bologna and els
where went to attend the funeral; during the ceremony th
Socialists fired and killed two Fascisti. Their companions
burnt down the labour exchange and wrecked the office of Donati>
the local deputy. The Bologna labour exchange was also burnt
down. A parliamentary commission was sent to Bologna
inquire into the affair of Nov. 21, and its report was a terrible
indictment of maladministration. The town council finally
resigned, and the administration was taken over by a Govern-
ment commissary.
In the province of Ferrara the situation was equally intolerabl<
Most of the communes were in the hands of the Socialists,
the secretaries of the labour exchanges and the leaders of ti
labour and agricultural unions had become small despots, no
unlike the petty tyrants of the Romagna in the Middle Ages; they
amassed fortunes by extortion, blackmail and even open robbery.
Landowners, farmers or labourers who refused to submit to
their rule were boycotted, fined and occasionally murdered
Farming had become almost impossible; no one could emplo
labour except through the Socialist, or rather Bolshevist, leghe
strikes were endemic, and the landlords barely earned enough
to pay the taxes, while the labour leaders made highly profitabli
speculations in land. Now that the reaction had set in, the Fa
gradually broke down the tyranny of the reds in one district
after another, not always without fighting. In Ferrara town the
murder of several Fascisti by Socialists on Dec. 20 produced ;
reaction similar to that of Bologna after Nov. 21. In many place
the peasantry found red rule so intolerable that they went ove
en masse to the Fasci, who organized labour employment office
for the equal advantage of all classes. In Feb. the Government
withdrew all permits to carry arms and ordered the whole
population to give up its arms; a certain number of weapon
were given up, but enough remained for fighting between
Socialists and Fascisti to continue.
During the last months the Socialist party had shown sig
of splitting up. The Reformist group had long ago broken loo
and was hardly considered Socialist at all. Now
even in the " Official " party two or three tendencies
became more and more clearly marked. The extremist
group led by Bombacci, Bordiga, Gennari, and, until his fall,
by Bucco, proclaimed the necessity for an immediate revolution
and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Others, such as Turati
and Treves, were frankly opposed to revolution, although
favourable to Socialist doctrines. The more moderate section had
held a congress at Reggio Emilia in the autumn, at which men
like Nofri and Ponzani had the courage to condemn the methods
of Soviet Government in Russia. The Russian leaders, however,
demanded the absolute and unquestioning submission of the
Italian party to the Moscow creed, and decreed the expulsion
from the party of all Socialists who were barely suspected
of the Reformist heresy, including such veterans of Social-
ism as Turati and Treves. A general congress of the party
was therefore held at Leghorn from Jan. 13 to 22 1921. The
Bombacci group were prepared to swallow the full Moscow pro-
gramme, but the group led by Serrati, editor of the Milan
Avanti, accepted Russian communism only in a bowdlerized
form suited to Italian conditions, while the Turati group frankly
opposed revolution. The Congress soon degenerated into wild
disorder. The extremists shrieked insults and foamed at
Split.
ITALY
637
mouth; Bombacci flourished a revolver which he did not fire;
- others replied in kind, and Kabatcheff , a Bulgarian Jew represent-
ing the Russian Bolshevists, read out the indictment against the
moderates and ordered their expulsion. But when it came to vot-
ing, the Florence resolution representing the middle tendency
hostile to Moscow, supported by Turati, Treves, Buozzi, Baldisi,
D'Aragoni, and the G.C.L., who called themselves unitari and
were prepared to collaborate with a bourgeois Government
obtained 98,028 votes; the Imola resolution, representing the
Communists led by Bombacci, Bordiga, Misiani and Count
Gregiadci, got 58,783; and the Reggio Emilia resolution, whose
advocates Called themselves cenlristi, got 14,695. The split
was now an accomplished fact, and the Communists moved into
another building to hold a congress of their own; 18 members of
Parliament belonged to that group. Moscow now pronounced the
major excommunication against the Italian Socialist party, but
it was this very claim of the Russians to dictate to Italy that
aroused the opposition of the bulk of the Italian Socialists, for
in Italy even Socialists do not like being ordered about by
foreign Governments.
Sig. Giolitti's parliamentary position was somewhat weakening
at this time. Most of the constitutional groups were but luke-
warm supporters, and accepted his administration
merely as a p is aller, disapproving of his policy towards
revolutionary tendencies. Sig. Nitti, who desired to
return to power, now began to oppose the Cabinet. The
Nationalists and their sympathizers were opposed to Giolitti,
but disliked Nitti still more. The Catholics were an uncertain
quantity and could not be counted upon. The Socialists were,
of course, in opposition, but Turati and his group were tending
more and more towards the idea of collaboration with Giolitti,
a tendency which alienated from the latter a good deal of support
from the constitutionals, who feared that even a moderate
Socialist amalgamation would mean further extravagance and
incompetence in the administration, and legislation fatal to
production and work. The chief practical question before Parlia-
ment was that of the price of bread. The Government still main-
tained a monopoly of the wheat trade, and, by selling bread
under cost price, cast a tremendous burden on the budget. The
situation at the end of 1920 was as follows. The harvest, which
in 1913 had been as high as 58,452,000 quintals of wheat, had
decreased during the war, and in 1919 had fallen to a little over
46,000,00x5; 1920 was a still worse year and had given only
38,500,000. As the average annual consumption amounted to
167 kgm. per inhabitant it was necessary to purchase 24,000,000
quintals abroad. The State requisitioned 12,500,000 quintals
of the home crop (the rest being consumed by the producers)
at 113 lire per quintal, and bought 24,000,000 abroad at 210 lire.
Thus one kgm. of bread cost the State i lira 8oc., while it was
sold at only 90 centesimi. In Dec. 1920 Giolitti introduced a
bill for raising the price. The Socialists adopted obstructionist
tactics. Finally, the bill was voted by a large majority on March i .
Home-grown wheat was then sold at cost price, and that purchased
abroad at 150 lire. Bread was of two qualities, sold at two prices,
the commoner sort at i lira 2oc. to i lira 25C., and the better
sort at varying higher prices. The Government expressed the
intention of gradually returning to freedom of trade in all food-
stuffs. The Budget deficit for 1921-2 had been estimated at
10,370 millions, of which 7,000 millions was due to the State
monopoly of cereals; but the new measures reduced the estimated
deficit to about 4,000 millions, which it was hoped to cover by other
means. The Cabinet was less successful over its education bill.
Ever since the Catholics had entered Parliament in large numbers
they had demanded State examinations in the schools, so that
pupils from the private schools, mostly Catholic institutions,
should be on an equal footing with those of the Government
schools. Sig. Torre, when Minister of Education, had presented
a bill to that effect, but had been unable to carry it through
owing to the fall of the Cabinet. Now Sig. Croce, a Liberal not
remotely suspected of Clerical leanings, brought forth a new
bill to the same effect. But the majority of the Chamber voted
against it and Sig. Croce wished to resign (Feb. n), but his
resignation was not accepted. At the end of Feb. a bill providing
for syndicalist control in industry was also presented to Parlia-
ment, but it encountered much opposition.
The new Communist party was determined to try its strength
in the country by a series of terrorist outrages, by which it hoped
to draw the masses into that revolution which the Offi-
cial Socialist party had failed to bring about. The first JSw*orf".
attempt was in Florence, where a regular revolutionary rates.
plot was discovered; on Feb. 27 a group of Com-
munists threw a bomb at a patriotic procession of schoolboys,
killing and wounding several people. The Fascisti retaliated by
attacking and wrecking the offices of the Socialist organizations,
and killed Lavagnini, a noted railway agitator and editor of a
local Communist paper. The Florence railwaymen went out on
strike, and so did the electricians; a series of affrays between the
Communists and Fascisti took place, and the former erected
barricades in the popular San Frediano quarter. The troops and
police repressed the rioting with energy, backed up by the Fascisti
and the enormous majority of the population. The Communists
committed several cold-blooded murders, mcluding that of the
small son of a manufacturer, whereat the Fascisti burnt down
the labour exchange and the offices of the F.I.O.M. Other
encounters took place in the environs, notably at Bandino
and Scandicci, and in one or two cases the troops had to resort
to artillery fire to demolish barricades. In all 20 persons were
killed and 100 wounded. Minor outbreaks and individual
murders took place at Pisa, Siena, Cascina, Empoli, etc. But
everywhere popular reaction was unmistakable and vigorous;
in many places it was the soldiers and police who had to protect
the Communists from being lynched by the crowd. The Fascista
movement acquired ever fresh impetus, and more and more
peasants' unions cast off Socialism to join the Fasci. In many
places it was discovered that the Socialist or Communist labour
leaders had derived large profits from the employment offices,
the cooperative stores and the distribution of food-stuffs. More
and more Socialist municipal councils, especially in Central
Italy, resigned.
The Government's parliamentary position continued un-
certain. On March 10 a motion presented by Sig. Amendola
(Constitutional Liberal) in favour of an immediate
discussion on foreign affairs, which the Cabinet Break-up
opposed, was rejected by only a small majority, ^/ff,
the Nationalists, Democratic Liberals, as well as the cabinet,
Socialists, voting in favour of it. In the Allied Coun- " 1921.
cils increasingly during the course of 1921 Italy found
herself in support of Great Britain in exercising a moderating
influence over the more violent tendencies of France against
Germany. A movement in favour of a general election had been
gathering strength for some months. The Chamber elected in
Nov. 1919 in very special circumstances no longer represented
anything like public opinion, but it rose for the Easter holidays
without any decision having been arrived at. On April i Sig.
Meda, having resigned on account of his health, was succeeded
at the Treasury by Sig. Bonomi, whose place at the War Minis-
try was taken by Sig. Rodino of the Catholic party. Giolitti
then issued a decree dissolving the Chamber on the 7th, the
elections to take place on May 15 and Parliament to reassemble
on June 8. The elections went off without serious incidents,
save a certain number of encounters between Fascisti and Social-
ists or Communists on the days immediately preceding or fol-
lowing that of the polls (May 15). The total percentage of
voters was higher than at previous elections, reaching in some
cases 80 or 90% of the total. The new Chamber comprised
535 members, as compared with 508 in the old one, owing to
the 27 seats assigned to the annexed provinces. Of this total
the various Liberal groups obtained 275 seats (239 in the
previous Chamber), the Catholics rose from 101 to 107,
the Socialists fell from 156 to 122 for the unitari or Socialists
proper and 16 for the Communists, the Republicans fell from
13 to 7; there were, in addition, four Germans from the Alto
Adige and five Slavs from the Venezia Giulia. The actual
proportions of the various parties were not therefore very
6 3 8
ITALY
different from those of the previous Parliament, save that the
Socialists, Communists and Republicans were undoubtedly
weaker and the Liberals and Catholics somewhat stronger.
But the spirit of the Chamber was different; if the Socialists
had suffered a less severe reverse than was expected, the dominant
note was the success of the Fascisti and Nationalists. The former
were about 40 and the latter ten, while a number of other
members not actually inscribed as belonging to either group, but
describing themselves as ex-combatants and agrarians, might be
classed as sympathizers. The new provinces returned five
Popolari and one Socialist for the Trentino, four Germans for the
Alto Adige, three Italians and one Communist for Trieste, five
Italians and one Slav for Istria, four Slavs and one Communist
for Gorizia-Gradisca.
On June n 1921 Parliament was opened by the King amid
scenes of great enthusiasm. The Socialists, Communists and
Republicans did not attend, nor did the Fascisti of Republican
tendencies or the Germans from the Alto Adige. On the debate
on the speech from the Throne, while the internal policy of the
Government met with general approval from all parties except
the Socialists and Communists, its foreign policy was subjected
to very severe criticism; Sig. Federzoni, the Nationalist leader,
delivered a stringent attack on Count Sforza, whose reply
made a bad impression. On June 26 the Cabinet obtained only
a small majority on a vote of confidence (234 to 202), and al-
though Count Sforza offered his resignation Giolitti professed
to regard the vote as involving his policy as a whole, and the
Cabinet therefore resigned. Although Giolitti could have formed
a new Cabinet himself he declined to do so; and after various
other attempts Sig. Bonomi, the Treasury Minister in the late
Cabinet, finally undertook to form an administration. On July 4
the new ministers took the oath. The Cabinet was constituted
as follows: Ivanoe Bonomi (Presidency and Interior), Marquis
Tomasi della Torretta (Foreign Office), Girardini (Colonies),
Rodino (Justice), Soleri (Finance), De Nava (Treasury),
Bergamasco (Marine), Corbino (Education), Michcli (Public
Works), Belotti (Industry and Trade), Mauri (Agriculture),
Beneduce (Labour), Giuffrida (Post Office), Raineri (Liberated
Provinces). Sig.' Bonomi had at one time been a militant
Socialist and editor of the Avanti, but he broke away from
the party in disgust at its anti-patriotic attitude, and on the
outbreak of the World War was a whole-hearted interven-
tionist; he served for a time in the army, was afterwards Minister
of Public. Works during the war, and after the Armistice Minister
of War. The new Cabinet comprised members of all the chief
parties except the extreme Right and the Socialists. On July 23
the Chamber gave the new premier a vote of confidence with a
majority of 166 (302 to 136). (L. V.*)
THE POST-WAR ARMY
As the result of post-war considerations, in November
1919 the Royal Decree No. 2,143 provided for a first prelimi-
nary organization of the Italian army as follows: (a) an increase,
as compared with the pre-war period, of one army command,
three Territorial army corps commands, and five Territorial
divisional commands (or a total of 5 army commands, 1 5 Terri-
torial army corps commands and 30 Territorial divisional com-
mands) . These measures were suggested by the increase in the
extent of the national territory; (b) a slight increase in the in-
fantry; (c) a very marked reduction in the cavalry; (d) a very
large increase in the artillery and in the engineers; (e) the for-
mation of an Aeronautical Service and of an automobile corps;
(/) term of service fixed at one year, or even less; (g) the force on
the estimates reduced to 210,000; (h) a budget framed in such a
way as to reduce the outlay for the army to 1 1 % of the total expen-
diture of the State, while before the war it amounted to 14 %. This
scheme was not carried into effect, as the Government held that
under it the army would still have been too large and too expen-
sive as compared with the requirements and financial resources
of the moment. It was considered that the increase of territory
and of population did not call for the formation of new units;
that on the contrary the improved conditions of the frontier
should permit of a reduction from the pre-war strength of the
army. It was necessary also that the army should weigh as
lightly as possible on the financial resources of the country, thus '
facilitating Italy's economic revival. Furthermore, the Govern-
ment believed in the principle of an " armed nation " in the
sense that it desired to reduce the term of military service in
time of peace, training all citizens and getting the most out of
them in time of war. Some politicians, in advocating a further
reduction of the army, were influenced by pre-war, anti-military
and almost anti-national ideas, which had for some time affected
the country. In any case, within a few months of the first
" provisional organization " a second was planned (Royal Decree
No. 451 of April 20 1920).
The following are the details of this organization, and the
provisions relating thereto formed the basis of actual conditions
in 1921: 4 army commands, consisting of the general appointed
to the command of the army in time of war and a very small
staff; 10 Territorial army corps commands, named after the
city in which the command 'is stationed; 27 commands of in-
fantry divisions numbered progressively; 3 commands of " Al-
pini " divisions similarly numbered; one cavalry divisional
command. Each army corps has three divisions of infantry
or " Alpini," as well as other troops not incorporated into any
division. A division of infantry consists of two brigades of
infantry (grenadiers, infantry of the line and " Bersaglieri ")
and one regiment of field artillery. An "Alpini " division
includes three regiments of " Alpini " and one of mountain
artillery. This formation is made for purposes of instruction.
In actual fact the " Alpini " regiments and the mountain artil-
lery are scattered along the whole frontier; so that the commands
of " Alpini " divisions have in their territory and under their
direct orders only a portion of the Alpine troops allotted to them.
They have, on the other hand, direct control over other infantry
and artillery units as is the case with an ordinary division.
The troops and services of army corps not incorporated into
divisions are: a regiment of heavy field artillery; a group of
anti-aircraft artillery; a battalion of sappers; a battalion of
telegraph operators; an automobile park; a train park; a sani-
tary company; a supply company. These troops and services
are capable of supplying in case of mobilization the requirements
of the divisions of the army corps and of the command of such
army corps. This arrangement, which has been rendered more
practical by stationing the various units within the territory
of the big units to which they are assigned, represents a marked
improvement on the system prevalent before the war, when
there were entire Territorial divisions without artillery, engineers
or intendance. Other units, generally of specialists, are distrib-
uted in different parts of the country, and, while they are not
assigned to divisions of army corps, they receive orders there-
from in matters of discipline and of service.
The infantry should consist of: 2 regiments of grenadiers (one
brigade), 102 regiments of infantry of the line (51 brigades), 4
regiments of " Bersaglieri " (2 brigades), 9 regiments of " Alpini,"
one group of armoured cars. In addition there were in 1921 still other
regiments of infantry in Upper Silesia and in the Eastern Mediter-
ranean, as well as 8 regiments of " Bersaglieri " which were to
be abolished. The abolition of these regiments had been decided
upon for the purpose of not depriving the infantry of the line of its
best elements, and in order to preserve an equal number of line
regiments which had been formed during the war and had won the
gold medal for valour. But popular opposition to the reduction of
the " Bersaglieri " units, so characteristically Italian and so full of
noble traditions, had the effect of suspending the execution of the
proposed measure. For the present, at least, the 12 regiments of
Bersaglieri " remain. The regiments of grenadiers, infantry of the
line, and " Bersaglieri " consist of 3 battalions each (2 effective and
one reduced to a cadre). Each battalion has 3 companies of rifles
and one machine-gun company. " Alpini " regiments are composed
of 2 to 4 battalions each (27 in all).
The cavalry consists of 12 regiments (4 of lancers and 8 of light
cavalry) and of 4 farrier squadrons (or " palafrenieri "). Each regi-
ment consists of two groups of squadrons 2 per group. There are
4 commands of cavalry brigades, each having 3 regiments. Two of
these brigades form the division of cavalry already existing.
The artillery consists of: 27 regiments of field artillery; 3 regi-
ments of mountain artillery; one regiment of artillery drawn by
motors; 14 regiments of heavy field artillery; 6 regiments of heavy
artillery; 4 regiments of coast artillery; 3 depot-schools for anti-
aircraft artillery. The regiments of field artillery have animal
transport. Each regiment has 4 groups, one reduced to a cadre.
In each regiment 2 groups are armed with the 75-mm. gun, one
group has loo-mm. howitzers, and the fourth group has 65-mm.
guns carried on mules. Each group has 3 batteries. The regi-
ment with guns on motor-cars includes 5 groups of 75-mm. guns.
To this regiment is allotted the o"nly group of horse artillery still
kept up (2 batteries of 75-mm. guns). The heavy field regiments
have guns drawn by motors; each has 4 groups of 3 batteries.
Some groups are armed with the 149-111111. howitzer; others with the
lO5-mm. gun. The 6 heavy regiments each consist of 4 groups
of 3 batteries (one is reduced to its cadre). Guns are drawn by
motors, and are of different types, varying from the 149-mm. gun to
the 305- mm. howitzer. Coast regiments have the same formation
as the heavy regiments. The depot-schools for anti-aircraft service
consist of 3 or 4 groups each. A group has 2 batteries on motor
vehicles and a position battery.
The Engineer Corps consists of: 10 battalions of sappers (of 3
companies); 10 telegraph battalions (of 3 telegraph companies, one
section of photo-electricians and one of pigeon carriers) ; one regiment
of miners (of 5 battalions) ; one inland water transport regiment
(one lagoon and 3 pontoon companies) ; one railway regiment.
The Air Force consists of aeroplanes, kite-balloons and airships.
The aeroplanes are organized into one group of chasing-machines, one
of bombing units and one of scouts. Each group has a depot-school,
a certain number of squadrons, of aeropprts and stations. There are
also a command of Air Force schools having at its dependence various
schools, training centres, workshops, etc. ; an aeronautic command
in the Venezia Giulia controlling a certain number of squadrons;
several depot, supply and training offices.
The Automobile Corps of recent foundation includes 10 auto-
mobile parks, each of which has a depot, a school and a number of
sections which are charged with transport services generally.
The Royal Carbineers (" Carabinieri Reali ") are military police,
carefully selected, originating from the old Piedmontese army and
having very good traditions. During the war the " Carabinieri "
were formed into a regiment of infantry which distinguished itself
on Podgora, and had to be dissolved at an early date owing to its
ITALY
639
heavy losses. The "Carabinieri" discharged police duty for the
mobilized troops and in the war zone. Now they are divided into 21
" legions " (plus one of recruits) and perform police duty chiefly in
the country districts. In some of the big towns there are special
battalions of " Carabinieri," formed of riflemen and machine-gunners
to be employed together in case of riots. The " Carabinieri " are
recruited from volunteers, or from levy men, on special service.
The Royal Guards (" Guardia Regia ") for police service con-
stitute a special corps, of a military character, of recent formation
and originating from the former police corps. The men enlist under
a system similar to that adopted for the " Carabinieri," and dis-
charge police duties in big centres. There are 10 " legions " (plus
one of recruits). Like the " Carabinieri " they are divided into
battalions and squadrons. ,
The new recruiting law is based on the principle that all valid men
must receive military training and are liable to conscription. The
provisions as to physical fitness of the men have been modified con-
siderably so as to reduce the number of those discharged permanently
or temporarily as medically unfit. It is calculated that each levy will
thus give 250,000 recruits. The majority of these will have to serve
eight months, while the rest, consisting chiefly of men who under the
old law would have been allotted to the third category, will have to
serve three months. In 1921, however, a period of transition was
still in existence, and these terms of service were not yet in force.
It was expected, however, that men having to serve for eight months
would be called up in groups, so that there would always be a certain
number of trained men under arms, while those who had to serve for
three months would have to be drafted into the infantry.
Men are liable to serve as before from their 2Oth to their 39th
year of age; but the distinction between reservists of the permanent
army and those of the mobile and Territorial militias has been
abolished. All men on unlimited leave form one large reserve, which
in due course is detailed according to age, physical fitness, or special
qualifications, to the active army, the troops stationed in the
country, the industrial factories, etc.
The force on the 1921 estimates for the time when the eight
months' service would be adopted was set down at 175,000 men,
and the average yearly outlay at 9-80% of the total expenditure
of the State. (M. R.)
640
JACKSON- -JAMES, H.
JACKSON, HENRY (1839-1921), English classical scholar,
was born at Sheffield March 12 1839. He was educated
at the Sheffield collegiate school, at Cheltenham College
and at Trinity College, Cambridge, where he was elected
fellow in 1864 and vice-master in 1914. From 1875 to 1906 he
was praelector in Ancient Philosophy, and in 1906 was appointed
Regius professor of Greek. In 1908 he was given the O.M. He
resigned the vice-mastership of his college in 1919, and died at
Bournemouth Sept. 25 1921. His important work in translating
and commenting upon Aristotle's Ethics is alluded to in 2.513.
He published Texts to Illustrate Greek Philosophy from Tholes to
Aristotle (1901) and a series of articles on "Plato's Later Theory
of Ideas" (Journal of Philology); also About Edwin Drood (1911).
The principal articles on ancient Greek philosophers in this
Encyclopedia were his contributions.
JACKSON, SIR JOHN (1851-1919), English engineer and con-
tractor, was born at York Feb. 4 1851. He was educated at
Edinburgh University and received his training as an engineer
at Newcastle-on-Tyne. Amongst his more important construc-
tions were the docks at Middlesbrough, Hartlepool and N.
Sunderland, the commercial harbour at Dover and the extension
there of the Admiralty pier, the last section of the Manchester
Ship canal, the foundations of the Tower bridge, the new naval
harbour at Simon's Town, Cape Colony, and the irrigation works
in Mesopotamia. He was knighted in 1895. From 1910 to 1918
he represented Devonport in the House of Commons. Early in
the World War he offered to erect army huts at the bare cost.
Complaint was made in April. 1917 to the royal commission
appointed to inquire into profits made on army huts, that his
firm had later claimed 5 % on future work and that the amount
paid to them was excessive. The commission endorsed this
charge, though exonerating the firm from having " intentionally
brought about a state of things in which they could extort
exorbitant terms." Sir John died at Godalming Dec. 14 1919.
JACKSON, SIR THOMAS GRAHAM, BART. (1835- ),
English architect, was born in London Dec. 21 1835, the son of a
solicitor. After a brilliant career at Oxford, where he became a
fellow of Wadham, he entered the office of Sir George Gilbert
Scott at the age of 23, and remained there for three years, but his
future work showed that he was not very deeply influenced by
the somewhat narrowly Gothic method and predilection of Scott.
To accommodate himself to the calls upon his sense of propriety
in design, one who was later to be asked to add additional
building work to many of the Oxford colleges (Brasenose, Lin-
coln, Balliol and others, and especially the University Examina-
tion Schools) needed that wide range of knowledge of the
architecture of the late i6th and I7th centuries that is indicated
in much of Jackson's work. Upon Oxford he has left an especial
impress with which his name will be always associated. For
Cambridge, again, he carried out many important university
buildings, the Law library and school, the Archaeological
museum, and the Physiological laboratories amongst them. Less
bound there than at Oxford to the precedent of an existing design
his work, mostly of a late English Renaissance character,
shows facility and invention. His new buildings and additions
at so many great English schools including Eton, Harrow,
Rugby and Westminster formed a very large proportion of his
artistic output in the 'eighties and 'nineties. The interior of the
chapel at Giggles wick school, Yorks., is an example of that
treatment of colour in marble and mosaic upon which he
relied so much as a complement to his architectural design. He
was always keen on bringing together the various arts as tributary
to, or allied with, architecture, and in support of this endeavour
was a member, and in 1896 master, of the Art Workers' Guild.
Jackson's name will also be connected with a large number of new
churches for which he was responsible, and of even more in the
restoration of which he was concerned, amongst the latter being
St. Mary's, Oxford. Though subjected at the time to much criti-
cism as to the decorative features of the exterior, and especially
the spire, Jackson's work still holds its own as dealing conscienti-
ously and conservatively with the difficult and disputed problem
of restoration. He carried out many new houses, and a large
number of alterations and additions to others. As an author he
was responsible for several works, covering a wide area of his
profession, and, in especial, his many visits to the Nearer East,
especially to the Balkan States, have resulted in his giving nearly
all of what is known as to the architecture of Ragusa, Dalmatia,
Istria and the Adriatic coast. He was so far recognized as the
authority on their traditional type of Romanesque building that
the Dalmatians sought his help in the building of the Campanile
at Zara. In 1910 the Royal Institute of British Architects
awarded him their gold medal. He was elected A.R.A. in 1892,
and R.A. in 1896, became hon. D.C.L. of Oxford, and hon.
LL.D. of Cambridge, and was created a baronet in 1913.
JACOB, EDGAR (1844-1920), English bishop, was born at
Crawley rectory, near Winchester, Nov. 16 1844, the son of
Philip Jacob, archdeacon of Winchester. He was educated at
Winchester and New College, Oxford, where he graduated in
1867. He was ordained in 1868, and in 1871 went to India as
domestic chaplain 'to Dr. Milman, Bishop of Calcutta. In 1876
he returned to England, and in 1878 became vicar of Portsea,
where he worked wonders in a difficult parish. In 1896 he became
Bishop of Newcastle, and in 1903 was translated to the see of
St. Albans. This diocese, which embraced a large part of the
poorer outlying parts of London, was too large for the effective
control of one bishop, consisting as it did of 630 benefices and
nearly 900 clergy, and Dr. Jacob worked hard to secure the
formation of a new bishopric out of it. It was not, however, until
1913 that the bill providing for the erection of the bishopric of
Chelmsford passed. He retired from his see in Dec. 1919, and
died at St. Cross, Winchester, March 25 1920.
JAGER, GUSTAV (1832-1917), German naturalist and hygi-
enist (see 15.124*), died in 1917.
JAGOW, GOTTLIEB VON (1863- ), German Foreign Sec-
retary at the outbreak of the World War, was born June 22
1863 in Berlin. He entered the diplomatic service in 1895 and
after having been Prussian minister at Munich, German am-
bassador at Rome, and German minister at The Hague, was
appointed in 1913 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He
played an active part in the negotiations preceding the out-
break of the World War and was, in particular, concerned in the
German relations with Austria, having been the first member of
the Imperial Government in Berlin to become acquainted with
the terms of the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia. Jagow retired
in Nov. 1916. He wrote a defence of German policy entitled
Ursachen und Ausbruch des Weltkrieges (1919).
JAMES, HENRY (1843-1916), Anglo-American man of letters
(see 15.143), died in London Feb. 28 1916. In 1913 nearly 300
of his English friends presented him with his portrait by J. S.
Sargent, on the occasion of his 7oth birthday; in the following
year the portrait was damaged by a militant suffragette as it
hung upon the walls of the Royal Academy. The outbreak of the
World War aroused in him such a passionate sympathy for
England and her Allies that he decided to identify himself once
for all with England and to apply for naturalization. On July 26
1915 he became a British subject. The following Jan. he was
awarded the Order of Merit, the insignia being brought to him on
his sick-bed by his friend Viscount Bryce. His later works in-
clude A Small Boy and Others (1913), Notes of a Son and Brother
(1914), The Middle Years (1917, left uncompleted). Two un-
finished novels, The Ivory Tower and The Sense of the Past,
appeared in 1917. In 1915 he contributed a preface to the Let-
ters from America of Rupert Brooke, and his impressions of the
war were published in 1919 under the title of Within the Rim.
See The Letters of Henry James, selected and edited by Percy
Lubbock, 2 vols. (1920).
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
JAMES OF HEREFORD JAPAN
641
JAMES OF HEREFORD, HENRY JAMES, IST BARON (1828-
1911), English lawyer and statesman (see 15.144), died at Epsom
Aug. 18 1911.
JAMESON, SIR LEANDER STARR, BART. (1853-1917), British
South African statesman (see 15.147). The union of the South
African colonies in 1909 accomplished the main object which
Jameson had set before himself as a political leader. He wished
to carry the spirit of union further by forming a combination
of political parties to support a non-racial Government for the
new Union, regarded Gen. Botha as the natural leader of such
a combination, and was completely ready to serve under him.
This project of a " best man " Government, however, was not
accepted by Botha, who thought that the Dutch-speaking
people of South Africa were not ready for it. The alternative, to
which Jameson then set himself, was the formation of a new party
representing the majority of the English-speaking people in the
Cape, the Transvaal, the Orange Free State and Natal. At a
conference in Bloemfontein in 1910, before the first general elec-
tion for the new South African Parliament took place, this project
was carried out. Jameson presided over the conference with a
patience, a tact and an insight which exhibited once more his
remarkable gift for the ruling of men. The programme of the
party thus formed known as the Unionist party of South Africa
showed his influence in every clause. It repudiated opposition
to the Botha Government for the mere sake of opposition, and
promised the Prime Minister support in all measures designed
to promote racial peace and material prosperity in South Africa.
At the first South African general election in Sept. 1910 the
Unionists fought on this programme with a considerable measure
of success, especially in the Cape and Transvaal provinces. Natal,
where the English-speaking people were in a great majority,
withheld from Jameson and the Unionists the general support
which it might have been expected to give, though the Unionists
won a number of seats in that province. For two years Jameson
led the Unionists in the South African House of Assembly with
great moderation and self-restraint, but was compelled by ill
health to retire from the leadership of the party in 1912. He
returned to England and settled in London, devoting himself,
when his health took a turn for the better, to business interests.
He had an intimate knowledge of the affairs of the De Beers
Corp. and of the British South African Co., commonly known as
the Chartered Co. In June 1913 he became chairman of the
Chartered Co., whose general meetings gave him, year by year,
till his death in 1917, opportunities of proving in a new sphere
his power of exercising a dominating influence over assemblies
of men. When the war came in 1914 Jameson devoted himself to
public work, leaving to members of the Government the choice
of the sphere in which they thought he could be most useful.
Meanwhile he had made more than one visit to Rhodesia as
chairman of the Chartered Co., and the work which he did on
behalf of the territory that he had helped to establish was
recognized even by opponents of the policy of the Chartered Co.
The war work which the Government chose for him was that of
chairman of the Central Prisoners-of-War Committee, to which
he devoted himself with all his remaining strength, organizing
at the same time more than one private hospital overseas.
Jameson's health had been precarious for years, and on Nov. 26
1917 he succumbed to a short illness. His name will stand very
high among those of the men who did service to South Africa and
Rhodesia. Diffident and utterly free from self-seeking, he was
of those who make the least of their service to their country. But
his labours for racial reconciliation and material prosperity in
South Africa were conspicuous, and the close friendship of
Botha was a final proof of the quality of his patriotism. It was,
too, the measure of his stature as a man able beyond the recog-
nition of most of his contemporaries, honest and plain-speaking,
with a deep devotion to the most lofty ideals of public service.
Jameson was created a K.C.M.G. on the inauguration of the
Union in 1910 and a baronet in 1911. (B. K. L.)
JANEWAY, THEODORE CALDWELL (1872-1917), American
physician, was born in New York City Nov. 2 1872, the son of
Dr. Edward Gamaliel Janeway, a distinguished physician. He
was educated at the Sheffield Scientific School, Yale University
(Ph.B. 1892) and the College of Physicians and Surgeons, Colum-
bia University (M.D. 1895). From 1898 to 1906 he taught
medical diagnosis in New York University. In 1907 he became
associate in medicine in Columbia and two years later professor
of medicine. He was attending physician at St. Luke's Hospital
and in 1911 became senior attending physician at the Presbyteri-
an Hospital and head of the medical staff. In 1914 he was called
to Johns Hopkins University to succeed Dr. William Osier as
professor of medicine, and became physician-in-chief to Johns
Hopkins Hospital. After America's entrance into the World War
he became major in the Medical Officers' Reserve Corps and was
engaged in research in Washington, D.C. He died at Baltimore,
Md., Dec. 27 1917. He was secretary of the Russell Sage In-
stitute of Pathology, a member of the board of scientific directors
of the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research, and of the
editorial board of the Archives of Internal Medicine. He was the
author of The Clinical Study of Blood Pressure (1904).
JAPAN (see 15.156). The first national census in Japan took
place on Oct. i 1920; prior to that date only the figures prepared
by the local registrars and police authorities were available.
Table i gives the census figures for Japan proper, Formosa and
Japanese Sakhalin, together with those obtained for Korea from
the local registrars' records. The figures for Japan proper (area,
Table I. Population, 1920
JAPAN, Proper .
TAIWAN
(Formosa) .
KARAOFUTO
(Japanese
Sakhalin) .
CHOSEN (Korea)
Total . . .
Households
Population
Total
11,222,053
690,000
22,087
3,297,285
Male
28,042,995
1,894,141
62,241
8,923,060
Female
27,918,145
1,760,257
43,524
8,361,147
55,961,140
3.654,398
105,765
17,284,207
15,231,425
38,922,437
38,083,073
77,005,510
148,756 sq. m.) show that she ranks sixth in pop. of the coun-
tries of the world, the first five being China, India, Russia, the
United States and Germany. With regard to the density of pop.,
Japan (3 76 per sq. m.) ranks third, immediately following Belgium
(658) and the Netherlands (536), and above Great Britain (374).
The ratio between men and women of the whole pop. is 100-4 to
100, the number of men being 28,042,995 and that of women 27,918,-
145. The larger number of men is recorded in the district of Tokyo
and Hokkaido (112 men to 100 women) and other II prefectures,
whilst there are 3 prefectures in which the ratio is balanced and 31
prefectures in which the number of women exceeds that of men, the
prefectures of Shiga, Kagoshima, and Okinawa (the Luchu Is.)
showing the lowest figures for men (93 men to 100 women). The
higher proportion of men is accounted for either by the inclusion of
a large city, with its commercial and industrial activities, or of a
military barrack or a silver-, copper- or coal-mine. Women are
generally found to be more numerous in the provincial districts, for
it is oftener men than women who migrate to large cities or even
abroad in quest of knowledge or fortune.
Cities and the Country. Table 2 gives the census figures for 16
cities with a pop. numbering more than 100,000 souls.
Table 2. Principal Cities, 1920
House-
holds
Male
Female
Total
Tokyo
456,820
1,171,180
1,001,982
2.173,162
Osaka .
276,331
673,636
579,336
1,252.972
Kobe .
138,986
324,037
284,591
608,628
Kyoto
128,892
299,689
291,616
591,305
Nagoya
92,426
220,276
209,714
429,990
Yokohama
95,241
224,050
198,892
422,942
Nagasaki
37,036
90,897
85,657
176,554
Hiroshima
34,553
83,337
77,i67
160,504
Hakodate
29,155
75,647
69,093
144,740
Kure .
28,268
73,754
56,600
130,354
Kanazawa
29,287
62,842
66,478
129,320
Sendai
21,861
62,529
56,449
118,978
Otaru .
21,275
56,406
51,707
108,113
Sapporo
20,038
53,oii
49,560
102,571
Kagoshima
19,942
49.191
53,205
102,396
Yawata
22,322
56,373
43,854
100,227
There are 25 cities with a pop. of from 50,000 to 100,000; 34 with
from 30,000 to 50,000, and eight with less than 30,000.
642
JAPAN
Economic and Financial Conditions. Prior to 1914 Japan had
already almost recovered from the effects of the Russo-Japanese
War, and her economic activities had yearly been making steady
and more or less symmetrical progress. The World War, however,
caused and even compelled the Island Empire to undertake a
prodigious development of her commercial and industrial life.
During the early days of the war the disturbance in interna-
tional commercial relations affected the Japanese nation in com-
mon with the other peoples of the world. She was immediately
conscious of the disquieting falling-off in the demand for silk, the
most important of her exports. This situation, however, began to
be perceptibly modified later, when a huge demand arose on the
part of Russia and other Allied Powers for the supply of immense
quantities of munitions of war, and, in addition, the inability of
the European belligerents to continue their overseas commerce
on the pre-war scale caused a demand for Japanese products in
the markets of India, the South Seas, Australia, S. America and
even Africa. The wave of prosperity which the satisfaction of
these demands created was increased by the great volume of the
carrying trade which fell to Japan's share, owing to the number
of Allied merchantmen which had been directed to warlike pur-
poses. All these factors, in addition to the natural decline in
imports from the countries of the European belligerents, conduced
to turn the balance of Japanese trade in her favour practically
for the first time in 20 years.
A great increase in the amount of specie held by Japan abroad
inevitably resulted, and the gold accumulated at home also
tended to grow rapidly. The lowering of the rate of interest
followed; prices of shares began to soar the shares of the
steamship companies advanced by 400% in 1915 and the
enthronement of the Emperor in the autumn of that year
strewed with roses the already bright path leading to improved
industrial activities. A considerable number of new undertak-
ings, notably in the field of shipbuilding, iron and steel manu-
facture and the chemical industry, were brought into being.
Once more the rate of interest showed an upward tendency,
and the issue of bank-notes increased rapidly. The trend of
circumstances described above became more and more accen-
tuated as time went on, until at the end of 1916 the prema-
ture peace-talk counselled temporary caution to Japanese manu-
facturers and merchants. ;
The momentous events of 1917, such as the general Allied
trade embargo, the introduction by the Germans of ruthless sub-
marine warfare, the declaration by the United States of war upon
Germany and the debdcle of the Russian Revolution, all had
their repercussion upon Japanese commerce. The continuous
internal troubles in China further added to the general interna-
tional confusion. Nevertheless, in spite of the far-reaching effects
of these great outside influences, Japan's trade and industry con-
tinued on the whole to register a steady development. The
tightened restrictions on commerce on the part of Great Britain
and the United States, especially the ban placed at one period by
the latter on the export of iron and steel, caused a proportionate
measure of agitation in the circles of industrial enterprise in
Japan. Her shipbuilding and steel industries, however, were re-
lieved from anxiety, and even stimulated into further develop-
ment, by an arrangement which was speedily arrived at between
the United States and Japan as to the exchange of ships and steel.
With the conclusion of the Armistice in Nov. 1918 the demand
for warlike materials came to an abrupt end; and the branches of
industry and commerce dealing with iron, steel, copper, dye-
stuffs and chemicals, which had owed their inauguration or de-
velopment to the abnormal situation caused by the war, received
a sudden and serious blow. The demand for bottoms slackened
down as a natural consequence, and the shipbuilders, who had
been enjoying a period of tremendous and unprecedented pros-
perity, were forced to arrest their activities. There were even
threatening signs of economic depression. But the revived de-
mand for food-stuffs, .and industrial materials necessary for the
economic reconstruction of Europe, coupled with the roaring
trade activities in the United States, still sustained the flourish-
ing state of Japan's commerce.
For the rest, a financial panic which occurred in April 1920,
due to over-speculation and misuse of credit, administered a
telling blow to trade and industry. Nevertheless, Japan had
amassed great wealth, her industry had advanced marvellously,
not only in quantity but in variety; her merchants had acquired
wide knowledge and a seasoned experience; her ships now cruised
to the remotest corner of the seven seas; and many a country had
been newly added to the list of her foreign customers. The foun-
dation of industrial Japan had become incomparably stronger
than in pre-war days and the brightest vista opened up before
her future economic development.
The State Budget. The general budget of Japan, which was
doubled both in revenue and expenditure during the Russo-Japanese
War, was more than redoubled in the course of 1910-20. The total
revenue and expenditure, which amounted in the fiscal year 1910-11
to 672,874,000 yen (68,600,000) and 569,154,000 yen (57,900,000)
respectively, balanced at 1,563, 000,000 yen (160,000,000) in 1921-2.
Table 3 shows the increasing figures of the Japanese State budget for
the decade 1910-20.
Although in the early months of the war the more or less disturbed
economic conditions in Japan checked the natural increase of
revenue in general the customs duties in particular yielded a con-
siderably diminished income owing to the marked decline in foreign
trade the gradual recovery, followed by the unprecedented pros-
perity of industry and commerce, caused the revenue to show an
upward tendency. Since 1916-7 the income-tax, especially the
amount contributed by commercial and industrial corporations, had
begun rapidly to ascend in amount. Receipts from public under-
takings and State property, especially the income of the steel foun-
dries and the proceeds of munition sales to Allied belligerents, con-
tributed enormously to the general growth of the revenue, although
it should be noted that the manufacture of arms necessitated the dis-
bursement of a sum practically equal to the income.
A noteworthy step was taken in 1918 in the creation of the
profits tax, which required the profiteers, including ship narikin,
to pay not less than 20% either of their income in excess of their
average profits in pre-war days, or, in case such could not be ascer-
tained, of 10% of their invested capital. This item yielded nearly 82
million yen (8,300,000) in 1918^9 and 93 million yen (9,400,000) in
the following fiscal year, but with the end of the war the revenue
dropped to 7 million yen (700,000).
As the war progressed it became more and more imperative that
Japan should put forth her best efforts to render to her Allies military
and economic industrial support. The trade boom and the enhance-
ment at home of the national power also led to expansive industrial
and educational measures. It became, moreover, evident that the
salaries and wages of Government officials should be raised to meet
the increased cost of living. It was only natural that State expendi-
ture should expand in juxtaposition with the growth of the revenue.
With the completion of the national defence programme spread ove
seven years, there were to be further enormous outlays.
Table 3. Budget Figures 1910-21 (in 1,000 yen)
Year
Revenue
Expenditure
Surplus
Revenue
Ordinary
Extraordinary
Total
Ordinary
Extraordinary
Total
1910-1
49l,33i-3
181,542-4
672,873-7
412,009-1
l57,i44-8
569,l54-o
103,719-7
1911-2
508,558-6
l4 8 ,633-5
657.192-2
409,889-0
l75,485-5
585,374-6
71,817-6
1912-3
552-085-5
i35,3o6-8
687,392-4
416,895-0
176,701-3
593,596-4
93,796-0
J9I3-4
575,428-0
146,547-4
721,975-4
4l5,635-8
I57,998-I
573,633-9
i48,34i-5
I9I4-5
536,342-5
198,305-5
734,648-0
399,225-4
249,195-0
648,420-4
86,227-6
1915-6
538,999-6
169,616-2
708,615-8
386,516-4
l96,753-3
583,269-8
125,346-0
1916-7
622,052-1
191,256-5
813,308-6
386,065-9
204,729-3
590,795-3
222,513-2
1917-8
763,760-1
321,198-2
1,084,958-3
437,821-4
297,202-7
735,024-2
349,934'!
1918-9
911,579-4
567,536-4
l,479,"5-8
490,167-1
526,868-4
1,017,035-5
462,080-2
1919-20
839,140-9
225,049-3
1,064,190-3
505,936-6
558,253-6
1,064,190-3
1920-1
1,012,614-1
322,741-1
1,335,355-3
724,790-8
610,564-4
1.335,355-3
1921-2
1,237,219-2
325,323-5
1,562.542-7
902,940-8
659,601-9
1.562,542-7
JAPAN
643
To meet all these increases in expenses, the war profit tax alone
was calculated to be insufficient ; and the income-tax was so adjusted
as to yield a larger revenue, at the same time, with a view to effecting
a fair distribution of the burden. The sake tax was raised; postal,
telegraph and telephone charges were increased ; and a higher price
was charged for the Government monopoly tobaccos.
Those revenue measures were rewarded with success in 1918-9, and
in the following fiscal year the sums so raised still showed an increase.
In 1919-20 the effect of the conclusion of the war was felt in the
marked decrease in the returns of the steel foundries. But in all
other items, the budget estimates were greatly exceeded. The
bourse tax and forest revenues were double the figures of the previous
year. Japan had thus emerged from the five years of the World War
with her financial position considerably strengthened, though dur-
ing 1920-1 the effect was discounted by industrial unrest and eco-
nomic depression which reacted adversely on the domestic finan-
cial conditions. The budget for 1921-2 contained the estimated
expenditure for the eight-to-eight fleet-unit scheme, and it was
a question at the end of 1921 how far this might be subject to
modification as a result of the Washington Conference. The chief
items of revenue and expenditure for 1921-2 are given in Table 4.
Table 4. Revenue and Expenditure 1921-2
Ordinary Revenue: Yen
Land Tax 73,985,325
Income Tax ....'.... 268,099,093
Business Tax 48,670,969
Tax on liquors 171,237,991
Sugar Excise 41,886,037
Consumption Tax on textile fabrics . . . 33,260,882
Customs Duty 69,872,070
Other Taxes 44,452,169
Stamp Duty 90,165,422
Receipts from postal, telegraph and telephone
services 187,177,396
Forests 32,057,000
Profits of monopoly 93,981,954
Other receipts from public undertakings and State
property 17,611,690
Miscellaneous receipts 21,260,434
Transferred from special account for deposits . 43,500,776
Total 1,237,219,208
Extraordinary Revenue: Yen
Proceeds of sale of State property . . . 7,361,888
Receipts from the issue of public loan . . . 54,264,892
Public bodies' contributions to expenses for river,
road, harbour improvements, etc. . . . 16,373,877
Transferred from special account for various funds 8,251,168
Local contributions to expenses incurred by the
State 6,356,400
Surplus of the preceding year transferred . . 193,095,985
Miscellaneous receipts 39,719,379
Total 325,323,589
Total Revenue 1,562,542,797
Ordinary Expenditures:
Imperial Household
Foreign Affairs .
Home Affairs
Finance ....
Army
Navy
Justice ....
Public Instruction
Agriculture and Commerce
Communications
Total ....
Extraordinary Expenditure:
Foreign Affairs .
Home Affairs .
Finance . .
Army
Navy
Justice ....
Public Instruction .
Agriculture and Commerce
Communications
Total
Yen
4,500,000
18,488,310
40,860,512
223,146,614
183,290,831
144,811,078
27,242,184
33,938,167
19,377,811
207.285,315
902,940,823
Yen
3,130,574
76,426,341
35,271,551
79,853,871
353,826,000
2,426,472
20,672,879
31,303,978
56,690,308
659,601,974
Total Expenditure 1,562,542,797
The National Debt. The National Debt stood at 2,793,000,000
yen (284,800,000) at the end of 191920, of which 1,482,000,000
yen (151,000,000) represented the internal, and 1,311,000,000 yen
(133,700,000) the foreign loans. Table 5 gives the figures.
Table 5. Debt 1910-20 (in 1,000,000 yen)
Financial
Year
INTERNAL LOANS
Amount out-
standing at the
end of the
financial year
FOREIGN LOANS
Amount out-
standing at the
end of the
financial year
Total
Debt
per
head
in yen
1910-1
1911-2
1912-3
I9I3-4
I9H-5
1915-6
1916-7
1917-8
1918-9
1919-20
1,203-1
1,146-2
1,116-2
1,054-6
991-5
1,028-0
1,097-4
1,159-9
1,268-8
1,482-4
-447-2
,437-4
-456-9
-529-4
,514-8
,461-1
,370-2
,338-7
,3"-i
,311-1
2,650-3
2,583-6
2,573-2
2,584-1
2,506-3
2,489-2
2,467-7
2,498-7
2,579-9
2,793-5
39-1
37-3
36-3
35-6
33-9
33-o
32-1
32-3
33-o
36-4
Foreign Trade. The rapidity with which Japan's foreign trade
had developed, both in volume and extent, during the half-century
preceding 1920 provides a remarkable record in commercial history.
The total value of exports and imports, which in the first year of
Meiji (1868) amounted to the insignificant total of 26 million yen
(2,650,000), increased tenfold in 1895, a hundredfold in 1917, and
l67-fold in 1920. The most striking progress was attained during the
World War, when Japan's foreign trade leapt from 1,362 million yen
(139,000,000) in 1913 to 4,284 million yen (438,000,000) in 1920;
although it should be remarked that these figures do not correctly
represent the proper rate of increase in the volume of trade, owing to
the inflation of prices. The war first reacted prejudicially upon the
foreign trade of Japan, as well as upon other branches of her com-
merce and industry, and the figures for the total imports and exports
in 1914 indicated the marked decrease of 12-9% on those of the
preceding year. The effect of the war in increasing foreign trade
first showed itself appreciably in the returns for 1915, when the
adverse balance of trade which had obtained for 20 years with the
exception of the years 1906 and 1909, when slight excesses of exports
were recorded was superseded by a favourable trade balance. The
total value of the imports and exports for that year was 1,241 million
yen (127,000,000), an increase of 54 million yen (5,500,000), or
4'5 %, compared with 1914, although the value of the total trade for
1913 was not achieved on account of the diminished volume of
imports. The favourable tendency in Japan's oversea trade was
accelerated in succeeding years, until the excess of exports over
imports attained 371 million yen (38,000,000) in 1916 and 567
million yen (58,000,000) in 1920.
This sudden expansion of trade was occasioned by the war both
directly, through the great demand by the Allied belligerents for
munitions of war, and also indirectly, through the temporary retire-
ment of the great industrial Powers of Europe from the arena of
world commerce and trade. Soon after the outbreak of the war
Japanese goods chiefly consisting of semi-manufactured and
finished articles, such as cotton fabrics, leather goods, watches, silk
tissues and so forth found their way in large quantities not only to
the established markets in the Far East, but to various quarters of
the world hitherto but little explored by Japanese traders, viz. the
South Seas, S. America and even Africa. The most conspicuous
expansion, however, was effected in the exports to China and India,
and, until the explosion of the Russian Revolution in 1917, large
shipments to Vladivostok of munitions of war and food-stuffs for
use in European Russia assisted to augment the volume of trade with
Asia. The United States began to buy heavily in 1916, when the
figures advanced from 204 million yen (20,900,000) in the preceding
year to the substantial amount of 340 million yen (34,800,000), the
goods purchased consisting mostly of raw silk, habutai, cotton yarns,
cotton fabrics and tea. British America and also Mexico increased
their orders from Japan and the S. American trade showed such
glowing prospects as to induce Japanese companies to open shipping
facilities to Brazil through the Straits of Magellan.
The import trade, which had been on the wane in the early days
of the war, commenced to revive in 1916, owing to larger purchases
of raw materials and semi-manufactured goods, such as raw cotton,
iron, wool, crude caoutchouc, flax and jute. By far the largest
volume of raw cotton came from British India, but the United
States had doubled her exports to Japan of that article, as well as of
iron, in a twelvemonth. Australia supplied Japan largely with wool.
The war situation developed serious vicissitudes in 1917, and in
a measure militated against the trend to expansion of Japan's
commerce. The entry of the United States of America into the war,
with its attendant embargo on steel, iron and gold, temporarily dis-
turbed the economic equipoise of the Far Eastern Empire. The
Russian Revolution and the subsequent repudiation of all foreign
liabilities by the Bolshevik commissaries introduced a fresh factor of
discouragement in the export trade of Japan. The internal political
feuds in China would also have dismayed Japanese exporters but for
the tremendous appreciation in the price of silver, which resulted in
maintaining an abundant demand for Japanese articles. But in spite
of all, Japan's foreign trade made progress-more or less on the lines
indicated before, until a complete change of the situation was
brought about by the conclusion of the Armistice in the autumn of
644
JAPAN
1918. The demand for munitions of war naturally came to an end,
but the rate of exchange on Europe continued on a high level. At
home the cost of production had greatly increased owing to the ad-
vance in wages and the higher prices of industrial materials, whereas
the enriched public demanded a higher proportion of the necessaries
of life. An anti-Japanese boycott was proceeding in China to add to
the curtailment of Japan's exports. All these circumstances, reen-
forced by the Imperial Ordinance of Nov. 1919, for the regulation of
the price of commodities, temporarily exempting certain food-
stuffs and industrial materials from import duties and restricting
the exportation of cotton yarns, brought about a reverse in the
balance of foreign trade, which had been favourable to Japan for the
preceding four years. But the fact that her exports consisted of
finished and semi-manufactured articles, as well as of a huge value
of raw and waste silk, whilst food-stuffs, raw materials and machin-
ery were mainly imported, was a reassuring sign. Table 6 gives the
foreign trade of Japan (excluding bullion) for 1909-20.
Table 6. Foreign Trade (in 1,000 yen)
Exports
Imports
Excess or
deficit of
Exports
1909
4I3."3
394,199
+ 18,914
1910
458,429
464,234
- 5,805
1911
447.434
573,8o6
- 66,372
1912
526,982
618,992
92,010
1913
632,460
729,432
- 96,972
1914
59i,ioi
595,736
- 4,634
1915
708,307
532,450
+ 175,857
1916
1,127,468
756,428
+371,040
1917
1,603,005
1,035,811
+567,194
1918
1,962,101
1,668,144
+293,957
1919
2,098.873
2,173,460
- 74,587
1920
1.948,395
2.336.175
-387,780
Coin and Bullion. -As regards the movement of gold and silver
coins and bullion, the balance of trade in favour of Japan, coupled
with the increase arising out of freight, charte/age and so forth, had
resulted in an unusual influx of these metals since 1916, and in the
following year the high-water mark was reached, the import being
392 million yen (40,000,000) as against the export of 154 million yen
(15,700,000). But owing to the ban placed on the export of gold in
the United States in 1917, the import of the precious metal to Japan
dwindled in value to 5 million yen (520,000), whilst in view of
Japan's own embargo on gold, instituted later as a measure of self-
preservation, the export only amounted to 937,000 yen (96,000).
In 1919 there were imported 327 million yen (33,500,000), as
against an exodus to the value of 5 million yen (520,000) ; and in
1920 405 million yen (48,600,000), as against 4 million yen (410,-
ooo). The United States had raised her embargo on gold, but Japan
had not yet done so in 1921.
Distribution of Foreign Trade. The dramatic expansion of Japan's
foreign commerce was not only in the old markets in Asia and
America but to the new fields in the South Seas and Africa. The
geographical distribution of the expansion in terms of continents is
shown in Tables 7 and 8.
Table 7. Exports, by Continents (in 1,000 yen)
To
1913
1918
1919
1920
Asia
America
Europe
Australia
Africa .
275,928
191,761
147,225
8,638
1.846
935,550
597,175
298,257
64,828
46.811
995,146
877,925
194,853
30,826
24,107
998,374
632,159
195,590
58,117
38,842
Table 8. Imports, by Continents (in 1,000 yen)
. From
1913
1918
1919
1920
Asia
America
Europe
Australia
Africa .
348,055
127-035
220,290
14,943
7.189
812,713
655,011
82,787
48,874
38-627
1,074,370
791,643
162,970
56,635
53-168
942,547
910,648
305,318
62,459
87.157
In the receipt of exports from Japan, the United States of America
has always headed the list, the zenith of purchase being reached in
1919-^that country taking 29 % of the total value of exports in 1913,
28% in 1918, 39% in 1919, and 28% in 1920 and she has been
followed immediately by China (including Kwantung province),
whose shares in those years were 29%, 25%, 28% and 27 % respec-
tively. Next to China, though with a wide hiatus, came France in
1913 and then followed Hong-Kong, Great Britain, British India,
Italy, Germany and others. But British India and Great Britain
had surpassed France by 1918. Notable, also, are the advances of
Australia, the Dutch East Indies, the Philippine Islands, Egypt,
Argentina, British America, Cape Colony, Hawaii and others in the
scale of demand for Japanese goods.
As regards imports into Japan, British India, which had been the
chief supplier for several years precedent to the World War (her
share was 23% in 1913), yielded her place to the United States in
1916. The value bought by Japan from the latter country aggre-
gated 766 million yen (78,400,000, 35 % of the total) in 1919 and 837
million yen (85,700,000, 36% of the total and nearly five times the
figures of 1913) in 1920. Great Britain's sale to Japan showed a
marked decline during the war, but in 1920 a revival had set in. As
in the case of exports, Asia, the South Seas, South America and
Africa have all contributed fair shares to the advancement of
Japan's import trade; but various European countries, including
Germany, commenced to resume their activities in 1920.
Tables 9 and 10 show the development of Japan's foreign trade in
more important commodities.
Table 9. Principal Exports (in 1,000 yen)
Article
1914
1918
1920
Silk (raw waste, floss, etc.) .
169,720-7
412,848-9
418,140-7
Silk tissues and fabrics
34,022-8
ii7,532-8
158,416-0
Cotton (yarn, thread, etc.) .
81,242-5
i75,368,-7
1 73,435-3
Cotton tissues and fabrics .
34.840-7
237,913-1
334,966-0
Drugs (chemicals, etc.)
23,8197
73,660-2
68,984-8
Matches
7,619-1
37,742-5
28,543-0
Coal
23,9l4-5
32,009.4
45,200-0
Cement
1,033-0
6,010-1
10,059-9
Pottery and glass . .
8,914-8
36,037-0
54,691-2
Clocks, scientific instruments
4-548-9
30,561-3
34,182-1
Ships
711-1
80,060-7
15,829-0
Sugar, refined
12,382-8
23,252-1
30,592-9
Metal manufactures
3,490-4
48,562-5
38,447-9
Copper
28,467-5
44,702-7
12,313-0
Rice
4,974-0
8,317-6
5-897-5
Kidnev-beans
832-8
30,194-0
5.287-9
Starch
123-3
29,610-1
4,996-2
Tea . . . .
12,709-9
23,056-3
17.112-5
Aquatic products .
13,416-1
l7,099-3
i7,342-6
Clothing .....
23-876-3
83,001-4
88,487-0
Table 10. Principal Imports (in 1 ,000 yen)
Article
1914
1918
I92O
Raw cotton ....
218,974-5
5i3,738-4
720,160-5
Iron
41,662-9
3io,39i-4
279,222-2
Rice
24,823-9
89-755-6
l8,059-I
Wool
l4,783-7
6i,432-7
121 982-7
Drugs, chemicals, etc. .
37,372-7
77,963-4
140,906-7
Machinery ....
24,942-3
58,497-9
110,571-3
Sugar
21,833-4
33,693-8
61,034-3
Oils, fats, waxes and manu-
factures ....
17,077-7
33-312-9
60,340-2
Metal manufactures
8,468-4
33,35i-i
47,009-5
Skins, hair, bones, horns, teeth,
etc
8,165.0
28,583.7
44,847-7
Dyes, pigments, coating and
filling matters
8,080-7
22,002-1
34,44'-6
Tissues of wool
10,225-1
"-485-5
31,270-2
Paper, books and pictures .
10,445-8
I7-765-4
36.191-7
Industrial Development. Although the expansion of Japanese
industries was enormous during the Word War, the rate of progress
registered in the pre-war period of 1908-13 had also been remarkable.
In 1908 there were 1 1,390 industrial establishments and 196 Govern-
ment factories; in 1913 the Government factories had decreased to
188 (in 1918 there was a further drop to 161), but the other indus-
trial establishments had increased in number to 1 5, 8 1 1, or 38-8%. By
1918 the figure had risen to 22,391, an increase of 41-6% on 1913
and 96-6% on 1908. In a decade, that is to say, Japan had prac-
tically doubled the number of factories in operation. Table II
illustrates the development.
Table 11. Industrial Progress
Government Factories
No.
Motors
H.P.
Men
Women
1908
1913
1918
[06
188
161
1-746
5.2H
7,014
169,510
292,177
361,226
98,533
99,992
123,087
25,351
29,994
36,349
Industrial Establishments
1908
1913
1918
1 1 ,390
15,811
22.391
11,848
20,013
42.436
379,556
916,828
2,006,098
248,751
375,596
646,115
400,925
540,656
763,081
It is significant that the number of male workers employed
increased in a higher proportion than that of the female workers,
showing that the trend of -expansion was in the heavier grades of
production, such as the iron and steel industries and shipbuilding. A
striking advance was also attained in the use of mechanical power
in factories, for not only had the number of motors in actual use
advanced by 68-9% and 112% in the first and second half of the
decade respectively, but the actual horse-power developed had
increased to the unprecedented extent of 141-5 % and 1 18-8 % in the
same periods. In other words, Japan nearly quadrupled the number
JAPAN
645
of motors in use, whilst the horse-power developed increased fifty-
fold during the decade.
Shipbuilding. In 1896 the Diet passed the Navigation Encourage-
ment Law, and from that time onwards remarkable progress in the
shipbuilding industry was made. In 1898 a steamer of 6,000 tons,
the first large boat to be built in a Japanese yard, was completed by
the Mitsubishi dockyard at Nagasaki for the Nippon Yusen Kaisha.
Subsequently the same dockyard and the Kawasaki establishment
constructed steamers of over 10,000 tons, as well as cruisers for the
Imperial Japanese navy and for China. In 1912 these two dockyards
had reached such a pitch of development that each was entrusted
with the building of a dreadnought of 27,500 tons.
In 1913 there were six shipyards, with 17 slipways and employing
26,139 workers, and a year later the output of ships of over 1,000
tons gross was 16, the total tonnage being 78,010. In the following
five years, owing to the great demand for bottoms to replace the
wastage of war, the shipbuilding industry worked with an intensity
and vigour which overcame the serious difficulties of lack of skilled
workers and of sufficient iron and steel material. Table 12 is eloquent
of the results achieved.
Table 12. Shipbuilding
End of 1913
March 1918
Number of shipyards
Nominal capital
Paid-up capital .....
Debentures . . . ' .
Number of slipways ....
Number of workers ....
6
Yen
25,550,000
23,150,000
3,600,000
17
26,139
Yen 57
163,050,000
109,542,000
22,050,000
157
97.355
The tonnage built at the leading dockyards in Japan during the
four years ending in 1918 is shown in Table 13.
Table 13. Tonnage built in 1914-8
Dockyard
No. of
Steamers
Gross
Tons
Kawasaki
Mitsubishi (Nagasaki)
Osaka Ironworks (Osaka) .
Uraga
Osaka Ironworks (Innoshima)
Asano
Ishikawajima
Mitsubishi (Kobe) ....
Harima
Fujinagata
Yokohama
Ono Ironworks
Total
49
27
40
24
24
12
H
10
IO
IO
6
7
289,083
160,161
133-927
99,086
97,021
65,329
31,005
29,312
22,953
20,249
13,124
11,557
21,1,
072.807
With regard to her steam merchant fleet, Japan advanced during
June 1914 to June 1920 from sixth to third position among the
world Powers, since at the latter date she possessed 2,996,000 tons
as against 1,708,000 tons in 1914, thus emerging after the war with
an increase of 1,288,000 gross tons. Japan also established a world
record in shipbuilding speed during the war. On Oct. 7 1918 at 7 a.m.
the keel was laid in the Kawasaki shipyard at Kobe of the " Raifuku
Maru," a steamer of 9,000 tons dead weight, length 385 ft., breadth
51 ft., moulded depth 28 ft. At 6 a. m. on Oct. 30 1918, or only 23
days later, the vessel was successfully launched, and later achieved
a mean speed of 17-39 knots on two trial runs of 3 m. each.
The principal shipyards in Japan are as follows : The Mitsubishi
Dockyard, Nagasaki, is the oldest and most important dockyard in
Japan with up-to-date equipment. It has a water-frontage of about
Ij m. and is nearly 115 ac. in extent. This yard also possesses its
own power station with turbo-generators developing 2,000 kw., as
the chief machines, machine tools, shop and wharf cranes are all
electrically driven. About 10,000 hands are employed and the firm
holds the licence for building Parsons turbines. The Kawasaki
Dockyards cover about 40 ac. of land, with a water-frontage of about
I mile. Although formerly only medium-sized steamers and torpedo
craft were built here, the capacity is now sufficient for any vessel up
to 27,000 tons. At Hyogo the same company has a steel foundry,
with a 2O-ton Siemens furnace, producing very fine steel castings.
The firm has also secured Italian patents for submarine construction
and for motors. The Osaka Ironworks, founded in 1880 by the late
Mr. E. H. Hunter, was converted into a joint-stock company in
1914, and now consists of separate engineering, shipyard and repair-
ing departments, with a branch at Innoshima, on the Inland Sea.
The shipyard covers nearly 16 ac., with a water-frontage of over
1,000 feet. The firm formerly specialized in the construction of
dredgers, shallow-draught steamers, trawlers, etc., but now builds
passenger and cargo boats up to 10,000 tons. The annual capacity of
the yards is 200,000 tons, and the firm has specialized in the Isher-
wood type of vessel, having purchased the patent. The Asano Dock-
yard at Tsurumi, near Tokyo, was started to meet the war emer-
gency and has a number of slips for ships of 12,000 tons. Its yearly
capacity is almost equal to the pre-war total of the Japanese dock-
yards. The Suzuki Dockyard comprises the Harima and Toda
yards, which were purchased by the Suzuki Co. of Kobe. When
completely reorganized, the capacity of the former will be five
vessels of 5,000 tons, and of the latter two of 3,000 and one of 1,000
tons. The Ishikawajima Dockyard at Tokyo has been reorganized
to build ships of 6,000 tons. The Uraga Dockyard has a capacity of
six vessels; between 5,000 and 10,000 tons. It should also be men-
tioned that the Yokohama Dockyard, which formerly confined itself
to repairs, has now started building. Two other yards, of con-
siderable size, are the Asahi, under the firm of Masudaya, Yokohama,
and the Uchida yard, owned by Messrs. S. Uchida of Kobe.
Raw Silk and Silk-Weaving. The manual dexterity peculiar to
Japanese women is a factor which ensures the lasting prosperity of
Japan's raw-silk industry, and when full advantage has been taken
in modernizing the various processes of production in silk filiatures,
enhanced benefit should accrue. Japanese silk goods have made
great progress, and particularly silk pongee, which has now prac-
tically driven the Chinese product from the markets of the United
States. At the end of 1918 there were 3,848 factories engaged in the
silk industry, employing 64,188 male and 430,110 female operatives.
Cotton-Spinning, Cotton Textiles and Knitted Goods. In spite of
the difficulties during the World War of importing from Great
Britain and the United States sufficient machinery to meet the
enhanced demand for cotton yarn, the spinning-mills of Japan pros-
pered exceedingly. The paid-up capital invested in the mills at the
end of June 1920 was 248,180,000 yen, equivalent to an increase of
288 % over the pre-war figure, whilst the number of spindles in use in
1918 was 3,384,800, and in June 1920 3,689,000, compared with
2,409,900 in 1914. At the end of 1918 there were 6,710 factories,
with 65,316 male and 218,041 female operatives, the total number of
workers in the textile industries being therefore 777,655. The latter
figure includes about 25,000 who are engaged in the production of
knitted goods, consisting principally of gloves, stockings and under-
wear, in which a large trade, chiefly with British India, has grown up
in the last few years. As knitting was formerly entirely a domestic
industry, there have been difficulties in producing goods of uniform
quality for export, and a system of inspection was therefore instituted
towards the end of 1917, under which it was prohibited to export
articles of inferior quality. Previous to the war, the average output
of knitted goods was 6,660,000 doz., valued at 8,937,000 yen, but
during the five years of the war the output averaged 15,143,000 doz.,
6f a value of 23,073,000 yen.
Iron-foundries. Before the war there were only some 20 iron-
foundries in Japan, but the difficulties during the war in obtaining
from abroad the large quantities of iron and steel required to meet
the boom in industry resulted in the establishment of over 250
foundries before the close of 1919. In 1914 the output of pig-iron
amounted to 302,000 tons and of steel materials to 283,000 tons. In
spite of the slump in the iron industry which occurred after the
Armistice, in the year 1919 613,000 tons of pig-iron and 553,000 tons
of steel materials were produced.
Machine- and Tool-Making. At the end of 1918 about 2,700
factories were engaged in various forms of machine making ; and also
in many branches of metalwork and metalware. The manufacture
of machinery for the production of electric apparatus and lamps,
as well as the construction of dynamos, telephones, railway signals
and measuring instruments, are practically new growths of iron
and steel industrial activity. Table 14 shows the position of four
representative concerns engaged in machine construction in the
second half of 1918.
Table 14. Machine Construction Firms 1918
Paid-up
capital
(1,000
yen)
Receipts
(1,000
yen)
Expen-
diture
(1,000
yen)
Divi-
dend
Shibaura Engineering
Works ....
Nigata Ironworks
Tokyo Electric Co. .
Osaka Ironworks
5,000
1,818
6,000
10,500
17,401
3,224
6,664
10,095
3,208
2,842
5,943
4,398
35-0%
22-0%
20-0%
35-o%
Dyestuffs. The manufacture of dyestuffs was an untried industry
in Japan prior to the war, and in 1913 no less than 6,000 tons of dye-
stuffs, valued at 8,000,000 yen, were imported for use in the cotton
and silk industries. After the outbreak of the war the cessation of
foreign supplies, chiefly derived from Germany, compelled Japan to
make an effort to become, to some extent, self-supporting. In 1915
certain dyes were produced, the largest quantity being sulphuric
black, then alizarin, acid blue and aniline salt. These were followed
by yellow, red, and blue acid, yellow and red direct, and purple,
blue and brown basic colours. Early in 1916 the Japanese Govern-
ment started and subsidized the Japan Dyestuff Manufacturing Co.,
which later succeeded in producing an artificial indigo, though only
on a laboratory scale. By the end of 1918 nearly 100 factories, with a
paid-up capital of 14,000,000 yen, had come into existence, and the
annual output, including some 80 varieties of dyestuffs, reached
5,400 tons.
646
JAPAN
Chemicals. The manufacture of chemicals in Japan does not owe
its inception to the war, but its great development and the many
innovations introduced were the direct result of war-time condi-
tions. There was, however, a sharp decline in the prosperity of the
chemical industry immediately after the Armistice. In 1916 the
Japanese Government set up a subsidized company for the pro-
duction of glycerine, entitled the Glycerine Industry Co., and, as
the result of extensive investigations at the Industrial Institute into
the qualities of sea-weeds and vegetable ash, the production of basic
chloridized alkali increased from 2,000 tons in 1913 to 10,000 tons
in 1917. The match industry, which formerly derived chlorate of
potash from European sources, by the end of 1917 was able to depend
on the home supply. In that year there were over 50 factories in
existence, producing 10,000 tons of chlorate of potash, which in
quality compared favourably with the imported article.
The soda industry, although it existed as long ago as 1880, did not
reach a high standard of technical perfection before the war and also
failed to satisfy the total annual requirements in caustic soda,
amounting to about 25,000 tons. During the war, however, the
number of factories increased to about 20, and the annual production
rose to 14,000 tons in 1918 and 20,000 tons in the following year.
Some of the chief products in the chemical industry are : sulphuric,
hydrochloric and nitric acids, sodium sulphate, carbonate of soda,
caustic soda, iodine, potassium iodine, potassium chlorate and
chloride, ammonium sulphate, acetic acid, acetone and wood spirit.
Table 15 indicates the growth of the industry.
Table 15. Chemical Industry
Year
No. of
Factories
Employees
Value of Products
Yen
Male
Female
1908
36
1,605
52
2,740,441
1909
143
1,902
159
4-356,718
1910
218
2,436
1 68
^,890,043
1911
230
2,57
223
6,406,024
1912
237
2,449
212
5,646,356
1913
341
3-089
2 7 6
7-687,232
1914
402
3,048
134
7,583,782
1915
468
4,708
407
16,717,143
1916
717
9,422
88 3
37,848,244
1917
832
12,435
9OO
42,494,620
1918
841
12,781
I ,O26
47-39.696
Agriculture. The movement of the agrarian population towards
the cities, a familiar phenomenon in most European countries, found
its counterpart in Japan during 1910-20. The increase in pop. was
about 7,000,000, or roughly 14%, so that it might reasonably have
been expected that a corresponding increase would take place in the
number of persons engaged in agriculture. The figures, however,
show the reverse, as in 1908 there were 5,408,363 persons and in
1918 5,476,784 in the category in question, the increase being only
lj%. During 1916 and 1917, when Japan was putting forth her
greatest effort in producing munitions of war for the Allies, the
number of those actually holding land decreased to the extent of
20,800 and 36,400 respectively, whilst in 1918, when the war boom in
industry was practically over, the gain to agriculture was only
20,200 persons.
The relative proportion of farmers cultivating their own land,
tenant farmers, and farmers combining tenantship with cultivation,
showed little variation in the decade, as is shown by Table 16.
Table 1 6. Farmers and Tenant Farmers
Farmers
cultivating
own land
Tenant
farmers
Farmers
combining
tenantship
1908
1918 .
33-27%
30-98%
27-5"-
28-31 ,;,
39-15%
40-71 %
The high proportion of small holders in Japan is characteristic of
the agricultural life of the country. Table 17 shows that the varia-
tion in this proportion has remained practically negligible.
Table 17. Percentage Proportion of Land Holders
Under
1-23 ac.
Over
1-23 ac.
( )\ rr
2-45 ac.
Over
4-90 ac.
Over
7-35 ac.
Over
12-25 ac.
1908 .
1918 .
37-28
35-54
32-61
33-3
I9-5I
20-70
6-44
6-33
3-01
2-82
I-'5
I-3I
Rice still remains the staple food of the country, and the area
under cultivation is nearly twice that devoted to the production of
barley, rye and wheat. Intensive cultivation of all crops is carried
out, and the limit of return has actually been reached in some cases.
In the decade from 1908 to 1918 an additional 418,515 ac. were under
rice cultivation, and the yield per acre only fell fractionally from
36-4^2 to 36-24 bushels. In barley and rye the cultivated area showed
a slight drop, but in wheat there was an increase of 242,376 ac., the
yield per acre showing an increase in all three cases. Little progress
as far as yield is concerned was obtained with millet, the area under
cultivation also decreasing. The production of potatoes was prac-
tically doubled during the decade, although the yield per acre was
not so satisfactory.
Cotton, hemp and indigo were all retrogressive, the cotton chiefly
owing to the large imports of cheaper cotton from abroad. Table 18
shows the acreage of the chief food products under cultivation at the
beginning and end of the decade, and also the position with regard to
certain special crops.
Table 19 shows, by index-numbers based on the year 1912, the
rise in prices of commodities in Japan between 1912 and 1919.
Table 18. Principal Crops
Area in Acres
Production
1908
1918
1908
1918
Bus.
Bus.
Rice
7.159,850
7,578,365
259,669,465
273,495435
Barley
1,578,203
1,308,983*
47,219-585
49-175,375
Rye
1.687,213
1.583,586*
37,893,020
38,103,475
Wheat .
1,101,467
1,343,843*
22,062,225
31,804,235
Millet .
719,178
560,981
17,141,625
I4,5H,970
Beans
1,659,682
1-456,9/5
27,378,725
25,112,525
Buckwheat
4 5,579
333,966
6,170,890
4,261,825
Rape-seed
359,738
284,936
6,096,350
4,284,400
Tons
Tons
Potatoes
148,705
323,621
567,055
1,195,315
Sweet Potatoes
745,799
754,223
3,556,229
3,388,664
Cotton .
12,934
6,197
4,120
2,513
Hemp
33,io
28,960
8,606
9,460
Indigo (leaf) .
29,809
13,647
20,730
10,029
Sugar-cane
42,344
7i,95o
631.058
1.165,113
This figure is the 1919 acreage.
Table 19. Prices of Commodities
1912
1914
1916
1917
1918
1919
Rice
IOO
77
66
95
156
219
Wheat
IOO
99
IOO
124
203
203
Soya Beans ....
IOO
IOO
99
124
162
198
Salt
IOO
93
90
103
1 2O
135
Soy
IOO
97
88
9i
106
1 68
White Sugar
IOO
99
no
"5
129
1 80
Sake
IOO
93
IOO
in
130
179
Tea
IOO
1 02
104
in
139
213
Beef
IOO
97
98
141
202
248
Eggs
IOO
IOO
95
"3
163
224
Milk .....
IOO
95
89
i5
134
174
Cut Tobacco
IOO
101
101
1 02
"5
127
Cotton Yarn
IOO
81
101
191
253
371
Raw Silk ....
IOO
98
124
136
162
220
Hemp
IOO
85
90
107
126
I8 7
Silk Tissues ....
IOO
94
1 08
155
172
215
Cedar Square Timber
IOO
97
123
146
212
240
Pig-iron ....
IOO
IOO
244
569
I, OO6
425
Petroleum ....
IOO
104
141
140
217
277
Coal
IOO
H5
132
276
399
416
Firewood ....
IOO
95
97
103
165
241
Charcoal ....
IOO
107
in
120
209
2 7 8
Seed Oil ....
IOO
92
108
I6 4
216
227
Paper
IOO
103
107
II.3
170
197
Average ....
IOO
97
107
I 4 6
208
237
Railways. The first railway line in Japan was opened to traffic
in 1872, subsequent developments of the railways being chiefly in
the hands of private companies. In March 1906 the Railway
Nationalization Law was enacted, and in the next two years the
Government gradually assumed control of some 17 of the leading
railway companies. On the completion of nationalization, the
Government possessed 4,371 m. of railway, representing a capital
of 700,000,000 yen. By the end of 1917 the process of absorption
was practically complete.
The decade 1910-20 witnessed an increase of over 31% in the
mileage of the State railway system (from 4,624 m. to 6,073 m.),
and in the same period the number of passengers carried was more
than double (from 128 millions to 288 millions). A marked advance
in receipts was seen in the years 1917-9, partly owing to increased
fares and partly to the large number of additional passengers carried
under war conditions.
Tramways. The number of electric tramway undertakings, both
owned by municipalities and by private companies, showed a
remarkable increase in the decade, from 34 in 1910 to 74 in 1919.
The mileage rose from 367 to 1,059; an d passengers carried from 328
millions to 1,225 millions. Further progress should be seen when it is
possible to realize some tentative schemes which were being dis-
cussed in 1921 for utilizing hydro-electric power to a greater extent.
iapan is well endowed by nature with waterfalls, many of which
ave already been harnessed.
Posts. The postal service of Japan has developed steadily, both in
extent and efficiency, since 1908. There are three grades of post-
office, known as first, second and third class: the first class is
confined to the larger cities, such as Tokyo and Osaka, and these
offices not only act as supervising offices for those of lower category,
but also control maritime affairs in their respective districts. The
JAPAN
647
great majority of the post-offices belong to the third grade, and are
conducted on a contract system, which has proved eminently
satisfactory. The post-offices in Japan include in their operations
such diverse matters as the carrying, within limits as to size and
weight, of every kind of freight, the collection of taxes and bills, the
distribution of advertisements, and the paying of pensions and
annuities on behalf of the national Treasury. The post-offices also
undertake the business of State life insurance by a simplified process
for the benefit of the middle and working classes. Table 20 shows
the expansion of the postal services, the figures being compiled in
each case to the end of the respective fiscal years (March 31).
Table 20. Postal Service
End of
Fiscal Year
Number of
Post-Offices
Number of
Packets
Number of
Parcels
1910
6,946
,464,557,721
20,281,823
1911
7,086
,512,029,475
22,210,422
1912
7,166
,634,423,611
23,178,936
1913 .
7,268
,635,151,146
24,393,232
1914 .
7,268
,798,716,674
25,370,165
1915 .
7,266
1,801,092,286
25,202,220
1916 .
7,358
1,888,002,293
26,128,093
1917 .
7,53
2,043,601,963
29,578,542
1918 .
7,647
2,362,802,401
33.243,648
1919 .
7,764
2.783,803,434
40,246,772
The Post-Office Savings Bank was first inaugurated in 1875, and the
rate of interest was raised from 4-2% to 4-8% in April 1915. The
number of depositors increased from 10,052,641 on March 31 1910
to 20,088,713 in 1919, the deposits having advanced in the same
period from 127,112,097 yen to 605,480,783. The figures at the end
of the fiscal year 1920 were 23,787,626 depositors and 827,550,777
yen respectively.
Telegraphs. Since 1879 Japan has belonged to the International
Telegraph Convention, and in June 1908 she ratified her membership
of the International Wireless Union. The expansion of her home
telegraph service has been noteworthy. In 1910, with a total of
3,951 telegraph offices, 101,500 m. of wires were in use and 28,205,-
032 messages were sent; in 1919, there were 5,651 offices, 124,776 m.
of wire in use, and 60,262,101 messages were transmitted.
Wireless. In addition to the main wireless station of Funabashi,
Japan has nine other shore stations, with a daytime transmission
distance varying between 300 and 600 nautical m., the night dis-
tance being between 1,000 and 1, 800 nautical miles. Two of these
stations, Choshi and Osezaki, have been reconstructed and have a
daytime transmission power of 1,500 nautical m., with 3,000 at night.
In 1910 there were 7,817 wireless messages, and 121,974 in 1919.
Telephones. When first inaugurated in Dec. 1890, the telephone
service failed to attract many subscribers, but its popularity gradual-
ly increased, until in March 1918 there were 210,321 applications for
installations outstanding, and the sums deposited by would-be sub-
scribers in the hands of the authorities exceeded 3,000,000 yen. The
authorities had started in 1909 a system of giving preference for an
installation in consideration of a payment varying between 150 and
285 yen, according to locality, and this system, which has been very
successful, still obtains. The maximum annual charge for the
telephone service is 66 yen and the minimum 36 yen, according to
locality, and at the end of the fiscal year 1918-9 there were 273,309
subscribers and 3,090 telephone offices, besides 799 fitted with auto-
matic apparatus. At the same period the length of telephone lines
was 9,467 m., the length of wires 700,651 m., and the number of
messages in the year was 1,821,038,722.
Aerial Communications. Japan keeps in close touch with the
latest developments in aviation, and especially with those which
hold possibilities of improving the facilities for the transmission of
postal matter and goods. In 1920 and 1921 experiments in civil
aviation were carried out, and early progress was anticipated.
The Army. After the Russo-Japanese War, six divisions were
added to the Japanese army, making the whole strength 19 divisions,
and in 1915, two more divisions were established for the defence of
Chosen. After the World War it was planned to bring the Japanese
military organization up to the standard of efficiency and equipment
set by new experiences in Europe. An 1 8-year reorganization
scheme, involving 180,000,000 yen (18,400,000) was passed by the
Diet in 1918; and in 1920 it was decided not only to alter the scheme
considerably but to expedite its execution and have it completed in
14 years. The estimate passed was 290,000,000 yen (29,600,000).
The expansion of the flying corps was also decided upon. There were
to be six flying squadrons consisting of three flights and each flight
was to be equipped with 12 aeroplanes.
The Japanese army consisted in 1920 of 84 regiments of infantry,
28 regiments of cavalry, 26 regiments of field artillery, 6 regiments
of heavy artillery, 3 regiments of mountain artillery, 20 companies
of engineers, 18 companies of commissariat, 2 regiments of com-
munication troops, I regiment and I company of telegraph corps
and 4 flying corps.
Under the system of conscription, able-bodied males of from 17 to
40 years of age are liable for service in the army. Those who have
completed the middle school education or who are recognized to
have had an equal education, can apply for the volunteer service of
one year in lieu of the ordinary three years' service. A young man
who is receiving; a liberal education may be exempted from military
service until it is finished ; residents abroad are also exempted until
they attain their 37th year.
The new scheme of organization entails the constitution of each
division on a three-regiment basis and the abolition of the brigade.
An army corps will thus consist of two divisions ; and six army corps,
exclusive of the Guards' division, are to be established. A Japanese
infantry regiment contains four battalions, each of a strength of 600
men; a cavalry regiment has four squadrons, each of 100 sabres; six
four-gun batteries, that is, 2/j. guns, are the strength of a regiment of
field artillery, and a battalion of engineers consists of three com-
panies, each 300 strong.
The. Navy. -As a sequel to the Russo-Japanese War, the Japanese
naval authorities came to the conclusion that the most efficient-
fleet unit would be the so-called " 8-8 plan"; viz. a unit consisting
of eight battleships, eight battle-cruisers and a suitable strength of
subsidiary boats. The Diet agreed to the scheme in principle in
1917, but owing to financial reasons it was decided to start with an
84 fleet. In the following year, the Diet passed an expanded plan
of 86 unit, spread over seven years. On account of the strengthened
financial situation, the naval authorities proposed, in Dec. 1920,
an additional appropriation of 751,900,000 yen (76,990,000)
beyond the 408,000,000 yen (41,700,000) previously assigned for
warship construction, with the view of completing the 88 unit
scheme in eight years. The Diet gave its assent to this proposal in
passing the Budget for 19212, and, according to this plan, Japan
was expected to have in commission, by 1927, 4 battleships, 4 battle-
cruisers, 12 cruisers, 32 destroyers, 5 gunboats, 12 fleet auxiliaries, 6
mine sweepers, and several submarines, thus bringing the strength
of the Japanese navy in ships not exceeding eight years in age to 8
battleships, 8 battle-cruisers, 23 cruisers, 73 destroyers, approxi-
mately 80 submarines, 5 gunboats, 27 fleet auxiliaries and 120 sub-
marines. In conjunction with this 8-8 scheme, the expansion of the
naval air force was decided upon, and by 1923 the formation of 17
service corps and 2 practice corps was to have been completed.
In 1910 the tonnage of the Japanese navy was 524,273; in 1920 it
was 796,288. In 1920 its strength was 15 battleships, 7 battle-
cruisers, 9 armoured cruisers, 16 light cruisers, 14 coast-defence
vessels, 8 gunboats, 87 destroyers, 20 torpedo-boats, and about 20
submarines. In 1910 the navy had 4,814 officers, 193 cadets, 14,616
non-commissioned officers, and 47,998 men.
DOMESTIC HISTORY
Social Aspects. The chronological mutation from the Era
of Enlightened Peace (Meiji) to the Era of Great Righteousness
(Taisho) also incidentally registers a period of great historic
moment for the Japanese people, who were gradually awakening
to the evolutional necessity of moral reconstruction. The wars
with China and Russia had given them the reassuring confidence
that their country was safe from any foreign aggression, the fear
of which had been a perpetual nightmare to the founders of mod-
ern Japan. The considerable achievements in the domains of
her trade and industry strengthened their belief in the destiny
of the nation. Especially the younger generation, whose Cradles
were neither haunted by the shapes of monstrous " black ships "
and belching guns, nor were oppressed by the overwhelming in-
flux of novel knowledge and strange customs, had set themselves
to the task of self-orientation. Western literature itself, trans-
lated on a large scale into the vernacular, had taught them that the
undigested application of foreign laws and institutions would do
more harm than good to the national well-being. The alleged
attempt on the person of the Emperor Meiji in 1910 a solitary
occurrence in the age-long history of a patriotic people brought
men to serious reflection. The dazzling glory of victories was
somehow eclipsed by the growing social agitation. Is it not the
mission of the islanders of Nippon now to take upon themselves
the creation of a new civilization by harmonizing and uniting the
East and the West? This was the question which presented it-
self to the mind of young Japan. There followed a remarkable
revival in the study of the Japanese and Chinese classics. There
was heard a voice in the wilderness crying that men must return to
nature before aspiring to be a Japanese, a father, a scholar, or in
fact almost anything. A .leader of the Shirakaba circle, a coterie
of literary men strongly advocating the latter movement, select-
ed a mountain site in southern Japan to establish his " New
Village " to be conducted on the humanitarian principle. The
repeated famines in the N.E. districts of Japan, the disastrous
eruption of the Sakurajima volcano, the rapid rise in the cost of
living, the revelation of bribery scandals, the frequent changes
of Cabinets all these worked together to cause popular dis-
648
JAPAN
quietude. The external relations of Japan, too, contributed their
quota to the stirring of the popular imagination and excitement:
Korea had been annexed; China had started a revolution; and
California was adopting the policy of racial discrimination to-
wards Japanese immigrants. But, what most deeply affected
the heart of the Japanese people was the demise of the Emperor
Meiji in July 1912. The whole nation mourned and lamented the
loss of the great leader under whose rule modern Japan was
created. The dramatic suicide, on the occasion of the Imperial
funeral, of Gen. Nogi, the hero of Port Arthur and Mukden,
added a climax to the national bewilderment. And the Era of
Taisho was but two years old at the advent of the World War.
After several months of commercial depression the trade and
industry of Japan began to prosper, and had attained a most
remarkable development by the time of the Armistice. This
progress, however, was not without its attendant evils: war prof-
iteers the narikin or queened pawns sprang up like mush-
rooms overnight; into the maw of busy factories was poured a
tremendous amount of labour; the cost of living advanced by
leaps and bounds; but wages and salaries did not keep pace with
the soaring prices. An age of Western capitalism was in sight.
Public sentiment in Japan was, moreover, heartened by the
Allied assertions that the war was a democratic crusade against
the rule of despotism. The word " democracy " was on the lips
of the man in the street. Strikes, which had long been stifled by
Article 17 of the Peace Police Regulations issued in 1900, practi-
cally prohibiting the establishment of trade unions, began, de-
spite all restraining circumstances, to be more and more fre-
quently organized. Encouraged by the results achieved in 1916,
the following year saw no less than 417 strikes involving 66,000
wage-earners, and in 1918 the number increased to 497. Most
of these resulted in favour of the workers, earnings being ulti-
mately nearly trebled in some trades and a marked improvement
being also effected in the hygienic conditions of the workpeople.
A significant incident, which was the spark to ignite the train of
strikes in 1918, was the " rice riot " started in Toyama, a small
town on the coast of the Sea of Japan, by village fisherwomen
whose thread of patience had snapped at the never-ending rise in
the price of that commodity. The whole nation was involved in
the general conflagration which followed. There occurred, in
rapid succession, strikes in Nagoya, Kobe, Osaka, Tokyo and else-
where, and riot and destruction took place to such an extent
that the Government, at last, found it necessary to resort to the
use of troops in the pacification of the angry mobs.
Even such methods as sabotage and " ca'canny " strikes were
introduced. As a consequence, no less than 200 new labour or-
ganizations were formed, of which the Yuai Kai and a dozen
others are of importance. The Government, in an eager attempt
to meet the extraordinary developments of the situation, encour-
aged the establishment of the Roshi Kyocho Kai, or the Labour
and Capital Harmonizing Association, which came into being
in 1919 with Prince I. Tokugawa as president and Visct. Shibu-
sawa as one of the vice-presidents. Moreover, Japan participated
in the International Labour Conference; the revision of the
Factory Law which was enacted in 1911 and came into force in
1916, was taken in hand. Meantime, popular agitation against
the bureaucratic method of administration arose on all hands, and
the question of universal suffrage was vociferously discussed. In
the spring of 1918 a reform bill was passed, and the number of
electors was doubled.
With the restoration of peace, however, a slump set in, profits
fell and the demand for labour abated. The unemployment
question also arose to a certain extent, but not in an entirely
threatening aspect. Although the high-water mark of labour
agitation had probably been reached by 1921, the causes for the
phenomenon remained to offer food for the deepest reflection on
the part of the thinkers and statesmen of Japan. The national
characteristics of Japan, which are the heritage of her history
the peculiar harmony and self-restraint pervading all classes of
the people, the spirit of individual sacrifice and self-abnegation,
in the interests of the whole were indeed strong relieving factors
in all the social unrest she had experienced. How far this men-
tality was the legacy of feudalism and destined to disappear in
time, and how far it was born of the unique social conditions of
the Yamato race, which has remained homogeneous and unmo-
lested on the Far Eastern islands for 30 long centuries without a
single case of successful external invasion and subjugation, is a
question which perhaps the future alone can definitely answer.
Be that as it may, it was the eager hope of young Japan in 1921
that she might struggle to work out her own solutions of the
perplexing problem of capital and labour.
Political Developments. Owing to the necessity of establish-
ing a strong central authority imposed upon Japan for self-
defence owing to the apparently aggressive policies in the Orient
of the Western Powers towards the end of the igth century and
probably from an abundance of conservative caution, as the
country had just emerged from ages of feudalism, the makers of
modern Japan often turned to German legislation in seeking for
models of the constitution and other laws. But an important
factor that should not be lost sight of by students of Japanese
politics is that English has long been by far the most extensively
studied foreign language among the people. Whilst the static
institutions remain more or less Teutonic in form, dynamic in-
spiration has continuously been drawn from English-speaking
sources. That explains why the Japanese body politic under-
stands democracy along the lines of its common acceptation in
the British Empire and the United States; why the press and
students of politics often advocate the development of a polity
somewhat like the British parliamentary system. The political
history of Japan in 1910-21 was the last phase of the struggle
between the wise council for the national security with which the
Genro, the Elder Statesmen, are popularly identified, and the
progressive outcry for the emancipation of the people's will. As
external dangers diminish, vox populi speaks more effectively.
After the longest tenure of office in the constitutional history
of Japan, four and a half years, Premier Katsura resigned in Aug.
1911, " with a view to renovating the spirit of the people." With
the collaboration of Marquis Komara, Foreign Minister, Marquis
Katsura had accomplished with great merit various financial
reforms, the annexation of Korea and the revision of commercial
treaties with the Western Powers. Katsura was succeeded by
Marquis Saionzi, who had been leading the Seiyukai party after
the retirement of Prince Ito (see 15.272).
It was during the premiership of Marquis Saionzi that a
tremendous moral shock was experienced by the whole nation
on account of the death on July 30 1912 of the Emperor Mutsu-
hito, the centre of reverence and affection of the nation. Meiji
Tenno, as he was posthumously styled after the name of the era
of his 45 years' reign, which stands out with glorious prominence
in the annals of the empire, was succeeded by his son, Yoshihito
Shinno, who ascended the throne at the age of thirty-three.
The downfall of the Saionzi Cabinet was due to a very pecuh'ar
circumstance, which is accounted for only by the paramountcy
of the instinct of national self-defence. Before the year 191 2 had
closed, the establishment of two army divisions in Korea (Cho-
sen) had been tenaciously persisted in by Lt.-Gen. Uyehara,
Minister of War. But his colleagues on the Cabinet, as well as
the press, counselled retrenchment and economy. Uyehara re-
signed; and the premier sought for his successor. But no soldier
would accept the post without a commitment by Saionzi as to
the two-division increase; and by law a Minister of War must
hold the rank of a general or lieutenant-general in the active
service. The premier was constrained to request the Emperor to
relieve him from his office. There followed a ministerial deadlock,
until Katsura, actuated by chivalrous motives, descended upon
the confused arena. He had been created a prince, and had made
up his mind to offer the young Emperor the loyal but non-politi-
cal services of the rest of his life in the capacity of Grand Cham-
berlain and Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. The young and
care-free generation of Japan had come to assert themselves, and
the unconstitutional tendency of the Genre's activities had been
made the object of popular criticism. The wide-spread suspicion
that he harboured the intention of attempting to direct the
affairs of state unconstitutionally " from behind the sleeves of
JAPAN
649
the Sacred Dragon," coupled with his personal failing health,
made the path of Prince Katsura's renewed political life im-
measurably thorny and arduous. He found the Lower House
unexpectedly untractable. Mr. Ozaki's resolution of no confi-
dence caused a tremendous sensation; riotous mobs demolished
the offices of the Kokumin, which newspaper had been loyally
supporting the ministerial programme. No choice was left Kat-
sura but to tender his resignation.
As soon as Prince Katsura became unfettered from official
duties, he essayed to demonstrate his sincere aspirations for the
constitutional development of the Empire by starting a political
party, the Rikken Doshikai (the Constitutional Comrades Asso-
ciation). Under this banner there rallied all the members of the
Chuo Club, and a majority of the members of the Kokuminto
(the National party). But before the realization of his hopes
Katsura died in the following December. The Yamamoto Cab-
inet which followed (Feb. 20 1913) was short-lived, owing to the
unfortunate " naval scandal," involving the arrest and trial of
high officials in the navy ; the Siemens-Schuckert Co. had dispensed
bribes in connexion with the building of a Japanese warship.
After the refusal of Prince I. Tokugawa, and the abortive at-
tempt by Visct. Kiyoura, to form a Cabinet, Count Okuma, the
" grand old man " of Waseda, undertook, on April 14 1914, to
stand at the helm of the Empire, backed by the legacy of Katsura,
the Doshikai, and Baron Kato, the leader of that party, was
entrusted with the portfolio of Foreign Affairs. It fell to the lot
of this Cabinet to deal with the invitation of Great Britain to
join in the World War under the Anglo- Japanese Alliance.
In Nov. 1915 the enthronement of the Emperor was conducted
with the time-honoured imposing ceremonies at Kyoto, and the
whole nation was en fete for seven days.
Premier Okuma, in tendering his resignation on account of in-
different health, in the summer of 1916, recommended Visct.
Kato, who had yielded the charge of Foreign Affairs to Visct.
Ishii and was outside the Cabinet, to be his successor. At that
moment, however, the Genros are reported to have intervened,
and, in spite of the fact that Kato's new party, the Kenseikai
(the Constitutionalists), which was an amalgamation of the
Doshikai, the Chuseikai and Koya Club, commanded a majority
in the diet, Marshal Terauchi was appointed premier on Oct. 9.
This alleged irregular development excited the hostility, not only
of the Kenseikai, but of the general public, and ended in an
antagonistic attitude on the part of the diet towards the new
Government. Parliament was dissolved, and a general election
took place on April 20 1917. The result was a signal victory for
the Government party, the Seiyukai winning 157 seats, whilst
the number of the Kenseikai dwindled from 204 to 117.
Actuated by the desire, in view of the war, to effect unity of
all shades of opinions, Premier Terauchi's ingenuity brought
forth soon after his instalment in office the Temporary Diplomatic
Investigation Council (Rinji Gaiko Chosa Kai), where leaders
of all political parties were represented. Kato was invited to join,
but refused on the ground that he could not associate himself with
the idea of establishing a responsible body for external affairs
outside of the Cabinet itself.
The " rice riot " and the ensuing serious disturbances, and
strikes which raged like wild-fire in various parts of Japan in the
summer of 1918, sealed the fate of the Terauchi Cabinet, which
tendered its resignation in the middle of September.
By that time democratic ideas had been gaining strength on
account of the war and internal social unrest. Moreover, the
manner in which the Terauchi Cabinet was installed had its due
reaction. The people demanded that the next administration
should be more in keeping with the spirit of the parliamentary
system. Mr. Takashi Hara, the leader of the Seiyukai in suc-
cession to Marquis Saionzi, was entrusted with the task of form-
ing a new Cabinet, as the first commoner to hold the office of
premier in Japan. The ministers, except those holding the port-
folios of War and the Navy, were, for the first time, a body of
party politicians more or less free from the bureaucratic savour
which had always clung to the former administrations. Inciden-
tally, a new Ministry that of Railways was included in the
Cabinet. In March 1918, in response to the popular demand, a
political reform bill was passed, lowering the property qualifica-
tion of voters to the payment of a direct national tax of three yen
instead of ten yen. The number of electors was thus more than
doubled, increasing from 1,450,000 to 3,000,000. The people
were, however, not satisfied, and a year of popular clamour for
the universal suffrage followed. In Feb. 1920 a universal suffrage
bill was at last introduced by the Opposition in the House of Rep-
resentatives. But, on the ground that no election on the basis of
extended franchise had as yet taken place and consequently it
was premature to make any further attempt at suffrage reform,
the diet was immediately dissolved. The nation was called upon
to express its opinion on the matter by the general election of
May 10. The result was a decided victory for the Seiyukai,
the Goverment party, which secured 280 seats, whilst, the Ken-
seikai registered no.
FOREIGN RELATIONS
Having emerged victorious from the Russo-Japanese War,
Japan was relieved from the long nightmare that Korea might be
engulfed in the Russian hegemony and constitute a permanent
menace to her national safety; moreover, the wrong done to her
by the three- Power intervention in wresting from her the natural
fruits of her victory in the Chino- Japanese War the Liaotung
peninsula was fully and conclusively avenged. But the Rus-
sian grip on N. Manchuria and Mongolia was not only unabated
but, on the contrary, became signally tightened. There were
even fears of a renewed clash between the quondam foes. States-
manship, however, counselled Japan and Russia to come to a
friendly entente in 1907. There was made a similar understand-
ing between Japan and France in the same year. Further, the
complicated post-war situation in Manchuria was decisively,
if not definitely, disposed of by the Chino- Japanese understand-
ings of 1909. In 1910 and 1916 more defini'/e agreements were
reached between Japan and Russia with the view of maintaining
the status quo of Manchuria. Korea was, in the meantime, made
a Protectorate of Japan, and the gradual development of affairs
in that country led to the final annexation. The Anglo-Japanese
alliance, which had been not only the keystone of Japan's foreign
relations, but the mainstay of the general tranquillity of East Asia,
was renewed (1911). Whilst Japan's position in the Far East be-
came thus more or less reassuring, the dark cloud of anti-Japanese
sentiment, on the Pacific coast of the United States, loomed up
on the horizon. China's revolution in 1911, instead of bringing
immediate peace and liberty to the denizens of the Celestial
Empire, divided the nation into two irreconcilable camps, and
contributed temporarily to the political instability of the Extreme
Orient. To the neighbouring Japan, this meant an exacting bur-
den upon her diplomatic wisdom and tact. When Japan was, on
the one hand, racking her wits how to cope with the quicksand
situation in China and, on the other, how to safeguard Japanese
residents against discriminatory treatment in the west of Amer-
ica, the fateful Aug. of 1914 came to pass.
Japan's part in the World War dwindles into insignificance
in face of the stupendous efforts of other great Powers espousing
the Allied cause. But she contributed what little she could with
her very limited national strength and resources. Her geograph-
ical situation, however, afforded her, from the economic point
of view, a position of vantage. In pre-war days she was still
struggling in financial straits as a result of her Russian conflict,
but she came out of the World War with overflowing coffers,
even if these coffers were of modest dimensions. At the Peace
Conference in Paris, she lost her issue on the question of racial
dignity, but her claims with regard to Shantung and the South
Sea Islands were recognized; and her position among the great
World Powers was assured. But her immediate outlook in 1920-1
bristled with difficulties and complexities: China had refused to
negotiate Japan's offer to restore Shantung; the Washington
Government would not be persuaded to the Japanese point of
view on the Yap question; several states on the Pacific coast of
America were vying with each other to abridge the civil rights
of Japanese residents; Korean malcontents abroad were in a
650
JAPAN
fitful mood of rebellion; the Siberian situation was far from being
tranquil. Japan's natural path of aspirations was beset with sus-
picions and misunderstandings. Never before in Japan's diplo-
matic history was she burdened with weightier responsibilities.
Manchurian Question. Prior to the outbreak of the Russo-
Japanese War, the growing international rivalry for spheres of
influence in the Chinese Empire had convinced the interested
Powers of the necessity of establishing the policy of the " open
door " and equal opportunities for commerce and trade in that
country. That principle was from time to time enunciated by
Great Britain in the latter decades of the loth century, but it was
reserved to Mr. John Hay, Secretary of State under President
McKinley's administration, to make its definite pronouncement
to the world. In Secretary Hay's Circular Note addressed to
various Powers under date of July 3 1900, it was declared that
the policy of the United States was to assure permanent safety
and peace to China, to preserve Chinese territorial and adminis-
trative entity, to protect all rights guaranteed to friendly Powers
by treaty and international law, and to safeguard for the world
the principle of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the
Empire. The doctrine was accepted in principle by Japan,
Great Britain, Russia, France and Germany. Japan went so
far as to conclude specific agreements for its execution with Rus-
sia (July 30 1907) and France (June 6 1907). It was, however,
understood that the spheres of influence already established
Great Britain in the Yangtsze valley, Tibet, and Weihaiwei;
Germany in Kiaochow; Russia in Manchuria and Mongolia;
France in Yunnan were not to be prejudiced by the newly
professed principle of commercial impartiality.
The Russo-Japanese War brought about the tenure by Japan
in S. Manchuria of a similar position to that which the great
Western Powers had held in other parts of China. But " because
Manchuria had been the scene of the greatest war of modern
times," the world's eye became fixed upon every act of Japan in
that region in "an exceptionally rigorous scrutiny " and " the
nations behaved as though they expected her to live up to a
standard of almost ideal altitude." Meanwhile, China, for her
part, fell into a mood of impatient irritation on account of the
presumed encroachments upon her sovereignty, and the " rights-
recovery campaign," clamorously conducted throughout that
Empire, somewhat strained her relations with Japan in the early
part of 1909 in respect of various questions in Manchuria. How-
ever, in Aug. of that year, a series of agreements was reached
between the two States by which all those outstanding problems
were composed. Among the rest, Chinese sovereignty over
Chientao was confirmed, and arrangements about railways, in-
cluding that of the Antung-Mukden line, were effected.
From out of the blue, there came from America a proposal for
the neutralization of the Manchurian railways in Jan. 1910. In
the view of Mr. Philander C. Knox, Secretary of State, that was
best calculated to further the principle of the '' open door " by
putting an end to the abnormal conditions obtaining in Manchu-
ria. But Russia and Japan could not accede to the scheme, on
the grounds that their established rights and interests ought to
be respected and that they were by no means threatening the
Chinese sovereignty or the " open door " principle. Great Brit-
ain kept aloof, declaring that the question should be settled
among the immediately interested Powers, namely, China, Japan
and Russia. Nor was the proposal to the taste of China, who
regarded it as a further encroachment upon her sovereignty.
She replied that her treaty obligations with Japan and Russia
precluded her from supporting the American idea. And the
proposal fell through. Meanwhile, the Russo-Japanese negotia-
tions as to their future attitude in Manchuria and Mongolia came
to a satisfactory conclusion and a steadying element was added
to the situation in the Far East in the form of an agreement be-
tween Japan and Russia, signed at St. Petersburg on July 4 1910,
under which they pledged themselves to maintain the status quo
in Manchuria and to abstain from any unfriendly competition in
the development of that region. The Russo-Japanese rapproche-
ment was further solidified, in view of the World War, by the
Convention of July 3 1916, which provided that each of the two
countries would not become a party to " any political arrange-
ment or combination " directed against the other and that they
would take counsel together for the necessary measures, " should
the territorial rights or the special interests in the Far East of
one of the High Contracting Parties be threatened." The agree-
ment made greatly for the maintenance of good order in the
Orient until the Russian Revolution brought about the drastic
change of the whole situation.
Annexation of Korea. Japan had waged two wars, one against
China and the other against Russia, in order to prevent Korea
from becoming " a dagger pointed against Japan's heart." In
June 1905 she established a protectorate over the Hermit King-
dom so as to put a definite end to the wayward and suicidal diplo-
macy of the Seoul courtiers, but the whole peninsula could not
be cleansed of its inveterate political and social iniquities. The
hopelessness of real reform under the existing regime had become
manifest ; and the assassination of Prince Ito by a Korean, in Oct.
1909, was the climax.
The Tokyo Government thus came to the conclusion that
" the responsibilities devolving upon Japan for the due adminis-
tration of the country (Korea) cannot be justly fulfilled without
the complete annexation of Korea to the Empire." The fusion
was accomplished by a treaty concluded between the Govern-
ments of Japan and Korea on Aug. 22 1910. It vvas decided that
the ancient name of Chosen should be revived in lieu of Tai-Han
and in future be officially used. Under the terms of the treaty,
the Korean Imperial House was assured of high honours and
dignities as well as a liberal grant for maintenance. Japan, at
the same time, notified the foreign Powers concerned that
their treaties with Korea, including those of extra-territoriality,
were all annulled; but that, nevertheless, their vested rights and
interests would be fully respected; that the tariffs in force in
Korea would be maintained for 10 years; that cabotage would be
permitted to foreign vessels for the same period; and that the
port of Masanpo would be closed for naval reasons, but Shin
Wiju or Gishu would be added to the open commercial ports.
The Anglo- Japanese Alliance. The general changes of situa-
tion in the Orient after the Russo-Japanese War, notably the
annexation of Korea to the Japanese Empire in 1910, impelled
the British and the Japanese Governments to revise the Agree-
ment of Alliance concluded in 1905. The negotiations in London
between Sir Edward (afterward Visct.) Grey and Baron (after-
ward Visct.) T. Kato ended in the renewal of the Alliance on
July 13 1911. The important feature of the new agreement was
the inclusion of an Article exempting either high contracting par-
ty from the obligation to come to the armed assistance of the
other when a general arbitration treaty was concluded between
that other Power and a third party (Art. IV.). At that particular
time a treaty of such a description was under negotiation be-
tween the British and the American Governments, and it was
with the particular object of excluding the United States from
the application of the Alliance that Art. IV. was inserted. The
proposed general arbitration treaty, however, failed to obtain
the consent of the American Senate for its ratification, but the
British and the Japanese Governments undertook on several
occasions to make it clear that the spirit in which the Article was
conceived had not on that account been altered in the least. The
Alliance of 1911 was to last for 10 years, and, in the absence of a
year's notice from either contracting party to terminate the
agreement, it would automatically continue in existence, even
after July 1921, until such denouncement was made. The World
War, into which Japan readily entered on account of the Anglo-
Japanese Alliance, ended with the Treaty of Versailles which
brought forth the League of Nations. The question was then
mooted, though more academically than politically, whether the
Anglo-Japanese Alliance would not be in contravention with the
letter of the Covenant of the League, and on July 8 1920 the two
high contracting parties addressed a joint note to the Secretary-
General of the League to the purport that the Agreement of
Alliance would in case of its renewal be made to conform to the
Covenant in its form. The renewal of the Alliance was discussed
at the British Imperial Conference in London in June 1921; and
JAPAN
651
it was then announced that, under the terms of the treaty, it
would continue, without definite renewal. But at the Washing-
ton Conference, in Dec., the agreement made for a four-Power
treaty (America, France, England, Japan) provided for the
Anglo-Japanese Alliance being brought to an end.
The Chinese Loan Consortium. A gradual change came about
in the opening years of the zoth century in the general policies
toward China of the Great Powers, who had become convinced
of the fruitlessness of mutual competition; signs also became
visible of the altered attitude of Western financiers in regard to
the investments in that Empire. In 1908, a British and a German
bank undertook to finance in common the Tientsin-Pukow rail-
way. In 1911, a four-Power group consisting of Great Britain,
Germany, France and the United States, was formed in connex-
ion with the Hankow-Szechuen railway loan, as well as the loan
for currency reform in China and industrial enterprise in Man-
churia. Japanese and Russian bankers agreed to join this Con-
sortium in 1912, with the understanding that the special interests
of japan and Russia in Manchuria and Mongolia would not be
interfered with in the internationalization of the Chinese loans.
With the inauguration of Mr. Woodrow Wilson as President in
1913, the U.S. Government decided to withdraw their bankers
from the Consortium, and subsequently the World War pre-
vented Germany from remaining in the financial league. In
1917 the Consortium, now comprising the four Powers, Great
Britain, France, Japan and Russia, invited the United States
to rejoin in its activities. The American Government hesi-
tated at first to respond to this call, but in June 1918, took
the initiative for the reconstruction of the financial group. By
that time the Tsarist regime in Russia had come to an end, but
the other nations interested expressed their assent to the Amer-
ican proposal; and negotiations were started in May 1919, in
Paris, between the financial representatives of Great Britain,
France, Japan and the United States, simultaneously with the
Peace Conference. After considerable interchange of views, part
of which concerned the reservations by Japan as to S. Manchuria
and E. Inner Mongolia, an agreement was signed in New York
on Oct. 15 1920. The most important feature of the new agree-
ment was that the object was purely and simply economic, being
entirely free from any political complexion. All the members
were to pool their existing and future loans (i.e. options) both as
regards industrial and administrative undertakings, with the
exception of the industrial enterprises upon which substantial
progress had already been made. As to Manchuria and Mongolia,
the Powers arrived at a satisfactory understanding, Japan with-
drawing her previous reservations. The statement of the Japa-
nese Government issued on April i 1921 contained the assur-
ance that Japan only desired in those regions definitely to ensure
" her national defence and the security of her economic life,"
and she was confident that she could safely rely upon the mutual
trust and friendship of the Powers in regard to the exigencies of
any situation that might arise in future.
Equality of opportunities was fully guaranteed to all members,
thus eliminating unnecessary and harmful competition. It was
believed that this cooperative action of the various banking
groups, which alone could offer the enormous amount of capital
necessary for the reconstruction of Chinese economic life and for
the building of sufficient means of communication and transpor-
tation all over her vast territory, would be in the best interests
of the Chinese people.
The, Anti-Japanese Movement in America. In the opening
years of the century, the continuous influx of a large number of
Japanese immigrants from the Hawaiian Islands to California
had caused much alarm to the labour organizations in that
state, and even in wider circles. Anti-Japanese ^feeling first
overtly manifested itself by the attempted segregation in 1905 of
Japanese children in the public schools of San Francisco. With
characteristic perspicacity, President Roosevelt early discerned
that public sentiment on the Pacific slope towards the Japanese
was taking an untoward course, and, bent upon stemming the
tide in time, in 1906 he advocated, in his presidential message to
the Federal Congress, that an Act should be passed investing the
Japanese, who had " won in a single generation the right to
stand abreast of the most intelligent and enlightened peoples of
Europe and America," with the right to naturalization, which had
been reserved to " free white persons, aliens of African nativity
and persons of African descent." The lawgivers at Washington,
however, did not, or could not on account of the agitation in the
West, so much as consider the question. Nevertheless, an in-
formal agreement was reached between the Washington and
Tokyo Governments, by which Japan pledged herself that she
would not issue passports for the continental United States to
those classes of Japanese who would, or might, engage in manual
labour. Those Japanese who had previously resided in the
United States, or were the immediate relatives of Japanese
immigrants already in the United States, or the " settled agri-
culturists " who were to assume active control of an already
established farming interest (only three or four persons actually
came under this last category), were to be accepted. Japan en-
gaged herself to observe this arrangement voluntarily, and the
sincere efforts of her Government in executing it received recogni-
tion from many American publicists.
This " Gentleman's Agreement," as it was generally styled,
was confirmed by a declaration on the part of Japan made simul-
taneously with the revision of the Treaty of Commerce and
Navigation in Feb. 1911. However, the feeling against the
Japanese in the United States subsequently became more and
more pronounced. Apart from sporadic legislation imposing re-
strictions on them with regard te civil rights, such as marriage
and the pursuit of an avocation, the Alien Land Act was passed
by the California Legislature in May 1913, and put into force
three months later, despite strong Japanese protests and re-
peated admonitions from Pres. Wilson's Cabinet. This law pro-
hibited aliens ineligible to citizenship of the United States (includ-
ing companies the majority of whose interests were under the
control of such aliens either in point of their number or the
amount of capital held) from owning land in the state of Cali-
fornia, allowing them only the privilege of leasing land on a three
years' tenure. The terminology employed invested this law
with an appearance of innocent impartiality, but it was none
the less obvious that the Japanese alone would, in point of
fact, be the sufferers from an invidious discrimination.
The exigencies of American participation in the World War
tended to lull Californian opposition towards the Japanese. But,
with the termination of the war, it was renewed. In spite of the
efforts of the Japanese Government to respect the susceptibili-
ties of their American neighbours, of which the stoppage of pass-
ports in the spring of 1920 to the so-called " picture brides "
was an example, the day of the presidential election Nov. 2
witnessed the passage by the Californians of the most dras-
tic law yet enacted against " ineligible aliens," by which they
forfeited even those rights which they had formerly been allowed
to retain of holding land under a three years' lease. The Federal
authorities had been averse to such a step, but the " initiative "
poll decided in favour of the enactment by a majority of three to
one (668,483 to 202,086 votes), and the law came into force as
from the Dec. following. Thus in 1921 no Japanese might own
or lease land, neither could he act as guardian of his own Amer-
ican-born offspring (who are of right American citizens) in
whose name land is held, nor might he possess a share even in
American-controlled landowning companies. " In that State,"
wrote The Nation (New York) , " America's traditional sense of fair
play has been swept away in a ferment of race prejudice and cam-
paign buncombe. The notion that the Japanese land ownership
constitutes a ' menace ' in the sense employed by anti-immigra-
tionists is entirely refuted by the facts. Of the 28 million acres of
farming area which compose one-fourth of the State's total
acreage, only 458,000 acres, or 1.6 per cent, are under cultivation
by Japanese. But this is not all. Of this small proportion not
over 27 thousand acres less than one-tenth of one percent are
owned by Japanese, the balance being made up of lands culti-
vated by Japanese under leases, under crop share contracts,
under labour contracts, and finally, of 48,000 acres owned by
American corporations with some Japanese shareholders."
652
JAPAN
Anti-alien land legislation would appear to have become the
fashion on the Pacific slope in 1921, the example set by California
being emulated by Nebraska, Idaho, Oregon and Washington;
the last two states, be it remarked, had systematically refused
to make common cause with California during the past decade.
In the meantime, conversations were taking place at Washing-
ton between Mr. Roland S. Morris, the American ambassador in
Tokyo, and Baron Shidehara, the Japanese ambassador in Wash-
ington, with the view of working out a formula which, whilst
providing a practical solution of the unfortunate and compli-
cated problem, would be at the same time acceptable to both
nations. An agreement was reported to have been reached in
Feb. 1021, and it appeared that it remained for the new Republi-
can administration to give its assent in order that the desired
arrangement might be put into actual operation.
There would appear to be some misapprehension with regard
to the rights of foreigners in Japan to hold land and it has been
stated that no such rights exist. This is not the case, as all per-
sons, without discrimination, who are not Japanese subjects, ma'y
enjoy absolute ownership of land, if they are formed and regis-
tered under Japanese law as a juridical person, that is, as a part-
nership or corporation. There are, in fact, many such corporations
in existence in Japan, composed exclusively of aliens.
Foreigners are further permitted to acquire rights in land,
other than ownership, on the same footing as Japanese nationals,
the following being some of the most important of these rights.
1. Superficies. This is a right in rent by virtue of which land
belonging to another person can be used for the purpose of owning
thereon structures, trees or bamboos. It can be created even though
no structures, trees or bamboos are actually in existence on such land,
provided that the object and intention is to use the land for the
purpose named. The law contains no limitation upon the period of
time for which that right can be created, consequently a superficies
for, say, 1,000 years will sell for a sum closely approximating to the
value of a right of absolute ownership.
2. Emphyteutic. This is a right in retn to carry on agricultural
or stock farming on the land of another person. The period of time
for its duration is to be fixed by the parties concerned at not less than
20 years and not more than 50 years.
3. Lease in Perpetuity. This is a lease without limit as to its
duration, and, for all practical purposes, it is as good as ownership.
It was originally granted to foreigners within the Foreign Settle-
ments for a nominal consideration paid to the Japanese Govern-
ment. Although the Foreign Settlements were abolished in 1898,
perpetual leasehold survives and is still enjoyed by foreigners.
4. Leasehold. This is a right in personam, effective only as between
the parties concerned. When registered, however, it can be set up
against third persons as the effect of such registration. The dura-
tion period is fixed at 20 years, renewable for a further 20 years from
the time of renewal.
The World War. No sooner had the World War broken out in
1914 than there took place several exchanges of views between
the British and the Japanese Governments as to possible assist-
ance by Japan in the protection of British trade in the Far East.
Japan soon made it clear that she was prepared to take the re-
sponsibility imposed upon her by the Anglo-Japanese Agreement
of Alliance, should the menace by the Germans to British interests
necessitate such a step. It was not long before such a contingency
arose, and on Aug. 15 1914 the Japanese Government sent an
ultimatum to Berlin demanding the immediate withdrawal of
the German warships from Chinese and Japanese waters and the
surrender of Kiaochow to Japan by Sept. 15, with a view to
eventual restoration of the leased territory to China; a week
was allowed to the German Government in which to make a
definite reply. On Aug. 23, the term having expired without any
answer being forthcoming from the Kaiser's Government, Japan
declared war against Germany. In coming to this decision Japan
remembered that it had been through the machinations of the
Berlin Government that Germany, France and Russia acted
jointly in 1895 in " advising " Japan in the name of peace in the
Orient, and not without a hint of force, to retrocede to China the
peninsula of Liaotung, which had been won by Japan at a heavy
sacrifice of life and treasure and ceded to her under the Shimono-
seki Treaty, and further that it was barely two years after that in-
cident that Germany had installed herself at Tsingtao on a
flimsy pretext. The Japanese nation welcomed the opportunity
of eradicating the German menace in the -East which owed its in-
ception to such unfortunate circumstances.'
The Capture of Tsingtao. The first part which Japan took
upon herself to play after she aligned herself with the Allies, was
the reduction of the German stronghold in the Far East. Tsing-
tao, on the bay of Kiaochow, had been converted in the hands of
the Germans into one of the most impregnable fortresses in the
Orient the " mailed fist " calculated to intimidate any possible
objectors to the Kaiser's imperialist aims. It served at the out-
set of the war as the only base of operations in E. Asia for the
German marauders menacing the Allied trade routes. The five
German warships forming the main part of Adml. von Spec's
squadron had been running amok, not only in Chinese and Japa-
nese waters, but as far as the South Seas. It was imperative to
make these raiders homeless, if they could not be captured or de-
stroyed, and the military and naval operations against the re-
doubtable base, which was under the command of Capt. Meyer-
Waldeck and garrisoned by some 13,000 men, of whom 5,599
were German regulars, were started with the utmost dispatch.
On Aug. 27, the blockade of Kiaochow Bay was declared by the
Japanese navy and Lungkow, 150 m. N. of Tsingtao, was chosen
as the point for landing troops. The selection of Lungkow as the
spot for disembarkation had been agreed upon between the Jap-
anese and British commanders, who saw the necessity of clearing
the hinterland prior to the landing of troops at some point nearer
the fortress. However, the point being outside the zone of the
leased territory, it was thought necessary to have a war zone
established, following the precedent of the Russo-Japanese War,
and negotiations with that view were started between the Jap-
anese and the Chinese Governments as early as Aug. 20. An un-
derstanding was soon come to between the two Governments,
and the Peking Government issued a declaration establishing
such a war zone on Sept. 3. The Chinese Government, in the
meantime, intimated to the Japanese Government that it might
nevertheless be found advisable to enter a formal protest to
Japan against her troops' landing at Lungkow, for the sole pur-
pose of exonerating themselves from ah 1 responsibility towards
the German Government. Upon Germany's strong protest
against permitting the Japanese troops to land in the neutral
territory, the Chinese Government went so far as to point out that
Germany herself had in a measure created the situation through
her unauthorized fortification of Tsingtao.
On Sept. 2 1914, the Japanese division, under the orders of Lt.-
Gen. Kamio, commenced landing at Lungkow, in the teeth of a
heavy downpour of rain, which swelled into a terrible tempest
and caused the whole district to be flooded as it had not been
flooded for half a century; the advance of the troops was there-
fore immeasurably hard and dangerous. They had to wade
through muddy streams; their diet for days consisted of a hand-
ful of millet. Despite such extreme adversity of circumstance, the
vanguards arrived on the 1 2th at the smaU town of Chimo, where
they encountered the enemy for the first time. In the meantime,
the railway connecting Tsingtao with Tsinan, the capital of
Shantung, was freely used by the Germans for military purposes.
The crew of the Austrian cruiser " Kaiserin Elisabeth," who were
on leave at Tientsin, were brought back to Tsingtao by means of
that line, and war materials were incessantly transported into
the fort by the same route. It was discovered that China not
only winked at such acts of violation of her neutrality but actual-
ly gave aid and comfort to the Germans. Japan made protests to
the Peking Government but to no purpose; she was constrained
to take over the operation and the safeguarding of the railway.
The second Japanese contingent began to land at Laoshan Bay,
within the leased zone, on Sept. 18 and soon established touch
with the I. Army. The Japanese forces under Gen. Kamio thus
amounted to about 22,980 officers and men and they succeeded
in some ten days in wresting from the Germans several of their
advanced positions. On Sept. 24, there arrived at the arena of
campaign the British force, commanded by Gen. Barnardiston,
consisting of 910 officers and men of the 2nd South Wales
Borderers and 450 of the 36th Sikhs. After permitting the non-
combatants to leave the fortress, the general attack on the posi-
JAPAN
653
!on was commenced on Oct. 31, the Japanese blockading fleet
off the harbour assisting by a continuous bombardment. On the
morning of Nov. 7, white flags were descried on the forts of
Moltke, Bismarck and Iltis, to the pleasant surprise of the at-
tacking army, which had expected a protracted siege. After the
fall of the stronghold, it was ascertained that all enemy ships,
including the Austrian cruiser " Kaiserin Elisabeth," had been
sunk in the port of Tsingtao. The Japanese army lost, during
the campaign, 1,968 killed or wounded, and the Japanese navy a
cruiser, a destroyer and a torpedo boat. The port of Kiaochow
was reopened for trade by the Japanese on Dec. 28 1914.
The Japanese Navy in the War. Although Tsingtao was thus
early captured, there still remained the important task of locat-
ing and disposing of Adml. von Spec's squadron, consisting of
the ".Scharnhorst," the " Gncisenau," the " Nurnberg," the
" Leipzig," and the " Dresden," which were seriously menacing
the Allied commerce in the South Seas. It had further been
reported that several German warships were at large in the
Pacific Ocean. 'As early as Aug. 26, the battle cruiser " Ibuki "
and the cruiser " Chikuma," and shortly afterwards six more
Japanese cruisers, were ordered to join the British China Squad-
ron under the command of Adml. Jerram. There were further
dispatched a squadron of eight cruisers to the China and the East
Seas and two squadrons one comprising two battle cruisers, two
cruisers, and a division of torpedo destroyers and the other one
battleship and two cruisers to the South Pacific Ocean. The
cruiser " Idzumo," which happened to be in Mexican waters, as
well as the " Asama " and the " Hizen," were entrusted with the
patrol of the western coast of America, in cooperation with the
Canadian " Rainbow " and the British cruiser " Newcastle."
In the middle of Sept., a great sensation was aroused by the
dramatic appearance in the Bay of Bengal of the German raider
" Emden," which had effected her egress from Tsingtao before
the blockade was instituted by the Japanese navy. Several Brit-
ish merchantmen fell victims to her ruthless attack in appallingly
swift succession, and it was only after two months' strenuous
chase by the British and the Japanese squadrons that the " Em-
den " was sunk by the Australian cruiser " Sydney " near the
island of Cocos. In the meantime, Australian and New Zealand
troops were being hurried to various theatres of war in Europe,
and Japanese warships assisted in the convoy of the transports
across the Indian Ocean. At one time, whilst the " Emden " was
still working havoc in Indian waters, the " Ibuki " was obliged
to convoy no fewer than 38 troopships by herself. Apart from
the anxious, as well as hazardous task of convoy, Japanese war-
ships were, in Feb. 1915, called upon to hurry to Singapore and
land troops thereto assist the British forces, side by 'side with
French and Russian marines, in suppressing a mutiny of Indian
soldiers who had come under German influence. In 1917, and
after, the Japanese navy undertook the guardianship of the safety
of the Indian Ocean as far as the Cape of Good Hope. Von Spee's
squadron, as a result of the concerted operation of the British and
the Japanese navies, was chased in the direction of Cape Horn
towards the end of 1914, and on Dec. 8 was encountered by Adml.
Sturdee's squadron off the Falkland Is. and was completely annihi-
lated, with the exception of the " Dresden," which, however, was
also sunk by the British off Chile three months later. Meanwhile
the German gunboat " Geier " was disarmed and interned at
Honolulu, and thus the Pacific Ocean was cleared of the enemy,
greatly to the relief of Allied commerce.
The next, and not the least important, contribution of the
Japanese navy toward the successful conduct of the war, was the
sending of the cruiser " Akashi " and three destroyer divisions
under the command of Rear-Adml. Sato to the Mediterranean.
The German submarine warfare was about that time beginning
to be carried on in a ruthless manner, and the British navy had
been earnestly requesting Japanese help. Whilst the British,
French and Italian forces were engaged in blockading the Adri-
atic Sea and the Dardanelles, Adml. Sato's squadron assumed
the all-important duties of convoying Allied vessels to and fro
between ports in the Mediterranean. The Japanese destroyers
successfully escorted 21 British warships, as well as 623 British,
100 French, 18 Italian and 26 other troopships or merchantmen,
totalling 788 ships, and they cruised altogether 220,000 miles.
Japan's " Twenty-one Demands " upon China. Friction be-
tween neighbours is deplorable, though far too common, but it is
altogether exasperating when friction is caused by the neglect of
order in the house of a neighbour. No one more regretted the
continued internal troubles and disorder in China, which had
been divided into two camps since the Republic was proclaimed,
than Japan herself, whose national destiny is so intimately en-
twined with that of China. The Tokyo Cabinet became impa-
tient toward the end of 1914, of the general trend of the Chinese-
Japanese relations which, largely owing to China's procrasti-
nating and wayward diplomacy, had been marked by constant
and cumulative misunderstandings and irritations. In the judg-
ment of the Okuma Cabinet the only effective move was an at-
tempt to cleanse the Augean stable, and on Jan. 18 1915, with a
view to liquidating all outstanding problems between Japan and
China, the " twenty-one demands " were presented to President
Yuan Shi-k'ai at the hands of Mr. Hioki, the Japanese minister in
Peking. The demands consisted of five groups: Group I., which
related to Shantung province, comprised four items; Group II.,
in respect of S. Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia, had
seven items; Group III. concerned the Hanyehping Co. and
included two items; Group IV. consisted of one item relative to
the territorial integrity of China. The V. Group was not pre-
sented as " demands " but as " wishes," consisting of seven items,
covering the employment of Japanese advisers; land ownership by
Japanese hospitals, temples and schools; the purchase of muni-
tions of war from Japan; the right to construct a line connecting
Wuchang with the Kiukang-Nanchang railway as well as the
Nanchang-Hangchow and the Nanchang-Chaochow lines; the
priority of Japanese capital regarding railways, mines and har-
bour works in Fukien province; and Japanese missionary propa-
ganda. The too ambitious attempt of the Tokyo Cabinet evoked
adverse criticisms from various quarters. But that was more on
account of the manner in which the demands were made to China.
It was undoubtedly unfortunate that, whatever cogent reasons
there might have been, the " wishes " were not placed on the
table from the outset as well as the " demands." As to their
intrinsic merit, the London Times (Feb. 13 1915) observed:
" Even in the Peking version . . . these terms do not look
harsh or unreasonable in principle. . . . They do not in any
wise threaten the integrity of China, nor do they appear to violate
the doctrines of the equality of opportunity and of the open
door as hitherto accepted by other Powers. " Even granting that
some of the proposals were unwisely conceived, the general
belief that Japan purposed at that time to establish a veiled
protectorate over China was merely the result of active and
extensive hostile propaganda; no insinuation could be more
malicious and misguided. For Japan it was a matter of superla-
tive interest and importance that her neighbours should attain
a good Government, a prosperous industry and a flourishing
trade; it was her greatest fear that China should become the
Turkey of the extreme Orient. Chagrined by the endless tergi-
versation of the Chinese Government, in entire disregard of
Japan's friendly and conciliatory intentions, which were amply
shown during the four months' negotiations at Peking, the
Japanese Government pressed the Peking Government, on
May 7 1918, to express their definite answer within a time limit.
In the result the Chinese President, Yuan Shi-k'ai, acceded to
the Japanese proposals; and on the 25th of the same month, un-
der the signature of Mr. Hioki and Lu Cheng-Hsieng, the Chi-
nese Minister for Foreign Affairs, two treaties were concluded
one respecting the province of Shantung, and the other regard-
ing S. Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia and 13 notes
were exchanged. The treaty respecting the province of Shan-
tung stipulated that China should recognize all arrangements to
be made between Japan and Germany as to the German rights
in that province; that, for the construction in future of a railway
connecting Chefoo or Lungkow with the Kiaochow-Tsinan rail-
way, Japanese capitalists should first be approached; that China
should of her own accord early open suitable cities and towns for
654
JAPAN
the residence and trading of foreigners. China further pledged
herself in a note that she would not lease or alienate any part of
Shantung, including the islands off its coast.
With special reference to Kiaochow, the Japanese Minister, in
an exchange of notes, made the following declaration:
" If upon the conclusion of the present war, the Japanese Govern-
ment should be given an absolutely free disposal of the leased terri-
tory of Kiaochow Bay, they will return the said territory to China,
subject to the following conditions:
" I. Opening of the whole of Kiaochow as a commercial port ;
" 2. Establishment of a Japanese settlement in the locality to be
designated by the Japanese Government ;
" 3. Establishment, if desired by the Powers, of an international
settlement ;
" 4. Arrangements to be made, before the return of the said treaty
is effected, between the Japanese and the Chinese Governments with
respect to the disposal of German public establishments and prop-
erties and with regard to the other conditions and procedures."
By the treaty respecting S. Manchuria and Eastern Inner
Mongolia, the Chinese Government engaged that the terms of
lease of Port Arthur and Dairen, and of the S. Manchuria railway
and the Antung-Mukden railway, should be extended to 99
years respectively; that Japanese should be permitted in S.
Manchuria to lease land for residential, commercial, industrial
and agricultural purposes, and further should be free to enter,
travel, reside and pursue various vocations; that in Eastern
Mongolia Japanese should be permitted to carry on, jointly with
Chinese, agricultural undertakings; that Japanese conducting
business in those regions should be submitted to Chinese police
laws and taxation; that civil and criminal cases should be tried
by the Japanese consul or by Chinese officials according as the
defendant was Japanese or Chinese, save in cases of land dis-
putes where a mixed tribunal would have the power of adjudication
(all this pending the eventual reform of the Chinese judicial sys-
tem); that suitable cities and towns would early be opened to
foreigners of China's own accord; that various agreements relat-
ing to the Kirin-Changchun railway should early be revised. By
the exchange of notes, certain mining rights, and the priority of
Japanese capital in relation to loans for building railways and
other loans on the security of taxes, save the salt gabelle and
customs revenue, were granted to Japan. It was further .agreed
that Japanese might be employed first in case China needed
foreign advisers or instructors in S. Manchuria. As to the
Hanyehping Co., in view of the very close relations existing be-
tween Japanese capitalists and the company, China agreed to
approve a possible future arrangement for its joint undertaking
and further not to confiscate or nationalize it without Japan's
consent, or let it contract foreign loans other than Japanese. In
regard to the province of Fukien, the Chinese Government de-
clared that they would not permit a foreign Power to build or
finance any shipyard or military or naval establishment.
If Yuan Shi-k'ai had been disinterested and had taken a wider
view of the general situation, those treaties and agreements
could very well have been utilized for bringing China and Japan
closer, and consolidating the peace of the East. But he was pav-
ing his way to his ambitious goal to ascend the throne. It was
unfortunate that Yuan's subsequent actions and proclamations
inspired undue ill-will in the Chinese people.
Japan's War Mission to the United Stales. Shortly after the
declaration of war against Germany by the United States in
April 1917, the Allied Powers sent their leading statesmen and
soldiers to Washington to confer as to the best methods of cooper-
ation in the war; how to coordinate their respective national
strengths so as to bring about an early victory. Great Britain was
represented by Mr. Balfour and France by M. Viviani and
Marshal Joffre. Japan entrusted the mission to Viscount K.
Ishii, whose major task was to consult about the distribution of
the Allied naval forces, and the arrangement as to the exchange
of ships and steel, for whereas America urgently needed trans-
ports to convey her troops to the western front, the Japanese
steel plants and shipbuilding yards would shortly be forced to
remain idle if they were unable to obtain a supply of American
iron. During Viscount Ishii's stay in Washington, the Ishii-
Lansing Agreement in regard to China was incidentally concluded.
The Ishii-Lansing Agreement. In the course of conversation
which took place between Mr. Robert Lansing, the United
States Secretary of State, and Viscount Ishii, when the latter
went to Washington on the Special War Mission in 1917, it was
found advisable that a public announcement of the desires and
intentions of the two Governments with regard to China should
once again be made, " in order to silence mischievous reports "
that had from time to time been circulated. On Nov. 2 notes
were exchanged between the two plenipotentiaries, declaring:
" The Governments of Japan and the United States recognize
that territorial propinquity creates special relations between coun-
tries, and, consequently the Government of the United States recog-
nizes that Japan has special interests in China, particularly in the
part to which her possessions are contiguous.
" The territorial sovereignty of China, nevertheless, remains un-
impaired, and the Government of the United States has every
confidence in the repeated assurances of the Imperial Japanese
Government that while geographical position gives Japan such
special interests they have no desire to discriminate against the
trade of other nations or to disregard the commercial rights hereto-
fore granted by China in treaties with other Powers.
" The Governments of Japan and the United States deny that
they have any purpose to infringe in any way the independence or
territorial integrity of China and they declare, furthermore, that they
always adhere to the principle of the so-called ' open door,' or equal
opportunity for commerce and industry in China.
" Moreover, they mutually declare that they are opposed to the
acquisition by any Government of any special rights or privileges
that would affect the independence or territorial integrity of China or
that would deny to the subjects or citizens of any country the full
enjoyment of equal opportunity in its commerce and industry."
The Japanese Expedition to Siberia. After the Russian
Revolution in 1917, a unique and anomalous situation developed
in Siberia owing to the conjunction effected by German and
Austro-Hungarian prisoners-of-war with Bolshevik forces, the
former assuming the practical command. These Teutonic-
Bolshevik allies seriously threatened the safety of the Czecho-
slovak troops who had essayed through the only available route
of Siberia to join the Allied armies fighting on the western front
in France. The U.S. Government proposed to the Japanese
Government in the early part of 1918 to dispatch an Allied con-
tingent to Eastern Siberia to give succour to the helpless and
distressed Czechoslovaks. To this Japan gave her assent, and in
Aug. undertook to detail a contingent to Vladivostok; the United
States and Great Britain also dispatched troops to Siberia.
Early in Sept. Khabarovsk was captured by the Allied forces,
and during the month of Oct. the Bolshevik influence in Eastern
Siberia was signally diminished and the Czechoslovaks in the
interior succeeded in re-establishing communication with their
compatriots in the littoral districts. The Allied successes in
Siberia endowed the anti-Bolshevists, rallying under the banner
of Adml. Kolchak, with fresh power; and the orders of the Omsk
Government, established in Nov. 1918, extended as far as the
Ural regions by the end of that year. But in May 1919 the
anti-Bolshevik forceg sustained a crushing reverse at the hands
of the Red army; and Adml. Kolchak's Government first re-
moved from Omsk and then, toward the winter, to Chita. In
face of such unfavourable developments of affairs, Japan saw
the necessity of early arriving at a definite understanding with
the U.S. .Government as to the future dispatch of rcenforce-
ments to Siberia. The Washington Government, however, re-
sponded in Jan. 1920 with a sudden decision to withdraw all
the American troops and railway experts; first, because the re-
patriation of the Czechoslovak forces was about to be completed,
and secondly because the very unstable situation in Siberia
would render futile any military assistance to the attempt to
establish an autonomous Russian Government in Siberia. The
American Government further stated that if Japan would con-
tinue in her endeavours in Siberia single-handed, they had no
objection whatever. In point of fact, the exigencies of the situa-
tion soon obliged Japan to send a reenforcement. But the Social
Revolutionaries and the Bolshevists were in the spring of 1920
fast establishing ascendancy in Eastern Siberia, having tb
headquarters at Vladivostok, Verkhne Udinsk and Blagovyes!
chensk the three centres being more or less independent
each other. After the arrest and execution by Bolshevists
JAPAN
655
Adml. Kolchak in Feb. 1920, the only remaining reactionary
leader was Gen. Semenoff, who had established his Government
at Chita and had' the whole province of Trans-Baikalia under
his sway. In March 1920 a most sanguinary incident oc-
curred at Nikolaievsk, capital of Sakhalin Province and situated
on the river Amur; all the Japanese residents of that city, men,
women and children, numbering 350, including Consul Ishida
and his family, were murdered by the " Partisans," a Bol-
shevist guerrilla gang infesting the littoral regions. The Japa-
nese Government declared on July 3 that as there existed no
responsible administrative centre in Russia which could negotiate
about the flagrant outrage on Japan's prestige at Nikolaievsk, the
Japanese forces would occupy certain places in Sakhalin prov-
ince, pending the establishment of a legitimate Government.
At the same time, it was made known that Japanese contingents
would soon be withdrawn, as in fact they were, from Trans-
Baikalia, inasmuch as the Czechoslovak troops had been success-
fully assisted on their homeward journey (the last troops left
Vladivostok in Sept. 1920), but that Vladivostok and Khaba-
rovsk would still have to be garrisoned -by a small military
strength. Upon inquiry from the Washington Government, it
was explained by the Japanese Government that Vladivostok
was the prolific hatchery of Korean revolutionary plots, and
further the safety of the Japanese residents had to be provided
for, and that Khabarovsk was a point in close strategic relation
with Nikolaievsk. As soon as signs became visible of the growing
stability of Khabarovsk, in Sept., evacuation of that region was
immediately started. Meantime, the Bolshevists at Verkhne
Udinsk began to style themselves the " Far Eastern Republic,"
and in concluding an agreement as to the suspension of hostilities
with the Japanese military authorities in July 1920, formulated
a memorandum to the purport that the Republic would follow
democratic and not communist principles of administration and
would constitute itself a buffer state in the interests of a speedy
resuscitation of peace and order in Siberia. Then the movement
for the unification of the several " Governments " in Eastern
Russia was started, and in Nov. the so-called Amalgamation
Assembly at Chita declared the independence of the " Far East-
ern Republic " adopting the name at first conceived at Verkhne
Udinsk holding as its territory the Russian provinces E. of
the Selenga river and professing anti-communist democracy
as its basic political principle. The coup d'etat carried Out by
the reactionary Kappelists in Vladivostok on May 26 1921
showed that the Siberian situation was still very unstable.
Anti- Bolshevist Agreements. In view of the Siberian situation,
military and naval agreements were concluded between the
Governments of Tokyo and Peking in March 1918 for the pur-
pose of coordinating the forces of the two countries to oppose
the probable invasion by the Bolshevists from the Siberian direc-
tion. China inaugurated an Office for Joint Military Action
under the directorship of Tuan Chijui, to give effect to the terms
of the agreements, receiving from Japan a supply of capital to
the amount of 20,000,000 yen for the upkeep of the forces and
33,000,000 yen for purchasing munitions of war. Whilst the
arrangement proved to be of considerable service in impeding
the Bolshevik advance to the S., the incidental increase in the
power of Tuan's party the Anfu Club gave rise to considera-
ble misgivings and misunderstandings, at the expense of Japan's
good name. It was, therefore, decided by Japan in March 1919,
to furnish no further supplies of money and arms. After the down-
fall of Tuan and his friends in July 1920, the Peking Cabinet
expressed their desire to discontinue the pact, and, but for the
unfortunate state of affairs in Eastern Siberia, it would have been
early terminated. As it was, the annulment was agreed upon by
Tokyo and Peking on Jan. 27 1921.
Japan at the Peace Conference. At the Peace Conference in
Paris in 1919, Japan was represented by Marquis (afterwards
Prince) Saionzi; Baron (afterwards Viscount) Makino; Viscount
(afterwards Count) Chinda; Mr. (afterwards Baron) K. Matsui;
and Mr. (afterwards Baron) K. Ijuin. The plenipotentiaries
went to France with the firm conviction, as Baron Makino had
made unmistakably clear before he left Japanese shores, that
the attitude of Japan at Paris should be, not so much to advance
her own case before the comrade nations in the war, as to take
counsel with them in the creation of a new world in which justice
and humanity would reign supreme and which would assure an
enduring peace. The first claim laid on the peace table by the
Japanese delegates was for the recognition of racial equality.
The public opinion of Japan demanded that, if a new era of
righteousness and fairness was to be established and peace and
good-will among men were to be assured for all time, one of the
postulates should be the principle of the equal dignity of races.
The Japanese nation had been deeply conscious of the discrim-
inatory treatment meted out to its nationals in various parts
of the world. It recognized that differences in ability, power and
character among men always exist; but it appeared wrong that
there should be inequality of opportunities inequality before
the law. The present state of human civilization having been
achieved by a series of social, religious, political and economic
emancipations, it seemed certainly to bo time that racial emanci-
pation should, in the interests of the real progress of civilization,
be foreshadowed and approved at least in principle. The original
Japanese proposal for insertion in the Covenant of the League of
Nations read:
" The equality of nations being a basic principle of the League of
Nations, the High Contracting Parties agree to accord, as soon as
possible, to all alien nationals of the states members of the league
equal and just treatment in every respect, making no distinction,
either in law or in fact, on account of their race or nationality."
In explaining the Japanese position, Baron Makino made it
clear " that the question being of a very delicate and complicated
nature involving the play of a deep human passion, the immediate
realization of the ideal equality was not proposed, but that the
clause presented enunciated the principle only and left the actual
working of it in the hands of the different Governments con-
cerned." Every national of the States in the League was ex-
pected " to share military expenditure for the common cause and,
if need be, sacrifice his own person. In view of these new duties
. . . arising before him. . . each national would naturally feel, and
in fact demand, that he be placed on an equal footing with the
people whom he undertook to defend even with his own life."
The Japanese proposal, which was later somewhat modified in
terminology in an attempt to meet objections, obtained u
votes out of 17 in its favour, but it was ruled that unanimity
was necessary. Japan abided by that decision, reserving the
right to raise the question again at an opportune moment.
The disposition as regards Kiaochow was the next question
with which the Japanese delegates had to grapple. When the
Japanese people gave a hearty send-off to their plenipoten-
tiaries, they had no shadow of doubt as to the final issue of this
question. The greater, therefore, was their disappointment, if
not stupefaction, when the Chinese delegates came out with a
demand for the direct restitution of the ex-German stronghold.
Japan claimed Kiaochow in recognition of all her military and
naval services, by which, with British assistance, the German
Far Eastern base had been reduced, by which trade routes in the
Orient had been kept unmolested and by which Allied troopships
had safely been convoyed to various fronts. It was at the same
time made clear that Japan would be content, having once se-
cured Kiaochow in her hand, not to retain it in her possession,
but to offer it to China as a mark of good-will and friendship.
" A cordial friendship between Japan and China " had been a slo-
gan on the lips of thinking Japanese, and it was expected that a
new leaf in Japanese-Chinese relations would be turned by this
timely offering. The Chinese delegates, however, insisted that
the declaration of war by China against Germany on Aug. 14
1917 had abrogated all her treaties with Germany, including
that of the lease of Kiaochow. Whether a lease treaty is not a
sort of pacta transiloria is, to say the least, a moot question; it
would appear to be contrary to common sense to contend that a
paper declaration of war could constitute a magic wand to trans-
fer to her possession a formidable fortress which China could
never have reduced with her own resources, and which, if it had
not been captured beforehand, would have been a potential
656
JASTROW, MORRIS
intimidation, and would possibly have prevented her making
that very declaration. China's further plea was that her engage-
ment of May 1915 (see p. 653, the Twenty-one Demands) had
been made under duress and was therefore null and void. It is a
fact, however, that China did not question the validity of that
engagement, when she willingly concluded the formal under-
standing of Sept. 24 1918, which was actually based on the
above-mentioned agreement of May 1915, and accepted an ad-
vance of 20,000,000 yen under that understanding. The position
of Japan, it should be observed, had furthermore been fortified
by the previous undertakings of Great Britain, France, Russia
and Italy in 1917, to support or at least raise no objection to the
Japanese claim.
The Supreme Council finally decided in favour of Japan, on
May 5 1919 (Arts. 156-158, Treaty of Versailles). Rumours
were in circulation that Japan had struck a bargain between the
race question and the Shantung dispute; and further, that the
withdrawal of Italy from the Peace Conference had made for
Japan's strength. The latter surmise may have been true in a
certain measure, but the former was hopelessly wide of the mark.
The ex-German islands in the Pacific lying N. of the Equator,
which had been under the Japanese occupation since 1914, were
allocated to the Japanese administration under the newly formu-
lated mandatory system, at the Supreme Council held at the
Trianon Palace on May 7 1919. They include the Marshall,
Caroline, Palau (Pelew), and Marianne (Ladrone) islands.
The Restitution of Kiaochow. With the coming into force of
the Treaty of Versailles on Jan. 10 1920, the German rights and
interests in Shantung 'passed to the hands of Japan, and the
Tokyo Government, in conformity with their pledged obligation
to China, and true to their repeated public avowals (by Baron
Makino in Paris on May 4 1919; by Viscount Uchida in Tokyo,
May 17 and Aug. 2 1919), immediately instructed Minister
Obata to invite the Peking Government to open negotiations for
effecting the restitution of the ex-German possessions in Shan-
tung (Jan. 19). It was desired that the necessary preparations
for accepting the restoration should forthwith be started, and
that China should organize a police force to take over the charge
of guarding the Tsinan-Kiaochow railway. As soon as such an
organization was completed even if it were prior to an agree-
ment being reached as to the restoration the Japanese troops
would be immediately withdrawn. Three months passed without
any response from Peking to the Japanese overtures. Japan
repeated on April 26 her desire to start negotiations, and the
Chinese reply (May 22) was that she could not conduct direct
negotiations with Japan as to the question of Tsingtau on the
basis of the Treaty of Versailles, which she did not sign, and
further, that the whole public of China had assumed a strongly
antagonistic attitude in respect of the question. Whereupon
the Tokyo Government asked the Chinese Government to recon-
sider the matter, assuring the latter that they were ready to com-
mence negotiations at any time China might deem convenient.
But Peking again remained deaf. It was then rumoured that
the question might be brought up by the Chinese delegation
before the First Assembly of the League of Nations at Geneva in
Nov. and Dec. 1920. No direct mentionof the question was made;
but Dr. Koo reserved for " a more appropriate time in the fu-
ture," the matter of bringing before the League certain " sub-
jects of vital interest to China, affecting international relations."
The Yap Controversy. The Council of the League which met
in Geneva on Dec. 17 1920, decided upon the statute relative to
" C " class mandates, under the terms of the Covenant of the
League (Art. 22, 6) and pursuant to the decision of the Supreme
Council on May 7 1919, allocating the ex-German South Sea is-
lands to Great Britain, Australia, New Zealand and Japan. The
Japanese Government had been contending that, according to
their legal interpretation, the principle of equal opportunities for
trade and commerce should, under the Covenant, be assured to
" C " class as well as to " B " class mandates (Art. 22, 5). But
in view of the importance of unity and cooperation among the
Allied nations, Japan gave her assent to the issue of the statutes,
on the understanding that '' that decision should not be consid-
ered as an acquiescence by the Japanese Government in the
submission of Japanese subjects to discriminatory and disad-
vantageous treatment in the mandated territories, nor have they
thereby discarded their claim that the rights and interests hither-
to enjoyed by Japanese subjects in these territories should be
fully respected."
To the statute relative to the islands N. of the Equator which
came under the Japanese mandate, " as an integral portion of its
territory," the United States took exception, on the plea that
the island of Yap should not be included in the islands to be so
assigned. It was argued that President Wilson had submitted to
the Supreme Council his proposal of having that island interna-
tionalized for reasons vitally affecting the world communications,
and that its decision, published on May 7 1919, should not be
regarded as by any means conclusive. Further, the Washington
Government declared that they had never ratified the Treaty of
Versailles and accordingly were not bound by that instrument
in any sense; but the United States should, treaty or no treaty,
have a voice in the disposition of the affairs immediately arising
from the World War. So far as the status of the island was con-
cerned, Japan's position was that, if the published decision of
the Supreme Council were not final, she did not know what she
could rely upon as definite finality; the Allied powers in Europe
appeared to support the Japanese view. In the presentation of
their case, the American Government further stated that " even
if Yap sho.uld be assigned under mandate to Japan, all other
Powers should have free and unhampered access to the island for
the landing and operation of cables." Japan contended that
" the (cables) question seems to be one which should be freely
settled by the nation which has the charge of the place." As the
result of the Washington Conference at the end of 1921, an
agreement between Japan and the United States was eventually
signed on Dec. 12, by which Japan's sovereignty (as the man-
datory Power) in Yap was admitted by the United States, while
Japan accorded to the United States full rights and facilities in
connexion with the cables and other matters.
The European Tour of the Crown Prince. The Crown Prince
Hirohito broke the age-long tradition of Japan's history, and, as
the first heir to the throne to leave his native shores, set forth early
in March 1921, in company with Prince Kan-in, and escorted
by Count Chinda, ex-ambassador to the court of St. James's
upon 'a tour of study and observation in Europe. Prior to
departure, the more conservative section of the Japanese public,
including some influential leaders in politics, gave vent to their
anachronistic, though loyal, solicitude as to the safety of the
Prince in risking such an unprecedented adventure, the reporte
indifferent health of the Emperor also inspiring anxiety in many
uneasy minds. To add fuel to the popular disquietude a rumou
was in circulation that the betrothal between the Crown Princ
and Princess Nagako of Kuni might be cancelled, and this develop-
ment was even attributed to political reasons; a timely dementi,
however, was issued by the Imperial Household. The battleship
" Katori," with the Crown Prince on board, called at Hong-Kong,
Singapore, Bombay, Port Said, Malta and Gibraltar, en route to
Portsmouth, where she anchored on May 8. The reception by
the King and the public of Great Britain was most cordial and
spontaneous, befitting the Alliance uniting the two nations for
the past two decades. The Crown Prince, leaving for France on
May 29, said in his farewell message to the British nation: " It
has been my happiness to see something of almost every side of
the national life and institutions of the British people." The
Imperial tour extended to France, Belgium, Holland and Italy.
As to the United States of America, the Crown Prince had oc-
casion to say that he much regretted he could not visit that
country on this trip, but that he still hoped to do so in the not
far distant future. (H. SA.)
JASTROW, MORRIS (1861-1921), American orientalist, was
born in Warsaw, Russian Poland, Aug. 13 1861, but went to
Philadelphia at the age of five. Educated at the schools of that
city and in the university of Pennsylvania, he studied subse-
quently at the universities of Leipzig and Breslau, Paris and
Strassburg until 1885, when he returned to the university of
JAURES JELLICOE
657
'ennsylvania as professor of Semitic languages and librarian.
He became president of the American Oriental Society (1914-5)
and president of the Society of Biblical Literature (1916). He
died June 22 1921 at Jenkintown, Pa. He published numerous
works on the religions and civilization of Babylonia and Assyria,
and, in connexion with the World War, The War and the Baghdad
Railway (1917); The War and the Coming Peace (1918); A Gentle
Cynic (1919); Zionism and the Future of Palestine (1919).
JAURES, JEAN (1859-1914), French Socialist leader (see
15.283), was already in 1910 the recognized leader of the Unified
Socialists in the Chamber of Deputies. He continued to play a
prominent part in International Socialist politics, striving to
arrange concerted action of the working classes to make wars
impossible by means of general strikes. He was the most active
and effective critic of the three-years Military Service Law and
other measures by which France sought in 1913 to meet German
war preparations. He was assassinated July 31 1914.
JELF, SIR ARTHUR RICHARD (1837-1917), English judge,
was born at Pankow, near Berlin, Sept. 10 1837, the son of the
Rev. Richard William Jelf, principal of King's College, London,
by his wife Countess Emmy Schlippenbach, at one time maid of
honour to the Queen of Hanover. He was educated at Eton and
Christ Church, Oxford, where he took his degree in 1860. He was
called to the bar in 1863, and became a Q.C. in 1880. From 1879
to 1901 he was recorder of Shrewsbury, and in 1901 was raised
to the bench, retiring in 1910. He died at Putney July 24 1917.
JELLICOE, JOHN RUSHWORTH JELLICOE, VISCOUNT
(1859- ), British admiral, was bornDec. 51859. Hisfamilyhad
for some generations been connected with Hampshire, and his
father held an honourable position in the merchant service.
Young Jellicoe, after a preliminary education at Rottingdean,
entered the navy in 1872. He soon gave evidence of exceptional
industry and' ability, and was fortunate in seeing active service
at an early stage of his career. He served in the Egyptian War in
1882, and on his examination for promotion to lieutenant took no
less than three first-class certificates. As a lieutenant he laid the
foundations of that special knowledge of gunnery which was so
useful to him at a later stage. The science of naval gunnery was
then being revived under the inspiration and inventive genius of
Comm. Percy Scott. Jellicoe while a lieutenant won the gunnery
prize of 80, and thus successfully identified himself with what
was, if not a new science, a new scientific development of an
old art. With that of Lord Fisher, who gave it his countenance
and furthered its development, the names of Sir Percy Scott and
Lord Jellicoe are those which deserve to be most honourably
associated with this great revival. In 1893 Jellicoe was promoted
to commander and joined the " Achilles," passing soon after to
the "Victoria," flagship of Sir George Tryon in the Mediterra-
nean. He was among the survivors from this ship when she was
sunk in collision with the " Camperdown " in June 1893. In
Aug. of the same year Jellicoe was appointed to the " Ramillies."
In 1897 he was promoted to the rank of captain and took up
his first Admiralty appointment on the ordnance committee, a
service for which his proficiency in the science of gunnery had
qualified him. A year later he was appointed to the " Centurion,"
flagship of Sir E. H. Seymour on the China station, and as chief-
of-staff took part in the expedition to relieve the legations at
Pekin during the Boxer rising in 1900. After this he returned to
the Admiralty for two years, this time to the department of the
comptroller, to whom he became naval assistant in March 1902.
In Aug. 1903 he went to sea for a year in command of the " Drake,"
but in Nov. 1904 returned to the Admiralty for committee work,
remaining there until 1907. He was a member of the design
committee and in 1905 became director of naval ordnance. In
1907 he was promoted to rear-admiral and hoisted his flag (Aug.
1907) in the " Albemarle " in the Atlantic Fleet, where he re-
mained for a year. He then once more returned to the Admiralty,
this time as Third Sea Lord. In Dec. 1910 he received the appoint-
ment of vice-admiral (acting) commanding the Atlantic Fleet,
the rank being made substantive in Nov. 1911. A month later
he was appointed to the command of the 2nd Division of
the Home Fleets; and in Dec. 1912 he returned to the Admiralty
for two years as Second Sea Lord, during which time he took
command of the Red Fleet in the naval manoeuvres of 1913.
He was then designated as second-in-command of the Home
Fleets, but on the outbreak of the World War this appointment
was changed to that of commander-in-chief, Grand Fleet, in
succession to Sir George Callaghan, whose term of service was in
any case due to expire in a few months. He became admiral in
March 1915, and admiral of the fleet in 1919. During his period
of command the German fleet gave, on May 3ist 1916, for the
first and only time in the war, an opportunity to the British to
fight a Grand Fleet action (see JUTLAND, BATTLE OF) ; but after a
brilliant encircling movement by Sir David Beatty with his
battle cruisers, which crossed the enemy's T and delivered him in
confusion under the guns of the Grand Fleet, the Germans,
aided by misty weather and successful torpedo threats on Sir
John Jelh'coe's deployed divisions, succeeded in extricating
themselves from a situation which had seemed, even to them-
selves, to be hopeless. A few months later Sir John Jellicoe was
succeeded as commander-in-chief by Sir David Beatty, and
returned to the Admiralty as First Sea Lord, where he remained
until the end of 1917. After the signing of peace he visited the
principal dominions in a semi-official capacity, and in 1920 was
appointed governor-general of New Zealand.
A study of this brief record of his services reveals the fact that
Sir John Jellicoe at different times and in various departments
had a great deal to do with the welding and preparation of the
weapon which the German menace had called into existence,
and his service as commander-in-chief of the Grand Fleet is
largely to be judged by the condition of that weapon when it
came to be tried. If he is entitled to his full share of the credit for
the marvellous efficiency shown by the navy as a whole, both in
the departments of material and trained personnel, he can
hardly, having regard to the long years he spent in the Admiralty
in positions 'of high technical responsibility, escape some part
of the responsibility for the matters in which the naval organiza-
tion showed itself to be less than perfectly equipped and prepared.
Many of these defects, which caused him great difficulty and
anxiety as commander-in-chief, he himself pointed out in two
books written after the war; but his criticism lay open to the
rejoinder that no one who was to fight in the navy had had
anything like his opportunities to see to it beforehand that the
requirements of the navy were supplied. It is probable that in
many cases, where he had foreseen these requirements, he was
not strong enough to force them on the political heads by whom
expenditure was controlled a position in which the naval
officer serving on the Admiralty board is always liable to find
himself. Jellicoe had great administrative experience and ability,
which proved invaluable in his organization of the Grand Fleet in
the early stages of the World War, and he showed a conscientious
and unwearying care for the interests of those serving under him
which won him the loyalty of the entire service in a remarkable
degree. His previous career, however, while marked by valuable
technical work and covering long periods of administration, had
been of a kind to develop the qualities of an organizer rather than
a tactician and fleet commander; and he undoubtedly felt the
heavy responsibility that rested upon him for carrying out the
policy, by no means clearly defined or consistently observed,
which was laid down by the Admiralty and the War Cabinet:
For much that has, with apparent reason, aroused criticism with
regard to his strategy and tactics in the North Sea warfare, the
Cabinet and the Admiralty should properly be held responsible.
It could be said of him, at all events, after Jutland, that if he did
not then succeed in overwhelming the German fleet, it was very
careful not to risk another fleet action up to the end of the war,
when it surrendered under the terms of the Armistice.
He received the thanks of Parliament, together with a grant of
50,000, after the Armistice, and was raised in 1918 to the peerage
as Viscount Jellicoe of Scapa. He also received the Grand Cross
of the Bath, the O.M. and other decorations. In 1920 he was
given the freedom of the City of London. In 1902 he married the
daughter of Sir Charles Cayzer, Bart., and after he had had four
daughters, a son and heir was born to him in 1918. (F. Y.)
658
JELLINEK JOFFRE
JELLINEK, GEORGE (1852-1911), Hungarian jurist (see
15.315), died at Heidelberg Jan. 12 1911.
JENSEN, WILHELM (1837-1911), German author (see'is.32i),
died at Munich Nov. 24 1911. His later works include Die
Frankische Leuchte (1901); Vor der Elbmiindung (1905); Unter
der Tarnkappe (1906) ; and Fremdlinge unter den Menschen (1911).
See J. A. Erdmann, Wilhelm Jensen, sein Leben und Dichten (1907) ;
W. Barchfeld, Wilhelm Jensen als Lyriker (1913).
JESSOPP, AUGUSTUS (1823-1914), British archaeologist and
author, was born Dec. 20 1823 at Cheshunt. He was educated
at St. John's College, Cambridge, of which he was afterwards
elected fellow. He was also hon. fellow of Worcester College,
Oxford, and a select preacher of that university in 1896. His
first curacy was at Papworth St. Agnes, Cambs., but the greater
part of his life was given up to teaching, as headmaster of Helston
grammar school from 1855 to 1859 and of King Edward VI.
school, Norwich, 1859-79. He was rector of Seaming, Norf.,
from 1879 to 1911 and during most of that time he acted as
chaplain in ordinary to King Edward VII. Besides some archae-
ological articles in the Nineteenth Century and contributions to
the Dictionary of National Biography, he published a History
of the Diocese of Norwich (1879); The Coming of the Friars (1885);
The Autobiography of Roger North (1887) and Trials of a Country
Parson (1890). He died at Scarning Feb. 12 1914.
JEX-BLAKE, SOPHIA (1840-1912), English medical practi-
tioner, was born in 1840. In 1858-61 she was mathematical tutor
at Queen's College, London. She subsequently set out on a
tour of inspection of girls' education institutions, and in America
became a pupil of Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell. In 1866 Miss Jex-
Blake began a course of study in Boston under Dr. Lucy Sewall.
In 1868 she returned to England and applied to the university of
London for admission to their medical examinations. Being
refused, she returned to the university of Edinburgh and was told
that they could not admit one lady only. She got others to join
her, and finally in 1869 they were admitted to classes, and in 1870
to the hospitals, though here they encountered much riotous
hostility from a section of the male students. The university,
however, still refused to allow graduation, and after some legal
proceedings and much expense Miss Jex-Blake in 1874 went to
London, where she took a leading part in establishing the London
School of Medicine for Women. In 1877 this was associated with
the Royal Free Hospital, and in the same year Miss Jex-Blake
obtained the M.D. degree of Bern. She was also admitted a
licentiate of the College of Physicians, Dublin, and member irt
1880. She began practice in Edinburgh in 1878 and opened a
dispensary there for women and children. In 1886 she founded
the Edinburgh School of Medicine for Women. She retired in
1899. Besides various medical works she published Medical
Women (1872) and American Schools and Colleges (1886). She
died at Mark Cross, Sussex, Jan. 7 1912. Her niece Katherine
(b. 1860) became mistress of Girton College, Cambridge, in 1916,
and another niece, Henrietta (b. 1862), became principal of Lady
Margaret Hall, Oxford, in 1909. Both retired in 1921.
JIRECEK, HERMENEGILD, RITTER VON SAMAKOW (1827-
1909), Bohemian jurisconsult (see 15.417), died in 1909; and
KONSTANTIN JOSEF JIRECEK (1854-1918), archaeologist and
historian, died in 1918.
JOFFRE. JOSEPH JACQUES CESARE (1852- ), marshal
of France, was born at Rivesaltes (Pyrenees-Orientales) on Jan.
12 1852. While he was still a student at the ficole Polytechnique
the Franco-German War broke out. He was given a temporary
appointment as a sub-lieutenant and was employed with the
artillery engaged in the defence of Paris. On the signing of
peace he returned to the Ecole Polytechnique to complete his
course, and on Sept. 21 1872 was given a permanent appointment
as a lieutenant in the engineers. In April 1876 he became a
captain and was posted to a railway works company; after
three years spent on the defence works of Paris, he returned to
regimental duty in 1879. In 1885 he took part in the expedition
to Formosa, and for his services was (Sept. 7 1885) made a
chevalier of the Legion of Honour. From Formosa he went, as
chief engineer, to Hanoi, and became responsible for the organi-
zation of the defences of Upper Tonkin. He returned to France
in July 1888 and was attached for duty to the department of
the inspector of engineers (War Office). Promoted commandant
in May 1889 he next served for two years at Versailles with a
railway operating unit. In 1892 he was seconded for service
under the colonial administration, and was sent to the Sudan
in order to direct the works on the Senegal-Niger railway.
While in the Sudan he greatly distinguished himself in command
of the force which made the brilliant and audacious march to
Timbuctoo to relieve the ambushed Bonnier column, and was
made a lieutenant-colonel (March 6 1894) and an officer of the
Legion of Honour (Dec. 26 1894). In 1896 he returned from the
Sudan and became secretary to the Military Inventions Commis-
sion, a post which he continued to hold after his promotion to
colonel in Aug. 1897. Four years later he was while serving
in Madagascar under Gallieni made a general of brigade and
was appointed to command the igth Artillery Bde. at Vincennes.
He was at the same time made a member of the Comite technique
du genie. In 1903 he became director of engineers at the War
Office, and was promoted a commander of the Legion of Honour.
He was made a general of division on March 24 1905, and then
successively held appointments as military governor of Lille,
commander of a division, permanent inspector of schools, com-
mander of the II. Corps (Amiens), and member of the conseil
superieur de la guerre.
On first being nominated to the conseil superieur de la guerre
Joff re was designated, in case of war, to be head of the administra-
tive and lines-of-communication services, for which task his
varied experience evidently fitted him. When, however, disputes
arose between the generalissimo designate, Michel, and the
general staff as to the plan of campaign to be prepared for,
Joffre was selected to succeed Michel, after Pau had declined
the office and Gallieni had been set aside on account of age.
The appointment was a surprise, as Joffre was a " colonial "
and an administrator who was not familiar with the particulars
of the one problem which the generalissimo might be required to
solve. It was intended to give him as assistant Castelnau, a
" metropolitan " soldier thoroughly versed in the details of
European staff work. Castelnau however, probably on account
of his clerical connexions and sympathies, was set aside, and
when Aug. 1914 came Joffre's staff was constituted entirely of
men of a younger generation, amongst whom Berthelot at once
took the lead. Covered by his authority, it was they who
conducted the offensive into Lorraine, the battle of the frontiers,
and the retreat that followed. Joffre himself, by nature and
through experience, was essentially a man of authority, and,
feeling perhaps that the greatest need of the army and the
nation in the crisis was confidence in the leader as leader, he
gave himself up entirely to the act of commanding. His opera-
tions bureau indicated when and where the armies should move
and fight; he himself displayed ceaseless activity to ensure that
they did so. Thus, while for want of energetic command the
victorious German offensive was breaking up, the French retreat,
in Joffre's strong hands, became more and more coherent, till
finally, when Gallieni's initiative began the counter-stroke of
the Ource, by a supreme act of command Joffre bade the retreat-
ing army turn about and take the offensive, and was obeyed.
Earlier disasters and the stabilization of the Germans in the
heart of northern France were forgotten in gratitude for the
Marne, and in Dec. 1914 Joffre's prestige at home and abroad
was higher than that of any living man. Those who knew the
inner history of the crisis were even less inclined than the rest to
diminish this prestige, as it seemed that Joffre possessed the
secret that had escaped all the general staffs, that of effectively
commanding an army of two million citizen soldiers spread
over an immense front. Moreover, that prestige was considered
essential to the realization of the project of centralizing the
command of all Entente forces in French hands.
During 1915, however, when Joffre and his G.H.Q. had
settled down to a trench warfare for which they were not
prepared, criticism began to make itself felt, especially as to
the aloofness of G.H.Q. from the front, its arbitrary methods,
an>
JOHANNESBURG JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY 659
nd its stubborn attitude with respect to the civil power and
Parliament. Had it not been well known that Joffre was a
moderate Republican, this last always, to the French political
mind, indication of a possible coup d'etat would alone have
caused Joffre's overthrow. Millerand fell from power chiefly
because he would not reassert the Ministerial rights usurped by
G.H.Q. Briand followed, and his ingenuity was taxed to the
utmost in pacifying criticism while retaining Joffre, behind
whose imperturbable authority the bureaux of G.H.Q. acted as
they pleased. In Dec. 1915 the endeavour to impose an effective
control on G.H.Q. took shape in the appointment of Joffre as
commander-in-chief of French forces in all theatres; but in
assuming the new and wider responsibility Joffre managed to
retain his immediate command of the armies of the western
front, from which it had been intended to remove him by this
step. Complaints, however, which had grown more and more
audible as each offensive of 1915 ended in disappointment, came
to a head in the winter of 1915-6 when the French Parliament
became alarmed about the state of the Verdun front. To direct
inquiry by the Government, Joffre returned a direct answer that
this front was safe and well equipped coupled with a protest
against any reports bemg listened to other than his own, and
when the storm of the German offensive broke upon this front,
found it weak, and nearly swept it away, Joffre's prestige
received a blow from which it did not recover. Although the
policy of the Briand Government towards the general survived
both the resignation of Gallieni and the secret session on Verdun,
the slow progress of the battle of the Somme and the disastrous
sequel to Rumania's intervention led in Nov. to the final step
being taken. Nivelle was placed in charge of the armies in
France, Sarrail restored to his independence as commander in
the east, and Joffre called to Paris as " technical adviser to
the Government" (Dec. 13). A few days later (Dec. 16) he was
created a marshal of France the first since 1870. Thencefor-
ward his role in the war was that of a spectator, except for a
period in which he was sent on a mission to the United States
(spring 1917). ' Marshal Joffre was elected a member of the
Academic Franqaise in 1918. Having in July 1914 been given
the grand cross of the Legion of Honour, he had received the
still higher honour of the medaille mililaire in Nov. 1914.
His evidence before the Briey Commission as to the early events
of the war, republished under the title La preparation de la guerre et
la conduits des operations, is the most important document that has
appeared on the French side concerning 1914. The story of his ten-
ure of the command, on its political side is given in Mermeix's Les
Crises du Commandement, part i.
JOHANNESBURG, TRANSVAAL, S. AFRICA (see 15.431). At
the 1911 census the pop. within the municipal area was 237,104,
compared with 155,642 in 1904. In the interval Johannesburg
had outstripped Cape Town in number of inhabitants and had
become the largest city in Africa S. of Egypt. In 1919 the pop.
was estimated at 260,000, of whom 149,750 were whites (the
white pop. in 1904 having been 83,903).
Though other industries were developed the life of Johannes-
burg continued to be bound up with the working of the Witwaters-
rand gold-mines, and it is the business centre for the other
municipalities on the Rand, some of which grew at a more rapid
rate than Johannesburg itself. Improvement in the amenities
of the town were carried out with energy, largely the result of
the activities of the town council which acquired and worked all
public utility sendees and possessed live stock and produce
markets. New law courts, a new town hall and a municipal art
gallery (the last in Joubert Park) were completed between 1910
and 1915. Eighty acres of Milner Park were given in 1916 by
the town council as a site for a university; owing to the World
War building did not begin till 1920. The proposed university
became a constituent college of the university of South Africa,
and includes the S.A. School of Mines and Technology (situated
in Plein Square), and, since 1919, schools of anatomy and art.
Many street improvements were effected, the suburbs provided
with open spaces, and churches, clubs and handsome business
premises erected by private enterprise. The Asiatic and native
locations at Vrededorp, little over a mile from the centre of the
city, were however allowed to remain in an insanitary and
shocking condition. The S.A. Asiatic Inquiry Commission after
a visit in 1920 wrote of the location, "It is difficult to conceive of
a worse slum existing in any part of the world."
Johannesburg retains its position as the chief horse-racing centre
in South Africa, and from 1919, when an aerodrome was laid out, it
also became a centre for air travel.
The rateable value of the municipality for 1919-20 was 34,358,000
(including 14,565,000 land value) and the rate 7d. in the on site
values. The municipal income in 1918-9 was 1,988,000, the
expenditure 1,934,000. In that year the net profit on the trading
departments' transactions (gas, electricity, tramways, water and
markets) was 149,000.
Johannesburg was the scene of serious riots in 1913-4 arising out
of strikes by white miners and railwaymen and of ^anti-German
riots in 1915 when, following the sinking of the " Lusitania,"
property valued at fully 500,000 was destroyed. In 1917 the first
S.A. trade union congress was held in the city. In 1919 there were
strikes and disturbances among the native workers in the mines.
JOHN, AUGUSTUS EDWYN (1879- ), British painter, was
born at Tenby on Jan. 4 1879. He received his art education
at the Slade School, London, and afterwards worked in Paris,
later spending some time in Provence. He became a regular
exhibitoj at the New English Art Club, and in 1901-2 was teacher
of art in the university of Liverpool, returning to London in 1902.
He early became prominent as a powerful draughtsman and paint-
er with a fine sense of design. His earlier work includes " The
Way Down to the Sea" (1906), lent by Mr. John Quinn to the
Metropolitan Museum of New York; " The Kitchen Garden,"
"The Smiling Woman" (1910) and "The Mumpers" (1912).
For the Arts and Crafts Exhibition at Burlington House 1916,
he executed a mural decoration illustrating " Peasant Industry."
During the war he held a commission as official artist in the
Canadian Corps, and exhibited at the Canadian War Memorial
Exhibition 1919 a cartoon for a large decoration, " Canadians
opposite Lens." He was later commissioned by the Imperial
authorities to paint the chief characters of the Peace Conference.
These portraits include two of the Emir Faisal and of Mr. W. M.
Hughes, and those of Lt.-Col. T. E. Lawrence (presented to the
Tate Gallery by the Duke of Westminster), Sir Robert Borden
and Mr. Massey. He also painted portraits of Mr. Lloyd George
(1916), Mr. Bernard Shaw (1916), Lord Fisher (1917), Lord
Sumner (1918-9) and the Marchesa Casati (1918-9). His
etchings form an important part of his work, the majority
being produced between 1901-10. They include portraits, single
figures and groups. He is marked among his contemporaries by
his choice of figure subjects and a preference for small plates.
He is represented in the Tate Gallery by several pictures, includ-
ing " The Smiling Woman," " Peasant Industry," "Robin "
(1917-8), and " Rachael," and in the Print Room of the British
Museum. His early work, with its definite contour enclosing
areas of colour, relates him to the quattrocento Italian painters.
Distortion for personal emphasis and decorative effect is another
marked characteristic. In 1921 he was elected A.R.A.
JOHN, GRIFFITH (1831-1912), Welsh missionary, was born at
Swansea Dec. 14 1831. He was brought up a Congregationalist,
and at the age of eight was admitted to full membership of his
chapel. When only fourteen he delivered his first sermon at a
prayer meeting; aj; sixteen he became a regular preacher, and was
subsequently trained at the Brecon Congregational College for
the ministry. In 1853 he offered his services to the London
Missionary Society, and after two years' training sailed for
Shanghai in 1855. His work in China covered a period of 55
years. In 1861 he went from Shanghai through the provinces of
central China, which he was the first Christian missionary to
penetrate, and he claimed that with his colleagues he had
established over 100 mission stations in Hu-peh and Hu-nan.
He acquired an intimate knowledge of the Chinese language and
literature, and translated the New Testament and a great part
of the Old into more than one Chinese dialect. In the Yang-tsze
valley he founded a theological college for native preachers,
which bears his name. In 191 1 his health finally gave way and he
returned to England. He died at Hampstead July 25 1912.
JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY (see 15.460) moved in 1916
to its new site at Homewood in the northern suburbs of Baltimore,
66o
JOHNSON JUTLAND, BATTLE OF
and all departments were established there except those o
graduate chemistry, medicine and hygiene. On the resignatioi
in Jan. 1913 of Dr. Remsen, Dr. Frank J. Goodnow, who hai
been associated with the faculty of Columbia since 1883, took hi
place as president in Oct. 1914.
The faculty in 1920 numbered 380, the students 3,300, as agains
175 faculty members and 683 students in 1907. In 1920 the library
contained 226,000 bound volumes. In 1909 college courses wer
established for teachers and others (both men and women), given a
afternoon and evening hours and on Saturday mornings, and lead
ing to the degrees of Bachelor of Science and Bachelor of Arts
Summer courses, graduate and collegiate, work in which is credilec
towards various degrees, were inaugurated in 1911, and in 1916
evening classes were added under the title " courses in busines
economics " and " courses for technical workers," the latter con
ducted by the engineering department. These are open to men anc
women. By Act of the Maryland Legislature the department o
engineering was established in 1912. This provided four-year courses
in civil, electrical and mechanical engineering and in chemistry, as
well as advanced graduate courses.
In June 1916, the Rockefeller Foundation of New York notified
the university that the Foundation was prepared " to cooperate
with the University in the establishment of a School of Hygiene anc
Public Health for the advancement of knowledge and the training
of investigators, teachers, officials and other workers in these fields."
The offer was accepted. Dr. William H. Welch was appointed
director and Dr. William H. Howell was named to assist in the
work of organization and administration. The main objects of the
school were to establish courses for the training of qualified persons
for public health work, to promote investigative work in hygiene
and preventive medicine and to provide opportunities for the
training of investigators in these subjects. Men and women are
admitted on the same terms.
JOHNSON, HIRAM WARREN ( 1 866- ) , American politician,
was born at Sacramento, Cal., Sept. 2 1866. He entered the
university of California but did not finish his course. He became
a reporter, at the same time studying law in his father's office; was
admitted to the bar in 1888; and practised with his father and
his brother in Sacramento. In 1902 he established his office in
San Francisco, where he became widely known for the vigour and
success with which, as prosecuting attorney, he proceeded against
dishonest public officials and corporations. He was elected
governor of California for the term 1911-5; and in 1912 was an
unsuccessful candidate for vice-president (on the ticket with
Theodore Roosevelt), as the nominee of the short-lived National
Progressive party, which he had helped to organize. As governor
he signed in 1913 the Webb anti-alien bill, designed to prohibit
the ownership of land in California by Japanese, although the
President had asked for delay. He was reflected governor 1915-9
but resigned in 1917, having been elected a U.S. senator. He
opposed many of the policies of President Wilson's administration
and declared that a league of nations would involve the United
States in European wars. At the Republican National Conven-
tion in 1920 he had considerable support as presidential candi-
date, especially from those opposed to the League of Nations and
the Treaty of Peace as submitted to the Senate.
JOHNSTON, SIR HENRY HAMILTON (1858- ), English
administrator and writer (see 15.473), has published in recent
years A History of the British Empire in Africa (1910); The
Negro in the New World (1910) ; The Opcning-up of Africa (1911) ;
Pioneers in West Africa (1911-3) and Comparative Study of the
Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages (vol. i., 19^9). He has also
come forward as a novelist. The Gay-Dombeys (1919) was an
attempt to follow up the subsequent lives of some of Dickens's
characters, and he employed the same method in Mrs. Warren's
Daughter (1920), a " continuation " of G. B. Shaw's play,
Mrs. Warren's Profession.
JONES, EMILY ELISABETH CONSTANCE (1848- ), English
educator, was born at Langstone Court, Hereford., in 1848.
She was educated partly privately and partly at a school in
Cheltenham, and afterwards went to Girton College, Cambridge,
where she took a first-class in the moral sciences tripos in 1880.
In 1884 she was appointed a resident lecturer at Girton, and in
1896 became vice-mistress of the college. She became mistress of
Girton in 1903, and in 1916 retired.
Miss Jones published various works on moral science, including
Elements of Logic as a Science of Propositions (1890); Primer of
Logic (1905); Primer of Ethics (1909); and A New Law of Thought
and its Logical Bearings (1911). She also, with Miss E. Hamilton
translated Lotze s Mikrokosmus (1885), and has edited (1902) Henrv
Sidgwick's Lectures on T. H. Green, Herbert Spencer and J. Martineau.
JONES, HENRY ARTHUR (1851- ), English dramatist
(see .15.498), produced subsequently to 1910 The Ogre (1911);
The Divine Gift and Mary Goes First (both 1913); The Lie (1914)
and Cock o' the Walk (1915), both produced in America; and
The Pacifists, a war play produced at the St. James's theatre,
London, in 1917. He also published some notable essays on
patriotism and on education, and in 1920-1 carried on a vigorous
newspaper polemic against Bolshevism and against the views
of Mr. H. G. Wells and Mr. Bernard Shavy.
JONES, THOMAS RUPERT (1819-1911), English geologist
(see 15.500), died at Chesham, Bucks., April 13 1911.
JOSEPH, former Archduke of Austria (1872- ), Austro-
Hungarian field-marshal, was born at the chateau of Alcsuth in
Hungary May 24 1872. The prince belongs to the " Hungarian
branch " of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine, and is a nephew
of the last Palatine of Hungary, the Archduke Stephen. In his
military career Joseph of Habsburg took over at the outbreak of
the World War the post of commander of the 31 st (Budapest)
Div. of infantry. He fought against Serbia, then in the Carpa-
thians, and in Poland against Russia; subsequently he com-
manded the IX. Corps in nine battles on the Isonzo, then com-
manded on the Russian front, extending from the S.E. corner of
Transylvania along the ridges of the Carpathians as far as the
Upper Theiss, and finally was leader of the V. Army against
Italy. He displayed conspicuous personal bravery, and under-
stood in a remarkable degree how to attach the troops to his per-
son. During the reign of the Emperor- King Charles the Archduke
Joseph repeatedly took a prominent part in politics. At the
outbreak of the revolution he conducted negotiations, as homo
regius, between King Charles and the Karolyi party (see HUN-
GARY). After the fall of the Soviet Republic he was at first made
Regent of Hungary (Aug.-Sept. 1919), but was compelled to
retire owing to the intervention of the Entente Powers, who
would not permit any Habsburg to hold a commanding position
in Hungary. He married in 1893 the Princess Augusta of Bavaria
and has continued to live in Hungary.
JUTLAND, BATTLE OF. The battle of Jutland (known to the
Germans as the battle of Skagerrak), fought between the Brit-
sh Grand Fleet and the German High Sea Fleet on May 31 1916,
round a position in lat. 57 N.,long. 6 E., 75 m. from the coast
of Denmark, was the one great fleet action during the World War.
The appointment of Vice-Adml. Reinhold Scheer to command
the German High Sea Fleet in Jan. 1916 was the harbinger of a
more offensive naval policy on the German side. The tempo-
rary cessation of their submarine operations in April 1916, follow-
ng on the American note of April 18, set free a number of German
submarines for fleet operations, and Scheer devised a plan for the
iigh Sea Fleet to appear off the Norwegian coast in the hope that
he British fleet would put to sea and be attacked by submarines
ying in wait for it. With this object in view, 14 submarines were
despatched to the Dutch coast and took up their position as fol-
ows: Off Scapa U44, U43; off Kinnaird Head U47; off the
Forth U66, U63, Usi, U32, U7o, U24, U52; off the Tyne U24;
3ff the Humber UB22, UBzi; off the Dogger Bank U67. Their
movements had not escaped notice. The British Admiralty
was on the alert. Indications derived from wireless directionals
icinted to some exceptional undertaking, and in the afternoon of
tfay 30 the C.-in-C. was warned of the probability of the High
Sea Fleet coming out. The Grand Fleet at the time was in three
ivisions. Adml. Jellicoe was at Scapa with the main body,
omprising the ist and 4th Battle Squadrons, the 3rd B.C.S.,
he 2nd C.S. and three destroyer flotillas. The 2nd B.S. and ist
3.S. were at Cromarty. Beatty with the battle cruisers and 5th
J.S. was in the Forth. The order to prepare for sea, went out at
140 P.M. The Cromarty detachment was ordered to join the
aattle fleet at sea, and by 10 P.M. the battle fleet had passed
loxa gate on its way to a rendezvous in lat. 57 45' N., long. 4
5' E., 240 m. from Scapa. Beatty had received orders to pro-
JUTLAND, BATTLE OF
661
ceed to a position in lat. 56 40' N., long. 5 E., and by midnight
the whole British fleet was at sea, making swiftly for the Bight.
Never had so mighty an array been marshalled under one
command as that which was led by Adml. Jellicoe. One hundred
and fifty-one pennants were flown, with the flags of 15 admirals,
and the ships comprised 28 dreadnoughts, 9 battle cruisers, 9
cruisers, 22 light cruisers and 82 destroyers. Forty more de-
stroyers might have been added, but for the fact that the Har-
wich flotillas were retained in harbour, straining at their leash.
Commodore Tyrwhitt the next day, seeing the battle signals
coming in, put to sea after them, but was ordered back to har-
bour in spite of a promise made by the C.-in-C. in Nov. 1914
that his flotillas should reenforce the Grand Fleet when word
arrived that an action was imminent. The word arrived at 4:51
P.M. on May 31, but the Harwich force was not sent.
Vice-Adml. Hipper, commanding the German advance force,
had left the Jade at 2 A.M. and was followed half an hour later
by the German battle fleet. Though inferior to the British, it
mustered 16 dreadnoughts, 6 pre-dreadnoughts, 5 battle crui-
sers, ii light cruisers and 72 destroyers. Mine-sweepers had
cleared the way for it past Amrum Bank, and Adml. Hipper
proceeded N. with orders to show himself off the Skagerrak
before dark, cruise there during the night, and join the main
fleet the next day.
The constitution of the British fleet was in detail as follows I-
MAIN BODY
Fleet Flagship, " Iron Duke "
(C.-in-C., Adml. Sir John Jellicoe; Chief of Staff, Vice-Adml.
SirChas. Madden), with attached destroyers " Oak," " Abdid."
2ND B.S. (Vice-Adml. Sir Thos. H. Jerram) :
1st Div.:
" King George V." (flag),
" Ajax,"
" Centurion,"
" Erin "
(all 10 13-5-in.).
2nd Div.:
" Orion " (Rear-Adml. A. C. Leveson),
" Monarch,"
" Conqueror,"
" Thunderer "
(all 10 13-5-in.).
4TH B.S. (Vice-Adml. Sir Doveton Sturdee) :
3rd Div.:
" Iron Duke " (C.-in-C.; 10 13'5-in.),
" Royal Oak " (8 15-in.),
" Superb " (Rear-Adml. Alex. L. Duff; 10 12-in.),
" Canada " (10 14-in.).
4th Div.:
" Benbow " (flag; 10 13'5-in.),
" Bellerophon " (10 12-in.),
" Temeraire " (10 12-in.),
" Vanguard " (10 12-in.).
1ST B.S. (Vice-Adml. Sir Cecil Burney):
5th Div.:
" Colossus " (Rear-Adml. E. F. Gaunt),
" Collingwood,"
" Neptune,"
" St. Vincent "
(all 10 12-in.).
6th Div.:
" Marlborough " (flag; 10 13'5-in.),
" Revenge " (8 is-in.),
" Hercules " (10 12-in.),
" Agincourt " (14 12-in.).
With attached light cruisers " Boadicea," " Blanche," " Bellofia,"
" Active."
1ST C.S. (Rear-Adml. Sir Robert Arbuthnot) :
" Defence " (flag; 4 g-2-in., 10 y-5-in.),
" Warrior " (6 9-2-10., 4 y-5-in.),
" Duke of Edinburgh " (6 g-2-in., 10 6-in.),
" Black Prince " (6 9-2-in., 10 6-in.).
2ND C.S. (Rear-Adml. H. L. Heath; 10 7-5-in.):
" Minotaur " (flag; 4 9-2-in.),
" Hampshire " (4 y-5-in., 6 6-in.),
" Coclirane " (6 g-2-in., 4 y-5-in.),
" Shannon " (4 9'2-in., 10 7~5-in.).
3RD B.C.S. (Rear-Adml. Hon. Horace Hood):
" Invincible " (flag; 8 12-in.),
" Indomitable " (8 12-in.),
" Inflexible " (8 12-in.).
4TH L.C.S. (Commodore C. Le Mesurier) :
" Calliope,"
" Constance,"
" Comus,"
" Caroline,"
" Royalist "
Attached light cruisers
Chester," " Canterbury."
DESTROYERS WITH BRITISH MAIN BODY
IITH FLOTILLA: "Castor" (Commodore Jas. R. P. Hawkesley,
Commodore),
" Kempenfelt," " Ossory," " Mystic," " Moon," " Morning
Star," " Magic," " Mounsey," " Mandate," " Marne," " Min-
ion," " Manners," " Michael," " Mons," " Martial," " Mil-
brook."
(Capt. Anselm Stirling, Comm.),
" Maenad," " Opal," " Mary Rose,"
Nessus," " Narwhal," " Mindful,"
" Nonsuch," " Noble," " Mischief."
(Capt. Chas. J. Wintour, Comm.),
Porpoise," " Spitfire," " Unity," " Gar-
I2TH FLOTILLA: " Faulknor
" Marksman," " Obedient,
" Marvel," " Menace,"
" Onslaught," " Munster,'
4TH FLOTILLA: " TipperaryJ
Brook," " Achates,"
land," " Ambuscade," " Ardent," " Fortune," " Sparrow-
hawk," " Contest," " Shark," " Acasta," " Ophelia," " Chris-
topher," " Owl," " Hardy," " Midge."
ADVANCED FORGE
Battle Cruiser Fleet, Flagship, " Lion "
Vice-Adml. Sir David Beatty; Chief of Staff, Capt. R. W.
Bentinck (8 13'5-in.).
IST B.C.S. :
" Princess Royal " (flag; Rear-Adml. Osmond de B. Brook),
" Queen Mary,"
" Tiger"
(all 8 l3-5-'n-).
2ND B.C.S.:
" New Zealand " (flag; Rear-Adml. Wm. C. Pakenham, 8 12-in.),
" Indefatigable " (8 12-in.).
5TH B.S.:
" Barham " (flag; Rear-Adml. Hugh Evan-Thomas),
" Valiant, "
" Warspite,"
" Malaya "
(all 8~l5-in.).
IST L.C.S. :
" Galatea " (flag; Commodore E. S. Alexander-Sinclair),
" Phaeton,"
" Inconstant,"
" Cordelia."
2ND L.C.S.:
" Southampton " (flag; Commodore W. E. Goodenough),
" Birmingham,"
" Nottingham,"
" Dublin."
3RD L.C.S.:
" Falmouth " (Commodore T. D. W. Napier),
" Yarmouth,"
" Birkenhead,"
" Gloucester."
DESTROYERS WITH ADVANCED FORCE
IST FLOTILLA: "Fearless" (Capt. C. D. Roper, Comm.),
" Acheron," " Ariel," " Attack," " Hydra," " Badger," " Gos-
hawk," " Defender," " Lizard," " Lapwing."
I3TH FLOTILLA: "Champion" (Capt. J. U. Farie, Comm.),
" Nestor," " Nomad," ' Narborough," " Obdurate," " Petard,"
" Pelican," " Nerissa," " Onslow," " Moresby," " Nicator."
9TH AND IOTH FLOTILLAS (Harwich) : " Lydiard " (Comdr. Malcolm
Goldsmith),
" Liberty," " Landrail," " Laurel," " Moorsom," " Morris,"
" Turbulent," ," Termagant."
Seaplane Carrier, " Engadine."
The German High Sea Fleet was organized as follows:
MAIN BODY
Fleet Flagship, " Friedrich der Grosse "
(C.-in-C., Vice-Adml. Reinhold Scheer; Chief of Staff, Capt.
Adolf von Trotha).
3RD SQUADRON (Rear-Adml. Behncke) :
$th Div.: 6th Div.:
" Konig " (flag), " Kaiser,"
" Grosser Kurfurst," " Kaiserin,"
" Kronprinz," " Prinzregent Luitpold "
" Markgraf " (all 10 12-in.).
(all 10 12-in.).
IST SQUADRON (Vice-Adml. Ehrhard Schmidt):
ist Div.: 2nd Div.:
" Ostfriesland " (flag), " Posen,"
" Thiiringen," " Rheinland,"
" Helgoland," " Nassau,"
" Oldenburg " " Westfalen "
(all 12 12-in.). (all 12 ii-in.).
662
JUTLAND, BATTLE OF
2ND SQUADRON (Rear-Adml. Mauve) :
3rd Div.: 4th Dili.:
" Deutschland " (flag), " Hannover,"
" Hessen," " Schlesien,"
" Pommern " " Schleswig-Holstein "
(all 4 ll-in.). (all 4 n-in.).
4TH SCOUTING GROUP (Light Cruisers; Commodore von Reuter):
" Stettin," " Miinchen," " Frauenlob," " Stuttgart," " Ham-
burg."
DESTROYERS WITH MAIN BODY
" Rostock," light cruiser (Commodore Michelsen, First Commo-
dore T. B. Forces).
IST HALF FLOTILLA (Comdr. Albrecht) : 639 and 5 boats.
3RD FLOTILLA (Capt. Bost): GIOI and 10 boats.
5TH FLOTILLA (Capt. Heinecke): Gil and 10 boats.
7TH FLOTILLA (Capt. von Koch) : 824 and 10 boats.
ADVANCED FORCE
(Vice-Adml. Hipper).
IST SCOUTING GROUP 2ND SCOUTING GROUP (Light
Cruisers) :
" Liitzow " (8 12-in.), " Frankfurt " (flag; Rear-
Adml. Bodicker),
" Derfflinger " (8 12-in.), " Pillau,"
" Seydlitz " (8 12-in.), " Elbing,"
" Moltke " (10 ii-in.), " Wiesbaden."
" Von der Tann " (8 n-in).
DESTROYERS WITH ADVANCED FORCE
" Regensburg," light cruiser (Commodore Heinrich, Second Com-
modore T. B. Forces).
2ND FLOTILLA (Capt. Schuur) : 698 and 10 boats.
6TH FLOTILLA (Capt. Max Schultz) : 641 and 10 boats.
9TH FLOTILLA (Capt. Gohle) : V28 and 10 boats.
The British fleet was decidedly superior in almost every
material element of fighting strength except armour protection,
in which Beatty's battle cruisers were inferior to Hipper's.
The following table gives the aggregate strength of the oppos-
ing forces: ADVANCED FORCES
Dreadnoughts
Battle cruisers
Light cruisers
Destroyers
Seaplane carrier .
British
German
6
12
29
I
o
5
5
33
o
MAIN BODY
Dreadnoughts
Pre-dreadnoughts
Battle cruisers
Armoured cruisers . i .
Light cruisers
Destroyers ...
British
German
24
o
3
8
10
53
16
6
o
6
39
The total fleet on both sides may further be classified thus:
British
German
Dr.
Pre-
<!r.
B.C.
Cr.
L.C.
T.B.
D.
28
16
o
6
9
5
8
22
I I
82
72
On a tonnage basis the British fleet had a superiority of
about seven to four. Its superiority in heavy guns was equally
marked. The British had a total of 344 heavy guns (48 is-in.,
10 i4-in., 142 i3-5-in., 144 12-in.) with a weight of discharge of
396,700 Ib. The Germans had'a total of 244 heavy guns (144 12-
in. and 100 n-in.) with a weight of discharge of 189,940!^ The
British fleet was also considerably superior in speed. Its slowest
battleship had a sea-going speed of 20 knots, its fastest (the
Barham class) could do 25. The German Konigs, in spite of a
current belief that they could do 23 knots, did little more than
21, and the six Deutschlands of the 2nd Squadron only 16.
Neither submarine nor aircraft played any actual part in the
battle. In spite of numerous reports to the contrary, there was
not a single submarine with either fleet nor in the immediate
vicinity. A single seaplane was flown from the " Engadine "
(with Beatty's force) but its report never reached the " Lion."
The Germans had five Zeppelins on reconnaissance work to the
N.W. of Heligoland, but they saw nothing of the battle.
At 2 P.M. the forces were in the position shown in fig. i.
Beatty bore S.S.E. from Jellicoe. Criticism has been directed
against the distance at which he was operating from the main
qJELLICOE
'
! 551 Si
3 IS 19k
3.iS20k
'...,'_ 44 m 6HIPPER
6'* B.S ' 'ft "..TlV;5-
I'B.C.S '., GALATEA \
BEATTY
I
T.H \ \" "
ClfN
%SCHEER
HI,
JUTLAND
FIG.1
POSITION 2.30P.M.
DENMARK
Horns flee/ .
body. It may be said that, though the speed of the battle crui-
sers and the presence of the sth Battle Squadron greatly dimin-
ished the danger of operating so far apart, there was no real
advantage in it; and had the distance of the battle fleet been
reduced to 30 m., the battle would have been joined an hour
earlier. The wide separation of the two forces introduced a fur-
ther complication. No arrangements had been made for main-
taining visual touch, with the result that a discrepancy arose
between the reckonings of the two forces, which led later to un-
certainty as to the " Lion's " position and that of the enemy.
Both Jellicoe and Beatty were behind time in reaching their
positions. Jellicoe's fleet was in six columns disposed abeam i m.
apart on a S. 50 E. course zigzagging at 15 knots, with the first
C.S. and second C.S. some 6 m. ahead spread 4 m. apart. Hood
and ths 3rd B.C.S. were some 20 m. ahead of him on the port
bow. At 2:15 Beatty had reached his rendezvous and turned to
N.E. to join the main body. The four battle cruisers of the ist
B.C.S. were in single line, led by the "Lion" and screened by
the i3th Flotilla; the sth B.S. was 5 m. off to the N.N.W.
screened by the ist Flotilla; the 2nd B.C.S. was 3 m. E.N.E. of
the "Lion." The 12 light cruisers of the ist, 2nd, 3rd L.C.S.
were spread on a line bearing E.N.E. 8 m. apart, with the centre
of the screen bearing S.S.E. 8 m. from the " Lion." Meanwhile
Hipper's force of 5 battle cruisers, 5 light cruisers and 33 de-
stroyers was on a northerly course some 50 m. ahead of Scheer
and about 50 m. E. of Beatty. His light cruisers, with a num-
ber of attendant destroyers, were spread in a semicircle about
10 m. ahead. The German main fleet of 22 battleships, coming
on behind him, was in line ahead, steering N. at 14 knots with the
seven Konigs in the van, the Heligolands led by the " Friedrich
der Grosse " in the centre and the Deutschlands in the rear.
The battleships were 763 yd. and squadrons 3,800 yd. apart.
The battle which followed may be divided conveniently into
three principal phases:
Phase I.: 2:15 to 5:40 P.M. The battle-cruiser action between
Beatty and Hipper. Hipper's junction with Scheer and the run
the north.
Phase II.: 5:40 to o P.M. The junction with Jellicoe, the de-
ployment of the British battle fleet at 6:15; Scheer's turn-away at
6:35. Scheer's return and second turn-away at 7:17 P.M. The British
turn-away at 7:22 P.M. Beatty's engagement at 8:17 P.M.
Phase III.: 9 P.M. to 3:30 A.M. The British fleet steers south.
Scheer shapes course to the S.S.E. across its stern, breaks through the
British destroyer flotillas and reaches Horn's Reef.
JUTLAND, BATTLE OF
663
To return to the action impending between the battle cruisers.
About 2:10 the " Elbing," on the left wing of Hipper's screen of
light cruisers, sighted a neutral steamer and despatched a de-
stroyer to examine it. The " Galatea " sighted the steamer and
destroyer and proceeded to close them. The two forces were in
touch and the light cruisers began to stream down to the point
of contact, while Beatty altered course to S.S.E. at 2:32 P.M. to
cut the enemy off from Horn's Reef. The sth B.S. unfortunately
did not immediately follow suit, but continued on its northerly
course till 2:40 P.M., opening its distance from 5 to over 7 m. so
that subsequently a considerable delay was caused in its coming
into action. Hipper's light cruisers proceeded to chase the
"Galatea " to the N.W., while the battle-cruiser forces, working
up to full speed, came hurrying up to the support of their light
cruisers.
At 3:24 P.M. the smoke of Hipper's battle cruisers could be
seen, and at 3:30 they came in sight of the " Lion " bearing N.E.
and steering N.N.W. Beatty now increased to 25 knots, and
ordered the 2nd B.C.S. to take station astern. The enemy were
still some 23,000 yd. off. Everything augured well for the com-
ing battle. The visibility was good, the sun was behind the
British squadron and the wind southeast. At 3:45 Beatty
made a signal to the battle cruisers to form on a line of bearing
N. W. to clear the smoke ; but he had hardly done so when, at 3 148
P.U., the "Liitzow" opened fire at 14,250 yd., and both squad-
rons turned to the S. to engage. Beatty's battle cruisers were
now in single line ahead, Hipper's in starboard quarter line, and
a fierce action ensued between the two squadrons, running to
the S. on parallel courses at ranges varying from 14,500 to
20,000 yards. The action had hardly lasted a quarter of an
hour when one of the*' Lion's " turrets was hit by a shell which
burst inside and put the turret out of action. Maj. Francis
Hervey, R.M.A., the officer of the turret, though mortally
wounded, ordered the magazine doors to be closed, a precau-
tion which saved the ship from destruction and won him a V.C.
in death. Almost at the same time a salvo from the " Von der
Tann " struck the " Indefatigable " (Capt. C. F. Sowerby) by
the after-turret at 4:2 P.M., and drove her out of line, sinking
by the stern. As the fleet went on, another salvo struck her for-
ward and she turned over and disappeared.
The sth B.S., which was some 7 m. behind Beatty when the
action began, did not get within range till about 4:11 P.M.; it
then opened fire at 19,000 yd. on the rear ship, the " Von der
Tann." By 4:16 the " Moltke " was also under its fire, but the
light was becoming difficult and the enemy could not be clearly
seen. Another disaster now befell the British battle cruisers. At
4^26 P.M. a salvo from the " Derfflinger " struck the " Queen
Mary," causing an explosion in the forepart of the ship, and she
sank by the bows with the stern high in the air. Then followed
a terrific explosion, which rent the whole ship, and she disap-
peared in a dense pall of smoke. The " Tiger " and " New
Zealand " passed through the dreadful cloud with a rain of de-
bris falling on their decks. But the fire of the British battle
cruisers, joined to that of the 5th B.S., was now telling heavily on
the enemy; and at 4:30 P.M. Hipper turned abruptly four points
to port and proceeded E., with the " Liitzow " on fire.
The loss of these two British battle cruisers must be attributed
to insufficient armour protection and defective turret construction,
which allowed flash and flame to pass into the magazines. The
Germans had profited by the lesson learnt at the Dogger Bank,
when the turrets of the " Seydlitz " were burnt out, and their
turrets had been equipped with suitable safeguards.
As early as 4:15 P.M. the I3th Flotilla, on the " Lion's "
starboard side, had been ordered to attack and, crossing the
" Lion's " bows about 4:30 P.M., rushed to the S.E. to do so. The
German destroyers came out to meet them, and a sharp destroyer
action developed between the two lines. Two German boats
were lost V27 sunk by gunfire and V2p by a torpedo from
the "Petard." The "Nestor" (Comdr. Hon. E. A. Bingham),
" Nomad " and " Nicator " pressed boldly on to the E. and
pushed home their attack, but were badly hit, and the first two
were left helpless between the lines, to be sunk by a tornado of
fire from the German battle fleet as it came up. Their crews were
saved by German destroyers, and Comdr. Bingham was awarded
a V.C. No torpedoes got home on either side.
*" MARLBOROUQH So
402 Mrfatigrtl*
FIG. 2
BATTLE CRUISER ACTION
3.40-6.65 P.M.
, , * . . mite*
SCHEER
It was now 4:33 P.M. The battle cruisers had run some 20 m.
to the S. since the action commenced, when the " Southampton,"
4 m. ahead of the " Lion," suddenly sighted the enemy's battle
fleet to the S.E. for the first time during the war. The great
opportunity so eagerly awaited in the British fleet seemed to
have come at last. The German fleet was some 14 m. off, and at
4:40 P.M. Beatty, still well beyond its range, turned to the N. to
draw it back on Jellicoe and the battle fleet. The 5th B.S. was
coming down from the N. and at 4:48 P.M. he signalled to them to
turn. Unfortunately the rear-admiral delayed his turn till 4:56
and ran past the battle cruisers, perhaps with the intention of
covering them, but with the result that the squadron came under
a heavy fire from the leading division of Scheer's battle fleet, and
the " Barham," " Warspite " and " Malaya " were severely hit.
Scheer, on receiving information of the British battle cruisers at
3:35, had closed his line to battle formation (ships 545 yd. and
squadrons 1,090 yd. apart). At 4:5 P.M. he altered course N.W.
and increased to 15 knots, and at4:2o altered course to' W., in-
tending to catch Beatty between two fires. But hearing that
five battleships had joined in the fight he thought better of it and
turned to north. At 4:30 the British forces were in sight. The
weather was clear, with a light breeze from north-west. At
4:45 fire was opened by the Konigs in the van on the sth B.S.
Hipper, as he saw the battle fleet coming up, turned to star-
board at 4:48 and took station 7 m. ahead of it.
Now commenced a long rush to the N., with Scheer some 10 m.
on Beatty's starboard quarter and Hipper 9 m. or so to the east-
ward. At 4:45 P.M. Jellicoe was some 66 m. to the N.W., and
Hood with the 3rd B.C.S. some 30 m. to the N.N.E., so that
Scheer was approaching the mouth of a trap, with Jellicoe to the
N.W.,Hoodto the N.E., and Beatty to the W. shepherding him
in. Beatty's squadron had suffered severely, but if he could once
bring Scheer within reach of the thunderbolt coming down on
him from the N.W. his losses should be amply avenged.
Jellicoe meanwhile, going S.E. by S. at 19 knots, had received
news of the enemy battle cruisers at 3 :4o P.M., and had increased
to 20 knots at 3:59. Hood had been ordered to proceed to
Beatty's support at 4:5 and had shaped course S.S.E. at 25
664
JUTLAND, BATTLE OF
knots, a course which turned out very happily in the end, and
gave the enemy an entirely wrong idea of the tactical situation.
The discrepancies in reckoning, in conjunction with mistakes
arising from the clumsy form of latitude and longitude code in
JELLICOE
>
S
"f -..,...
BEATTY 4""'--.
I.. .S-M "-*-.
^*UC
JUTLAND
FIG. 3
"'-.. 5 HIPPER
\ ISO.
SCHEER
use at the time, made it difficult for the C.-in-C. to get a clear
idea of the exact situation, but by 4:45 P.M. it was clear to him
that the enemy's battle fleet was coming N. and he informed the
Admiralty that a fleet action was imminent. The word ran down
to the dockyards and started a bustle of preparation to meet the
needs of the fleet. It is impossible to give in detail the events of
I fm JflON DUKE i>~'
KOOOUKt .-
"
I
Fig. 4. Discrepancies in Reckonings
(" Iron Duke " and " Lion ").
the next crowded hour. It was of great importance for the
C.-in-C. to get the correct bearing of the enemy battle fleet, but the
wireless reports were confusing for the reasons mentioned above.
The " Iron Duke " was actually some 4 or 5 m. to the S.E. of
her reckoning and the " Lion " some 5 m. to W. of hers, which
threw out their bearings and the estimated positions of the enemy.
The sth B.S., following some 3 m. astern of the " Lion," re-
mained for some time within range of the enemy battle fleet, and
its rear ship, the " Malaya," was being hit right up to 5:35 P.M.
This gave rise to an erroneous idea that the enemy had a speed
much in excess of 21 knots, but it was due to the 5th B.S. running
on a convergent course and not to the enemy's speed, which
never exceeded 21 knots.
Between 5:40 and 6 P.M. two actions developed. The action
between Beatty and Hipper burst out afresh (5:40); the " Ches-
ter " (on the starboard beam of Hood's squadron), coming down
from the N.E., struck the 2nd Scouting Group ahead of Hipper,
got badly mauled and retired leaving the British with the heroic
picture of Boy Jack Cornwell winning the V.C. Hipper, whose
fire was hampered by the setting sun, was heavily hit by Beatty
and was forced to turn to the eastward (5:53). By this time Hood
in the " Invincible " had arrived on the scene some 20 m. to the
E. of Beatty; hearing the roar of the guns, he turned to the N.
with the 3rd B.C.S. (5:57) and engaged the light cruisers of the
2ndS.G. to the W., which were chasing the " Chester " east. The
sudden appearance of battle cruisers to the E. gave Boedicker's
cruisers a severe shock. Hood's i2-in. shell forced them sharply
to the S.E. (5:55), seriously damaging the " Pillau " and sending
the " Wiesbaden " limping W. to her destruction. The " Shark's "
little flotilla behind the 3rd B.C.S. saw the German light
cruisers and pushed boldly out to the N.W. to attack them.
Hipper, now coming E. behind Boedicker, heard the " Invinci-
ble's " guns ahead, thought they were those of the British battle
fleet, took the " Shark " to be the head of a big destroyer attack,
and turned right round to S.W. to close his own battle fleet (6:7).
The German gth Flotilla rushed out to screen their light crui-
sers, drove off the " Shark's " little flotilla and sank the " Shark";
the V'48 was sunk at this time, and, close to where Jack Cornwell
won his V.C., Comm. Loftus Jones, with his leg shot off and his
ship sinking, won another. Hipper, after proceeding to the S.W.
for five minutes, turned round again at 6:12 P.M., and as he came
up on a N.E. course, the little " Acasta " (Lt.-Comdr. J. O. Bar-
ron), which had been trying bravely to help the " Shark," sent
a torpedo into the " Seydlitz."
All this happened some 10 m. ahead of the British battle fleet,
which was now close at hand to the north-west. Its deployment
had been deferred too long, and it was still in divisions disposed
abeam, with the " Marlborough " on the starboard wing. Mist
had come down, reducing the visibility to 5 or 6 m., and it was
difficult to get a correct idea of the situation, for the thunder of
heavy guns could be heard from right ahead (Hood) almost to
the starboard beam (Beatty). The " Lion " had been steering
approximately N. by E. since 5:35 P.M., with the sth Battle
Squadron about 3 m. on her starboard quarter. The "Falmouth/'
ahead of the " Lion," was in touch with the " Black Prince " as
early as 5:30 P.M., but it was not till about 5:55 P.M. that
Beatty's force could be clearly seen. By 6 P.M. the battle fleet
was clearly in sight, and, finding himself converging on the
" Marlborough," which was then some 3 m. N. by E., Beatty
turned to the E. to take station ahead of her. Scheer had de-
ployed at 5:42 P.M. and was now on a N.E. course led by the
"Konig," which at 6:14 P.M. was about 7Jm. 27 on the " Marl-
borough's " starboard bow. At this moment two reports of
the enemy battle fleet came in from the "Barham " and " Lion,"
the former placing it S.S.E., the latter S.S.W. The " Lion "
was then a mile or two sharp on the " Iron Duke's " starboard
bow, going hard to the E. and engaging the enemy. The " Bar-
ham " was some 3 m. off, before the " Iron Duke's " beam, draw-
ing ahead of the " Marlborough " on a S.E. course. In conditions
of low visibility, the C.-in-C. had prescribed a deployment on the
wing next the enemy, and this is evidently what Beatty expected.
But there seemed to be a risk of deployment into single line on
the right wing, involving the " Marlborough " and her division
in a premature action, and the C.-in-C. decided to deploy on the
left wing. The signal, equal speed pennant, C.L. went up at
6:15 P.M.
.
JUTLAND, BATTLE OF
665
With columns covering a front of 5 m., to deploy on the wing
farthest from the enemy meant an increase of the range from
about 8,500 to 13,000 yd., a serious matter when visibility was
.n ^s y
,-iic..
v.
. \ SMI
Xa
,
> 7 .-.KHIPPER \ /
"
.-*! '/,-;^S" lrrcrl '.' A
-''' SCHEER
' SQUADRON
/
FIG. 6
DEPLOYMENT
POSITION e.i9P.M.
not much more than 11,000 yards. But in the mist and uncer-
tainty one thing could be clearly seen.
The " Lion " with Beatty's flag could be seen some 2 m.
ahead of the" Benbow," steering E.S.E. and engaging the enemy.
To bring the enemy within effective range, the C.-in-C. had only
to follow in that direction, ordering the battle fleet to deploy on
one of the centre columns led by the " Benbow " or " Iron Duke."
Whether this course occurred to the C.--in-C. it is impossible to
say (no mention of it appears in his own book). In any case, the
deployment signal did not permit of deployment on a centre
column or on any but a wing column. The deployment therefore
began on the left wing. The " King George V." led out on a S.E.
by E. course; the five leaders of divisions turned to N.E., their
ships formed a long single line behind them and filed round be-
hind the " King George V." The " Defence " ahead of the battle
fleet had already engaged the 2nd S.G. about 5:50 P.M. and now
saw the " Wiesbaden " returning. She pressed impatiently with
the " Warrior " across the bows of the " Lion " to engage her,
only to receive two crushing salvos from the " Liitzow " or
" Friedrich der Grosse," and to blow up at 6:19 P.M. in a vast
pall of smoke. The deployment on the left wing placed Rear-
Adml. Evan-Thomas in a difficult position. The battle orders
instructed him to take station in the van in the event of the
enemy deploying away from Heligoland, but this meant fouling
the range of the battle fleet, and he decided to turn up astern of the
" Marlborough " and made a wide sweep to port to do so; here
the " Warspite's " helm jammed (6:17), and she made a complete
circle to starboard, passing right round the " Warrior," saving
her from the fate of the " Defence." The deployment was com-
pleted by 6:40 P.M. When it started Scheer was coming up on a
N.E. course. By 6:27 P.M. when the fleets engaged, his ist and
3rd Squadrons were on an E.N.E. course, just visible in twos and
threes at about 14,000 yards.
Both fleets were now steering to the E. on approximately
parallel courses. The "Iron Duke" opened fire at 6:30 P.M.,
and between 6:25 P.M. and 6:40 P.M. the British, who had evi-
dently much the better horizon, were able to inflict considerable
punishment on the head of the German line, whose ships could see
nothing but the flashes of the British guns. Meanwhile the
" Invincible " had turned E. ahead of Beatty's squadron and
come into action (6:23 P.M.) with Hipper as he came up again on
a N.E. course. A fierce engagement ensued between them, run-
ning to the S.E. at about 10,000 yd. The mist cleared for a few
minutes, and at 6:34 the " Derfflinger " sent a salvo into the
" Invincible's " midship turret. A tremendous explosion fol-
lowed, the masts collapsed, and the great ship disappeared beneath
the waves, leaving her bow and stem standing as if to mark the
place where an admiral lay. The "Konig " at the head of the
German line had turned to S.E. at 6:33 P.M. Scheer was now
fully alive to the fact that he was facing the entire British fleet.
The whole northern horizon was aflame. He gave the order for a
" battle turn " (Gefechtswendung) . The whole line turned at 6:35
and drew off to westward. In the mist and smoke it was lost
to view and Scheer obtained a much-needed respite.
As the line turned, the German 3rd Flotilla darted out to attack
the British line. It was recalled, but three boats (G88, 73, and
832) went on and, unopposed by any British flotillas, who were
apparently too busy taking up their deployment positions to
notice them, made two attacks on the British line, one of which
was probably responsible for torpedoing the " Marlborough "
at 6:54 P.M. At 6.55 P.M. the long British line turned to S.,
leaders together, bringing the fleet into divisions again with
guides bearing south-east. The movement fulfilled no tactical
purpose. It had taken half an hour to deploy the fleet, and no
sooner was it deployed than it turned back into divisions in a
formation unsuitable either for attack or defence. The " Marl-
borough's " division was left on the right wing, exposed to attack,
uncovered by any of the destroyer flotillas, which remained cling-
ing to the positions given them for deployment in single line.
Beatty grasped the significance of the new formation, and,
turning to allow the 3rd B.C.S. to take station behind him,
shaped course to the S.W. right across the track of the advancing
battle fleet and towards its exposed wing. Scheer was meanwhile
making to the W. in a ragged sort of single line, with the battle
cruisers in rear. The " Liitzow " was down by the bows and on
fire, and Hipper left her to transfer his flag to the " Seydlitz,"
but, finding her full of water with her wireless out of action, went
on to the " Moltke." But the battle cruisers had now turned to
renew the action; the " Moltke " was under fire and could not
stop, and it was 9 P.M. before Hipper could get on board.
When Jellicoe turned to S. at 6:55 P.M. the German fleet was
some 13 m. S.W. of him, making to the westward. Scheer's next
movement was one which exposed him to a tremendous counter-
blow. He still had his whole fleet with him, and as it was too
early to get into formation for the night he decided to turn and
make a determined advance in the teeth of the foe. The motives
actuating him are described by himself as follows. If the British
were following him his move to the W. was nothing more than a
retreat, which would involve the sacrifice of damaged ships and
meant his tactics being dictated by the enemy. It was still less
feasible to try and detach himself from the enemy, leaving the
British C.-in-C. to choose where to engage him in the morning.
The only way of preventing this seemed to be to force the British
into a second battle by another determined advance. This would
be bound to surprise the enemy and upset his plans for the rest of
the day, and, if the blow fell heavily, would help the German fleet
to liberate itself during the night. These arguments are grandilo-
quent but inconclusive, and it is more probable that Scheer in-
tended to slip past the stern of the British fleet unobserved, but he
had mistaken its position and ran right into it. In any case, the
fact that Scheer did liberate himself must not obscure the
fact that his movement was full of risk, and, had the British fleet
been pursuing him, must have ended in disaster. As it was, it met
with a considerable measure of success. The whole German line
swung round together to the E. again (6:55 P.M.), with the battle
cruisers ahead led by Capt. Hartog in the " Derfflinger. " The
German destroyers attached to the battle cruisers attacked the
"Marlborough's " division about 7 P.M., but were driven off by
gunfire, after firing six or seven torpedoes without effect.
At 7:12 P.M. the British fleet coming S. saw the enemy battle
cruisers returning through the mist. The Germans sighted them
simultaneously and turned parallel to the British course at a
range of under 10,000 yards. The " Hercules " opened on the
" Seydlitz," and the guns of most of the fleet, with Beatty's
battle cruisers ahead of it, joined in. The " Derfflinger " and
" Seydlitz," now came under a terrific fire. In the former two 15-
in. shells (probably from the " Revenge ") crashed into the after-
turrets, igniting the charges and sending great pillars of flame
666
JUTLAND, BATTLE OF
roaring skywards in which the crews of both turrets perished.
The " Derfflinger " succeeded in getting two hits into the
" Colossus," the only hits scored by the Germans on the battle
fleet. Scheer, some 3 m. behind his battle cruisers, saw it was
time to turn. The line swung round together to the W. again at
7:17 P.M., and the 6th and gih Flotillas threw up a smoke cloud
and rushed out to attack.
i"J L.C.S.
12'" Fl.
,9<? Fl.
\5t--as. JELLICOE
\MARLBOROUGH
yCOLOSSUS
\ IBENBOW
IRON
3-h 'A Fl.
,G. ---. _- X '
5& Fl. ""^? n - <l .$:? .'J.S, 31
jsighti L.C.S. )'
, sights llU'FL
ItfL.CS//
..
/LION/
/
.n^Vcnc^U.*,,^ >" IR N "KE
{ FIG. 6
7.22 P.M.
"IRON DUKES" TURN-AWAY
As they approached, the British battle fleet turned away two
points to port by signal at 7:22 P.M. and another two points at
7 126, making the " Iron Duke's " course south-east. This was the
" turn-away " which has given rise to considerable controversy.
Eleven torpedoes reached the lines of the ist B.S. at 7:35 P.M.
and were avoided by the use of helm. The British fleet was now
going no more than 15 knots. The 5th B.S. (except the " War-
spite," which had fallen out) was plodding along in rear at the
same speed, wasting all the foresight, money and ingenuity
expended in giving it a speed of 25 knots to pursue and encircle an
enemy. But now the real counter to torpedo attack was found.
The 4thL.C.S. and nth Flotilla were ordered to attack and were
making W. towards the exposed wing of the battle fleet. The
German 5th and 3rd Flotillas, which were advancing to attack,
fled before them, and only one of their torpedoes reached the
" Marlborough's " line. At 7:35 P.M. Adml. jellicoe turned back
from S.E. to S. by W. and re-formed single line on a S.W. course
by 8 o'clock.
The actual transfer to the E. of the original course in the case
of the "Marlborough," caused by the turn-away, was little more
than 1,250 yards. This in itself was no great distance, but the
retention of the battle fleet on a south-easterly course, while the
enemy was making W., opened a gap of several miles between the
two fleets and made it difficult to renew the engagement before
nightfall. The only movement of any real use at 6:55 P.M. and
7:22 P.M. was to follow the enemy and cut him off, as the battle
cruisers attempted to do. From 6:55 P.M. the British fleet was
meandering along to the S., when tactics of encirclement and
pursuit were required to deal a decisive blow. Unfortunately
Adml. Jellicoe considered the risk of submarine and torpedo too
great for such tactics, though there were no submarines anywhere
near the scene of action; and, after 7:36 P.M., as soon as the 4th
L.C.S. and nth Flotillas gripped the situation, they never allowed
the German flotillas to approach.
Beatty's battle cruisers had meanwhile been making to the
S.W. and were 5 or 6 m. ahead of the battle fleet. At 7:47
P.M. the enemy was still in sight from the " Lion," and Beatty,
evidently fearing that night might fall without a decisive blow,
sent a signal to the C.-in-C. asking that the van of the battle
fleet might follow him in an attempt to cut them off. At 8 P.M.
the battle fleet turned W. in divisions with guides bearing north-
east. Scheer was some 18 m. W.N.W. of it on a S. course, so that
the fleets were again converging. At 8:10 P.M. the C.-in-C., in
reply to Beatty's signal, ordered the and Battle Squadron
(Vice-Adml. Sir Thomas Jerram in the " King George V.") to
follow the battle cruisers. But, apparently because Beatty was
not actually in sight, though the "Minotaur" (2nd C.S.) was
in sight of both the " Lion " and " King George V." and could
have given him the " Lion's " position as she gave the " Lion "
that of the " King George V.," he remained with the battle fleet
and made no attempt to follow Beatty.
At 8 : 1 5 P.M. the fleets again came into contact. The " Castor "
and nth Flotilla ahead of the British battle fleet sighted the
German destroyers on Scheer's port bow, and, supported by the
4th L.C.S., drove them helter-skelter away. The " Calliope,"
" Comus " and " Constance " chased them right back to their
battle fleet; and the " Calliope," making a torpedo attack on the
" Westfalen," came under a heavy fire, and was hit five times,
though not disabled. About 8:15, too, the "Falmouth" (3rd
L.C.S.) and Beatty's battle cruisers, about 6 m. to S.W. of the
battle fleet, sighted Hipper's squadron and the 2nd Squadron of
Deutschlands on a S. course. A short sharp action developed at
about 10,000 yd. Hipper's ships were hit again, as well as the
" Schlesien," " Schleswig-Holstein " and " Pommern." At 8:30
P.M. they turned away to the S.W., passing behind the 3rd and
ist Squadrons. The British battle fleet heard the guns, and at
8:30 P.M. turned into single line again on a S.W. course.
At 9 P.M. there could be no doubt that the enemy was some
6 or 7 m. to the N.W., but dusk was falling (sunset 8:7 P.M.),
and the C.-in-C., having decided not to run the risk of a night
action, turned S. in divisions] Half an hour later (9:27) the
destroyers were ordered to take station astern 5 m. and took
station in the following order from W. to E.: the nth (next the
enemy), 4th, I3th, gth and I2th Flotillas. Unfortunately they
were given no information as to the position of the enemy or of
their own squadrons and flotillas or of the C.-in-C. 's intended
movements, with the result that, instead of making organized
attacks on the enemy fleet, the 4th Flotilla blundered into it
during the night and was broken up or driven away.
Scheer at 9 P.M. had ordered his fleet to proceed in on a course
S.S.E. J E. at 16 knots. The 2nd Scouting Group was on the
port bow, the 4th Scouting Group just ahead. Then came the
battle fleet in line ahead, the ist Squadron in front (ships in re-
SCHEER
\
IH3f\.
4'-* Flotilla
broken up here
'-.10.41 C />) C receives Scoter's count
littFi
T"
V s . /J?. fl/ac* ft-/ce b/ownup
12tb FLOTILLA
*"H/ /***
\Vi.a/i),'' \
*V / HOUIINCS OstfnslS.nd mined
^i.45
Jetficce turnt north "*
UOH245 a.m.
FIG.7
SCHEER'S RETURN HOME
NIGHT MAY 31
JUTLAND, BATTLE OF
667
versed order) with the " Westfalen " leading, and the 3rd and
2nd Squadrons behind. The " Derfflinger " and " Von der Tann "
formed the rear guard. The " Liitzow " and " Seydlitz " had
fallen out. The movements of the night can only be briefly de-
scribed. The British fleet continued to steer south. The German
fleet passed diagonally across its rear on a S.S.E. course, crash-
ing through the British destroyer flotillas on its way.
About 10:30 P.M. the 4th Scouting Group struck the 2nd
L.C.S., then some 7 m. astern of the battle fleet. A short but
fierce action ensued. The " Southampton " and " Dublin "
were severely damaged, but the former, though she suffered
severely, torpedoed the " Frauenlob," which had to be abandoned
later. At 10:41 P.M. Adml. Jellicoe received Scheer's course
from the Admiralty, which showed clearly that the latter was
retiring towards Horn's Reef. To ensure meeting him next
morning it was necessary to turn to a parallel course; Adml.
Jellicoe did not do so, nor did he inform Beatty or anyone else of
the enemy's course, and the fleet continued to steer south. At
11:30 P.M. there commenced a series of actions behind the battle
fleet, which, passing from W. to E. across its stern, pointed a
great finger almost directly at Horn's Reef, leaving a trail of
burning vessels to mark the course of the German fleet as surely
as the compass in Scheer's flagship. They can only be briefly
described. At 11:30 P.M. the 4th Flotilla was struck and the
" Tipperary " left blazing. The gallant little " Spitfire," trying
to help her, rammed the " Nassau," smashed the battleship's
searchlights, had her own bridge and funnel blown away by an
n-in. shell, but got safely away with some 30 ft. of German
plating on her bows. The " Rostock " was torpedoed in this
encounter; the " Elbing " was rammed by the " Posen "
and had to be abandoned, and sank. The 4th Flotilla turned
away to the E., but, turning S. and ignorant of the German
fleet's course, ran into it again at midnight, when the "Fortune "
and " Ardent " were sunk. The " Black Prince," which had
evidently been following the British fleet, was unlucky enough to
run into the German fleet at this time, and, coming under a
tornado of fire from the " Ostfriesland " and " Thiiringen " at
1,600 yd., vanished in a terrific explosion. The" Marlborough's "
division and the 5th B.S. had fallen behind the fleet and crossed
only some 3 or 4 m. ahead of the enemy battle fleet, whose ships
were seen (the " Westfalen " being even recognized), a situation
which might have developed in a variety of ways.
At 0:25 A.M. the gth Flotilla was struck and the " Turbulent "
sunk. The i3th Flotilla had made off to the eastward. At about
1:45 A.M. the 1 2th Flotilla sighted the enemy, but Capt. Anselm
Stirling drew oft" and made an organized attack at about 2:10 A.M.,
sinking the old battleship " Pommern." The i3th Flotilla
sighted the enemy again at 3:30 A.M. and turned away, but the
" Moresby " attacked and torpedoed the V4.
It was now getting light. Not a moment was to be lost if the
German fleet was to be cut off, but at 2:40 A.M. the C.-in-C.,
instead of steering E. by N. for Vyl Shoal or Horn's Reef, altered
course to north. At 3:29 A.M. another important signal arrived
from the Admiralty, giving the German position not far from
Horn's Reef at 2:30 A.M. It was still possible to try to inter-
cept their disabled ships. There were no German mine-fields,
nor any information of any, N. of Heligoland, and the only
mine-fields near Amrum werea couple of British ones laid in 1915,
which were certainly extensive but whose position was known.
The C.-in-C., however, did not proceed farther, but at 3:42 A.M.
turned W. and reduced to 15 knots. It is impossible to see in
the fleet's movements any intention of renewing the action. The
reason given is that the fleet was too scattered, but it would not
have been scattered if it had been told to be 15 m. from Horn's
Reef at 2 130 A.M. The destroyers would not have been scattered
if they had not been left right in the path of an advancing enemy
with no information as to his movements. Beatty would not
have been 15 m. away to the S.W. t>f the battle fleet if he had
known the German fleet was making for Horn's Reef. But he
was not told. No one was told.
The action ends here. The German fleet proceeded in. The
Ostfriesland " struck a mine laid by the " Abdiel " on May 5.
The " Seydlitz " did not pass the Reef till 4 A.M. Three British
submarines were off Vyl Light, but they had been told nothing
and saw nothing.
The battle was not a decisive one, and the British battle fleet
was never seriously under fire (its casualties were two men
killed and five wounded). It must be admitted that the British
C.-in-C. 's tactics were characterized by excessive caution. They
were limited to the conception of a battle in single line at long
ranges on a parallel course, and when Scheer turned away the
British system of tactics did not permit of pursuit and fell to
pieces. The C.-in-C. 's conception of tactics is to be found in a
letter to the Admiralty of Oct. 30 1914 (Jutland Despatches, 601),
which merits careful study, for (while it shows that he acted on a
prearranged plan) it really constitutes a negation of the battle-
ship and of battle-fleet tactics. Movements in battle were to be
governed on this theory, not by the necessity of getting within
effective range, but by the necessity of avoiding supposititious
submarines. The principles formulated in that letter had, how-
ever, been endorsed by the Admiralty, and they were followed
at Jutland, though a defence of these principles or of the tac-
tics of the British fleet at Jutland must lead with stern and irre-
futable logic to the proposition that the battleship is an instru-
ment of the past. The British tactics were dominated by a fear
of the submarine or torpedo. There were no submarines pres-
ent in the vicinity, and after 7:36 P.M. one light cruiser squad-
ron and a single flotilla of destroyers proved sufficient to drive
off the enemy's destroyers. It has been argued that this cau-
tion was justified because Britain's naval strength was practi-
cally all concentrated in the Grand Fleet. The answer, from a
naval point of view, is that it was concentrated in the Grand
Fleet for the very purpose of dealing a decisive blow; and com-
merce defence, convoy and anti-submarine work had all been
sacrificed to enable it to do so. The immediate result of the failure
of Jellicoe to strike a decisive blow was that the German High
Fleet remained intact, to be a bulwark to its submarines, and, by
barring the Baltic, to hasten the disintegration of Russia.
Measured in terms of size and serried steel, and of opportunity,
the battle of Jutland must bulk large in naval history, but the
actual results at the moment were small. If a battle is merely an
incident or a move in a blockade it may possibly be regarded as
won when the enemy retires to harbour. No further fleet action
occurred during the war, and eventually the German fleet sur-
rendered. From one point of view, therefore, it may be said that
the result was successful. But if a battle represents in war the
economy of the decisive blow; if the enemy's fleet can still play
an important part in the campaign; if, as Foch said, there can be
no victory without a battle; and if Nelson's teachings are sound
then the battle of Jutland, taken by itself, must rank merely as a
great and unique opportunity for the British fleet, of which advan-
tage was not sufficiently taken.
Losses. The British losses were 3 battle cruisers, 3 cruisers and
8 destroyers namely, battle cruisers : "Indefatigable" (gunfire,
4:6 P.M.), "Queen Mary" (gunfire, 4:26 P.M.), "Invincible"
(gunfire, 6:34 P.M.); cruisers: "Defence" (gunfire, 6:19 P.M.),
" Warrior " (gunfire and abandoned, 7:45 A.M.), " Black Prince "
(gunfire, 0:25 A.M.); destroyers: " Nestor" and " Nomad " (5:15
P.M.), "Shark" (6:5 P.M.), "Tipperary" (11:30 P.M.), "Ardent"
and " Fortune " (midnight), " Turbulent " (0:30 A.M.), " Sparrow-
hawk " (collision and abandoned, 9:10 A.M.).
The German losses were one battleship, one battle cruiser, four
light cruisers and five destroyers namely, battleship: " Pommern"
(torpedoed, I2th Flotilla, 2:10 A.M.); battle cruiser "Liitzow" (gun-
fire, abandoned and sunk, 1 145 A.M.) ; light cruisers: " Wiesbaden "
(gunfire, 7 P.M.), "Frauenlob" (torpedoed, "Southampton," 10:20
P.M.), "Elbing" (collision, 11:30 P.M.), "Rostock" (torpedoed,
4th Flotilla, 1 1 =30 P.M.) ; destroyers V27 (i3th Flotilla, 4:40 P.M.),
Vag (torpedoed by " Petard," 4:40 P.M.), V48 (about 6:30 P.M.),
835 (gunfire, at 7:25 P.M.), \'4 (torpedoed by " Moresby," 2 45 A.M).
Casualties. On the two sides these may be tabulated as follows:
British
German
Officers
Men
Killed
Wound-
ed
Prison-
ers
Killed
Wound-
ed
Prison-
ers
Total
328
1 60
28
40
10
5,769
2,385
485
454
167
6,787
3.039
(A. C. D.)
668
JUVENILE EMPLOYMENT
JUVENILE EMPLOYMENT. I. GREAT BRITAIN At the census
of April ign, 2,272,766 persons under 18 (1,336,907 boys and
935>8S9 girls) were returned as employed in Britain. Of this
number 147,023 (98,157 boys and 48,866 girls) were under 14
years of age. These figures, in so far as they related to children
under 14 years of age, were made up of children who had obtained
partial or total exemption from school attendance. The Employ-
ment of Women, Young Persons and Children Act, 1920, now
forbids the employment of children under 14 in any industrial
undertaking, unless they were legally so employed on Jan. i 1921.
Pending the coming into operation of certain sections of the
Education Act, 1918, which were suspended for temporary rea-
sons, total or partial exemption from school attendance might in
1921 be granted by the local education authority to enable
children over 1 2 years of age to undertake work of a non-industrial
character. 1 In England children over n years of age and in
Scotland children over 8 years of age (in this latter case for six
weeks of the year only) may obtain partial exemption for the
purpose of employment in agriculture. Exemption from school
attendance is granted subject to the attainment of a minimum
standard of education or of school attendance, and on condition
that the prospective employment of the child is, in the view of the
local education authority, "beneficial." The practice as to the
grant of exemptions varies widely in different areas and in
accordance with different local by-laws. In addition to em-
ployed children who are relieved in part or altogether from school
attendance, a considerable number who are in full-time school
attendance are employed out of school hours. The total number
of such children in 1913 was roughly estimated to be 245,000.
From the beginning of the 2oth century there was a marked
increase of public interest in Great Britain in the social results of
the industrial employment of juvenile workers. This interest was
shown in movements to preserve and restore the practice of
formal apprenticeship, and in an agitation, for which Mr. R. H.
Tawney was largely responsible, to discourage, or at all events to
control, the entry of boys into "blind-alley" employment upon
leaving the elementary schools. Attention was drawn to the fact
that very large numbers of boys were employed in industries
which offered them no career as adults. Boys were attracted to
such industries by relatively high wages, were retained for two or
three years, e.g. as van-boys or as workers upon routine processes
of little or no educational value, and were thrown upon the labour
market at the age of 16 or 17 to find fresh employment. These
difficulties were brought very fully to the notice of the Royal
Commission on the Poor-Law (appointed Dec. 1905; reported
Feb. 1909). Both the majority and minority reports of the Royal
Commission made recommendations in the matter. There was
agreement that boys should remain at school until 15 years of
age. The minority recommended part-time compulsory attend-
ance at " continuation " classes up to the age of 18. The majority
recommended exemption below 15 years of age only to boys
leaving to learn a skilled trade, and the grant of power to recall
to school boys under 16 years of age " not properly employed."
The majority further recommended the establishment in con-
nexion with labour exchanges of a special organization for giving
boys, parents, teachers and school managers information and
guidance as to suitable occupations for children leaving school.
Nine years were to elapse before legislation was obtained to
enable the school-leaving age to be raised, but prompt action was
taken upon the other recommendations of the majority.
The Labour Exchanges Act, passed in Aug. 1909, provided the
labour exchanges which were to be the centre round which the
organization for the direction of juvenile labour was to be formed,
and gave power to establish the advisory committees which such
an organization required.
In 1910 the Choice of Employment Act enabled local educa-
tion authorities, with the approval of the Board of Education, to
form committees designed to assist children upon their entry into
employment. By arrangement between the Board of Trade and
the Board of Education " juvenile employment committees "
1 In the majority of areas in England total exemption cannot be
obtained under 13 years of age.
have been formed in practically all industrial areas of importance
by the Board of Trade (from Feb. 1918 the Ministry of Labour)
under the Labour Exchanges Act, or by the local education au-
thorities under the Choice of Employment Act. Fifty-two such
committees had been formed in July 1914, and at the beginning
of 1921 some 250 were in operation (150 working directly under
the Ministry of Labour and 100 responsible to the local education
authorities). The committees consist of representatives of local
employers and workpeople, of the local education authority, and
generally include independent persons with a knowledge of, and
interested in, questions affecting juvenile employment.
Juvenile employment committees in Great Britain are generally
responsible for collecting and disseminating knowledge about the
employment of boys and girls in their areas and, by approaching
employers and local and central Government authorities, for securing
improvements in the conditions of juvenile employment, e.g. by
extending the practice of apprenticeship, formulating other less
formal methods of systematic industrial training and securing the
abolition of blind alley occupations by more scientific methods of
transfer and promotion. The committees undertake at special meet-
ings of " rota " sub-committees to advise children and their parents
upon the available openings in local industries, and in doing so they
usually emphasize the value of choosing employment which offers
opportunities for definite training. In many cases arrangements are
made for the supply to the juvenile employment committee of
reports from the elementary schools upon all children at the end of
their school life. This assists the committee in giving advice as to the
employment which seems suitable for individual children and is
also of value when the committee is called upon to deal with children
who have fallen out of work within a year or two of leaving school.
The committees naturally cooperate with other agencies concerned
with the welfare of boys and girls (care committees, juvenile organ-
izations committees, clubs, etc.), and they sometimes maintain
schemes of " after-care " for keeping in touch with employed children
in their area in order to help them in any difficulties which may
arise. The degree of elaboration in the work of juvenile employment
committees and its value varies very widely. The work of the
committees depends largely upon the zeal and knowledge of the
members and upon the quality of the officials of the employment
exchanges and of the local education authorities whose duty it is to
carry out many of the decisions of the committees. During the year
ending Nov. 12 1920, more than 500,000 children under 18 years of
age, the number of boys and girls being practically equal, came
within the purview of juvenile employment committees.
The Effect of the War. The most authoritative estimates of the
fluctuations in the number of persons employed in various indus-
tries and callings during and after the war are those prepared
officially upon the basis of sample returns obtained from selected
emplovers. They relate to an estimated total employed population
under 18 years of age of 1,923,000 in 1914. The table on next page
shows separately for boys and girls the changes which are estimated
to have occurred in the number employed as at Nov. 1918 (the
Armistice), and at July 1920, when normal industrial conditions had
been largely reestablished and industry was prosperous.
These figures indicate first of all an absolute increase, since July
1914, in the numbers of boys and girls employed during and after the
war. This increase occurred mainly among the girls because among
them alone was there any large reserve of unoccupied labour. There
was, however, during the war a marked increase, although not upon
a large scale, in the number of partial and total exemptions from
school attendance before the age of fourteen. The position in this
respect was practically normal by July 1920.
Secondly, the figures show the directions in which the fresh supplies
of juvenile labour which became available during the war were used,
and the industries from which juveniles were attracted to war work.
Thus among both boys and girls there was a marked reduction in the
numbers employed in the textile and paper and printing groups;
in the number of boys engaged in finance and commerce and in the
civil service (the Post Office is responsible for the larger part of th
reduction) ; in the number of girls employed in the clothing group
On the other hand, there were large increases in the number of boy
and girls employed in the " war industries," predominantly in th
metal and chemical groups. The number of boys increased in mine
and quarries; upon the production of food, drink and tobacco; in
the wood industries and in transport. The number of girls employe*'
also increased in the last-named, and large numbers entered " financ
and commerce " and the civil service, in these cases no doubt takin
the place of boys and men who passed toother occupations, includiri
service in the forces.
The war had other important effects upon juvenile employment.
At the outbreak of hostilities in Aug. 1914, widespread unemploy-
ment was feared, and for a short period many boys and girls were out
of work as the result of the reduction of their staffs which employers
found prudent in view of uncertainty as to the future. By the
beginning of 1915, however, boys found little difficulty in obtaining
employment. Enlistment of men for the forces was already making
JUVENILE EMPLOYMENT
669
Occupations
Numbers employed in
Percentage of number employed
in July 1914
July 1914
Nov. 1918
July 1920
Nov. 1918
July 1920
Boys
Girls
Boys
Girls
Boys
Girls
Boys
Girls
Boys
Girls
thou-
thou-
thou-
thou-
thou-
thou-
sand
sand
sand
sand
sand
sand
Building
53
I
56
7'9
52
2
106-0
790-0
98-1
240-0
Mines and quarries
151
2
i"9
3-1
169
2
119-0
155-0
II2-O
92-7
Metal industries
193
45
343
US
287
83
178-0
256-0
149-0
183-0
Chemical industries
H
ii
20
2 4
16
22
143-0
216-0
115-0
199-0
Textile industries
123
215
1 08
203
109
208
88-1
94-4
88-4
96-6
Clothing industries
42
141
41
129
37
136
98-6
9i-5
87-8
96-8
Food, drink and tobacco industries
38
49
43
55
32
59
II2-O
III-O
83-5
I2O-O
Paper and printing industries.
41
46
3i
43
34
55
74-6
95-o
82-0
II9-0
Wood industries
33
10
38
24
37
17
115-0
232-0
113-0
174-0
Other industries (incl. gas, water and \
electricity under local authorities /
48
24
45
39
45
35
92-2
162-0
92-6
147-0
Government establishments.dockyards, \
arsenals, national factories, etc.
3
22
9-2
5-4
2
733-0
180-0
Transport
79
2-2
91
ii
87
3-5
115-0
505-0
IIO-O
157-0
Finance and commerce ....
248
8 4
199
218
182
178
80-3
260-0
73-5
2I2-O
Miscellaneous professions, hotels, the- }
atres, hospitals, municipal services \
35-9
24-5
4 6
37-i
37
3-4
128-0
151-0
103-0
124-0
(except tramway, gas, water, etc.) J
Civil service
21
IO-I
IS
30
10
ii
71-4
300-0
49-2
IIO-O
Total
I.I23
665
1.277
948
I.I39
842
114-0
143-0
IOI-O
I27-0
vacant places to which the elder boys could be promoted and the
issue of war contracts was beginning to have its effect upon the
demand for labour of all kinds. The demand for girls for war work
came rather later, as the number ( of boys transferred to work done
hitherto by men increased, and as the manufacture of munitions of
war of all kinds was developed upon a basis of routine processes upon
many of which boys could be employed in very large numbers. The
majority of the boys who were attracted to war work were employed
upon such routine processes, and at the same time the proportion of
boys to the total number of boys and men employed increased. This
followed partly from the general extension of routine processes and
partly from the promotion of boys to do the work of men. The girls
who were drawn into war work also took part in the performance of
routine processes, and, as indicated already, they entered such
occupations as that of clerks in banks, insurance offices and com-
mercial houses from which men and boys had been drawn away.
In so far as boys and girls took the places of men, they obtained
opportunities of doing work of a higher grade than would normally
have fallen to them at such an early age. Any advantages which
might have followed from such causes were, however, more than
counterbalanced by the general character of the work of producing
munitions of war. As the war proceeded, routine processes were
multiplied. Work was standardized so as to secure a large and
certain output. With the increasing shortage of skilled workmen it
became increasingly necessary to limit the demand for them, and
this alone provided a strong inducement to extend routine work.
At the same time the rates of wages paid to juvenile workers, espe-
cially to boys, steadily increased; and by 1917 boys of 15, who before
the war might have been earning from los. to 155. a week, were earn-
ing as much as 2 and 3 a week upon working automatic machines.
The educational value of such work was negligible. The boys
expected to join the army upon reaching the age of 18; wages were
constantly rising and the demand for boy labour was very strong.
Many boys found themselves, in the absence of their fathers and
elder brothers with the forces, the principal wage-earners of their
families. In such circumstances it was not in human nature that
they should care about the effect of the work which they were doing
upon their prospects as adult workmen in industry. Boys con-
stantly changed their place of employment in pursuit of higher
wages; the strain of the work was severe, and constraint upon their
actions outside the factory was generally lacking. While, therefore,
the work done by boys and girls in the munitions factories was of
essential value, it did not provide a favourable environment in which
to pass the years leading to manhood and womanhood.
During the war the juvenile employment committees took such
action as was possible to meet the exceptional conditions. They, in
common with boys' clubs and other agencies interested, were, how-
ever, much handicapped by the service of many of their members and
officials with the forces or upon war work of other kinds. Committees
were not formed in new centres during the war and the committees
already in existence were largely occupied with the conditions in
which juvenile workers were employed in war industries. It was
found necessary to draw, through the employment exchanges, con-
siderable numbers of boys and girls from a distance to work at such
centres as Woolwich Arsenal and in the shipyards on the Clyde. The
juvenile employment committees endeavoured to ensure that the
arrangements both inside and outside the workshops were satis-
factory. They encouraged the appointment by the employers of
" Welfare Supervisors " and interested themselves in the arrange-
ments made at the hostels in which juvenile workers were lodged.
They collected information as to the effects upon juvenile workers
of the exceptional working conditions (long hours, night work, the
effects of monotonous employment, etc.), and in a number of cases
they were able to secure important reforms in the arrangements
made. Responsibility for the welfare of munitions workers rested
during the war with the Ministry of Munitions, and much was done
to obtain proper industrial conditions for juvenile workers.
In addition to the powers which they possess under the Factory
Acts in regard to health, sanitation, safety, the hours of work of
women and young persons, etc., the Home Office, under the Police,
Factories, etc. (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, 1916, may by order,
when the circumstances of the work warrant it, require employers
to make reasonable provision for the welfare of the workers in regard
to such matters as supply of protective clothing, canteen arrange-
ments, supervision, etc.
During the war careful consideration was given to the measures
for dealing with juvenile employment which would be necessary
upon the return of peace. The juvenile employment committees
undertook extensive inquiries in 1916 and 1917 into the conditions
of juvenile employment, the changes which the war had produced
and the situation which would probably arise at the end of the war.
In the report of a departmental committee on juvenile education in
relation to employment after the war, and in a report upon "Juvenile
Employment, During the War and After," issued in 1918 by the
Ministry of Reconstruction, the evidence so obtained was examined.
Both reports recommended an extension of juvenile employment
committees and the opening during the demobilization period of
" Unemployment Centres " at which boys and girls could attend to
receive continued education with a maintenance grant during
unemployment. The report of 1918 further recommended a number
of measures for avoiding the sudden discharge of large numbers of
juvenile workers at the end of the war, and for avoiding juvenile
unemployment by the general and immediate use of the powers
given by the Education Act, 1918, to require extended compulsory
education. The reduction of normal working hours for juvenile
workers in industry was also recommended.
With the beginning of the demobilization period at the end of
1918 action was taken in accordance with several of these recom-
mendations. Juvenile employment committees of a permanent
or temporary character were set up in districts in which it seemed
probable that any extensive dislocation of juvenile employment
would occur. So far as possible the discharge of juvenile workers was
carried out gradually by arrangement with employers. Employers
were asked to give juvenile employment committees advance notice
of pending discharges of juveniles, in order that, so far as possible, the
committees could gauge the extent of unemployment amongst
juveniles and make alternative provision for those juveniles for
whom other employment could not immediately be found.
Educational Centres for Unemployed, Early in 1919 arrangements
were made by the education departments with the local education
authorities for special centres to be opened at which unemployed
boys and girls could attend, usually for five days a week. The
objects with which these centres were established were to occupy the
time of unemployed boys and girls by mental and physical instruc-
tion and to prevent them from wasting their days in the streets.
Means to ensure attendance was provided by the out-of-work
donation scheme, under which unemployed boys and girls were
entitled to substantial payments (at the outset 143. 6d. for boys and'
I2s. 6d. for girls) each week during unemployment. Educational
centres were opened in most areas in which it was likely that a
670
JUVENILE EMPLOYMENT
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
Boys
Girls
Boys
Girls
Boys
Girls
Boys
Girls
Boys
Girls
Boys
Girls
Boys
Girls
Jan. .
4,889
9,921
5.215
9,552
6,552
8,230
8,568
8,502
26,406
25,770
16,605
1 1, 680
Feb. .
4,189
9,051
5,388
9,566
5,943
8,399
8,713
8,869
33,493
35,805
13,786
11,588
March
3,887
8,435
5-164
9,031
5,894
8,679
7-696
8,102
35,123
36,814
10,446
10,714
April .
3,998
9,490
5,574
8,779
6,245
8,098
8,412
8,888
33,176
37,575
13,021
11,288
May .
3425
7,873
5,956
9,040
7,052
9,350
8,232
8,382
28,497
31,318
12,177
11,630
June .
3,729
8,086
5454
7,970
6,925
9,36o
7,946
8,144
18,130
18,070
10,635
J0.574
uly . . .
4,546
8,065
6,263
8,481
6,808
9,272
7,574
7.323
H,746
14,259
11,728
11,236
Aug. .
9,571
9,532
5,u6
8,664
6,667
7,9oo
6,632
8,246
7,453
6,704
16,836
13,975
16,481
'4,459
Sept. .
9,363
12,100
4,439
8,065
6,053
7,917
7,024
9,384
8,049
8 ,08 1
14,148
12,815
17,428
17,324
Oct. . . .
6,695
11,282
4,666
8,449
6,274
8,015
7.030
8,327
7,491
7,689
16,486
14,592
17,222
18,407
Nov. .
5,496 10.298
4,337
8,993
5,52i
8,097
7,627
8,546
6,391
5,906
17,772
I2,5H
21,386
22,555
Dec. .
4.096 8.243
3,8i3
7,540
4,845
6,682
7.251
7,725
11,714
8,754
12,063
9.023
21,418
23,911
NOTE. The comparison above is affected by the fact that the juvenile age limit was raised at the end of 1918 from 17 to 18.
considerable number of juvenile workers would be unemployed, and
the payment of out-of-work donations was made conditional upon
regular attendance at the centres. Attendance at a centre was
accepted in lieu of attendance at an employment exchange as proof
of unemployment, and arrangements were made to inform boys and
girls at the centres of any suitable opportunities of employment
which might occur. Twenty-eight centres were open at the begin-
ning of Jan. 1919, and they were attended by over 3,000 boys and
girls. A month later the number of centres had increased to 1 16 and
the number of daily attendances to more than 13,500. There was a
steady increase in the provision made up to the middle of April,
when there were 215 centres open. The largest number of atten-
dances was reached at the beginning of April, when the number was
nearly 24,700. The attendances fell off from that date with the
gradual absorption of boys and girls in industry and as the result
of a strict review by juvenile employment committees of claims to
grants of extended out-of-work donation. The scheme was wound
up with the termination of the payment of out-of-work donation
to civilians in Nov. 1919. The local education authorities undertook
a difficult task in opening the centres. They found much difficulty
in obtaining suitable teachers, and it was not easy to devise a satis-
factory curriculum for the fluctuating attendance of boys and girls
of all ages from 15 to 18. As a rule it was sought to make each day's
teaching self-contained. The subjects taught included, for boys,
drawing, practical measurements, workshop calculation, building
construction, woodwork, physical exercises and organized games;
and for girls, needlework, practical arithmetic, first aid, cookery,
hygiene, home nursing, games, gymnastics, dancing and singing.
At most centres there were also lectures on historical, literary, scien-
tific or industrial subjects. It was only in rare cases that definite
vocational training was attempted. The experiment met with a very
considerable measure of success. The boys and girls who attended
the centres accepted readily the necessary discipline, and responded
very well to the instruction given. There can be no doubt that the
centres were of much value in carrying very many juvenile workers
over a difficult period.
The appended table shows the course of juvenile unemployment
as recorded at the employment exchanges in the United Kingdom
from Nov. 1918 (the Armistice) to the end of 1920.
Education Act, 1918. The sections of the Education Act, 1918,
which extend the ages at which education is compulsory, have the
important effect upon juvenile employment of withdrawing, either
wholly or in part, large classes of juvenile workers from industry.
Thus [Section 9 (l)] children are to remain at the elementary schools
until the end of the school term during which they reach an age at
which they become entitled to leave school. This has the effect of
raising the ages of school attendance by about 8 weeks upon an aver-
age. Section 8 (l) prohibits any exemption from school attendance
before the age of 14, and Section 8 (2) permits local education author-
ities to increase this age to 15, with power to grant exemption be-
tween the ages of 14 and 15 in approved cases. These provisions
were to operate at a date or dates to be determined by the Board of
Education, but not before the formal termination of the war [Sec-
tion 52 (3)]. Thirdly, by Section 10 continued education after the
age of 14 is made compulsory during a minimum of 280 hours in the
course of a year. This obligation rests upon children who become
_I4 after the " appointed day " for the commencement of the scheme
in each area until they reach the age of 16 during the first seven
years of the scheme and up to the age of 18 thereafter. Provision is
made [Section 10 (6)] for such suspension of employment as will en-
able boys and girls who are required to attend at continuation schools
to do so without undue physical and mental strain.
At the beginning of 1921, the Board of Education had named
appointed days for the purposes of Section 10 in respect of the areas
of the local education authorities in London, Birmingham, Rugby,
Stratford-on-Avon and West Ham; but it had become temporarily
necessary to refrain, in the interests of economy, from bringing the
Section into operation elsewhere. (J. S. Nc.)
II. UNITED STATES. Well-developed tendencies with ref-
erence to child labour legislation and reliance by employers on
the employment of children in the United States were in
rupted by the conditions created by the World War.
census of manufactures of 1914 showed that during the ye
before that date the number of children employed in manufact
ing was decreasing. The serious industrial depression which
followed the outbreak of the war brought a sharp decrease in the
number of children employed in 1914, amounting to one-fifth of
the number employed in 1913 in St. Louis and New York City,
one-fourth in Buffalo and Rochester, N.Y., about one-third in
Bridgeport, Conn., nearly one-half in Baltimore, and two-thirds
in Manchester, N.H., a textile centre. By the latter part of
1915 the effect of foreign orders for war goods was beginning to
make itself felt, and an unprecedented rise in the number of
employed children followed. ' Except for isolated places affect
by peculiar conditions, the increase in the number legally
work in 1916 over the number so employed in 1915 was ve
large, especially in centres where children had not been employ
before. Reports to the U.S. Children's Bureau of the number
work permits issued showed that this increase was as high
167% in Toledo, O.; 145% in Springfield, Mass.; 92%inBosi
and 63 % in Indianapolis.
After the United States entered the war, the rising cost
living, the absence of older members of the family on milita:
duty, high wages offered by employers to children because of
labour shortage, and a restlessness on the part of the child:
themselves led many under 16 years of age to leave school f<
work. Available statistics show that in most places the peak i
the employment of children was reached in 1918. The shutti
down of war industries and the return of soldiers resulted in
temporary decline in the numbers in 1919, to be followed in 19
by an increase in 18 out of 29 cities reporting to the U.S. C
dren's Bureau numbers of work permits issued. The end of 19
saw a sharp decline as the result of the industrial depressio
It should be noted that the figures given above are based on t
number of work permits issued to children, and indicate therefo:
an increase in the number of children legally employed. E
dence is not lacking that there was difficulty in the enforceme
of child labour legislation during the war period and that
consequence the number of children illegally employed duri
that time probably also increased.
In the field of legislation the most important development
the public demand for national control, which led to the fir
Federal child labour law, which went into effect Sept. 1917. Th
Act prohibited the shipment in interstate or foreign commerce
the product of any mine or quarry in which children under 16
were employed, and the products of any mill, cannery, factory, work-
shop or manufacturing establishment in which children under 14
were employed or children between 14 and 16 were employed mo
than 8 hours a day, or 6 days a week, or before 6 A.M. or after 7 f.n
This law was attacked as unconstitutional before it went into effect,
and about nine months later (June 3 1918) the U.S. Supreme Cour
held, by a vote of 5 to 4, that it-did not constitute a valid exercise r
Congress's constitutional authority to regulate foreign and intei
state commerce. A child labour tax clause was then inserted in th
Revenue Act of 1918. It placed a 10% tax on the net incomes i
establishments employing children of the ages and for the hour
specified in the Act of Sept. I 1917. This law in June 1921 wa
before the U.S. Supreme Court for decision as to its constitu
tionality. In view of the fact that the Court has been in the hab
of construing liberally the taxing power of Congress, friends of th
measure expected its constitutionality to be upheld. In the child
JUVENILE EMPLOYMENT
671
labour legislation enacted by the various states there are many
differences. The tendency is, however, for each state to require:
(i) that a child must reach a specified age and an educational and
physical standard before he can be industrially employed; (2) that
an official work permit must certify his ability to meet the standards
established by the statute; (3) that the age at which children or
young persons may be employed at night or in hazardous or un-
healthy occupations must be higher than the age at which they may
be employed in general occupations. Of these standards the mini-
mum age was the first to be generally adopted. With some excep-
tions, for vacation periods and certain occupations, every state
except three (Mississippi, New Mexico, and Wyoming) has pro-
hibited the employment in industry of children under 14 years of
age. That the present tendency is toward the establishment of a
higher age is indicated by the fact that seven states (California,
Maine, Michigan, Montana, Ohio, South Dakota and Texas),
representing all parts of the country, have raised the age for enter-
ing industry above 14 years. In 1920 seven states required com-
pletion of the eighth grade and nine of the sixth grade in school
before a work permit could be issued to children between 14 and 16
years of age.
It is only recently that adequate recognition of the facts that
the physical effects of premature employment are as serious as the
educational, and that the age of a child is not a guaranty of his
corresponding physical development, has become general in the
United States. Eighteen states provide that although a child may be
of the minimum age and have passed the educational test, he cannot
go to work until he has had a physical examination by a public
health or public school physician and has been found to be of normal
development for a child of his age and physically fit for the work at
which he is to be employed. In most states, if he fails to pass this
test he must return to school pending correction of defects or
improvement in his general condition. In 10 other states and the
District of Columbia an examination may be required in all doubt-
ful cases or at the discretion of the officer issuing work permits, and
a permit may be refused if the child does not measure up to standard.
The increased expenditures necessary for the effective administra-
tion of these laws indicate that the public has become converted to
the need of a physical standard.
In all except six states child labour laws prohibit the employ-
ment of children at night in an enumerated list of occupations. The
hours vary. For example, New York prohibits the employment of
children under 16 years after 5 P.M. or before 8 A.M. ; California after
10 P.M. or before 5 A.M. The Federal tax virtually establishes a
minimum so that employment is in effect prohibited after 7 P.M. or
before 6 A.M. in California and other states in which state laws are
below the Federal standard in this respect.
In 27 states, including those of most importance industrially,
laws prohibit the employment in certain unhealthy processes of
children, the minimum age being usually 16 years, sometimes 18
years of age. While the lists of prohibited occupations are not
identical, the recently enacted laws follow closely the so-called
uniform child labour law. It prohibits children under 16 years of
age operating or assisting in operating sandpaper or wood-polishing
machinery; picker machines, or machines used in picking wool,
cotton, hair, or any other material; carding machines; leather-
burnishing machines; and prohibits their employment in any capac-
ity in, about, or in connexion with any processes in which dangerous
or poisonous acids are used ; in the manufacture or packing of paints,
colours, white or red lead ; in soldering, in occupations causing dust
in injurious quantities; in the manufacture or use of dangerous or
poisonous dyes; in the manufacture or preparation of compositions
with dangerous or poisonous gases; in the manufacture or use of
compositions of dye injurious to health; and in assorting, manu-
facturing, or packing tobacco.
During the decade there was a great development of the earlier
movement for manual training in the schools. The Smith-Hughes
Act of 1917 offers to the states Federal reimbursement, up to a fixed
maximum, of one-half of the money spent by the local boards for
training teachers and providing vocational education in the public
schools. Interest in vocational education has also greatly stimulated
the establishment of compulsory part-time continuation schools in
which vocational education is offered. A movement toward juvenile
employment agencies also developed. It began with efforts by pri-
vate organizations to place children in skilled trades and with advice
in school as to employment opportunities. The development of
vocational classes in the schools increased the appreciation on the
part of school authorities of the value of this work. During the
war a beginning was made in coordinating all the placement work for
minors under the Junior Department of the U.S. Employment
Service in the Department of Labour. At the end of the war the
appropriation of the Employment Service was so reduced by Con-
gress that there has been little development of this plan, but many
of the bureaux established in connexion with the schools have
increased in importance.
REFERENCES. For further information see Nettie P. McGill,
"Trend of Child Labor in the United States, 1913 to 1919,"
Monthly Labor Review (Bureau of Labor Statistics vol. xii., No. 4,
April 1921); The States and Child Labor (Children's Year Leaflet
No. 13, U.S. Children's Bureau Publication No. 58, 1919); The
Administration of the First Federal Child Labor Law (U.S. Chil-
dren's Bureau, Industrial Series No. 5, 1921).
Federal Board for Vocational Education, Annual Reports, 1917,
1918, 1919; Bulletins Nos. 13, Agricultural Education; 17, Trade
and Industrial Education; 18, Evening Industrial Schools; 19, Part-
time Trade and Industrial Education; 22, Retail Selling; 28, Home
Economics Education; 34, Commercial Education; 37, Survey of
the Needs in the Field of Vocational Home Economics Education;
54, Survey of Junior Commercial Occupations; 55, Compulsory
Part-time School Attendance Laws; 58, Trade and Industrial Edu-
cation for Girls and Women.
U.S. Bureau of Education, Bulletin Nos. 36 and 37, 1914 (Edu-
cation for the Home) ; No. 85, 1919 (Development of Agricultural
Instruction in Secondary Schools).
(G. An.)
672
KAHN KALA-AZAR
KAHN, OTTO HERMANN (1867- ), American financier,
was born in Mannheim, Germany, Feb. 21 1867. His
father had been among the refugees to America after the
revolution of 1848 and had become an American citizen,
but later returned to Germany. He was educated in a Gymna-
sium in Mannheim, and after a year's service in the German
army entered a banking house. In 1888 he entered the London
branch of the Deutsche Bank, remaining there five years and be-
coming a British citizen. In 1893 he went to the United States,
and for two years held a position with the house of Speyer &
Co. in New York City. Then after travel in Europe he joined
the firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., in New York City.. In March 1917
he became an American citizen. He was a patron of music and
gave private assistance to promising talent. He was chairman of
the New York committee of the Shakespeare Tercentenary (1916)
and was vice-president of the Permanent Blind Relief War Fund.
He was chairman of the board of directors of the Metropolitan
Opera Co. of New York and of the French theatre of New York,
and a founder and later treasurer of the New Theatre Co. He
was a trustee of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and of
Rutgers College. He was a director in numerous corporations,
including the Equitable Trust Co. (N.Y.) and the Union Pacific
railway. During the World War he took a leading part in show-
ing to the Germans in the United States that Germany was in
the wrong and must be opposed. He was the author of Right
Above Race (1918); Our Economic Problems: A Financier's
Point of View (1920) and Two Years of Faulty Taxation (1920).
KAHR, AUGUST RICHARD VON (1862- ), Bavarian
Minister-President from March 14 1920 to Sept. 20 1921, was born
on Nov. 29 1862 at Weissenburg in Bavaria. After March 14
1920 he came into office under military influences as a secondary
result of the Kapp coup (March 13) in Berlin. The most power-
ful party in Bavaria, the Bavarian Volkspartei, was then in a state
of much anxiety as a result of the experiences of Bolshevism,
anarchy and violence through which Munich had passed in the
spring of 1919. The Ministry presided over by the Moderate
Socialist Hoffmann had, it is true, succeeded in quelling Bolshe-
vism with the aid of Republican troops from Prussia and Wiirt-
temberg. The great majority of the Bavarian Catholic Volks-
partei, however, as well as Liberals of various shades, not to
speak of the Royalists and reactionaries, wanted further guaran-
tees against a recurrence of the Bolshevist terror. The Kapp
coup in Berlin, which in some of its aspects sprang from similar
anxieties in Prussia, gave the signal for political action in Mu-
nich, and at a midnight sitting the Bavarian Socialist Ministry
was somewhat unceremoniously hustled out of office it is al-
leged under military pressure and a Coalition Cabinet under von
Kahr installed. The Coalition included reactionary Conserva-
tives whose influence became more and more predominant. They
were backed up by formerly Liberal Bavarian journals which
had been bought up by the Prussian great industrialists. The
new Minister-President had been Landeshauptmannthe high-
est position in the provincial administrative hierarchy in Upper
Franconia. He was known as a capable and energetic bureaucrat
and as nothing else. Under his Government a formal state of
siege was maintained, and the police under the reactionary pre-
fect Pgehner exercised the greatest severity in the supervision of
foreigners and even of non-Bavarian Germans, who were only
admitted to the country by special permit. Above all, von Kahr
and his Ministry endeavoured to maintain the armed volunteer
force, the Einwohnerwehr. But the Reichstag in Berlin had
passed a law for disarmament of this force, and the Government
of the Reich insisted that Bavaria, like the rest of Germany,
should comply in this respect with the Treaty of Versailles, the
Spa decisions and the reiterated demands of the Allied Powers.
Repeatedly it seemed as if the conflict between the Government
of the Reich and that of Bavaria would end in open rupture. In
the late summer of 1921, however, the Bavarian Government
formally at any rate gave way, and it was understood that, by
arrangement, the Einwohnerwehr was surrendering its arms and
equipment. A fresh conflict arose over the measures which were
taken by the President of the Reich, Ebert, on the advice of the
Ministry of the Reich, as a sequel to the assassination of the
Democratic Catholic Centre leader Erzberger (Aug. 26 1921).
Orders were issued from Berlin for the suppression of several
Bavarian newspapers which had been indulging in violent de-
nunciation of Erzberger, the Republican constitution and the
Government of the Reich. Von Kahr and his Ministry ques-
tioned the right of the Reich to apply such measures to one of thi
German federated states without previous arrangement, or
least consultation, with the Government of that state. A serio
complication was that the attitude of the Bavarian Governm
was supported by the Prussian reactionaries, several of whom,
like Ludendorff, had taken up their residence in Bavaria and
were hoping to make it the centre of an anti-Republican or Ro;
ist movement for the whole of Germany. The Government
the Reich, under Dr. Wirth as Chancellor, manifested considi
able firmness, and ultimately in Sept. 1921 von Kahr resign
and was succeeded as Minister-President by the minister
Darmstadt, Count Lerchenfeld, a man of experience and char
ter, who commanded the confidence of the Catholic Volkspa,
and of the Bavarian Liberals of all shades.
KALA-AZAR, or Black Fever (see 15.637*), a disease fi
described in 1882 as a chronic form of malaria, or mala
cachexia, prevalent at the foot of the Garo Hills at the W. end
the range separating the Brahmaputra or Assam valley on t
N. from the Sylhet valley on the S. in India. From 1882 it spre;
steadily up the Assam valley along the Grand Trunk Road to the
of the Brahmaputra river. Travelling at a rate of about 10
a year in a wave of greatly increased mortality, leaving behind
a few sporadic cases of the disease, it culminated in such a terrible
outbreak in the Nowgong district during the first decade of the
2oth century that there was a decrease of 31.3% i n the popula-
tion, against an increase of 8 to 16% in the more easterly un-
affected districts, while much land fell out of cultivation. The
epidemic carried off about one-third of the population over a
narrow tract of country 250 m. in length in the course of 30 years,
while various places on the N. bank of the Brahmaputra river
were also affected to a lesser extent.
In 1889 an investigation of the epidemic was carried out by a
selected medical officer, who found hook-worm ova in the evac
tions of many of the cases, and reported the disease to be ank
lostomiasis a theory which was soon disproved by the discovery
that a larger proportion of healthy coolies imported into Assam
after two medical inspections harboured these worms than
kala-azar patients. In 1896 Sir Leonard Rogers investigated
disease for the Government and wrote the first full descripti
of it, but found no means of distinguishing it from what h;
always been known as malarial cachexia, which had long be<
sporadic in the Sylhet valley, except that it was more severe wit'
a shorter duration and higher mortality. He concluded that it was
an epidemic malaria, an opinion which was endorsed by the high
authority of Sir Ronald Ross after a personal investigation in
Assam in 1899. Rogers also obtained strong evidence of the
disease being communicable, the infection being a very local or
house one, and made recommendations based on this discove:
for dealing with the disease in infected tea-gardens and to ch
its further extension up the Brahmaputra valley, a natural ol
struction to which existed in the shape of the sparsely populate
Mikir Hills to the E. of the Nowgong district. These measu:
resulted within the next few years in the disease being stam
out of a number of tea estates and the cessation to a great extent
of the further spread of the epidemic, for over 10 years later
distribution of the disease in Assam was still the same, altho
a limited fresh outbreak appeared in the more easterly Sibsa
district a little later.
ua-
ky-
oi-v
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
KALEDIN, ALEXEI KANSAS
673
It was not until 1903 that the problem of the true causation
of kala-azar was solved, for after Button had discovered the
, first human trypanosome in an African fever, later shown by
Sir David Bruce to be an early stage of sleeping sickness, Sir
William Leishman recorded having found some time earlier small
oval binucleated bodies in the spleen of a fatal case of kala-azar,
which he now suggested were degenerate trypanosomes. Col.
Donovan, I. M.S., at once reported that he had independently
discovered the same bodies in malarial cachexia cases in Madras,
and he proved that they were not degenerate trypanosomes, as
they could be obtained by puncturing the spleen during life.
Sir L. Rogers and Dr. Bentley soon after found the same para-
sites in the epidemic kala-azar of Assam. In 1904 the former
cultivated the protozoal parasite and obtained the development
of a flagellate stage, and it was eventually named Leishmania
donovani in honour of the joint discoverers. Further cultural
studies led him to suggest the bed-bug as the probable carrier of
the infection, and later Maj. Patton, I. M.S., and others obtained
development of the flagellate stage in these insects after feeding
them on the blood of kala-azar patients; but the complete life-
history of the parasite has not yet (1921) been worked out.
In 1904 a Mediterranean, or infantile, form of kala-azar was
discovered, affecting mainly children, most prevalent in Tunis
and other N. African countries, and to a less degree on the N.
shores of the Mediterranean, extending from Spain, Sicily and
southern Italy and Greece to Asia Minor and the Sudan. Dogs
were found infected (though they are not with Indian kala-
azar), and the dog-flea is suspected of conveying the infection.
Kala-azar may be briefly described as a very prolonged fever,
accompanied by great enlargement of the spleen, and in the later
stages of the liver, with marked emaciation, leading to its having
been confused with the so-called malarial cachexia in India,
which is now known to be nothing but sporadic kala-azar, still
widely prevalent over Bengal, Bihar, Western United Provinces
and on the Madras coast, ttut absent, except as rare imported
cases, from the more westerly portions of India.
The fever is very varying in its character, but frequently presents
for a time a characteristic double rise of temperature in the 24 hours
of diagnostic importance. The persistent nature of the fever and
the failure of full doses of quinine to check it quickly is most im-
portant in differentiating it from a true malarial fever. In the Assam
epidemic form the average duration of the disease was seven months,
sometimes without complete cessation of fever for a single day,
while in the sporadic form it often lasts several years with periods
of temporary freedom from fever. Another feature of diagnostic
and prognostic importance is the remarkable decrease of the leu-
cocytes, or white corpuscules, of the blood, which are commonly
reduced to from one-third to one-fifth of the normal numbers; an
extreme fall being of serious import, as the consequent loss of re-
sisting powers against microbial invasion is the usual cause of fatal
terminations due to secondary septic infections, including terrible
sloughing of the tissues of the cheeks in children, dysentery, pneu-
monia and phthisis, which are the common causes of death in
kala-azar, the fever of which is comparatively seldom fatal in itself.
The mortality in the Assam epidemic form in hundreds of cases,
carefully treated from first to last on tea estates by Dr. Dodds
Price, was no less than 96 %, while it was not very much less in the
sporadic form in other parts of India. The very prolonged nature of
the disease and its excessive mortality constitute kala-azar one of
the most terrible diseases which afflict mankind.
Up to 1915 the treatment of the disease was very unsatisfactory,
although Rogers obtained 25% of recoveries by measures to in-
crease the leucocytes of the blood. The close resemblance in many
ways between kala-azar and African trypanosomiasis terminating
in sleeping sickness, together with the zoological affinities of the
flagellate organisms of the two diseases, raised the hope that any
drug which proved efficient in trypanosomiasis might very likely
also be effective in kala-azar, while the fact that rats and other
animals could be infected with human trypanosomes and the effect
of various drugs tested experimentally on the disease in them, even-
tually solved this serious problem. Various arsenical preparations,
which had proved of some value in trypanosomiasis, produced little
effect in kala-azar, but when tartar emetic intravenously was found
to be of value in the former, it was also tried by several workers
in kala-azar with complete success. Di Cristina and Caronia of
Palermo first -reported cures of the Mediterranean form of kala-azar
early in 1915, and Sir L. Rogers, who was at the same time using the
drug quite independently in India, very shortly after recorded its
curative action in Indian kala-azar, and later showed that sodium
antimony tartrate and a new preparation, colloid antimony sulphide,
were less toxic and rather more effective than the first-used tartar
emetic or potassium antimony tartrate, and reported 35 cases in
Europeans with only one death from complicating phthisis and 29
complete and lasting cures, so that about 90 % of these unfortunate
patients can now be rescued from almost certain death. Moreover,
the new treatment has proved of great value in controlling the recent
focus of the epidemic disease, while the sporadic form had in 1921
nearly disappeared from a portion of the Bardwan district of Bengal,
where numerous cases had been treated, so that there was good
reason to believe that kala-azar could eventually be stamped out.
The results obtained by segregation methods and the new treatment
thus constitute one of the greatest triumphs of modern medical
science. (L. Ro.)
KALEDIN, ALEXEI (1861-1918), Russian general, was born
in 1861, and entered the army in 1882. For some years he served
in the artillery and then, on passing out of the General Staff
Academy in 1889, he was appointed on the general staff. He
reached the rank of general in 1907, and when the World War
broke out in 1914 he was at the head of the 1 2th Cavalry Division.
With this division he served in the Galician campaigns of 1914-5,
in which his marked qualities of leadership soon showed them-
selves. In March 1915 he was seriously wounded. Later in 1915
he commanded the XII. Corps, and in the beginning of 1916 the
VIII. Army. With this army, in 1916, he carried out the great
offensive campaign of Lutsk. More than 100,000 prisoners and
much booty were the results of his summer battles. In May 1917,
being out of sympathy with the policy of the Provisional Govern-
ment, which was causing the disintegration of the army, he re-
signed his post as an army commander. In the summer of the
same year he was elected Ataman of the Don. His popularity
among the Cossacks did not cease, even after the conflict be-
tween Kornilov and Kerensky. Notwithstanding the latter's
demand that Kaledin should come to Moscow to explain his
conduct during the Kornilov affair, the Cossack parliament for-
bade him to go, fearing some treachery in relation to Kaledin.
After the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks and the conclusion
of their armistice with the Germans, he called up the Cossack
regiments to the Don. The great moral influence he exercised
over the Cossacks kept them at first from internal anarchy and
aroused them to an armed defence of the Don district against
invasion by the Bolsheviks. He thus made it possible for Gen-
erals Alexeiev and Kornilov, in Dec. 1917, to muster the troops of
the Volunteer Army to the south of the Don district. But in the
beginning of 1918 an inner fermentation began on the Don; on
the front the Cossacks began to surrender to the Bolsheviks.
The Volunteer Army left the Don and went to the Kuban district.
When all means of saving the Don Cossacks from Bolshevism
were exhausted, Kaledin, hoping even at the last to rally the
Cossacks by an act of self-devotion, shot himself on Feb. 1 1 1918.
(N. N. G.)
KANSAS (see 15.654). The pop. of Kansas in 1920 was
1,769,257, as against 1,690,969 in 1910, an increase of 78, 288 or
4-6%. Relatively to the other states, Kansas lost its position,
falling from 22nd to 24th place. Of the 105 counties, 48 showed
an increase and 57 a decrease in pop. during the decade. The
average number of inhabitants to the sq. m. was 21.6 in 1920.
There were three cities of over 25,000 inhabitants, 14 from 10,000
to 25,000 and 10 from 5,000 to 10,000. The urban pop. (in cities
of over 2,500) increased from 29-2% in 1910 to 34-9% in 1920.
The following are the cities with over 12,000 inhabitants, with
pop. in 1920 and 1910 and percentage of increase:
1920
1910
Per cent Increase
Kansas City.
101,177
82,331
22-9
Wichita
72,217
52,450
37-6
Topeka
50,022
43-684
14-5
Hutchinson .
23,298
16,364
42-4
Pittsburg
18,052
H.755
22-3
Leavenworth
16,912
19,363
-12-7
Parsons
16,028
12,463
28-6
Salina
15.085
9,688
55-7
Coffeyville .
Atchison
13,452
12,630
12,687
16,429
6-0
-23-1
Lawrence
12,456
12,374
0-7
Agriculture. Kansas is preeminently an agricultural state. It
is the largest producer of wheat and corn taken together in the
Union, although the wheat crop is in some years exceeded by North
Dakota and the corn crop in some years by Illinois. The wheat
crop was 61,000,000 bus. in 1910; production was increased by 1914
674
KANSAS
to 180,000,000 bus.; in 1920 it was 140,000,000 bushels. The corn
crop was 152,000,000 bus. in 1910 and despite increase in area
planted in wheat, 132,000,000 bus. in 1920. The crops next in value
were alfalfa and oats. High prices of agricultural produce during
the World War brought great prosperity to the state, but the slump
in the winter of 1920-1 reduced prices below the cost of production
and created acute depression. Despite increase in the area under
cultivation, the number of individual farms decreased from 177,841
in 1910 to 165,287 in 1920.
Mineral Products. There are considerable deposits of bituminous
coal along the eastern border of the state and production amounted
in 1920 to 7,500,000 tons. Natural gas reached its peak in 1908 with
a yield of 80 billion cub. ft., after which the yield gradually decreased
to 27-8 billion cub. ft. in 1920. There has been little effective control
of the distribution of gas, and distributing companies have fixed
rates in total disregard of their original contracts. The most striking
development of the decade in this field has been in the production of
petroleum which stood at only 3,000,000 bar. in 1914, jumped to
36,500,000 in 1917, reached the peak at 45,500,000 in 1918 and stood
at 34,000,000 in 1920. The supply of materials for cement seems
inexhaustible and the value of this product is exceeded only by oil,
coal and gas. Kansas ranks fourth in the Union in the production
of salt, of which the production in 1920 was reported by the State
Geological Survey at 873,576 barrels. The Joplin zinc and lead
field overlaps the S.E. corner of the state, but while the field ap-
proaches exhaustion on the Missouri side, it is capable of indefinite
development in Kansas. The output in 1920 was 20,249 tons of
zinc arid 3,025 tons of lead.
Manufactures and Transportation. Federal statistics distinguish
36 industrial groups in each of which the value of the annual output
exceeds $300,000. The state issued an Industrial Directory in 1919
which presented a preliminary survey of all the establishments en-
gaged in any kind of manufacture. The larger interests were based
upon products of agriculture. The largest is the slaughtering and
packing of meat, which produces almost one-tenth of the total output
of the United States. The State Board of Agriculture valued the
animals slaughtered and sold for slaughter in 1920 at about $105,000,-
ooo. Nearly the whole of this industry is localized in Kansas City.
The next largest interest is the milling of flour, which is widely dis-
tributed over the state. During the year ending June 30 1920, 18,-
000,000 bar. of flour was milled. Slaughtering and milling together
contribute considerably more than half the value of the manu-
factured products of the state. Railways and the industries sub-
sidiary to them employ a large part of the labour of the state. The
railway mileage was 9,006 in iqio and 9,525 in 1915, but construc-
tion was suspended during Federal control and mileage declined in
1920 to 9,352. Electric interurban railways (mileage 512 in 1920)
have developed less rapidly than in more thickly settled states.
Constitution. Kansas in 1921 was still governed by her original
constitution, adopted in 1859. Twenty-one amendments were made
prior to 1910 and six have been added since that time. Unlimited
suffrage was extended to women in 1912 (they had enjoyed municipal
suffrage since 1887), and under pressure of the World War the
suffrage was limited in 1918 to citizens of the United States. Pro-
vision was made for recall of public officers in 1914, but the Supreme
Court (State v. Deck, 1 06 Kans. 518) decided that the clauses are
not self-executing, in that they make no provision for special elec-
tions, and the Legislature has not seen fit to give them effect. As
the result of a campaign for a stable income for the state educational
institutions, the Legislature was authorized in 1918 to levy a per-
manent tax for their support but in 1921 had failed to act. In the face
of a constitutional requirement that all property be taxed at a uni-
form rate, it had not been possible to make any progress in the
direction of tax reform. In 1915 the Legislature attempted to reach
intangible property by an Act exempting from taxation all mortgages
on which a certain registration fee had been paid, but the Supreme
Court (Wheeler v. Weightman, 96 Kans. 50) held that the Act in-
volved a classification of property and was therefore unconstitu-
tional. An amendment had been submitted in 1914 and was re-
submitted in 1920, permitting the classification of property for
purposes of taxation but on both occasions was rejected. Two
amendments were adopted in 1920. One, resulting from the efforts
of Gov. Allen to reduce farm tenantry, authorized the creation of a
fund to assist in the purchase of farm homes. The other so far
removed the prohibition of state action in works of internal im-
provement as to allow the state to assist counties in building roads.
No action was taken by the succeeding session of the Legislature
under either head. It is a conspicuous fact that the amendments
adopted by the people during the decade 1910-20, depending for
execution upon legislative action, were not given effect.
Legislation. The Legislature met in biennial sessions from 1911
to 1921 and in special session in 1920. Except for the " blue sky "
law and the Act establishing a Court of Industrial Relations, legisla-
tion has followed the drift in other states. The " blue sky " law, for
the regulation of investment companies, was passed in 1911 and
amended in detail in 1913 and 1915. It prohibits the sale in the state
of stocks not approved by a board, consisting of the Secretary of
State, and Attorney-General and the State Bank Commissioner, and
thus prevents the floating of worthless securities. It has been ex-
tensively copied in other states. Another step in advance was the
Act of 1913 which provides for the nomination and election of jud _.
by separate ballots without party designation. During the decade
1910-20 the management of all of the state's institutions was highly
centralized. The first step was taken in 1913 by placing all the
educational institutions under a single Board of Educational Ad-
ministration, consisting of three members, and in 1917 all the
institutions, educational, charitable and correctional, were placed
under control of a State Board of Administration, consisting of three
members and the governor as chairman ex officio. The Act was
based on the manager idea, according to which the head of each
institution is chosen by the Board and held responsible for the
administration of his own institution. It is open to question whether
the duties of such a board are not too diverse. There is also danger
that the change may lead to political interference with the internal
management of the educational institutions, but no such tendency
had developed by 1921. The expectation that the Legislature would
accept the estimates of the Board as to the financial needs of the
various institutions had not been realized. An attempt made by
Gov. Capper in 1917 and renewed by Gov. Allen in 1921 to con-
solidate on a similar plan the various bureaus that compose the
State Board of Agriculture did not succeed. In 1911 the State Board
of Railroad Commissioners was superseded by a Public Utilities
Commission, modelled on the commissions already established
in New York and Wisconsin, to which was given supervision of all
Eublic utilities in the state. In 1919 a general strike in the coal-
eld suspended production and threatened a coal famine in the midst
of an exceptionally severe winter. Gov. Allen took over the coal-
mines and began their operation by means of volunteers recruited
chiefly from among the students in the educational institutions, and
called the Legislature in special session to provide against the re-
currence of such conditions. The result was the passage in 1920 of an
Act which created a Court of Industrial Relations, consisting of
three members. The Act declared the manufacture of food and
clothing, the mining of fuel and transportation to be essential
industries and " affected with a public interest " to such a degree
as to justify public control. The right of collective bargaining was
recognized but strikes were prohibited and the Court was given au-
thority, either on its own initiative or on complaint, to investigate
and to issue orders regulating limitation of production, hours and
conditions of labour and rate of wages. Appeal from the orders of
the Court may be taken to the civil courts. Originally the Public
Utilities Commission was merged in the Industrial Court but at the
regular session of the Legislature in 1921 the former was reestab-
lished as a separate body and the Labour Bureau and the Industrial
Commission were merged in the latter. The purpose of the Court of
Industrial Relations is to protect the interests of the public as be-
tween the employer on the one hand and labour on the other and to
avert industrial war. The Court was not entirely satisfactory either
to the employer or to labour, but it constituted the most interesting
experiment that had been made in this field during the decade and
the outlook was encouraging. The Act establishing the court was
sustained by the State Supreme Court.
In some other directions legislative progress has been less satii
factory. An Act of 1903, prohibiting discharge of workmen on
account of union membership, was lost through judicial inter-
pretation. The Act was sustained in 1912 by the Supreme Court
of the state (Kans. v. Coppage, 87 Kans. 752) but in 1915 was held
by the U.S. Supreme Court to be a taking of property without due
process of law, in that it curtailed the employer's right to make
contracts on the most favourable terms (Coppage v. Kans. 236
U.S. l). In 1915 the Legislature created a Civil Service Commission,
consisting of three state officers, one of them to be a member of the
faculty of the state university, and all serving without compensa-
tion. The Commission functioned as well as the inadequacy of
the law would admit, but in 1921 employees in the State Banking
Department were removed from its control and the Commission
was left without appropriation for contingent expenses. The state
thus reverted to the spoils system. The laws respecting child labour,
budget and workmen's compensation were not regarded as satis-
factory. A commission was created in 1919 to draft a law upon work-
men's compensation, but in 1921 no action had been taken upon its
report. An act of 1919 prohibited the use of a red flag or of any flag
emblematic of " bolshevism, anarchy or radical socialism." A bill,
passed in 1921, requiring voters in primary elections to register their
party affiliations in advance, was prevented from becoming law
only by the veto of the governor. Acts passed in 1907 and amended
in 1909 provided for the adoption of commission form of government
in cities of the first (over 15,000 inhabitants) and second (belwivn
2, oooand 15,000) classes. Fifty-two cities, including all those of the
first class, had availed themselves in 1921 of this opportunity
and the question was pending in several others. The cities that have
acted more recently have favoured a combination of the com-
mission and city-manager plan. Of the 525 cities in the state, 158
are members of the Kansas League of Municipalities which main-
tains a monthly bulletin, entitled Kansas Municipalities, edited
by the secretary and published at the state university. Taken as a
whole, the legislation of the decade hardly sustained the reputation
enjoyed by Kansas as being particularly radical in its measures.
More progress in this direction would doubtless have been made
but for the World War and its reaction.
History. Kansas has been overwhelmingly Republican in
politics and there has been practically no Democratic press in
the state. W. R. Stubbs was elected governor in 1909 and re-
elected in 191 1, as representative of the reform wing of the
Republican party. Under the leadership of William Allen White,
Victor Murdock and Henry J. Allen, the reform wing of the
party joined the Progressive movement and the primaries in
Aug. 1912 declared for Roosevelt for presidential nominee. The
division in the Republican ranks resulted in giving the eleotoral
vote of the state that year to Wilson and in the election of a
Democratic governor, George H. Hodges. In 1914 the Repub-
licans regained control of the state Government by the election
as governor of Arthur Capper, owner of the Topeka Capital
and of a group of farm papers, and he was reelected in 1916,
although the electoral vote of the state again went to Wilson.
Henry J. Allen, Republican, owner of the Wichita Beacon, was
elected governor in 1918 and reelected in 1920. In the latter
year the electoral vote for President went to Harding by enor-
mous majorities. The World War was enthusiastically supported
by all parties. One of the larger training camps, named from
Gen. F. Funston (who died early in 1917), was located on land
adjoining the Fort Riley military reservation. The state supplied
63,428 men to the rank and file of the army. The amounts sub-
scribed to the war loans were: First Liberty Loan, $11,108,750;
Second, $27,895,200; Third, $47,381,200; Fourth, $73,914,550;
Victory Loan, $51,208,250.
Slate Documents. Session laws and Senate and House journals
are issued after each legislative session. The last edition of the
Compiled Statutes was issued in 1915. A complete revision was in
preparation in 1921. Reports of executive departments are brought
together in a collective volume entitled Combined Department Re-
ports. Other important publications are the Biennial Reports of the
State Board of Agriculture and the State Board of Health and the
Collections of the State Historical Society. The State Library issued
in 1920 a reprint of the Proceedings of the Constitutional Convention
of 1859, with much supplementary historical matter, edited by
H. G. Larimer. (F. H. H.*)
KAPP, WOLFGANG (1868- ), German conspirator, the
author or chief instrument of what is known as the Kapp coup
d'etat (or Putsch) of March 13 1920, was born in New York
July 28 1868. He was the son of one of the leading German
Liberals of 1848, Friedrich Kapp, who, when the reaction
triumphed, had sought refuge in America and remained there
until the establishment of the German Empire by Bismarck in
1871. Friedrich wrote books which had a considerable vogue
on the history of German immigration into the United States
and on the question of slavery. He returned to Germany and
was a National Liberal member of the Reichstag until he sep-
arated from Bismarck on the question of protection. His son
Wolfgang grew up under Bismarckian influences, and after an
ordinary official career became the founder of the Agricultural
Credit Institute in East Prussia, which achieved great success
in promoting the prosperity of landowners and farmers in that
province. He was consequently in close touch with the Junkers
of East Prussia, and during the World War made himself their
mouthpiece in an attack on the Imperial Chancellor Bethmann
Hollweg published in 1916 under the title of Die Nationalen
Kreise und, der Reichskanzler. This pamphlet appeared about
the same time as the attacks of " Junius Alter " and evoked an
indignant reply from Bethmann Hollweg in the Reichstag, in
which he spoke of " loathsome abuse and slanders." Kapp
continued his campaign against the Government, and was one
of the chief founders of the Vaterlandspartei under the auspices
of Tirpitz. For a brief period before the Revolution he was a
Conservative member of the Reichstag.
Nothing more was heard of him until on March 12 1920 the
Republican Government of the Reich suddenly issued an order for
his arrest. It turned out that he had organized, with Gen. von
Liittwitz and other officers, a conspiracy to seize power in Berlin
and to* occupy the Government offices. Noske, the Socialist
Minister of National Defence, had, with misplaced confidence,
put Liittwitz at the head of the troops which suppressed the
Communist risings in Berlin. Liittwitz, after delivering a kind
of ultimatum to the Government, placed himself at the disposal^
KAPP KAROLYI
675
of Kapp, and led the troops, which consisted mainly of the so-
called " Baltikum " and other Free Corps, from the camp of
Doberitz near Berlin into the capital in the early morning of
March 13, where he occupied the Government buildings. Kapp
was installed in the Imperial Chancellery and issued proclama-
tions with his signature as " Chancellor of the Reich." President
Ebert, Chancellor Bauer, and other members of the Ministry
fled in motor-cars first to Dresden and afterwards to Stuttgart,
where a meeting of as many members of the Reichstag as could
be assembled took place. Meanwhile Kapp tried to form a
Government, with a number of desperate and in part criminal
characters in the subordinate offices. Well-known Conserva-
tives and former secretaries of state, who were invited to
assume the more important offices, declined to associate them-
selves with him. He endeavoured to negotiate with ministers
who remained in Berlin, particularly with Schiffer, Minister of
Justice. The chief grievances which Kapp and his followers
professed to have against the Government were (a) that the
National Assembly, which had been elected as a Constituent
Assembly, was prolonging its existence and acting as a perma-
nent Reichstag; (b) that this Assembly was manifesting an in-
clination to revise the constitution in respect of the election of
the President of the Republic so as to make the election lie with
the Reichstag instead of with the electorate of the country.
There was something in these complaints, and in the sequel the
date of the general election for the first republican Reichstag was
hastened and was fixed for the following June, while all attempts
to change the method of election for the presidency of the repub-
lic were abandoned.
The Government had no troops whom it could trust to put
down the Kapp insurrection, but the working classes of Berlin
took the matter into their own hands, and by a universal strike
rendered the continuance of the Kapp " Government " impossible.
The leading generals of the army, with the exception of Luden-
dorff, had at the same time informed Liittwitz that his position
and action were entirely irregular and that he must resign in the
interests of the country. Kapp saw that the game was up, and
on the evening of March 17 he and Liittwitz fled from Berlin in
motor-cars. The insurrectionary Government had lasted four
days. The legitimate Government on its return to Berlin issued
warrants for the arrest of Kapp, Liittwitz and their associates.
Liittwitz entirely disappeared, but Kapp remained in hiding for
a time on his East Prussian estates, and ultimately managed to
escape by aeroplane to Sweden.
The effects of the Kapp coup throughout Germany were more
lasting than in Berlin. On the one hand it led to a succession of
Communist insurrections, of which the most serious was that
which was suppressed by reactionary troops and with reactionary
severity in the Ruhr region, March-April 1920. On the other
hand it left a rump of military conspirators such as Col. Bauer,
Maj. Pabst and Capt. Ehrhardt, who found refuge in Bavarin
under the reactionary Government of Herr von Kahr (itself ap
indirect product of the Kapp coup) and there attempted to
organize plots against the republican Constitution and Govern-
ment of Germany. The crisis in the relations of Bavaria with
the Reich (Aug.-Sept. 1921) which ended in von Kahr's resigna-
tion was a further phase of the same trouble.
KAROLYI, MICHAEL, COUNT (1875- ), Hungarian poli-
tician, was born on March 4 1875. He was at first an agrarian
Conservative, and as such president of the Hungarian Agri-
cultural Union, and then, as deputy, an adherent of the extreme
Chauvinist party. He became the leader of the Radical wing of
the Independence party (see HUNGARY), a personal opponent of
Count Stephen Tisza, and led the parliamentary opposition and
obstruction against him. In the spring of 1914 he travelled to
America to collect among Hungarians resident there election
funds for his party. The outbreak of war found him in France,
where his companions were interned, but he was allowed to go
free, and returned to Hungary. He entered the army as a volun-
teer. On the approach of the catastrophe he allied himself and
his party with the anti-Chauvinist Bourgeois-Radicals and the
Social Democrats, developed pacifist views, and sought to bring
6y6
KATO KENTUCKY
an end to the war by preparing the way for the revolution. He
was prime minister in the Oct. revolution, and was elected by
the National Council on Jan. n 1919 President of the Hunga-
rian People's Republic. He handed over the Government on
March 21 1919 to the Soviet Government, and after its fall
emigrated to Czechoslovakia, then to Italy, but was expelled
from there on Feb. I 1921 on account of Communist propaganda.
He then obtained permission to live in Yugoslavia.
KATO, TAKAAKI [KOMEl], VISCOUNT (1859- ), Japanese
statesman (see 15.696), resigned his post as ambassador in
London in Dec. 1912. Returning to Japan, he joined the late
Prince Katsura's third Cabinet as Foreign Minister for the
third time, but resigned soon after. He then reorganized the
Doshikai, created by Katsura, and renamed it the Kensei-kai
or Constitutionalist party, becoming its president in 1913 (see
JAPAN: Political Developments). In April 1914 he joined the
Okuma Cabinet as Foreign Minister, resigning in the following
August. In Aug. 1915 he was elected to the House of Peers.
KATSURA, TARO, PRINCE (1847-1913), Japanese soldier and
statesman (see 15.697). In Aug. 1911 he resigned in favour of
Marquess Saionji, having completed the work of financial re-
form and treaty revision he had undertaken, and received the
rank of prince. On Dec. 20 1912 he again accepted office as
premier, gallantly facing the difficulties due to lack of public
confidence in the control of State policy by the Genro (Elder
Statesmen). In Feb. 1913, however, a vote of censure on the
premier was moved in the Diet for the alleged misuse of imperial
rescripts, and on Feb. n the Prince resigned office and was suc-
ceeded by Adml. Yamamoto. His health was already failing and
he died on Oct. 10 1913.
KEANE, AUGUSTUS HENRY (1833-1912), Irish anthropologist,
was born at Cork June i 1833. He was educated at Dublin and
in Rome for the Roman Catholic priesthood; but he declined to
enter the Church, and devoted himself to geographical and
ethnological research (see 1.442; 9.900; 22.678). He registered
and classified almost every known language, and from these
data worked out a system of ethnology. He edited Stanford's
Compendium of Geography and, besides many papers in the
journals of learned societies and in encyclopaedias, published
Man, Past and Present (1899) ; Ethnology (1896 and later editions) ;
The Gold ofOphir (1901), etc. He was professor of Hindustani at
University College, London, till 1885. He died Feb. 3 1912.
KEANE, JOHN JOSEPH (1830-1918), American Roman Catho-
lic archbishop (see 15.706), died at Dubuque, la., June 22 1918.
He had retired in 1911.
KEARY, CHARLES FRANCIS (1848-1917), English author,
was born near Stoke-on-Trent, March 28 1848. Educated at
Marlborough and Trinity College, Cambridge, he was for some
years in the coins department of the British Museum. His first
published work was Outlines of Primitive Belief among the Indo-
European Races (1882), followed by several works on Norse
history and mythology, The Mythology of the Eddas (1882);
The Vikings in Western Christendom (1890) and Norway and
the Norwegians (1892). In 1910 he published a philosophical
work The Pursuit of Reason; but from 1889 onwards he devoted
most of his time to fiction and verse. Amongst his novels may be
named A Marriage de Convenance (1889); Herbert Vaulennert
(1895) and Bloomsbury (1905); and amongst his poems, Rigel,
a Mystery (1903) and Religious Hours (1916). He died in Lon-
don Oct. 25 1917.
KELLOGG, CLARA LOUISE (1842-1916), American singer
(see 15.719), died at New Hartford, Conn., May 13 1916. She
was the author of Memoirs of an American Prima Donna (1913).
KELTIE, SIR JOHN SCOTT (1840- ), British geographer,
was born at Dundee March 29 1840. He was educated at Perth,
and afterwards at St. Andrews and Edinburgh. In 1861 he joined
the editorial staff of W. & R. Chambers, of Edinburgh, and from
1871 to 1884 was employed by Macmillan & Co., being also for
some years the sub-editor of Nature. In. 1880 he was appointed
editor of the Statesman's Year Book. He became in 1884 in-
spector of geographical education in connexion with the Royal
Geographical Society, becoming librarian of the society in 1885
and its secretary in 1892. This position he held till 1915, whe
he was appointed joint-editor of the Geographical Journal.
In 1917 he retired and in 1918 was knighted. Sir John Keltie
has been the recipient of many honours from learned societies,
including the Cullum gold medal of the American Geographical
Society and the gold medals .of the Paris and Royal Scottish
Geographical Societies (1915), besides the Victoria medal of the
Royal Geographical Society (1917). In 1897 he was president
of the geographical section of the British Association. His best-
known book is The Partition of Africa (1894), which is one of the
standard works on the subject. He has also published A History
of the Scottish Highlands and Clans (1874) ; Report on Geographical
Education (1886); Applied Geography (1890; new ed. 1908)
and The History of Geography (with O. J. R. Howarth, 1914);
besides many articles in scientific and geographical journals.
He acted during the winter of 1918-9 as a geographical adviser
to the historical section of the Foreign Office.
KENDAL, WILLIAM HUNTER (1843-1917), English actor
(see 15.727), died in London Nov. 7 1917.
KENNEDY, SIR WILLIAM RANN (1846-1915), English judge,
was born at Dublin Jan. 14 1846. He was educated at Eton and
King's College, Cambridge, where he had a distinguished career.
He was called to the bar in 1871, and became a Q.C. in 1885.
He joined the northern circuit and settled in Liverpool, where as
an expert in shipping and mercantile cases he earned a very high
reputation. He unsuccessfully contested Birkenhead in 1885 and
1886, and St. Helens in 1892, in the Liberal interest. In 1892 he
was appointed a judge of the Queen's Bench division and was
knighted, and in 1907 became a lord of appeal, being made a
Privy Councillor in 1909. He died in London Jan. 17 1915.
KENTUCKY (see 15.740). Thecensusof i92oranked Kentucky
as i5th state with a pop. of 2,416,630; in 1910 the state was 14!
with 2,289,905. The gain of 126,725, or 5-5%, was numerically
the least since 1840 and per cent the least since 1790. There wer<
1,227,494 males and 1,189,136 females. The whites number
2,i8o,'56o, an increase since 1910 of 7-5%; the negroes 235,938,
a decrease of 9-8%. Foreign-born whites numbered 30,780
or 1-3% of the total pop., as against 40,053, or 1-7% in 1910.
There were also 57 Indians, 62 Chinese, 9 Japanese, and 4 others.
White men 21 years of age and over numbered 584,721; whit
women, 560,804; total, including negroes, 1,289,496, most
whom may vote under the new election laws of 1920. The den-
sity of pop. in 1920 was 60- 1 to the sq. m.;, in 1910, 57. The
state remained overwhelmingly rural, despite a rise of urban
pop. from 24-3% in 1910 to 26-2% in 1920. Sixty-four counties
widely scattered, lost pop. in the decade; while four in the caster
coal-fields gained 50% or more. In 1916 the Baptists claimed
367,731 members; Roman Catholics, 160,185; Methodists,
155,229; Disciples of Christ, 129,972; Presbyterians, 48,423;
Church of Christ, 24,216; Episcopalians, 9,383. The eight citie
with a pop. of over 10,000 in 1920 were:
1920
1910
Increase
Per cent
Louisville .
Covingtori
Lexington
Newport .
Paducah .
Owensboro
Ashland .
Henderson
234.891
57,121
41,534
29,317
24,735
21,055
14,729
12,160.
223,928
53,270
35,099
30,309
22,760
16,011
8,688
",452
4-9
7-2
18-3
-3-3
8-7
31-5
69-5
6-3
Education. The large number of illiterates reported in 1910
(208,084) led to the creation of two illiteracy commissions in 1914
and 1918 respectively. In Rowan county in 191 1 night schools fo
adult illiterates were inaugurated. Renewed educational campaign
secured a compulsory attendance law, higher salaries, consolidate
schools, better organization and more revenue, reducing illiterac
from 12-1% in 1910 to 8-4% in'ig2O. An Act of 1920 grants to
counties and cities ample taxing powers to provide for their schools.
Thecensus reported 702,391 children of school age, of whom 519,093
were enrolled. High schools shared in this expansion, increasing
from 83 in 1910 to 400 in 1920.
Agriculture. The number of farms increased from 259,185 in
1910 to 270,626 in 1920, but the improved land decreased from
14,354,471 ac. to 13,975,746, despite the efforts of the reclamation
KENTUCKY
677
service, which expended $1,620,027 in the counties bordering on the
great rivers and in the western coal area. This drainage and flood-
prevention work involved 471,874 acres. No control has been per-
fected to meet floods, such as that of 1913. The number of farm
owners increased from 170,332 in 1910 to 179,327 in 1920; the num-
ber of tenants decreased in the mining counties and increased in
Mason 82% Boyle 76%, Mercer 68%, Fayette 63%, and
Bourbon and Jessamine 60% each. Women who operated farms
in 1920 numbered 11,399; negro farmers, 12,628. The average size
of farms decreased from 85-6 acres in 1910 to 79-9 in 1920. The value
of all farm property rose from $773,797-88o in 1910 to $1,511,901,077
in 1920. The average value of farms in 1910, $2,452, rose to $4,823
in 1920; the average value of the land from $21.83 P er acre to $48.62.
Of the farms which in 1920 were operated by their owners, 25-8 %
were mortgaged.
Live-stock figures are not closely comparable because the census of
1910 was taken April 15, that of 1920 on Jan. I. Despite this change,
however, mules increased from 216,915 to 292,857, cattle from 898,-
444 to 1,093,453, and chickens from 8 to 10 millions. A decrease is
recorded in horses from 425,000 to 382,000, though the price of
thoroughbreds did not decline; in sheep from 778,154 to 707,845.
The number of swine in 1920 was 1,504,431, valued at $15,471,514.
The total value of all live stock in 1920 was $148,125,506.
The value of the crops in 1919 and 1909 was:
1919
1909
Cereals
Other grains and seeds
Hay and forage
Vegetables . ...
Fruits and nuts
Tobacco . ...
Miscellaneous . . % .
$151,792,740
1,660,745
43.399,964
26,163,576
4,989.367
"7-730,675
2,917,857
$60,738,651
765,903
10,510,422
11,850,994
5,019-231
37,174,000
4-535-607
All crops
8348,654,924
$130,594,808
After 1915 there was a marked increase in farmers' unions, market-
ing associations, young people's clubs and agricultural extension
courses. On the other hand, orchards revealed a distinct decline
both in trees and fruit, apparently suffering from neglect.
Minerals. The coal output in 1910 was 14,623,319 tons; in 1916
it was over 25,000,000 and in 1920, 38,892,044 tons, the increase
being partly due to strikes in other regions. To provide for this
increase, most of which was in the eastern counties, the Louisville
and Nashville Railroad constructed 333 m. of track and expended
$30,000,000 during the decade of 1910-20; the Baltimore and Ohio
constructed 55 m. In Pike, Perry, Letcher and Harlan counties the
pop. increased 50% or more, while the number of tenants in the
agricultural districts decreased. New towns, such as Ravenna,
Jenkins, McRoberts and Lynch, sprang into existence. Petroleum
was marketed in small quantities, because of the low prices, prior to
1916. Stimulated by the war, prices rose from $2.05 per bar. on
Jan. I 1917 to $4.50 at the close of 1920. No trustworthy figures are
available prior to the reports of the tax commission, according to
which 17 counties produced as follows:
No. of bar.
produced
Value
1918 (8 months April-Dec.)
1919 (12 months)
1920 (12 months)
3,444,620
9,226,472
8,552,877
$ 8,906,422
24,459,016
33,556,241
The greatest pool, Big Sinking, was opened in Lee county. A new
field appeared in the south-western counties, centering about Allen
and Warren. In many locations the drillers opened gas wells which
have reduced the state's dependence on West Virginia's supply.
Mt. Sterling, Winchester, Paris, Lexington, Frankfort and Louisville
now obtain natural gas. The principal oil refinery is at Louisville.
That city manufactured in 1919 various products to the value of
$204,568,000 out of the state's total of $395,660,000.
Minerals. From 190910 1919 capital invested in mines, quarries
and wells rose from 26 to 201 millions, or 651 %; value of products
from 12 to 98 millions, or 713%.
Communications. Railway facilities were, as already stated,
enlarged to meet the increased coal production after 1910. Extension
of existing pipe-lines provided for oil transportation, supplemented
by river boats for which locks were built by the U.S. Government.
But the largest expansion was in road-building and automobiles.
Motor licenses increased from 2,808 in 1911 to 114,228 in 1920,
bringing with them an insistent demand for better roads. To this
end the state roads department receives a tax of $.01 per gal. on the
sales of gasoline, and a tax of $.03 from state funds, with Federal
aid for approved projects; it also shares with counties the cost of
some inter-county roads.
Finance. The old revenue system based on a general property
tax proved inadequate to meet the cost of progressive legislation.
After thorough investigation by a legislative committee in 1914, the
Assembly at a special session in 1917 created a tax commission. The
general tax was reduced from $.50 to $.40; the levy on bank deposits
and live stock was fixed at $.10 per $100 of taxable property; a tax
of i % of the market value of oil goes to the state, and half as much
to the producing county. Increased by license and franchise rev-
enues, the general fund is then apportioned to various purposes by
the Act of 1918. Under the new law, bank deposits rose from $11,-
000,000 in 1916 to $179,000,000 in 1917; assessed values from
$922,000,000 in 1917 to $1,912,343,940 in 1921; railway 'valuations
from $70,000,000 in 1914 to $160,000,000 in 1917. The total rev-
enues in 1920 were $11,628,336. The need of a budget is shown by
a floating debt which is carried in the form of warrants.
Legislation. The Acts of the General Assembly for the period
1910-20 contain many provisions in regard to labour, education, and
public health. The Child Labor Act of 1908 was improved in 1910,
1912, 1914 and 1916. Other progressive laws cover the subjects of
tax reform, prisoners, banking, insurance, vital statistics and sanita-
tion. In general the Assembly has welcomed all tenders of Federal
cooperation in matters of agricultural extension, road-building and
public health. No appropriations were made to meet the exigencies
of the war beyond the Act of 1918 creating the Council of Defense
at a cost of $50,000 per annum. An Act of 1920 to prevent the sale
of worthless securities was due to the speculation in oil shares after
1916. A series of Acts permits all cities to adopt the commission plan
of government.
History. The great changes in the political and economic life
of Kentucky during the decade 1910-20 were due to three factors:
a programme of social legislation carried over from the previous
decade; the World War; and participation in national reforms.
Of secondary importance were two other factors: the exception-
ally severe winter of 1917-8 which was accompanied by pandemic
influenza; and the active road-building induced by the increased
use of the motor-car. While disease and war tended to check the
growth of population as well as to prevent construction work
of all sorts, the demand for war supplies and the rise of prices
distributed new wealth, created new towns in the eastern counties
and permanently enriched all who could assimilate their pros-
perity. Toward the close of the decade the Prohibition Amend-
ment destroyed the distilling industry, which stood first in value
of output in 1914, amounting to $48,862,526; but tobacco alone
at war prices in 1919 yielded the unprecedented sum of $117,730,-
675. Two Democratic governors were elected, J. B. McCreary
(1911-5) and A. O. Stanley (1915-9). The latter, however, had a
plurality of only 471 votes over E. P. Morrow, Republican, and a
Republican was elected secretary of state. Governor Stanley
resigned to take his seat as U.S. senator on May 19 1919, Lieut.-
Gov. J. B. Black succeeding him. In Nov. 1919 Edwin, P. Mor-
row, Republican, defeated Black by the surprising plurality of
40,176. While the state cast all her electoral votes for Woodrow
Wilson in 1912 and 1916 and for Cox in 1920, she chose a Re-
publican senator, R. P. Ernst, in. 1920. Several changes were
made in the state constitution by popular referendum: in 1915,
to permit classification of property for taxation and to employ
convicts on public roads; in 1917, to permit telephone companies
to merge; in 1919, to adopt prohibition. The xaoth county
McCreary was organized in 1912 out of parts of Pulaski, Wayne
and Whitley. In Nov. 1917 the U.S. Supreme Court declared
void Louisville's race-segregation ordinance.
On April 3 1910 a night rider was convicted at Marion and in
the same year certain farmers and residents of Grant county were
convicted of violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act by con-
spiring to prevent the marketing of tobacco. In Aug. 1914 at
Hartford, of 65 persons accused of " regulating conduct " by
coercing their neighbours, 2 were sentenced; Jan. n 1917 Gov-
ernor Stanley persuaded a mob at Murray to disperse after
threatening the judge and state's attorney for safeguarding a
negro prisoner; and in the same year at Providence a miners'
outbreak was quelled by guards returning from the Mexican
border. On March 13 1921 a negro prisoner was lynched at
Versailles, but the gaoler was removed from office. The most
serious outbreak occurred Feb. 9 1920 when at Lexington a mob,
attempting to enter the Fayette county court-house to seize
a negro during the progress of his trial, was fired upon by state
troops after repeated warnings. Seven men were killed and 22
wounded. Soldiers from Camp Taylor arrived later in the day,
averting further bloodshed. The negro was convicted and sen-
tenced a few minutes after the firing ceased.
Kentucky furnished for the World War 91,821 men in all
branches of the army and navy. Of these, 3,015 died and more
6;8
KENYA COLONY
than 4,000 were wounded, 300 remaining in hospitals in 1920.
Camp Zachary Taylor at Louisville was one of the national
cantonments for infantry, while artillerymen were trained at
West Point in Jefferson county and at Camp Knox. Total sub-
scriptions to the Liberty and Victory loans were $190,846,510.
(E. T.*)
KENYA COLONY (see 4.601). The East Africa Protectorate,
commonly known as British East Africa, was annexed to the
British Crown in July 1920 and renamed Kenya Colony after
Mt. Kenya, the most commanding natural feature of the country.
The coast lands included in the protectorate which formed part
of the Sultanate of Zanzibar were, however, not annexed; these
became the Kenya Protectorate. The present article deals with
the country as a whole after 1910, before and after the change in
the form of government.
Census returns for 1911 gave the white pop. as 3,175 and the
Asiatic (mainly British Indians) at 11,886. In 1920 the whites
numbered about 5,570, Asiatics 17,427, Arabs (i.e. those long
settled in E. Africa and not classed as Asiatics) about 8,000.
The native pop. was estimated at 2,620,000. Mombasa, the
chief seaport, had 32,000 inhabitants (350 Europeans); Nairobi,
the capital, 15,274, of whom 2,020 were Europeans and about
5,000 Indians. The town has handsome public and private
buildings, and nearly all the conveniences of a European city.
The period 1904-14 witnessed a great development in the high-
lands. The area suited to white colonization proved less than had
been supposed and does not greatly exceed 12,000 sq. miles. Nearly
all of this area had been alienated by 1921. In addition considerable
areas along the sea-coast and adjoining Victoria Nyanza were
developed by whites as " jungle " plantations, and a beginning made
in exploiting the mineral deposits. Unlike the Baganda and other
tribes of the Uganda Protectorate the natives produced comparative-
ly little on their own account for export, except sim-sim, which is in
demand for its oil, and is grown extensively by the natives of the
Nyanza province. Somalis conduct a large trade in cattle. The white
settlers in the highlands grow maize, wheat, barley, coffee, potatoes
and other vegetables, fruits, flax, etc. ; in the lowlands coco-nut,
sisal, rubber, cotton and tobacco are the chief products. There
are extensive grazing grounds in the highlands with large stocks
of cattle and sheep. There are a few ostrich farms. By 1920 over
500,000 ac. had been granted for timber exploitation.
The Uganda railway was taxed to its greatest capacity to carry
the rapid increase in goods. This growth of traffic was largely due
to exports from the Uganda Protectorate and the north-west part of
German East Africa. A branch line, 93 m. long, starting from the
Uganda railway 282 m. from Mombasa (i.e. S. of Nairobi), was
built in 19112 to the Magadi soda lake. Owned by the company
which exploits the soda, it is worked by the Government. Another
railway (30 m. long) was built from Nairobi to the Thika river
(towards Mt. Kenya), opening up a rich highland region. In 1915-6,
for military purposes, a railway was built from Voi (103 m. from
Mombasa) via Taveta to Kahe, on the Usambara railway, German
East Africa. But lack of adequate means of communication was a
great hindrance to the opening up of the country.
Between 190910 and 19134 revenue increased from 503,000 to
1,123,000 and expenditure from 669,000 to 1,1 15,000. In 1912 the
protectorate became self-supporting. . Railway receipts, licences,
taxes and customs are the chief sources of revenue.
The value of imports (excluding railway material, administration
stores and specie) rose from 775,000 in 1909-10 to 2,147,000 in
1913-4. In the same period exports increased from 590,000 to
1,482,000. In the last-named year tonnage entering Mombasa and
Kilindini harbours was 1,791,000. In the same year the net revenue
from the customs reached 197,000, the highest recorded. Of the
exports goods to the value of 443,000 were the produce of the
protectorate; Uganda exported goods worth 564,000 and goods
worth 448,000 reached Mombasa from German East Africa. The
principal exports from the protectorate itself were hides and skins
(147,000), grain (118,000), copra (35,000), coffee (18,000) and
fibre (16,000). Tobacco figured in that year (1913-4) for the first
time in the exports. Over 60% of the trade was with the United
Kingdom or India; the rest went chiefly to the United States,
France and Germany. The German East African steamship line
had however a large share in the shipping (over 600,000 tons in
1913-4) both to Europe and Bombay.
The World War rendered the trade returns of 1914-9 abnormal,
imports largely increasing to meet the needs of the army and exports
fluctuating greatly, while shipping dropped. More than half the
white settlers joined the military forces and agriculture and stock-
raising suffered in consequence. The revenue and trade figures for
1918-9 were: revenue, 1,548,000; expenditure, 1,570,000; imports,
3,397, ; exports, 2,498,000; tonnage, 455,000; customs receipts,
257,000. In 1919-20 a period of depression set in, and while
expenditure was 2,170,000 revenue was only 1,726,000. In 1920-1
(year ending March 31) revenue and expenditure was estimated to
balance at 3,192,000. The increase was nominal rather than real,
for the basis of calculation had been changed from rupees at 15 to
the to florins at lo to the , the rupee being given the value of a
florin (see below). Despite efforts at economy the year closed with a
deficit of 166,000. From 1920 the Uganda railway surpluses which
had up to then gone into the general revenue account were devoted
to railway developments. In 1917 the customs departments of the
protectorate and of Uganda were amalgamated.
History; In July 1909 Sir Percy Girouard became governor
in succession to Sir J. Hayes Sadler. The white community,
then numbering some 3,000, was chafing under long delays in
obtaining land grants and other grievances. Sir P. Girouard
achieved the difficult task of working harmoniously with the
settlers, who were largely recruited from the upper and middle
classes of England, though they included some hundreds of Boer
families. The settlers were mostly men of capital, and in 10
years after the first settler (Lord Delamere, the 3rd baron)
had made the highlands his home that region was provided
with churches, schools, hospitals, newspapers, substantial farm-
houses and fenced farms and race and golf courses. The climate
had been shown to suit the European constitution, though even
at an altitude of 5,000 to 6,000 ft. manual labour under the Equa-
tor was not possible to many white men. The bulk of the farm
work was done by the Kikuyu, a race with an aptitude for agri-
culture. Nevertheless much of the labour was of an indifferent
character. Normally relations between the whites and the
natives were satisfactory, but thore were exceptions. In Sept.
1911 the indignation of the white community was roused by the
deportation of Mr. Galbraith Cole, a pioneer settler, by order
of the British colonial secretary. Mr. Cole, after vainly seeking
protection from stock thieves, shot dead, while he was trying to
escape, a Kikuyu caught sheep-stealing. Tried at Nairobi for
murder the jury had acquitted Mr. Cole without leaving the
box. One result of this episode was the taking of measures by
the administration to afford the white settlers better protection,
while the Kikuyu and other tribes were given reserves in which
they were secure from interference by the settlers. The problem
of obtaining adequate labour was serious, and an ordinance
compelled the natives to give 60 days paid labour a year on
public works. A circular issued in Oct. 1920 was so worded that
it aroused the suspicion that the administration was favouring
compulsory labour for private persons (i.e. the white farmers)
and caused many protests in Great Britain. In July 1920 Lord
Milner (then colonial secretary) made it clear that no such com-
pulsion would be allowed. In general the good master had little
difficulty in getting sufficient native help. In 1921 some 100,000
natives were working for Europeans.
In July 1912 the resignation was announced of Sir Percy
Girouard, who had accepted an offer to join the engineering firm
of Armstrong, Whitworth & Co. in England. Mr. (afterwards
Sir) H. C. Bclfield, the new governor, who had served 25 years
in the Malay States, reached East Africa in Oct. 1912.
In June 1913 a missionary conference was held at the settle-
ment of Kikuyu (some ism. from Nairobi) which was the sub-
ject of wide-spread and acute controversy. The missionary
societies, as in many other parts of Africa, carried on the greater
part of the work not only of Christianizing, but of civilizing the
natives, giving them industrial as well as literary education.
Their influence is great and nearly always beneficent. The
Kikuyu conference was called to consider the matters of com-
mon interest to all Protestant missions. At the close of the con-
ference the Bishop of Mombasa (Dr. W. G. Peel) officiated in
a Presbyterian church-"-at a communion service in which Angli-
cans, Wesleyans, Presbyterians, Congregationalists and others
took part; a service not unusual in the mission field. But this
service was strongly denounced by the Bishop of Zanzibar
(Dr. Frank Weston), who sought to have Dr. Peel's action con-
demned. This the Archbishop of Canterbury (Dr. Randall
Davidson) refused to do. The aim of the Church, he declared, was
to create, out of the labours of all, a native Alrican Church, not
a part of the Church organization of England transplanted to
Africa. The harmony among the various missionary bodies at
work in the country was not disturbed by this episode and the
reports of the administration bore increasing testimony to the
value of their labours. The missionaries found some of their
strongest supporters among the white settlers.
The hostile attitude of the Merehan tribe in Jubaland com-
pelled the Government to begin operations against them in
Dec. 1013, and disturbances among the Turkana and other
tribes in the frontier district adjoining Abyssinian Somaliland
necessitated further operations. Thus when the World War
began in Aug. 1914 nearly all the military forces of the protec-
torate one battalion and two companies of the King's African
Rifles were in the region most distant from the frontier of
German East Africa, and it was some weeks before they could
be brought back to Mombasa. In the meantime the majority
of the male settlers volunteered for active service, and from their
ranks two regiments were formed. The story of the campaign
which followed is told in the article EAST AFRICA.
It was not until March 1916 that the protectorate was finally
freed from German incursions. The war proved very onerous
for the natives, heavy demands being made on them for carriers,
transport oxen and for meat supplies for the troops, while large
numbers of them joined the combatant ranks. The natives re-
sponded remarkably well to the needs of the campaign and,
despite an inevitable shortage in the white staff and a great loss
of cattle through rinderpest, their loyalty was not shaken,
and the administration continued on practically normal lines.
The official report for 1917-8 described the work of the district
officials, chiefs and native authorities as " worthy of the highest
praise." Tribes on the Abyssinian border and in Jubaland
continued however to give trouble. They had never been brought
fully under control, and during 1915-6, despite the exigencies of
the campaign against the Germans, further punitive measures
had to be undertaken.
In 1917 Sir H. C. Belfield went on leave and later resigned,
the administration being taken over by Mr. (afterwards Sir)
C. C. Bowring, chief secretary to the Government. Changes in
the administration, including an elected Legislative Council, were
recommended by a committee of the existing nominated Council
in June 1917, but no action was then taken. On Jan. 31 1919
Maj.-Gen. Sir Edward Northey took over the governorship.
It was a period of change and strain, and Gen. Northey was
called upon to deal with difficult political, racial and economic
problems. A currency crisis was one of the effects of the war.
The original currency was the Indian rupee, and since 1905 the
sterling had been legal tender at 15 rupees. With the apprecia-
tion of silver during the war the exchange value of the rupee
began to rise in 1917. The rise, at first gradual, was rapid in
1919 and early in 1920 had reached 2S. pd. The result was to
inflict hardship on the producing class, not only in Kenya, but
in Uganda, which had the same currency. In an effort, ill con-
sidered, to rectify this state of affairs the Colonial Office in Feb.
1920 fixed the rate of exchange at 23. sterling a rupee for Kenya,
Uganda and Tanganyika Territory. This interference with the
course of the exchange prevented the producer from benefiting by
the subsequent fall in the price of silver and the reversion of the
rupee in 1921 in the open market to the value of is. 4d. or less,
and in effect added 50% to his costs. The result on the industries
of Kenya and Uganda was serious. The very marked decrease
in trade in 1920-1 was not due wholly to this cause; the fall in
value on the world's markets of tropical produce was a consider-
able factor, and many of the recent white settlers were without
experience as farmers or planters. Sir Edward Northey strongly
but unavailingly opposed the alteration in the exchange value
of the rupee. In April 1920 a further change was made a new
coinage based on British currency was introduced, the unit being
the florin at 25. sterling, at which value the Indian rupee con-
tinued current until it could be replaced. In May 1921, " to
prevent too abrupt fluctuations in local values," the Colonial
Office decided to make the shilling and not the florin the standard
coin. This appeared a reasonable change, as the labourer, clerk
and petty trader had persisted in regarding the florin as of no
more value than the rupee at the old rate of exchange.
KENYA COLONY
679
Conditions in Kenya were further strained by the failure, as a
whole, of a scheme launched in 1919 to establish ex-soldiers on
the land. For this result the administration was partly responsi-
ble. Most of the settlers were allotted farms remote from the
railway and in some cases undiscoverable, while the need for
considerable capital had not been sufficiently made known.
During this period the change from a protectorate to a Crown
colony was effected. In July 1919 an ordinance came into force
establishing an elective element in the Legislative Council for
Europeans, with two nominated members representing the
Indian community and one nominated member representing the
Arabs. A sufficient number of other nominated members was
however retained to give the administration a majority in the
Council. Eleven single member constituencies were created for
the European electors. Adult franchise on a residential quali-
fication was enacted. The first election was held in Feb. 1920.
This was followed, in July 1920, by the formal annexation of the
protectorate to the British Crown and the change of name to
Kenya Colony. At the same time the raising of a large loan under
the Colonial Securities Act was announced, the money to be
spent chiefly on railway development, harbours and other public
works. The building of a deep-water wharf at Kilindini so that
goods could be loaded direct on to the Uganda railway was begun.
The discrimination against Indians made by the administra-
tion and in the new constitution caused acute controversy.
The Indians outnumbered the whites by nearly three to one,
and while the majority of them were mechanics, clerks, shop
assistants, small traders or labourers there were many of higher
class, professional men and merchants with large interests in the
country. The effect of the growth of national sentiment and the
progress towards self-government in India was seen in East
Africa, where associations were formed to protect Indian interests.
These were held to be threatened by the withholding from Indians
of " due and effective " representation on the Legislative and
Municipal Councils, by the adoption of the principle of segrega-
tion of races and by the restriction placed on ownership of land
by Indians. The Indians claimed full political and economic
equality with Europeans. Neither claim was admitted either in
theory or practice by the white settlers in Kenya, to whom the
development of the country was predominantly due. The Euro-
peans had the support of the local administration and of the
Colonial Office in London, though the Colonial Office disavowed
racial prejudice. Such prejudice existed in Kenya, as was seen
in the report (published in 1919) of an official commission on the
economic condition of the country. If this prejudice was not
shared by the administration its position was, as stated by Sir
Edward Northey in June 1919, that " though Indian interests
should not be lost sight of, European interests must be para-
mount." Lord Milner (Colonial Secretary), in a despatch dated
May 21 1920 to Sir E. Northey, laid down certain principles
affecting Indians, including approval of the segregation policy
and the reservation of the highlands (outside municipal limits)
for Europeans. He proposed that the two Indian members of the
Legislative Council should henceforth be elected on a special
franchise, similar arrangements to be made for municipal elec-
tions. To these proposals the Indian community replied by
reiterating their demand for equal rights, and they found power-
ful supporters in the Government of India and the India Office.
The case for the Indians was put with much cogency in a des-
patch by the Government of India dated Oct. 21 1920. This
despatch stated that in the opinion of the Government of India
the true solution of the problem was " a common electoral roll
and a common franchise on a reasonable property basis, plus
an educational test without racial discrimination, for all British
subjects " a formula which would admit natives as well as
Indians to the franchise:
Public opinion throughout India (the despatch added) regards
the case of the Indians in East Africa as a test of the position of
India in the British Empire. At the Imperial Conference of 1918,
for the sake of Imperial unity, we accepted the reciprocity resolution,
which practically excludes Indians from the self-governing domin-
ions. We cannot agree to inequality of treatment in a Crown colony,
especially in which India has always had a peculiar interest.
68o
KENYON KIDERLEN-WACHTER
Further, objection was taken in the despatch to the applica-
tion, as directed by the Colonial Office, of discrimination against
Indians to the Uganda Protectorate, where Indians and Euro-
peans had lived in full harmony. It was also pointed out that in
the adjoining Tanganyika Territory, where Indians were pro-
tected by the Covenant of the League of Nations, Lord Milner's
decision could not be applied (see TANGANYIKA TERRITORY).
In June 1921 Mr. Winston Churchill, who had become Colonial
Secretary, laid down as a principle for application to the Crown
colonies and with special reference to Kenya, that there should
be no barrier of race, colour or creed which should prevent any
man, by merit, from filling any station for which he was fit.
In 1919 negotiations were opened with Italy for the transfer
to Italian Somaliland of the right bank of the river Juba and of
the port of Kismayu (see AFRICA: History).
See Lord Cranworth, A Colony in the Making (1912) and Profit
and Sport in British East Africa (1919); C. H. Stigand, The Land of
Zinj (1913); A. S. and G. G. Brown, The South and East Africa
Year Book and Guide; T. J. O'Shea (editor), Farming and Planting in
B. E. Africa (1917); G. D. Hale Carpenter, A Naturalist on Lake
Victoria (1920); Guy Babault, Chasses et recherches zoologiques
en Afrique Oriental Anglaise (1917); and Voyage de M. Guy Babault
. . . Resultats scientifiques (1916-20). An annual report on the
administration, etc., is published by the Colonial Office, London, and
a special report by J. Parkinson on the geology and geography of the
northern part of the country (Colonial Reports, Miscellaneous, No.
91) appeared in 1920. See also the reports on the Uganda railway
(Nairobi, yearly) and the British Parliamentary Paper, " Corre-
spondence regarding the position of Indians in East Africa " (1921).
(F. R. C.)
KENYON, SIR FREDERIC GEORGE (1863- ), English
classical scholar and librarian, was born in London Jan. 15 1863,
the son of John Kenyon, Vinerian professor of law at Oxford.
He was educated at Winchester and New College, Oxford, and
in 1888 was elected to a fellowship at Magdalen College. In 1889
he became an assistant in the British Museum, and in 1898 was
chosen assistant keeper of MSS. there, being in 1909 appointed
director and principal librarian of the Museum. In 1912 he was
created K.C.B., and in 1913 was president of the Classical Associa-
tion. During the World War he served with the army (1914-9),
and in 1918 became adviser to the Imperial War Graves Com-
mission. In 1917 he became president of the British Academy,
in 1918 professor of ancient history in the Royal Academy, and
in 1919 president of the Society for Hellenic Studies.
His published works include editions of Aristotle's Constitution of
Athens (1891, 1904, 1920) with translations of the san - e (1891, 1920) ;
Classical Texts from Papyri in the British Museum (1891); Catalogue
of Greek Papyri in the British Museum (1893, 1898, 1907); Our
Bible and the Ancient Manuscripts (1895); Palaeography of Greek
Papyri ( 1 899) ; and Handbook to the Textual Criticism of the New
Testament (1901, new ed. 1912). He has also produced various
editions of the works of the Brownings, including the Letters (1897)
and Poems (1897) of Elizabeth Barrett Browning. He was editor
of the centenary edition of Robert Browning's works (1912) and
produced in 1914 New Poems of Robert and Elizabeth Barrett
Browning. In 1914 he published an account of the buildings of the
British Museum.
KEOGH, SIR ALFRED (1857- ), British physician and
surgeon, was born in Dublin July 3 1857, and was educated at
Guy's hospital and Queen's University, where he took his degree
in 1878. In 1880 he entered the R.A.M.C. He served through-
out the South African War. He was director of the R.A.M.C.
from 1904 to 1910, and again throughout the World War, his
work in this capacity during 1914-8 proving him to be a most
efficient administrator. He was made a K.C.B. in 1906, G.C.B.
in 1917 and G.C.V.O. in 1918.
KER, WILLIAM PATON (1853- ), British man of letters,
was born at Glasgow Aug. 30 1855. Educated at Glasgow Uni-
versity and Balliol College, Oxford, he became professor of
English literature arid history at Cardiff in 1883 and professor
of English literature at University College, London, in 1889.
In 1920 he was elected professor of poetry at Oxford. He made
a special study of mediaeval literature, and amongst his publica-
tions are Epic and Romance (1897); The Dark Ages (1904);
Essays on Mediaeval Literature (1905); Sturla the Historian
(1907). An inspiring teacher, his pupils included many of the
ablest litterateurs of the younger generation.
KERATRY, (COMTE) EMILE DE (1832-1904), French au-
thor and politician (see 15.753), died in Paris April 7 1904.
KERENSKY, ALEXANDER FEODOROVICH (1881- ),
Russian politician, was born in 1881, the son of the principal of a
high school in Saratoff. He studied at the university of St. Pe-
tersburg, took part in students' disturbances there and was ex-
pelled, but was readmitted and eventually took his degree in law.
He joined the St. Petersburg bar and practised for some years as
a junior and as leader, often appearing in cases concerning abuses
of the administration. When troubles broke out in Turkestan
and were supported by military force, Kerensky went to the af-
fected districts and published a scathing indictment of the policy
of the Government in Central Asia. In 1912 he was elected to
the Fourth Duma and joined the Group of Toil : he was in reality
an adherent of the Social Revolutionary party, but as it was im-
possible in those days to enter the Duma under this flag he chose
the Group of Toil in preference to the Social Democrats, whom
he considered to be too pedantic and distant from the people. As
a member of the Duma he attained a certain notoriety by im-
passioned speeches and appeals for root-and-branch reform, but
he was never conspicuous for steady work or constructive states-
manship. When the first Revolutionary Government was formed
people were astonished to hear that Kerensky had been nomi-
nated Minister of Justice. The explanation was that he served as
a link between the new Government and the Soviet of Workmen
and Soldiers. His career as member and head of the Provisional
Government is described in the article RUSSIA. He may be said
to have played in Russia to some extent the part played by La-
martine in the French Revolution of 1848.
KIAMIL PASHA (1833-1913), Turkish statesman, was born
at Nikosia, Cyprus, in 1833 and studied at the military school
at Alexandria. In early life he held various offices in Cyprus,
and in 1876 was governor of the vilayet of Kosovo. Between
1878 and 1885 he was successively Minister of the Interior,
Evkaf (pious foundations), Instruction, and Justice, and in the
latter year was appointed Grand Vizier by 'Abdul Hamid, which
post he held until 1891. In 1895 he again became Grand Vizier
but, after a short period, was dismissed as a too ardent reformer
and was made governor, first of Aleppo and then of Smyrna. In
1907 he was removed from Smyrna and banished to Rhodes.
After the Turkish Revolution in 1908, he succeeded Said Pasha
as the first Grand Vizier under the regime of the Committee ol
Union and Progress but, refusing to submit to its dictation,
he resigned in 1909. He again became Grand Vizier in 1912,
but was driven from office by the Young Turk coup d'etat,
and retired to Cyprus, where he died Nov. 14 1913.
KIDD, BENJAMIN (1858-1916), British sociologist, was born
Sept. 9 1858. He entered the civil service, becoming a clerk in
the Inland Revenue office. During 1898 he travelled extensively
in the United States and Canada for the purpose of economic
study, arid in 1902 he visited S. Africa for the same reason. In
1904 he published Social Evolution, the work by which he is best
known. It was widely read and was translated into most European
languages as well as into Chinese. His later publications included
The Control of the Tropics (1898) and Principles of Western
Civilization (1902). He died at Croydon Oct. 2 1916.
KIDERLEN-WACHTER, ALFRED VON (1852-1912), German
diplomatist, was born at Stallgast July 10 1852, and was the son
of a banker, Robert Kiderlen, who had married Baroness Marie
von Wachter. He fought as a volunteer in the Franco-German
War (1870-1) and then studied at different universities, retain-
ing throughout his subsequent career a good deal of the jovial
(burschikos) manner of a German student. In 1879 he entered
the German Foreign Office, where he was regarded as one of the
most promising members of the small clique that gathered round
the celebrated and much over-rated Herr von Holstein. After
holding various diplomatic posts, among them that of Prussian
minister to Hamburg, he was sent to Bucharest in 1900 and re-
mained there for 10 years, when he was recalled to occupy the
post of Foreign Secretary under the somewhat inexperienced
Chancellor, Herr von Bethmann Hollweg. He was soon in the
thick of the negotiations with France (1911) which arose over
KIELMANSEGG KITCHENER
681
the Agadir incident, and which, owing to the state of Kiderlen-
Wachter's health, were partly conducted between him and the
French ambassador, Jules Cambon, at the Bavarian spa of Kis-
Bingen. The mystery which Kiderlen-Wachter, with the com-
plicity of his chief, Bethmann Hollweg, chose to maintain with re-
gard to Germany's ultimate intentions in Morocco, was largely
responsible for the crisis which arose bet ween the Western Powers
and Germany and which necessitated very plain speaking in the
House of Commons by Sir Edward Grey (Nov. 27 1911), and
had previously given occasion for a very firm declaration on the
British attitude by Mr. Lloyd George, then Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, at the Mansion House (July 21 ion). French public
opinion was, moreover, indignant at certain negotiations which
were secretly carried on with Berlin by the French Prime Minis-
ter, M. Caillaux, behind the back of the French Minister for
Foreign Affairs, de Selves. An agreement on the basis of a ces-
sion of territory in the French Congo in exchange for a German
declaration of complete desinteressement in Morocco was never-
theless ultimately effected. Kiderlen-Wachter died at Stuttgart
Dec. 30 1912. (G.S.)
KIELMANSEGG, ERICH, COUNT (1847- ), Austrian states-
man, was born at Hanover on Feb. 13 1847, and emigrated in
1866, after the incorporation of Hanover in Prussia, to Austria,
where he entered the service of the State in 1870. He became
governor of Lower Austria (1880-95), carried through the union
of Vienna with the suburbs (Greater Vienna), was Minister of
the Interior (1895), Prime Minister (June ig-Sept. 29 1895),
then again governor until 1911. He was, with the exception of
the Chancellor Beust, the only Protestant minister of Austria.
KIEPERT, RICHARD (1846-1915), German cartographer, was
born at Weimar Sept. 13 1846, the son of Heinrich Kiepert,
also a noted cartographer. Richard pursued geographical and
historical studies at Berlin and Heidelberg universities. In 1870
he travelled in Palestine and Asia Minor, returning to take part
in the Franco-Prussian War. He received the Doctorate of Philos-
ophy at Jena in 1874; from that year until 1878 he was engaged
in the compilation of Richthofen's atlas of China, and from 1875
to 1887 he edited the geographical periodical Globus. He had to
do with the preparation of maps from the data collected by many
well-known German travellers, such as Rohlfs, Barth, Mollen-
dorf and Lenz. In 1893 he published a Detttscher Kolonialatlas,
and subsequently, among other works, a Spezialkarle wn Deutsch-
Ostafrika (i: 300,000), and numerous school maps, being associat-
ed with the map-publishing firm of Dietrich Reimer in Berlin for
25 years. After his father's death in 1898 he completed or brought
up to date many of his maps, including such historical works as
the Formae Orbis Antiqui. Perhaps his most important single
work was the Spezialkarte von Kleinasien (Asia Minor), (1:400,000)
(1902-8). He received the Ritter medal in 1908, and the hon-
orary title of professor in 1913. He died in Berlin Aug. 4 1915.
KING, LEONARD WILLIAM (1860-1919), English archaeolo-
gist, was born in London Dec. 8 1869. Educated at Rugby
and King's College, Cambridge, he obtained an appointment in
the Egyptian and Assyrian department of the British Museum
and conducted the Museum's excavations on the site of Nineveh.
He also travelled widely in the Near East and collected rock
inscriptions in Assyria, Persia and Kurdistan. He was for some
years professor of Assyrian and Babylonian archaeology at
King's College, London, and published a large number of works
on these subjects, including Babylonian Magic and Sorcery
(1896); Cuneiform Texts in the British Museum (1896-1909);
Babylonian Religion and Mythology (1899) and many others.
He died in London Aug. 20 1919.
KINNEAR, ALEXANDER SMITH KINNEAR, IST BARON
(1833-1917), Scottish judge, was born at Edinburgh Nov. 3
1833. He was educated at Glasgow and Edinburgh universities,
and was called to the Scottish bar in 1856. For some years he
acted as a law reporter, but in 1878 he was chosen leading counsel
in the Court of Session for the liquidators in the case arising out
of the failure of the City of Glasgow Bank, and henceforward
his rise was rapid. In 1881 he became a Q.C., and the same year
was chosen dean of the Faculty of Advocates. In 1882 he was
made a judge, with the courtesy title of Lord Kinnear, and in
1890 an appellate judge, retiring from the Court of Session in
1913, although he continued to sit in the House of Lords as a
lord of appeal. Kinnear was raised to the peerage in 1897 in
recognition of his services as chairman of the Scottish Universi-
ties Commission of 1889. He was also a member of the commis-
sion of 1904 for settling the question of the division of Scottish
church property. He died at Edinburgh Dec. 20 1917.
KIPLING, RUDYARD (1865- ), British author (see 15.825),
published (with C. R. L. Fletcher) a History of England (1911);
Songs from Books (1913); and a play, The Harbour Watch (1913).
After the outbreak of the World War, he wrote a number of
descriptive studies of the forces, viz., The New Armies in Train-
ing (1914); France at War (1915); Fringes of the Fleet (1915); and
Sea Warfare (1916), as well as a volume of short stories, A
Diversity of Creatures (1917), and some small volumes of war
poetry. In 1920 he published Letters of Travel, an account of
various wanderings between 1892 and 1913.
KIRK, SIR JOHN (1832-1922), British explorer (see 15.829),
died Jan. 15 1922.
KITCHENER, HORATIO HERBERT KITCHENER, EARL
(1850-1916), British field-marshal (see 15.838). In the autumn
of 1910 Lord Kitchener accepted a seat on the Committee of
Imperial Defence, and he spent the following winter in the
Sudan and E. Africa. In the summer of 1911 he commanded
the troops in London during King George's coronation, and he
was a few days later appointed British agent and consul-general
in Egypt. This modest title concealed a position tantamount
to that of supreme authority, and during his tenure of office he
introduced many reforms designed to develop the resources of
the country and to ameliorate the condition of its people, a
task in which he had made great progress when in June 1914,
immediately after an earldom had been conferred on him, he
proceeded to England on his annual leave. Thus it came about
that he was in England when war was declared against Germany.
He was asked by Mr. Asquith to accept the Secretaryship of
State for War, and he took up his new duties in Whitehall on
Aug. 6, the day after mobilization.
In view of the circumstances under which he was assuming
this post, Kitchener laboured under certain disadvantages,
coming as he did to the War Office for the first time. There
was no precedent for a great soldier occupying the position at
a moment of supreme national emergency. He possessed no
previous experience of the central administration of the army.
He was not familiar with the various ramifications of the exist-
ing military organization. He had made no close study of strate-
gical problems involved in a campaign in Belgium and north-
eastern France, nor could he lay claim to intimate acquaintance
with the martial resources of the various belligerents. Owing
to a misapprehension of the scope of the contest on which the
country was embarking, arrangements had moreover been made
in advance under which the general staff at headquarters was
being seriously depleted in the interests of the Expeditionary
Force that was proceeding to the front. But on the other hand
his countrymen trusted him and were roused to enthusiasm by
the magic of his name, his Cabinet colleagues placed their confi-
dence in him as they would have done in no other conceivable
War Minister, and these factors more than compensated for
the disabilities from which he suffered. For Kitchener realized
from the very outset that the struggle was practically certain to
be much more prolonged than those in authority anticipated,
and that a far more strenuous effort than had been prepared for
would have to be made by the British Empire if it was to con-
quer. His remark on reaching his office the first day, " There
is no army," was scarcely an exaggeration; for the admirably
trained and well-equipped Expeditionary Force stood for no
more than an insignificant fraction of the numbers that must be
placed in the field, whereas existing means of expansion were
totally inadequate.
He perceived that entirely new forces composed of personnel
enrolled for the duration of the war must be created, and he
straightway issued a stirring appeal to the nation asking for
682
KLINGER KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS
100,000 men. It was followed by analogous appeals at short
intervals, and the response was wonderful. He has been criti-
cised for not making greater use of the existing Territorial organi-
zation in the earlier days the numbers at the front might con-
ceivably have, within narrow limits, been increased more rapidly
had he done so. But he was looking far ahead. Realizing that
the war would last long enough for his daring and original plan
to bear fruit, he was resolved to transform the United Kingdom
into a great military Power while the struggle was actually in
progress, and complete success eventually crowned his efforts.
If clothing and equipping the swarms of new levies presented
obstacles at first, the skilfully tapped textile wealth of the
country overcame them within a short space of time. But
armament from the outset presented a much more perplexing
problem. Plants admitting of a vastly increased output did not
exist and had to be created, while expenditure of ammunition
in the field speedily proved to be far in excess of the estimates
which European experts had made in peace-time. Although
steps were taken at once to expand munitions manufacture on a
great scale, months were bound to elapse before these could
possibly produce satisfactory results, industrial troubles indeed
aggravating the difficulty.
While this swelling of the national fighting resources consti-
tuted Kitchener's greatest and most urgent preoccupation, the
Secretary of State for War was also closely concerned in the
general disposition of the military forces, and in superintending
the plans that were being adopted to achieve victory in the field.
India and the colonies were practically drained of regular British
troops so as to strengthen the Expeditionary Force. His rela-
tions with the French were from the start most cordial, and that
the western front represented the vital theatre of war he never
doubted; but he found difficulty in restraining the ardour for
ventures in the Near East that was displayed by certain Cabinet
colleagues who were impatient at the slow progress of the Allies
in France and Flanders. He was, no doubt, largely responsible
for committing the country to the Dardanelles operations; but
in the first instance he agreed to them under the influence of non-
professional Admiralty optimism, and a special interest in Egypt
perhaps weakened his soldierly reluctance to dissipate fighting
forces. As member of a Government whose objections had been
over-ruled by French insistence, he was obliged to assent to
Macedonian projects in the autumn of 1915. Unwarranted confi-
dence entertained by his fellow countrymen it was reflected by
the attitude of the military authorities in pre-war days tended
however to make his position difficult. Victory had been expected
within a few months, whereas a situation of stalemate succeeded
the dramatic opening weeks of the conflict. The public as a
whole, it is true, never lost their trust in Kitchener, but doubts
made themselves heard in some quarters, and these found expres-
sion in scarcely veiled attacks upon him in connexion with the
shell shortage from which the British armies suffered during the
first half of 1915. They helped to focus attention upon an all-
important subject, and to bring about the setting up of the
Ministry of Munitions, which made such effective use of the
foundations laid by Kitchener and his subordinates.
When in the late autumn of 1915 evacuation of the Gallipoli
Peninsula was in contemplation he dreaded the effect which
withdrawal might exert in the East, and he proceeded to the
Aegean. But there he satisfied himself that no other course was
admissible; his proposal to divert the forces that would be
made available to Alexandretta was opposed by naval and mili-
tary experts at home, whose view the Government accepted* He
visited Salonika and Athens, where he saw King Constantine,
and on his way home spent a few hours at Italian headquarters.
Shortly after his reaching England, work in connexion with
operations, previously kept largely in his own hands, was trans-
ferred to the chief of the general staff, and he thenceforward
concerned himself almost entirely with administration. There
were already 45 British infantry divisions, produced by volun-
tary enlistment, in the field on Jan. i 1916; but some of them
were short of training, and it was only after the death of the
creator of the " new armies " that they proved their real worth.
Amidst his multitudinous labours Lord Kitchener had accepted
heavy responsibilities in 1915 in connexion with rearming the
Tsar's forces, and it was now arranged that he should visit
Russia to discuss matters on the spot. On June 5 1916 he sailed
from Scapa Flow in H.M.S. " Hampshire." The cruiser struck
a mine off the Orkneys, and the great War Minister and most
of his staff were drowned.
One of the foremost figures of his time, Kitchener inspired
multitudes to a singular extent by his personality. Although a
soldier by profession, with victorious campaigns to his credit,
his title to fame rests upon statesmanship even more than upon
martial prowess. He proved a resolute, capable commander on
the Nile, at Paardeberg, and during the later stages of the S.
African contest. His recovery of the Sudan was a masterpiece of
military organization. To him was it due that India in 1914
possessed nine divisions fit to take the field. But his most con-
spicuous services to his country are to be traced to his grasp
of political conditions and to his comprehensive and prescient
outlook over public affairs. In the S. African War other generals
might have worn down the Boer guerillas as he did, none would
have stood so firm for reconciliation as opposed to insistence
upon unconditional surrender. His record while virtual ruler
of Egypt for four years was worthy of the traditions laid down
by Lord Cromer. The crowning triumph of his career the cre-
ation of the "new armies" and the raising of the United King-
dom to the status of a great military Power within the period of
a few months resulted from his instinctive realization of the
gravity of an emergency which others, better situated to form
conclusions than he was, had failed to appreciate. Thanks to
diplomatic gifts of no mean order, he handled delicate interna-
tional problems with unfailing tact. An accomplished linguist,
he understood Oriental susceptibilities and aspirations to an
extent given to few. Never sparing himself, he exacted a high
standard of application and efficiency from subordinates. He
thus achieved far-reaching administrative successes both in
peace and in war, and as War Minister in 1914-6 he not only
enjoyed public confidence as no other man could have done,
but paved the way for the ultimate victory. (C. E. C.)
KLINGER, MAX (1857-1920), German painter, etcher and
sculptor (see 15.847), died July 6 1920.
KLUCK, ALEXANDER VON (1846- ), Prussian general,
was born May 20 1846 at Miinster in Westphalia. He took part
in the campaigns of 1866 and 1870, and was twice wounded at the
battle of Colombey-Neuilly. In 1906 he was promoted to the
rank of general of infantry, and at the outbreak of the World War
was Generaloberst and Inspector-General of the VIII. Army
Inspection. He was placed in chief command of the I. Army of
the West, which he led in the battles of Maubeuge and St. Quen-
tin,and the advance upon the Marne. He claimed to have re-
pelled the outflanking movement of the French in the battle of
the Marne, but he was nevertheless compelled, in consequence
of the faulty disposition of the German forces in the line of battle
and the success of the Allied offensive, to withdraw his army be-
fore what he described as overwhelming odds to the Aisne posi-
tions. In March 1915 he was wounded while visiting the front
trenches, and was placed on the retired list in Oct. 1916. He
published Fiihrung und Taten der I. Armee (1920).
KNIGHTS OF COLUMBUS. The American order of Knights
of Columbus is a fraternal beneficiary society of Roma* r ':.tho-
lics, founded by Rev. Michael Joseph McGivney in New Haven,
Conn., on Feb. 2 1882, and organized under a charter granted by
the state of Connecticut (March 29 1882). Beginning with n
members the society grew rapidly; branches or councils were es-
tablished throughout the state, then in other states, and finally
in adjacent countries. In 1921 there were 2,200 councils, with a
membership of over 800,000, found in every state of the United
States, in Alaska, Canada, Mexico, Cuba, the Canal Zone, and
Panama. From its beginning the order maintained a system of
insurance, in which originally all members were required to
participate; but after 1893 non-insurance members were enrolled
as associates. On Jan. i 1919 there were 128,935 insured members
of an average age of 35 years; the Mortuary Reserve and Death
KNOX KOLCHAK
683
Benefit funds amounted to $8,740,000. The society is not a
" secret " one, and no oaths are administered. Much attention
is given to educational work. A chair of American history was
founded by the society at the Catholic University of America,
Washington, D.C., and 50 scholarships endowed at the same
institution. The Knights of Columbus endeavour to combat
socialism and radicalism by public lectures and publications.
Beginning with the Spanish- American War (1898) they engaged
in humanitarian relief. When America entered the World War
(1917) about $1,000,000 was at once raised among the members,
and work was undertaken at the various training camps in the
United States. Further public appeals were made, and in recog-
nition of their excellent service $40,000,000 in all was raised for
war relief work. In America 350 buildings were maintained in
the camps, and recreation was provided for enlisted men. Similar
service was undertaken overseas and 250 recreation centres es-
tablished. Comforts were provided on board transports and at
piers. After the Armistice the Knights established employment
bureaus and assisted ex-service men in finding work.
KNOX, PHILANDER CHASE (1853-1921), American politician,
was born at Brownsville, Pa., May 6 1853. He graduated from
Mount Union College, Alliance, Ohio, in 1872; studied law in an
office in Pittsburgh and was admitted to the bar in 1875. The
following year he was appointed assistant U.S. attorney for the
western district of Pennsylvania. In 1877 he opened an office in
Pittsburgh and soon developed a lucrative practice. In 1901 he
was appointed Attorney-General by President McKinley and was
retained by President Roosevelt. He resigned in 1904, having
been appointed to fill the unexpired term of Matthew S. Quay
deceased, as senator for Pennsylvania and was reelected to serve
1905-11. In 1909 he resigned from the Senate to enter the
Cabinet of President Taft as Secretary of State, holding that
office for four years. He was again returned to the Senate for
1917-23. While he was Attorney-General many important suits
were instituted, notably those against the " Beef Trust " and
the Northern Securities Co. As senator he was active in debates
relating to the Panama Canal, favouring the lock type which was
finally adopted. He was opposed to the Panama Canal Tolls
Repeal Bill passed in 1914. In 1916 he attacked the administra-
tion's Mexican policy and disapproved of the Adamson Eight-
Hour Law. In 1919 he desired to separate the League of Nations,
which he opposed, from the Peace Treaty. In 1920 he offered
a resolution declaring that war with Germany was at an end,
which was adopted by both Senate and House, but later failed
to pass over President Wilson's veto; but a similar joint resolu-
tion of Congress was approved by President Harding July 2 1921
and a formal treaty of peace with Germany signed Aug. 25.
He was the author of numerous addresses on railroad rates and
commerce. He died in Washington, D.C., Oct. 12 1921.
KNOX-LITTLE, WILLIAM JOHN (1839-1918), British divine,
was born at Stewartstown, Co. Tyrone, Ireland, Dec. I 1839.
He was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, where he took
his degree in 1862, being ordained in 1863. From 1865 to 1870
he was assistant master at Sherborne school, but afterwards held
various curacies and livings, attracting much attention as an
eloquent preacher. He was made canon of Worcester in 1881,
and in 1885 became rector of Hoar Cross, Staffs. During the
South African War he acted as chaplain to the brigade of Guards,
and was mentioned in despatches. He resigned his living in 1907,
and died at Worcester Feb. 3 1918.
KOLCHAK, VLADIMIR VASILIEVICH (1875-1920), Russian
admiral, was the son of an engineer. His father took part in the
Crimean War, and was one of the defenders of the famous Mala-
khoff Hill. Kolchak spent his childhood at a factory where his
father was employed. In 1888 he entered the naval college at St.
Petersburg and finished his studies successfully in 1894. In 1900
an Arctic expedition was organized by the Academy of Sciences
for the purpose of exploring the " Sannikov Land," to the north
of the Siberian shore, the true position and even the existence
of which was uncertain. Baron Toll, the leader of the expedition,
invited Kolchak to come with him. At that time he was abroad
with the battle fleet, in which he held the rank of lieutenant, but
he joined the expedition and took part in its hardships. After
many exciting adventures the non-existence of the " Sannikov
Land " was proved. The expedition was then divided into two
sections: one of them, under Baron Toll, undertook the explora-
tion of the uninhabited Bennet Is. ; no member of this expedition
was ever seen again. The other party, which included Lieut. Kol-
chak, after waiting in vain for the return of their companions,
sailed back for St. Petersburg in the autumn of 1903.
Kolchak insisted on the necessity of sending a new expedition
for the recovery of Baron Toll and his companions. The Acad-
emy upheld this opinion, and a new small expedition under
Kolchak was sent to Bennet Is. in Jan. 1904. It succeeded in
finding the place of the last camp of Baron Toll and in discov-
ering his journal, from which it was clear that the unfortunate
explorers, being at the end of their food supplies, had tried to re-
turn to the continent and had undoubtedly perished in the Arctic
Sea. Kolchak returned to Siberia, bringing with him rich col-
lections accumulated by Baron Toll. In Irkutsk he learned
the news of the Russo-Japanese War, and left immediately for
Port Arthur. His gallant behaviour during the siege received
recognition even from the enemy: after the capitulation of
Port Arthur he was allowed to wear his sword with the Cross
of St. George when all weapons were taken from other officers.
On his return to St. Petersburg in 1905 Kolchak handed to the
Academy a report on his Arctic expedition, which was fully ap-
proved, and he was presented with a gold medal. Subsequently
Kolchak took a leading part in the campaign for the reorganiza-
tion of the Russian Naval Department and the reconstruction of
the Russian fleet. A new general staff of the navy was created
and Kolchak was appointed the head of the organizing and sta-
tistical section. His report on the " Distribution of the Naval
Forces " was used as a basis of the new naval programme.
At the beginning of the World War Kolchak had the rank of
captain and was in command of a destroyer in the Baltic. He
took part in the operations in the Gulf of Riga in Aug. 1915 which
resulted in the complete failure of the German attempt to seize
the Riga shore and secured for a long time the right wing of
the Russfan front. In the summer of 1916 he was appointed
commander of the Black Sea Fleet, with the rank of rear-admiral.
His activities in this command were most valuable. Even after
the revolution the Black Sea Fleet remained for some time the
only part of the Russian military force where order and discipline
were maintained. But the rising wave of disorganization even-
tually prevailed here as elsewhere. Kolchak refused to recognize
the dictatorship of the Council of Workmen, Sailors and Soldiers
at Sevastopol, and when he was ordered to surrender to them
his sword with the Cross of St. George, he threw it overboard and
left the fleet.
After staying for some time in America, Kolchak returned to
Russia, and took an active part in the fighting against the Bol-
shevists in Siberia. On Nov. 18 1917, by a decision of the Russian
Government at Omsk, Adml. Kolchak elected to assume the
supreme power instead of the Directorate, which was abolished.
He became virtually dictator of Russia. The Council of Ministers
remained unchanged under the leadership of Vologodsky. Kol-
chak assumed the title of Supreme Ruler of Russia, and de-
clared officially that he would convoke a National Assembly,
which must be convened as soon as normal conditions were
restored, and which alone could have power to decide the future
organization of Russia. But he refused to recognize the Con-
stituent Assembly elected in 1917 under abnormal conditions
as it did not represent the will of the nation. He proclaimed his
sole aim to be the liberation of Russia from enslavement by
the Bolshevists, and pledged himself to carry on the struggle to
complete victory.
On Jan. 20 1918, at the first meeting of the revived Russian
Senate, whose sitting at Petrograd had been suspended by the
Bolshevists, Kolchak solemnly took the oath to obey the laws and
to fulfil faithfully his trust as Supreme Ruler. The land policy of
the new Government was modelled on democratic lines, in view of
the advance of the army westward. Whoever sowed was entitled
to the harvest, irrespective of the ownership of the land; every
684
KOMURA KORBAY
encouragement was promised to peasant owners. A final agra-
rian settlement was reserved for the decision of the National
Assembly. But the exceptionally difficult conditions in which the
new Government was placed forced Kolchak to take other and
less democratic measures. An order was published stating that
any attempt to murder the Supreme Ruler, or to wrest power
from him, would be punished with death; failure to execute
his orders and decrees would be punished with deprivation of
civil rights and penal servitude. Numerous arrests were made
among political opponents, especially among the members of the
Social Revolutionary party. A certain number of executions
were ordered by the courts martial.
Kolchak was recognized as Supreme Ruler of Russia by the
anti-Bolshevist army of Gen. Denikin in the south of Russia, by
the Archangel Government, and, later, by the leader of the N.W.
Russian army, Gen. Yudenich. The success of the Siberian
offensive in the first half of 1919 had as a result the conditional
recognition of Kolchak's Government by the Supreme Council
in Paris, June 1919, as the de facto Government in Russia. In his
declaration to the Allied Powers Kolchak recognized the Russian
foreign debts, but refused to recognize the independence of Fin-
land and of the Baltic States, considering that a final decision on
these questions could only be taken by the National Assembly.
A peculiar feature of the situation in Siberia was the presence
of foreign troops, which were under the command of the French
Gen. Janin on the front, and under the orders of the British
Gen. Knox in the rear, and thus were quite independent of the
Supreme Ruler. In March 1919 the foreign effectives in Siberia
numbered over 118,000 men, as follows: Czechoslovaks, 55,000;
Poles, 12,000; Serbians, 4,000; Rumanians, 4,000; Italians, 2,000;
British, i, 600; French, 760; Japanese, 28,000; Americans, 7,500;
Canadians, 4,000. These forces were, however, mostly employed
in guarding communications. As for the Czechoslovaks, they
were not in sympathy with Kolchak's Government and their
chief object was to go home. The Russian army of Kolchak was
at the same period estimated at about 150,000 men; this number
increased considerably later, but the greater part of this army
was composed of raw recruits. When Kolchak assumed the
supreme power, the Ural front was held by the Czechoslo-
vaks, but a few weeks later they were relieved by the new
Russian army, in the organization of which Kolchak took a lead-
ing part as War Minister of the late Government. An offensive
was ordered in the middle of Dec. and proved a considerable
success. In a great advance of the right wing of the Siberian
army the Bolshevist troops suffered a heavy defeat. The town of
Perm was occupied on Dec. 24, and more than 18,000 prisoners
fell into the hands of Kolchak's troops. Ufa was captured on
Dec. 31, and the victorious Siberian army crossed the Kama river
and pursued the retreating enemy towards Glazov, taking another
30,000 prisoners. The unfavourable conditions of the Siberian
winter, however, and the necessity of completing the organization
of the army, did not allow Kolchak to develop his offensive at
that moment, but the situation on that front remained fairly
satisfactory during the whole spring. On the other hand, the
Bolshevists had an important success on the southern front,
occupying Orenburg with control of the Turke-tin railway.
The great offensive of the Siberian army started in March,
when the weather became less unfavourable. For more than
two months the young Russian army was advancing on a
broad front towards Moscow, which was to be the final ob-
jective. Orenburg and Ekaterinburg were occupied in April, and
in May Kolchak's troops reached the river Viatka on the Kazan-
Sarapul railway line, moving towards Kazan from E. and S.E.
Only a few dozen miles separated them from that city and the
Volga river. The great advance on the northern section of the
front seemed to favour the daring plan of a junction with the
Archangel troops. But the great effort of these months had ex-
hausted the power of the Siberian army. Lack of munitions and
food supplies, bad communications, lack of true discipline, which
could not be created in a few weeks, the absence of efficient ad-
ministration, continuous misunderstanding between the Gov-
ernment and the Allied Missions which disposed of the muni-
tions and food supply, internal troubles and quarrels among the
leaders of different political parties, Bolshevist propaganda, and,
most important of all, lack of staunch support from the mass of
the population all these conditions broke down the vigorous ad-
vance of the army; it wa even unable to resist the Bolshevist
counter-offensive. The Moscow Government sent new troops
to the eastern front and launched an attack in the direction of Ufa.
In the beginning the Siberian army defended the line gallantly,
but after a few weeks of constant fighting Kolchak's troops were
obliged to retire, and Ufa was captured by the Reds on June 9. The
success of the Bolshevists grew rapidly. On July i they occupied
Perm, and a fortnight later entered the town of Ekaterinburg.
Nothing could stop now the retreat of Kolchak's army; demorali-
zation was growing every day. The Ural was crossed in Aug.,
and in the beginning of Sept. the Bolshevists captured Tobolsk
in Siberia and the town of Orsk in the Orenburg district. This
disastrous retreat could not remain without influence on the Rus-
sian policy of the Allies. On Sept. 15 the Supreme Council in Paris
unanimously agreed to follow the British policy of evacuation
from Russia and expressed itself as absolutely opposed to any
" Russian adventures." The news from abroad certainly did not
strengthen the resistance of the Russian army. A last mili-
tary effort was made in Sept. in the region of Tobol river, and the
army had a temporary and local success on this sector of the
front, but this diversion was not important enough to stop the
advancing Reds. Omsk, the capital of the Siberian Government,
was captured by them on Nov. 15; 10 generals, too officers, 80
locomotives, 3,000 waggons, etc., fell into their hands.
The seat of the Siberian Government had been transferred to
Irkutsk. The leaders of the opposition, especially the members
of Socialist parties, took the opportunity of the disaster on the
front to renew their activities. A rebellion against Kolchak's
Government took place in Vladivostok, and the rebels were joined
by Gen. Gaida, the former chief of the Czechoslovaks in Siberia;
the movement was suppressed by military force, and Gen. Gaida
had to leave the country. Similar riots on a smaller scale were
reported from Irkutsk and other places. Under the pressure of
the growing hostility of the population Kolchak made a last at-
tempt to reorganize the Government. Victor Pepeliaev, a former
teacher and member of the Russian State Duma, was appointed
prime minister. He tried to save the situation, basing the policy
of his Government on the principle of local autonomy, which
was advocated and supported by Gen. Diterichs, formerly chief
commander of the troops, and Gen. Semenov, the Cossack leader.
But no change of governmental policy could stop the course
of the disintegration. The Reds took Novo-Nicholaievsk on
Dec. 14, and were moving towards Irkutsk without meeting any
resistance as the Siberian army was practically dissolved at
that time. The socialist Zemstvo and municipal council of Ir-
kutsk took energetic steps to overthrow the Central Govern-
ment. The rising resulted in the creation of a new socialist Gov-
ernment, which was elected at the end of Dec. at a joint meeting of
the Irkutsk Zemstvo and municipality. Kolchak was asked to re-
sign; at first he refused, but on Jan. 4 he signed an ukaz trans-
ferring his power to Gen. Denikin and the supreme military
authority in Siberia to Gen. Semenov. At the same time he
asked for the protection of the Allies and this was promised to
him. But when Kolchak, under the guard of Czechoslovaks, was
passing through Irkutsk in his train, which was also loaded with
a considerable part of the 65,000,000 gold reserve, the new
Irkutsk Government demanded his surrender, threatening in the
case of non-acceptance to resist the free passage of the Allied
Missions. Gen. Janin ordered the surrender of Kolchak and
Pepeliaev. They were kept prisoners for some time at Nijni-
Udinsk, and were shot by the Bolshevists on Feb. 6 1920.
(P.Vi.)
KOMURA, JUTARO, MARQUESS (1855-1911), Japanese states-
man (see 15.892), was Foreign Minister in the second Katsura
administration (1908-11) and died Nov. 24 1911.
KORBAY, FRANCIS (1846-1913), Hungarian musician, was
born at Budapest in 1846. He was a godson of Liszt, of whose
music he became a well-known interpreter. He had many
KORBER KOREA
685
successful European tours, and was also extremely popular in
England. Korbay wrote many pianoforte pieces and songs, but
he is best known by his collections of Magyar folk-songs, which
have attained a very wide popularity. He died in London, which
for many years was his home, March 9 1913.
KORBER, ERNST, RITTER VON (1860-1919), Austrian
statesman, was born at Trent on Nov. 6 1860, the son of an
officer. He entered the State service in 1872, became Minister
of Commerce (Nov. 30 iSgy-March 5 1898); Minister of the
Interior (Oct. 2-Dec. 21 1899); Prime Minister (Jan. 18 1900-
Dec. 31 1904 and Oct. 28-Dec. 20 1916); deputy curator of the
Academy of Sciences (1904-19).
Korber represented the old Austrian tradition of faithful pub-
lic service; his aim being to ward off by a comprehensive scheme
of administrative reform the obvious crumbling of the old system
of centralized Government. His Studies in administrative
reform, published in 1904, involved an indictment of the admin-
istration unheard of hitherto in Austrian official circles; he wanted
to do away with the " notorious double-tracking " of the paral-
lel administration of the central State and its units, to make a
sharp distinction between their respective competence, and to
establish a sort of clearing-house of the mixed jurisdictions,
leaving intact the whole of the rights of both the State and the
unit. This great work remained unachieved, because none of
the separate nationalities was prepared to make the necessary
sacrifice, even in return for compensation. He tried, with
" passionless perseverance," to set Parliament functioning
again, seeking to win support by granting large State credits for
Alpine railways and Galician waterways; but his success was
short-lived, and the delays in the execution of the canalization
schemes, which were increasingly costly as time went on, even
led to special obstruction on the part of the Poles. The con-
cessions which he made to each national group led to corruption
(the purchase of votes by concessions, parliamentary " milk-
ing "). After the murder of Stiirgkh, Francis Joseph sum-
moned him to the rescue of the State (Oct. 1916), but on the old
Emperor's death the new monarch quickly got rid of his un-
accommodating adviser. He died in Vienna, March 6 1919.
KOREA (CHOSEN). On Aug. 22 1910 Korea (see 15.908)
became an integral part of the Japanese Empire, under its
ancient name of Chosen, formerly in use for over five centuries
and now officially restored: with this event, a new era dawned
for what was formerly the " Hermit Kingdom." The ordered and
systematic progress, already inaugurated by Japan in 1906, ad-
vanced steadily, though attacks were still made by some foreign
critics on her suppression of Korean nationalism.
The peninsula of Chosen, with its outlying islands, has an area of
85,229 sq. m. of which 82,926 sq. m. form the mainland. It is thus
about as large as the mainland of Japan or about two-thirds of the
size of the British Isles. The pop. in 1920 was 17,284,207, including
about 337,000 Japanese and about 23,000 foreigners. The density is
only about 208 inhabitants per sq. m. compared with 376 in Japan
and about 374 in Great Britain. The. climate is dry and bracing,
without intense variations of cold and heat, and, in contrast to
Japan, there is an absence of hurricanes and practically no visitation
of earthquakes. The country is mountainous, especially in the N.,
but there are extensive plains, well-watered with good rivers, on the
S. and W. where are situated the excellent harbours of Fusan,
Mokpo, Chemulpo and Chinnampo. The mineral wealth of the
country is concentrated in the N., while agriculture is the pre-
dominant characteristic of the level and fertile south-west. Chosen's
geographical position affords her easy access to the markets of
China, Manchuria and Siberia, and a railway line now connects her
with northern Asia and thus to the heart of Europe.
Administration. Subsequently to the annexation, the func-
tions of the Japanese residency-general and of the Korean Gov-
ernment were merged in those of a governor-general, the first to
be appointed being Gen. Terauchi, with Mr. I. Yamagata, son of
Prince Yamagata, as administrative superintendent. In Oct.
1916 Gen. Terauchi vacated his post to become Premier of Japan
and was succeeded by Gen. Count Hasegawa, Mr. Yamagata
continuing in office. An important reform effected in this period
was the unification of the police and the gendarmerie services, by
which a better control of the outlying districts was obtained,
where hitherto the peace and security of the inhabitants had
been frequently disturbed by bands of robbers and marauders.
The serenity of Chosen, which had remained unclouded since the
annexation, was broken up somewhat abruptly by widespread
disturbances which took place in March 1919. Owing to a spirit
of unrest, partly due to the World War, partly due to agitators
and, no doubt, partly engendered by the cautious slowness of the
Japanese in introducing administrative reforms suitable to the
measure of progress already achieved, the Koreans were sub-
merged in a wave of desire to achieve at one step that measure
of " self-determination " which President Wilson's utterances ap-
peared to them to justify. The disturbances, however, were
quickly subdued and the Japanese Government hastened for-
ward reform measures which had already been contemplated.
The heads of the administration resigned and Baron Saito was
appointed governor-general and Dr. R. Midzuno administrative
superintendent. The reforms introduced were: (i) the exten-
sion to civil officials of eligibility to the post of governor-general,
hitherto only open to a military officer of the rank of general;
(2) the governor-general, formerly only directly responsible to
the Throne, to be amenable to the Prime Minister of Japan; (3)
the governor-general to be relieved, even when a military officer,
of the right to the military command, which should be exercised
only by the commander of the army; (4) the substitution of a
police force for the mixed system of gendarmerie and police.
The premier, Mr. Kara, also issued a statement that the
Government were desirous of further eliminating as time went on,
all differences between Japan proper and Chosen in matters of
education, industry and the civil service. A system of provincial
and municipal administration, similar to that in Japan, would
also gradually be evolved.
Peace was thus established and the Koreans again settled
down, although various agitators and malcontents who had fled
either to Shanghai, or to Manchuria, from time to time made
abortive attempts again to stir up the feelings of discontent which
had been so successfully allayed. Episodes which occurred in the
autumn of 1920 in the Chientao district, when a Japanese con-
sulate was burned, and attacks were made on peaceful Japanese
and other civilians, were subsequently found to have been en-
gineered by Korean agitators.
Finance. After the Russo-Japanese War, 1904-5, Japan turned
her attention more actively 'to the reform of Chosen fiscal affairs,
hitherto sadly neglected, as the budgetary laws enacted in 1895 were
not adhered to in practice. Detailed regulations regarding revenue
and expenditure were promulgated in June 1906, the system of
public tenders was introduced and a Bureau of Audit was established.
The Seoul branch of a Japanese joint-stock bank was authorized to
act as the Central Treasury of the Chosen Government and the
post-offices were also entrusted with Treasury business. In Sept.
1906 regulations with regard to the collection of taxes were issued and
assessors appointed, all being made directly responsible to the
Minister of Finance.
The coinage system of Chosen was a matter urgently in need of
reform, as not only was there no standard money and an excess of
nickel coins, but a great deal of spurious foreign coin was also in
circulation. A law of 1901, not then put into force, by which the
coinage system was to be made analogous to that of Japan, was
therefore revived and became operative in June 1905, and it was
further provided that the standard money of Japan, or bank-notes,
should become the standard money of Chosen. Thus Chosen became
a gold country and in a few years' time the country reaped an
enormous benefit, both at home and abroad.
The ordinary revenue rose from 44,764,559 yen in 1916-7 to
69,347,820 yen in 1920-1 ; while the extraordinary revenue rose from
23,437,548 yen in 1916-7 to 54,462,123 yen in 1920-1. The total
expenditure which in 1916-7 was 57,562,710 yen, was in 1920-1
1 13.328,334 yen.
Foreign Trade. The external trade of Chosen, rapidly increased
during the decade 1910-20, is chiefly owing to the development of
her agriculture and industry. Contributing factors have been the
improvements effected in transport, both by sea and land, with a
consequent lowering of freights, the revisicnof the customs tariff, and
also to the greater demand created by the World War.
Exports, valued at 15,369,009 yen in 1912 (in addition to exports
to Japan itself of 5,616,608 yen), increased to 199,848,854 yen in
1919 (with 10,816,927 yen to Japan itself); and imports, 40,756,013
yen in 1912 (plus 26,359,434 from Japan), rose to 184,917,978 yen in
1919 (plus 95,868,640 yen from Japan).
During the i
same period the ratio of the total foreign trade with
that of trade with Japan and other countries may be seen from the
figures given in the following table.
686
KORNILOV, LAVR GEORGIEVICH
Trade with Japan
Trade with foreign
countries
1912
1913
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
67%
68%
72% '
78%
75%
75%
81%
77%
33%
32%
28%
22%
25%
25%
19%
23%
Agriculture and Industry. In 1908 a special Government office
was established in order to control and foster the cultivation of the
medicinal plant ginseng, an unrivalled quality of which is produced
in the peninsula. Experiments were conducted to counteract disease
in the crop and to improve the methods of cultivation, associations of
cultivators being also formed. The area under cultivation increased
fifteenfold from 1908 to 1920, the present annual value of the
medicinal ginseng raised being 2,000,000 yen.
In 1907 the Government commenced operations for the natural
evaporation of salt, a product hitherto obtained by the artificial
boiling process, and the results being satisfactory, the manufacture
was developed as a Government enterprise. By 1918, salt-pans
covering an area of 2,528 ac. were in operation, producing 102,396,-
141 Ib. of salt. As this quantity is still insufficient for home consump-
tion, in 1920 the Government commenced laying out an additional
6,370 ac., the work to be completed in seven years.
The production of tobacco, an old-established industry in Chosen,
has been greatly improved, both as regards cultivation and manu-
facture, by the encouragement received from the Government. The
area under cultivation has increased from 33,261 ac. in 1915 to 42,525
ac. in 1919, the total value having risen from 4,878,127 yen to
14,501,169 yen in the same period.
Sericulture. The dryness of the Chosen climate being very favour-
able to the cultivation of the mulberry tree and the rearing of silk-
worms, sericulture had been long established, though it had devel-
oped but slowly. When the Government undertook the reorganiza-
tion of the industry in 1906 a great improvement was effected. The
native silk-worms being found to be inferior to the Japanese species,
the latter were gradually introduced and the production of cocoons
was greatly augmented thereby. Some 400,000 families are engaged
in the industry, nearly 60,000 ac. of mulberry trees are under culti-
vation and, in 1918, over 600,000 bus. of cocoons (against 69,000 in
1910) were produced, whilst the value of the cocoons exported in 1918
was nearly 5,000,000 yen. The export of silk itself is negligible, the
silk industry of Chosen being still in its infancy.
Stock -Farming. Cattle-breeding is carried on nearly everywhere
in the peninsula, the bulls being employed largely for agricultural
and draught purposes on account of their hardy constitution and
massive build. The cows give little milk, but furnish good beef.
Cow-hides occupy an important place in the export trade. A decline
of export was shown in 1912 and 1913 due to cattle plague on the
frontier districts, and the large increases in hide exports in 1915 and
1916 were due to the war demand in Japan for tanning purposes.
The Chosen horses are poor but experiments in improving the
breed are being conducted by the Government: the breeding of
ass^s, mules, sheep, pigs and goats is proceeding and poultry-raising
is also being encouraged.
Horticulture. Fruit - farming received considerable impetus
through the establishment of model agricultural farms by the
Government. Generally speaking, the number of pear, apple and
chestnut trees and also of grape vines has doubled in the years 1913
to 1918. Afforestation has progressed uninterruptedly since 1907
when the Government first undertook a share of this necessary work,
which is also actively carried on by private enterprise. By 1918 the
Government had planted 13,004 trees covering 7,880 ac., the local
administration 8,194 trees on 17,738 ac., whilst private enterprise
had taken up, under lease, 240,4^3 ac. of State forest-land.
Mining. Prior to the annexation, the mining industry of Chosen
was chiefly in the hands of foreigners, four American corporations
and four individuals holding rights, two English corporations and
one individual, two Frenchmen, one Russian and one Italian, besides
several Japanese and Americans jointly, all enjoying mining privi-
leges and exploiting some 270,000 ac. of mining area, principally
gold-bearing. A mining law enacted after the annexation and made
operative on April I 1916, prohibited foreigners from acquiring
mining rights in Chosen, unless as a legal Japanese corporation,
although the rights existing and already granted to foreigners by the
former Korean Government were strictly respected.
The principal mineral products, in addition to gold, are silver, zinc,
copper, lead, iron, tungsten ore, graphite, coal (especially anthra-
cite), quartz sand and kaolin. A number of Japanese mine-owners
have recently commenced operations in the peninsula and the
mining enterprise shows a steady expansion. The total yield from
all the mines in the country was as follows:
191 6,067,952 yen 1916 . . . 14,078,188 yen
1912 6,815,121 1918 . . . 30,838,074 '
I9H 8,522,418 ' 1919 . . . 25,414,510 '
Manufactures. Strictly speaking, the factory system of Chosen
is still in the first stages of development, the native handicrafts of
weaving, ceramics, metal-casting, etc., having been much neglected.
New industries, however, are now growing up. The principal ones
are ore-smelting, pulp manufacture, cotton-spinning, rice-cleaning,
brewing, the production of gas and electric current, as well as the
ginseng, tobacco and salt industries already mentioned.
Iron works have been founded at Kyumipo, in the Hwanghai
province, which it is estimated will produce annually 100,000 tons
of pig iron, 62,000 tons of iron ingots, and 73,000 tons of iron plates,
bars, etc., besides by-products. In Shin Wiju a large factory ha
been established for pulp-making for which the native Yalu timbe.
is being employed. A tanning factory at Yung-dung-po is producing
leather belting, sole-leather, harness leather, etc., by the process i '
oak-chrome tanning.
In 1917 there were in all 1,358 factories in Chosen, with a capita
f 39.038,966 yen, the year's production having a value of nearly
100 million yen. About 85 % of the capital was provided from
Japanese sources, but there are signs that the natives are awakening
to a new interest in manufacturing enterprise.
Fisheries. Since 1911 the Chosen fisheries have been much
improved owing to the provisions of the Fishery Law, promulgated
in that year. New fishing associations have been formed, havens for
the fishing fleet provided, and proper investigations conducted into
the suitability of gear and the movements and location of fish. As
a result the fishing population has increased from 93,400 with
16,709 boats in 1910, to 346,349 with 53,118 boats in 1918, the
total value of the catch having risen from 7, 871, 910 yen to 32,863,402
yen in the same period.
Communications. Prior to the establishment of the protectorate,
Chosen possessed no highways worthy of the name, such roads as
existed having been allowed to lapse into a shocking state of repair.
Few roads were wide enough for vehicular traffic and many were
only six feet broad, besides being extremely rough and difficult for
coolies and horses alike. After the commencement of the protec-
torate regime, the Government engineering department planned an
extensive scheme of highway construction and by Mar. 1918 over
5,000 m. of road had been constructed or repaired. Some 3,850 m.
were undertaken at Government expense and the cost of the re-
mainder was shared between the Government and the local authori-
ties, the total outlay being about 25,000,000 yen.
The first railway line in Chosen, between Seoul and Chemulpo,
was completed by a Japanese syndicate in 1900 and opened to
traffic in Oct. of that year, whilst the same syndicate undertook
the construction of the Seoul-Fusan railway (274 m.), which was
completed and opened to traffic in Jan. 1905. The trunk line Seoul-
Wiju (309 m.), which traverses the peninsula lengthwise, was built
by the Japanese army and completed in 1906. Branch lines were
added from time to time, so that by the time Chosen became part of
the empire, some 759 m. of railway were in operation. By 1919-20
this figure had been increased to 1,153 miles.
Posts, etc. Since 1910 the expansion of the postal, telegraph and
telephone services in Chosen has been normal, the number of post-
offices having increased from 447 in 1910 to 562 in 1920, the postal
packets from 100,265,041 to 267,635,965 and the parcels from
1,589,722 to 4,230,179. The length of telegraph lines increased in
the same period from 3,389 m. to 4,870 m. ; the length of wires from
7,740 to 16,063 m -; an d the number of messages from 7,127,235 to
11,012,075. The length of telephone lines increased from 314 m. to
3,260 m.; the wires from 10,121 m. to 225,016 m. ; and the messages
from 21,260,918 to 58,691,425.
A great increase both in the number of depositors and the amount
of their savings was a feature of the Post-Office Savings Bank in
Chosen; in 1911-2 there were 223,599 depositors (4,365,996 yen),
and in 1919-20 there were 1,406,259 depositors (14,925,990 yen).
(H. SA.)
KORNILOV, LAVR GEORGIEVICH (1870-1918), Russian
general and patriot, born on Aug. 31 1870 in the little town
of Ust-Kamenogorodsk, Siberia, was essentially a son of the
people, his father being a poor Cossack officer and his mother
also a Cossack. As a boy he went through a severe schooling in a
life of want and privation. At nine years old he entered the
parish school, where somehow he learnt to read and write. He
prepared himself unaided for his entrance into the Siberian
Cadet Corps, which he joined in 1883. Passing thence to the
Michailovsky artillery school in St. Petersburg, he was in 1892
commissioned and posted to the Turkestan Artillery Brigade.
Within three years he was back again at the capital to enter the
academy of the general staff, in the final examinations of which,
in 1898, he was among the first. Not attracted, however, by life
in the big civilized centres, and instinctively drawn to the open
spaces of the Russian borderlands, Kornilov again devoted him-
self to service in Turkestan, whence he undertook a series of
daring journeys into Afghanistan, Chinese Turkestan, Persia and
Baluchistan. In 1904, on the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese
War, Kornilov, then a lieutenant-colonel, received an appoint-
KOSSUTH KOVESS
687
ment with the field army. As a staff officer he took part
in many engagements, and for gallant conduct in a difficult
rear-guard action at the battle of Mukden he was decorated
with the order of St. George of the fourth class. Subsequently he
served in the headquarters offices of the general staff and spent
four years (1907-11) as Russian military attache in Pekin, during
which period he made journeys into the interior of China.
In the opening stage of the World War, during the Russian
campaign of 1 914-5 in Galicia, Gen. Kornilov commanded the 48th
Inf. Div., which, under his leadership, performed many daring
exploits as part of Brussilov's VIII. Army. In the great battle
of May 1915 this division became isolated in the Carpathians,
and was only extricated by the self-sacrifice of its rear-guard,
which Kornilov personally led. He himself was wounded and
taken prisoner. He was sent to the fortress of Laka, in Hungary,
but, having learnt the Czech language, he managed to escape,
dressed as an Austrian private, with the help of a Czech medical
officer. They made for the Rumanian frontier on foot, but on
their way Kornilov's companion was arrested, the general himself
escaping and reaching Russia in the autumn of 1916. He
was at once appointed commander of the XX. Army Corps.
This corps operated in conjunction with the Rumanians and in
Oct. 1916 made a brilliant diversion to save Bucharest from the
invading army: but when the Rumanian troops on Kornilov's
right gave way he had to retreat. At the beginning of March
1917, with the outbreak of the Russian Revolution, Kornilov
was called by Gutchkov to command the troops of the military
district of Petrograd. As in this appointment he was responsible
for guarding the Provisional Government, it was from this
moment that his influence on political events began to be felt.
He found the troops, however, in such a demoralized state under
the influence of the " Soviet of workers' and soldiers' deputies "
that he asked to be relieved and sent to the front, and at the
beginning of May he was made commander of the VIII. Army.
During the June offensive movement ordered by Kerensky, who
went round appealing to the soldiers to advance, Kornilov with
his army broke the Austrian front and occupied Kalusz and
Halicz, but the impetus was not of long duration and success
was followed by debacle. It now became clear that to restore the
fighting capacity of the Russian army, stern decisive measures
would have to be taken. Hopes were centred on Kornilov when
he was appointed by Kerensky supreme commander-in-chief.
" The man with the lion's heart " inspired a general confidence.
At the beginning of August, just before the opening of the " State
Conference " at Moscow, Kornilov went to Petrograd and pre-
sented his programme to Kerensky as president of the Provisional
Government. This " programme " demanded the severe punish-
ment of military offenders, not only at the front, but in the rear
as well ; it called for extraordinary measures for the improvement
of transport and the insuring of order at the factories that were
working for defence; it demanded the limitations of the privileges
of the soldiers' committees and the reestablishment of the
officers' power of enforcing discipline. The programme was,
however, rejected, and this was the beginning of the split be-
tween Kerensky and Kornilov (see RUSSIA: History). The gulf
between the two men, who proclaimed two opposite political
faiths, became wider, and the struggle between them ended in the
outbreak of Sept. 8-12. Kerensky gained an apparent victory,
and Kornilov, with some faithful followers, was interned in
Bikhov, where he remained for over two and a half months.
After the October revolution, when the Provisional Government
had fallen and power was forcibly seized by the Bolsheviks,
Kornilov left Bikhov and early in December made his way to the
Don (Novotcherkask), where he assisted Gen. Alexeiev in col-
lecting some 3,500 men and eight guns, and forming the Volun-
teer Army. Kornilov was given a command in this army, which
was badly clad, had no winter equipment and hardly any mu-
nitions, but was ready to go anywhere and do anything. The
position of the Don, however, grew more and more complicated.
The sympathies of the population were divided and doubtful
and the Bolshevik forces steadily advanced. The new army, still
small in numbers and incompletely organized, was compelled
to leave Rostov on Feb. 9 1918, and Kornilov then began his
march to the Kuban, where he hoped to find help and support.
Through country where the Bolsheviks held all the principal
centres and railway lines his men fought their way victoriously
but under great difficulties, and crossed the Kuban on March 7,
having marched on to the mountain villages of the North Cau-
casian range and established connexion with a group of Vol-
unteers which had formed under Gen. Erdeli. After a short rest
they started again for Ekaterinodar, which, as the capital of
Kuban, Kornilov held it essential to occupy. On March 17,
in the neighbourhood of Novo Dmitrievskaya, they had to
march knee-deep in water and to ford a mountain stream ; the
men reached the bank half frozen. This adventure was popularly
known as the " ice flight." The attack in Ekaterinodar, however,
resulted in a terrible misfortune. A stiff battle ensued and the
Volunteer Army carried some of the outskirts of the town. But
early on the morning of March 31 Kornilov was struck down by
the burst of a shell and died without regaining consciousness.
His loss was irreparable. A magnetic personality and born leader
of men, he knew no fear and shared the hardships with his soldiers.
(Y. D.; P. Vi.)
KOSSUTH, FRANCIS (184^1914), Hungarian statesman
(see 15.916). As Minister of Commerce in the Wekerle Cabinet,
Kossuth had many opportunities of turning to account his techni-
cal and economic experience. At the critical period of the Coali-
tion he showed throughout solid ability, in contrast to Justh,
who in 1909 brought about the break-up of the Independence
party, which split into the Kossuth and the Justh wings. In
consequence of increasing ill-health Kossuth withdrew more and
more from active politics, and only appeared in Parliament on
special occasions. When in the summer of 1913 the two wings
of the Independence party were again united Count Michael
Karolyi undertook their actual leadership. In articles pub-
lished in the Budapest Kossuth continued to express his views.
He made his last appearance in Parliament on Oct. 30 1913.
From his bed of sickness, to whim he was confined from the
autumn of 1913 onwards, he declined any participation with
Count Michael Karolyi against the Triple Alliance policy of the
Dual Monarchy. He died May 25 1914. (E. v. W.)
KOVESS, HERMANN, FREIHERR VON KOVESSHAZA (1854-
), Austro-Hungarian field-marshal, was born in Temesvar
in 1854, and began his military career in the engineers, then
served on tive general staff and in the infantry. At the beginning
of the JV^rld War he commanded the XII. (Transylvania)
Corps,,; and fought in the tenacious defence against the superior
Russian forces in east and central Galicia, and later in Russian
Poland. During the spring offensive of 1915 he captured by
storm the fortress of Ivangorod, and in the autumn, under the
command of Mackensen, led the III. Army, with which he cap-
tured Belgrade and penetrated into Serbia, then, in independent
command, overthrew Montenegro, and occupied Albania. In
the early summer of 1916 Kovess' army cooperated in the opera-
tion against Arsiero-Asiago, but after the break-through of Brussi-
lov was transported in all haste to the Galician theatre of war.
Kovess soon after took over the command of the VII. Army,
and defended the ridges of the Wooded Carpathians against
Russian attack. In the summer of 1917 he sallied from the
mountains with his troops, made himself master of Czernowitz
and Radautz, and drove the Russians almost entirely from the
Bukovina. From the middle of Jan. to the beginning of April
1918 the field-marshal commanded the army front consisting
of the I. and VII. Armies, extending from the Dniester to the
south-eastern corner of Transylvania. Entrusted after the
desertion of Bulgaria with the thankless task of the command of
the troops in the Balkans, he could do nothing more tha#i9iran|e
for the evacuation of the occupied territories accordijSgllitljilan,
and for the defence of the Danube-Save line. Wbflngye
Charles laid down the supreme command
as his successor. But the dispersal of
field-marshal's military career. He was.pn^.of3ljfttaiiQ8tgjci{)ldrir
army leaders of the old monarchy. Afi
in retirement, cultivating his histoririaUaiwSi aMiitiriil^sl^s.r
688
KROBATIN KURDISTAN
KROBATIN, ALEXANDER, FREIHERR VON (1849- ), Austro-
Hungarian field-marshal, was born at Olmiitz in 1849. Krobatin
was recognized as a sound technical expert in munitions; he did
successful work as head of a department and as chief of a section
in the War Ministry. From Dec. 1912 to April 1917 he was
War Minister, and during the war supported the army in the
field by bold and comprehensive measures. After his resigna-
tion from the Ministry of War he commanded the X. Army
operating against Italy on the Carinthian and Tirolese fronts.
KROPOTKIN, PETER ALEXEIVICH, PRINCE (1842-1921),
Russian geographer, author and revolutionary (see 15.928), re-
turned to Russia in June 1917, after the revolution, expressing
in a farewell letter to The Times his gratitude for the hospitality
which he had received in England. His short period of residence
in Russia was full of disappointment, as his criticisms of the
Bolshevist regime caused him to be regarded with suspicion by
the extremists. After various contradictory reports of his death
had been received it was ascertained that he had died at Moscow
after a long illness Feb. 8 1921.
KRUMMEL, OTTO (1854-1912), German geographer, was
born at Exin, near Bromberg, July 8 1854. He was educated prin-
cipally in the university of Gottingen, and approached the sub-
ject of geography at first through the study of classics, and by
the historical road. But in 1883 he succeeded to the chair of
geography at Kiel, and in that seaport found the connexion of
his subject with marine investigations which directed his sub-
sequent career. He retained his chair at Kiel until 191 1, and
during his tenure of it he introduced the science of oceanography
to public interest through his handbook Der Ozean (1886),
completed Boguslavsky's work on oceanography in Ratzel's
series of geographical handbooks (1887), joined, and published
an account of, the " Plankton expedition " on board the " Na-
tional " in the North Atlantic Ocean (1889), served on the In T
ternational Council for the Study of the Sea (1900-9), and finally
produced the great work of his life, the Handbuch der Ozeano-
graphie, in 1907-11. In 1911 Kriimmel quitted Kiel to take up
the professorship of geography at Marburg. He died at Cologne
Oct. 12 1912.
KtjHLMANN, RICHARD VON (1873- ), German diplo-
matist, was born March 17 1873 at Constantinople. From 1908
to 1914 he was councillor of the German embassy in London, and
was very active in the study of all phases of contemporary poli-
tical and social life in Great Britain and even in Ireland. During
the World War he was successively councillor of embassy at
Constantinople, minister at The Hague and, from Sept. 1916
till Aug. 1917, ambassador at Constantinople. He was then ap-
pointed Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and represented
Germany at the Brest Litovsk negotiations, which on March 3
1918 led to the treaty of peace with Russia. He also negotiated
the Peace of Bucharest (May 7 1918) with Rumania. In these
negotiations he had to encounter the opposition of the Higher
Command of the army, and, in particular, of Ludcndorff, who
desired fuller territorial guarantees on Germany's eastern fron-
tier, the establishment of a German protectorate over the Baltic
States and stronger precautions against the spread of Bolshevism.
In July 1918 he delivered in the Reichstag a speech on the general
situation, in the course of which he declared that the war could
not be ended by arms alone, implying that it would require
diplomacy to secure peace. This utterance was misinterpreted
in the country, and the Higher Command was drawn into the
controversy which arose over it, so that Kiihlmann's position
became untenable. He was practically thrown over by the
Chancellor, Count Hertling, in a speech intended to explain
away his statement and, after an interview with the Emperor at
the front, he tendered his resignation (July 1918).
KtJLPE, OSWALD (1862-1915), German philosopher (see
18.242), was born at Candau, Courland, Aug. 3 1862. He was
educated at the universities of Leipzig, Berlin, Gottingen and
Dorpat; in 1891 he became lecturer in philosophy at Wurzburg,
holding subsequently (1894-1909) the chair of philosophy and
aesthetics in that university, at Bonn (1900-13) and at Munich
from 1913 until his death in 1915.
KUN, BELA (1886- ), Hungarian Communist leader, was
born in 1886 of a Jewish family in Transylvania, and became a
journalist and an official in the Workmen's Insurance Office in
Kolozsvar. Enrolled in the Hungarian army during the World
War, he was a prisoner of war in Russia, when he was instructed
by Lenin for the purposes of Communist propaganda, and after
the collapse of the Central Powers he was sent back to Hungary
with a commission to set up a Soviet Republic. From March 21
to Aug. i 1919 he was People's Commissary for Foreign Affairs
in the Soviet Republic, and after its fall he found refuge in
Austria (see HUNGARY). In July 1920 he succeeded in escaping
to Russia, where he was employed by the Soviet Government.
KUPRIN, ALEXANDER IVANOVICH (1870- ), Russian
writer, was born in 1870. He passed through the cadet school
and military college at Moscow, and in 1890 entered the army as
lieutenant. In 1897 he resigned his commission in order to devote
himself to literature. He first made a name by his stories of
Russian army life, and later wrote many satires on various sec-
tions of society. He is considered. to be, after Chekhov, the most
popular writer of short stores in Russia. His short stories include
Rekajizori (The River of Life, 1916); Duel (first published 1907;
English translation 1916) and Sasha (1920).
KURDISTAN (see 15.949). During the last eight years of
his reign Sultan 'Abdul Hamid pursued the policy of at-
tracting to his person those Kurdish leaders whom he found
to have the- greatest local power, and of creating the impression
that he looked to the Kurds as his special adherents. There were
at the time several descendants of the Badr Khan Bey and Baban
families in exile in Constantinople, and from these certain mem-
bers were given considerable Government posts in the capital
and in Syria and Anatolia. By this means the Sultan contrived
to exact some taxes, and succeeded in producing a state of the
country more tranquil than had existed for several generations.
In the north Ibrahim Pasha Milli, and in the south the Sheikh of
Barzan and Sheikh Said Barzinja of Sulaimani, became the
great leaders, while Saiyid Taha of Shemsdinan held the greatest
power in central Kurdistan.
When in 1908 the Turkish Revolution occurred, resulting in the
deposition of the Sultan and the victory of Enver Bey's Young
Turk party, Kurdistan remained generally loyal to the old
reg'me, and Ibrahim Pasha Milli and Sheikh Said of Sulaimani
both declared themselves loyalists. The former gathered a
considerable army and terrorized the country in the neighbour-
hood of "Urfa, Diarbekr, Mardin and Nisibin, while Sheikh
Said and the Sheikh of Barzan led a condition of rebellion extend-
ing over the whole of central and southern Kurdistan. In 1908
Sheikh Said of Sulaimani was murdered in Mosul, an event which
only aggravated matters in southern Kurdistan and excited a
sympathy for the family even deeper than had existed before.
In 1909 Ibrahim Pasha Milli was defeated and lost his life and
comparative order was restored in his district.
Meanwhile southern Kurdistan, led by Sheikh Mahmud,
the son of Sheikh Said, continued in a state of rebellion, in which
the two most active tribes were the Jaf and the Hamawand.
Various means were tried to quell the rebellion. Sulaimani was
occupied in 1910 after heavy bribes had been paid to Sheikh
Mahmud; Mahmud Pasha, leader of the Jaf, was induced to go
to Mosul and there detained for a year. Mustafa Pasha Bajlan,
of the Khaniqin district, was likewise detained in Bagdad in
1912. In this year military measures at last succeeded against
the Hamawand tribe, which fled en masse to Persian territory.
At the outbreak of the World War conditions were not favour-
able to the Turks in Kurdistan. An insurrection had occurred in
Bitlis, the Hamawand were still \-irtually outlaws and the whole
country refused to respond to the call to a jihad against the
British. In the south a small volunteer force of cavalry was
eventually raised, but after fighting against the British at
Shu'aiba near Basra it returned to Kurdistan owing to the ill-
treatment it received at the hands of the Turks. With the pre-
occupation of the Government in the war, Kurdistan remained
for the time being untouched and indifferent.
In 1915 the official massacre of Armenians occurred, but
KUROPATKIN KUYPER
689
evidence conclusively proves that, though there were cases of
Kurdish participation, the greater portion of the nation not only
held aloof, but, as in the case of the Dersim Kurds (who actually
saved 25,000 Armenians), displayed their repugnance to the
Turkish orders in a practical manner. Throughout central and
northern Kurdistan there were in 1919 numbers of Armenians
who had lived as refugees among the Kurds.
About this time Russia began to formulate a policy to encour-
age the Kurdish national movement, for she hoped to use Kurdis-
tan as a counterpoise to Armenia, and when in 1916 Russian
forces were in possession of Erzerum and Bitlis, members of the
Badr Khan Bey family were appointed as provincial governors in
pursuance of the policy. In this year events happened which
complicated political matters in Kurdistan. Isma'il Agha Shekak,
better known as Simko, living between Van and Urmia, murdered
the patriarch of the Nestorians, who fled to Persian territory and
called upon the Russians to avenge the murder. In the same
year a Russian force moved towards and occupied Rawanduz in
central Kurdistan. This force was largely composed of Ar-
menians and other Christian volunteers, calling themselves " the
army of revenge," and the atrocities committed by them in the
destruction of Rawanduz upon Kurds who had till then known
nothing of them were in every way equal to anything attributed
to Kurds in former massacres of Armenians. Further apprehen-
sion and unrest were caused in central and northern Kurdistan
by the Sykes-Picot agreement, which provisionally assigned the
Mosul vilayet to France, a Power regarded by the Kurds as
violently pro-Christian.
Early in 1917 the Russians further alienated Kurdish sym-
pathy by brutal treatment of the population of Khaniqin and
the Shilyar valley in southern Kurdistan. The British forces,
beyond a reconnaissance in April 1917, did not enter Kurdistan
till Dec. 1917, when Khaniqin was occupied without opposition
from the Kurds. In the early part of 1918 the desire for auton-
omy and the favourable attitude of Kurdistan to Great Britain
was becoming apparent; at Sairt, in central Kurdistan, the
Kurds actually expelled the Kurdish garrison, while leaders
throughout the country contrived to get into touch with the
British and assure them of their friendly sentiments and desire
for autonomy and final independence of Turkey.
In Nov. 1918 an officer of the political department of the
Mesopotamian Expeditionary Force was sent to Sulaimani,
where he received a welcome from all classes. He appointed as
governor Sheikh Mahmud Barzinja, and instituted a form of
government designed to be acceptable to southern Kurdistan.
A few other officers were sent at Sheikh Mahmud's request to
assist in organizing the local Government under British protec-
tion. No troops entered the country. Meanwhile in the north,
the Turks, alarmed at the rapid spread of pro-British and nation-
alist expression, busied themselves with propaganda which bore
fruit to some extent on the northern borders of the Mosul vilayet,
which was occupied by British troops in Nov. and Dec. 1918.
The tribes in that neighbourhood are violently anti-Christian
and have frequently been in armed opposition to British forces.
While propaganda and counter-propaganda were busy through-
out northern and central Kurdistan, in May 1919 Sheikh
Mahmud, who conceived that he had received ill-treatment at
British hands in his capacity of governor of southern Kurdistan,
effected a coup de main by which he filled Sulaimani town with
Persian Kurd freebooters. He then entered upon a campaign,
and, after defeating a small British force at Tasluja on May 26
1919, was himself defeated and captured wounded at Bazian
Pass on June 20 1919.
Since the future status of Kurdistan had not been determined
at that time by the League of Nations, those portions of it which
fell south of the northern boundary of the Mosul vilayet were
directed from Bagdad. The expedition of Major Noel in 1919
to northern Kurdistan had revealed a very general and genuine
desire for separation from Turkey and independence.
The Treaty of Sevres, signed on Aug. 10 1920, provided for
these aspirations as follows (Section III.) :
(Article 62.) " A Commission sitting at Constantinople and com-
posed of three members appointed by the British, French and
Italian Governments respectively shall draft within six months from
the coming into force of the present Treaty a scheme of local auton-
omy for the predominantly Kurdish areas lying east of the Eu-
phrates, south of the southern boundary of Armenia as it may be here-
after determined, and north of the frontier of Turkey with Syria
and Mesopotamia, as denned in Article 27, II. (2) and (3). If
unanimity cannot be secured on any question, it will be referred by
the members of the Commission to their respective Governments.
The scheme shall contain in full safeguards for the protection of
the Assyro-Chaldeans and other racial or religious minorities within
these areas, and with this object a Commission composed of British,
French, Italian, Persian and Kurdish representatives shall visit the
spot to examine and decide what rectifications, if any, should be
made in the Turkish frontier where, under the provisions of the pres-
ent Treaty, that frontier coincides with that of Persia."
(Article 63.) " The Turkish Government hereby agrees to accept
and execute the decisions of both the Commissions mentioned in
Article 62 within three months from their communication to the
said Government."
(Article 64.) " If within one year from the coming into force of
the present Treaty the Kurdish peoples within the areas defined in
Article 62 shall address themselves to the Council of the League of
Nations in such a manner as to show that a majority of the popula-
tion of these areas desires independence from Turkey, and if the
Council then considers that these peoples are capable of such in-
dependence and recommends that it should be granted to them,
Turkey hereby agrees to execute such a recommendation, and to
renounce all rights and title over these areas.
" The detailed provisions of such renunciation will form the sub-
ject of a separate agreement between the Principal Allied Powers and
Turkey. When such renunciation takes place, no objection will
be raised by the Principal Allied Powers to the voluntary adhesion
to such an independent Kurdish State of the Kurds inhabiting that
part of Kurdistan which has hitherto been included in the Mosul
vilayet."
Some suitable temporary status for the Kurds of the Mosul
vilayet and the south, which are included in the British mandate,
was under consideration in 1921. (E. B. S.)
KUROPATKIN, ALEXEI (1848- ), Russian general (see
15.952). After the Russo-Japanese War Kuropatkin retired to
has estate in the Government of Novgorod, but during the
World War, after repeated request, in 1916 he was appointed a
corps commander. Once more he distinguished himself as a
leader of troops, and he was again promoted to the position of
army commander. Later he became commander of the Northern
"front" (group of armies), but his operations in the spring
offensive of 1916 did not restore his prestige as a higher com-
mander, and he was shortly afterwards sent to Turkestan as
governor-general. Here his wide and deep knowledge of condi-
tions in that province proved very useful in maintaining order
in an atmosphere of discontent. In 1917 Kuropatkin once more
retired into private life.
The best known of his published works is Plevna, Lovtchen and
Sheinovo. His memoirs were published after the Japanese War in
four volumes, the fourth of which was forbidden in Russia and had
to be published in Berlin. They were translated into English.
KUSMANEK VON BURGNEUSTATTEN, HERMANN (1860-
), Austro-Hungarian general, was born at Hermannstadt.
He was in command of the fortress of Przemsyl when it was
attacked in the first Russian campaign of the World War. It
was only after a six months' investment and the repulse of
powerful Russian onslaughts, and when the food supply was
completely exhausted, that he surrendered on March 22 1915.
Kusmanek and the garrison became prisoners of war. As a
member of the War Archives Department he cooperated in the
compilation of the History of the War of the Austrian Succession,
and together with Maj. von Hoen wrote a manual on the sani-
tary service.
KUYPER, ABRAHAM (1837-1920), Dutch theologian and
politician, was born Oct. 29 1837 at Maassluis, and was educated
at the university of Leiden. He became Doctor of Divinity and
pastor of the Dutch Reformed Church at Beesd in 1863, and in
1870 moved to Amsterdam, where he became in 1876 leader of
the anti-Revolutionary party which aimed at the restoration of
strictly Calvinistic doctrine in the guidance of State affairs. In
1879 he detailed fully the principles and wishes of his party in
Ons Program (Our Programme). A few years later a Calvinistic
university was formed through his instrumentality at Amster-
690
KUYPER
dam, and he himself became professor of theology. Under his
leadership a considerable section of the old Netherland Reformed
Church seceded in 1886 and founded the strictly orthodox
Calvinistic Reformed Church Community. Until 1894 he de-
voted himself to religious teaching, and subsequently to politics,
literature and journalism, having founded the Standaard and the
Heraut in 1872, and contributing to it a daily front-page column
of notes on current politics and theology. From 1874-7 he had
sat in the Second Chamber, but in the latter year a serious illness
forced him to resign his seat. In 1894 he was returned to the
Second Chamber. In 1895 he defended the workers' right to
strike, but in 1903, as head of the Government (1901-5), he
crushed a railway strike by rushing a bill through Parliament
making illegal a stoppage of work by those engaged in the public
and semi-public services. This won him the enmity of the Dutch
Socialists. As minister he conferred upon his Calvinistic univer-
sity the Jus Promovendi. He deserves great credit for having
converted the somewhat old-fashioned polytechnical school at
Delft into a technical university which rivals the very best.
During the South African War he took a prominent part in the
attempts to get Holland to mediate between Great Britain and
the Boers. In the World War he sided openly with Germany,
but his influence had already greatly diminished. He was the
author of numerous publications dealing mostly with religious
subjects and held honorary degrees from various universities.
A popular edition of his works appeared in 1896-8, and his
parliamentary speeches were published in four volumes (1908-
10). He also published a book describing the Dutch community
in London in 1570-1. He died at The Hague Nov. 8 1920.
See W. F. A. Winckel, Leven en Arbeid van Dr. Kuyper (1921);
Dr. A. Kuyper, Gedenkboek (1921) and A. S. S. and J. H. Kuyper,
De Levensavond van Dr. A. Kuyper (1921).
LABORI LABOUR LEGISLATION
691
' ABORI, FERNAND (1860-1917), French lawyer, was born
at Reims April 18 1860. He was educated at Reims
and Paris, and spent several years in England and Ger-
many. He was called to the bar in 1884, and rapidly
made a reputation as a brilliant lawyer and advocate, being
counsel for the defence in most of the important political trials
of the day during a period of nearly thirty years. It was his con-
duct of the Dreyfus case, however, which placed him at the top of
his profession and earned him his unique reputation. He fought
with unremitting energy for his client during both the first and
second revisions of the trial, in 1898 and 1899, a task attended
with considerable danger, as political passions were so strongly ex-
cited at the time that Labori was shot at and wounded at Rennes
on the eve of his cross-examination of the witnesses for the
prosecution. Dreyfus was not finally declared innocent until 1906,
and Labori never once relaxed his efforts on behalf of the unfor-
tunate officer. Other notable trials in which he was concerned
were the prosecution of Emile Zola for libel ( 1 898) , which arose out
of the Dreyfus case; the Humbert affair (1902); and the trial
of Madame Caillaux for the murder of M. Calmette, editor of
the Figaro (1914), when he secured her acquittal. He died in
Paris March 14 1917.
LABOUCHERE, HENRY DU PRE (1831-1912), Radical
politician and proprietor of Truth, was born in London Nov. 9
1831, the son of John Labouchere, of Broome Hall, and nephew
of Lord Taunton (see 26.453). He was educated at Eton, and,
after spending a short time at Cambridge, entered the diplomatic
service in 1854, becoming in 1863 second secretary to the British
embassy at Constantinople. In 1864 he abandoned diplomacy
for politics, and in 1865 was elected Liberal member for Windsor,
but was unseated on petition. In 1866 he won a by-election for
Middlesex, but failed to be reflected in 1868. In 1880 he again
entered the House of Commons as Radical member for North-
ampton with Mr. Bradlaugh as his colleague, and this seat he
retained until his retirement in 1905. He began his journalistic
career with the Daily News, of which he became part proprietor
just before the Franco-German War, and he was himself the
author of the Letters of a Besieged Resident, sent to that news-
paper from Paris by balloon post during the siege, addressed to his
wife in London. In 1874 he became associated with Edmund
Yates on the World (see 28.908); but two years later he started
Truth as a rival society paper, destined, as he himself said, " to
be another and a better World." It had a remarkable record in
the exposure of shams and organized impostures, especially
frauds on the charitable. Many libel actions were brought
against it, but in 25 between 1897 and 1907 only three verdicts
were given definitely against the paper. For many years Mr.
Labouchere himself contributed racy articles and notes, and he
was to the end popularly identified with Truth, though in fact he
left the direction in later years first to Mr. Horace Voules and
then to Mr. Bennett, and took no active part either in writing
or editing. He was a thorough Bohemian, and after his death
the whole story of his life connexion with Truth was very candidly
told in a series of admirable articles in its columns. As a
politician " Labby " was the chartered jester of the House of
Commons, but his pungent and somewhat cynical speeches
were the expression of highly independent democratic con-
victions, deeply opposed to all forms of social privilege or Jingo
imperialism. He was a strenuous advocate of the abolition of the
House of Lords (see 20.845, 846); at the time of the Parnell Com-
mission he had much to do with the unmasking of Pigott; and
he was a member of the inquiry into the Jameson Raid, his
hostility to Mr. Chamberlain being as pronounced as against
Lord Rosebery when the latter became leader of the Liberal
party. He considered himself entitled to office when his party
was in power, and was decidedly mortified at not getting it from
Mr. Gladstone. In 1868 he married Miss Henrietta Hodson, a
popular actress. After 1903 he lived mainly in Italy, at a villa
near Florence, where he died Jan. 15 1912. He left a fortune of
some two millions sterling to his daughter, who married first a
son of the Marquis di Rudini, and secondly Prince Gyalma
Odescalchi.
See Algar Labouchere Thorold, Life of Henry Labouchere (1913).
LABOR, DEPARTMENT OF (United States): see LABOUR
MINISTRY AND DEPARTMENT OF LABOUR.
LABOUR LEGISLATION (see 16.7*). The decade 19 10-20 was
very productive of labour legislation, partly the natural outcome
of years of agitation and the growing political power of Labour,
and partly the result of the strong economic position in which
Labour found itself as a result of the World War and the change
of spirit which developed during it. While important progress
has been made in connexion with the regulation of the conditions
of employment of women, young persons and children, labour
legislation has also advanced largely in new directions, such as
the limitation of the hours of employment of all classes of
workpeople, the fixing of minimum rates of wages for badly paid
industries, and the development of social measures such as
insurance against sickness, accident or unemployment. One of
the most interesting developments, and one which may have
far-reaching results, has been the movement towards inter-
national labour legislation.
The tendency towards uniformity in industrial conditions in
the principal countries, and the world-wide increased economic
and political power of the working-classes, had already resulted
in a series of industrial laws in the various countries, very
broadly on uniform lines. It would appear that Switzerland, in
1876, was the first country to invoke the aid of European diplo-
macy with a view to international labour legislation. Following
on conferences in regard to international labour legislation held
at Berlin in 1890, at Zurich in 1897, and at Paris in 1900, there
was established in 1901 the International Association for Labour
Legislation. By the international treaties of Berne of 1906, the
use of white phosphorus in the match industry was forbidden
in the interests of the health of the workers, and a night rest of
ii hours secured for female industrial workers.
A development in this direction, so great as to constitute a
new era, came with the labour provisions of the Treaty of
Versailles. These, together with the subsequent history of the
International Labour Office set up under the treaty, are dealt
with in the article on INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION.
UNITED KINGDOM
A series of Acts extending over more than a century had
prescribed in the United Kingdom a detailed code for the pro-
tection of workers in factories, mines and shops, and especially
for the protection of women, young persons and children.
Labour legislation was tending strongly in new directions before
the World War. Except for war purposes it was temporarily
interrupted, but the importance which labour legislation had
reached is indicated by the establishment of a separate Ministry
of Labour (see LABOUR MINISTRY) by the New Ministries and
Secretaries Act, 1916.
Before proceeding to a more detailed statement of the various
Acts concerning labour that were placed on the statute book
between 1910 and 1921, reference may be made to the point
emphasized by Prof. Tillyard, that legislation in England is so
usually associated with Parliament and with Parliament alone,
that it may not be generally realized that, taking into consider-
ation quantity only and disregarding importance, probably the
larger part of existing enactments regarding labour have not
been directly passed by Parliament but are the creation of inferior
bodies to whom law-making powers have been delegated. The
reason is that industrial legislation in many cases can hope
to be successful only on condition that complicated details
are patiently investigated and interested persons listened to.
Parliament has of late years become more and more content to
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
692
LABOUR LEGISLATION
settle principles, and to leave detailed decisions and the working-
out of extensions to other bodies, reserving to itself a varying
amount of ultimate control. This legislation by inferior law-
making bodies takes several forms:
(a) Provisional Orders, made by Government departments and
having the force of law provided they are expressly sanctioned by
Parliament, e.g. under the Workmen's Compensation Act, 1906;
(6) Statutory Orders, made by Government departments and
requiring to be laid before Parliament for varying periods, but
taking effect unless Parliament actively intervenes, e.g. under the
Factory Acts;
(c) Determinations such as those under the Trade Boards Acts
dealing with wages to be paid in specified trades;
(d) Legislation by local by-laws made by local authorities in
exercise of the permissive powers bestowed by Act of Parliament.
Women and Children. As regards recent legislation on the
subject of the employment of women, young persons and
children, it is to be observed that important measures regarding
the employment of children were embodied in the Education
Act, 1918, which consolidated and amended the various Acts
relating to the national system of public education. But, owing
to financial exigencies, the operation of several provisions of this
Act was postponed in 1920-1.
Under the Act, subject to specified exceptions, no exemption from
school attendance may be granted to any child between the ages of
5 and 14 years, and 15 years is substituted for 14 years as the normal
elementary school-leaving age. Subject to certain conditions, all
young persons are required to attend continuation schools for a
specified number of hours in each year, at such times or on such days
as the local education authority may require; and the local educa-
tion authority may require, in the case of young persons who are
under an obligation to attend a continuation school, that their
employment shall be suspended on any day when their school
attendance is required. The Employment of Children Act, 1903, is
also amended so that a child under the age of 12 may not be em-
ployed, and a child of the age of 12 or upwards may not be employed
on any Sunday for more than 2 hours, or on any day on which such
child is required to attend school before the close of school hours on
that day, nor on any day before 6 o'clock in the morning or after
S o'clock in the evening. By a further amendment of the Act of
1903, the employment of children in street trading is prohibited, and
certain amendments are made to the Prevention of Cruelty to Chil-
dren Act, 1904, in so far as that Act deals with the employment of
children for the purpose of singing, playing or performing, or being
exhibited for profit or offering anything for sale. The local education
authority may further, if they are satisfied by a report of the school
medical officer or otherwise, that any child is being employed in
such a manner as to be prejudicial to his health or development or
as to render him unfit to obtain the proper benefit from his educa-
tion, either prohibit or attach such conditions as they think fit to
his employment. No child (which expression is defined to mean any
child up to the age when his parents cease to be under an obligation
to cause him to receive efficient elementary instruction or to attend
school under the enactments relating to elementary education and
the by-laws made thereunder) may be employed in any factory
or workshop to which the Factory and Workshop Acts, 1901 to 191 1 ,
apply: or in any mine to which the Coal Mines Act, 1911, applies:
or in any mine or quarry to which the Metalliferous Mines Acts,
1872 and 1875, apply: unless lawfully so employed when the Educa-
tion Act becomes operative. The Education (Scotland) Act, 1918,
is broadly on the same lines, although it differs in details.
A further important step was taken by the Employment of
Women, Young Persons and Children Act, 1920.
Its main purpose was to give legislative ratification in the United
Kingdom (a) to three draft conventions adopted at Washington by
the first session of the General Conference of the International
Labour Organization of the League of Nations, fixing 14 as the mini-
mum age for the admission of children to industrial employment, and
prohibiting, with certain exceptions, night-work in industrial under-
takings by young persons under the age of 1 8 and by all women with-
out distinction of age, and (6) to the draft convention fixing the
minimum age for the admission of children to employment at sea,
adopted at Genoa by the second session of the General Conference.
The Act also contains a section permitting double shifts (averaging
each not more than 8 hours per day) for women and young persons
between the hours of 6 A.M. and 10 P.M., subject to any conditions
which the Secretary of State may prescribe. The object of this
section was to continue the powers of the Home Secretary in this
respect which, in the emergency of the war, he had exercised under
section 150 of the Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, as extended by
Defence of the Realm Regulation No. 6, A. The provisions of the
clause aroused considerable opposition, and, during the progress of
the bill through Parliament, a departmental committee was ap-
pointed to inquire into the whole question of allowing women and
young persons to be employed on the system of two-day shifts. The
committee decided generally that the Home Office should retain
its existing power of deciding in which cases the adoption of the
system should be allowed, and that for this purpose the adoption of
the system in any works should be dependent upon the issue of a
Home Office Order and subject to such conditions to secure the
welfare of the workers as might be attached by the Home Office.
The relevant section of the Act also provides that the Secretary of
State may not make an order in any industry if objection is jointly
made by organizations representing the majority of employers and
workers in the industry ; the section and orders made thereunder are
to remain in force for a period of five years and no longer.
The Women and Young Persons (Employment in Lead Processes)
Act, 1920, prohibited the employment of women and young persons
in certain processes connected with lead manufacture, and regulated
their employment in certain processes involving the use of lead com-
pounds in accordance with the recommendation of the Washington
Conference concerning lead-poisoning.
Hours. In addition to the above special measures concerning
the employment of women, young persons and children, a bill
was introduced in 1921 by the Minister of Labour, providing,
subject to certain necessary exceptions and conditions, for the
establishment of a maximum working week of 48 hours. A
measure for this purpose was recommended by the provisional
joint committee appointed by a National Industrial Conference
of employers and workpeople held in Feb. 1919, to consider
means for removing the existing labour unrest, and by the
Washington General Conference. The terms of the bill were still
under discussion in 1921. Hours of employment in the coal-
mining industry and in shops have been regulated by special
measures. (See HOURS or LABOUR.)
Coal-Mines. The coal-mining industry has been the subji
of a number of special laws, which may be accounted for by the
vital position which the industry holds in the economic life of
the community, the strong organization of the workers, and the
exceptional conditions under which the work has to be carried
on. The Coal Mines Act, 1911, amended slightly by the Coal
Mines Act, 1914, consolidated the existing law relative to coal-
mines. The Act deals with management (certificates of com-
petency, etc.); provisions as to safety, health, accidents; em-
ployment of boys, girls and women; prohibition of payment of
wages in licensed premises and provision as to weekly payment of
wages; inspectors, etc. It did not, however, amend the Coal
Mines Regulation Act, 1908, relating to the 8-hour day, nor such
part of existing legislation as related to checkweighing. In 1912
the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act was passed to terminate a
general strike of coal-miners and provided that certain district
minimum rates, fixed by district boards under the Act, should
form part of the terms of contract of every person employed
underground in a coal-mine.
During the World War the Government assumed control of
the coal-mines. Early in 1919 the Coal Industry Commission
Act was passed, in connexion with a threatened general strike
of coal-miners, to enable the Government to set up a commission
to inquire into the condition of the industry. In accordance with
an interim report of this commission, the Coal Mines Act, 1919,
was passed, providing for a reduction, as from July 16 1919, of the
hours of labour of coal-mine workers below ground from 8 to 7
per day, and making provision, contingent upon the condition of
the industry, for a further reduction in 1921.
The Mining Industry Act, 1920, established the Mines De-
partment of the Board of Trade for the exercise of the powers
of that department and also of the transferred powers of the
Secretary of State relating to mines and quarries.
This Act authorized the Board of Trade, for a period of one year
from Aug. 31 1920, to issue directions regulating the export of
coal and the supply of coal for the bunkering of vessels, and regulat-
ing the pithead price to be charged for coal sold for consumption in
the British Isles and for the bunkering of vessels other than vessels
proceeding to ports outside the British Isles. While any such direc-
tions are operative, the Board of Trade can also give directions as to
the wages to be paid to workers in coal-mines and to regulate the
distribution of profits on principles similar to those shown in the
Coal Mines (Emergency) Act, 1920, so as to secure as far as practi-
cable an equitable distribution as between the different collieries.
The Act further provides for the constitution of (a) Pit Commit-
tees for each coal-mine where a resolution in favour thereof is passed
by the majority of the workers employed in or about the mine; (b)
District Committees; (c) Area Boards, and (d) a National Board. Pit
committees consist of representatives, not exceeding 10 in number,
of the owners and management of the mine and the workers env
ployed in or about the mine, selected by ballot. The functions of a
pit committee are to discuss and make recommendations with re-
spect to (a) the safety, health and welfare of the workers in connexion
with their work in the mine; (b) the maintenance and increase of out-
put; (c) reports made on an inspection under section 16 of the Coal
Mines Act, 1911, which reports shall be referred to the committee by
the manager; (d) disputes arising in connexion with the mine, includ-
ing disputes as to wages; and (e) any other questions and matters
relative to the mine which may be prescribed by the regulations to
be drawn up by the Board of Trade. Any matters which cannot be
satisfactorily disposed of by a pit committee are to be referred to
the appropriate district committee, or, in the case of questions to
which the Coal Mines Act (1911) applies, to the inspector of the
division. To enable a pit committee to exercise its functions on the
' first two points indicated above, it is required that the committee
should be furnished by the manager of the mine with such relevant
information as may be necessary for its purpose and may appoint
members to make periodical inspections of the mine.
The district committees and the area boards, which likewise
consist of representatives of the owners and the management and
an equal number of representatives of the workers, consider ques-
tions of a similar nature; a district committee is also required to
consider any matter referred to them by a pit committee or by the
area board or the Board of Trade, and the area board is required to
consider any questions which may be referred to it by a district
committee or by the national board or the Board of Trade. An area
board is in addition required to formulate, at such intervals and on
such principles as may be prescribed by the national board, schemes
for adjusting the remuneration of the workers within the area; the
Board of Trade may by regulation provide for district committees or
area boards determining any question and exercising any powers
which, before the passing of this Act, were determined or exercised
by a conciliation board or by a joint district board constituted under
the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act, 1912.
The national board, which is equally representative of owners and
workpeople, is required to take into consideration questions, in-
cluding wages questions, affecting the coal-mining industry as a
whole, any questions which may be referred to them by an area
board, and any questions which may be referred to them by the Board
of Trade. The national board is also to determine, subject to the
approval of the Board of Trade, the principles on which schemes by
area boards for adjusting the remuneration of workers are to be
framed. Where any recommendation made by a district committee
or area board or by the national board, or any scheme made by an
area board and approved by the national board, has been forwarded
or referred to the Board of Trade, the Board of Trade may give
directions requiring any person engaged in the coal-mining industry
to comply therewith.
A further provision of the Act requires the constitution of a fund
to be applied to such purposes connected with the social well-being,
recreation and conditions of living of .workers in or about coal-
mines, and with mining education and research, as the Board of
Trade, after consultation with any Government department con-
cerned, may approve; and the owners of every coal-mine are re-
quired for a period of six years to pay a sum equal to id. a ton of the
output of the mine for the creation of such a fund.
Shops. Further legislation has been enacted in regard to
employment in shops. The Shops Regulation Acts, 1892-1911,
were consolidated by the Shops Act, 1912, which contains
various provisions for protecting shop assistants.
The Act requires inter alia that, on at least one weekday in each
week, a shop assistant may not be employed about the business of
the shop after 1 :3O P.M. ; it contains requirements as to intervals for
meals, and further requires that no person under the age of 1 8 years
is to be employed in or about a shop for a longer period than 74
hours (including meal times) in any one week. Besides these pro-
visions, the Act contains provisions under which every shop, save
for exceptions allowed by the Act, must be closed for the serving of
customers not later than I P.M. on one weekday in every week;
closing orders may also be made fixing the hours on the several days
of the week at which, either throughout the area of a local authority
or in any specified part thereof, all shops or shops of any specified
class are to be closed for the serving of customers, but the hours fixed
by the closing order may not be earlier than 7 P.M. on any day.
The Shops Act, 1913, amended the Act of 1912 in its applica-
tion to premises for the sale of refreshments. The Shops (Early
Closing) Act, 1920, continues Regulation 10 B. of the Defence
of the Realm Regulations, as amended, and requires that,
subject to certain specified exceptions, every shop shall be closed
for the serving of customers not later than 8 o'clock in the
evening on every day other than Saturday and not later than
9 o'clock in the evening on Saturday.
Minimum Wage. One of the most important developments
LABOUR LEGISLATION
693
of labour legislation in recent years has been minimum-wage
legislation. Minimum-wage boards had been in existence for
some time in Australasia before they were tentatively introduced
into the United Kingdom by the Trade Boards Act, 1909,
followed by the Trade Boards Act, 1918 (see TRADE BOARDS).
The latter empowers the Minister of Labour to extend by
Special Order the provisions of the Trade Boards Act, 1909, to
other trades, and under its provision trade boards have now
been set up in a large number of trades. The Corn Production
Act, 1917, extended similar legislation to agriculture. A rather
different kind of minimum-wage legislation was that embodied
in the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act, 1912, which was passed
to terminate a general strike of coal-miners in respect of their
claims for " individual district minimum rates." The method of
administration of the Act is different from that of the Trade
Boards Acts: no inspectorate was appointed, the payment of
the minimum rate being part of the workman's contract of
service and enforceable in an ordinary court of law.
The Munitions of War Acts, 1915-7, contained provisions
which enabled minimum rates of wages to be fixed. These were
repealed, however, by the Wages (Temporary Regulation) Act,
1918, the purpose of which was to secure that the standard
district rates existing at the date of the Armistice should be
continued during the transition period when industry was chang-
ing from war to peace conditions. It was extended to Nov. 21
1919 by the Wages (Temporary Regulation) Extension Act, 1919,
and the principle of the Acts was continued up to Sept. 30 1920
by the Industrial Courts Act, 1920. In connexion with this
subject it should be recorded that the Industrial Conference of
1919 recommended the enforcement by legal enactment of
minimum time rates of wages to be of universal applicability.
Old Age and Sickness. For an account of the recent consid-
erable developments in the United Kingdom in connexion
with unemployment insurance, see UNEMPLOYMENT. Legislation
of widespread social importance has been undertaken in a series
of measures designed to relieve distress arising from old age or
sickness. The Old Age Pensions Act, 1908, under which, subject
to certain conditions as to means of support, etc., a pension at
the rate of 55. per week became payable to persons who had
attained the age of 70, was preliminary to the National Health
Insurance Act of 1911, which instituted, with certain specified
exceptions, a universal scheme of compulsory insurance against
sickness. Contributions are payable by the insured person and
by the employer, and , in return the insured person receives
certain benefits. These benefits in the main are:
(1) Sickness benefit, i.e. a periodical money payment to the
insured! person while rendered incapable of work by some specified
disease, either bodily or mental ;
(2) Disablement benefit, i.e. a periodical payment after the right
to sickness benefit has been exhausted, and continuing so long as
the incapacity continues;
(3) Maternity benefit, being a lump-sum payment in the case of
the confinement of an insured woman, or the wife or widow of an
insured man;
(4) Medical benefit, being medical treatment and attendance and
the provision of medicine and of prescribed medical and surgical
appliances; and
(5) Sanatorium benefit, being the treatment of persons suffering
from tuberculosis or any other disease specified by the Ministry of
Health.
Sickness and disablement benefits cease when the insured per-
son reaches the age of seventy. The Act is administered largely
through approved societies, these being principally friendly socie-
ties, trade unions, and industrial insurance societies. ,
The Old Age Pensions Act was amended in certain respects in
1911 and the National Insurance Act in 1913, 1914, 1915, 1917,
and 1918. As a result of the war, certain other amendments
became necessary in order to bring the rates of money contri-
butions and benefits into closer relationship with the lessened
value of money and the higher cost of living. During the latter
part of the war, additional allowances were paid in view of the
increased cost of living: the Old Age Pensions Act, 1919, in-
creased the weekly sum to ic*. per week and made various
other amendments to earlier Acts.
It may also be noted that the Blind Persons Act, 1920, provides
694
LABOUR LEGISLATION
that every blind person who has attained the age of 50 shall be
entitled to such pension as, under the Old Age Pensions Acts, 1908-19,
he would be entitled to receive if he had attained the age of 70. In
the case of the health insurance scheme, the National Health In-
surance Act, 1919, increased from 160 to 250 per annum the rate
of remuneration for the purpose of exemption from insurance ; and
the National Health Insurance Act, 1920, amended the scales of
weekly contributions and benefits.
Workmen's Compensation. Reference may also be made to
the Acts dealing with compensation to workpeople in the event
of accidents which occur notwithstanding the preventive meas-
ures required by the Factory and Workshops Acts, Coal Mines
Regulation Acts, Railway Employment (Prevention of Acci-
dents) Act, Merchant Shipping Acts and kindred legislation.
Originally, under the common law of England, all workmen suffer-
ing injury, as the result of the negligence or wilful act or omission of
an employer, might sue for damages. Lord Campbell's Act of 1846
introduced an improvement whereby, if the injury resulted in death,
relatives of a specified relationship might bring an action ; previously
the right to bring an action had been deemed to die with the injured
person. The Employers' Liability Act of 1880 introduced further
changes, as also did the Workmen's Compensation Acts of 1897
and 1900, which were repealed by the Workmen's Compensation
Act of 1906 under which any injured workman (or his relatives in
case of death) can recover compensation from the employer, if the
accident arises out of and in the course of his employment. The
employer cannot protect himself by proving either contributory
negligence or common employment. The amount of compensation is
limited to 300 in case of death and l per week in case of injury.
Amendments in details were made by Acts of 1918, and as a result
of the fall in the value of money brought about by the war, the Work-
men's Compensation (War Addition) Act, 1917, increased the com-
pensation payable in the event of total incapacity by 25 % and the
Workmen's Compensation (War Addition) Amendment Act, 1919,
again increased it by 50%, making the maximum allowance 353.
Another step necessitated by the war was the Disabled Men
(Facilities for Employment) Act, 1919, which enables arrangements
to be made to relieve or indemnify an employer in respect of the
whole or part of any increase of expenditure arising from his liability
to pay compensation in respect of accidents or industrial disease,
where such increase is attributable to the employment of men dis-
abled in the war. It may further be noted that a committee ap-
pointed by the Home Secretary presented a report in July 1920,
recommending various modifications of the present system and a
considerable widening of the scope of the 1906 Act.
Trade Unions. Recent years have witnessed in the United
Kingdom a remarkable growth in the trade-union movement, and
also some changes in the legal status of trade unions. Thus,
following on the Trade Disputes Act of 1906, the Trade Union
Act, 1913, made provisions relative to the application of trade
union funds for political purposes, and the Trade Union Amal-
gamation Act, 1917, amended the Act of 1876 in respect to the
amalgamation of trade unions. The growth of the unions has
been followed by legislation to meet emergencies in strikes.
The Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act, 1875, contained
a provision whereby a person employed in a gas or water undertaking
was liable to penalties if he " wilfully and maliciously breaks a con-
tract of service . . . knowing or having reasonable cause to believe
that the consequence of his so doing, either alone or in combination
with others, will be to deprive the inhabitants of that city, borough,
town, place or part, wholly or to a great extent, of their supply of
gas or water." A similar prpvision was contained in the Electricity
(Supply) Act, 1919, in respect of electrical undertakings. Attention
should be called in this connexion also to the Police Act, 1919, which,
while it does not directly prohibit strikes in the police forces, adopts
an indirect method by forbidding members of the police forces
from becoming members of " any Trade Union or of any Association
having for its objects, or one of its objects, to control or influence
the pay, pensions, or conditions of service of any Police Force."
In the autumn of 1920 the Emergency Powers Act was passed, en-
abtjng His Majesty, in the event of action being taken or threatened
which would be likely to interfere with the supply or distribution of
food, water, fuel or light, or with the means of locomotion, or to
deprive the community or any substantial proportion of the com-
munity, of the essentials of life, by proclamation to declare the
existence of a state of emergency; where such a proclamation has
been made it shall be lawful for the Government to make regulations
for the preservation of the peace and for securing and regulating the
supply of the public necessities.
War Measures. Reference has been made to some of the
special measures necessitated by the World War; these include
legislation directly for war purposes, such as the Munitions of
War Acts, designed to increase the output of munitions; Defence
of the Realm Regulations, such as those concerning incitement
to strike; employment of women under the two-shift system,
and the closing hours of shops. The war also indirectly neces-
sitated, through the change in the value of money, amendments
to the Insurance Acts, Old Age Pensions Act, and Workmen's
Compensation Acts.
A war measure to which attention may specially be called is
the Restoration of Pre-War Practices Act, 1919. In connexion
with the steps taken at the beginning of 1915 to increase the
output of munitions, the Government held conferences with
representatives of a large number of trade unions and came to an
understanding known as the " Treasury Agreement," whereby
the unions agreed to relax such trade practices as tended to
restrict output of munitions or equipment, on condition that their
position in regard to such practices after the war should not be
prejudiced by relaxation during the war. Certain provisions in
this respect were embodied in the Munitions of War Act, 1915.
The Restoration of Pre-War Practices Act, passed in Aug. 1919
(which applied only to establishments in which munitions work
was carried on during the war, and to other establishments in
which a departure from practice was made in consequence of the
Treasury Agreement or in pursuance of some other agreement
in writing), provided that the owner of the establishment should
be under obligation from Oct. 1919 to restore the trade practice
previously obtaining, and to maintain the practice for 12 months.
Failure to comply with the obligation rendered him liable to
prosecution before a munitions tribunal. In nearly every case
the practices were restored where the workpeople so desired.
Miscellaneous. Among other miscellaneous labour legislation,
attention may be called to the following Acts: The Factory and
Workshop (Cotton Cloth Factories) Act, 1911, enabled the Secretary
of State to make any regulations which he deemed necessary for
the purpose of giving effect to the recommendations contained in the
second report, dated Jan. 1911, of a committee appointed in 1907
to inquire into the question of humidity and ventilation in cotton-
cloth factories. The Checkweighing in Various Industries Act, 1919,
provides for " checking the weight or measurement of materials pro-
duced, handled or gotten by workmen paid by weight or measure in
certain industries," including the production or manufacture of
iron or steel, the loading or unloading of goods into or from vessels,
the getting of chalk or limestone from quarries, and the manufacture
of cement and lime. Provision is made for the inclusion of other
materials by regulation.
OTHER COUNTRIES
Eight-hour Day. The movement for reduced hours of
labour which set in after the signing of the Armistice was
world-wide, and, either by way of legislation or by agreement
between the representatives of employers and workpeople, the
length of the working day formerly in operation has been
curtailed in many countries.
In France the Labour Code was amended by a general 8-hour-day
law passed in April 1919, and in June the existing legislation as to the
length of the working day in the mining industry was amended by
extending the 8-hour day to all classes of workpeople, whether em-
ployed underground or on the surface. Previously, under a law of
Dec. 1913, the limit of 8 hours per day had applied only to work-
people employed underground. In Aug. 1919, a similar limit was
enacted for all persons employed in French vessels.
In Germany one of the first enactments of the Provisional Govern-
ment was a law fixing an 8-hour day for all industrial workers, special
arrangements being made to meet the case of transport workers and
of those employed in establishments in continuous operation. In
Jan. 1919, the German Government issued a new code in respect of
agricultural labour, fixing a limit for the hours of labour of agricul-
tural workers in four months of the year the average hours not to
exceed 8 per diem, in four months 10, and in four months II.
From Nov. 1918 onwards, laws or decrees have also been passed
fixing 8 hours per day (or alternatively 48 hours per week) as the
normal working time in Switzerland, Holland (45-hour week, i.e.
8-hour day for five days of the week and a half-holiday on Saturday),
Denmark (in respect of establishments with continuous working as
from the commencement of Jan. 1920), Norway, Sweden, Spain,
Poland, Czechoslovakia, Austria, etc. It may, however, be noted that
it has been deemed necessary to grant temporary exemptions from
the strict statutory application of the 8-hour day in France, Austria
and the Netherlands; and in all cases certain exceptions are per-
mitted in respect of national emergency, such as war, accident and
unforeseen circumstances, subsidiary and complementary processes
requiring to be done before the main work can begin or after it has.
ceased, adjustment of shifts, seasonal trades, and emergencies, as.
LABOUR LEGISLATION
695
for example, in order to prevent industrial dislocation. Conditions
are usually attached to any relaxation of, or exemption from,
the normal limit of hours.
In several countries a shorter working day has been introduced
by agreement between employers and workpeople, thus anticipating
or supplementing legislation on this point. This method has been
largely adopted in Italy, the United States, etc. In Australia the
8-hour day, or 48-hour week, has been in operation for many years
either by agreement or arbitration award.
Hours of Women and Children. A great deal was done, in
various countries, to improve conditions under this heading
during 1910-20 (see also HOURS OF LABOUR).
France. A law dated 1911 amended the law of Nov. 1892, on the
labour of women and children in industrial establishments, so as to
bring it into accord with the Berne Convention on night-work of
women. The provision of the earlier law, prescribing that young per-
sons of less than 18 and women might not be employed between the
hours of 9 P.M. and 5 A.M., was retained, and in addition it was laid
down that such persons must have not less than II consecutive
hours of rest at night. In the case of lads and boys working under-
ground in mines and quarries, work might, as before, be authorized
from 4 A.M. to 10 P.M., provided that it was divided into two shifts
of not more than 9 hours each, broken by an interval of at least one
hour. For women over 1 8 employed in certain trades, to be deter-
mined by ordinance and on due notice being given, work might
continue up to 10 P.M. (formerly II P.M.) at certain periods of the
year for not more than 60 days in the year, but in no case must the
number of hours worked per day exceed 12. In these trades and in
trades in which, under Article 7 of the law of 1892, the restrictions as
to the length of the daily hours of labour might be temporarily
suspended by ordinance, the consecutive rest period might be reduced
to 10 hours. Temporary exemptions might be made in the case of
certain industries determined by ordinance, and, as before, permis-
sion to work beyond the usual hours, or to shorten the period of
nightly rest, might also be granted in the case of stoppages due to
accident or unforeseen occurrences. A law of June 1913 was passed
for the protection of women workers before and after childbirth.
By a law dated 1917, the principle of freedom from work on Saturday
afternoons was laid down for women employed in the clothing trades
in France. A law dated 1919, and operating as from Oct. 1920, pro-
hibited employment in bakeries between, 10 P.M. and 4 A.M.
Belgium. A law passed in April 1911 amended the existing laws,
and, among other provisions, required the abolition of the under-
ground labour of all females and of males under 14 years of age, as
from the beginning of the third year from the date of promulgation.
By a law of Aug. 1911, night-work of women and girls was prohibited
in industrial establishments in which more than 10 workpeople are
employed, and every woman or girl employed in such establishments
must be granted not less than 1 1 consecutive hours of rest at night,
this period of rest including the interval from 9 P.M. to 5 A.M.
Exceptions were made in the case of seasonal trades, unforeseen
circumstances and materials liable to rapid deterioration.
Switzerland. In 1915, the Swiss Factory Act of 1877, which was
amended in certain respects in 1905, was superseded by a new Act.
As in the former law, women are forbidden to work at night or on
Sundays. A new provision states that the Federal Council is to pre-
scribe the branches of work or particular occupations in which women
may not be employed under any circumstances. Women must have
a night's rest of at least 1 1 consecutive hours, including the period
from 10 P.M. to 5 A.M.; but by special permission this may be re-
duced to 10 hours for 60 days in the year, or, when perishable ma-
terials are being worked upon, for 140 days. The former law provided
that, for a period in all of 8 weeks before and after confinement,
wornen should be exempted from work in factories; the later law
provides for their exclusion from work in factories for 6 weeks follow-
ing confinement, which period, at their request, may be extended to
8 weeks. The later law retains the limit of 14 years as the minimum
age at which children may be allowed to work in factories, and also
the provision forbidding the employment of young persons under 1 8
at night-work and on Sundays. A new provision states that children
under 16 may not be employed upon work where the normal hours
are exceeded, and the Federal Council is to prescribe certain branches
of industry or certain occupations at which young persons under 16
must not be employed at all. The new law also reduced the length
of the working-day in factories from II to 10 hours.
Holland. A royal decree dated Oct. 1911 approved the text of a
labour law amending the regulations hitherto in operation governing
the employment of young persons and women in industry in the
Netherlands. No child under the age of 13 might be employed in an
industrial establishment, nor any person over that age not exempt
from school attendance. Previously the minimum age of admission
had been 12 years. The hours of labour of young persons (denned
as those under the age of 17) and women in factories, etc., might not
exceed 10 per day or 58 per week (instead of II per day as before),
nor might these workers be employed, as a general rule, before
6 A.M. or after 7 P.M. (formerly 5 A.M. and 7 P.M.). Women having
household duties to perform, and making a declaration to that effect,
might not be employed after I P.M. on Saturdays; and by ministerial
order no young person or woman might be employed after that hour
in any or in certain specified trades. Under a labour law of 1919,
any work by children under 14 years of age or by those to whom the
Education Act is applicable is prohibited as from July 1921. Young
persons (i. e. persons between 14 and 18) are not to work on Sundays,
except outside factories, workshops, shops, offices, etc. Young
persons may not work outside factories, workshops, shops, etc.,
between 7 P.M. and 6 A.M. ; in shops and in coffee-houses and hotels
between 8 P.M. and 8 A.M. ; in offices between 6 P.M. and 8 A.M.
In factories, workers over 15 may do certain defined work, or work
under certain defined conditions, between the hours of 6 P.M. and
10 P.M. and between 5 A.M. and 7 A.M. By royal decree, certain
kinds of work, or work under certain conditions to be defined by such
decree, may not be done by young persons or women on the ground
of its danger to health, morality or life. Women may not work for
at least 2 weeks before, and 6 weeks after, confinement.
Norway. The Norwegian Factory Act of 1909, together with
amending laws dated 1910 and 191 1, was superseded by a law dated
Sept. 1915. With the exception of new provisions relating to daily
working hours and night-work, the 1915 Act was practically identical
with that of 1909. The most important change introduced by the
new clauses is the limitation of the working hours of adults employed
in factories, irrespective of sex, to 10 hours per day, or 54 weekly.
In the previous law no regulations whatever were included with
regard to working hours of adults (defined as persons over 18 years
of age). In the case of persons employed in mines (so far as concerns
underground work), foundries, and book and newspaper printing
works, the hours of labour as a general rule are not to exceed 48 per
week. For the first time in Norwegian factory legislation, the law
made general regulations as to night-work, which is defined as work
performed between the hours of 9 P.M. and 6 A.M. As a rule, special
permission is required for night-work, except with regard to adult
workers in continuous trades. The provisions as to hours of labour
and night-work do not apply to adults employed in stores and ware-
houses, building works and yards, wharves, loading, and unloading
steamships and analogous occupations, or to those employed in
handicraft workshops not using mechanical power; nor are adults
employed in paper, cellulose and wood-pulp factories, in which work
is continuous, affected by the new provision.
Sweden. A new law for the protection of workpeople, dated 1912,
consolidated, completed, and superseded all laws and regulations
previously enacted for safeguarding workpeople against accident
and other risks of employment, with the exception of (l) the law of
Nov. 1909, forbidding the employment of women on night-work in
certain trades; (2) the decree of Dec. 1897, regarding the employ-
ment of children in public exhibitions; and (3) the decree of Dec.
1896, for the prevention of " phossy jaw." New provisions for re-
ducing risk of accidents were laid down with special reference to the
testing of steam boilers, vats, etc., liable to explode. Among new
provisions for ensuring healthy conditions of work may be men-
tioned the increase of the minimum air-space in workrooms from 247
to 353 cub. ft. per worker. The provisions affecting minors were of a
wider character than those contained in the former law regarding
these employees. The old law had reference only to those employed
in factories or in analogous occupations, whereas the new law was
extended to occupations other than those conducted in factories.
The age-limit for minors of both sexes imposed by the previous law
was 12 years. This was now raised to 13 years for boys and 14 for
girls. The old limit was retained for employment other than in
factories, e.g. in handicrafts and in shops. The age of minors em-
ployed in mines or quarries was advanced from 14 to 15 years. In
addition, the hours of employment of young persons were more com-
pletely regulated than formerly.
Spain. By an Act dated July 1912, the employment of women
during the night-time in factories or workshops is declared to be
illegal in Spain. " Night-time," within the meaning of the Act,
covers a period of not less than 1 1 consecutive hours, in which must
be comprised the time between 9 P.M. and 5 A.M. The foregoing
prohibition does not apply (a) in cases of force majeure, (b) in agricul-
tural enterprises, or in trades in which perishable materials are used,
provided, as regards the latter, that their loss cannot be avoided
without resort to night-work. By a royal decree dated April 1919,
work is forbidden in bakehouses, factories and other places where
bread is made for a period of 6 consecutive hours in each 24, which
period must fall between 8 P.M. and 5 A.M.
Austria. A new law of Dec. 1911 amended the law of 1884 in
respect to the employment of women and children in mines. By
a law of Feb. 1911, the employment of women and girls between the
hours of 8 P.M. and 5 A.M. is prohibited in any industrial establish-
ment in Austria in which more than 10 workpeople are employed
(in the case of raw sugar factories,. the law was not to come into
operation till 1915). Furthermore, every woman or girl must be
granted not less than II consecutive hours of rest at night. If,
however, work is done in shifts of not more than 8 hours, this 1 1-
hour rest period may commence at 10 P.M. in the case of women over
16 years of age. Special provision is made for unforeseen circum-
stances, seasonal trades and trades where raw materials are subject
to rapid deterioration. It was reported in 1919 that a new Act
containing similar provisions, and including also young persons,
came into force in German Austria as from June of that year.
696
LABOUR LEGISLATION
Japan. A new factory law was passed in Japan in 1911, whereby
the minimum age of employment in factories is 12 years. The ad-
ministrative authorities may sanction the employment of minors
between 10 and 12 years of age when the work is not too exacting,
at the same time imposing conditions as to such employment. Lads
under 15 and females must not be employed for more than 12 hours
per day. For a period of 15 years from the date of the enforcement
of the law the minister concerned may, however, permit the extension
of the working hours, according to the class of work, but not beyond
the limit of 14 hours per day. These two categories of workers are
not to be employed between 10 P.M. and 4 A.M., except in special
circumstances and upon special work to be determined by the com-
petent minister. Where the operatives are employed in two or more
shifts these restrictions as to night-work will not be enforced during
15 years from the date on which the law enters into force. The law,
which was put into force in Sept. 1916, is recognized as a tentative
piece of legislation, and its practical effect has been inconsiderable.
As a result of the deliberations of the International Labour Con-
ference at Washington, in the autumn of 1919, referred to above, the
provisions of this measure were to be amended as regards working
hours and employment at night.
Minimum Wage. An important development in recent
labour legislation outside England has been that for the fixing
of statutorily enforceable minimum rates of wages, in certain
cases for home-workers only.
. British Overseas Dominions. Minimum- wage legislation began with
the New Zealand Act of 1894; primarily the laws had for their pur-
pose the settlement of trade disputes involving strikes and lockouts.
The legislation enacted in Victoria in 1896 was based upon an en-
tirejy different reason ; the Victoria Wages Board law was directed
against the evils of sweating, particularly of the home-workers. This
type of legislation was followed by the Governments of several of
the other Australian states. Up to 1921 seven out of the nine prov-
inces of Canada had adopted the principle of the provision of a
minimum wage for working women. The laws passed are all of very
recent date, the earliest step in this direction being taken in 1917,
when Alberta inserted a clause in the Factories Act of that year,
establishing a flat-rate minimum wage for all employees covered by
the Act, with a lower rate for apprentices. In 1918 the first minimum-
wage laws for women only were passed by Manitoba and British
Columbia, followed in 1919 by Quebec and Saskatchewan, and in
1920 by Nova Scotia and Ontario. In 1920, also. Alberta amended
its law with special reference to women. The two remaining prov-
inces, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, have as yet (1921)
taken no action in the matter. The application of the law is more
or less restricted in all the provinces. In five provinces the minimum-
wage laws deal also with hours of labour, while in three the 48-hour
week has been fixed for one or more industries under the regulations
for the execution of the Acts; British Columbia recognizes this
standard in all trades. In all provinces except Alberta special
provision is made for handicapped workers. In South Africa a bill
was recently introduced for the creation of local joint boards to fix
minimum wages in particular trades.
France. The principle of a minimum wage was adopted in France
by the enactment of a law in July 1915, which provides for special
boards to fix such a wage for women employed in home-work in the
clothing industry.
Switzerland. Minimum rates were introduced in the embroidery
industry in Switzerland by a decree of the Federal Council of March
1917. In June 1919 the Federal Assembly promulgated an Act for
the establishment of: (l) a Federal Labour Department; (2) a
Federal Wage Commission; (3) Federal Wage Boards. Subsequent
to the passing of the measure a demand was made that it should be
submitted to the Referendum, which resulted in a narrow majority
for rejecting the measure.
Norway. A law dated Feb. 1918 provided for the establishment
of trade boards for certain industries in Norway. The provisions of
the Act relative to the fixing of minimum wages applied primarily to
outwork in industries engaged in the manufacture of clothing and
articles of needlework generally ; the application of the law may be
extended to other occupations in which outworkers are employed.
Sweden. A bill has been prepared by the Government in Sweden
for the regulation of wages and working conditions of home-workers;
the provisions include power to appoint trade boards on the English
model for any occupation and district.
Czechoslovakia. A law on home-work, modelled on the Austrian
law of Jan. 1919, was passed by the National Assembly of Czecho-
slovakia at the end of 1919, and provides for the fixing of minimum
wages for home-workers.
Unemployment Insurance. Before the World War, little
had been done outside England in the way of the compulsory
insurance of the working-classes against unemployment.
Schemes have for some time been established in a number of
European countries whereby voluntary funds managed by trade
unions and other societies, and compulsory or voluntary municipal
funds providing unemployment benefit, receive subsidies from
the State, provincial council, or municipality. Unemployment
resulting from strikes and lockouts, and also from sickness and
accident where the provision exists, is excluded. As a rule, the
receipt of benefit is further dependent upon a qualifying term of
membership and of local residence. A maximum duration of
benefit is invariably fixed, and it is usual to impose a short
" waiting time " during which no benefit can be obtained.
Subsidized schemes of unemployment benefit are usually worked
in conjunction with labour registries.
Switzerland. The earliest experiments of this kind were made in
Switzerland, where the municipality of Berne organized a fund in
1873, and other Swiss municipalities also subsequently introduced
schemes. Recent developments in Switzerland are that, between Aug.
5 1918 and April 5. 1919, five decrees of an emergency character
were issued by the Swiss Federal Council regulating the grant of
assistance to unemployed workers. Two of these related to unem-
ployment in private industry arising out of war conditions, the
third to unemployment among workers employed by the Federal
Government, the fourth to unemployment of Swiss subjects return-
ing from abroad, while the fifth laid down conditions for the relief
of all workers not covered by the preceding measures. These were
repealed and revised by a single decree dated Oct. 1919, which is to
be regarded as a provisional measure to be replaced ultimately by an
Unemployment Insurance law. Assistance is granted both for whole
and for partial unemployment, subject to the fulfilment of con-
ditions laid down in the decree.
France. In France many trade-union unemployment funds are
subsidized by the State, the departments and the communes. The
towns were the first to take action (as early as 1896), while the first
departments acted in 1903. Under a law of April 1905, a certain
credit is earmarked in the French budget for the purpose of public
subsidies for unemployment benefit funds. A decree dated Oct. 1919
amended previous decrees relating to State subsidies to municipal
and departmental relief funds.
Belgium. Assisted provision against unemployment has been in
operation in Belgium since 1901, subsidies being granted from special
municipal unemployment funds to trade unions and other organiza-
tions paying unemployed benefit. Several of the provincial councils
subsidize trade union and communal unemployment funds, and
since 1907 the State has made small grants both towards the estab-
lishment of funds and in direct relief of unemployed members.
Italy. In Italy assisted unemployment benefit schemes were
introduced in a few towns. A decree of April 1916 authorized
periodical subsidies to be granted or lent as a war measure to various
organizations providing unemployment benefits for their members.
A system of compulsory insurance against involuntary unemploy-
ment in Italy came into force on Jan. I 1920.
Germany. In Germany a voluntary unemployment fund, with
a municipal subsidy, was introduced in Cologne in 1896, and certain
other German municipalities also introduced schemes. Immediately
after the signing of the Armistice, the German Government issued
an order regulating the payment of unemployment donations. Under
the order the communal authorities were required to pay out-of-work
benefit to residents who were out of employment. Persons receiving
out-of-work pay were required to take up work other than their
usual employment, and at a distance from their place of abode, but
no penalty was incurred in the event of refusal. Various abuses
were soon found to exist, and amending orders have been made.
Other European Countries. The " Ghent " system of assisting
trade unions which maintain unemployment funds .has been in-
troduced in a number of the larger towns in Holland since 1906.
In Norway a law offering State subsidies to unemployment benefit
funds complying with certain conditions was passed in June 1906
and amended in July 1908, simultaneously with another law estab-
lishing labour registries. State assistance to recognized unemploy-
ment benefit societies in Denmark was first granted under a law
dated A,pril 1907. A law of April 1914 increased the amount of the
State subsidy to such societies and made other amendments ; it has
been revised in certain particulars by a law dated Jan. 1920. In
1919, a royal decree in Spain was issued under which the State was
to grant a subsidy equal to the amount of the subscriptions collected
from their members by workmen's mutual unemployment benefit
societies and similar institutions which have a separate organization
for dealing with unemployment. The new Unemployment In-
surance Act of Austria, dated March 1920, supersedes a temporary
measure on the same subject. A change in the unemployment relief
system had become necessary in order to relieve the State of its heavy
financial burden, and because of the steady fall in the number of
unemployed. As regards Poland, the official Gazelle of Nov. 1919
announced arrangements in aid of the unemployed pending the pass-
ing of a law dealing with this subject. Able-bodied workers of either
sex, in trade, comment or transport, who, through no fault of their
own, are out of work are entitled to State assistance.
Old Age and Infirmity Insurance. Compulsory insurance of
the working-classes against old age and infirmity has existed in
some countries for a number of years, e.g. Germany since 1889,
LABOUR LEGISLATION
697
France since IQIO, etc. Certain other countries have also for
some time applied this principle to special classes, as, for example,
Austria, Hungary and Belgium to miners; while State or other
public subsidies have been granted in aid of voluntary insurance
or savings it, France, Belgium, Denmark, Italy and Spain.
The more recent developments have been as follows:
France. -The French Finance Act, 1912, amended in certain re-
spects the provisions of the law of April 1910 relating to compulsory
insurance against old age and infirmity, the principal amendments
being that, while in the law as originally passed the State added to the
annuity purchased by the insured person 2 8s. per annum on his
attaining the age of 65, the new law raised the State addition to
4 per annum, and provided for its payment from the age of 60. The
Act of June 1894, in which the principle of compulsory insurance
against infirmity and old age was applied to French miners, was
amended in Feb. 1914, as to the State contribution, the administra-
tion of the funds, etc. Further amendments were introduced by a
law passed in March 1920, the main provisions of this new law being
the allocation of higher subventions towards the pensions granted
to miners or their widows.
Belgium. A law of June 1911 prescribed that all workpeople em-
loyed in coal-mining in Belgium must be insured in the National
uperannuation Fund. A law dated May 1912 has for its object
the promotion by State subsidies of recognized associations and
friendly societies who grant benefits to their members suffering
from illnesses of a chronic nature or from premature infirmity. It
is stated that a general old age pension law is contemplated.
Italy. In conformity with a law promulgated in Italy in June
1913, a Seamen's Old Age and Infirmity Fund was formed by the
amalgamation of existing institutions having similar objects. As
regards ships' crews, the principle of compulsory contributions was
already in operation under a law of July 1861, but the obligation im-
posed by the later law upon shipowners introduced a new principle
in Italian legislation on this subject. As from Jan. I 1920, a scheme
was introduced in Italy under which insurance against disability,
resulting either from sickness or accident, and old age became
obligatory (with certain specified exceptions) on (i) all Italian sub-
jects of both sexes between the ages of 15 and 65 working for an
employer in any industry, trade or profession, agriculture and the
public services, or occupied in domestic service or in any private
employment, and (2) foreigners' working at the same occupations
who, however, receive full benefits only if reciprocal treatment is
granted to Italians employed in their countries.
In Germany an Imperial law of June 1916 reduced the age of
eligibility for an old age pension from 70 to 65; laws of Dec. 1919
extended compulsory insurance against infirmity and old age
to certain new classes of workpeople.
In Holland provision was made for the institution of national
schemes for compulsory insurance against sickness, infirmity and
old age by a series of three Acts dated June 1913.
In Sweden a law dated June 1913 introduced a national scheme
of compulsory insurance against old age and infirmity.
In Spain provision for the creation of deferred life annuities
on a contributory and State-aided basis was made by the law of
Feb. 1908. This Act, however, was of a permissive nature. A royal
decree was issued in March 1919, making insurance against old age
compulsory for all wage-earners between the ages of 1 6 and 65 whose
total annual income does not exceed 160.
Sickness and Accident Insurance. Compulsory insurance
against sickness and accident has been applied in a number of
countries, for example in Germany (1883), Austria (1888),
Hungary (1891), United Kingdom (1911), etc., but the range of
occupations covered by the various schemes varies considerably.
In a number of other countries (e.g. Sweden) the sick funds
recognized by the State receive State subsidies. The principal
developments in recent years are as follows:
Italy. Legislation in respect of compulsory accident insurance in
Italy dates from 1898; a consolidated text was promulgated in
Jan. 1904 embodying all the amendments up to that date. For the
most part agricultural workers in Italy were excluded, but, by a
decree of Aug. 1917, the principle of compulsory insurance against
accidents was extended to agricultural workers generally. Reference
has been made above to the general scheme for compulsory insurance
against sickness or accident and old age, introduced in Italy as from
the beginning of 1920.
Switzerland. A new law in Switzerland on insurance against
sickness and accidents, passed in June 1911, was accepted by Na-
tional Referendum in Feb. 1912. The sickness insurance scheme is a
system of Federal State grants to recognized sick funds conducted
on a mutual basis. Generally the insurance is voluntary, but the
cantonal governments may, subject to the approval of the Federal
Government, (a) declare it obligatory either for all persons or for
certain specified classes; (6) establish public sick funds, while having
due regard to funds already in existence; and (c) compel .the em-
ployers to see that the premiums of their employees compulsorily
insured in such public funds are paid. (The power to compel the
employers themselves to contribute is, however, expressly withheld
from the cantons.) These powers may be delegated by the cantonal
governments to their communes. Under the second part of the law
provision is made for a system of compulsory insurance against
accidents, which, in certain respects, involves a notable departure
as compared with schemes of compulsory accident insurance hitherto
enacted in other countries. In the first place, the principle of com-
pulsion is not confined to " occupational " but also extends to " non-
occupational " accidents. In the second place, the State defrays
part of the premiums for insurance, and it does so not only for those
coming under the compulsory provisions of the law, but also for those
voluntarily insured through the National Insurance Fund which
the Act sets up. Those for whom the law declares insurance against
accidents, whether " occupational " or not, to be obligatory, com-
prise all persons employed in Switzerland for a wage or salary in
factories, workshops, mines, building, and transport by land or
water (including the postal service).
!
Workmen's Compensation. Compensation for industrial acci-
dents was established in Germany in 1884, in Austria in 1887,
and Norway followed in 1894. The development of legislation
providing for workmen's compensation for industrial accidents
in Europe and throughout the world has been extremely rapid.
Recent legislation (whether of compensation or insurance)
recognizes the principles of compensation as distinguished from
fhe older idea of employers' liability.
For ARBITRATION AND CONCILIATION in labour disputes, see
the article under that heading.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. The monthly Labour Gazette and the quarterly
Labour Overseas, published by the Ministry of Labour in Great
Britain, contain valuable information ; there are also official publica-
tions issued by the appropriate Government Departments in other
countries, notably the Bulletins of the United States Department
of Labor, which Department has published a number of special
reports on such subjects as Workmen's Compensation, Child
Labour Legislation, etc. Among unofficial books, reference may be
made to A Handbook of Industrial Law by J. H. Greenwood, and
Industrial Law by F. Tillyard. (H. J. W.)
UNITED STATES
During the decade 1910-20 there was a remarkable develop-
ment of labour legislation in the United States. Within these
years were enacted, by the Federal and state Governments,
statutes dealing with workmen's compensation, minimum wage,
health and safety, hours of labour, vocational education and
employment service. Even more significant was the creation by
several states of industrial commissions with power to issue rules
and regulations having the force of law and thus relieving the
Legislature of a mass of technical details. It was a period also
of distinct forward movement in the field of judicial interpreta-
tion, particularly with regard to the police power in the applica-
tion of the principles of " public benefit " and " equal protection
of the laws " as first stated in the case of H olden v. Hardy (18
Sup. Ct. 383, 1898). _
Individual Bargaining. Since the passage of the Thirteenth
Amendment, abolishing slavery, there has been a steady develop-
ment of laws designed to equalize bargaining power between
employer and employee. Laws dealing with labour as debtor
and as creditor have included such subjects as contract labour,
the padrone system, wage exemptions, assignment of wages,
time of payment, place of payment, basis of payment, medium
of payment, deductions, mechanics' liens and wage preference.
Seamen. Until 1914 seamen were considered in a different class
from other employees and with them enforced contracts were
permitted. The Seamen's Act of 1915, however, abolished arrest
and imprisonment as a penalty for desertion and stipulated that it
should be unlawful in any case to pay seamen wages in advance or
to pay any person for the shipment of seamen when payment is
deducted from seamen's wages. It permits forfeiture of one month's
pay for quitting the vessel without leave after arrival at the port
of delivery and before she is placed in security. The law also reg-
ulates the nature of the contract, the term of service, the payment
and assignment of wages, advance payments and credits, the
regulation of sailors' lodging-houses, of shipping masters, quarters
on board ship, rations and other details.
Service and Rent. -Another important group of laws which fall
under the classification of medium of payment are those dealing
with company houses and labour camps. Since it is legal for an
employer to require his workmen to occupy company houses and
to deduct the rent from wages, there is here an opportunity for
698
LABOUR LEGISLATION
abuse. Consequently, in 1913, New York granted to the Industrial
Commission power of inspection. In three other states labour camps
for certain kinds of work have been brought under supervision.
A new development in the regulation of deductions from wages
for the purpose of furnishing certain benefits is found in the laws of
Oregon and Minnesota. The former has legalized deductions for
hospital benefits on approval of the Industrial Accident Commission.
The Minnesota law requires employers who make deductions for
benefit funds to secure a licence for the benefit plan from the State
Insurance Commission. Statutes have recently been enacted by
half the states, the Philippines and the Federal Government, provid-
ing that no contract of insurance or relief-benefit shall constitute a
bar to action for damages in case of an employee's injury or death,
though sometimes the employer may offset against such claims bene-
fits contributed.
Laws dealing with labour as tenant and as competitor belong,
also, under individual bargaining. There has been little agricultural
labour legislation except a law of Texas passed in 1915, which is the
first American law designed to regulate the rents of share tenants
by limiting the amount of rent which can be charged the " cropper."
Among the laws protecting the labourer as competitor are the
Immigration Bill of 1915 and a group of laws relating to convict
labour which can be divided into three general classes: (i) pro-
hibition of convict work which competes with free labour; (2) pro-
hibition of convict labour in certain forms of industry; and (3)
distribution of convicts among diversified lines of industry. A few
states have adopted different plans.
Legal Aid. Another method of protecting the individual in his
bargaining relations is by legal aid and industrial courts. From New
York private legal aid societies have spread throughout the larger
cities of the United States. Kansas City, Mo., is the only city,
however, possessing a free municipal legal aid bureau, established
in 1910, while Los Angeles county, Cal., was the first to establish
the office of public defender in 1913. Similar offices have been created
in six other cities. California has an Act providing for the collection
of wages, enforced by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Wilful refusal
to pay labour, with intent to secure a discount or to defraud, con-
stitutes a misdemeanour. Under the N.Y. Commission Law the
commission is given power to investigate claims made by employees
against employers and to present the cases to the proper authorities
for action. The only industrial court in the United States is in
Cleveland, O. t established in 1912.
Collective Bargaining. Though the right of workmen to
combine was secured in the United States by common consent
and favourable construction without legislation earlier than by
law in Great Britain, the conspiracy law has remained without be-
ing clarified. When the Sherman Anti-Trust Law was enacted in
1890 it was almost immediately held applicable to labour unions,
and it was feared that it rendered all strikes, if not all labour
organizations, unlawful. The Clayton Act (1914), however,
declared that the anti-trust laws should not be construed to
forbid the existence of labour organizations or to restrain their
members from carrying out the " legitimate objects " thereof.
This provision has probably eliminated the danger of the exten-
sion of the restraint-of-trade doctrine to a possible outlawing of
all labour organizations, though the decision by the Supreme
Court in the Duplex case (The Duplex Printing Press Co. of
Battle Creek, Mich., v. International Association of Machinists, 41
Sup. Ct., 172) has demonstrated that labour organizations in
their actual practices are still within the anti-trust laws.
Most of the cases of which labour complains have been premised
not on the anti-trust laws but on the common-law doctrine of
conspiracy. While the legality of trade unions has not been ques-
tioned, except organizations advocating criminal syndicalism, vari-
ous restrictions have been placed on efforts to make them effective.
Generalizing from a large number of cases, it can be said that the
strike is usually considered illegal when its purpose is primarily to
injure the employer or the non-union workman and that, except
where compulsory arbitration has been introduced, as in Kansas
in 1920, strikes solely and directly involving the rate of pay or hours
of labour are in ordinary times everywhere considered legal. But
strikes to gain a closed shop, sympathetic strikes, and against
non-union material, have been condemned in many jurisdictions.
California is the only state which has a settled law that all strikes
are legal. The only method of preventing them is the injunction.
In some cases " conspiracy to quit work has been enjoined, and
in others the union officers have been prohibited from advising
or ordering the workmen to strike, or from paying strike benefits.
A famous injunction of this type was secured by the Federal Govern-
ment during the bituminous-coal mine dispute of 1919. Though
formerly the boycott was condemned as unlawful, an effort is being
made to distinguish between the primary boycott and secondary
boycott, which is the boycott of a third party. At present there is
great lack of uniformity among the laws. The two famous boycott
cases are the Danbury Hatters' case (Loewe v. Lawlor, 35 Sup. Ct.,
170, 1915), which was in the courts from 1903 to 1917, and the Duplex
case (1921) already mentioned, in both of which the secondary boy-
cott was declared illegal. Picketing laws, also, vary widely. Cali-
fornia, which recognizes both the strike and boycott as legal, will
not permit picketing. It has been condemned by the courts of six
states and is held a misdemeanour in three others. Nine states hold
that " peaceful " picketing is lawful. A further cause of illegality
was laid down by the Supreme Court in the case of Hitchman Coal &
Coke Co. v. Mitchell (1917), in which it was contended that where an
employer has required all his employees to sign a contract that they
will not join any labour union it is illegal to make any effort to
organize them. In the Clayton Act (1914), which many believed
would remove the restrictions which hamper trade unions, the most
tangible gain is in the provision for jury trial in contempt cases
where the offence charged is also indictable as a crime. This Act
further provides that injunctions issued by the Federal courts shall
not prohibit the quitting of work, the refusal to patronize, peaceful
picketing or peaceful persuasion. Nor are these acts to be con-
sidered "violations of any law of the United States," whether they
are done " singly or in concert." Yet those in charge of the legisla-
tion pointed out that it did not modify the law of conspiracy with
regard to the substantive rights of employers and employees. When
workmen combine to injure an employer or non-unionists, their
illegal purpose colours all their conduct. Furthermore, it does not
affect the cases in the state courts, which far outnumber those in
the Federal courts.
Laws restricting employers' rights are few in number. Most of
the states have laws prohibiting blacklisting, but they have been
dead letters. Other statutes have been declared unconstitutional
which attempted to prohibit employers from coercing workmen into
surrendering their rights to belong to labour unions (Adair v.
United States, 28 Sup. Ct., 277, 1908, and Coppagev. Kansas, 35 Sup.
Ct., 240, 1915). The Supreme Court furthermore has held that, while
it is illegal to induce a workman to join a union where he has signed
an agreement not to belong (the Hitchman coal case), it is not coer-
cion for the employer to threaten to discharge a workman unless he
will renounce his union membership, as in the Coppage case.
While there have been many damage suits in connexion with
labour disputes and many judgments against unions or their mem-
bers, only two recent cases are important: the Danbury Hatters'
case (see above) and the Arkansas coal-miners' case (Dowd v.
United Mine Workers, 235 Fed., I, 1916; Coronado Coal v. United
Mine Workers, Circuit Court of Ap'peals, 1919). Both of these cases
involved suits for triple damages under the Sherman Anti-Trust
Act, and in both the cause of action antedated the passage of the
Clayton Act. The decisions in these cases have established the
principle that labour unions and their individual members are
responsible without limit for the unlawful actions of the union officers
and agents which they have in any manner authorized or sanctioned.
Such antecedent authorization or subsequent approval of unlawful
acts does not require to be expressed, but may be inferred from all
the facts in the situation.
Minimum Wage. The first minimum-wage law for women
and children was passed by Massachusetts in 1912. By 1920, 13 _
states and Porto Rico had followed this example, and Congress
had legislated for the District of Columbia. Constitutional
amendments specifically allowing minimum-wage legislation
were passed by California in 1914 for women and children, and
by Ohio in 1912 for all classes of workers. In general the laws
are very much restricted in scope and are regarded as a remedy
for exceptional conditions, providing only a bare subsistence
wage for those considered the most helpless class of sweated
workers women and children.
Since the purpose of minimum-wage legislation is to raise excessive-
ly low wages, the question of the standards of wage awards is the im-
portant issue. Nearly all the American laws define in general terms
the principle to be followed in fixing wages, which is usually that of a
living wage. For women the standard_ commonly used is the cost of
living of the entirely self-supporting woman. Early orders were in
the neighbourhood of $8 and $9 a week. In response to war-time
increases, new rates were introduced which varied from $11.10 in
the state of Oregon to $15.50 in the printing and engraving industry
in Washington, D.C. Wisconsin set up the general rate of 22
cents an hour for experienced adults, increased to 25 cents in 1921;
and Minnesota 23 cents an hour, limited to 54 hours weekly.
In connexion with fixing the minimum standard, the question of
the " financial condition of the business " has arisen with regard to
the continued existence of an industry, and exceptions have been
made in some states for certain industries which could not stand the
rate. California has best met the problem of adjusting piece rates
by providing that piece rates must yield the minimum wage to two-
thirds of the female employees. The employment of slow or infirm
workers at lower rates is generally permitted by special licence.
Practically all minimum-wage laws permit the fixing of rates for
sub-standard workers. As a guide for adjusting these special rates,
most Amercian statutes contain only a provision that rates for chil-
LABOUR LEGISLATION
699
dren and apprentices shall be suitable. To offset the tendency to
substitute young girls and inexperienced workers for adults in trades
requiring little skill, it has been found necessary to specify the length
of apprenticeship and the proportion of apprentices allowed.
There are two methods of operation: the flat-rate law, which
prescribes a legal minimum in the statute itself, and the more com-
mon type which provides for a board or commission to fix rates after
proper investigation. The commissions are generally unsalaried.
Their jurisdiction extends over persons covered by the law with full
power of investigation. A subordinate board is usually provided for,
which is representative of employers, employees and the public. It
must make a report with recommendations to the commission, which
the latter accepts or refers back. When the report has been accepted
and a public hearing has been held, the recommendations are pro-
mulgated as orders. Provisions for a court review are customarily
included. A new application of the police power is involved in the
constitutionality of the minimum-wage legislation. The question
was settled definitely by the Supreme Court decision in the famous
Oregon case (1917) which held the law constitutional on the same
ground on which laws restricting hours of labour for women and
children had been sustained.
Hours of Labour. Beginning with Illinois in 1903, the 8-hour
standard for children under 16 has been established in 25 states
and the District of Columbia, with certain exemptions in a few
states. Other states have less favourable laws, especially some
of the southern states, which still allow children to work legally
ii hours a day. To meet the arguments of employers who
opposed restriction of hours of labour of children on the ground
that it put them at a disadvantage with their competitors in
neighbouring states, Congress in 1916 enacted a measure which
forbade the transportation in interstate commerce of the prod-
ucts of factories or mines on which children between 14 and 16
had worked more than eight hours a day or more than six days
a week or at night. The law was declared unconstitutional by
the U.S. Supreme Court as an undue extension of the power to
regulate interstate commerce. In 1919 Congress again enacted
a law containing similar standards based on the taxing power,
which levies a tax of 10% on the annual net profits of any con-
cern which employs children in violation of the above standards.
By 1920 only six states, in most of which comparatively few
women were employed industrially, had placed no restrictions on
women's hours of work; many had limited hours to eight or nine a
day; and a large number had a weekly limit of less than 60 hours.
The majority of statutes fix the same daily and weekly maximum
hours for all occupations covered, and generally include the principal
industrial occupations for women except those in homes and agri-
culture. In several states the law applies only to cities within a
given classification. In only a few cases, however, do the laws define
the time during which the work period must fall by naming the
spread of the hours allowed, by fixing opening and closing hours or
by forbidding night-work. In detail the statutes vary from a 12-
to an 8-hour-day minimum in 10 jurisdictions and from a 60- to a
48-hour week. About one-third of the laws permit overtime. Re-
cently a few states have adopted a more progressive method of
regulating hours by replacing the flat-rate law with statutes con-
taining the general principle that a woman is not to be employed for
any period of time dangerous to her health, safety and welfare. A
commission is given power to determine, after investigation, maxi-
mum periods for different industries and even for different localities.
Though the constitutionality of the lo-hour day was established
in the Oregon case (Mutter v. Oregon, 28 Sup. Ct., 324, 1908), the
reasonableness of the 8-hour day was still in doubt until the U.S.
Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the California law on
the same ground of public health. The laws have been attacked
also on the ground of class legislation, but the courts have given
little weight to this objection, asserting the freedom of the Legislature
to use discretion in enlarging the scope of laws or to single out
groups most in need of protection.
Statutes regarding the limitation of hours of men are more re-
stricted in scope. In 1912 Congress required that an 8-hour clause
be inserted in all contracts involving the employment of labourers
or mechanics when made by the Federal Government, its territories
or the District of Columbia, and extended the provision to post-
office employees. On declaration of the President, violation is
excusable for certain emergencies and extraordinary events. During
the World War Congress empowered the President to suspend the
law in case of national emergency, with pay at the rate of time-and-
a-half for all work in excess of eight hours. This privilege was fre-
quently exercised. In 1915 Federal legislation with regard to the
amount of work which might be exacted took a new turn in the
appropriation bills forthe army and navy. Provisions were included
against time studies, bonuses or cash rewards except for suggestions
resulting in improvements in service. Over half of the states and
many cities have 8-hour laws for employees on public works.
With regard to private employment, progress has been made
mainly through collective bargaining, with a few important ex-
ceptions. In 1916 the Federal statute applying to railway employees
on interstate lines and in the District of Columbia was supplemented
by the Adamson law, which provides the basic 8-hour day for rail-
way trainmen. About a dozen states regulate hours of street-rail-
way employees to 10 or 12 a day, while Massachusetts has fixed a
9-hour day which must fall within 1 1 consecutive hours. A few
cities, also, have regulated the hours of service on street railways.
Regulation of hours in water transportation is found in the Federal
Act of 1913, limiting hours of deck officers in port to 9 and at sea
to 12 except in cases of emergency. The Federal Act of 1915,
known as the " Seamen's Act," provides that when a vessel is in a
safe harbour, 9 hours, inclusive of anchor watch, shall constitute
a day's work. By Jan. 1920 the 16 states in which the mining in-
dustry is important limited hours in the various classes of mine work
to 8 in one day, with special provision in a few laws for additional
hours at the time of changing shifts.
With regard to regulation of hours in factories and workshops,
two states, Mississippi in 1912 and Oregon in 1913, adopted the ip-
hour day, with certain exceptions, for all classes of employees in
certain manufacturing industries. The Oregon statute permits
three hours' overtime at time-and-a-half pay, and the Mississippi
Act allows 20 minutes' overtime on each of the first five days of the
week and deducts this time from the 10 hours of the sixth day. In
the Oregon case (Bunting v. Oregon, 37 Sup. Ct., 435, 1917) the con-
stitutionality of the lo-hour daily limit for adult males was assured
and the way was opened for much larger regulation of men's work.
A small number of states also regulate the hours of employment
of adult males in a few specified employments.
In spite of the considerable development of maximum hour
regulation in the United States, not much attention has been paid
to the question of legal rest periods. Several states have laws re-
quiring daily rest periods; 12 states forbid certain forms of night
work by women, and a few others shorten the number, of hours of
night work; 40 states have prohibited night work for children under
16. While more than a dozen states have made Saturday afternoon
a legal holiday, practically none has made effective provision for
enforcement. By 1920 six states and the Federal Government had
passed laws embodying the principle of one day's rest in seven,
only three of which are effective from the point of view of enforce-
ment or number of industries included. Sunday laws have been
upheld almost universally by the courts, formerly on religious
grounds and in later years as a legitimate use of the police power. In
the only test case of one-day's-rest-in-seven laws, the N.Y. State
Court of Appeals (People v. Klenck Packing Co., 214 N.Y., 121, 1915)
sustained it as a police-power regulation. Classifications were like-
wise upheld as meeting modern industrial conditions.
Unemployment. Private employment agencies situated in
industrial and railway centres have long been a means of connect-
ing the man with the job. The abuses of these profit-making
agencies have resulted in restrictive legislation designed to
prevent fraud and extortion and to ensure moral surroundings.
These laws usually require owners of private employment agen-
cies to deposit a bond with the State Department of Labor or
the city authorities and to secure a licence. Twelve states
prohibit the location of such offices in saloons, and several
others forbid association with lodging-houses, restaurants or
gambling-places. Frequently the sending of minors and women
to immoral resorts is forbidden. Fees are regulated as to
maximum amount. Some laws specify that all advertisements
or other information must be truthful. Several states require
records, but, with the exception of New York, they are rarely
comprehensive enough to be valuable. There was almost unani-
mous testimony of investigators and public officials up to 1921
that these laws had not been successful in eradicating abuses,
and there arose a widespread movement to abolish them alto-
gether. The state of Washington took the initiative by prohibit-
ing the collection of fees from workers by an employment agent.
The U.S. Supreme Court, however, held the law unconstitu-
tional as " arbitrary " and " oppressive," an undue restriction
on the liberty of the appellants, and therefore a violation of the
Fourteenth Amendment. In 1919 the Wisconsin Legislature
gave the State Industrial Commission discretionary power to
refuse licences to private employment agencies if the public
bureau in the district is sufficient to supply the needs.
At the time of the entrance of the United States into the
World War there were between 80 and 90 public employment
exchanges maintained by 23 states and more than a dozen
cities. In 1920 44 states and the District of Columbia were
cooperating with the U.S. Employment Service. The older
laws which create only a state employment office and make no
700
LABOUR LEGISLATION
provision for local branches have been practically a dead letter.
The more recent legislation, however, which can be exemplified
by the N.Y. statute of 1014, has been successful. It establishes
a bureau of employment in the State Department of Labor
under the immediate charge of a director who must be under civil
service rules. The industrial commission is given power to
establish such free local offices as it deems necessary. The
activities of the local bureaus are coordinated by a labour
market bulletin and the interchange of lists of vacancies. Partial
recognition of the policy of joint control is given in the appoint-
ment by the Commissioner of Labor of a representative com-
mittee of employers and employees. Other clauses provide for
registration, special regulations for children, and various details.
The most controversial point in the administration of a bureau
is the policy to be pursued in the case of a strike or lock-out.
The first laws forbidding applications under those conditions
were declared illegal. Since then the problem has been dealt
with by some form of publicity clause requiring the exhibition
at the exchanges of statements in regard to trade disputes. But
state offices cannot organize the labour market. The war-time
demands of labour emphasized the weaknesses of the state
systems and led to the development of new administrative
machinery, the U.S. Employment Service (see LABOUR SUPPLY
AND REGULATION).
In regard to the progressive measures dealing with the systematic
distribution of public work, little of value has been accomplished,
though a number of cities have inaugurated plans to meet temporary
emergencies and have made definite arrangements for reserve work.
Pennsylvania is the only state which has established a permanent
fund to be used for public work during slack seasons. The question
of the prevention of unemployment is only just beginning to be
recognized. The Illinois and Pennsylvania laws of 1915 instruct the
administration authorities to take steps toward the regularization
of employment, but nothing has been accomplished. A more definite
inducement to the regularization of employment is found in the
laws under consideration by several legislatures which require the
employers to take out insurance against the unemployment of their
employees and to provide compensation to the workers during the
unemployed periods.
Safety and Health. Legislative activities for the control of
industrial accidents and occupational diseases have developed
along four main lines: reporting, prohibition, regulation and
compensation or insurance. Though the early laws did not
bring satisfactory results, accident-reporting laws have proved
useful as a guide for inspection, safeguarding and advanced
legislation, and have continued to spread to new states and to
new branches of industry. Laws relating to the reporting of
occupational disease are of more recent origin. California in
1911 was the first state to pass such a law, and within five years
16 states had enacted similar measures. The latest tendency
is to include within the laws " any ailment or disease contracted
as a result of the nature of the patient's employment " instead
of limiting them to certain diseases.
The prohibitive method has been applied to the exclusion of
certain classes from employment and to the outlawry of dangerous
substances and instruments. As a result of continuous agitation,
by 1920 the 14-year minimum-age limit had been established for
general factory work in all except five states and by the Federal
Government, while several states have raised the limit to 16 years
and in some instances to 18 years and even 21 for certain more
hazardous and morally dangerous occupations. The street-trade
laws are still far from adequate. In 1920 only two states had the same
age limit, 14 years, for street trades as for other employments, and
only about half of the states had any regulations at all. In regard
to physical requirements no standards have been fixed, but 12 states
require a physical examination of all children granted permits. The
New York law makes further provision also for a corps of medical
examiners under the Department of Labor to examine any children
in any industry and to recommend the withdrawal of the employment
certificate. A number of states modify the age requirements by for-
bidding the employment of children who do not come up to certain
standards of knowledge. These vary from a mere literacy require-
ment in any language to graduation from the eighth grade. The
principal agencies for the enforcement of child labour laws are the
school authorities, the boards of health, and, in some states, special
child-labour inspectors. Probation officers and child-welfare agencies
may sometimes aid. The issuance of certificates is usually in the
hands of the local school authorities, though in New York it is in
the control of the Board of Health and in Wisconsin of the State
Industrial Commission.
The exclusion of women from certain occupations has not been
extensively developed in America. Work in mines is forbidden in
most of the mining states, and work in saloons (except by members of
the family) in 15 states. In addition there are a few scattered pro-
visions in regard to the cleaning of moving machinery, work re-
quiring constant standing, operation of emery or other polishing
wheels and coremaking in foundries. Child-birth protection did not
receive consideration until 1911. Since then five states have passed
laws forbidding employment of any women in manufacturing.
mechanical or mercantile establishments within two weeks before
and four weeks after child-birth. Legal requirements for the ex-
clusion of men from dangerous occupations are limited to certain
classes of individuals. Four states require certain physical quali-
fications for work in compressed air; the " lead laws " require
monthly examinations; absence of contagious disease is required in
bakeshops; and freedom from colour-blindness of railway employees
is mentioned in a few states. Technical qualifications required for
licensing men to carry on certain trades are far more numerous. In
regard to the prohibition of substances and instruments, there are
two laws. In 1912 Congress placed a prohibitory tax of 2 cents per
100 on matches containing white sulphur and prohibited their
import or export. This was the first time that the power of internal
revenue taxation had been exercised for the protection of the health
of the workers. There is also a regulation in Massachusetts forbid-
ding the use of certain shuttles.
The need of standards, drafted and enforced by public authority,
has led to the development of codes dealing with factories and work-
shops, mines and tunnels and transportation. The factory codes
include regulations which deal with the construction and use of
machinery, steam boilers and elevators, stationary equipment,
etc., protection against fire, lighting, heating and ventilation, seats,
toilets and dressing-rooms, protection from infectious disease, and
tenement-house manufacture. In connexion with mines and tunnels
the regulations treat mainly of accident dangers, though the health
hazard has been given some consideration. Compressed-air illness
(or caisson disease) is the industrial hazard which has been brought
into prominence by the increasing construction of tunnels, subways,
bridges and skyscrapers. Three states have attempted to control
the disease by legislation, and several states have issued orders
which include periodic physical examination, a sliding scale of work-
ing hours (decreasing as the pressure increases), and a period of grad-
ual decompression. More than a 5O-lb. pressure is forbidden.
In regard to navigation the Federal Seamen's Act of 1915 pro-
vides for a substantial increase of the size of crews, for a certain
percentage of able seamen, for certified life-boat men and for a
given number of properly constructed life-boats. Laws dealing with
railways and street cars can be divided into two groups: those de-
signed to protect the employee and those designed to protect the
public. In the case of the first group, continued progress has been
made since 1910 by giving the Interstate Commerce Commission
power to designate standards of equipment and to investigate
accidents. The latest development of laws for the protection of
travellers are the full-crew laws, applying to both passenger and
freight service. These have been upheld by the courts on the ground
of public safety. Their enforcement is usually entrusted to state
railway and public utility commissions with delegated power to
work out details.
Social Insurance. The first accident compensation law of
general application was passed by New York in 1910. This
statute was declared unconstitutional, but an amendment to the
state constitution made possible the enactment of a compulsory
law in 1914. Other states followed, and by 1919 compensation
laws had been passed by 42 states in addition to Alaska, Hawaii
and Porto Rico. The Federal law of 1908 was repealed in favour
of the Act of 1916, which covers all civilian employees of the
Federal Government. Early laws had been declared unconstitu-
tional on the ground that to require an employer to pay damages
for an accident for which he was not to blame was taking property
without due process of law; that both employer and employee
were deprived of the right of trial by jury and that the employer
was charged with liability without fault. In 1917, however, the
constitutionality of the chief types of compensation was affirmed
by the U.S. Supreme Court in three far-reaching decisions
(New York Central R.R. Co. v. White, 37 Sup. Ct., 247, 1917;
Hawkins v. Bleakly, 37 Sup. Ct., 255, 1917; Mountain Timber
Co. v. Washington, 37 Sup. Ct., 260, 1917). The Court ruled that
the enactment of laws providing compensation for industrial
accidents tended to promote the public welfare and were,
therefore, within the scope of the police power. It upheld laws
requiring compulsory insurance in state funds on the ground of a
" fair and reasonable exercise of governmental power." Because
of the adverse decision of the first N.Y. law, most American
compensation acts have been made elective according to the
LABOUR LEGISLATION
701
following device. The employer is given the choice of accepting
the law or of operating under the liability laws with the old
liability defences fellow-servant's fault, contributory negligence,
and assumption of risk abrogated or greatly modified.
The laws vary greatly in detail. Though a compensation system
should apply to all employments and cover all industries, nine main
groups are usually excluded (employees in non-hazardous occupa-
tions, agricultural labour, domestic servants, employees in interstate
commerce, workmen in establishments employing fewer than a
given number of persons, public employees, casual labourers, those
inot engaged in the regular course of the employer's business and
those in employments not conducted for gain). Laws of four states
and the Federal statute have been amended to include occupational
diseases. Medical attendance is usually provided for, though it
varies in time limit from two weeks to 90 days and in amount from
$50 to $600. An increasing number of states, however, are giving
their administrative boards power to use their discretion to increase
the period and the amount. The waiting period during which no
compensation is paid varies from no waiting period at all to 14.
days. The compensation rates range for total disability from 65 %
of the wage (within certain limits) to 50% with time limitations
varying from 208 weeks to 550 weeks, and money limitations from
$4,000 to $6,000. Compensation for partial disability is usually
based on a fixed schedule of a certain number of weeks' benefit for
each specific dismemberment. In a few states it is reckoned as a
proportion of the loss of earning power. Most states grant funeral
benefits. Few are liberal in prescribing compensation to be paid
dependents, which is either a specified monthly amount or a maxi-
mum amount ranging from $3,000 to $6,000. In recent years the
question of rehabilitation has been given considerable attention,
and by 1920 1 1 states had made provision for the aid of industrial
cripples. In that year also, Congress passed a bill to grant Federal
aid on the basis of dollar for dollar to states undertaking to re-
habilitate industrial cripples. Administration of the laws is usually
by a central board with general powers of enforcing the law, though
a few states still leave the questions to be settled by the courts. In
order to protect both the employer and employee most states compel
employers to insure their risks unless they can give satisfactory evi-
dence that they are able to bear serious losses due to accident.
Besides this so-called self-insurance, three methods have been de-
veloped: insurance in a state fund, which has been established in
half of the states; insurance in a stock company and insurance in a
mutual or inter-insurance company.
Other forms of social insurance have not received much attention
in the United States. Several bills have been introduced in state
legislatures on health insurance, unemployment compensation and
old-age insurance, but as yet only a few have been enacted for
special classes. In 1920 a law establishing compulsory contrib-
utory old-age and invalidity insurance for the Federal Government's
employees in the classified civil service was enacted. Pensions are
provided by state and municipal governments for certain groups
of employees, such as policemen, firemen and teachers, and by the
Federal Government for soldiers and sailors.
Besides the system of life insurance administered by the savings
banks under supervision in Massachusetts, the customary form of
protection of widows and orphans is by means of mothers' or widows'
pensions paid to certain classes of mothers with dependent children.
In the years from 1911 to 1919 39 states, Alaska and Hawaii had
enacted such laws. The legislation uniformly provides for straight
pensions on condition that the mother is capable of providing a
proper home for the child.
Vocational Education. The Federal Act for the promotion
of vocational education in the fields of agriculture, trade, home
economics and industry was passed in 1917, and since then there
has been a rapid expansion of this form of labour legislation.
The law popularly known as the Smith-Hughes Act is based on
four ideas, namely: that vocational education is essential to
national welfare; that Federal funds are necessary in order to
equalize the burden of carrying on the work among the states;
that since the Federal Government is vitally interested in the
success of vocational education it should, so to speak, purchase
a degree of participation in that work; and that only by such
Federal and state relationships can proper standards be set up.
According to the statute, the Federal Government does not
undertake the organization or immediate direction of vocational
training in the several states, but agrees to make substantial
yearly contributions to its support. The Federal grants are
conditional and their acceptance imposes on the state specific
obligations. By 1919 every state had accepted the Act.
The Federal law is administered by the Federal Board for Voca-
tional Education, appointed by the President, which consists of
the Secretary of Agriculture, the Secretary of Commerce, the
Secretary of Labor and the Commissioner of Education, together
with three citizens who represent the manufacturing, commercial,
agricultural and labour interests. A staff, composed of a director
and four assistant directors, is chosen by the board. The state board,
which must be created on acceptance of the Act, is the connecting
link between the Federal board and the states. Each year Congress
appropriates a given sum, according to a graduated scale increasing
up to 1926, when the maximum, $7,367,000, will be reached, which
will then become the annual appropriation. Money is granted to the
states only on condition that it is matched by an equal amount
appropriated for the same purpose (salaries and maintenance of
teacher training) by the state, local community or both. In addition
state grants must be made for buildings and equipment.
The law deals only with general standards and policies. Each
state draws up its own plan of education to meet its own needs,
which it submits to the Federal board for approval. The guiding
principle laid down is that the education furnished must be under
public supervision and control and must be designated to train
persons for useful, common, wage-earning employments. It applies
to boys and girls of 14 years and over who desire preparation as
trained wage-earners, or who, having already taken up a wage-
earning employment, seek greater efficiency; and to wage-earners,
established in their trade or occupation, who wish to advance
to positions of responsibility. No academic studies are to be sup-
ported out of the Act. In 1920 3,155 schools were aided.
Prior to the enactment of the Federal law two states had provided
for compulsory part-time school attendance. Since then 16 other
states have enacted similar measures, and several others have passed
permissive mandatory statutes authorizing local districts to estab-
lish such schools. The laws vary in detail. The most common ages
of required attendance are 14 to 18 years; hours required per week
range from four to eight ; the length of the school-year varies from
144 hours to the same as that of the common schools. Though the
work in the United States is still new, these laws represent one of the
most important developments in the labour and educational fields.
Wisconsin has gone one step further in her apprenticeship law,
passed in 1911 and revised in 1915. It provides that all minors who
receive instruction in a trade as a part of their consideration of
employment shall be indentured. All such indentures must be ap-
E roved by the Industrial Commission and can be enforced against
oth employer and apprentice. During the first two years of ap-
prenticeship the apprentice must attend a part-time school for five
hours each week to receive instruction in the theory of the trade, to
supplement shop training. The employer is required to pay for such
instruction at the same rate per hour as for service. The Industrial
Commission has broad powers to investigate, determine and fix
classifications, issue rules and regulations and to enforce the same
with penalties. It is the duty of all public-school officers and teachers
to cooperate with the commission and employers to furnish the in-
struction designated. Since all trades must be standardized and
different schedules of training outlined, trade committees of em-
ployers and journeymen are organized to fix the length of apprentice-
ship, wages and the various branches to be taught. There is, also,
another advisory board composed of employers, employees and
educators which is consulted on questions of changes in the general
policy governing apprenticeship.
Administration of Labour Laws. The development of indus-
trial commissions is the most significant fact in the recent
history of the administration of labour legislation. The growing
complexity of conditions has made it practically impossible to
embody sufficient details within laws or to make them flexible
enough to provide for constant changes. To meet the varying
needs and to set the different standards required, the legislatures
at first established special commissions, such as the minimum- .
wage commissions. This policy, however, led to duplication of
functions and conflict of authority, and in their place six states
have created industrial commissions which have general adminis-
trative control over the branches of labour legislation dealing
with minimum wage, hours of labour, public and private em-
ployment offices, workmen's compensation and other related
laws. Under these statutes the Legislature lays down the general
state policy of reasonable standards and leaves to the commission
the intricate details of investigation. It is given authority to
make the findings necessary for the effective application of the
standard to each case or class of cases. It can make classifica-
tions and issue different rules for different conditions and can
change its rules when conditions change or when it discovers
new and more effective remedies. These rulings of the commis-
sion are known as orders and are prima facie lawful.
This substitution of administrative rules for legislative details
has made it possible to apply the principle of representation of
interests. In Wisconsin, for example, joint committees repre-
sentative of capital and labour are appointed by the employers
and workers to serve in an advisory capacity. Generally these
7O2
LABOUR MINISTRY
committees actually draw up the rules, assisted by the staff of
the industrial commission, after an exhaustive cooperative in-
vestigation. In some cases, as, for instance, in the determination
of the minimum wage, consultation with joint committees is made
mandatory. These committees form, in fact, an inferior indus-
trial legislature, composed of leaders and representatives of both
interests, who are continually in session under state supervision
and working on those details of administration which, after all,
are the actual substance of such legislation as is enforced.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. John R. Commons and John B. Andrews,
Principles of Labor Legislation (1920); American Association for
Labor Legislation, American Labor Legislation Review; U.S. Dept.
of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Monthly Labor Review, and
Bulletins; Federal Board for Vocational Education, Annual Re-
ports and Vocational Summary. (J. R. Co.)
LABOUR MINISTRY AND DEPARTMENT OF LABOUR.
One of the outward signs of the intensified governmental inter-
est in labour has been the establishment in 1913 of a Depart-
ment of Labor in the United States, and in 1917 of a Ministry
of Labour in Great Britain.
UNITED KINGDOM. The demand for the creation in the
United Kingdom of a separate Ministry of Labour had been
since 1904 a stock subject of discussion at the annual Trade
Union Congress, and resolutions in favour of it had been intro-
duced in various years up to 1916. Meanwhile, the attention
of employers had been principally directed to the advocacy of a
Ministry of Commerce which was to be a development of the
Board of Trade. Employers had not contemplated in general a
separate ministry for the labour side of the commercial problem.
The general policy of the Government had been to leave to each
department of State that portion of the labour problem which
naturally was associated with its main functions. In so far as
there was any department which was primarily charged with
labour problems, that department was the Home Office, as
having charge of factory legislation, though the Board of Trade
had also a considerable share of the responsibility for handling
labour questions, and through its " Commercial, Labour and
Statistical Department" (see 27.127) was being given continually
larger association with them. Thus the Labour Department of
the Board of Trade was made responsible in turn for the admin-
istration of the Labour Exchanges Act (1908), the first Trade
Boards Act (1909), and Part II. of the Insurance Act of 1911,
which dealt with unemployment insurance; and this Depart-
ment dealt with the work of conciliation in labour disputes until
the establishment of the separate department of the Chief
Industrial Commissioner in 1911. Other departments concerned
were: the Local Government Board, as responsible for the
administration of the poor law; the Board of Education; and
the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, in so far as any labour
questions affecting agriculture arose. Finally, there was the
position of the State as a direct employer of labour both of
clerical and semi-clerical labour in the Civil Service and the Post
Office, and of industrial labour in Woolwich Arsenal and the
dockyards. The general labour policy in this respect was under
the financial control of the Treasury; the actual handling of the
labour problems affecting the postal service was dealt with by the
Post Office, those affecting Woolwich Arsenal and Enfield by
the War Office, those affecting the dockyards by the Admiralty.
The only general measure of coordination was given by the Fair
Wages Advisory Committee, which considered from time to time
what were in fact the fair wages in terms of the House of Com-
mons resolution requiring that Government contractors should
pay fair wages, and which instructed the contracting departments
as to the wages that they should require their contractors to pay.
With the outbreak of the World War in 1914 labour problems
immediately assumed a new importance, since the paramount
question was the control of man-power. It was natural in these
circumstances that resort should be had by the Government
primarily to the Board of Trade, upon which the handling of
labour problems had increasingly centred in the years immediately
preceding the war. Thus it was to the Labour Exchanges
Department of the Board of Trade that the Government looked
for the supply of labour for mobilization and for the grouping of
labour which was required for the munitions programme. In
the same way the Government looked to the Chief Industrial
Commissioner for advice and guidance upon the policy to be
adopted in respect of general labour problems such as trade
disputes and the need for increasing production. But, as these
problems assumed an ever-increasing importance, it began to be
obvious that possible conflict, which might arise from separate
policies carried out by the War Office, Admiralty and Board of
Trade, might lead to grave consequences. More and more it was
felt that some department, charged at any rate with the labour
war problems, should be established, and effect was given to
this view by the establishment of the Labour Department of the
Ministry of Munitions in Aug. 1915- That department was in
the first place largely staffed by officers lent by the Board of
Trade, and from the outset discharged the dual function of war
labour supply and regulation.
At the same time, it was laid down that the duty of holding
the scales between the two sides in industry, i.e. the duties of
conciliation and arbitration, must remain separate from the
Ministry of Munitions, which was in itself an employing de-
partment. Thus the arbitration tribunal, known as the Com-
mittee on Production, which had grown out of the Chief Industrial
Commissioner's Department, remained with the Board of Trade.
At first the Labour Department of the Ministry of Munitions
had charge of labour problems affecting both the Admiralty and
the War Office. But, even so, there were many labour problems
of the first importance for which this department was not
responsible. The control of the railways remained with the
Railway Department of the Board of Trade, and similarly the
control of mines with the Home Office. But the problems arising
on mines and railways were of a general character affecting the
whole labour situation. Moreover, while technically the Minis-
try of Munitions had responsibility over the labour policy of the
Admiralty, it was hardly to be expected that one department of
State would find itself able to take instructions from another
which, in labour matters, was in fact a competitor. In conse-
quence, although the Ministry of Munitions had achieved a
certain measure of centralization and coordination, it was in-
creasingly felt that some central department, not itself directly
an employer of labour, should be available for giving general
advice to the Government.
The first attempt to secure this was the creation during 1916
of the Department of the Chief Labour Adviser to the Govern-
ment. It was the intention that Mr. Arthur Henderson, M.P.,
who was appointed to this post, should in a sense fulfil the func-
tion of guiding the labour policy of all departments and advising
the Cabinet generally on labour affairs. The difficulty, however,
was that Mr. Henderson had no direct authority over the
employing departments, and was not in direct relation with the
Committee on Production, which remained attached to the
Board of Trade. In the result, therefore, though Mr. Hender-
son's advice was always available, the office of Chief Labour
Adviser was not found to fulfil the requirements of the situation.
Ministry of Labour, 1917. One of the first steps of the first
Lloyd George Government was to establish early in 1917 a new
Ministry of Labour. It was constituted under the powers given
by the New Ministers and Secretaries Act, 1916. The Act did
not itself invest the Minister of Labour with any specific powers
except that it provided that the labour functions of any other
department of State could be transferred to him by Order in
Council. The Ministry started its official existence with the
responsibility for the Chief' Industrial Commissioner's Depart-
ment, the administration of the Trade Boards Acts, and of the
employment exchanges. Shortly afterwards there was added to
these functions the responsibility for labour statistics. It
happened, however, that simultaneously with the creation of the
Ministry of Labour the Department of the Director-General of
National Service also came into existence, and the question of
the control of labour exchanges at once created complications.
Every effort was made to bring the two Departments into the
closest possible touch, but since the Admiralty and the Ministry
LABOUR MINISTRY
703
of Munitions, as well as the Board of Agriculture, were using the
exchanges, it was difficult to effect a satisfactory coordination.
During the war period the Ministry of Labour exercised the two
functions of advising on general labour policy and of preparing
for the post-war situation. So far as the first part of the Minis-
try's functions was concerned, great difficulties were experienced in
effecting control. Not only had the Ministry of Munitions and
the Admiralty established large and powerful Labour Depart-
ments, but as time went on separate Labour Departments under
the Coal Controller of the Board of Trade and the Board of
Agriculture and Fisheries were established, to be followed by an
attempt to set up a separate department for the Air Ministry.
Each of these departments had its own special and pressing prob-
lems. Each was constantly driven by the pressure of circumstances
to give decisions, without previous reference to the Ministry of
Labour, which seriously affected Government policy as a whole.
Thus the Ministry of Munitions made wages orders affecting women
and men, which were not necessarily consistent with the awards
given by the Committee on Production.
The Coal Controller arrived at a settlement with the miners
which had the most unexpected repercussions on every class of
miner engaged in non-ferrous mining. Here again there was no
previous consultation with the Ministry of Labour. The Board of
Agriculture pursued its own policy, and, under the Corn Production
Act of 1917, set up Agricultural Wages Boards, which departed from
the principles guiding the Trade Boards controlled by the Ministry
of Labour in that the agricultural boards were entirely independent
of any Government control. Moreover, the Board of Trade in its
negotiations with the railway men was often too pressed by cir-
cumstances to be able to consult with the Ministry of Labour.
All these difficulties were almost inevitable with a new depart-
ment created in the middle of the World War a stranger among
long-established departments. But in spite of these handicaps the
existence of a single department which had no direct interest
in production and could view labour problems from a general
point of view was undoubtedly of great service. Of still greater
service was the work performed by the Ministry of Labour
during the war in preparing for peace conditions. The Ministry
of Labour was responsible for drawing up, in conjunction with
the War Office, the elaborate schemes for the demobilization of
the forces, and was responsible with the Ministry of Recon-
struction for drawing up the schemes for demobilization of
civilian war workers. In addition the Ministry of Labour, by
the creation of Whitley Councils, the extension of the Trade
Boards Act and the proposals with regard to the control of wages
after the war, was laying the post-war foundations.
Immediately upon the declaration of the Armistice at the
end of 1918, it was decided to transfer to the Ministry of Labour
the labour departments of the Admiralty and Ministry of
Munitions. There was set up, to meet the special emergency
created by demobilization, a new department of the Ministry
of Labour under a Controller- General of Demobilization and
Resettlement. The Ministry was then, for the immediate post-
Armistice period, divided into two broad halves. The first half
dealt with industrial conditions, and was responsible for the
administration of the Wages (Temporary Regulation) Act,
conciliation, the administration of the Trade Boards Acts,
watching the progress of Joint Industrial Councils, and for the
general industrial policy of the Government. This half of the
Ministry of Labour was placed under the Permanent Secretary.
The second half of the Ministry of Labour under the post-
Armistice scheme, under the Controller-General, divided itself
into permanent and temporary departments. The permanent
department was the machinery of the employment exchanges.
Side by side with this permanent machine there were three
temporary departments:
(a) The Training Department, which was set up to provide
training for disabled men and for certain classes of women.
(6) The Appointments Department, which dealt with the
placing and training of officers and men of similar educational
qualifications.
(c) The Civil Liabilities Department, which provided re-
settlement grants for ex-servic'e men under certain conditions. 1
1 A separate department for Ireland, under a secretary responsible
to the Permanent Secretary, was established early in 1919.
With the enormous accession of work that the Armistice threw
upon the Ministry of Labour it was not possible to attempt to plan
out the permanent foundations of the department. Consequently
at this stage, so far from all questions of labour policy being trans-
ferred to the Ministry of Labour, at least one new department deal-
ing with labour matters was set up in the Mines Department of
the Board of Trade. Moreover, the Board of Agriculture retained
its complete control of questions of agricultural labour, though it
was rapidly becoming apparent that these questions could not with
advantage be considered separately from the general labour ques-
tions before the Ministry of Labour.
The difficulties of this grouping of the situation were further ac-
centuated by the increasing importance of the handling of interna-
tional labour problems. With the establishment, under the Versailles
Treaty, of an International Labour Office, it became of even greater
importance that there should be one department, speaking for the
Government as a whole, on labour topics. It was plain that action
taken by the International Labour Office would profoundly affect
labour problems in the United Kingdom, but, owing to the heavy
burden cast upon the Ministry of Labour, it was not possible defi-
nitely to associate the department with the governing body of the
International Labour Office.
Post-war Reconstruction. When the first rush of Armistice
work was over, an attempt was made to lay down to some extent
the permanent lines upon which the Ministry of Labour was to
develop. It was recognized that in any event it would be
necessary to proceed slowly with the complete centralization in
one department of all labour matters, but it was felt that an
organization must be devised which would be ultimately capable
of taking such a position if this were finally decided upon. Speak-
ing generally, the functions of a Ministry of Labour would be:
(a) To advise the Cabinet of the day generally on labour policy.
(6) To administer the Government's labour code; by which is
meant, to be responsible for all Acts of Parliament directly affecting
the relations of employers and employed.
(c) To act for the Government in respect of international labour
problems as a sort of foreign office for labour.
The situation did not permit of the discontinuance of the
temporary departments. Apart from these, the Ministry is
divided into three main administrative departments with certain
common service departments.
The administrative departments are:
(a) The Industrial Relations Department, which deals with arbitra-
tion and conciliation relations with the industrial courts set up
under the Industrial Courts Act, 1919, the administration of Joint
Industrial Councils, the Fair Wages Clause and hours of labour.
(b) The General Department, concerned with administration of
the Trade Board Acts, intelligence and statistics, and parliamentary
and international work.
(c) The Employment and Insurance Department, responsible for
administration of the Unemployment Insurance Acts, control of
employment exchanges, employment of ex-service men, and juvenile
employment.
The Common Services departments include (i) Finance, (2)
Establishment, and (3) Solicitor's Department.
It will be observed that this arrangement tends to divide the
work of the departments into two main groups conditions and
employment, with a central group which, for the purpose of con-
venience, has taken part of the work of conditions of employment in
the administration of trade boards. Considerable tracts of work,
however, which would be covered by tfre general basis.of the depart-
ment suggested above, are not included. Thus the responsibility
for the administration of the Factory Acts and the Workmen's
Compensation Acts remains with the Home Office, as does the
responsibility for the labour policy in respect of merchant seamen
with the Board of Trade, for railwaymen with the Ministry of
Transport and for agricultural labour with the Ministry of Agricul-
ture. Moreover, though the existing arrangements provide for the
administration of unemployment insurance by the Ministry of
Labour, this is the only degree in which the department has respon-
sibility for the treatment of the able-bodied unemployed. So far as
international labour is concerned, the position has been made
definite by the establishment of an interdepartmental committee
under the chairmanship of the Minister of Labour, which is re-
sponsible to the Cabinet for handling international labour problems.
(H. WF.)
UNITED STATES. The Department of Labor was created by
Act of Congress on March 4 1913. Its chief official, the Secre-
tary of Labor, is a member of the President's Cabinet. He is
" charged with the duty of fostering, promoting and developing
the welfare of the wage-earners of the United States, improving
their working conditions and advancing their opportunities
for profitable employment." He is authorized to direct the
704
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
collection of statistics concerning the conditions of labour,
its products, and their distribution, and may call upon the
other governmental departments for the data they possess.
He is also empowered to act as mediator in labour disputes and
to appoint commissioners of conciliation, whenever he deems it
desirable for promoting industrial peace. There is also an
assistant secretary and a solicitor of the Department of Labor,
the latter acting as legal adviser to the Secretary and to the
heads of the various bureaus.
The four original bureaus comprised (i) the bureau of labour
statistics, charged with gathering and diffusing information about
labour, especially its relations with capital, hours of labour,
earnings of labourers, and means of improving their conditions;
(2) the bureau of immigration, charged with administering the
immigration laws, including the Chinese-exclusion laws; (3) the
naturalization bureau, for administering the naturalization
laws; and (4) the children's bureau, charged with investigating
and reporting upon all matters pertaining to children and child
life among all classes of people, including infant mortality, ma-
ternal mortality, juvenile delinquency and diseases of children.
The exigencies of the World War led to the formation (1918)
of a woman-in-industry service, or women's bureau, to safeguard
the interests of the large number of women who replaced men
withdrawn for war service. In the same year the U.S. employ-
ment service, formerly a part of the immigration bureau, was
made a separate bureau and became the medium for recruiting
unskilled labour for war industries, excepting farms and railways.
Between Jan. i 1918 and June 30 1919 employment was secured
for 4,955.159 persons, and after the Armistice many discharged
soldiers were placed in positions. As a temporary war emergency
measure there were created also (i) a bureau of industrial hous-
ing and transportation for labourers engaged on Government
contracts; (2) an information and education service for creating,
through publicity, a spirit of cooperation and mutual understand-
ing between labour and capital; and (3) a national war labour
board, for settling labour disputes and ensuring uninterrupted
production of the essentials for war.
The Department of Labor is the outgrowth of public agitation
extending over a long period. In 1884 a Bureau of Labor was
created under the jurisdiction of the Department of the Interior.
In 1888 this bureau was converted into an independent Department
of Labor, headed by a commissioner who, however, was not admitted
to the President's Cabinet. In 1903, after the creation of the
Department of Commerce and Labor, the old Department of
Labor, thereafter known as the Bureau of Labor, was placed under
its jurisdiction. For 10 years the interests of both labour and capital
were entrusted to the same executive department. This proved un-
satisfactory because these interests were often in conflict. Finally, in
1913, the Department of Commerce and Labor was changed to the
Department of Commerce, and there was created a separate De-
partment of Labor especially entrusted with the problems that
concerned the welfare of the wage-earners.
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION. During the World
War the question of national " man-power " came to the front
as never before. In a war engaging the whole resources of a
nation its man-power must be distributed to meet four paramount
obligations: (i) The maintenance at requisite strength of the
fighting forces; (2) the supply to the forces of the necessary men
for carrying on war; (3) the supply of the necessities of life for the
civilian population, and (4) the maintenance of ordinary com-
mercial work to the fullest possible extent in order to maintain
financial credit. It is the business of Government to see that as
far as possible the appropriate categories of men are drafted
into each class. If there is a shortage of the gross supply it be-
comes a duty not merely to attempt to increase the total from
new sources, but to regulate the existing supply in such a way
as to increase its productivity.
The problem of " man-power " in war-time is obviously dif-
ferent from the outset in countries which begin a war with uni-
versal compulsory service and those which begin a war on the
basis of voluntaryism. In the case of countries such as France
and Germany, the approximate size of the fighting forces was
known in advance, and this fact, combined with universal com-
pulsory service, at any rate canalized the problem. In the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, where the
fighting forces were expanded sevenfold, and where there was no
compulsion at the outset and never universal compulsion, the
problem was of a completely different order.
I. UNITED KINGDOM ,
The history of labour supply and regulation in the United
Kingdom during the World War is the history of how a system
had to be improvised to meet the ever-shifting demands of the
four predominant national needs. The problem for those con-
cerned with the handling of labour throughout was to attempt,
with an inadequate supply, to meet each of the four demands
to the widest possible extent.
_ The first necessity in point of time was the recruitment of
fighting forces on a scale hitherto unimagined. No attempt was
made to limit the area of recruitment, nor would it have been
possible in the early days to impose any such check. If limits
had been imposed upon the patriotic enthusiasm which brought
millions to the colours, serious obstacles would have been put in
the way of building up the immense armies that were ultimately
achieved; but the very impetus of recruitment of itself created in
an acute degree the shortage of man-power, and accentuated it
by reason of the fact that men were drawn largely from the very
trades upon which the fighting forces depended for munitions.
To a certain extent the account of labour regulation and
supply is an account of the long and difficult attempt to repair
the ravages in the industrial ranks created by indiscriminate
recruiting. The account of the handling of the problem may be
approached from three points of view the first negative, and
the latter two positive:
( A ) The negative, which consisted in the limitation of recruit-
ment.
(B) The stage of increase of labour supply, (i) by drawing on to
igaged on less vital work, (2) by bringing back
&"&*-'-* *"* \-oia v M.ii wv7i n. t \^ } uy ui inymy UiiCK
from the forces skilled men to assist in the production of munitions,
(3) by getting workers from new sources.
(C) The intensive use of the available supplies of labour by its
regulation, (i) by increasing mobility, (2) by preventing wastage,
(3) by removal of trade-union restrictions, including ultimately
dilution, (4) by obtaining full value for hours worked (under which
is included the prevention of strikes and lockouts, the regulation of
hours of employment, the provision of workshop discipline, and the
provision of satisfactory working conditions), (5) by the handling
of wages problems.
(A) THE LIMITATION OF RECRUITMENT. So far were the
Government and the country from realizing the probability that
excessive recruitment might lead to grave shortage of man-
power, with the result that instead of widespread unemployment
there would be practically no unemployment whatever of able-
bodied persons, that the first steps in the handling of the labour
problem by the Government and by the engineering trades
respectively were as follows: (a) The Government set up in the
early days of Aug. 1914 a strong Cabinet committee for the
prevention and relief of distress, (b) On Aug. 19 the executives
of the Engineering Employers' Federation and the Amalgamated
Society of Engineers met to discuss ways and means whereby
the unemployment contingent on the national crisis might be
minimized, (c) The attitude of the general business community
was crystallized in the phrase " business as usual."
This early point of view was rapidly modified. As early as
the end of Sept. 1914 it began to appear that the rate of un-
employment was far from high; and from Oct. onwards, to the
shell conference of Dec. 21, the outstanding feature of the labour
situation which began to emerge was the grave shortage of skilled
engineering labour, threatening to make impossible the vitally
needed expansion of production. Nor, when the figures of recruit-
ment are examined, is this result surprising. By Oct. 1914 the
group in the engineering trades had lost by enlistment 12-2%
of their pre-war male workers. This percentage had risen by
July 1915 to 19-s. 1 Against this loss must be offset the large
proportion of new entrants into these trades, but these entrants
never filled the gap thus created arid would have been inadequate
1 Board of Trade report on the state of employment in the United
Kingdom in July 1915, Part I, page 3.
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
705
Badsing.
if the demand on this group had remained at the pre-war stand-
ard, whereas in effect it was increased out of knowledge.
The situation accordingly was grave. The shortage of muni-
tions was causing acute apprehension, and early in 1915 it had
attracted general public attention. The first step, therefore,
taken to deal with the matter was to provide some form of pro-
tection from recruiting for men engaged on munitions production.
As early as Sept. 8 1914 Messrs. Vickers had suggested the
possibility of the issue of a badge which should protect men from
the recruiting officer on the one hand, and from irresponsible
persecution on the ground of shirking on the other; but through-
out 1914 nothing on a systematic or even considerable basis had
been attempted in this direction.
In Jan. and Feb., however, the matter was seriously taken
in hand by the War Office, and a special branch was set up
to deal with the " badging " of indispensable work-
men engaged on munitions. A scheme was brought
into operation in March 1915, under which contractors were
classified according to the importance and urgency of their
work. Similar action was taken by the Admiralty, and in May
of that year instructions were issued to recruiting officers that
men in certain categories were not to be accepted for enlist-
ment, but this action was in itself almost nugatory. The pa-
triotic impulse to join up among the younger men was still too
strong to admit of artificial restriction, but the lists were not
really drawn up on any scientific basis. In fact, they were
directed rather to protect the manufacturers of the finished
product, i.e. shells, guns and ships, while making no real en-
deavour to cover the sources of supply, e.g. machine tools.
The action taken by the Admiralty was probably more effective
than that taken by the War Office.
The original war service badges issued by the War Office
were accompanied by a certificate signed by Lord Kitchener.
" In token that his services are urgently required in the manu-
facture of ordnance war material for the defence of the realm, in
which service he is required to exercise diligence and faithfulness."
By the end of July 1915, 79,738 badges had been issued, over
60%, however, to a very limited number of firms.
At this stage (Aug. 1915) the Ministry of Munitions comes
upon the scene. It was clear that one of the first duties of that
department would be to organize labour supply. This meant,
as a first step, the protection of workers engaged on the output
of munitions from further recruitment. Speaking generally,
when the Ministry of Munitions took over the work, one-fifth
of the males employed in the industry specially concerned with
recruiting had joined the forces. As a first step, to regulate the
position and to take powers, a provision was introduced into the
Munitions of War Act, in July 1915, enabling the Minister of
Munitions to make rules authorizing the wearing of badges by
persons engaged on munitions work or other work for war
purposes. 1 Provisional rules under this section were made on
July 23, and became statutory on Oct. 9? Before this date,
however, namely on July 26, the Ministry of Munitions took over
the administration of the badges from both the Admiralty and
the War Office. Letters were immediately sent to the firms on the
War Office and Admiralty lists of exemption, informing them that
the basis of protection would be badges. At the same time letters
were issued to firms on lists prepared by the supply departments
of the Ministry of Munitions, in particular to firms such as
machine-tool makers, iron and steel firms, principal electrical
power stations, gas works extracting toluol, and chemical firms
which had not been previously protected.
In order to keep this list up to date and to extend it where
necessary, the Ministry of Munitions kept in constant touch
with all the supply departments concerned and with employers
of labour throughout the country; but from the first, and
throughout, there was an almost inevitable conflict of interest
between the points of view of the Ministry of Munitions as the
department protecting labour for munitions work, and the
fighting departments who were in urgent need of recruits.
1 Munitions of War Act, 1915. Section 8.
2 Statutory Rules and Orders, 1915. No. 1001.
The scheme was by no means a complete success. In the first
place, there was the conflict of interest already mentioned. In the
second place, it was difficult to obtain a scientific list of the firms
to be covered, particularly when, as was the case, the types of
munitions urgently required varied almost from week to week.
In the third place, it was a matter of difficulty to decide to what
class of men within protected industries or firms badges should be
issued. Finally, at this stage the actual distribution of the badges
was not in the hands of the department, but of necessity in the
hands of the employer who alone knew the requirements.
Concurrently with the work of the issue of badges a new
method upon which industry could be more scientifically pro-
tected was being provided by the National Registra-
tion Act of 1915. The registration undertaken on
Aug. 15 1915 had among its objects that of discovering t f * a *
what proportion of men of military age were still eligible
for service and what proportion of those were employed on work
vital to the output of munitions. When the results were supplied
special arrangements were made for writing the account of men in
industries vital to the continuance of the war upon starred forms,
and when at the end of Oct. the figures were reported by the
Registrar-General and the Scottish Office it appeared that
29-4% of the whole available labour was in " starred " industries.
Of that more than 50% was on munitions production, the
remainder being on railways, mining and agriculture.
It was becoming apparent while these two steps were being
taken to protect industry that the existing method of obtaining
recruits for the fighting forces was not merely producing an in-
adequate supply, but was, by its indiscriminate nature, severely
handicapping the output of munitions. Accordingly, in Sept.
1915, the question of an immediate adoption of compulsory
military service was seriously weighed, but on the balance of
considerations it was decided to make a last appeal on a voluntary
basis the Derby scheme. The essential aspect of the Derby
scheme, from the point of view of limitation of recruitment, was
the establishment of the local tribunal for giving exemption,
which formed the basis of the tribunals which functioned under
the Military Service Acts when they came into force. The
question arose whether all men should be submitted to these
tribunals, or whether those protected by the Ministry of Mu-
nitions and the starred lists should be automatically exempted.
After discussion the question was settled by the issue, on Nov. 16
1915, of the following notice on the enlistment of munitions
workers, signed by Mr. Lloyd George and Lord Derby:
No man officially badged or starred for munitions work may be
enlisted for immediate service in the Army. Men so badged or
starred may be " attested " for the Reserve on condition of return-
ing to civil employment. They will receive the khaki armlet, and
will not be called up for service unless at some future time the
Ministry of Munitions decides that they are more urgently needed
in the Army than for munitions work.
Provision at the same time was made for the release from the
colours of starred and badged men wrongly enlisted.
On Nov. 19 the Local Government Board issued the first
instructions to the local tribunals, and in a public announcement
the list of starred occupations subsequently reserved was set
out as follows:
List A. Occupations required for the production or transport of
munitions supplied by the Ministry of Munitions.
List B. Coal-mining.
List C. Agricultural, railway, and certain occupations in mining,
etc.
List D. Occupations (reserved occupations) of cardinal im-
portance for the maintenance of some other branches of trade and
industry.
Supplements to List D. were issued on Nov. 29 and Dec. 20 1915.
By this means, for the first time after the outbreak of war,
something like a basis of a scientific protection for workers
required for the output of munitions, and the main-
tenance of civilian necessities, was laid down. se'r'v/T
The Derby scheme did not produce the necessary Act.
number of recruits. The facts were, as Lord Derby's
report, made public on Dec. 19 1915, stated, that 1,029,231
unmarried men had not offered themselves for service, of whom
706
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
651,160 were not starred. This figure of itself sounded the knell
of voluntaryism, and on Jan. 5 1916 Mr. Asquith introduced
the first Military Service bill. From the point of view of limita-
tion of recruitment the important provisions of that Act are
contained in Section 2, which empowered a Government depart-
ment to grant certificates of exemption to men on work of na-
tional importance in consultation with the Army Council. It
provided further that a Government department might direct
that certificates of this nature previously granted should be
regarded as certificates within the meaning of the Act.
In the course of the discussion on the bill grave fears were
expressed by the Labour party lest the powers of the Act, and
particularly those as to exemption, should be used for the pur-
pose of industrial compulsion. It was pointed out by Mr.
W. C. Anderson on the second reading * that an employer would
have power of life and death over his employee, and safeguards
were accordingly introduced into the bill so that an employer
should not, by merely dismissing a man, compel him to take
military service. The Military Service Act became law on Jan. 27
1916. It was laid down that numbered badges issued by the
Admiralty, War Office or Ministry of Munitions should be
treated as certificates of exemption for the purpose of the Act.
Steps were further taken to exchange for numbered certifi-
cates the unnumbered Admiralty badges. The actual exchange
was obviously a matter of considerable difficulty.
It is certain that for many reasons the exchange was never
complete or satisfactory, but it is probable that no system
could have been devised to render it so.
It was expected that the operation of the first Military Service
Act would remedy the admittedly grave shortage in the inflow
of recruits for the services. These hopes were not realized.
Many causes operated to defeat them, but one to which increas-
ing attention was drawn was the system of exemptions. The
position was now reversed. At the outset of munitions shortage
the forces were accused of starving the factories, now the
factories were accused of starving the forces, the truth being
that there were never enough men for both needs, and that each
was supplied at the expense of the other according to the pre-
dominant military need of the moment.
However this may be, from the passing of the first Military
Service Act the problem of limitation of recruitment became
rather one of finding men for the forces than of preventing their
enlistment, but with this vital qualification that they were to be
found with the least possible loss to munitions production.
From this point begins the active policy of debadging, which
was in effect the negative side of " dilution." Public feeling
against men " under the umbrella " was growing,
and so well-informed a critic as Lord Derby could
say on May i8, 2 in the debate in the House of
Lords on the second Military Service bill, which extended
compulsory service to married men who had not attested:
" That is the question of men in munition works who are eligible
for military service, and who are, in the opinion of the various local-
ities in which they are working, only shirking by being in those
works. That has given rise to more trouble with regard to recruiting
than anything else. You have grocers, pawnbrokers' assistants, all
classes of men going into munition works and securing exemptions;
and it is the fact of their so securing exemption, although not
skilled, that gives rise to so much irritation. . . .
" Arrangements are being made by means of a committee to
debadge these men and secure them for military service. But I
should be deceiving your Lordships if I did not tell you that these
methods of debadging are excessively slow ; and if we are to wait for
that system to work itself out, coupled with two months' exemption,
we shall not get the men as rapidly as is desired."
His reference to the Debadging Committee indicates a step
which had already been taken in the hope of controlling the issue
of badges. This committee, with Mr. Walter Long, M.P., as
chairman, held its first meeting on March 20. But although
it was a Cabinet committee of an authoritative kind it was able
to accomplish little. The difficulty was one which was common
to this and to practically all other subsequent coordinating
1 Parliamentary Debates' (1916) H. of C., LXXVII. 1416 et seg.
'Parliamentary Debates (1916) H. of L., XXI. 1099.
committees set up to deal with the problem of the labour supply.
The questions to be determined depended on two sets of con-
siderations (a) the general strategic policy of the Government,
and (b) the practical facts of industry and production.
No ' committee could ever replace the actual departments
concerned with the supply of munitions from the second point
of view, nor the War Council or Cabinet from the first. This
particular committee, possessing neither the power to decide
policy nor the knowledge to settle badging questions in detail
(which in the second week of May were coming in at the rate of
12,195 per week), was doomed to failure, and, after some months
of struggling with an impossible task, made way for the Man-
Power Distribution Board on Sept. 3.
But while the committee was sitting the departments were
not idle. The extent to which protection from enlistment had
now proceeded may be judged from a consideration of the
results of two returns obtained from badged firms to the number
of 12,000, May and Dec. 1916. These returns showed that, of a
total number of 2,112,896 males employed, a total of 1,118,767
were of military age. Of these 698,587 were skilled, leaving
a very considerable balance of semi-skilled and unskilled whose
retention was naturally challenged. A return covering a wider
area indicated that the total number of men protected either
by badges, exemptions or recruiting officers' certificates, was
2,686,400. A change in the basis of badging was introduced
in May 1916. Up to that date the employer had been responsible
for the issue of the badges. From that date the direct responsi-
bility for their issue was assumed by the Ministry of Munitions.
This shifting of responsibility, while casting a great additional
burden on the department, put them in a position to deal with
the whole question more comprehensively and with greater
certainty. It enabled them, for example, to attack with increased
vigour the problem of debadging. Debadging was necessarily
carried on in close association with and by the same officers
responsible for dilution. The principles upon which these officers
worked were to deal with all cases of badged men who were not
occupied three-quarters of their time on important work, or whose
work could be done by female or other labour ineligible for mili-
tary service, and for whom substitutes could be found. If
the men were skilled they should be drafted to other civilian
work of national importance; if unskilled, to the forces. The task
set these officers was one of great difficulty, 3 but by Aug.
1916 32,798 badges had been withdrawn, 9,475 firms, covering
850,268 badges, having been visited.
But even so the position was far from satisfactory. The first
battle of the Somme had made severe inroads on the man-power
of the nation, and the situation in this respect was perhaps as
critical at the date of the establishment of the Man-Power
Board as at any time during the war.
This board were set up with at least a partial understanding
of the difficulties which had been encountered by the committee
on exemptions, the place of which they took.
Their functions included the settlement of questions
arising between Government departments on the use
of man-power, and the giving of directions to the departments.
Moreover, programmes involving important demands for man-
power were to be submitted to the board; the authority of which,
subject to the War Committee, was final.
The board were only more successful than their predecessors
in that, by their recommendations, they brought the rapidly
growing difficulty to a crisis. They found themselves confronted
by the two same root difficulties. They could not regulate the
programmes either of the forces or the departments, as they did
not control policy, and they were bound, on the practical question
of the number and quality of men required to carry out the
programmes, to rely on the executive departments.
But in spite of these difficulties the Man-Power Board were
able to make new recommendations of first-class importance.
One was that no badge certificates should be issued to men (a)
who had already been decertified by a Government department;
'For fuller account of " dilution," see below.
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
707
(b) whose cases were pending before tribunals; (c) to whom
tribunals had refused exemption; (d) to whom tribunals had
given temporary exemptions, and (e) already under notice to
join the army. A second was that the Ministry of Munitions
should be allowed to claim the services of men in the above
classes, who would then, unless immediately required for service
in an equally skilled capacity in the army, be transferred to re-
serve as the "army reserve munitions workers."
Two results emerged from these recommendations when they
were adopted, neither of which could have been expected by
those who made them. The first was the growth of considerable
resentment amongst the skilled trade unions, who complained
that the new arrangement was contrary to the pledge given by
the Prime Minister that skilled men should not be taken for
general service. This feeling was so strong that in the end it led to
a complete revision of the basis of exemption by what came to be
known as the trade-card agreement. In the second place the
Man-Power Board saw that they could not hope really to deal
with their main problem of adjudicating between departments,
unless they had effective local machinery. Though the machinery
they planned was never put into force, they had indicated two
things. First, the vital need of the whole question of manpower
both from the recruiting and the civilian points of view being
under one authority. Second, the necessity that that authority
should be independent of all the departments interested. In this
way they sowed the seeds of the Ministry of National Service,
and it cannot therefore be said, even if at the time the upshot
seemed disappointing, that in the long run it was unfruitful.
The new policy of exemptions caused grave difficulties with
the trade unions. Their complaints were: (a) that recruiting
officers ignored the validity of badge certificates;
Agreement, indeed that badged and certificated trade unionists
had actually been arrested as defaulters; (b) that there
were skilled men unbadged in railway shops; (c) that skilled men
in commercial work were being taken, greatly to the detriment
of the country's credit system; and (d) that skilled men with the
colours were still being used for general service instead of skilled
work. At the same time as these complaints were growing, grew
the demand for men with the colours. To meet the demand,
various proposals were mooted, but their shape was ultimately
determined by the crisis precipitated by the wide-spread feeling
of uneasiness among the men. There were three proposals
before the Government. There was first the proposal of the
Man-Power Board, which, subject to elaborate safeguards,
suggested the immediate decertification and debadging of all
men of military age under 26. There was the proposal of the
Ministry of Munitions to leave all skilled men alone, but,
with certain special exemptions for steel and similar work,
to release all both semi-skilled and unskilled men as far as
possible. There was finally the proposal of the skilled trade
unions to the effect that no skilled men should be taken for the
colours, that they should be protected from military service by a
card issued to them by their societies and that skilled men with
the colours should be used in mechanical units.
While these three proposals were being debated, the storm
broke early in November. A strike at Sheffield centred round
the recruiting of a man named Hargreaves, and in order to
allay the general uneasiness, of which this strike was a symptom,
on Nov. 1 8 the Trade-Card Agreement was signed at a meeting
with the Executive of the A.S.E.:
1. That all members of ' the Amalgamated Society of Engineers
as one of the Trade Unions of the skilled engineering trades not now
fully engaged, or at any time hereafter ceasing to be fully engaged,
on war work, shall enrol as war munitions volunteers, and thus place
their services at the disposal of the country, in accordance with
arrangements under the war munitions volunteers scheme.
2. The skilled men referred to in this agreement are men who
were either journeymen or apprentices prior to Aug. 15 1915.
3. All skilled men on war work or who have enrolled as war
munitions volunteers shall be provided with a card of exemption
from military service. The form of this card will be authorised by
'The words " the Amalgamated Society of Engineers as one of
the " were added at the conclusion of the conference with the
Government on Nov. 18.
the Army Council and the card will be issued through the trade
unions. Orders will be issued by the Army Council to all recruiting
officers that no man who produces such a card to the local recruiting
officer shall be removed from his work without a specific authority
from the War Office, which will not be given without reference to
the Minister of Munitions and the executive of the man's union.
In case of any dispute arising as to a man's right to hold a card, it
shall be decided by a representative of the War Office, a representa-
tive of the Ministry of Munitions, and a representative appointed
by the executive of the union to which the man belongs.
4. The provision of skilled mechanics for the army will in fi'ture
be made by the Ministry of Munitions. The trade unions wi.l do
their utmost to provide the Ministry of Munitions with skilled men,
who will undertake to serve at the choice of the Ministry either in the
artificers' corps in the army or as war munitions volunteers in civil
life. If skilled men for the army are not secured in this way, it is clearly
understood that recourse must again be had to the statutory powers.
5. That the Amalgamated Society of Engineers will furnish
names and, wherever possible, particulars of skilled men, now
serving in non-mechanical corps, and the Army Council will con-
tinue to make every effort to transfer mechanical units.
The scheme was subsequently extended to the remainder of
the unions in the engineering and shipbuilding group.
This agreement did nothing directly to increase the supply
of men for the army, except in the condition which required
skilled men to enrol themselves as war munitions volunteers
and thus render themselves mobile. It remained accordingly
for the Government to decide how to draw from the ranks of the
skilled and the semi-skilled the necessary recruits. This prob-
lem was still unsolved when in the middle of Dec. 1916 the
first Lloyd George Government was formed.
The first step taken by the new Government in this matter
was to form a Ministry of National Service. By doing this the
Government recognised that the coordination of man-
power could only be effected by an executive body, First
and that no committee, however powerful and strongly ^"ioa
constituted, could hope to deal with a problem which Service.
was in the last resort inevitably one of detail. Thus
one of the lessons of the Man-Power Board was learned, but
the second and more vital was at this stage overlooked. The
Ministry of National Service under its original constitution
dealt only with civilian labour: it did not touch recruiting. This
was a fatal flaw, for by the omission of this function not only did
the department fail to balance the rival demands of the forces
and home production, but it became a fifth wheel which, side
by side with the organization of the Ministry of Munitions
and the Admiralty, necessarily tended to revolve in the air,
or if on the ground, then only to get in the way of the four
effective wheels. As the result, till this defect was remedied by
the reconstitution of this Ministry in Aug. 1917, the depart-
ment was practically powerless.
But the needs of the forces and of production were incessant
and remorseless. Consequently, until the reconstituted ministry
was set up, the burden, as in the time of the Badge Committee
and the Man-Power Board, continued to fall on the executive
departments. These departments found that the Trade-Card
Agreement had not alleviated their difficulties. Not only did the
intake of recruits continue to be much below requirements, but
the Agreement itself had. led to new embarrassments of its own
creation. On the one hand, so far as labour was concerned, it
created almost as much unrest as it allayed. For its operation
had been restricted to a selected list of unions, with the result
that all those excluded resented their exclusion. On the other
hand, from the Government point of view, a system which
practically handed the exemption of skilled men to the trade
unions was bound to work unsatisfactorily.
In the beginning of 1917 accordingly the Government decided
that the needs of the forces rendered imperative the abolition
of the Trade-Card scheme. Its place was taken by
the schedule of protected occupations. Under this Protected
schedule men engaged in the specified occupations tioaf."'
on Admiralty, War Office or munitions work or in
railway workshops were entitled to a " scheduled occupations
certificate if over a specified age or in a medical category below
A." Men put in scheduled occupations received a "protection
certificate " of a more limited and precarious character.
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
It was obvious that this change would not be effected without
the most strenuous opposition from the trade unions. It might
have gone through, however, without actual industrial disturb-
ance if it had not coincided in point of time with an amending
Munitions Bill, which among other provisions rendered possible
the compulsory introduction of dilution on private work. The
combination of these new factors led in May 1917 to the out-
break of perhaps the most serious strike which the Government
had to face during the World War. In the result the Government
adhered to their schedule, but it was announced that progress
with that part of the bill which provided for dilution on private
work would be deferred. It did not, in fact, reappear.
Reference must here be made to the work of the Reserved
Occupations Committee, which, dealing with non-munitions
trades, had functioned continuously since Sept. 1915, side by
side with the Ministry of Munitions and the Admiralty, and was
finally absorbed in the Ministry of National Service in Aug. 1917.
As the recruiting campaign was intensified during the end of 1915,
and particularly when the tribunal system came into operation
with the Derby scheme, it became obvious that a real neces-
sity existed for the creation of some central body which could
give advice to tribunals in respect of trades not covered by
the Ministry of Munitions and the Admiralty. This committee,
originally appointed in Sept. 1915, and composed entirely of
experts, framed successive lists of occupations in which, in their
view, men should be protected from recruiting. The lists had
regard to the necessity of maintaining national trade and food
supply. At no stage did the issue of these lists entitle persons
covered by them to automatic exemption as was the case with
badged men. The only effect of the list was to set clearly before
the tribunals, before which the men concerned would appear, the
view that recruiting in the " certified " lists should not be
encouraged. The " certified " lists originally included " badged "
occupations, but these were gradually eliminated as time went
on, it being made clear that in the case of these trades men
must rely on their badges and not on the list. The general
tendency of these lists was, after the first general scheme had
been settled, to reduce the area of exemption. This reduction was
carried out in three ways:
(l) By removal of industries from the list;
S2) by removal of occupations;
3) by fixing, and from time to time raising, the age limit below
which protection should not be afforded. The age limit was taken
in conjunction with the question whether a man was married or
single in some of the earlier lists and in the fiftal list with his medical
category.
Even the institution of the schedule of protected occupations,
and the progressive reduction of the area covered by the lists
issued by the Reserved Occupations Committee, did not meet the
needs of the situation. By the middle of 1917 it became evident
that an effort on the widest possible scale must be put forward
to rally the man -power of the nation for the campaign of 1918.
The Government set themselves to attempt to remove the
difficulties which had been indicated by the successive failures
of the Man- Power Board and the first National Service Ministry
by setting up a reconstituted Ministry, which (a) was responsible
both for recruiting and for allocation of civilian labour, and (b)
had an effective labour priority committee which weighed the
claims of the various classes of production, under the general
direction of (c) the War Priority Committee, a Cabinet committee
presided over by Gen. Smuts, which had power to give general
instructions as to the parts of the programme to which special
attention should be directed.
The new Ministry of National Service came into effective
operation at the end of Aug. 1917. It was presented with a very
formidable task. The Russian collapse and the like-
Second lihood that the campaign of 1918 might be decisive,
^fNafioaal together with the heavy wastage in the forces during
Service. 1917, rendered it vital that there should be a large
addition to the forces. On the other hand the man-
power resources at home were subjected to the greatest strain,
(a) to meet the ever-growing and varying munitions programme.
(J) to meet the urgent claims of food production rendered daily
more vital by the increasing menace of the submarine campaign,
and (c) to maintain normal private industry at the highest
point possible in the interest of the nation's credit.
There can be no question that the associating under one
minister of recruiting and the supply of civilian man-power
profoundly affected and improved the situation. The mere
transfer of military recruiting to a civilian organization in
itself tended to inspire confidence in the ranks of labour, a
confidence which was increased by reason of the fact that the
same civilian authority was generally responsible for the supply
of labour for all other national purposes. But this confidence in
itself did not supply the necessary recruits. It became necessary
as 1917 progressed to make new and drastic proposals to meet th
demands of the armies. But while these proposals were maturing
steps were taken to provide a new pool of substitutes for mei
released for military service. The men in the army at horn
unfit for general service were catalogued in a card index showing
their civil trades and the employers for whom they worke<
before enlistment. These men were available not only for muni
tions work, but for work of national importance. The needs o
the land were met by the provision of part-time labour, by
German prisoner labour, by the enrolment under the Board of
Agriculture of the Women's Land Army, and by the temporary
release for harvest operations of units of the Home Army.
But all these measures of themselves could not solve the
central problem of recruiting which was more and more becoming
one of a scientific removal of exemptions at a far increased
speed. It was becoming obvious all through the autumn of
1917 that it was necessary to get rid of exemptions held on
occupational grounds, thus avoiding the long and tedious
process of applying to the tribunals for the withdrawal of
individual certificates of exemptions. This policy, currently
known as the policy of the " clean cut," naturally was regarded
with disfavour by labour. But after a long series of conferences
it was finally embodied in the Military Service Act of Feb. 1918.
This Act was supplemented by a second, passed in April 1918
immediately after the beginning of the German offensive of that
year, raising the age limit to 51 and giving powers to cancel
certificates of exemption on personal grounds.
Under these two Acts, two Withdrawal Orders one in April
and the other in June were carried cancelling exemptions in a
large number of trades and occupations, including most of those
named in the list of certified occupations, though the withdrawals
in that case were generally confined to men in medical Grade I.
The result of these measures may be summed up in the statement
that, from the inception of the reconstituted Ministry to the
Armistice, 70,000 men were posted to the colours. At the same
time so far as food production is concerned the position may be
summarized in the following table ':
1918
Quarters
1916
Quarters
Increase over
1916
Quarters
Wheat ....
Barley ....
Oats ....
Potatoes
11,644,000
7,768,000
31,196,000
Tons
9,233.000
7,472,000
6,613,000
21,334,000
Tons
5,468,000
4,172,000
1,155,000
9,862,000
Tons
3,765,000
Finally the trade of the country had been maintained so that
it emerged from the war second only to the United States in
point of its financial credit.
(B) THE INCREASE OF LABOUR SUPPLY. In order to estimate
the problem to be faced in reenforcing the ranks of labour de-
pleted by recruitment, it is necessary to set out what was the
estimated employed population at July 1914, what was the total
enlistment for the forces until July 1918, and what numbers,
apart from any extraneous action, would in the ordinary course
of nature have flowed in to fill the gap thus created.
There is no absolute statistical basis for the period in question,
but a trustworthy estimate can be framed by an examination
of the Z8 returns obtained by the Board of Trade, checked by the
Cabinet Report for 1918 (Cmd. 325).
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
709
census of population of 191 1, and by considering the Board of
Trade " Statistical Abstract of Information regarding the Armies
at Home and Abroad" (No. 28-Cs-i Feb. 1917).
The Z8 return (supplied by employers to the Board of Trade)
indicates that the employed male population in the occupations
covered by the Z8 return, was at July 1914, 10,610,000.
Analysis of -phe total occupied male population shown in the
Occupa- , , ..
tioas. census of population was approximately 4,060,000.
The Board of Trade estimates that, allowing for
the normal increase of population, and for emigration, this
last number would have increased by July 1914 to 14,350,-
ooo, leaving a balance of 3,750,000 occupied persons not
included in Z8 occupations. It is further estimated that of
these, 2,150,000 were engaged as follows: -
Occupation
Males
Occupied
Agriculture in Ireland
Mercantile marine
Clergymen, physicians, literary and other
professional occupations
Sundry minor commercial occupations
Costermongers, hawkers, and sundry dealers.
Domestic service (outdoor and indoor)
Gardeners (except market gardeners) covered
under agriculture in Great Britain
Other occupations
Total
850,000
125,000
270,000
240,000
130,000
315.000
160,000
60,000
2,150,000
An examination of these categories will indicate that enlist-
ment (except in the case of domestic service) would probably be
inconsiderable, and it may fairly be estimated at not more than
half that in the occupations covered by Z8. The total enlistment
for the 10,610,000 covered by that return is 4,896,000. If half the
proportion enlisted in these occupations is accepted in respect
of the 2,150,000 males occupied in the miscellaneous occupations
not covered by Z8, a total of about 450,000 is reached, giving a
grand total of 5,346,000.
There remains the further 1,600,000 males necessary to com-
plete the estimated total of 14,350,000 at July 1914. The major-
ity of these would be employers and persons working on their
own account, the one-man businesses from which in the nature
of the case the proportion of enlistment would be comparatively
small, and if 250,000 is added for this class this probably does not
err in the low side. A grand total therefore of 5,596,000.
There are, however, still to be taken into account the un-
occupied males, of whom there were approximately 200,000 in
July 1914, and a considerable number of boys at school in 1914
who enlisted without entering an occupation. The proportion of
enlistments here would in the nature of the case be high, and
250,000 would not be an excessive figure.
There is thus reached a total figure of approximately 5,850,000
for the whole of the United Kingdom. This will include re-
servists and territorials called to the colours at the beginning of
the war both for the navy and army, but excludes men already
serving with the regular forces.
This total can be checked by reference to the Board of Trade
estimate for enlistment shown in the " Statistical Abstract of
Information regarding the Armies at Home and Abroad." This
shows the number of men enlisted in the armies up to the
Armistice to be 4,970,000. To this must be added approximately
500,000 men called up to join the colours from the army reserve,
special reserve, and pre-war territorials, giving a total not far
short of 5,500,000. Similar figures are not available for the navy,
but it is a very reasonable conjecture that the numbers would
bring the total near the estimate of 5,850,000.
When this enormous total is envisaged, we see the task before
those engaged on carrying on the output of munitions and the
maintenance of vital services. Clearly if this 5,850,000
for'w'a/* k a( i k een a net l ss the problem would have been
Service. practically insoluble. It was not, however, a net loss,
as will be shown immediately, but over and above the
operation of factors tending to alleviate the difficulty, the
principal steps taken, apart from the intensive use of existing
labour, were the following:
(a) The diversion of labour from less vital work, a diversion
effected as to the greater part not so much by Government action as
by the operation of first patriotic impulse and then economic stress.
(b) The return of men from the forces for causes other than
physical disability.
(c) The introduction of new sources of labour, i.e. Belgian,
Dominion, and finally enemy prisoner labour, on the one hand and
the enormous influx of female labour.
If we take the causes entirely independent of Government
action, which reduced the total, the two most important elements
are (i) men returning from the forces to civil work, and (2) the
natural increase of the population. Under the first head it is
probable that the total reached was in the neighbourhood of
700,000. The figure, however, includes both men discharged for
disability and men returned from munitions. The number in the
latter class is dealt with below.
As to the causes of increase not directed by Government
action, these may be set out in the following tabular form, which
is necessarily based on a comparatively rough estimate for the
occupations covered by the ZS returns:
Increase consequent upon natural growth of male
population 695,000
Net immigration 25,000
Boys entering employment earlier than usual 90,000
Older men who deferred retirement or who returned to
work after retirement .... 200,000
Males on strike or lock-out July 1914 . 40,000
Males out of work on an average on any one day July 1914 250,000
Men returned to civil work from the forces . . . 700,000
2,000,000
To these must be added, in respect of the 4,000,000 not covered
by Z8, approximately 100,000, making a total of 2,100,000. This
figure is in a large measure conjectural, but if it errs, it probably
errs (though not considerably) on the small side. As a matter of
fact the actual tables based on Z8 returns show a total of 2,366,-
ooo. The difference between the two figures may be due to:
(1) Inclusion among enlistments of a certain number of men who
joined the forces more than once.
(2) Inclusion among enlistments of a certain number of men who
would normally have had to be replaced owing to death, disablement,
etc., and for other causes, e.g. in consequence of their having become
employers.
(3) Possible slight exaggeration by employers of numbers enlisted.
(4) Possible slight exaggeration of total male employment owing
to omission of some firms which were shut down.
The true figure is probably therefore somewhere between
the two, but for purposes of estimating the total net loss the
higher figure of 2,366,000 is taken.
To get the figure for the net loss on the 10,610,000 covered
by the Z8 returns, there must therefore be subtracted from the
4,896,000 who had enlisted as at July 1918 2,366,000. An exam-
ination in the next place of the women employed in industry
indicates that at July 1914 the number employed was 3,276,000,
and that this had risen by July 1918 to 4,935,000, a net increase
of 1,659,000 females. Of these additions to the ranks of industry
analysis is precarious, but it is probable that not less than 75%
were women who had left work or who entered upon it for the
first time and that the remaining quarter were drawn largely
from domestic service.
If the male and female replacements are added together the
net numerical loss to industry is reduced to the comparatively
small figure of 871,000. But this does not in the
least represent the real loss to industry. In the first
place, while the decrease in the number of males
employed represented 23-8%, the increase in females was
50-6%. Without attempting to gauge the comparative values
to industry of the sexes, these proportions of themselves indi-
cate almost a quarter decrease of skilled or at any rate
experienced persons, compensated for by an increase of unskilled
or at best inexperienced persons. Moreover, so far as the male
replacements are concerned, to a large extent these were not
and could not be of the pre-war quality. To begin with, there
was the large group of men discharged as physically unfit from
the army. In the second place the newcomers were often, indeed
for the most part, boys or men well past the prime of life or
available for civilian service because of rejection for military
yio
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
service. This last statement is indeed amply borne out by an
examination of the ages of males employed in Oct. 1918, which
shows that approximately 43% were boys under 18 or men over
51! a very high proportion indeed. When to these considera-
tions is added the fact that never in the history of industry had
work to be carried at greater speed, at such continuous pressure,
and in such circumstances of physical and mental strain, the
deficiency to be filled is difficult to estimate in numbers.
To meet this deficiency the one effective method was the
regulation of labour so as to spread the skilled men over the widest
possible area, to automatize the work to the last degree, and
to introduce unskilled labour (by which in the last resort is
meant woman labour) into every possible piece of work from
which a skilled man could be withdrawn. The history of " dilu-
tion" is therefore in practice the history of how the deficiency
was as far as practicable met. The other expedients, except the
direct release of men from the colours, had a much smaller
comparative effect. Such expedients as the use of part-time
labour and the control of building licences to prevent the pro-
secution of private work had no doubt their effects. It is claimed,
for example, 1 that 2,400,000 hours of part-time were worked in
1918, and that building licences in respect of work totalling
1,500,000 were dealt with in the same period. But when it
is remembered that the average working year during the war
was not less than 3,000 hours, this gives us the time of 800 men,
and incredibly composite men at that!
The diversion of men from less vital to vital work was a more
serious contribution, and still more serious the release of men
from the colours. So far as the first is concerned, however, this
was achieved rather by patriotic impulse, and economic and
military pressure, than by any direct Government action. Vari-
ous attempts were made from time to time to close down forcibly
the luxury trades, notably by the first National Service Ministry.
But these efforts were neither successful nor necessary. Greater
forces than orders of Government departments were at work
remorselessly weeding out the unnecessary business, and either
converting it for use in some effective national capacity or dis-
tributing its workpeople to national work. For not only did
patriotic citizens resent being kept on private as opposed to war
work, but the less patriotic, as compulsory service began to draw
on, were quick to realize the protection from military service
afforded by work of national importance.
On this point it is perhaps sufficient to give the actual figures
of additional males absorbed by July 1918 into the principal
occupations that may be described as directly involving war work.
In three branches of trade only, and these three the most vital to
the prosecution of the war, was there a net increase in the number
of males employed at July 1918 as against July 1914, as may be
seen from the statistics:
July 1914
July 1918
Metals (including engineering,
etc.)
1,634,000
1 ,824,000 plus 1 1 -7 %
Chemicals
Government establishments
(National factories, etc.)
159,000
76,000
162,000 plus 2-1 %
257,000 plus 237-6 %
In all other occupations there was a net decrease, which bears
something like a direct relation to the remoteness of the industry
from immediate war work, reaching at its highest in the build-
ing trade a net decrease of 52-1%. Except in the case of actual
Government establishments, this huge shifting over must be at-
tributed to causes other than direct Government action, though
the machinery which put the changes into operation the priority
lists and the employment exchanges of course facilitated a
natural process which, without these aids, would undoubtedly
have taken far longer to complete itself, and might indeed have
been, if not directed, self-destructive. In this respect the employ-
ment exchanges rendered a service difficult to overestimate
(see UNEMPLOYMENT).
The second device for increasing the available supply was the
release of men from the colours. Of all the tasks set to the
'War Cabinet Report for 1918 (Cmd. 325).
civilian authorities in control of labour supply, this perhaps of
its nature offered the most obstinate difficulties in administra-
tion. Nor is this surprising when it is remembered
that the men had to be recovered from an army liter- Release
ally gasping for recruits. It has been stated above colours.
that 700,000 men in all were released from the
colours for civilian work. The vast majority of these were re-
leased on medical grounds. The number of fit soldiers actually
recorded in Nov. 1916 as having started work was 51,781. The
percentages of these over the trades in which they were em-
ployed was shown in Sept. 1917 as follows:
Shipbuilding and marine engineering 30-
Mines and quarries j.
Metal smelting, forging, rolling, casting and drawing . . 23 '
Chemicals and explosives 6
Machinery plant and tools ....... 13
Arms and ammunition 14
Aircraft 4
Transport vehicles . . . a
Miscellaneous 3
4
5%
9%
7%
7%
The actual number of men recovered is perhaps not a fair
criterion of the value of the scheme, as many of them were or
described themselves as pivotal men, but on the other hand a
considerable proportion were found to have been released under
a misconception as to their skill. On the whole, however, it was
obviously necessary to attempt something of the kind, and when
the difficulties are considered the civilian authorities are entitled
to congratulate themselves on a not inconsiderable achievement.
This brings us to the really substantial contribution which
was by way of bringing into bearing a completely new body of
labour, and this resolves itself largely into " dilution."
The schemes for bringing in Belgian and Dominion
labour, like the schemes for part-time labour, were more attrac-
tive in appearance than of actual service. So far as the Belgians
were concerned, a certain number of skilled men came over in
the first rush after the fall of Antwerp. To supplement the ranks
of these, an organization, which worked with tireless energy,
was set up in Holland to bring men over from that country.
But though a good deal was accomplished the results with
certain notable exceptions were disappointing. It was found
in practice undesirable for various reasons that Biitish and
Belgian workmen should work side by side. It followed, there-
fore, that they could only be employed either in factories solely
manned by men of their own nationality, or by firms so large
that they could allocate to them a completely separate sphere
of work. As a result they came to be employed only by such
firms as Vickers, by one or two Belgian firms started in England
for the manufacture of munitions, and finally and most suc-
cessfully at the Birtley national factory. While, therefore, the
high hopes originally entertained were not realized, a substantial,
if limited, contribution was achieved.
The reenforcement by Dominion labour was less fruitful,
and for obvious reasons. In the first place the number of skilled
men (and the most acute shortage was always in this class) was
not extremely high in the Dominions. But even if the number
had been high it was never clear from the point of view of pro-
duction whether it would not be better to use their services by
placing contracts in Canada, Australia, etc. Indeed, it is proba-
bly true to say that as the war went on the general tendency was
in this direction rather than in the direction of bringing the men
over to the United Kingdom. And there were good grounds for
this. In the first place, particularly as regards the Australians,
there had to be taken into consideration not only the great
distances to be covered, but the extreme difficulties with the
immense calls on the mercantile marine of providing transport.
In the next place, labour conditions as to wages, hours, etc.,
differed radically as between the Dominions and the mother-
country. To introduce into the same shop men working side by
side on the same work at different rates of pay necessarily would
be productive of difficulties, and experience showed that anticipa-
tions on this score were not ill-founded. In spite, however, of all
these considerations a certain number of men were brought from
Australia, Canada and South Africa, and on the whole the
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
711
experiment was not unsuccessful. The numbers were small, but
the men worked with zeal and loyalty. 1
Finally, before dilution is described, there must be' mentioned
the employment of German prisoners. From the outset British
labour refused to work side by side with these men, and indeed
when their employment in the Medway shipways was mooted, a
strike was only averted by dropping the proposal. They were in
effect confined to agricultural work, and to certain isolated and
uncongenial occupations such as quarrying. From the munitions
point of view they may be left out of account.
The negotiations which preceded the introduction of dilution
are dealt with below in the consideration of the Treasury
Agreement of March 21 1915, and the subsequent events. What
is described here is merely the mechanism by which a profound
change was brought into industry without which it is certain
that the munitions programme could never have been carried out.
Before, however, the actual introduction of women on to work
previously performed by men is described, it is necessary to make
it clear that this introduction on the mechanical side was only
rendered possible by the immense simplification of the processes
of production. It was the designers of jigs, the manufacturers of
the automatic machines that rendered dilution possible, and the
credit of making dilution possible must be laid at their door. And
it is incidentally interesting to note, as will be noted more than
once in the course of describing the regulation of labour, that
war necessity introduced great and often beneficial changes in
the whole structure of industry that have every appearance of
permanence. In so far as the war preached the lesson of the
automatic, a far-reaching change had been introduced, whether
beneficial or not will be a matter for the future to decide.
There were two fundamental difficulties in the way of dilution.
In the first place the employer resented the complete change of his
system of working that dilution involved, and this attitude was
only changed as the result of a long process of persuasion in which
it is fair to say leading employers played an equal part with the
officials whose special duty this persuasion was. In the second
place there was the deep-seated objection of the trade unions
to the invasion of the jealously preserved sphere of the skilled
men by overwhelming numbers of possibly permanent com-
petitors. When it is realized that both parties to the scheme
employers and employed equally resented it the wonder is not
that it took so long to launch but that it had in the end so con-
vincing a triumph.
Up to Sept. 1915 practically no progress had been made. On
Sept. 9 Mr. Lloyd George made an appeal to the Trades Union
Congress at Bristol. 2 It met with some opposition, but undoubtedly
had a profound effect on the labour movement as a whole, and the
steady advance may fairly be marked from that date.
One immediate and practical result of that speech
was the establishment of a Central Munitions Labour
Supply Committee (which was partly an extension of
the National Advisory Committee, referred to below,
which had negotiated the Treasury Agreement) with the following
objects:
" A joint committee representing the National Labour Advisory
Committee and the Ministry of Munitions with additional members
to advise and assist the Ministry in regard to the transference of
skilled labour and the introduction of semi-skilled and unskilled
labour for munition work, so as to secure the most productive use of
all available labour supplies in the manufacture of munitions."
The committee met for the first time and appointed two sub-
committees to consider and report on (i) the fixing of wages in
connexion with the introduction of semi-skilled and unskilled
labour where only skilled workmen were previously employed
and (2) the constitution and functions of local labour advisory
boards. The proposals of the second committee, with regard
1 The total number of Dominion workmen came to about 7,000 of
which by far the largest number (5,158) were Australians, whose
passages, subsistence allowance and unemployment pay were met
by the Australian Government. The number of aliens (Belgians,
Dutch, Portuguese and Danes) was probably in the neighbourhood
of 75,000, of which the large majority were Belgians.
Trades Union Congress Annual Report 1915, pp. 353-362.
Central
Munitions
Supply
Commit-
tee.
to the duties of each board, were adopted' by the Ministry on
Oct. 14, as follows:
(1) Its general function was to act as agent of the National
Advisory Committee in the district, reporting to it and negotiating
with the local representatives of the trade unions. But the board
should in no case take up disputes with employers. That was either
a matter for the Ministry of Munitions or for the trade union.
(2) It was the board's duty to see that employers carried out the
provisions of Schedule II. of the Munitions of War Act, to report all
cases of failure to the labour officer of the National Advisory Com-
mittee for action by the Ministry and to record or verify changes of
workshop practice.
(3) The board should assist the Ministry in the enrolment and
transfer of war munition volunteers. It would receive from the
Ministry a statement of the number of men who could be set free
from the various workshops, and should take steps to encourage the
enrolment of men up to this number at least. The labour supply
officer would also report to the board particular cases where suffi-
cient enrolments could not be secured, in order that the board might
remedy this if possible through the trade unions.
(4) The board should report to the labour officer or the National
Advisory Committee all disputes and difficulties and cases in which
men were engaged on private work or insufficiently employed, and
should cooperate generally with the labour officers and the local
representatives of the trade unions, to secure the most effective use
of labour on the production of munitions of war.
Finally it was proposed that each member of the board should
receive a fee of 2s. 6d. for attending a minuted meeting (not more
often than once a day), travelling expenses (if he had a distance
exceeding two m. to travel), and compensation for time necessarily
lost from work at the rate of is. an hour. Trade union officials in
receipt of fixed salaries were not entitled to claim this compensation.
These boards, though their mere existence probably con-
tributed to the smoother working of the scheme, did not have
considerable effect as executive agents. Nor is this surprising
when it is remembered (a) that they consisted of members all
of whom had full-time work in other directions, and (b) that
dilution required for its effective institution the full-time work of
specially trained men, whose sole object was the successful
achievement of their task.
More important was the consideration by this committee of
the all-important letter, known as CEi, addressed to all con-
trolled establishments by Mr. Lloyd George early in Oct. 1915.
This letter enjoined in the most precise terms the necessity for
the immediate introduction of dilution, and to give point to this
injunction the firms were required to fill up a form showing the
number of skilled men employed in operating (i) machines of
any kind on shell and gun work, (2) capstan lathes and other
automatic and semi-automatic machines or other work, or (3)
engaged in other processes which might be performed by less
skilled labour. The result of this letter was entirely disappointing,
the replies indicating that, in all the firms circulated, only 2,124
skilled men were available for transfer. But if it proved nothing
else, at any rate the letter proved that the scheme could only
be put through by actual personal visits on a large scale.
The next matter to which the committee, with a great measure
of success, devoted their attention was the procedure for effecting
dilution. The recommendations made by the committee on
this head were adopted by the Ministry of Munitions and
circulated as circular L6 to controlled establishments. The
essence of the circular was to insist on ample consultation of the
workpeople and their representatives before introducing dilu-
tion a recommendation which, if more faithfully observed in
practice, would have prevented many disputes. It also gave a
preliminary list of processes upon which women might suitably
be employed. Further it emphasized the desirability of intro-
ducing a three-shift system where possible, and of avoiding the
employment of women on night-work again an interesting
example of the emergence from war necessity of a practical
contribution to permanent social reform.
While the committee, in these directions and particularly in
respect of wages matters, was rendering service of first-rate
importance by preparing labour opinion for the ac-
ceptance of dilution, steps were being taken to set Dilution
up the executive administration machine without which
it was clearly impossible to carry out a policy dependent
for its success on its detailed application. After numerous
712
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
experiments the final and successful solution of the problem was
the establishment of a strong Dilution Department, manned
largely by engineers, with a central and local organization.
The work of the Department, which had a large travelling staff,
had two objects the first to convince employers of the possibility
of dilution on a scale hitherto unimagined, and the second to see
that conviction was followed by practical effect, which meant
in innumerable cases prolonged and delicate negotiations with
local trade unions. It is not proposed here to discuss the in-
dustrial disputes, such as those on the Clyde early in 1916, which
were occasioned by opposition to the dilution policy. It is suffi-
cient here to say that, when the intense feeling necessarily
engendered in workpeople by a policy which appeared permanent-
ly to mortgage their future is appreciated, the comparatively
slight nature of these disturbances was a great tribute both to
the dilution officers and to the patriotism of the workmen.
If ever it were true that it was the first step that counted, it was
true of dilution. It will perhaps therefore be sufficient here if a brief
reference is made (a) to the admirable work performed by the
Clyde dilution commission, which in effect broke the back of the
opposition to dilution in the area where it was most actively resisted,
and thus gave an admirable start to the campaign ; (b) to the attempt
at a later period to introduce dilution on private work, and (c) to the
principal characteristics of dilution.
The Clyde dilution commission was appointed on Jan. 22 1016.
The Minister of Munitions, on the advice of the trade-union leaders,
had visited Glasgow and made a speech on Dec. 25 1915, at St.
Andrew's Hall, to a meeting of shop-stewards. The shop-stewards,
who represented what was subsequently known as the rank and file
movement in labour circles, were embittered opponents of dilution.
Though the meeting was stormy, and followed by a strike and the
seizing of an advanced labour organ known as The Forward, yet it
was not without its practical results. The opponents of dilution had
been faced on their own ground, and though a noisy section had
broken up the meeting, the mere appearance of a minister, prepared
to face such opposition, had driven home to good and doubtful
citizens alike the vital issue in controversy. Mr. Lloyd George
had prepared the way for the Clyde dilution commission, and
though the greatest storm was yet to break, it cannot be doubted
that his action had rallied not only public but labour opinion to the
side of the Government.
The commission started its work immediately at Messrs. Beard-
more's, and proceeded at the same time to deal with Messrs. Lang, of
Paisley, and Messrs. Weir. This action was almost immediately
followed by a strike at Messrs. Lang's, which was settled after an
interpretation had been given of a point in dispute in the circular
governing dilution. A further trouble arose when at the beginning
of Feb. another labour organ, The Worker, was suppressed, and
various persons connected with it were arrested. A strike followed
which ceased when the men, who were subsequently duly convicted
and punished, were admitted to bail.
In spite of this beginning the commissioners persisted in their
work, and on Feb. 22 a circular letter was addressed to all controlled
establishments on the Clyde, with the result that by Feb. 29 the
commissioners were able to report that schemes of dilution were in
operation at ten establishments, which provided for the release of
740 men and apprentices for more difficult and responsible work and
the introduction of 1 ,333 persons, the bulk of whom were women.
This promising start was interrupted by the strike originating at
Beardmore's on March 17, which lasted for a fortnight and led to
the deportation under the Defence of the Realm Regulations of the
ringleaders. The strike did not, as might have been expected, leave
great bitterness behind it, and the commissioners were able to
continue their work with such success that at the end of Aug. 1916,
after having arranged for the employment of 14,000 women, they
were able to hand over their work to the administrative machine
which was now actively functioning.
The work of the Clyde dilution commission exhibits on a large
scale the work carried out from day to day with always increasing
success and facility by the dilution officers of the Ministry of
Munitions. How many women they directly introduced cannot be
said. It would of course be absurd to claim that the officers were
responsible even to an appreciable extent for the influx into industry
of 1,659,000 females referred to above. There were in the first place
the Government establishments themselves with 223,000 more
females than pre-war, and the vast majority of these were intro-
duced without the direct intervention or indeed in many cases with-
out any intervention by the Dilution Department. Then there were
some 158,000 females in the Civil Service and some 600,000 females
in occupations with which the Department were not concerned. But
allowing for all this it is not open to question that in controlled
establishments their work was of the highest importance, and that
without it the introduction of women could never have approached
the figure it ultimately attained. It should be added that the
responsibility of dilution for Admiralty establishments was trans-
ferred from the Ministry to the Admiralty at the beginning of 1917
when the Admiralty Shipyard Labour Department was established.
Thereafter the two departments worked side by side following
common principles and closely similar methods. Later when the
Ministry of National Service was reconstituted in Aug. 1917 the
possibility of transferring the executive work of dilution from these
departments to the Ministry of National Service was mooted. But
it was ultimately decided that the work could not be better per-
formed elsewhere, and the Ministry of National Service therefore
confined itself to requiring an account of the progress of dilution and
to developing substitution in areas not covered by the Admiralty and
the Ministry of Munitions.
The interest for the present purpose of the attempt to introduce
dilution in private work is not in the success that attended the
effort. For it had none, and from this source no contribution to the
man-power of the nation was made. The importance of the effort is
the indication which it gives of the change in the objects of dilution.
When the scheme was first canvassed in 1915 it had for its only
object the increased output of munitions. It was generally under-
stood, and indeed pledges were given, that no skilled men should be
released for the armies in consequence of dilution. But during 1916,
and particularly after the first battle of the Somme, dilution came
to be regarded at least as much as a means of securing men for the
colours as of increasing munitions production. As 1916 drew to a
close and the army's need for men was more acute than ever, it was
decided to extend dilution, hitherto strictly confined to munitions
work, to ordinary commercial work. The result of the attempt,
combined with the abolition of the Trade-Card scheme, produced
the great engineering strike of 1917, and the proposal was deferred,
never to be taken up again. The trade unions were prepared to part
with what they regarded as their industrial liberties in the national
cause; they were sternly and finally opposed to part with them in
what seemed to them the interests of private profit.
Before judgment is passed on the unions for their attitude, it is
desirable to have in mind what in fact dilution really meant in
practice and how deeply it cut into the cherished safeguards against
unemployment and underpayment which years of trade unionism
had patiently built up. Dilution involved four things all inter-
connected; subdivision of processes, the installation of specialized
automatic machinery, the upgrading of existing labour, and the intro-
duction of new labour. Each of these four aspects of the system was
bound to modify not only temporarily, but in some degree perma-
nently, the whole organization of industry. It was plain that when
employers had once realized the success of mass-production, which
was rendered possible by subdivision of processes, and the introduc-
tion of the automatic machine, they would be slow to abandon on
private work what had proved so eminently successful on war work.
It was true of course that with thS disappearance of war orders for
immense quantities of standardized articles the possibilities of mass-
production would be seriously curtailed. But the employers had
learned a lesson, and the unions realized that when the war was over
it would not be forgotten.
Moreover, the subdivision of processes combined with upgrading
tended to blur, if not to obliterate, the sharp line drawn between
skilled men and all other workers. To appreciate the feelings of
trade unions on this change it would help to consider what would
have been the feelings of the medical profession if the Government
had insisted that they should admit herbalists to their ranks.
Finally, the introduction of huge numbers of possible competitors
was in itself a grave consideration, particularly in the engineering
trades which were no strangers to a high rate of unemployment.
Indeed the engineering trade was one of the six trades compulsorily
insured under the Insurance Act 1911 against unemployment, as
being specially affected by periods when work was not plentiful.
If, therefore, in spite of the natural reluctance of the trade unions
and of the employers to accept dilution, and in spite of the great
technical difficulties of its introduction in practice so great a measure
of success was attained, the result is a high tribute not only to the
dilution officers but to the employers and workpeople.
Finally, before leaving the measures adopted to reenfprce the
labour supply it is necessary to refer briefly to the training of
munition workers. We need not explore the long history of negotia-
tions with trade unions and education authorities which preceded
the launching of the scheme of July 1915. It will, however, be some
indication of the success which attended the scheme if it is stated
that up to Aug. 31 1916 about 22,500 students received certificates
of proficiency from the technical schools, of whom not less than
18,000 were placed. Moreover, at that date a great step forward
was taken by the establishment of the first instructional factory.
Messrs. Straker Squire's establishment at Twickenham was taken
over and the foundations were laid for a scheme which not merely
proved of immense service during the war but which was developed
on an even greater scale after the war for the training of disabled
ex-service men. By the end of the war about 50,000 persons had
graduated through training establishments. Here once again war
necessity had pointed the way to what may well develop into a
permanent addition to the industrial resources of Great Britain.
(C) THE INTENSIVE USE or LABOUR. It is a mistake to
suppose that working-men, as a general rule, any more than any
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
other class of the community, are prepared to adopt a roving life.
There are certain occupations such as those of the navvy, and in
less degree of the builder, in which regular movement is an
essential incident. But generally, although the working classes
probably tend to migrate more easily than other classes, they
share the general preference for a fixed home and unchanging
environment. But from the beginning of the war it was plain that
mobility would have to be largely stimulated. It was, as Mr.
Lloyd George said at Manchester in 1915, " an engineers' war,"
and it was plain that one or both of two courses must be adopted
either men must be brought to the engineering centres or en-
gineering must be spread over areas where it had not previously
been carried out, or both expedients must be adopted. The
approach to this problem indeed passed through at least three
stages the first in which the man was brought to the work, the
second where the work was brought to the man and the third a
combination of the other two.
(i) Increase of Mobility. The first step of all was when, at the
beginning of Aug. 1914 labour was supplied to Aldershot to get
the Expeditionary Force off to France, and men were moved in
large numbers from the northern shipbuilding yards to the naval
dockyards. Valuable and indeed vital as this service was in itself,
it did not really form part of the general plans for increasing
mobility. Many, indeed a majority, of the men engaged on
getting the Expeditionary Force off returned after a short period
to their old work ; and this, though in much less degree, was also
true of some of the men moved to the dockyards.
The origins of a more general effort were found in the King's
Squad, organized in July 1915 by the Newcastle armaments
committee, and the war squad organized by the Glasgow commit-
tee. But it is necessary in the first place to give some explanation
of the events that led up to the formation of these committees.
When about the beginning of 1915 public attention was riveted
on the shell shortage, the general view held by the authorities
was that the only way to increase production was to
place further orders with the very limited number of
mittees. Government establishments and private firms that had
experience in the manufacture of munitions. All these
establishments had declared emphatically that they could not
possibly increase production unless (a) they could have a largely
increased labour supply, and (b) trade union restrictions could be
removed. The solution of the second demand was afforded by the
Treasury agreement and the subsequent Munitions Acts. But
the first demand in itself helped to create a position which con-
verted the authorities to the belief that work must be spread to
where the men were, rather than impose on the already breaking
resources of the great armament firms a burden which was ex
hypothesi beyond them.
As early as the end of 1914 the Board of Trade had challenged
the policy of concentrating labour on the armament firms.
They had suggested the possibility of group arrangements in
districts with engineering experience where by a reasonable sub-
division of work among the various firms the whole article re-
quired by the War Office could be provided. The War Office,
however, did not accept this view, and in accordance with their
wishes the Board of Trade made an intensive effort to discover
new sources of labour and to divert to the armament firms large
bodies of workpeople from other engineering works. The first
part of the campaign has been already mentioned. The result of
the second part was, as the Board of Trade anticipated, a
failure. Employers were not prepared to release their men, when
most of them felt confident that if contracts could be placed with
them they could carry out the work far more expeditiously than
if the same contracts were undertaken with men new to them by
the already overburdened armament firms. As a matter of fact,
at the end of Jan. the total number released by employers on com-
mercial work for armament firms had reached a total of 942. The
value of this figure will be realized when it is remembered that at
this period one armament firm alone (Messrs. Armstrong's)
were asking for 4,150 men.
It was plain that matters could not be left at that point. The
Board of Trade proposed a survey of the engineering trade in
order to discover what its capacity for armament production was.
This plan was not adopted, but later a Home Office census of
machinery following much the same lines was put in hand and
produced excellent results. The Board of Trade were, however,
authorized by the War Office to exhibit samples of shells, etc., at
various engineering centres with a view to obtaining possible
offers from local manufacturers.
In the meantime, following on a successful experiment on
organizing a saddlery group in 1914 by the Board of Trade, the
first cooperative group of manufacturers was formed in Jan. at
Leicester. This group was formed under the auspices of the Board
of Trade on Jan. 8, and the first order for 1,000 4-5 shells per week
was placed with it by the War Office on March 30.
At this point the armament outputs committee of the War
Office, under the chairmanship of Mr. G. M. Booth, and a little
later the Treasury munitions committee, under the chairman-
ship of Mr. Lloyd George, come upon the scene. Mr. Booth
and his committee from the outset took the view that both
of the contending policies must be worked side by side that
is to say, that within the areas of the big armament firms
men should be brought to the firms, while in other engineering
areas the work should be brought to the men by distribution
of contracts.
These principles were endorsed by the Treasury munitions
committee, but they took the matter one step further by order-
ing the construction of national factories, a proposal first put to
them in a memorandum presented by Sir P. Girouard.
Thus by April and May 1915 the principles, though destined
to every form of subsequent modification of detail, had been
established which moulded the whole supply of labour
for munitions throughout the war. In short the vital
decision had been reached that the whole engineering tracts.
capacity of the nation should be used. In the
first place the great firms with years of experience should be
strengthened to the greatest extent possible, but this strengthen-
ing was not to be at the expense of encouraging the wide distri-
bution of contracts to all firms or groups of firms capable of mu-
nitions manufacture; and in the second place national factories
were to be set up under direct State management to supplement
production from the other two sources. These general decisions
depended for their successful carrying out in practice upon the
supply of labour required being forthcoming. While it had been
decided that movement of labour should be limited by spread-
ing contracts, it was still obvious that before the work and the
workman could be successfully brought together there would
have to be considerable adjustments. The Board of Trade had
through their employment exchanges already stimulated move-
ment to a great extent, but the time had now come for a further
step forward. As part of Mr. Booth's scheme for concentrating
labour in armament firms in districts where these firms existed,
two committees were established in Newcastle and Glasgow,
known respectively as the N.E. Coast and the West of Scotland
Armaments Committees.
Of these two committees, that of the N.E. Coast was the
earlier and perhaps the more successful. It addressed itself
immediately to the question of tHe transfer of labour from com-
mercial to munitions work. With this end in view it took two
steps: the first, which followed the precedent adopted by the
Board of Trade, was to appeal to employers to release men; the
second, destined to form the germ of the war munitions volunteer
scheme, was to appeal to workmen to enlist voluntarily for
munitions work. The first, even with local influence, was a
failure, producing a negligible number of men for transfer, but
the second was a striking success. By the middle of May under
the first head 290 men had been transferred, by the end of June
under the second 1,080. At Glasgow a similar appeal for volun-
teers produced 434 transfers. But not only did these committees
by the method of direct appeal lay the foundations of the war
munitions volunteer scheme, but they went further and settled
two vital points as to the basis of their employment. These
points arose on the question of who was to be responsible for
travelling and subsistence allowances of men transferred. It was
714
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
finally decided, with the approval of the Treasury munitions
committee, that both these charges should be borne by the .
Government, and the financial basis of the war munitions volun-
teer scheme was thus established.
But matters had now reached a point where local effort,
guided only by a small expert committee, could no longer control
the situation. A strong movement was on foot for the
'aanuioaa supersession of the committee by a strong central
department. The first step in this direction was
taken when, on the advice of the Treasury munitions committee,
Sir P. Girouard and Mr. Booth were appointed by Lord Kitchener
to carry out the general scheme for the increase of the output
of munitions proposed by Sir P. Girouard. This was on May o,
and Mr. Booth and Sir P. Girouard set themselves actively to
work to create a department. But events were moving with
such swiftness that by May 26 the Prime Minister announced
that a new department for the manufacture of munitions was to
be established, and on that day Mr. Lloyd George took over
this department at Whitehall Gardens.
The first steps taken by Mr. Lloyd George were to take
over the organization of Sir P. Girouard and Mr. Booth to form
the basis of the great supply departments of the Ministry of
Munitions that were almost miraculously to alter the munitions
position, and on the other hand to bring in Sir H. Llewellyn
Smith, then permanent secretary of the Board of Trade, as
general secretary of the Ministry with special charge of labour
matters, thus laying the foundations of the two great depart-
ments of the Ministry that were ultimately to be known as the
Labour Supply and Labour Regulation Departments.
It was upon the labour side of the new Department that the
duty devolved of working out the schemes for transfer of labour
initiated at Newcastle and Glasgow. Nor was much
War time lost in setting about this task. On June 8 1915
Mr - L1 y d Geor 8 e met the National Advisory
Committee and represented the gravity of the national
situation, particularly from the point of view of mu-
nitions production. The National Advisory Committee devoted
the next day to the consideration of a scheme which might help
by increasing mobility to remedy the shortage of labour. They
proposed in effect the extension to the country as a whole of the
schemes adopted at Newcastle and Glasgow. Only skilled work-
men in employment, but not engaged on Government work,
should be enrolled. The volunteers should be transferred only to
firms controlled by Government whose profits were restricted.
They should on transfer be entitled to the same subsistence and
travelling allowances as were authorized in respect of the earlier
schemes. Mr. Lloyd George accepted the scheme in principle
at conferences with the trade unions on June 10 and 16, and the
war munition volunteer scheme was born. The conditions of the
form of enrolment are worth giving in extenso.
" In accordance with arrangements which have been made with
the Minister of Munitions by the National Advisory Committee,
acting on behalf of the Trade Unions, I undertake with the Minister
of Munitions to accept employment on making munitions of war in
such controlled establishments as may be named by him, and to
remain in such employment during the war for so long as required
(not exceeding six months in all) subject to the conditions set out.
" I. The rate of wages paid will be that of the district to which the
workman is transferred, provided that if in any case the workman
proves that this is less than the rate he was receiving before enrol-
ment, he shall be entitled to receive such higher rate.
" 2. The workman will receive over and above his wages the
following allowances:
" (o) If brought from a distance beyond that which he can reason-
ably travel daily, railway fare at the commencement and completion
of the work for which transferred ; and, where necessary, subsistence
allowance at the rate of 2s. 6d. per day for seven days per week. It
is clearly understood that the subsistence allowance is not intended
to enable any workman to make a pecuniary profit.
" (b) If within daily travelling distance (exceeding half an hour
each way) the value of workman s tickets and one hour's travelling
time per day at the rate of time and a half.
" (c) If within daily travelling distance (not exceeding half an hour
the cost of workman's tickets.
" Subsistence and travelling allowances will be paid by the firm
employing the workman, with the wages.
"3. The workman may volunteer for a further period of employ-
ment after the completion of the period for which he is required in
the first instance.
" 4. Any workman transferred from employment under this
undertaking shall, if found suitable, be guaranteed employment
during the war for a period not exceeding six months.
" I agree that any breach of this undertaking may be dealt with by
a munitions court, consisting of a chairman appointed by the
Vlinister of Munitions, with assessors equally representing employers
and workmen, which may impose a fine not exceeding 3."
It may be noted that throughout the discussions at this stage
Mr. Lloyd George accepted the war munition volunteer scheme
as the alternative to industrial compulsion.
The scheme was accepted in principle on June 20. On June 24
enrolment began under the auspices of the Labour Department
of the Ministry of Munitions. A vast campaign of publicity was
started, and munition work bureaux were initiated with almost
startling rapidity at 200 town halls and 200 labour exchanges.
The intensive period of enrolment was closed on July 10, though
enrolment continued after that date at the labour exchanges.
The final results of the enrolments were as follows:
Platers, riveters, drillers and shipwrights .... 23,564
Tool-makers, toolroom workers and gauge-makers . . i r 34
Tool-setters 193
Millwrights 1,727
Turners 7.971
Fitters 24,830
apstan and turret-lathe operators 830
Skilled metal machinists 6,710
Other metal machinists 1,884
Workers in brass and other metals 4. 66 7
Lead-burners
Coppersmiths 395
Miscellaneous tinanalysed . . . . . . . 27,166
102,027
These were promising figures, but the result was to show
that the first expectations were not to be realized.
In the first place it was obviously necessary that the employers,
on whose work the volunteers were engaged, should have an
opportunity of expressing their views on the transfer. Accord-
ingly arrangements were made for a regular system by which
employers should be given an opportunity of lodging a protest,
and an expert panel of adjudicators on these protests was set up.
When it is realized that protests in respect of no less than 60,000
volunteers were lodged, the sort of task set the adjudicators
may be imagined. Nor was the volume of the protests the only
difficulty. To decide on a protest involved an inspection of the
firm to ascertain' its direct or indirect contracts with the
War Office (a constantly varying factor) ; to see the order books,
and if necessary verify the work by inspection of the shops; to
report on the nature of the work done by the volunteers; to find
out what numbers of men of the same grade as the volunteers
were employed by the firm, and if on short time or overtime; to
discover what the effect of removal of volunteers would be on
private work and on the continuance of the establishment.
Inquiries such as these made the progress of adjudication
slow. Moreover, many men had volunteered who were not really
skilled, and many more who were, without knowing it, engaged
on munitions contracts, or who, knowing this, desired a change
of firm. The result of the scheme at the end of Sept. was reported
as follows: out of 103,000 volunteers, 37,551 had been submitted
to employers, of whom 28,551 had been rejected and 8,581 had
been accepted. Of those accepted, only 4,529 had started work,
including 721 placed by the Clyde and N.E. Coast Committees.
These results were at first sight extremely disappointing. The
reasons for the comparative failure have already been indicated :
i.e. employers' protests, the number of unskilled men volunteer-
ing, and the fact that many volunteers were engaged on muni-
tions work. But there was another cause which had a very pro-
found effect. The volunteer was entitled on transfer, in accord-
ance with the Government undertaking, to the rate which he was
receiving before transfer. Not only, especially in the case of
piece-work earners, did this lead to grave administrative difficul-
ties, but (what was more important) it excited the apprehensions
of the employer, who viewed with dismay the prospect of the
introduction into his works of men receiving different rates of
pay from those enjoyed by his own workpeople. But all this does
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
not show that the scheme, if disappointing, was a failure; 100,000
men scattered all over the country had been enrolled. Very few,
it is true, had been moved, but all, if the Government so decided,
could be moved, for Sect. 6 (2) of the Munitions of War Act, 1915
made it an offence for an employer to attempt to dissuade a
volunteer from moving. Unless, therefore, an employer in the
early stages of the war radically reduced his private work, and
in the later stages pressed dilution to its fullest extent, he was
liable at any time to lose some of his best workers. In this in-
direct way the scheme had a far-reaching effect.
During the latter part of Sept. 1915 efforts were made to
improve its working by a change in the method of administration.
Under the scheme as originally launched the work had been done
from London. An attempt was made in Nov. to carry out the
work through the employment exchanges. The lists of men avail-
able for transfer (amounting to 10,000) were forwarded to the
appropriate exchanges, who were given elaborate and precise
instructions as to procedure. But the new system had no better
results than the old. In Nov. and Dec. 1915 only 753 were placed,
although, in addition to the 10,000 men whose names had been
sent from the Ministry, 6,515 more men had enrolled.
At this point the problem was complicated by reason of the
fact that undertakings were running out and that reenrolment
was becoming necessary. Invitations to reenrol were issued, and
the response indicated that there was much dissatisfaction among
the volunteers. None the less, enrolments proceeded speedily
at the rate of about 2,250 a month. At the same time placings
went on steadily, rising from 237 in Jan. 1916 to 337 in May, with
the result that in June 1916 12,234 war munition volunteers
had been placed in employment.
Again, one is face to face with the criticism that the scheme
failed, and again it is necessary to point out that the failure was
only partial. If numbers alone are examined it may be
Criticisms ur g e( j that the result was trifling, but numbers alone
Scheme. are by no means the final criterion. These men in
effect constituted a mobile corps who could be thrown
in at the point of greatest pressure at the most critical moments.
They were a sort of Guards Brigade, who could be hurried to the
weak spot when most needed. For example, in the autumn of
1916 more than a quarter of the skilled men employed at Dudley,
Lancaster, Leeds, Renfrew and Templeborough were munitions
workers.' And again and again in the later years of the war, when
every month, almost every week, involved sudden changes in the
munitions programme, the availability of these men was of the
highest possible service. It happened more than once, notably
when the poison-gas factories formed almost a turning-point in
the munitions programme, that the fitters, without whom the
factories could not operate, were supplied from volunteers.
The work proceeded steadily, with the result that by Nov.
1918 212,000 war munitions volunteers had been enrolled and
81,180 transferred. This of course shows a notable improve-
ment in 1917 and 1918. One of the reasons for the improve-
ment, no doubt, was, for example, that enrolment was one of
the conditions of the Trade-card Agreement.
As recruiting became increasingly intensive it was made
clear that not only must a man, to obtain exemption, be shifted,
but he must in addition be on indispensable work. By enroll-
ing as a war munitions volunteer a skilled man automatically
fulfilled the latter condition. Quite apart, therefore, from
the patriotic impulse which moved men to seek work of na-
tional importance, enrolment, as affording a protection in
itself, became increasingly attractive. It may, therefore, be
fairly said that on the whole, over the period from its incep-
tion to the Armistice, the war munitions volunteer scheme both
directly and indirectly was of vital national service.
Closely allied to, and indeed at the time indistinguishable
from, the war munitions volunteer scheme was the scheme of the
other mobile corps, incorporated in 1916 by the Ministry of
Munitions, of the army reserve munitions workers, under which,
by the end of the war, 58,200 men had been placed in employ-
ment. Under this scheme men were drafted into the army, but
not detailed for service on placing themselves at the disposal of
the authorities for use where they were required. The difference
between them and the war munitions volunteers was more techni-
cal than actual, though in their case they were always liable
to be called to the colours for general service.
Before leaving the war munitions volunteer scheme, brief reference
should be made to the other pools of mobile labour which it was
sought to form later in the war on the precedent of the war munitions
volunteers. There were three schemes inaugurated under the first
auspices of the old Ministry of National Service, the second and
third under the reconstituted Ministry. The first was known as the
National Service volunteer scheme. Under this scheme the sur-
prising total of 400,000 volunteers were enrolled. As, however,
invitations to enroll were issued to persons with little regard to their
experience and ability, and to the work upon which they were
engaged, it is not to be wondered at if the scheme produced no
results. Indeed, by the time that this scheme was launched early
in 1917, it is not an exaggeration to say that the field of labour avail-
able for vital national service had been searched not with a rake
but with a fine-tooth comb. The only hope for any effective addition to
the labour supply was by a carefully selected list of occupations
adapted to persons of little experience in manual labour and of
small or reduced physical powers. The second scheme of war work
volunteers, initiated by the reconstituted Ministry of National
Service, was on a smaller basis, and under this 32,700 persons were
enrolled and placed on work of national importance, thus releasing
younger men for the army.
There was finally the much more modest, though by no means
ineffective, scheme of war agricultural volunteers, under which
3,255 persons were placed in agriculture. In addition to this, 17,000
women were enrolled in the Women's Land Army, and 1,816 in the
Scottish Women's Land Army.
(2) Preventing Wastage. When the supply of labour was far
below the demand, it was of the greatest importance that the
fullest possible use should be made of it. There were two vital
points in this respect the first to get it where it was wanted,
the second to keep it there. The war munitions volunteer and
allied schemes were the means adopted to achieve the first
purpose. The Defence of the Realm Acts and the Munitions
of War Acts were used for the second purpose.
The question which presented itself to the Government early
in 1915 was: What check could be put on the freedom of the
workman, on the one hand, to go to work not profitable in the
national interest, and upon the freedom of the employer to attract
him there? There were four courses open. The first was to close
down commercial work so that the employer would be compelled
to release his workmen for work of national importance. The
second was to impose penalties on employers engaged on com-
mercial work for attracting labour from munitions work. The
third was to apply the penalty for moving to the workmen. The
fourth, which was the simplest, and which was shown to be
repugnant to the British character, was universal compulsion
whether for war-work or fighting.
Whichever remedy was to be adopted, the fact that some
remedy must be found grew plainer every day. Not only was it
clear that a great volume of labour urgently needed
for munitions work was still retained for commercial Compel/-
production, but what added to the difficulty was the taftour.
bidding among contractors engaged on munitions work
for one another's labour. Not only were rates of wages undergo-
ing the most surprising variations, but every kind of device to
add to workmen's earnings was adopted. Excessive overtime at
double rates was freely advertised, immemorial practice as to trav-
elling allowances was overturned, systems of piece rates designed
to produce the highest rather than the lowest earnings were de-
vised, and indeed in the shipyards there were allegations that a
number of rivets were added to a workman's total to swell his
takings. Nor was the competition confined to private employers.
The Government factories were bidding not only against private
employers but against one another. The result was naturally,
by making workmen restless, to reduce production all around.
All the four expedients mentioned above were canvassed by
the Government. The fourth, universal conscription, by rea-
son of its simplicity and its boldness, was the most attractive.
Scheme after scheme to enforce it was considered only to be
rejected when the result on labour opinion was weighed, but as
late as June 3 1915, in a speech at Manchester, Mr. Lloyd George
7i6
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
was suggesting the advantages of this way out. And the war
munitions volunteer scheme, like the Derby scheme that followed
it, was introduced as the final alternative to industrial con-
scription. But unlike the Derby scheme, when it failed to realize
expectations it was not converted into a compulsory scheme.
The country was, as events showed, prepared to be conscripted
for fighting. It was not prepared to be conscripted for working,
when the work was still in a large measure to yield private profit.
Industrial conscription as a means of preventing wastage
was, therefore, never adopted. The three other methods were all
attempted the first with no result; the second two, as will be
shown, with very considerable results. In March 1915, a bill was
introduced and passed through both Houses of Parliament in two
days, amending Section i (3) of the Defence of the Realm Con-
solidation Act 1914, which empowered the Admiralty or the
Army Council
" (a) to require that there shall be placed at their disposal the
whole or any part of the output of any factory or workshop in which
arms, ammunition, or warlike stores or equipment, or any articles
required for the production thereof, are manufactured ;
" (6) to take possession of and use for the purpose of his Majesty's
naval or military service any such factory or workshop or any plant
thereof."
This was amended to enable the Admiralty or Army Council to
take over private factories and shipyards and to require them to
be worked as directed, and " to regulate or restrict the carrying of
work in any factory or workshop." The object of these words was
not plain on the face of them, but their intention was to enable
the Admiralty or Army Council, by giving directions which
would in effect close down a factory or workshop, to cause the
labour to be diverted to war work. This intention was made
plain when this provision was reenacted by Section 10 of the
Munitions of War Act 1913, with the addition of words directly
referring to the engagement or employment of any workman or
classes of workmen.
Like many other war enactments this power proved useful,
but not for the purpose for which it was intended. The wholesale
closing of factories in order to release labour was seen almost
at once to bear too much similarity to the Chinaman's method
of roasting pig. It would not only gravely dislocate trade, but it
would necessarily throw out of work, not only the skilled men
who would be readily reabsorbed, but a large army of unskilled
men for whom work was not at the time available. Moreover,
the new theory of sending work to the workman rather than the
workman to the work was beginning to gain ground. And the
provision, though reenacted, from this point of view fell into
desuetude. But from the point of view of a weapon often
flourished, and on very rare occasions used, it remained a potent
weapon till the end of the war for coercing refractory employers.
The second method was attempted in the following month.
On April 29 a regulation was made under the Defence of the Realm
Regulations (amended later to extend its scope) imposing a
penalty on manufacturers of munitions for (a) attracting men
away from munitions work, and (6) for engaging any workman
resident more than 10 m. from the factory in question except
through a labour exchange. And as supplementary to this, the
Board of Trade made a regulation under the Labour Exchange
Act requiring employment-exchange officials to give priority to
vacancies on war work. These regulations, except possibly in a
deterrent sense, were hardly more effective than had been the
effort on the first plan. So far as the first offence was concerned,
evasion was fatally difficult to detect; indeed there was through-
out the war no instance even of a prosecution on this head.
Moreover, there was one perfectly simple method of evading the
spirit of the regulation without infringing the letter. All that was
necessary was for a firm to raise wages above the level of its com-
petitors, and leave the news to percolate, as it invariably did.
So far as the second part of the regulation is concerned, there
can be little doubt that it did contribute substantially to the
centralization of labour supply, but here again the means of
evasion were easily discovered. Where men from a distance
were required, if it could be arranged that they should shift
their residence of their own accord to within 10 m. of the factory,
they could be, and constantly were, taken in at the gates.
The solution was found under the third scheme. It had
long been clear that the effective method was to restrict the
workman's liberty of movement rather than the Leaving
employer's right to engage, while at the same time Certin-
taking action to limit the employer's freedom to fix ctes.
any rates of wages which he might choose. The delay in resorting
to this method was due to the great reluctance which was felt
in introducing any measure which could readily be represented
as, if not industrial conscription, at least as, in a way, a system of
indentured labour. Both steps were taken by the first Munitions
of War Act, 1915. Section 4 (2) of that Act required the employer
to seek the sanction of the Minister before varying rates of wages.
Section 7 required a workman on munitions work to stay with his
employer unless in possession of a " leaving certificate." The
actual form of the prohibition was to impose a penalty on an
employer who, within six weeks from a man's leaving his previous
employment on munitions work, took him on without a leaving
certificate. In order to provide against a misuse of the power
given to the employer by this section an appeal was allowed to a
workman to a special domestic court constituted by the Muni-
tions of War Act, known as the munitions tribunal.
The measure of the efficacy of this step is illustrated in part
by the fact that, with the sections controlling profits and for-
bidding strikes and lockouts, it was regarded by employers and
workmen alike as the central provision of the new Act, and partly
by the extraordinary results which followed its total repeal by
the Munitions of War Act, 1917. From the day that Section 7
came into force an employer could be sure of his quota of labour,
and the workman, realizing that his freedom of movement was no
longer unlimited, settled down with more regularity to his work.
But along with its obvious advantages this new instrument of
labour regulation possessed certain obvious defects. The em-
ployer was given remarkable powers. While the workman could
not leave without a certificate, the employer could dismiss with-
out one. When with the heavy preoccupations that the war
cast on employers, dismissals and engagements were often left
in the hands of foremen, it will be seen how provocative of
difficulty the section might be. On the one hand, from the
national point of view, a workman might be out of work for six
weeks when his services were urgently needed. Prom the work-
man's point of view the difficulty was more acute, since an
unjustifiable dismissal without a certificate might lead to his
recruitment. These were the main sources of grievance, and
the complaints were bitter. The commission, consisting of
Lord Balfour of Burleigh, and Mr. (afterwards Sir) Lynden
Macassey, who investigated the unrest on the Clyde at the end
of 1915, reported that the operation of Section 7 was in many
cases harsh, and was generally one of the principal causes of
labour uneasiness. They did not recommend a repeal of the
provision, but were strongly in favour of amendments to make
its operation less harsh. The Ministry of Munitions had con-
currently arrived at the same conclusions as those submitted by
this commission, and in the amending Act of 1916 effect was
given to them. The three most important amendments in that
Act were those requiring an employer to give a certificate in all
cases of dismissal, except those of misconduct, giving the work-
people the right to demand a certificate if suspended for more
than two days, and to require a week's notice or wages in lieu.
Even these amendments did not remove the growing tide of
resentment against what was freely described in labour circles
as the " slavery " section. The truth was that this was a measure
which definitely affected the individual in his daily work, and
its operation was always present to his mind. The measure was
endurable in the earlier years of the war, but with the growing
strain it began to have serious effects on the moral of the work-
people. After the May strike of 1917, commissions of inquiry,
under the general chairmanship of Mr. G. N. Barnes, M.P.,
were set up into the causes of labour unrest. All the commis-
sions (which reported territorially) agreed in finding that Section
7 was a potent source of trouble.
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
717
Repeal was, accordingly, decided upon, and the section dis-
appeared with the Munitions of War Act, 1917. The result,
. though not what was expected, was profound. Em-
Check on ployers had prognosticated a wholesale shifting of
Wages labour from factory to factory. This expectation was
not fulfilled, but it only failed of fulfilment by reason
of the action of the employers themselves in raising wages
often to extravagant heights to retain workpeople. The
plain fact was that with a huge shortage of labour there was
no longer any economic check on wages. The provisions of
Section 4 (2) of the Munitions of War Act, 1915, had in this re-
gard been futile, and the real check had been Section 7. Its
disappearance restored his bargaining power to the workman
with formidable results in the variation of wages.
No subsequent action could hope to arrest the forces let loose
by the abolition of the section. But as the difficulties of the
position became increasingly apparent, an effort was made to
meet the difficulty in 1918 by the introduction of a system of
licensing of firms, known popularly as the " embargo " scheme.
Under this scheme it was proposed to take advantage of the
Defence of the Realm regulation already referred to, which en-
abled the Government to direct the methods of employment or
engagement in a factory. Firms were instructed that after the
receipt of the effective letter no further labour of the types
scheduled was to be engaged without the licence of the Ministry
of Munitions. In fact, though more than 32,000 firms were
known to be engaged on munitions, by Sept. 1918 letters had
been issued to only 100 firms. But the proposal was bitterly
resented as an attempt to reintroduce Section 7 under a new
form. It led on July 23 to a strike at Coventry which seriously
threatened the production of munitions. A committee under
Mr. Justice McCardie, which was set up to inquire into the
circumstances of the strike, reported that the Government's
scheme was justified by circumstances, though possibly the
method of its introduction might have been more tactful. But
the strike struck at the whole basis of the scheme, with the
result that it had little effect. The only substantial contribution
to the problem of the prevention of wastage had been Section 7.
Nothing before or after it took its place.
(3) Removal of Trade-Union Restrictions. The history of the
actual introduction of "dilution" which, of course, represented
by far the most important removal of trade-union restrictions
has already been given. It is only necessary here to give an ac-
count of the negotiations which led up to the Treasury agreement
of March 21 1915 (later scheduled to the Munitions of War Act,
1915) with some indications of its value.
Already by the end of 1914, both in shipyards and engineering
shops, an acute shortage of labour had manifested itself. One of
the methods of remedying this shortage generally recommended
by employers was the removal of trade-union practices and
restrictions. These practices were of four main types:
(a) The practice providing that only a skilled man with certain
credentials might do certain classes of work ;
(6) the practice which distinguished sharply the allocation of
skilled work as between various classes of skilled men;
(c) the practice which defined the hours and output permissible
in given classes of work ;
(d) the practice requiring the employment only of trade unionists
in certain shops or in certain classes of work.
There were, and are, of course many variations and gradations
of four main types, but these are probably predominant. There
was a long and painful history behind these restrictions. They
represented to the workman the entrenchments patiently
established through long years of struggle against under-payment
and unemployment. They were, in fact, labour's Magna Carlo.
War necessity demanded from labour its temporary repeal.
The first attempts to secure this end were made by the em-
ployers both by ship-builders and engineers. The ship-builders
had their first meeting as early as Nov. 3 1914 at
Trade- York. The employers there proposed for the first
Practices. ilme tne suspension of trade-union practices and
customs. The meeting had no result. Local meetings
at Glasgow and Newcastle were equally fruitless, and another
general meeting on Dec. 9 carried the matter no further. Later
in Dec. the Admiralty intervened but without success, and the
matter was reported to the Board of Trade at the end of the
year almost at the same time as the equally fruitless result
of the series of engineering conferences.
The three main difficulties felt by the trade unions were :
(a) The danger even in war-time of sacrificing the results of years
of struggle without the most stringent guarantees that the sacrifice
should be purely temporary;
(b) the necessity of confining the sacrifice wholly to war-work;
(c) the importance, even so far as war-work was concerned, of
securing that private employers should not reap financial advantage
from the sacrifice.
The subsequent negotiations, under the aegis first of the Board
of Trade, and later of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the
President of the Board of Trade, were directed to meet these
three points. As a first step letters were addressed to the A.S.E.
by the War Office and the Admiralty, pointing out in general
terms the need for increased labour supply. This was followed
on Jan. 13 by a general conference between the Engineering
Employers' Federation and the A.S.E. and kindred unions at
Sheffield. This conference, like all its predecessors, was a failure.
After this breakdown Sir George (afterwards Lord) Askwith
was appointed by the Board of Trade to attempt to reach a
settlement. At his suggestion his single-handed
efforts were supplemented by the appointment by Committee
the Prime Minister on Feb. 12 of the Committee on ^" fl .
Production, consisting of Sir G. Askwith (chairman),
Sir George Gibb, representing the War Office, and Sir Francis
Hopwood (afterwards Lord Southborough), representing the
Admiralty. The committee directed their attention in the first
instance to the shipbuilding trade, and succeeded in making an
agreement on the subject of broken time, which unhapp'ily
broke down on May 23.
On the greater issue, though it was ultimately necessary to
bring in the Cabinet, the committee were at any rate successful
in effectively preparing the ground for a settlement. In their
interim report of Feb. 20 they made three principal recom-
mendations:
(a) Increased production by removal of restrictions on the
manufacture of shells and fuzes with extension of the employment
of female labour;
(b) the prevention of stoppages of work by reference of differences
to an impartial tribunal to be set up by the Government;
(c) guarantees to be given by contracting firms and held by
Government in respect of removal of restrictions.
Simultaneously, on March 5, the Engineering Employers'
Federation, with the A.S.E. and kindred unions, had ultimately
reached a limited agreement in a memorandum known as the
Shells and Fuzes Agreement. This made the following provi-
sions:
(i.) It assigned certain processes definitely to skilled men, but
allowed interchange of skilled men;
(ii.) it permitted the introduction of semi-skilled or female labour
in suitable cases, subject to no reduction of wages;
(iii.) it insisted on restitution of pre-war practices.
A ballot taken on this among the members of the constituent
unions in April was favourable, but even before the result was
known the agreement had marked a long step forward on the
road to the Treasury agreement. In the meantime the committee
on production were negotiating further with the unions, and in
their third interim report recommended immediate removal of
demarcation restrictions in Government establishments, and re-
moval in private establishments subject to safeguards akin to
those provided in the Shells and Fuzes Agreement.
But in spite of the Shells and Fuzes Agreement, and the efforts
of the committee on production, nothing really effective had been
accomplished. Men and employers alike were waiting upon the
Government. In March 1915 the Government acted. Up to
this point two of the principal difficulties of the trade unions in
respect to removal of restrictions had been faced i.e. the
limitation of removal to war-work, and guarantees for restitu-
tion but the aspect of the financial position of the private
employer remained to be considered. And its consideration was
7 i8
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
vital, because the workmen were little disposed to give either
their lives or their privileges in the cause of increased private
profits. The committee on production were fully alive to the
need not only for a dramatic gesture in this matter, but for
dramatic results following upon the gesture. They recommended
accordingly in their fourth report (March 5) that the Govern-
ment should assume direct control of shipbuilding and armament
firms, and should use this direct control radically to restrict
profits. These proposals were explored, and throughout March
the Board of Trade were conferring with the principal
of Proa's." armament firms with the object, not so much of con-
trolling their methods of manufacture, as of controlling
their profits. These negotiations did not do more than place the
Government in the position of announcing to the A.S.E. in the
course of the negotiations for the second Treasury agreement
(and embodying the announcement in the agreement) that
profits would be limited. But the announcement was, in fact,
the decisive factor in securing adhesion to the agreement.
In the middle of March the Government, as represented by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the President of the Board
of Trade, Mr. Montagu and Dr. Macnamara, together with
Mr. Balfour as representing the Opposition, met representatives
of the trade unions in full conference. The trade unions were
represented by a committee under the chairmanship of Mr.
Arthur Henderson, which was constituted as the result of the
conference as the National Labour Advisory Committee. The
negotiations started on March 17 and were concluded on March
19, and resulted in a document of such vital importance to the
whole future of labour regulation that it is given in full:
The workmen's representatives at the conference will recom-
mend to their members the following proposals with a view to
accelerating the output of munitions and equipments of war.
(1) During the war period there shall in no case be any stoppage of
work upon munitions and equipments of war or other work required
for a satisfactory completion of the war.
All differences on wages or conditions of employment arising out
of the war shall be dealt with without stoppage in accordance with
paragraph (2).
Questions not arising out of the war should not be made the cause
of stoppage during the war period.
(2) Subject to any existing agreements or methods now prevailing
for the settlement of disputes, differences of a purely individual or
local character shall, unless mutually arranged, be the subject of a
deputation to the firm representing the workmen concerned, and
differences of a general character affecting wages and conditions of
employment arising out of the war shall be the subject of con-
ferences between the parties.
In all cases of failure to reach a settlement of disputes by the
parties directly concerned, or their representatives, or under the
existing agreements, the matter in dispute shall be dealt with under
any one of the three following alternatives as may be mutually
agreed, or in default of agreement, settled by the Board of Trade:
(a) The committee on production.
(6) A single arbitrator agreed upon by the parties or appointed by
the Board of Trade.
(c) A court of arbitration upon which labour is represented equally
with the employers.
(3) An advisory committee representative of the organized
workers engaged in production for Government requirements shall
be appointed by the Government for the purpose 01 facilitating the
carrying out of these recommendations and for consultation by the
Government or by the workmen concerned.
(4) Provided that the conditions set out in paragraph (5) are
accepted by the Government as applicable to all contracts for the
execution of war munitions and equipments, the workmen's repre-
sentatives at the conference are of opinion that during the war period
the relaxation of the present trade practices is imperative, and that
each union be recommended to take into favourable consideration
such changes in working conditions or trade customs as may be
necessary with a view to accelerating the output of war munitions or
equipments.
(5) The recommendations contained in paragraph (4) are condi-
tional on Government requiring all contractors and sub-contractors
engaged on munitions and equipments of war or other work required
for the satisfactory completion of the war to give an undertaking to
the following effect :
Any departure during the war from the practice ruling in our work-
shops, shipyards, and other industries prior to the war, shall only be
for the period of the war.
No change in practice made during the war shall be allowed to
prejudice the position of the workpeople in our employment, or of
their trade unions, in regard to the resumption and maintenance
after the war of any rules or customs existing prior to the war.
In any readjustment of staff which may have to be effected after
the war priority of employment will be given to workmen in the
employment at the beginning of the war who are serving with our
colours or who are now in our employment. 1
Where the custom of a shop is changed during the war by the
introduction of semi-skilled men to perform work hitherto performed
by a class of workmen of higher skill, the rates paid shall be the usual
rates of the district for that class of work. 2
The relaxation of existing demarcation restrictions or admission
of semi-skilled or female labour shall not affect adversely the rates
customarily paid for the job. In cases where men who ordinarily
do the work are adversely affected thereby, the necessary readjust-
ments shall be made so that they can maintain their earnings.
A record of the nature of the departure from the conditions pre-
vailing before the date of this undertaking shall be kept and shall
be open for inspection by the authorized representative of the
Government.
Due notice shall be given to the workmen concerned wherever
practicable of any changes of working conditions which it is desired
to introduce as the result of this arrangement, and opportunity of
local consultation with the men or their representatives shall be
given if desired.
All differences with our workmen engaged on Government work
arising out of changes so introduced or with regard to wages or
conditions of employment arising out of the war shall be settled
without stoppage of work in accordance with the procedure laid
down in paragraph (2).
It is clearly understood that except as expressly provided in the
fourth paragraph of clause (5) nothing in this undertaking is to
prejudice the position of employers or employee * after the war.
(Signed)
D. Lloyd George.
Walter Runciman.
Arthur Henderson.
(Chairman of Workmen's Representatives.)
Wm. Mosses.
(Secretary of Workmen's Representatives.)
March igth, 1915.
The Amalgamated Society of Engineers were not parties to
this agreement, and on March 25 a further agreement was con-
cluded with that Society which contained two additional points
of first-rate importance an undertaking by the Government to
limit the profits of contractors on war work, and the limitation
of the agreements to war work purely.
This was a great achievement, and equal credit is due to the
members of the Government who secured it and the unions who
accepted it. But the plain truth is that its acceptance by the
rank and file in actual practice was not a matter of weeks but of
weary months, as the account of the progress of dilution indicates.
Indeed it is fair to say that the agreement had not a real chance to
produce results until not merely the first Munitions Act had made
the safeguards statutory and the removal of restrictions com-
pulsory, and had limited profits, but the second Munitions Act
of 1916 had provided effective powers to regulate the wages of
women entrants. From that date, as has been shown elsewhere,
progress began, but the Treasury agreement may well take its
place among historical records of the World War as a crystalliza-
tion of the deep and unswerving purpose of the ordinary British
citizen to serve the nation even at the cost of his livelihood.
It should be added that throughout the war considerable uneasi-
ness was manifested by the trade unions lest the safeguards provided
by the Munitions Acts would not be adequate to secure effective
restitution. Conscious of the great changes produced by the wide-
spread introduction of the automatic machine, they feared that the
changes might tend to become permanent. One step taken during
the war to reassure them was the appointment of a number of officers
by the Labour Department of the Ministry of Munitions to keep
effective records of all departures from previous practice. The work
of these officers was extremely effective, and there is no doubt that
the records provided by them covered a great deal of the ground.
The existence of the records made restitution practicable. The
trade unions did not rest content till what was practicable was made
inevitable. Two committees were appointed in turn to consider
what added safeguards were necessary the first under the chair-
manship of Sir John Simon, K.C., M.P., in 1916; the second under
'These three clauses are taken from the form of undertaking
proposed in the Second Report of the Committee on Production.
*A point not provided for in this paragraph was the question
whether the semi-skilled worker should also receive the guarantee
(given according to the practice of some shops to the skilled worker)
of his minimum time rate when he was employed on piece-work.
The reason of the omission was probably that the practice was not
general before the war.
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
719
the chairmanship of Sir Stephenson Kent, K.C.B., in 1918. The
result of these two committees was the Act of 1919, which rigidly
enforced the restitution of practices.
Perhaps it would not be unfair to say that this Act was unneces-
sary, and that in so far as effective safeguards were required, they
were provided by the original Acts. But circumstances snowed
that complete restitution was in fact impracticable, and the trade
unions realized that, if this were so, they were entitled to adequate
compensation, which the further Act would secure for them.
(4) Full Value for Hours Worked. This aspect of labour reg-
ulation may be regarded under the three main heads: (a) the
prevention of strikes and lockouts; (b) regulation of workshop
discipline and hours through the Munitions Acts and partic-
ularly through munitions tribunals; and (c) the improvement
of working conditions, under which is included the welfare work
and the provision of housing.
It is not necessary here to deal with the original labour truce,
the appointment of the committee on production, the provisions
of the Munitions of War Acts and the Defence of the
J* VI * Realm Regulations, making strikes and lockouts and
strikes. incitements thereto offences, and the work of the
general munitions tribunals set up by the Munitions
of War Acts to deal with strikers or employers guilty of lockouts.
It is sufficient to say that any attempt to make a full use of
available labour without regulation of strikes and lockouts is
obviously doomed to failure, and therefore in so far as the
methods adopted directly to prevent strikes and lockouts were
successful an important aspect of labour regulation was ade-
quately handled. But experience ^showed that it was not in the
machinery for preventing disputes, so much as in the spirit
operating among employers and workers, that the best security
against industrial disputes lies. In the earliest days of the war,
when the sense of national danger and of patriotism was at its
highest, no machinery was devised or required. In the later
years of the war, when continuous strain, disappointment,
anxiety, and, above all, reflexion on what appeared to the workers
were the huge profits made out of the war by employers, had
strained tempers, elaborate machinery could not prevent such
stoppages as the dilution strike of May 1917, or the Coventry
" embargo " strike of 1918. No machinery, however perfect,
can cure a disease of the spirit, and the ultimate sanction of all
anti-strike legislation must be the willingness of those affected by
it to accept Us terms. Machinery without the right direction of
labour policy, and without skilful officers in charge of the detailed
working, would inevitably break down. The committee on
production of itself great and respected machine as it was
would have been ineffective but for the steady patriotism of
both employers and workpeople as a whole, and for the un-
remitting and completely unrecognized efforts first of the Labour
Department of the Board of Trade, then of the Ministry of
Munitions, and finally of that Ministry, the Ministry of Labour
and the Shipyard Labour Department of the Admiralty, to
prove to the workers that whatever might be demanded of them
was only demanded in the national interest. As prevention is
better than cure, so conciliation is better than arbitration.
Doctors are required, and arbitrators are vital, but it is the
wise direction of policy that makes the task of the arbitrator a
possible one. And, when full account is taken of the many
mistakes that were made, the work of the conciliating depart-
ments played no small part in seeing that the available labour
produced the munitions which won the " engineers' " war.
The munitions tribunals were set up by the first Munitions of
War Act, 1915. They represented a compromise between in-
dustrial compulsion and voluntarism. Grave com-
e'. P Iaint s had been made that one of the principal causes
of failure to produce the required output of munitions
was the bad time-keeping both in shipyards and engineering
establishments. Various causes for this were ascribed, most
prominent among them being high wages and drunkenness.
Acute controversy was aroused by allegations and counter-
allegations, and an official enquiry was instituted in 1915, the
results of which were presented in a paper laid before Parliament
on May i 1915, entitled " Report and Statistics of Bad Time
Kept in Shipbuilding, Munitions and Transport Areas." The
paper, though inconclusive, tended to show that, whatever the
causes, there was in some areas room for improvement.
When, therefore, the first Munitions of War Act was intro-
duced, with a general scheme for regulating labour, this aspect
of the question could not be shelved. Nor could it be allowed to
solve itself by the ordinary economic checks of peace-time. In
peace-time the remedy for bad time-keeping, and generally of
ineffective workmanship, is dismissal. With an acute shortage of
labour, dismissal can only be resorted to in extreme cases. It was
accordingly decided to make deliberately inefficient workmanship
an offence by Section 4 (5) of the Munitions of War Act, 1915,
which was as follows:
" The employer and every person employed in the establishment
shall comply with any regulations made applicable to that estab-
lishment by the Minister of Munitions with respect to the general
ordering of work in the establishment with a view to attaining and
maintaining a proper standard of efficiency and with respect to the
due observance of the rules of the establishment.
"If the employer or any person so employed acts in contravention
of, or fails to comply with, any such regulation, that employer or
person shall be guilty of an offence under this Act."
The offence thus created was a new one in law, and the first
point to determine was whether it should be tried in the ordinary
courts. After discussion in Parliament it was decided to set up
munitions tribunals (Section 15, Ministry of War Act, 1915) of
two classes known respectively as general and local tribunals
to deal with all new offences created by the Munitions of War
Act and with appeals in respect of leaving certificates under
Section 7. The essential features of the tribunals were:
(i.) The fact that the independent chairman was assisted by
two assessors one employer and one workman. Originally the
assessors were merely advisory, but they were made a part of the
court by the Act of 1916, which also provided for a woman assessor
in cases affecting women.
(ii.) The comparative informality and the cheapness of their
proceedings. These two points were emphasized in the munitions
tribunals' rules governing the procedure of the tribunals. These
rules provided first for the exceedingly low fees, and secondly that
lawyers could not appear before the local tribunals, though repre-
sentatives of the workmen could.
Like so many other of the instruments devised to meet war
emergencies, the tribunals worked well, but not in the direction
anticipated. It was expected in the first place that the
i -i- i -i_ i v t_ j i .!_ Munitions
general munitions tribunals, which were to deal with Tribunals.
strikes and lockouts and employers' offences, would
play a predominant part. The fact, however, was that except for
six or seven notorious cases, such as the trial of the strikers at
Fairfield's, at Glasgow, this class of tribunal rapidly receded into
the background. For experience showed that actual prosecutions
for the offence of striking had little result. To begin with, it was
impracticable to lodge complaints against 10,000 men, and it was
invidious to select among the offenders. In the second place,
when imprisonment for failure to pay fines had been aboMshed by
the Act of 1916, there was no certainty of recovery. And finally,
even if recovery was possible, the individual did not suffer, since
levies could always be raised to pay the fine. Indeed, so far as
legal action in respect of strikes was effective it was the Defence
of the Realm Act with its heavy penalties against incitement
rather than the Munitions Acts that operated. But, though the
general munitions tribunals were in fact little used yet none the
less their existence was of great deterrent value.
So far as the local tribunals were concerned, their work in
respect of workshop discipline formed in volume at any rate as
time went on the lesser part of their heavy duties. They were
worked hard, indeed sometimes almost overwhelmed, but their
principal work consisted, so long as the leaving certificates re-
mained, in dealing with appeals, and after their abolition with
claims for failure to give notice and with questions arising upon
claims for payment of wages under the orders issued by the Minis-
ter of Munitions under the powers vested in him by the Mu-
nitions Acts. So complex and difficult were these questions, and
so liable to different interpretations by the fifty or sixty tri-
bunals in existence, that it was found necessary under the Act
of 1916 to provide for an appeal to the High Court in England
72O
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
and to the Court of Session in Scotland. But the same principles
of cheapness and informality marked the change and though the
judicial decisions given had far-reaching results, they were given
quickly w.th a minimum of expense to appellants and often with-
out the assistance of counsel.
Section 4 (5) provided for regulations to be made by the
Minister of Munitions for the general ordering of work in con-
trolled establishments. When the bill passed into law the Minis-
ter of Munitions was faced with the difficulty of drawing up a
code of workshop rules for the controlled establishments, the
number of which increased from 134 on July 12 1915, to 2,422
on Jan. i 1916, and ultimately exceeded 6,000. The difficulty of
interfering with the delicate mechanism of workshop discipline
by central edict was very much in the mind of the Ministry,
and consequently the first regulations did not themselves make
workshop rules but required the owner of a controlled estab-
lishment to post his own rules, thus giving them statutory effect.
This was an ingenious shortcut, but it failed in its object.
The workmen were not prepared for possibly arbitrary rules,
made to suit an employer's convenience, being made
Workshop statutory. On their side the employers realized the
Rule*. reasonable nature of the workpeoples' objection,
and moreover large numbers of the smaller employers
had never drawn up a regular code of workshop rules. Accord-
ingly in Aug. 1915 the Ministry of Munitions drew up a model
code of rules for posting. These provided for regularity and dili-
gence, suspension of restrictions, and sobriety and good order,
but the model rules did not of necessity supersede the existing
workshop rules. The result of this step is shown by the follow-
ing figures for Dec. 4 1915, in respect of establishments con-
trolled by Nov. 4:
Posting of
Rules.
Model rules only
Model rules with variations
Own rules
Model rules and own rules
Model rules prepared by Engineering Employers'
Federation
800
21
116
303
64
1, 114
Certain difficulties arose subsequently in rules posted by em-
ployers, notably a rule imposing small fines for bad time-
keeping. But these difficulties were ultimately surmounted by an
agreement in the autumn of 1915 to substitute the Ministry of
Munitions code for the unpopular rules.
Up to Dec. 1915 there had been 4,166 cases under Section 4
(5) before munitions tribunals, of which the great majority had
been cases of bad time-keeping. It is a matter of real difficulty to
decide whether convictions in this respect had or had not any real
effect. It was often argued that the irritation caused by prosecu-
tions far outweighed the advantages derived from convictions.
However this may be, employers continued to revert with a
certain freedom to this method, until the abolition of the leaving
certificate. When this was abolished, the employer, through
fear of losing workmen prosecuted, was far more chary of bring-
ing prosecutions; indeed employers felt that the abolition of
Section 7 carried with it the repeal of Section 4 (5).
The Ministry of Munitions were conscious that legal proceed-
ings in themselves would not necessarily cure the undoubted evil
of bad time-keeping, which remained throughout the war,
especially in the shipyards, a real menace to production. The
causes were variously diagnosed, but there can be little doubt
that the real causes were overstrain and high wages. To supple-
ment the work of the tribunals the Ministry instituted a system
of warning offenders, and appointed in this connexion a number
of time-keeping officers, whose duty it was to investigate the
time-keeping in the various controlled establishments and to
put themselves into direct touch with culprits. It is difficult to
show statistically what effect this policy had, but numerous
testimonies to its good effects were received from employers.
But, if no direct results could be estimated, the indirect results
of the efforts to deal with time-keeping were remarkable, provid-
Imorove-
meat of
Working
Condi'
lions.
ing another instance of permanent changes in the social structure
arising from war measures. It was clear that overstrain was one
of the effective causes of bad time-keeping, and that under the
general head of overstrain must be included excessive hours, and
unsatisfactory workshop and housing conditions. In the effort
to repair these defects an important advance was made in the
direction of elevating the position of workpeople generally.
The first indirect result of the bad time-keeping campaign
was the encouragement of duly authorized workshop committees,
which should themselves act as judges of their fellow
workpeople. In the setting up of these committees
the Ministry of Munitions had to proceed very slowly,
and indeed were able to do little that was effective
until late in 1917. The employers regarded this inno-
vation with the greatest suspicion. Certain advanced employers
(like Hans Renold, Ltd., at Manchester, and Messrs. Rowntree)
had installed them with the most favourable results. But the
employers generally regarded them as an attempt by the work-
people to interfere with management, and they were the less
prepared to accept them in view of the activities of the labour
movement known as the " shop-steward " or " rank and file "
movement. This movement, which originated with the Clyde
workers' committee, advocated workshop committees, partly as
a means of countering the centralized powers of the trade unions,
and partly as a means of reaching workshop control. When,
therefore, the Ministry of Munitions urged upon employers'
committees, which in everything except name were fundamentally
different from those advocated by the shop stewards, the similar-
ity of name and the possible misuse of any powers entrusted to the
committees were powerful obstacles to progress. But the Minis-
try persevered, and a considerable number of these committees
were set up, all of which, if only for the vigorous way in which
they dealt with bad time-keeping, fully justified their creation.
After the Coventry strike of 1918 the Engineering Employers'
Federation signed an agreement with the engineering unions
setting out the basis upon which committees might be estab-
lished, thus setting the seal on the labour of the Ministry of Muni-
tions in this respect. But the point of real interest is that in this
work the Ministry of Munitions anticipated in practice on a
very modest scale the far-reaching proposals of the committee
under Mr. J. H. Whitley, M.P., which recommended the estab-
lishment of joint industrial councils for industries.
It would be untrue to allege that the control of hours, the pro-
vision of welfare facilities and the provision of housing, were under-
taken primarily or indeed chiefly to cure bad time-keeping. These
steps were necessary at least as much in the interests of the general
moral of the workpeople as of the actual volume of production. But
that bad time-keeping was an effective cause of the special attention
given to these matters cannot be doubted. It was a consideration
almost as much present to the industrial research committee, which
investigated industrial fatigue, as to the Ministry of Munitions.
It was certainly constantly in the mind of the welfare department
of the Ministry of Munitions, and it was seriously taken into account
by the Ministry in deciding on building schemes. Thus again from a
war necessity were made contributions of first-rate importance to
the whole future of industrial organization.
So far as hours of labour are concerned, it is sufficient here to note
that the labour department of the Ministry of Munitions had a
special responsibility as the labour side of the great supply depart-
ment. The Home Office had the statutory duty under the Factory
Acts of regulating the hours of women and young persons, but trade-
union rules were the only instrument that existed to control men's
hours, and then not from the health, but from the economic point
of view. The Home Office, faced by the urgent demands for muni-
tions, the validity of which they were not able to estimate, had even
so far as women and young persons were concerned great difficulty
in maintaining hours at a reasonable level. So far as men's hours
were concerned, in the early days of the war, working weeks of 80
and 90, and even 100, hours were by no means uncommon. It was
upon the labour department of the Ministry of Munitions, which
could in some measure control or at least estimate the demands of the
supply departments, that the duty fell of attempting to bring hours
down to a reasonable level. It was the Medical Research Committee,
constituted by the Home Office, which pointed out the waste of
energy and efficiency involved by excessive hours, but it was the
labour department of the Ministry of Munitions which, by using
their influence with the supply departments, were able to see that
the views of the committee were carried out at least in part.
So far as welfare is concerned, here again the Ministry of Munitions
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
721
came in as the supply department, which, by reason of its intimate
association with employers, could effectively supplement the
statutory duties of the Home Office. It is doubtful how far the
Ministry had any statutory basis for the important duties they
discharged in this direction. But they had a power greater perhaps
even than that of statute the power of the purse. When the
Department urged upon employers the provision of suitable can-
teens, rest-rooms and welfare superintendents, they could hope that
their recommendations would be (as they generally were) accepted
because they had power to write off the firms' expenditure in this
respect against excess profits. But here again the interesting point
that emerges is that the experiment of the Ministry of Munitions
for meeting a war need has profoundly affected the attitude of em-
ployers generally to these problems.
Finally, so far as housing is concerned, the first point of interest is
that by assuming direct responsibility for the provision of houses, the
Ministry foreshadowed or perhaps even pointed the way to the
great responsibility for the general housing of the population assumed
after the war by the Ministry of Health. The State had admitted
that for certain war purposes it had obligations in respect of housing ;
it was difficult to deny these obligations in the face of the even more
clamant demands of peace.
Before leaving the subject of housing, a brief reference should be
made to the Billeting of Civilians Act of 1917. When it became
apparent that housing difficulties were proving a real obstacle to the
production of munitions, and that it was hopeless to expect that
new houses could be built in time to meet the need, the Government
decided on the drastic step of introducing an Act, under which they
took power to billet munitions workers compulsorily, if adequate
accommodation were not forthcoming. A central billeting board
was set up to carry the Act into effect, and billeting officers were
appointed. In fact, the principal value of the Act proved to be the
threat of compulsion. In place of making orders, the general
procedure was to hold conferences in the most congested districts,
which generally resulted in the provision of increased accommoda-
tion without the need of a resort to compulsion. Though figures
could not easily be obtained to support the view it is probable that
the Act had a considerable success.
(5) The Handling of Wages Problem. Any account of labour
regulation would be incomplete which did not indicate the degree
to which success or failure in handling the wages problem may
affect the whole labour situation. During the war, wages did not
have quite so predominant a share in moulding the point of view
of workmen to industrial questions as during peace. Questions
such as dilution, and compulsory military service, took their
place side by side with wages as topics of first-class importance to
labour. But none the less a failure to deal with wages would have
constituted a failure to regulate labour. Clear above all the
conflicting considerations that remain when the general Govern-
ment policy is considered there stand out the two great experi-
ments in handling wages (a) compulsory arbitration, and (A)
fixing of wages by administrative orders.
Compulsory arbitration had long formed the subject of
controversy, and had long been repudiated by labour opinion,
on the plain ground that such arbitra'ion necessarily destroyed
the right to strike. Labour opinion, though fully conscious of
the economic wastefulness of this desperate resort, regarded it
none the less as the ultima ratio. The right to resort to it had
been finally consecrated by the Trade Disputes Act of 1906, and
any interference with or reduction of the extreme right was
regarded as a vital attack on the general liberties of labour.
But the war proved in the end too strong even for this view. For
the first few months, in the general engineering and shipbuilding
trades, wages did not play any very considerable part. Overtime
to an unheard-of extent was being worked, and unemployment
was non-existent for any man who cared to work ; so that rates of
wages could safely be left to look after themselves. But as the
shortage of labour grew more and more pronounced, a sharp
change came over the situation. Employers began to bid against
one another; and disparities between one factory and another,
and between one district and another, began to have an effect on
the minds of the workpeople. Moreover, at the beginning of 1915
an old-standing difficulty between employers and employed in
the Clyde reemerged, and the atmosphere began to be charged
with a certain liveliness. But over and above this there was a
genuine reluctance among workpeople to put themselves in the
position of striking, and thus ceasing to produce the munitions of
which their brothers in the field were so urgently in want. It was
principally this factor, though the others were also material,
that made it possible, when the Treasury agreement forbidding
strikes and lockouts was concluded, to couple with that provision
the institution of arbitration, which by the Munitions of War
Act, 1915, became compulsory.
It cannot be pretended that at any time the strongly organized
part of the labour world welcomed or approved of compulsory
arbitration, but equally it cannot be denied that
the principle was legally accepted. The statistics of
strikes and lockouts during the war period indeed
show that the principle was by no means universally
accepted, but in weighing the statistics account must be taken
of the fact that all the most considerable strikes were uncon-
nected with wages. But, even allowing for a considerable body
of strikes on wages and even against decisions of the compul-
sory tribunals, the experiment must be considered to have been
successful. It is therefore the more surprising that labour opinion
should have been so little converted to its use.
The reasons for this are not far to seek. In the first place it is
one thing to abandon the strike weapon during war, when it
operates as much against the strikers as against the employers.
It is quite another thing to abandon or even to restrict its use
during peace. In the second place, from the labour point of view,
compulsory arbitration during a period of acute labour shortage
and rising prices resolved itself into a question of determining
only how much wages should be advanced, and never how much
they should be reduced. And finally there existed the order-
making powers of the Ministry of Munitions, which could be, and
indeed constantly were, resorted to, as an alternative to, and as
a means of evading, compulsory arbitration.
On the general effect of compulsory arbitration it may fairly
be said that, though its compulsory character was abandoned
with the termination of the war except in so far as it was kept
alive for a strictly limited period by the Wages (Temporary
Regulation) Acts, it had familiarized great masses of workpeople
to the principle of arbitration, whether compulsory or not. In
this way, by pointing to a central settlement of labour questions
without resort to industrial warfare, the system of compulsory
arbitration has had enduring effects.
Side by side with the awards of the arbitration tribunals, and
only too often conflicting with them, there came into existence
the direct power of the Ministry of Munitions to
make orders. As between awards and orders it is f de " . f
sufficient to say here that, while there is a great deal tl of '
to be said for orders, whether direct or through a Munitions.
trade organization, in respect of unorganized trades, it
is difficult in theory to defend orders in respect of organized
trades. But theory in war-time has a habit of being ineffective.
The critics who point scornfully to what they regard as the dis-
aster of the repeal of Section 7 and the granting of the 12%%
bonus, have this advantage over those responsible for these
measures. They see what happened as a result of their introduc-
tion: they do not, however, see what was avoided. They are
therefore ready to assume that the difficulties avoided are negli-
gible in comparison with those created. Nothing can controvert
them, except possibly the fact that in spite, it may even be as a
result, of measures such as these in face of unspeakable strain and
anxiety, the working classes remained resolutely, loyally, and
with but trifling interruptions, at work till Nov. n 1918.
The origin of the order-making power is to be found in the
prosecution of the Government's proposals for dilution. The
principal stumbling block at the end of 1915 was the fear that the
introduction of semi-skilled men and women upon work hitherto
performed by skilled men would depress the level of the wages.
The trade unions demanded that the Government should take
powers to prevent that depression. These powers were taken
under Sections 6, 7 and 8 of the Munitions of War Act, 1916,
which enabled the Minister of Munitions (i) to make orders
concerning the wages, hours of labour and conditions of employ-
ment, (a) of women employed on munitions work in establish-
ments subject to the provisions of Section 7 of the principal Act,
and (b) of certain classes of semi-skilled and unskilled men em-
ployed in controlled establishments; and also (2) to constitute
722
LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION
special arbitration tribunals, (a) to deal with differences in the
matters mentioned above, and (6) to advise the Minister on
questions referred to them affecting such matters.
This order-making power was assumed by the Minister of
Munitions as an indispensable preliminary to securing dilution.
It is important to note that the orders, so far as women were
concerned, were of two classes: the first, and for this purpose the
less important, were those which dealt with women engaged on
what was previously men's work; the second with women on
women's work. These orders, dealing as they did with practically
unorganized trades, for the first time in general industry, intro-
duced an effective underpinning minimum. The first order
fixed 2os. per week as the minimum, representing in itself a
6s. to 8s. advance over the average wage previously enjoyed by
women in industry. From that time, with the steadily increasing
cost of living, the women's rate mounted steadily till it reached
the neighbourhood of 353. There are those who maintain that
these last rates were excessive. There are none, however, who
dare pretend that the pre-war level was adequate. The action of
the Ministry of Munitions had destroyed the old standards,
which never returned, for the Wages (Temporary Regulation)
Acts, temporarily, and the Trade Board Act, 1918, permanently,
stepped in to uphold the standard thus fixed. When, therefore,
the wages policy of the Government is criticised, it is only fair
to remember that the women's wages orders of the Ministry of
Munitions opened a new era in women's employment.
But, if these orders can be defended, it will be more difficult to
find those who would accept a defence of the order giving the
12^% bonus in the autumn of 1917. Yet when this order is
criticised, the stages that led up to it should be remembered.
The introduction of the automatic machine and mass production
had afforded unprecedentedly high wages to semi-skilled and
unskilled workers employed on piece-work. Side by side with
those working on operations which, because of their delicacy,
could not be performed on a piece-work basis, were the skilled
men, whose wages had by no means advanced at an equal rate.
Not only, therefore, had the relative wage superiority of the
skilled man not been maintained, but in many cases the less
skilled worker -who had often been taught by the skilled man
was receiving a higher wage than his teacher. This grievance
which was generally known as the skilled man's grievance had
been noticed by all the commissions on industrial unrest appointed
after the May strike of 1917 under the general chairmanship
of Mr. Barnes. They were unanimous in declaring that it should
be remedied, but not unanimous as to the means. The 12 J%
bonus given on the advice of the labour side of a mixed committee
appointed to consider the matters was the means adopted by the
Government. Designed to remove the disparity between skilled
and unskilled, it was ultimately extended to time and piece-
workers skilled and unskilled alike. It is clear that it did not
achieve its object of removing the disparity; that it was extremely
expensive, and that during the days when it was first imposed
it led to much confusion and grave irritation. But what is not
dear is whether, if it had not been granted as an earnest proof of
the Government's sincere determination to remedy a labour
grievance, other troubles of a deeper and more formidable sort,
of which angry signs had already appeared, might not have
developed. Admittedly, only an acute emergency could justify
the attempt to regulate the general wages of the country by
central order. (H. Wr.)
II. UNITED STATES
Before the World War there was no national American system
of labour placement. There were thousands of employment
agencies of every type (commercial fee-charging agencies,
philanthropic offices, union, employers' and commercial associa-
tion offices, Federal, state and municipal agencies), competing,
duplicating and working at cross purposes. War-time demands
for labour soon overstrained the existing facilities. The flow of
immigrants stopped; the draft drew off large numbers of men;
war industries bid against each other in competition for workers;
there was little contraction of non-essential industries. By the
spring of 1918 the surplus had been absorbed, and war labour
needs had reached the total of 3,928,956 workers. The problem
was one both of distribution and training. To meet the war
emergency, the U.S. Employment Service and the U.S. Training
and Dilution Service were established.
The first plan to establish a Federal employment service was
inaugurated by the Bureau of Immigration in 1907 for the purpose
of placing immigrants on farms. In Jan. 1915 it was extended to
cover all occupations and all classes of workers, and effort was
made to cooperate with state bureaus. A special division of
" reserves " (public service reserves and boys' working reserve)
was created to enroll skilled workers and to enlist boys between
16 and 21 for vacation work. In Jan. 1918 the Secretary of Labor
ordered the separation of the employment service from the bureau
of immigration and a few months later when the Department of
Labor was reorganized, the United States Employment Service
was made one of its eight new divisions. Two million dollars
was granted to it from the President's emergency fund.
The service passed through several stages of reorganization.
In its final form it consisted of five divisions: (i) the control
division, which was in charge of general correspondence, statistics
and research, expenditures and accounts; (2) the field organiza-
tion division, which supervised the employment offices; (3) the
clearance division, which handled reports on labour supply and
distributed unfilled requests for help; (4) the< personnel division,
which dealt with the selection and training of help and worked
out standard classifica ions of occupations; and (5) the informa-
tion division, which published the U.S. Employment Service
Bulletin and had charge of all publicity work. Responsibility for
organization was centred in a Federal director in each state.
State advisory boards, consisting of representative employers
and workers, were organized, as well as community labour boards.
Dependence of employers on the service was further increased
when, on Aug. i 1918, by Presidential proclamation, all em-
ployers engaged in war industries, who employed more than 100
persons, were required to hire their unskilled labourers through
the service. By Oct. 1918, 832 offices had been opened, covering
every state, the District of Columbia and Porto Rico. Special
divisions were organized for woman labour, railway labour,
farm labour, shipyard labour, longshoremen, negro labour, mine
labour and engineers.
Following the cessation of hostilities a plan was worked out for
the placement of ex-soldiers and war workers. Lack of adequate
funds, however, forced the service to curtail its work, and by
Oct. 1919 all of the offices were closed except those which the
states and municipalities took over. These were granted a small
sum of money and remained in cooperation with the Federal
office. During the period from Oct. n 1919 to June 30 1920, 269
such offices were in operation in 41 states and the District of
Columbia, supported mostly by state and municipal funds.
Though the service had many weaknesses and shortcomings,
due mainly to the fact that it was created under pressure to
relieve a disorganized labour market, it accomplished remarkable
results, as the following table shows:
Activities of the U.S. Employment Service and cooperating Pub-
4ic Employment Offices, Jan. 1918 to June 1920, inclusive.
Help
Wanted
Registra-
tions
Referred to
Positions
Placements
Number
Per cent
of Regis-
trations
1918 .
1919 .
1920
(6mos.)
8,929,005
4.857,264
1,496,819
4,225,451
4,367.190
1,138,773
3,969,579
3,807,448
1,152.162
3,091,821
2,920,839
833,368
73-2
66-9
73-1
Credit for its success must be given, also, to some of the well-
organized state services which had existed for several years.
As in other countries during the war, the labour shortage
was overcome in part by the increased employment of women,
who entered industry in large numbers, particularly after the
second draft. In a study recently made from Ohio statistics, it
has been shown that there was no marked increase of employers'
demands for women until March 1918, but that from then to
LABRADOR LADENBURG, A.
723
March 1919 there was a much stronger demand for women
workers than before the war. In fact, just before the termination
of the war, employers were asking for twice as many women work-
ers as in 1917. The figures show, also, that the number of women
seeking industrial employment rose in almost exact proportion to
the demand for their services. In another study, made for the
country as a whole, of 15,00x3 firms employing 2,500,000 workers,
it is estimated that in 1914 6-5% of the workers on the labour
force of leading war agency and implement industries were
women; in 1916 7-7% were women; after the first draft (Feb.-
March 1918) 10-6% were women; after the second draft (Oct-
Nov. 1918) 13-9% were women. In Aug. 1919 women still
remained as 10% of the labour force. In the production of muni-
tions, Benedict Crowell, Assistant Secretary of War and Director
of Munitions, says that the women played a " highly important
part." Fifty per cent of the employees in explosive plants were
women; in the manufacture of hand grenades 19 out of 20 work-
ers were women; in the Government gas-mask defence plant
8,500 out of 12,000 employees were women. In transportation
the highest employment of women was reached in Oct. 1918,
when there were 101,785 employed by first-class roads, an in-
crease of 66% in the first nine months of 1918 and of 225% from
the beginning of the war. In Oct. 1919 the number had fallen to
81,803. This increase in the war industries was secured in part by
the absolute increase in numbers of women employed and in part
by a shift from the traditional occupations of women in the textile,
garment, food and tobacco industries which showed in some
instances actual decrease in the numbers employed.
Women were first substituted for men in hundreds of repetitive
occupations, and in unskilled and labouring jobs, in industries
varying in their main divisions from blast furnaces to lumber
camps. More important for the future was the fact that the war
emergency in some cases opened the way to the " master ma-
chines " and key occupations. In all the industries taken
together where women were substituted, 98 to 100 men were
released for every 100 women employed, though there were
exceptions such as crane operating where three women on 8-hour
shifts replaced two men on 1 2-hour shifts. With regard to the
success of their work in the new occupations a recent study of
representative firms where women were substituted for men shows
that 77-4% of the firms investigated reported that women's work,
where comparable, was as satisfactory as, or better than, that of
men. On the whole the results of their work seemed to depend
less on the kind of work or degree of skill required than upon the
intelligence with which they were initiated into their new work.
To meet the demand for technically skilled labour, the training
and dilution service of the Department of Labor was organized,
July 16 1918, under the authority of the War Labor Administra-
tion Act, and $150,000 was appropriated for its use. Its particu-
lar function was to ascertain the best methods of training workers
and to provide information. Plans for factory training were
designed, the various types of training were classified, and
information was widely disseminated among employers. Es-
pecially was training needed for women, who were, with few
exceptions, unprepared for the skilled and semi-skilled work.
This was usually given in the factory training-room or vestibule
school. Though the life of the service was so brief that it had no
appreciable effect in augmenting the supply of skilled labour,
it accomplished an important result in emphasizing the need for
industrial training.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. U.S. Department of Labor, Women's Bureau,
Bulletin No. 12; U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Sta-
tistics, Monthly Labor Review; Report of Benedict Crowell, Assistant
Secretary of War, Director of Munitions, Washington, 1919;
America's Munitions, 1917-8; U.S. Department of Labor, Employ-
ment Service, Annual Reports of the Director-General; U.S. Rail-
road Administration, Annual Reports of the Director-General;
National Industrial Conference Board, Research Report, No. 8;
Gordon S. Watkins, Labor Problems and Labor Administration in the
United Stales During the World War, University of Illinois Studies in
the Social Sciences, vol. viii., No. 3; Lescohier, D.D., The Labor
Market, 1919. (J. R. Co.)
LABRADOR (see 16.28). Developments in Labrador during
the decade 1910-20 were comparatively few and unimportant.
The Newfoundland fishermen pursued their calling along its
seaboard, and wireless stations were established at several points
there to render communication easier. The work of the Grenfell
mission among the fishermen was maintained and extended, and
farther N. the Moravian missionaries continued their Christian-
izing work among the Eskimos, originated more than a century
ago. The Hudson's Bay Co. and its more recent rival, the Re-
villon Co., kept up contact with the trappers on the coast and
the Indian tribes of the wilderness behind, and occasional
American exploring parties, geologists and others, visited the
region during the summer seasons. The epidemic of influenza
in 1918 ravaged the northern section despite the efforts of the
Moravian missionaries and their medical staff; 20% of the
natives perished. The mortality in some settlements was such
that the dead had to be buried in pits, through lack of help to
dig individual graves.
Labrador contributed a substantial quota of men whites
and half-breeds for the Newfoundland Regiment and Naval
Reserve, and even the smallest settlements helped in raising
funds for Red Cross and other patriotic purposes. During the
World War the attitude of some of the Moravian missionaries
of German descent resulted in steps being taken for their
internment. Other safeguards were applied and patrols were
maintained by the Newfoundland Government during two
seasons in case German submarines should use the coast to
operate against Allied shipping passing through Belle Isle
Strait to leave or reach Canadian harbours.
The production of codfish, salmon, trout and peltries, the prin-
cipal yield of the region, continued about normal, but a survey of the
seaboard and a thorough investigation of the fishery possibilities
of the outer waters, which the Newfoundland Government had in
contemplation, should result in largely increasing the magnitude of
the fishing industry. Conditions on the eastern coast of " New-
foundland " Labrador, as it is known, are virtually identical with
those on the western coast or " Canadian " Labrador from Belle Isle
Strait westward to the St. Lawrence. The Grenfell mission operates
here also but to a smaller extent than on the Atlantic seaboard,
while the Canadian church organizations, Protestant and Catholic,
play a larger part in caring for the natives there than the very
limited resources of the kindred organizations in Newfoundland per-
mit of their doing on the ocean front.
In Nov. 1920, after several years of negotiation, the Canadian and
Newfoundland Governments, through their respective Ministers
of Justice, signed an agreement in London for the submission to the
Privy Council of the question of the Labrador boundary, on which
depends, amongst other things, the right to valuable timber and
mineral areas in that region. Broadly speaking, Newfoundland
claims that her jurisdiction should extend inland from the Atlantic
coast to the watershed or " height of land " in the interior, and that
she should possess all the territory draining into the Atlantic; while
Canada claims that the whole of this territory should be hers except
a narrow strip along the seaboard necessary to enable the New-
foundlanders to carry on successfully their fishing enterprise, which
is at present the only substantial industry in the region.
LADENBURG, ALBERT (1842-1911), German chemist, was
born at Mannheim July 2 1842. He was educated at a Real-
gymnasium at Mannheim and after the age of 15 at the technical
school of Karlsruhe, proceeding to the university of Heidelberg,
where he graduated as doctor of philosophy (1863). From 1863
to 1867 he first studied organic chemistry under A. Kekule at
Ghent, then visited England, studied in Paris and with Ch.
Friedel and Wurtz, and returned to teach at Heidelberg. In
1873 he went to Kiel as professor of chemistry and director of
the laboratory, remaining there until 1889 when he went to the
university of Breslau in the same capacity. He was made an
honorary member of the Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain
in 1886 and received the Hanbury medal for original research
in chemistry in 1889. Details of his work, especially in con-
nexion with benzene derivatives, are given in 6.53, 55 and 942;
11.215; 20.430; 25.892 and 21.635. He published Entwick-
lungsgeschichte der Chemie von Lavoisier bis zur Gegenwart (1868)
and other works on chemistry, collaborated in a Handworter-
buch der Chemie (13 vols., 1882-96), and wrote a volume of
reminiscences, Lebenserinnerungen (1912). He died at Breslau
Aug. 15 1911.
See Biographisches Jahrbuch und Deutscher Nekrolog., Bd. xvi.,
171 (1914), and W. Herz's Albert Ladenburg.
724
LA FOLLETTE LAMMASCH
LA FOLLETTE, ROBERT MARION (1855- ), American
politician, was born on a farm in Primrose township, Dane co.,
Wis., June 14 1855. He graduated from the university of Wis-
consin in 1879, studied law there for one term, and was admitted
to the bar in 1880. He began immediately to practise in Madison
and served as district attorney for Dane co. for two terms
(1880-4). From 1885 to 1891 he was a representative in Con-
gress, and, as a member of the Ways and Means Committee,
helped to draft the McKinley Tariff bill. On being defeated for
Congress in 1891 he returned to practise in Madison. In 1896
he was a delegate to the Republican National Convention. He
was elected governor of Wisconsin in 1901 and was reelected
in 1903 and 1905. It was largely due to him that state laws
were passed for taxing railways according to valuation (1903),
for nominating all candidates for public office by direct vote
of the people (1904), and for regulating the railways in the
state through a state commission (1905). He resigned the
governorship in 1905 on being elected to the U.S. Senate, and
was reelected for two succeeding terms. He was an unsuccessful
candidate for the presidential nomination at the Republican
National Convention in 1908. In 1915 he was sponsor in the
Senate for the seamen's bill providing for better working con-
ditions and increase of life-saving equipment on board ship.
He favoured, in 1916, an embargo on the shipment of arms
from America, but supported armed intervention in Mexico.
After America's entrance into the World War he was a pro-
nounced and conspicuous pacifist.
He was the author of La Follette's Autobiography (1913).
LAGERLOF, SELMA (1858- ), Swedish writer, was born
Nov. 20 1858 aH Marbacke in Varmland (Vermland). She
grew up among country surroundings in a province in which
tradition and folk-lore survived to an extent unknown else-
where in the land. After going through the course in the Royal
Women's Superior Training College of Stockholm, she became
a teacher in the girls' high school at Landskrona. A weekly
journal offered a prize for competition. She sent in some chap-
ters of her first work, Gosta Berlings Saga, and won the prize.
Thus began her public career as author. The book was a collec-
tion of tales, each to some extent independent of the others,
gathered together in one framework: wild and moving scenes
from Varmland life, depicted with lively imagination in a style
of diction in keeping with her subject. The book is peculiarly
Swedish in its character but it has been translated into English,
Danish, German, Finnish, French, Dutch, Italian, Spanish, Hun-
garian, Portuguese, Czech and Russian. In 1894 she published
Osynliga Lankar (Invisible Links).
In 1895 she was able to give up her work as teacher. Two
journeys abroad which she now made, one of them to Italy,
the other to Palestine and other parts of the East, were largely
instrumental in providing material for her next book. In
Antikrists Mirakler (1897) she gives a picture, in legendary
shape, of the mystical and socialistic aspects of Sicilian life.
In Jerusalem (1901-2) she tells of a strange flitting from the
Swedish province of Dalarne to the Holy Land. Among her
other works may be mentioned Drottningar i Kungahalla, stories
from Swedish history (1899); En Herrgardssagen (1899);
Krisluslegender (1904); Herr Arnes Penningar (1904); Nils Hol-
gerssons Underbara Resa (1906-7), a book for children, recount-
ing a small boy's remarkable adventures on a journey through
Sweden on the back of a wild-goose, embodying at the same time
a series of stories touching on Swedish nature and history; En
Saga om en Saga (1908); Liljecronas Hem (1911); Korkarlen
(1912); Dunungen, a comedy (1914); Kejsarn ail Portugallien
(1914); Troll och Miinniskor (1915); Bannlysl (1918) and
Kaiialjersnoveller (1918); as well as a volume of essays entitled
Hem och Slat, published in 1911. Most of her books have
been translated into English and other languages.
Honours and marks of esteem began gradually to come to her.
In 1907 she was given a doctor's degree by Upsala University;
in 1909 the Swedish Academy awarded her the Nobel prize for
literature, and subsequently she was elected one of its 18 mem-
bers the first woman to be elected since its foundation in the
i8th century. She purchased and restored the old farm in
Varmland which was the home of her fathers.
See M. Kristenson, Selma Lagerlof (1917); O. I. Levertin, Selma
Lagerlof (1904).
LAGOS (see 16.74), the principal port and the administrative
capital of the colony and protectorate of Nigeria. The name
was formerly borne also by the Crown colony of Lagos, an area
of approximately 1,400 sq. m., adjoining the protectorate of
Nigeria, of which the area is some 334,300 sq. m. in extent. The
principal residence of the governor of Nigeria is at Lagos, and
the colony possesses a Legislative Council, the authority of whirh
extends only to the area enclosed within its boundaries. The
town and island are linked to Iddo I., on which the terminus of
the railway to Kano is situated, by Carter bridge; and Iddo I. is,
in its turn, joined to the mainland by Denton bridge.
Extensive wharves were in 1921 about to be constructed by
Messrs. Armstrong at Apapa, on the side of the lagoon facing the
town, and a large electrical power-station to work the cranes on
these wharves and to supply power to the main railway-workshops,
which are under construction on the mainland beyond Denton
bridge, was being built on Iddo I. to supplement the smaller power-
station by which the town is at present lighted. Under the ad-
ministration of Sir Walter Egerton fine waterworks were constructed
at Ijau, on the mainland, which furnish an abundant supply of
potable water to the town and its environs. Extensive harbour-
works, still in progress in 1921, had already done much to improve
the port, and these, aided by dredging, enable ships of approximately
2O-ft. draft to enter the harbour and to lie alongside the customs
wharf. It was hoped that the works in hand would eventually enable
ships drawing 32 ft. to make use of the port. Lagos is the outlet and
inlet of all the trade of that part of Nigeria served by the Iddo- Kano
railway, which is 705 m. in length, and it has also a considerable
canoe-borne trade with the adjacent portions of the Southern Prov-
inces of Nigeria.
LAGUERRE, JEAN HENRI GEORGES (1858-1912), French
lawyer and politician (see 16.79), died J une J7 1912.
LAISANT, CHARLES ANNE (1841-1920), French politician
(see 16.84), died at Asnieres, near Paris, May 5 1920.
LAKING, SIR FRANCIS HENRY, IST BART. (1847-1914),
English physician, was born in Kensington Jan. 9 1847. He was
educated at Heidelberg, and afterwards studied medicine at St.
George's hospital, taking his degree of M.D. in 1869. He was
for many years one of the physicians to the royal household,
and was appointed physician-in-ordinary to King Edward VII.
in 1901. He was knighted in 1893, created a baronet in 1902,
G.C.V.O. in 1903, and K.C.B. in 1910. He died in London
May 21 1914.
His son, SIR GUY FRANCIS LAKING, 2ND BART. (1875-1919),
English antiquary, was born in London Oct. 21 1875. He
was educated at Westminster school, and later studied art,
but instead of adopting this as a career he entered Christie's,
art dealers, where his apprenticeship stimulated all his anti-
quarian tastes. He was an enthusiastic student of armour,
and this led to his appointment by King Edward VII. as keeper
of the king's armoury, and also to his being appointed hon.
inspector of the armouries of the Wallace collection (1900).
He was also responsible for the arrangement of the London
museum (1914). Sir Guy Laking published the following works:
The Armoury at Windsor Castle (1904); The Armoury of the
Knights of St. John (1905); The Furniture of Windsor Castle
(1905) and The Sewes Porcelain of Buckingham Palace (1907),
besides a catalogue raisonne of the armour at Hertford House.
He died in London Nov. 22 1919.
LAMMASCH, HEINRICH (1853-1920); Austrian jurist and
statesman, was born on May 18 1853. He was professor of
criminal and international law, a member of the Hague Arbi-
tration Tribunal, and in 1918 the last prime minister of Austria.
He qualified for the teaching faculty at Vienna in 1878. His
pioneer pamphlet on the objective danger in the conception of
attempted crime won for him in 1882 an extraordinary professor-
ship, and in 1885 a full professorship at Innsbruck. In 1889 he
returned to Vienna and there became an advocate of the idea of
a league of nations in the spirit of Christian philosophy. He
became an international arbitrator, and arranged the New-
foundland dispute between Great Britain and the United States,
LAMONT LANG
725
and the Orinoco dispute between the latter and Venezuela. He
was sent to represent Austria at St. Germain, returned broken
in body and spirit, and died shortly afterwards, on Jan. 6 1920.
(C. B.)
LAMONT, THOMAS WILLIAM (1870- ), American banker,
was born at Claverack, N.Y., Sept. 30 1870. He was educated
at Phillips Academy, Exeter, N.H., and at Harvard (A.B. 1892).
After graduation he was for two years on the editorial staff of the
New York Tribune; then for some years was actively engaged in
the manufacturing and mercantile business of Lament, Corliss
& Co. From 1903 to 1909 he was connected with the Bankers
Trust Company, in New York, first as secretary and treasurer,,
and, after 1905, as vice-president. In 1909 he was elected vice-
president of the First National Bank of New York City, serving
for two years. On Jan. i 191 1 he entered the firm of J. P. Morgan
& Co. In 1912 he was elected a member of the board of overseers
of Harvard College and in 1915 president of the Associated
Harvard Clubs. He was active in raising additional endowment
for the Harvard School of Business Administration, in which he
was specially interested. He took an active part in floating the
British, French and Russian loans in America during the World
War. In 1918-22 he was proprietor of the New York Evening Post.
In 1919 he was financial and economic adviser of the American
delegation to the Peace Conference in Paris, and was U.S. dele-
gate in the formation of the new Consortium, composed of
American, British, French and Japanese bankers, for aiding
Chinese industries and railways; in 1920 he visited China as the
representative of the American group, and in 1921 he was chair-
man of the American Committee for the China Famine Fund.
LANCIANI, RODOLFO (1846- ), Italian architect and
archaeologist, was born at Rome Jan. i 1846. Educated at the
Collegio Romano and the university of Rome, he became pro-
fessor of ancient topography at that university in 1878. In
1872 he had been appointed secretary to the Archaeological Com-
mission (of Rome), in 1876 vice-director of the Kircherian
museum and in 1878 director of excavations. He was the
designer and builder of the archaeological park at Rome. The
recipient of hon. degrees from many universities, English,
American and European, he was made a member of numerous
archaeological and similar societies, including the Royal In-
stitute of British Architects, who bestowed on him their gold
medal. He became a senator of the kingdom of Italy. In
1920 he married Princess Caracciolo Colonna. Among his
books are Golden Days of the Renaissance in Rome (1906); and
Wanderings in the Roman Campagna (1909).
LANE, FRANKLIN KNIGHT (1864-1921), American public
official, was born near Charlottetown, P.E.I., Canada, July 15
1864. He was taken to California in childhood and graduated
from the university of California in 1886. He began his career
as a newspaper reporter, studied law, and was admitted to the
bar in 1889. He practised in San Francisco, drafted a charter
for that city, and soon afterwards, in 1897, was elected city
attorney, to which office he was twice reelected. In 1902 he
was the unsuccessful Democratic candidate for governor of
California and the following year received the Democratic vote
of the state legislature for the U.S. Senate, but failed of election.
In 1905 he was appointed by President Roosevelt a member of
the Interstate Commerce Commission and was retained by
President Taft, serving for eight years, part of the time as chair-
man. The decisions which he wrote, many of which were re-
garded as radical at the time, were all upheld by the courts.
In 1913 he entered the Cabinet of President Wilson as Secretary
of the Interior. During his term of office the wealth of Alaska
was made more accessible by the construction of a Government
railway. Dams were built in several western states for con-
serving the water-supply in dry regions. To the Indians he
gave special attention, maintaining that perpetual tutelage was
wrong. Long before, authority had been granted the Secretary
of the Interior to deal with individual cases, and by a generous
interpretation of his powers many Indians were made free citi-
zens. In connexion with national resources he advocated devel-
opment without waste as being reasonable conservation. He
was an earnest advocate of reclamation of land, and suggested
that farms for soldiers returned from the World War could be
provided by extensive drainage and irrigation. He favoured a
policy of Americanization for the foreign population and the
education of illiterates. In 1916 he was a member of the Amer-
ican-Mexican Joint High Commission, and the following, year
became a member of the Council of National Defense. In 1920
he resigned his post as Secretary of the Interior. He was treas-
urer of the European Relief Council. He died at Rochester,
Minn., May 18 1921. He was the author of The American Spirit
(1918, addresses delivered in war time).
LANE, SIR HUGH PERCY (1875-1915), Irish art collector
and critic, was born in co. Cork Nov. 9 1875, the son of the Rev.
J. W. Lane. His mother was a daughter of Dudley Persse, of
Roxburgh, co. Galway, and a sister of Lady Gregory, the Irish
playwright. Hugh Lane entered the firm of Colnaghi & Co. in
1893, and he rapidly made a name as a gifted connoisseur and
collector of extraordinary perception. In 1898 he began dealing
on his own account at 2, Pall Mall Place. He took a prominent
part in the revival of an interest in art in Ireland, and was espe-
cially enthusiastic in the matter of establishing a gallery of
modern art in Dublin. With the object of interesting the general
public in this idea, an exhibition was held at the Guildhall in
1904 of works by artists of Irish birth, and exhibitions of modern
art were subsequently held in Dublin and Belfast, with the
object of raising money for the purchase of pictures for Dublin.
A fine collection was ultimately made, and housed in Harcourt
Street, Dublin, where it was opened in 1906. Sir Hugh Lane,
who was knighted in 1909, also offered a number of his own
splendid purchases of old masters to the city of Dublin on con-
dition that a suitable building be provided for housing them,
but, owing to the attitude adopted on the subject by the Dublin
Corporation, his gift did not take effect. He acted as adviser
on the formation of the Johannesburg Municipal Gallery of
modern art founded by Lady Phillips (1909), and brought
together the Cape Town National Gallery collection of 17th-
century Dutch pictures (1912). He was in 1914 appointed
director of the National Gallery of Ireland. In the early months
of 1915 he paid a visit to America, and sold two of his most
important pictures (Titian's " Man in the Red Cap " and Hol-
bein's " Portrait of Thomas Cromwell") to American collectors.
He returned to England on the " Lusitania," and was drowned
in the sinking of that ship May 7 1915, one of his last acts hav-
ing been to secure by telegram for 10,000 the blank canvas
contributed by J. S. Sargent to a Red Cross sale at Christie's.
Sir Hugh Lane left a considerable fortune and also a splendid
collection of pictures, including fine examples of Gainsborough,
Goya and Rembrandt. Most of these were left to the National
Gallery of Ireland, but a certain number came to the English
National Gallery. Owing to an informality in the drawing-up
of a codicil to the will, which had been signed but not witnessed,
it was the occasion of controversy. It was contended that Sir
Hugh Lane had altered his intention of bequeathing some of
his pictures to the English National Gallery, and that the entire
bequest was thus the property of the Irish National Gallery.
The court, however, decided otherwise.
See The Life and Achievements of Hugh Lane: with some account
of the Dublin Galleries, by Lady Gregory (1920).
LANESSAN, JEAN MARIE ANTOINE DE (1843-1919), French
statesman and naturalist (see 16.169). At the elections of 1914
he was again, as in 1906, not returned, and he retired definitely
from politics. Among his latest works were La Crise de la
Republique; Introduction a la Guerre de 1914 and I'Histoire de
V Entente Cordiale Anglo-Franc.aise, of which he was an ardent
admirer. He died at Ecouen, Seine-et-Oise, Nov. 7 1919.
LANG, ANDREW (1844-1912), English writer (see 16.171), died
at Banchory, Aberdeenshire, July 20 1912.
LANG, COSMO GORDON (1864- ), Archbishop of York,
was born Oct. 31 1864 at Aberdeen, son of John Marshall Lang,
sometime moderator of the Church of Scotland, and educated at
Glasgow University until 1882, when he won a scholarship at
Balliol College, Oxford. He took his degree in 1886, becoming
726
LANGLE DE GARY LANREZAC
fellow of All Souls in 1888. From 1883 to 1889 he was a student
of the Inner Temple, but abandoned law for the church and was
ordained curate of Leeds parish church in 1890. He was fellow
and dean of divinity at Magdalen College, Oxford, from 1893 to
1896, and at the same time vicar of the university church of St.
Mary's. In 1896 he became vicar of Portsea, when his success
in administering a large working-class parish led in 1901 to his
nomination as bishop suffragan of Stepney in the East End of
London. In 1908 he was made Archbishop of York. The con-
firmation of his appointment was formally opposed on ritualistic
grounds by the Protestant Truth Society (see 6.907). He was
hon. chaplain to, and a personal friend of, Queen Victoria, and
published several religious books, notably The Miracles of
Jesus as Marks of the Way of Life (1900) and The Opportunity of
the Church of England (1906). He was a member of the royal
commission appointed in 1909 to inquire into the law of divorce,
and with Sir Lewis Dibdin and Sir William Anson signed the
minority report. As Archbishop of the Northern Province he took
a conspicuous part in the social and economic, as well as the
religious, questions agitating an industrial community, while in
the House of Lords his eloquence and clear common-sense gave
him an influence not confined to ecclesiastical matters. These
same qualities proved of value in a mission which he undertook
to the United States in 1918 in connexion with the war.
LANGLE DE CARY, FERNAND LOUIS ARMAND MARIE DE
(1849- ), French general, was born at Lorient July 4 1849,
entered the St. Cyr military school in 1867 and left at the head
of his class in 1869, being commissioned to the Chasseurs
d'Afrique. In the war of 1870, having been selected for staff
employment, he was orderly officer to Gen. Trochu, commander-
in-chief of the Paris forces, and at the last sortie from Paris
(Buzenval, Jan. 19 1871) he was severely wounded, and deco-
rated for bravery. In the years of peace his promotion was at
first somewhat rapid, but later, owing to his political and
religious opinions, it was slow; and though he had become chef
de bataillon as early as 1885 it was not till 1900 that he was made
a general of brigade, and not till 12 years later that he obtained
the membership of the Superior War Council which carried with
it the command of an army in war. When the World War broke
out in 1914 he was appointed to the IV. Army, which underwent
the vicissitudes and final disaster of the battle in the Ardennes;
but, unlike Ruffey and Lanrezac, he was not relieved of his
command. He continued at the head of this army though its
strength was greatly reduced for the benefit of Foch's new IX.
Army in the Marne and Aisne operations and in the trench-
warfare fighting of 191 s, and in Dec. 1915 was made commander-
in-chief of the centre group of armies. In this capacity he became
responsible, amongst other duties, for overseeing the defensive
readiness of Verdun. Already grave uneasiness existed in the
army and in Parliament as to the capacity of Verdun to resist
attack. The assurances given by the military authorities only
half satisfied public opinion, and when the storm broke over
Verdun in Feb. 1916 and the fears that had been expressed
proved to be only too well founded, the command was radically
reorganized, and Langle, who had already reached the age-
limit for retirement, was replaced at the head of the centre
group of armies by Petain.
LANGLOIS, HIPPOLYTE (1839-1912), French general (see
16.177), died in Paris Feb. 12 1912.
LANKESTER, SIR EDWIN RAY (1847- ), English biologist,
was born in London May 15 1847, eldest son of Edwin Lankester
(1814-74), a well-known physician and naturalist and F.R.S.
He was educated at St. Paul's school, Downing College, Cam-
bridge, and Christ Church, Oxford. In 1870 he was made
Radcliffe travelling fellow, and in 1872 was elected to a fellowship
at Exeter College, Oxford. During 1874-90 he was professor of
zoology and comparative anatomy at University College, Lon-
don; from 1891 to 1898 he was Linacre professor of compara-
tive anatomy at Oxford; and from 1898 to 1907 he was director of
the natural history departments of the British Museum. He
was created K.C.B. in 1907. He received hon. degrees from most
of the universities of Europe and became a member of many
learned societies in England and America. His numerous publi-
cations include Comparative Longevity (1871); Degeneration
(1880) ; and the more popular Science from an Easy Chair (1910);
Diversions of a Naturalist (1915); Science and Education (1919)
and Secrets of Earth and Sea (1920).
LANREZAC, CHARLES LOUIS (1852- ), French soldier,
was born at Pointe-a-Pitre, Guadeloupe, July 31 1852. Entering
the military academy of St. Cyr in 1869, he fought in the latter
part of the war of 1870-1 as a sub-lieutenant of infantry. Grad-
uating from the Ecole de Guerre (staff college) in 1879, he held
in succession various staff and instructional positions, in par-
ticular at the Ecole de Guerre during the period in which, under
the influence of Maillard, Langlois and Bonnal, the new French
doctrine of strategy and tactics was being established. To the
furthering of this doctrine Lanrezac himself contributed a
study of Napoleon's spring campaign of 1813 (La Manoeuvre
de Liitzen), but it was chiefly through his personal methods of
instruction that his influence made itself felt. He became
colonel in 1902, general of brigade in 1906, general of division
in 1911, corps commander in 1912, and finally in April 1914 he
succeeded Gallieni as a member of the Conseil Superieur dc la
Guerre and commander-designate of the V. Army in case of war.
In this capacity, Lanrezac, as Gallieni had done before him,
soon came to the conclusion that the V. Army, on the left of the
French line, would be exposed to the weight of a decisive Ger-
man attack coming through southern Belgium. But General
Joffre and those members of the general staff who, under him,
had prepared " Plan No. 17" for the war concentration of the
French army, thought otherwise, and when war came at the
end of July in the same year, the railway concentration of the
army was carried out as planned, without the modifications
in the defensive sense that Lanrezac's views, if accepted, would
have required. Moreover, the later French doctrine of strategy
and tactics, which had sprung up since 1910 and was cham-
pioned by the younger school of staff officers, rejected the new
Napoleonic theories of Lanrezac's generation, tended to the
almost complete exclusion of the defensive as a mode of war,
and its advocates were fully prepared to commit the fate of
France to the chances of an immediate general offensive in
Lorraine and Ardennes. This being presumed to succeed, events
beyond the extreme left of Lanrezac's army might be ignored,
and his fears might be (and undoubtedly were) put down to
his predilection for that defensive-offensive which he had con-
stantly taught. The Grand Quartier Gdneral thus began the
campaign with a prejudice against Lanrezac's theories of war.
It was not until Aug. 15 that the reality of the danger to the
V. Army began to be accepted by Joffre, and measures were
taken to bring that army towards Namur and Charleroi; and
even then the fact that the greater part of the German striking
wing would be W. of the Meuse was not definitely admitted
either by Joffre or, for that matter, by Lanrezac himself. Thus
the battles of Charleroi and Mons were begun under the most
unpromising conditions as regards unity of purpose. Moreover,
Lanrezac's own subordinates allowed themselves to be carried
away by the doctrine of the offensive, and engaged in a con-
fused battle with Billow's II. Army in the tangle of suburbs
and mining villages round Charleroi, in spite of Lanrezac's
formal order to stand on the defensive on the open heights S.
of the Sambre. And, lastly, tactical liaison with the British
on the left and personal liaison with its commander, Sir J.
French, were both imperfect. In such circumstances misunder-
standings could hardly be cleared up or good relations established
either with the distant Grand Quartier General or with French
during the unexpected" and trying retreat of the Allied left wing
which followed. But Lanrezac, aided by his chief-of-staff
General Hely d'Oissel, managed to bring off his army, and so
far to restore its normal organization and moral that it was
able to take the offensive in the battle of Guise-St. Quentin
without support 1 either from the IV. Army on its right or from
'As regards the British, Sir Douglas Haig, commanding the I.
Corps, promised cooperation, but was obliged by orders from Sir
John French to withdraw the promise before the battle.
LANSBURY LANSDOWNE
727
the British on its left. The success of the V. Army at Guise
could not, in the general situation of the moment, be followed
up or extended, and the retreat was resumed. Henceforward
the army headquarters had the troops well in hand, and such
attempts as were made by the Germans to envelop the now
exposed left wing came to nothing. Already, however, Joffre
had determined to dismiss summarily a large number of the
generals who had played a part in the battle of the Frontiers,
as a measure tending to restore the moral of the army and the
nation. One of these, and the most conspicuous, was Lanrezac.
On the day of the battle of Guise, Joffre had visited his head-
quarters with the intention of relieving him of his command,
but had thought better of it. Nevertheless, a few days later,
on the eve of the battle of the Marne, Lanrezac was removed
from his command, being succeeded by one of his corps com-
manders, General Franchet d'Esperey.
The justice of his dismissal was far too questionable for him
to be relegated to unemployment. He served as an inspector-
general of infantry-training till the end of the war, and retired
on reaching the age limit.
After the war General Lanrezac published a short account of the
Charleroi campaign and the retreat of the V. Army, which besides
his personal justification contains important documentary material
for the general history of the 1914 campaign. (Le Plan de Campagne
Fran^ais, Paris 1920.)
LANSBURY, GEORGE (1850- ), English Socialist, was
born Feb. 21 1859, at Halesworth, Suffolk, where his father was
engaged as a sub-contractor on the railway line between Ipswich
and* Yarmouth. When he was seven years old the family moved
to London, and his childhood was chiefly spent in Whitechapel.
In 1880 he was married to Elizabeth Brine, daughter of Isaac
Brine, timber merchant. In 1884 they went with their three
older children to Australia, returning in 1885, and soon after-
wards settling in Bow, where their home has been ever since.
Lansbury worked in the business of his father-in-law and was
one of the first members of the Gas Workers' and General
Labourers' Union now the National Union of General Workers.
In 1921 he had been a member of this union for 30 years, and
for the greater part of this time one of its trustees. He began
his political life at the age of 15 as a keen Radical, but sub-
sequently became a convinced Socialist, a member of the I.L.P.
and a member of the National Executive of the Labour party.
He was a member of the Church Socialist League from its
inception. He was first elected a guardian in Bow in 1892, was
elected to the Borough Council in 1901 and was mayor of Poplar
in i9io/-2o. As a member of the Royal Commission on the
Poor Law he signed the Minority Report. He sat for three
years on the L.C.C. In 1910 he was elected Labour M.P. for Bow
and Bromley. He resigned his seat in 1912, in order to recon-
test it as a supporter of women's suffrage, and was defeated.
He was defeated again in the general election in 1918. In 1913
he was sentenced to six months' imprisonment for a speech made
at the Albert Hall, but was released after some days .of hunger
strike. He had helped to found the first Daily Herald in 1912
as a Labour organ, and he became its editor in 1913. The
Herald became a weekly in September 1914, and reappeared
as a daily in March 1919, its policy being extremist and even
Bolshevist. In this connexion Mr. Lansbury visited Russia in
1920 and was accorded an interview with Lenin.
LANSDOWNE, HENRY CHARLES KEITH PETTY FITZ-
MAURICE, 5TH MARQUESS OF (1845- )> British statesman
(see 16.184), na d, during his tenure of office as Foreign Minister
(1900-5), definitely set his mark on British foreign policy at a
crucial period in history. The system which his predecessor,
Lord Salisbury, had inherited from Lord Beaconsfield, of a gen-
eral reliance on Germany and the Triple Alliance, had become
no longer possible, in view of the unconcealed ill -will of Germany
during the Boer War, and the German resolve to build a fleet
sufficiently large to constitute a serious challenge to the British
navy. During the South African War of 1899-1902 Great
Britain felt all the disadvantages of isolation. If she could no
longer rely on Germany, she had recently nearly come to blows
with France over Fashoda, and her historical friction with
Russia continued. Her isolation was equally marked in the
Far East. Germany, Russia and France had forced Japan,
after her Chinese war, to relinquish her conquest of the Liao-
tung peninsula. England had refused to join the other European
Powers in their action, but had simply stood on one side and
allowed them to work their will. Subsequently Russia had over-
run Manchuria and seized Port Arthur; France had effected a
favourable revision of her frontier in the Mekong valley, and
Germany had seized Kiaochow. It is Lord Lansdowne's great
title to fame that his five years' tenure of the Foreign Office
rescued Great Britain from this position of peril, procured her
an ally in the rising maritime Power of the Pacific, Japan, and
in Europe established her on terms of friendship and mutual
understanding with France, by clearing away all the sources
of bickering between Paris and London. He shares this credit,
indeed, with Mr. Balfour, who was Prime Minister 1902-5,
and of whom he himself testified, in Nov. 1905, that there had
never been a Prime Minister who had given closer and more
unremitting attention to foreign affairs.
When the Duke of Devonshire resigned from Mr. Balfour's
Government in 1903 Lord Lansdowne became the Unionist
leader in the House of Lords, and though the fall of Mr. Bal-
four's Ministry in Nov. 1905 transferred him to the Opposition
bench he remained the leader of the majority of that House until
his resignation in Dec. 1916 at the close of Mr. Asquith's Coali-
tion Ministry. His polished and courteous manner, his thorough
acquaintance both with his work and with the idiosyncrasies
of the peers, his cool temper and the sweet reasonableness of
his expositions of policy speedily rendered his leadership most
acceptable to his followers, in spite of the drawback, from the
point of view of the Tory majority among them, that he was
himself an old Whig. He rendered consistently patriotic sup-
port to the development by Sir Edward Grey of the foreign
policy for which he himself had been responsible. In domestic
politics he endeavoured, as far as possible, to limit points of
difference with the Commons; but the measures of the Liberal
Ministry inevitably brought about a conflict, which came to a
head over Mr. Lloyd George's budget of 1909. In advising the
Lords to reject it as they did he claimed that it was noc an
ordinary budget, but emphatically one that ought to be referred
to the electorate to decide. Next year, however, he accepted
the result of the general election of Jan. 1910 as making it obli-
gatory upon the peers to pass the Finance bill. On the con-
stitutional question he formed one of the abortive conference
which met after King George's accession to endeavour to come
to an agreed solution. He supported Lord Rosebery's Resolu-
tions for the reform of the House of Lords, and, after the second
general election of 1910 on the point of the Lords' veto, he
brought forward in 1911, as an alternative to the Parliament
bill, a scheme for reconstructing the Upper House, which, how-
ever, was dropped after a second reading. When the Parliament
bill itself came up to the House of Lords he moved and carried,
by 253 to 40, an amendment providing for a submission to a
popular vote of bills affecting the Constitution or otherwise of
great gravity. From that amendment he and his friends would
not, he said, recede so long as they were " free agents." Minis-
ters immediately announced that they would not accept the
amendment, and that the King had consented to create, if
necessary, sufficient peers to ensure the passage of the bill in
its original form. Lord Lansdowne held that, after this threat
of coercion, the peers had ceased to be free agents, and he there-
fore advised them to desist from further resistence. In this
advice he was supported by Mr. Balfour; but a vehement
opposition developed in the Unionist party, headed by the ex-
Lord Chancellor, Lord Halsbury, and these " Diehards " were
supported by such a large body of opinion that the bill was only
carried eventually by 1 7 votes.
This episode gave a shock to Lord Lansdowne's authority
both in his House and in the Unionist party, but he remained
leader, though Mr. Balfour retired shortly afterwards and was
succeeded in the leadership of the party in the Commons by
728
LANSING LASCELLES
Mr. Bonar Law. He fought the Irish Home Rule bill and the
Welsh Disestablishment bill strenuously on their successive
appearances in the House of Lords, and procured their rejection
by large majorities. But he was always ready for an agreement
by consent over the Irish question, to avoid the " irremediable
misfortune," the " overwhelming catastrophe," of civil war.
He endeavoured to make the Government's Amending bill in
1914 more satisfactory by getting an amendment inserted to
exclude the whole of Ulster from the operation of the Home
Rule bill. When ministers would not accept this he became a
member of the Buckingham Palace Conference as a last chance
of a peaceful settlement.
The World War reduced all these issues to comparative
insignificance, and Lord Lansdowne associated himself with
Mr. Bonar Law in tendering at once their hearty support to the
Government, as leaders of the Opposition, in rallying to the
assistance of France and Russia. In 1915 he joined Mr. Asquith's
Coalition Ministry without portfolio; and took the lead in
pressing the military service bills on the House of Lords. He
concurred in sanctioning Mr. Lloyd George's efforts, in the
early summer of 1916, to find some satisfactory settlement of
the Irish question, but he dissociated the Government from
Mr. Lloyd George's actual proposals; and the failure to reach
an agreement was largely attributed by Irish Nationalists to
his insistence on the necessity of repressing treason and sedition.
He retired from office at the close of Mr. Asquith's Ministry,
the Unionist leadership in the Lords being then entrusted to
Lord Curzon. In his retirement he got somewhat out of touch
with public opinion, and published in the Daily Telegraph, in
Nov. 1917, a letter in which, to the general surprise, he strongly
advocated a negotiated peace instead of the policy of Thorough,
on which the Ministry and the Empire were set. His ideas
received hardly any support save from the small pacifist section.
In subsequent years he took little or no active part in politics,
his health having failed.
Lord Lansdowne's great and various services to his coun-
try were rewarded with the K.G., G.C.S.I., G.C.M.G., and
G.C.I.E. He was a trustee of the National Gallery, and
chairman of the Council of the British Royal Red Cross Society
1915-20. His own university of Oxford gave him an honorary
degree; and so did Cambridge, McGill and Leeds. He had
two sons and two daughters. His elder son, Lt.-Col. the Earl of
Kerry (b. 1872), a soldier who won both the D.S.O. and the
Legion of Honour, was in the Irish Guards, and served in the
S. African War. He was a member of the L.C.C. in 1907, and
was M.P. for W. Derbyshire 1908-18. He married in 1904
Elizabeth Caroline, only daughter of Sir E. S. Hope, and had a
family. The younger son, Lord Charles G. F. Mercer Nairne
(1874-1914), major ist Dragoons, served both in the S. African
War and in the World War, and was killed in action in France,
Oct. 30 1914, leaving a widow and children. The elder daughter
married the 9th Duke of Devonshire, and the younger married
the 6th Marquess of Waterford, and, after his death, Lord
Osborne de Vere Beauclerk. (G. E. B.)
LANSING, ROBERT (1864- ), American diplomatist, was
born at Watertown, N.Y., Oct. 17 1864. He graduated from
Amherst in 1886, was admitted to the bar in 1889, and for the
next 18 years was associated with his father in legal practice at
Watertown. In 1892 he was appointed associate counsel for the
United States on the Bering Sea Commission, and later was
American counsel or agent before several important arbitral
tribunals or mixed commissions, including the Alaskan Boun-
dary Tribunal (1903), the Hague Tribunal for Arbitration of the
North Atlantic Fisheries (1910), and the Anglo-American Com-
mission (1911) for settling outstanding claims between Great
Britain and the United States. He was technical delegate at
several international conferences, including the fur-seal con-
ference (1911) at Washington between the United States, Great
Britain, Russia and Japan. In 1914 he was appointed coun-
sellor of the Department of State. When Mr. W. J. Bryan
resigned (June 8 1915) because of unwillingness to sign the
second " Lusitania " note, Mr. Lansing was appointed Secretary
of State ad interim, and his first official action was to sign that
note. He was definitely appointed Secretary of State on June
23 1915. In Aug. he was attacked by the Friends of Peace,
representing several societies, mostly German-American, who
declared that he was liable to plunge America into war. In his
attempts to uphold American rights he was called upon to direct
notes to all the warring countries. On Oct. 18 1915, defining
safety for crews in a note to Germany after the sinking of the
" William P. Frye," he pointed out that it was not sufficient
that Americans be given an opportunity to embark in life-boats;
it must be under circumstances that assured landing in safety.
A little later he sent a protest to England against the commercial
blockade and the detention of cargoes bound for neutral ports.
On Jan. 18 1916 he addressed a note to all the European bel-
ligerents, asking, for the sake of safety of those on board, that
all guns be removed from merchantmen. He pointed out the
disadvantage of a submarine in attempting to stop such an
armed vessel for search, and emphasized that armament on a
merchantman had every appearance of being offensive. In
March this proposal was rejected by all the Allies. On Aug. 4
1916 he signed a treaty for the purchase by America of the
Danish West Indies for $25,000,000. In reply "to a note ad-
dressed by England to neutrals, asking that all belligerent sub-
marines be excluded from neutral waters, he said that the nature
of each submarine must govern the decision. He thus drew
an important distinction between the " Deutschland," which
had peacefully brought a cargo to America, and the U53, which
had raided several ships off the New England coast Oct. 7 1916.
In March 1917 he refused Government support to the proposed
reorganization of the so-called " Six Power " loan for China.
He declared that American bankers should not enter into agree-
ment with foreign institutions which had more or less a Govern-
ment connexion and might therefore have political as well as
financial interest in the matter. The same year he notified
President Carranza, of Mexico, that the United States would
not adopt his proposed Pan-American plan of stopping the
shipment of food and munitions to all the European belligerents.
In Nov. 1917 he signed an agreement with Japan (the Lansing-
Ishii agreement) which, while recognizing Japan's special inter-
ests in China, provided for a continuance of the " open door "
policy for commerce.
He was a member of the American Commission to Negotiate
Peace at Paris 1918-9, and, together with Lord Robert Cecil
and Col. House, prepared a draft of the League of Nations in
Jan. 1919. In a book issued in 1921 in justification of his own
actions, Mr. Lansing explained that he disagreed with Mr. Wil-
son on various points, including that of incorporation of the
League of Nations in the Peace Treaty; but he was overtly
responsible with him for signing the Treaty, and on his return
to Washington he urged that the Treaty as formulated be
adopted by the Senate. On Feb. 13 1920 he resigned as Secretary
of State on being reprimanded by the President for having called
together the heads of the executive departments of the Govern-
ment. Such meetings of the Cabinet had, however, frequently
been called before during the President's illness, naturally by
the Secretary of State as ranking member. Lansing's conduct
at this juncture showed dignity and self-possession, and the
action of the President was generally regarded as that of a sick
and worried man. In Aug. 1920 he opened a law office in Wash-
ington. He was the author of The Peace Negotiations (1921) and
The Big Four and Others (1921).
LAPWORTH, CHARLES (1842-1920), English geologist (see
16.208), died at Birmingham March 13 1920.
LASCELLES, SIR FRANK CAVENDISH (1841-1920), English
diplomatist, was born in London March 23 1841, the third son
of the Rt. Hon. William Saunders Sebright Lascelles by his wife
Lady Caroline Georgiana Howard, daughter of the 6th Earl of
Carlisle. He entered the diplomatic service in 1861. In 1867 he
was secretary of legation at Berlin, and in 1871 was transferred
to Paris as second secretary. After various more or less brief
appointments, he went in 1879 as agent and consul-general to
Bulgaria. He was created K.C.M.G. in 1886, and in 1887 was
LATVIA
729
appointed minister to Rumania. In 1891 he went to Persia, but
in 1894 was recalled from Teheran and sent as ambassador to
Russia, where, however, he only remained a year, being trans-
ferred in 1895 to the court of Berlin. His period as ambassador
to Germany opened in a singularly inauspicious manner, as in
1896 occurred the incident of the Kruger telegram, which natur-
ally aroused great anger in England and rendered his position
extremely difficult. After the storm had blown over, however,
the relations of the British ambassador with the Emperor became
of the most friendly and intimate character. He retired in 1908
and died in London Jan. 2 1920. He was made a privy coun-
cillor in 1894, G.C.M.G. in 1892, G.C.B. in 1897, and G.C.V.O.
in 1904. He married in 1867 Mary Emma, the eldest daughter
of Sir Joseph Olliffe, physician to the British embassy in Paris.
He left, besides two sons, a daughter, who married in 1904 Sir
Cecil Spring-Rice.
LATVIA. The independent republic of Latvia (capital Riga)
was proclaimed on Nov. 18 1918, and was recognized by the
Supreme Council of the Allied Powers on Jan. 21 1921. Its ter-
ritory comprises chiefly districts of the Baltic provinces of the
Russian Empire, which linguistically or ethnographically
belonged to the Letts, whence the name of Latvia as a new
nation-state. Its area is approximately 25,096 sq. m., formed
by: (a) four districts of Livonia (Riga, Wenden or Zehsis, Wol-
mar or Walmer, and Walk, with the exclusion of the chief town
ceded to Esthonia), 7,900 sq. m. ; (b) Courland, about 10,500
sq. m., both parts being united legally by the Russian law of
April 12 1917 but actually since Jan. 1919; (c) districts of the
province of Vitebsk, called Latgalia, 5,290 sq. m., with the
towns of Riczhitsy (Rositten, Resekna), and Lutzin (Ludze),
obtained by force of arms from Soviet Russia (Art. 2 of the
Russo-Latvian Treaty, Aug. n 1920), with the town of Dvinsk
(Diinaburg, Daugapils) obtained by agreement from the Poles.
Rectifications of the frontiers with Lithuania, with regard to the
coast of Polangen and the zone near Illuxt, were still in process
in 1921.
Population. According to the census of June 15 1920 the popula-
tion of Latvia was less numerous and homogeneous than was
anticipated in 1918, amounting in all to 1,515,815 inhabitants, of
whom 1,146,554 were Letts and355,5i8 belonged to other national-
ities (Livonia, 477,839 Letts and 104,091 non-Letts; Courland, 404,-
159 Letts and 71,524 non-Letts; Latgalia, 264,556 Letts and 179,103
non-Letts), the non-Letts thus forming about 25% of the total
population. These so-called " minority " nationalities were: Rus-
sians, Germano-Balts (Baits, Balto-Saxons), Jews, Lithuanians,
Poles. In consequence of the political events the number of resident
Russians and Baits was in 1921 decreasing, though the number of
Russian refugees was considerable. The losses of the Letts were due
to: (a) the evacuation of the factories by the Russian Government;
(b) the partly forced removal of the population of Courland before
the German advance; (c) the wars. In 1916-7 there were 735,000
Lettish refugees in Russia, and 250,000 men aged 20-40 are supposed
to have perished between 1914-20. During 1920 and the first two
months of 1921 134,000 returned to Latvia, of which 94,000 entered
Latvia from Russia, while only 6,400 left for Russia.
Education, in those parts of Latvia where it was standardized by
the Protestant Church and Baltic regime, remained on a higher level
than in Latgalia with only 38% able to read. The census of June
1920 gave instructive figures: 69-82 % able to read, children below
10 years included; 50% able to read and write. The percentage of
literacy according to nationalities was: Germano-Balts 85, Estho-
nians 82, Poles 78, Letts 74, Jews 72, unknown 60, Lithuanians 55,
Great Russians 36, others 33, White Russians 32. In Sept. 1919 the
Polytechnic Institute of Riga was converted into the Latvia Univer-
sity. Lectures are delivered in Lettish, Russian and German, and
nearly all the staff is Latvian. Students on March I 1921 numbered
2,111 men and 1,145 women, 2,328 students being Letts, 803 minority
nationalities, 125 foreigners. In 1912 in the corresponding area there
were 98 secondary schools with 22,600 pupils, one per 26,000
inhabitants (in Germany one per 54,000). Compulsory and gratui-
tous schooling for the Protestants had been enforced in Livonia
since 1860, and in Courland since 1875.
Religion. Seventy-five per cent at least of the Letts are Prot-
estants, but there is a Catholic majority in Latgalia and a number
of Greek Orthodox among the Letts. The organization of the Prot-
estant Church was formerly connected with the corporation of the
nobles of Livonia and Courland, but the rights of presentation per-
taining to the manorial estates of the knights and to the Government
estates have been abolished by the introduction of a democratic
free church.
Occupations. The pre-war growth of industries, especially in
Riga and Libau, tended to reduce the percentage of the agricultural
population, but agriculture is still the chief occupation, and the re-
division of the rural population was the outstanding feature after
1918. (a) The large landowners, owning about 1, 899 estates (of these
310 were in Latgalia), mostly Baits and gentry ("Baltic barons"),
were expropriated (Land Act, Sept. 16 1920) ; (b) about 40,000 owners
of small holdings, averaging from 26 to 150 ac., formed the backbone
of the Lettish middle class, and the liberal professions (nicknamed
the " grey barons ") were partly supported by about 10,000 tenants
of small farms; (c) the owners of very small holdings in Latgalia and
Courland numbered some 10,600. Of the agricultural proletariat
two-thirds were employed by small owners and One-third by the
owners of large estates. This class, who desired to own their own
land, were believed to have been won over and pacified by the
expropriation of the owners of the large estates. In the territory of
Latvia the creation of peasant proprietorship was secured before the
war in different ways : (a) on the manorial estates ; (b) on the Govern-
ment estates; and (c) in Latgalia, on the Russian system.
Effects of the World War. The losses suffered by Latvia from
evacuation, war, occupation, invasion and Bolshevik rule almost
ruined her beyond hope; the official statistician Skuieneeks esti-
mated in 1920 that it would take 50 years to bring her back to the
pre-war level. In 1920 there were only 17,606 workers and em-
ployees in private industrial enterprises, 988 in municipal enterprises,
and 2,880 in state enterprises; in Riga alone, 9,739 in private enter-
prises against 62,000 in 1914. In Jan. 1913 Riga numbered 517,522
inhabitants, in Aug. 1917 210,590. According to the census of 1920,
of 609,475 buildings in the rural districts 84,163 had been com-
pletely destroyed and 117,015 partly. In 1920 there were 238,736
horses, 730,421 cattle, 934,084 sheep and 457,052 pigs, against 297,-
645 horses, 940,319 cattle, 1,100,481 sheep and 538,920 pigs in 1913.
Of the total area of arable land, i.e. 4,091,490 ac., only 2,978,570
were under cultivation in 1920, with 473,410 ac. under winter rye
against 862,400 in 1913. The total losses suffered by private citizens
and corporate societies until the advent of Bolshevism is valued at
1,930,000,000 gold rubles; Soviet Russia inflicted losses to the
amount of 953,000,000 gold rubles; German occupation and warfare
to that of 481,000,000 marks. Through confiscation of money, and
deposits in banks removed to Russia, cancellation of shares, destruc-
tion of private and public bonds, and loss of interest, a loss of 379,-
000,000 gold rubles was caused by Russia, and 6,000,000 marks by
Germany. Courland during the advance of the German army lost
two-thirds of the population, which began to return after the Brest
Litovsk Peace in 1918. In 1916-7 there were 735,000 Lettish refugees
in Russia. Lettish man-power suffered more particularly. Soviet
Russia found many soldiers among the Lettish refugees, and retained
the Lettish rifle division which had fought during the war. In Aug.
1913-4 there were 550 engines and 18,000 carriages and trucks, 3,000
telegraph and 800 telephone apparatus; on Aug. 5 1919 only 25
engines, 64 carriages and 2,023 trucks, 49 telegraph and 28 telephone
apparatus were left. Only II engines were working. Trade was
therefore still a mere fraction of what it was before the war. Both
industry and commerce were largely dependent on foreign (German,
Baltic and Russian) capital, and agriculture on large and small
agricultural enterprise constantly and rapidly growing. The Ger-
man industrial capital in Riga amounted to 40,000,000 rubles be-
fore the war. The arable land in Livonia covered 15-28% in 1866,
16-52% in 1881, 26-65% in 191 1- What the war and revolution had
left of the large farms, subsequent agrarian legislation further dam-
aged; and in 1921 the Latvian state was still struggling against the
dislocating effects of war and revolution, and its finance and com-
merce were seeking new methods of reconstruction. The rate of
exchange had become adverse (by May 1921 l = 1, 850-1,900 Latvian
rubles), and imported goods were getting more and more expensive
to the consumer. The returns for 1920 show that 805 ships left
Libau, 751 Riga and 123 Windau. British tonnage held the first
place, German the second and Danish the third.
Resources. The natural resources of Latvia are mainly timber
and agricultural produce. Brown coal has been discovered in Cour-
land, while peat is already a valuable fuel.
History of Latvian Independence. With the outbreak of the
World War in 1914 a prospect of some kind of national existence
opened out to the Lettish intelligentsia, whose antipathy to
Germany did not imply a readiness to die for Russia. They
rose in order to fight for their own rights, liberties and land.
The immediate, object was to overthrow Russian administrative
supremacy and to emancipate themselves from the Baltic barons.
Great political skill was displayed in finding subsequently sup-
port against both. Libau was taken on May 7 1915 by the Ger-
mans; the rest of Courland, with one-third of its former popu-
lation left, was occupied, and German preponderance material-
ized.- The Russian Government permitted the formation on
July 13 1915 of a Lettish rifle division 50,000 men strong.
During the winter of 1916-7 these volunteers experienced
heavy losses; after the Russian revolution in March 1917,
730
LATVIA
Bolshevik sympathies spread among these troops and large
sections of the people, while on the other hand national aspira-
tions united the Farmers' Political League (40,000 members),
headed by K. Ulmanis, with numerous Letts abroad and in
Russia. Even after the fall of Riga (Aug. 20 and the supple-
mentary treaty Aug. 27 1917) this action was continued as
opposed to the policy of the leading Baits (Sievers, Oettingen,
Baron Pilar, Stryck), who were alarmed by the Bolshevik up-
heaval, the congress of the landless workers at Wolmar (Dec.
16-19 I 9 I 7)i the outrages of the Russian soldiery, the impotence
of the more moderate Letts, the universal anti-German feeling,
the danger to life and property, and obtained the occupation of
the whole region up to Narva by German troops, thus aiding
and abetting the Germans in their plans of domination. The
Bolsheviks, on their retiring from Wenden and Walk (Feb.
1918), carried away hundreds of hostages, chiefly Baits, to
Siberia, some of whom were shot, whilst others were repatriated
later. The German occupation did not prevent the Lettish
National Council, on June 26-29 JQ 1 ^, from claiming the reunion
of all Lettish territories in accordance with the protest addressed
to the German Chancellor on April 4. On Nov. 1 1 Z. A. Meiero-
vich received from the British Cabinet a favourable reply to his
appeal of Oct. 30 on behalf of Lettish independence. Imme-
diately after the collapse of Germany, on Nov. 23, independence
was declared, and K. Ulmanis was elected president.
Wars for the Liberation of Latvia. The German retreat could
not be prevented by the provisions of the Armistice (Nov. n,
Art. XIII.); and Ulmanis, under the pressure of a Bolshevik
invasion and Bolshevik influence among the Letts, did not suc-
ceed in forming an anti-Bolshevik Lettish defence force, but on
Dec. 7 consented to the creation of a Baltic Landeswehr. Lettish
units were shelled on Dec. 30 from a British mine-layer in the
harbour of the new capital Riga. The Baltic volunteers were
defeated by the Bolsheviks on Dec. 29 at Hintzenberg; and
since the agreement made on Dec. 29 by Ulmanis with the Ger-
man representative, the Socialist Winnig, did not attract a
sufficient number of volunteers from Germany for the formation
of an Iron Div., Riga fell on Jan. 3, the British squadron leaving
with 500 refugees on board, including members of the new Lat-
vian Government. A Bolshevik Government headed by Shtuchka
was installed in Riga. The Baltic Landeswehr retired behind
the Windau river, and, reenforced by German volunteers, a
Russian (Private A. Lieven) and a Lett (Col. Bailed) unit took
in Feb. Goldingen and Windau, in March Kandau, Zabeln,
Kabillen and Tukkum. By March 18 the Bolsheviks were
thrown back over the Aa river. Libau formed the base; Ger-
many furnished the supplies; the Baits (Baron Pilar, Baron
Rahden) undertook the leadership. The liberation was thus
made dependent on the goodwill of Germany. Ulmanis, con-
fined on the steamer " Saratov " at Libau, had no fighting force
at his disposal, and his attempts to call the population to arms
were opposed as pro-Bolshevik manoeuvres. The murder of
three men of the Baltic Landeswehr led to the coup of April 16
1919, by the proclamation of the Government of a Lettish
clergyman, Needra. Parleys, in which the United States and
England took part, did not prevent the advance on Riga and
the liberation of this city on May 22, where Baron H. Man-
teuffel made an entry with a small detachment, and died leading
his men. The Bolsheviks, having killed a number of imprisoned
" bourgeois," abandoned the city and the whole region after
heavy losses. It now appeared necessary to the Entente Powers
to avert Baltic and German preponderance in Latvia as a con-
sequence of the military situation, and the policy of non-inter-
vention was abandoned in favour of Ulmanis' Government.
The Baltic Landeswehr, unsupported by the other units, were
engaged with Esthonian and Lettish forces near Wenden, and
were defeated. The Esthonians were hailed as liberators of Riga
by the Lettish Assembly. The German volunteers, forming
about 15%, had to evacuate according to the armistice of July 3,
losing the advantages of the Dec. agreement. The Landes-
wehr, under an English officer, Col. A. R. Alexander, became a
unit of the Lettish army (Olai agreement on July 15 1919) to be
formed by Gen. Bailed, and had now to own allegiance to the
Ulmanis Government, while the Russian volunteers were trans-
ferred to the Narva front. But the Ulmanis Cabinet was not
as yet the sole ruler of Latvia, the Bolsheviks holding Latgalia,
and a Russo-German force under Bermondt-Avalov preparing
an advance against the Bolsheviks across Latvian territory, a
plan adopted at a Riga conference on Aug. 26 presided over by
Gen. March, but later abandoned. Bermondt's army in Aug.
numbered 10,000 men. The Lettish Government decided to
stop the advance on Dvinsk and Rezhitsa at any cost, as a
danger to Latvia's independence, and succeeded in obtaining
British and Esthonian support. Bermondt, having refused to
join Gen. Yudenich's army on the Narva front, decided to
advance and to occupy the Duna line, after small skirmishes
with the Letts. On Oct. 9 the fighting began; Riga was shelled
for five weeks. By Dec. 1919 what had been regarded as a
Russo-German danger was averted, the Russian volunteers on
the left flank having suffered heavily from the English gunfire.
The German mercenaries evacuated Courland by Jan. 1920 and
vented their disappointment at the non-fulfilment of the prom-
ises made them by devastations. On the eastern front the Bol-
shevik danger was also overcome. Dvinsk was taken by the
Poles, and Rezhitsa (the main town of Latgalia) by the Landes-
wehr, who advanced to Rozhanova. One-quarter of the opposing
Bolshevik army were Letts; Gen. Ballod's Lettish troops played
a minor part on this front.
The New Government. The result of the operations consoli-
dated the Latvian Government. On Feb. 18 the Bolsheviks
made peace overtures, and Latvia was prepared to negotiate
The Landeswehr, having been the chief instrument of freeing
Latvia from the Reds, was reorganized (March 10 1920), and
Col. Alexander departed. The elections for the Constituent
Assembly took place on April 18, and negotiations with Germany
for reparation were opened. On Aug. n 1920 the Russo-Latvian
peace treaty was signed, following the agreement of June 20
1920 regarding the reevacuation of war refugees, of whom about
100,000 were supposed to be in Russia. Riga and the other
towns were provided with foodstuffs by the United States.
The Russo-Latvian treaty granted to Latvia: (a) an ethno-
graphic frontier; (6) the restoration of confiscated property;
(c) an advance payment of 4,000,000 gold rubles ( = 1,200,000)
on account of the returnable securities; (d) a timber concession
of 260,000 ac., in order to assist the peasantry to reconstruct
their buildings; (e) amnesty for Latvian citizens; and (f) non-
liability for Russian state debts. Soviet Russia, represented by
A. Joffe and J. Ganetsky, obtained: (a) the disarmament of
anti-Bolshevik forces in the territory of Latvia; and (6) favour-
able transit conditions. The amnesty was net to be extended
to the participators in the coup of April 16 1919 and the Ber-
mondt campaign. The security offered by this treaty was fur-
ther guaranteed by the formation of a regional league of the
Baltic states against external aggression.
The Constituent Assembly convened in 1920 was still at work in
1921. The question of the rights of the national minorities and the
enforcement of the Land Act were among the problems of the day
that led on June 3 1921 to the fall of the Cabinet of Ulmanis. The
recognition of Latvia by the Supreme Council at Paris on Jan. 21
1921 was one of the numerous achievements of Latvian diplomacy;
but an attempt against the life of the ex-Premier Ulmanis and the
opposition of the Social Democrats and Communists showed that
the pacification necessary for a work of reconstruction had not
yet been accomplished.
By the Land Act of Sept. 1920 (passed in order to curtail the power
of Baltic landowners) a State fund was created with a view to form-
ing new holdings and increasing the size of the minute holdings, and
" in order to satisfy the requirements of economic enterprises, social
and cultural institutions and to enlarge the areas of towns and
villages." With the State fund are incorporated all large estates,
small farms not yet purchased by the occupants and lands acquired
by colonization companies, foreign banks and similar bodies. Along
with the land are expropriated all claims and rights appended to
the land and all instruments of husbandry, live stock included, with
the exception of such industrial establishments as are not working
to satisfy the local rural demand only. A portion of the estate, equal
in size to the average holdings, is left to the owner, without, however,
the proviso that this portion must necessarily coincide with the
LAUDER LAW, A. BONAR
73i
administrative centre, the manor or family house. Lands with an
acreage below 246 ac. are not expropriated. The churches retain
land not exceeding the average size of a holding, including the build-
ings. The owners of the expropriated properties are given a term
of five months for the removal of their furniture. Liabilities arising
out of agreements concluded after May 6 1915 are null and void if not
sanctioned by the Government. All contracts of lease, exploitation
of forests, waters and natural riches are cancelled. Firewood and
timber felled during the period of the German occupation fall to
the State. Compensation for the expropriated land and the cate-
gories of land to be expropriated without compensation will be de-
termined by a special lavv. The local market price will form the basis
of the indemnity for the live stock and implements to be expropriated.
Though radical enough, this Land Act was still not sufficient to
satisfy the groups which came into political power on June 3 1921.
Foreign Governments lodged protests against their subjects being
dispossessed before obtaining adequate compensation. About 160
estates were not to be subdivided, but preserved as funds for schools,
hospitals, local institutions, etc.
See The Latvian Economist, published monthly in Riga since May
1920. (A. M.)
LAUDER, SIR HARRY MACLENNAN (1870- ), British
variety actor, was born at Portobello Aug. 4 1870. He was
first a mill-boy in a flax mill at Arbroath, then a coal-miner, and
finally took to the variety stage, where he soon became a great
favourite on account of his Scotch songs, written and composed
by himself on folk-song foundations and sung in character.
In this career he earned enormous fees, and made a large fortune.
During the World War he worked hard to assist recruiting, and
the death in action of his only son in 1918 elicited widespread
sympathy. He was knighted in 1919. Early in 1921 he had a
season of his own at the Palace theatre, London.
LAUGHTON, SIR JOHN KNOX (1830-1915), English naval
historian, was born at Liverpool April 23 1830, and was educated
at the Royal Institution school, Liverpool, and Caius College,
Cambridge. In 1853 he entered the navy as an instructor, and
served during the Crimean War, afterwards entering the Medi-
terranean and Channel fleets successively. In 1866 he became
instructor at the Royal Naval College, Portsmouth, and in
1873 was transferred to the Royal Naval College, Greenwich.
In 1885 he was appointed professor of modern history at King's
College, London, a post which he held until his death. In 1893
he founded the Navy Records Society, of which he became secre-
tary, retiring in 1912. He was knighted in 1907. Sir John
Laughton was also a distinguished meteorologist, and from
1882 to 1884 was president of the Royal Meteorological Society.
His numerous writings include Physical Geography in its Relation
to the Prevailing Winds and Currents (1870); A Treatise on
Nautical Surveying (1872); an edition of Nelson's letters and
despatches (1886); Studies in Naval History (1887); Nelson
(in " English Men of Action," 1895) ; Nelson and his Companions
in Arms (1896); A Life of Henry Reeve (1898); From Howard to
Nelson (1899), and Sea Fights and Adventures (1901) He died
in London Sept. 14 1915.
LAURANCE, SIR JOHN COMPTON (1832-1912), English
judge, was born in Lines. May 30 1832. Called to the bar in
1859, he became Q.C. in 1877 and recorder of Derby in 1879.
In 1880 he was returned to Parliament as Conservative member
for S. Lines., and in 1885 was elected member for the Stamford
division. He was made a judge in 1890, retiring in March
i 1912. He died in London Dec. 5 1912.
LAURIER, SIR WILFRID (1841-1919), Canadian statesman
(see 16.286*). In Jan. 1911 Sir Wilfrid Laurier was still Premier
of Canada and had begun the official negotiations for reciprocity
with the United States which were to bring about his fall. He
was strongly opposed in the Dominion House of Commons. The
terms of the agreement, announced in Parliament Jan. 26 1911,
were debated throughout the session. Finally, on July 29, Lau-
rier dissolved Parliament and in the ensuing general elections
was decisively defeated. He never again held office, though,
with the outbreak of the World War in 1914, he came once more
into political prominence. No one could more eloquently have
urged the justice of Great Britain's cause, or the whole-hearted
determination of Canada to take her part in the struggle. But
he did not see eye to eye with the Borden Ministry on the ques-
tion of levies for compulsory foreign service, and in July 1917 he
declined Sir Robert Borden's invitation to join a Coalition Cab-
inet. He died at Ottawa Feb. 17 1919.
LA VERY, SIR JOHN (1857- ), British painter (see 16.293),
was knighted in 1918.. Among his works since 1910 are portraits
of Mr. Winston Churchill, Mr. H. H. Asquith, Lord Derby,
Mr. John Redmond and Sir Edward Carson, besides " The Ma-
donna of the Lakes "; " Canadians Embarking on the Western
Front"; "Sir David Beatty Reading the Terms of the Armistice
to the German Delegates " and " Fore Cabin, H.M.S. 'Queen
Elizabeth,' Rosyth, Nov. 1918." He also painted a number of
naval pictures of the fleet at Scapa Flow, which he presented
to the Imperial War Museum.
LAW, ANDREW BONAR (1858- ), British statesman, was
born in New Brunswick, in Canada, on Sept. 16 1858, the son of
a Presbyterian minister, the Rev. James Law, by his marriage
with Eliza, daughter of William Kidston of Glasgow. Though
his early life was passed, and his education begun, in Canada,
he, a Scot on both sides, came to Scotland when still a boy, and
finished his schooling at the Glasgow high school. He entered
at once into commercial life in Glasgow, and became a member
of a kinsman's firm, William Kidston & Sons, iron merchants,
subsequently joining William Jacks & Co., iron merchants.
His success as an iron merchant led to his becoming chairman
of the Glasgow Iron Trade Association. But success in business
did not satisfy him. He retired with a sufficient competence,
and went into Parliament in 1900 as Conservative and Unionist
member for the Blackfriars division of Glasgow. His experience
in business had led him to the conclusion that Free Trade, in
the Cobdenite sense, was no longer beneficial for Great Britain.
He made a distinct impression on the House by a speech on
April 22 1902, in favour of Hicks-Beach's.cornduty, which was
imposed in order to find money to carry on the Boer War. In
that speech he predicted that, if the cry for protection were
again seriously raised in Great Britain, it would not be in the
interests of agriculture, but in those of working men, who saw
their employment disappearing. The speech so much impressed
Mr. Balfour that he introduced Mr. Law into his Government
as Parliamentary Secretary of the Board of Trade; and Mr.
Joseph Chamberlain's Tariff Reform movement, which was
started in the following year, showed how right Mr. Law was
in his diagnosis of the future. As the movement proceeded,
Mr. Law was regarded as, along with Mr. Austen Chamberlain,
the most decided Tariff Reformer left in the Ministry after
Mr. Chamberlain's resignation. When he was accused by the
Liberals in 1904 of being a Protectionist, he explained on Feb. 9
that he wanted, like Cobden, to improve foreign trade, but
adapted his means to present conditions. The Government did
not object to imports as such, but wished to see more raw mate-
rial and fewer manufactured goods. He dwelt on the injury to
the working classes caused by " dumping " and unfair foreign
competition. He made several speeches in the country in this
year and the next, of which the gist was that British trade policy
must be relative to circumstances, which had wholly changed
from what they were in Cobden's time. He saw the true field
for commercial expansion within the Empire, and therefore
advocated preferential duties.
There is no doubt that he chafed, in these years, at the slow
rate at which his chief, Mr. Balfour, moved, in the direction of
Tariff Reform; but, though he would have preferred a more
whole-hearted acceptance of Mr. Chamberlain's programme, he
remained loyal to the Prime Minister. He shared in the general
rout of the Unionists in Jan. 1906, but returned to Parliament
in May for Dulwich at a by-election. The withdrawal of Mr.
Chamberlain from active work in Parliament, owing to ill-health,
left the stalwart Tariff Reform Ministry without a leader; his
son, Mr. Austen Chamberlain, was his natural representative;
but Mr. Law, by a series of fighting speeches both in the House
and in the country, made himself particularly congenial to the
more prominent members of that section. In 1907, the year of
the Imperial Conference, he pleaded strongly for Colonial Pref-
erence, a policy against which, in spite of the support which
it obtained from Dominion Ministers, Sir Henry Campbell-
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
732
LAW, A. BONAR
Bannerman's Government set its face. He denounced Mr.
Lloyd George's famous budget of 1909 as vindictive and social-
istic. In the new Parliament returned in Jan. 1910 Mr. Austen
Chamberlain and he had the satisfaction of mustering 254
votes (against only 285) in favour of a Tariff Reform amend-
ment to the Address. He left his constituency to fight N.W.
Manchester in the election of Dec. 1910, but failed to capture
the seat. He returned to Parliament, however, in a by-election
for Bootle in March 1911, in time to take his share in the fight
over the Parliament bill. But he kept aloof from the " Diehard "
movement, and warmly defended his leader, Mr. Balfour, from
the reproaches cast upon him. This loyal attitude, no doubt,
was one of the reasons, and his strong Tariff Reform programme
was another, which recommended him to his party as Mr. Bal-
four's successor in the leadership when the claims of Mr. Austen
Chamberlain and Mr. (afterwards Lord) Long appeared to
divide the Unionists pretty evenly. Both the rivals stood aside,
and on Nov. 13 1911 Mr. Law was unanimously elected Leader
in the Commons, Lord Lansdowne continuing to lead the party
in the Lords.
He remained' leader for nine years and a few months, the first
three years and a half in Opposition and the rest in office. He
was very trenchant in his criticism of the Government; thus
giving satisfaction to ardent spirits in the Unionist ranks, but
causing ministerial speakers to contrast his bitterness and vio-
lence with Mr. Balfour's quieter methods. He led a strong fight
against the ministerial bills introduced to take advantage of the
Parliament Act, and protested vehemently against the relent-
less closure by which they were driven through the House of
Commons. He accused ministers of violating two fundamental
conditions of representative government: that the Ministry
should not ride roughshod over the minority, and that they
should make no vital change till it was clearly desired by the
majority of the people. Of the Welsh Disestablishment measure
he said that a meaner bill, or one brought forward by meaner
methods, had never been placed before the House; in view of
the growth of materialism, he protested against depriving a
spiritual organization of its funds. But his principal concern
was the Home Rule bill and the situation created by it in Ireland.
Before it was introduced he went to Belfast in Easter week, and
at a great demonstration, presided over by Sir Edward Carson,
encouraged the Ulstermen to trust to themselves; Belfast was
again, he said, a besieged city; the Government by the Parlia-
ment Act had erected a boom against them they would burst
that boom; and it would be said of them that they had saved
themselves by their exertions, and would save the Empire by
their example. After nearly four months of strenuous opposi-
tion to the bill in Parliament, he renewed and strengthened his
encouragement to Ulster by declaring, at a large Unionist
gathering at Blenheim on July 27, that the Ulster people would
submit to no ascendancy, and that he could imagine no lengths
of resistance to which they might go in which he would not be
ready to support them, and in which they would not be sup-
ported by the overwhelming majority of the British people.
The Ulster Covenant was adopted in the following Sept.; and,
in the course of the prolonged fight in Parliament in the autumn
and winter over the bill, Mr. Law took occasion to say that his
words at Blenheim were deliberate, written down beforehand,
and that he withdrew nothing. Government, he maintained,
had no moral right to force through a revolution. When Sir E.
Carson moved on New Year's Day 1913 to exempt Ulster from
the operation of the bill, Mr. Law defined his position thus.
If the bill were as he claimed it should be submitted to the
electors and approved by them, he and his party would not
encourage Ulster to resist. But if it was forced on Ulster he
would assist in the resistance. In spite of his efforts the bill was
carried through all its stages by an unbroken phalanx of Liberals,
Labour men, and Nationalists, showing a majority in important
divisions of no; and was only rejected by the Lords in the
early months of 1913.
Meanwhile Mr. Law had to encounter difficulties among his
own followers. The two branches of the party, the Conserva-
tives and the Liberal Unionists, had indeed been fused, in May
1912, into one party with a combined national Unionist organi-
zation. But the present differences were not on the old lines,
but on the extent to which the policy of Tariff Reform should
be carried. Mr* Law and Lord Lansdowne announced in Nov.
1912 that they no longer held themselves bound, by the policy
advocated by Mr. Balfour before the second election of 1910,
to submit the first Tariff Reform budget to a referendum. At
once a large section of Unionists, especially in Unionist Lanca-
shire, became alarmed lest their electoral chances should be
jeopardized by the prospect of food taxes imposed without
reference to the people. Mr. Law endeavoured to reassure these
doubters by a speech at Ashton-under-Lyne on Dec. 16. He
refused altogether to haul down the flag of Tariff Reform; it
was his policy to give British workmen a preference, both in the
home and in the colonial market; but he said that a Unionist
Government did not intend themselves to impose food duties.
What they would do would be to call a colonial conference;
and they wished to be authorized to meet colonial views if in
the conference the colonies considered a duty on wheat to be
necessary. This declaration did not satisfy the free f coders;
but there was a general disposition to compromise the question
without injuring the unity of the party. Finally, on Jan. 14 1913,
in answer to a memorial from the bulk of the Unionist M.P.'s
a memorial which wished for a reassurance as to food duties, but
strongly deprecated a change of leadership Mr. Law announced
that he and Lord Lansdowne were willing to agree that food
duties should not be imposed without the approval of the elec-
torate at a subsequent general election; and to remain leaders
in deference to their followers' appeal, in spite of the party's
disregard of their advice. After this declaration the unrest in
the party gradually died down.
Mr. Law maintained his stout opposition to the Home Rule
and Welsh Church bills on their second and third appearances
in the sessions of 1913 and 1914. But in the course of 1913 he
found that, partly no doubt owing to his insistence, Ministers
began to appreciate the serious difficulty to Home Rule pre-
sented by Ulster's determined attitude. Accordingly he stated
in the House that Unionists would welcome an Irish settlement
by general consent, but would not make new friends by betray-
ing old; and in Oct., in answer to Mr. Asquith's overtures at
Ladybank, he said that he and his colleagues would consider
any proposals with a real desire to find a solution if possible.
If there were not such a solution, he foresaw national disaster
and ruin. He attended a great demonstration in Dublin on
Nov. 28 and declared then that Ulster would not submit, and
the Unionist party would not allow her to be coerced. He did
not find in Mr. Asquith's proposals, in the session of 1914, for
exclusion by county option for six years, any sufficient com-
promise; but he formally announced that, if they were endorsed
by the country, Lord Lansdowne would use his authority in the
Lords to have them passed without delay. The offer was not
accepted, and Mr. Law, though he joined the Buckingham
Palace Conference in a last hope of aiming at a reasonable set-
tlement, was anticipating the immediate outbreak of civil war
in Ireland when the World War supervened.
He had always been anxious for good relations with Germany,
provided that they were not attained at the expense of France;
for, like Sir Edward Grey, he based his whole foreign policy on
the maintenance of the Entente, and therefore supported the
Foreign Secretary steadily against Radicals and Labour men
and Nationalists. The only quarrel he had with the increased
armaments proposed by Mr. Churchill was that he doubted
whether they were adequate. Accordingly, directly the crisis
became acute, he wrote, on Sunday Aug. 2, on behalf of Lord
Lansdowne and their colleagues, tendering to Mr. Asquith the
unhesitating support of the Opposition in any measures neces-
sary to support France and Russia; and he warmly welcomed
Sir E. Grey's speech of Aug. 3, which converted the country to
the justice and inevitableness of war. Not only did he render
a steady support to Ministers in Parliament; but he aided the
national cause and promoted recruiting by speeches at Guild-
LAW, A. BONAR
733
hall, in Belfast and elsewhere; and even when criticism of the
mismanagement of the war began legitimately to raise its head
in the early months of 1915, he used his influence, in the national
interest, to repress or moderate its expression in Parliament.
The tenor of his speeches was always to encourage Ministers in
vigorous action on such questions, for instance, as the mobili-
zation of industry, the treatment of aliens and the provision of
munitions. In spite, therefore, of the vigour, or even violence,
of his opposition before the war, it was comparatively easy for
Mr. Asquith to approach him in May 1915 with a view to the
formation of a National Coalition Government, and for him to
respond with immediate acceptance. He believed, he subse-
quently told a Unionist audience, that the Opposition could
have turned out the Government at this time owing to the
indignation about the shortage of munitions; but that would
have meant an election and renewal of party feeling, and so
have prevented the concentration of effort on the war. He
brought seven of his colleagues into the Cabinet with him
Lord Lansdowne, Mr. Balfour, Mr. Austen Chamberlain, Mr.
Long, Lord Curzon, Lord Selborne and Sir Edward Carson
and he himself took the Secretaryship of State for the Colonies.
This was an office which, however congenial to Mr. Law with
his colonial birth and his belief in Colonial Preference, did not
bring him much into the limelight; and, influential as he was
in the councils of the Ministry, in public he was content to play
a comparatively subordinate part. To his loyalty to his chief,
during their 18 months' association, Mr. Asquith himself sub-
sequently bore emphatic testimony. While the controversy on
compulsory military service was raging in the late autumn of
1915, he stated his own view to be that it was a better system
than the voluntary system, but could only be gained at too
high a price namely, the price of national unity. But when
circumstances had overcome Mr. Asquith's antipathy to com-
pulsion, Mr. Law took charge of the first military service bill
in the House of Commons in Jan. 1916, and got it through all
its stages with little difficulty. Another policy which he threw
his energies into carrying out was the utilization of the economic
forces of the Allies in the prosecution of the war. He promoted
the Economic Conference in Paris in June 1916, and represented
his country on the occasion, with Mr. Hughes, the Australian
Premier, and Lord Crewe as his colleagues. He cordially con-
curred in the cooperative and protective resolutions then adopted
(see ENGLISH HISTORY) and joined Mr. Asquith in recommend-
ing them to the House of Commons. He was a member of the
War Committee of the Cabinet, but, like Mr. Lloyd George, he
was far from satisfied with its organization and powers. It was
natural, therefore, that he should be one of the four persons
(the others being Mr. Lloyd George himself, Sir Edward Carson,
and a Labour member) to whom Mr. Lloyd George, forcing the
issue on Dec. i, asked Mr. Asquith to confide the absolute con-
duct of the war. The crisis started by this demand produced,
in the course of a few days, first Mr. Lloyd George's and then
Mr. Asquith's resignation; and the King, adopting the ordinary
constitutional course, sent on Dec. 5 for Mr. Bonar Law, who
had become, through by-elections before the war, the leader of
the largest single party in the House of Commons, and invited
him to form an administration. He took the view that for the
due prosecution of the war a Coalition Government was neces-
sary. He could count on the assistance of Mr. Lloyd George,
but Mr. Asquith and his principal Liberal colleagues refused
their cooperation. Moreover, he felt that Mr. Lloyd George
was the Minister whom the country demanded. So he resigned
his commission, and on Mr. Lloyd George's acceptance of the
premiership he promised full cooperation from his party.
In this second Coalition Mr. Law's position was much more
considerable than in the first. His followers supplied the main
body of its supporters; and he himself was rather the partner
of his chief than his second-in-command. He became not merely
Chancellor of the Exchequer, but also leader of the House of
Commons, the Prime Minister concentrating his energies on the
work of the War Cabinet (see ENGLISH HISTORY), the supreme
directing authority, of which Cabinet Mr. Law was also a
member, though he was not expected to give regular attendance.
At first the House of Commons was disposed to resent the appar-
ent neglect with which it was treated by being asked to accept
a deputy as its leader in place of a Prime Minister who was
himself an M.P.; and cries for "Lloyd George " were raised
when Mr. Law rose to play the leader's part in the debate on
the Address in 1917. But the respect and, after a while, even
the affection of the House were won by his business habits, his
courtesy, his readiness to yield on non-essentials coupled with
firmness in essentials, his exceptional clearness of head and of
expression, and his extraordinary capacity for impromptu reply,
without taking a note, at the close of a long debate on an intri-
cate subject involving perhaps complicated figures.
It was his duty to obtain votes of credit from time to time
from Parliament to carry on the war; and in the two years for
which this Government was responsible the total voted amounted
to more than 5,500,000,000, as compared with some 3,200,-
000,000 during the preceding period of two years and four
months. But of course it must be remembered that not merely
were munitions provided in 1917 and 1918 on an unprecedented
scale, but that prices had risen enormously until, towards the
close of the war, they were about double those of four years
before. As Chancellor of the Exchequer Mr. Law had to find
the money to meet this gigantic cost. This he did principally
by means of two great loans, and by immense increases of
taxation. The first loan was launched in Jan. 1917, and its
basis was the issue of a 5% Government stock at 95; but there
was also a 4% tax-compounded loan issued at par, and there
were various provisions for conversion of certain previous issues.
It brought in the enormous sum of 1,000,312,950 from no
fewer than 5,289,000 subscribers; and Mr. Law justly hailed it
both as an expression of the will of the people to win the war
and also as evidence of the financial ability of the country to
see it to a successful conclusion. The second loan, which was
launched in Oct. of the same year, was of a new and ingenious
character. The title of the issue was National War Bonds,
and it combined the advantages of short-term securities, such
as Exchequer bonds, and three sorts of longer-dated securities
for seven and ten years. The interest was, as before, 5%, or 4%
" tax-compounded," and elaborate and comprehensive rights
of conversion were given. The amount was unlimited; all the
securities were for continuous sale till further notice. Mr. Law
explained that his hope was that the new War Bonds would
lead to a steady and persistent flow of money loaned to the
State without the financial dislocation inseparable from a great
loan. His hope was justified. Interest was stimulated in the
National War Bonds by various devices from time to time, such
as the use of " tanks " as collecting boxes, the institution of a
" Business Men's " week and a " Feed the Guns " week, and the
transformation of Trafalgar Square in Oct. 1918 into a shell-
shattered French village. From the time they were first put
on sale till Jan. n 1919, 1,446,625,613 of these bonds were
sold, and nearly 50,000,000 small post-office bonds in addition.
Mr. Law's first budget, that of 1917, coming as it did after
the great increases which Mr. McKenna had made in taxation,
only raised the excess profits tax from 60 to 80%, and increased
the taxes on entertainments, tobacco and dogs. He had pro-
posed to double the tobacco duty, but on reconsideration came
to the conclusion that with this burden it would be impossible
to keep down the price of the cheaper kinds, and so reduced
the additional duty to one of 50%. His great taxing budget was
that of 1918, introduced during the early stages of the great
German offensive. This imposed additional taxation calculated
to bring in no less than 114,000,000. Income-tax was raised
from 55. to 6s.; farmers' tax was doubled; super-tax was
increased; the stamp on cheques was to be 2d. instead of id.;
beer and spirit duties were doubled, and tobacco and match
and sugar duties raised; letters were to be i^d. and postcards id.
He budgeted for a revenue of no less than 842,050,000. He
explained that it was his duty to levy as much as the nation
could bear; but at the same time he must not cripple industry.
Besides the taxes already mentioned, all of which were carried
734
LA WES-WITTEWRONGE LAWLESS
through; there was considerable opposition to the increased tax
on cheques. Mr. Law also proposed a tax on luxuries, following
the general principles adopted in this matter by the French
Government. He got the House to set up a select committee
to prepare a schedule with the advice of the traders who would
be affected; but the report of the committee was not received
sufficiently early in the year to enable Parliament to pass upon
it, and the project was abandoned. He also appointed another
select committee to consider how to control expenditure, the
chairman of which, Mr. Herbert Samuel, told him that his fault
as a Chancellor of the Exchequer was that he was " too amiable."
The fault that the City of London found with him was that he
was too much occupied as Leader of the House and member of
the War Cabinet to give sufficient attention to finance.
His influence in the Government was especially felt in eco-
nomic questions. It must have been with peculiar gratification
that he announced to the House of Commons in April 1917 that
the Imperial War Cabinet had accepted the principle of Impe-
rial Preference; and that it was hoped that each part of the
Empire, having due regard to the interests of the Allies, would
give specially favourable treatment and facilities to the produce
and manufactures of other parts of the Empire a hope which,
as regards the mother country, was translated into action in
the budgets introduced under Mr. Law's leadership after the
war. After the sittings of the Imperial War Cabinet in 1918 he
spoke of the resolutions then passed in favour of retaining the
control of essential raw materials as an immense move forward
in the whole conception of trade policy. In May 1918 he told
the House of Commons that the French Government had
denounced all commercial conventions containing " most-
favourable-nation " clauses; and that, in view of the probable
scarcity of raw material after the war, the British Government
would take a similar course. He had warned the German Gov-
ernment in the previous Dec. that the longer war lasted, the
less raw material there would be to go round, and, as the Allies
would help themselves first, the less there would be for Germany
to receive. In regard to Ireland, he frankly admitted, Unionist
though he was, the need for a change. What was wanted was
a settlement, but the sacrifices would have to be on all sides if
a settlement was to be obtained. He remonstrated, however,
with the Nationalists for their threats in the session of 1918
and indignantly rejected as preposterous their claim to self-
determination as a condition precedent to the entry of Britain
into the Peace Conference. He opposed throughout the war a
firm front both to pacifists and to pessimists. He asked the
pacifists what other method there was, in the circumstances, of
saving the liberties of the country except by fighting for them;
and the constant readiness of his countrymen to bear the
heaviest taxation and to subscribe to loan after loan was again
and again treated by him as a certain pledge of eventual vic-
tory. Nor was he ever in doubt as to the necessity of fighting
until the Germans surrendered. " We are fighting," he said,
some six weeks before the Armistice, " for peace now and for
security for peace in the time to come. You cannot get that by
treaty. There can be no peace until the Germans are beaten
and know that they are beaten."
As the general election approached he responded heartily to
Mr. Lloyd George's proposal that the Coalition should be con-
tinued, and that the country should be definitely invited to
return candidates who should undertake to support the Coali-
tion Government; and he joined with him in issuing the letters
or certificates, nicknamed " coupons," accepting Coalition can-
didates. He also signed with Mr. Lloyd George a joint mani-
festo, in which a good measure of his own economic doctrines
held a conspicuous place. He left Bootle and stood for Central
Glasgow, the business quarter of his own city, being returned
by a huge majority. The result of the general election greatly
strengthened his position, as the Unionists had a considerable
predominance in the new House of Commons.
When the Ministry was reconstituted in Jan. 1919 the arrange-
ment by which Mr. Law led the House of Commons was con-
tinued, as the Prime Minister would be much away at the Peace
Conferences ; but he was relieved of the Chancellorship of the
Exchequer, which was transferred to Mr. Austen Chamberlain,
he himself taking the sinecure office of Lord Privy Seal. He was
constituted one of the British plenipotentiaries at the Conference;
but his duties at Westminster seldom allowed him to go to Paris,
though he ultimately affixed his signature to the Treaty of Ver-
sailles. The business of the session mainly consisted of measures
either to demobilize the forces which had been mobilized for the
war and restore previous peace conditions, or to improve the
social condition of the people in accordance with the pledges of
the joint leaders' election manifesto. Mr. Law's handEng of the
business of the House was, as ever, efficient and conciliatory;
but for the greater occasions Mr. Lloyd George returned; and
Mr. Law's most outstanding appearance in this session was
when he announced that the Government were prepared to
adopt the Sankey report in the spirit as well as in the letter,
and to take all necessary steps to carry out its recommendations
without delay. This was said of the first report, which con-
tained no decision on nationalization; but it was afterwards
unfairly alleged by Labour speakers that the Government, by
refusing to accept the principle of nationalization, approved in
a subsequent report, had broken Mr. Law's pledge. The main
business of the session of 1920 was the Irish Home Rule bill,
which Mr. Law justified as giving to Ireland the largest meas-
ure of self-government compatible with national security and
pledges given. He strongly upheld in the House of Commons
the measures taken, first by Mr. Macpherson and then by Sir
Hamar Greenwood, to restore law and order in that country;
and definitely refused to interfere in the case of the Lord Mayor
of Cork who, sentenced to imprisonment for conducting a rebel
organization, went on hunger-strike and eventually succumbed
in gaol. The affection in which Mr. Law was held by the House
which he led was shown this session in a peculiarly happy
manner. The members, with few exceptions, subscribed to give
a wedding present to his daughter on her marriage to Maj.-Gen.
Sir F. W. Sykes, Controller-General of Civil Aviation.
Mr. Bonar Law was whole-heartedly in favour of the Coali-
tion, and frequently adjured his Conservative friends to remain
true to it. In its cause he sacrificed his health. In March of the
following session, that of 1921, while he was in the full swing
of his multifarious activities, he suddenly broke down, and was
recommended by his medical advisers to abandon his work at
once. The shock to the public, to the House of Commons, to
his party, and to Mr. Lloyd George was great; and genuine
expressions of regret were heard on every side. Mr. Lloyd
George seemed almost unmanned in telling the news to the
House; and it was clear that he felt that a great prop of his
Government had fallen. Mr. Law resigned office, but not his
seat for Glasgow. He went away immediately to rest in the
south of France; and his health rapidly improved, so that by
the autumn he was well again. He married in 1891 Annie Pit-
cairn, daughter of Harrington Robley, of Glasgow, by whom
he had a family; but he was left a widower in 1909. Two sons
perished in the World War. (G. E. B.)
LAWES-WITTEWRONGE, SIR CHARLES BENNET, 2ND BART.
(1843-1911), English sculptor, was born at Teignmouth Oct.
3 1843. The only son of Sir John Lawes of Rothamsted (see
16.300), he was educated at Eton and Cambridge, where he was
a notable athlete. Subsequently he devoted himself to sculpture,
while doing much also to further the scientific side of the Lawes
Agricultural Trust, founded by his father, of which he was
chairman. In 1882 he was defendant in a famous libel action,
brought by another sculptor, Mr. Belt, for a criticism published
in Vanity Fair, imputing dishonesty to Mr. Belt in taking
credit for work done by another man. The question of how much
a sculptor may be aided by others in work to which he attaches
his name was inconclusively debated through a long and costly
trial, and the verdict of the jury, awarding 5,000 damages to
the plaintiff, was much discussed at the time. He died at
Rothamsted, Herts., Oct. 6 1911.
LAWLESS, EMILY (1845-1913), Irish novelist and poet,
was born at Lyons, co. Kildare, June 17 1845. She was the
LAWRENCE LEAGUE OF NATIONS
735
daughter of the 3rd Baron Cloncurry and wrote a number of
novels and verses dealing with Irish life. Of her novels Hurrish
(1886), With Essex in Ireland (1890) and Crania (1902) are the
most important, and of her verses With the Wild Geese (1902) is
the best-known volume. She was given an hon. degree at Dublin
University in 1905. She died at Gomshall, Surrey, Oct. 19 1913.
LAWRENCE, THOMAS EDWARD (1888- ), British traveller,
archaeologist and soldier, was born in Wales Aug. is"i888, and
educated in Jersey and at Dinard as well as at the High School,
Oxford, proceeding on to Jesus College, Oxford, and graduating
ist class in modern history 1910. He went the same year to
Carchemish on the Euphrates, as assistant in the British Mu-
seum's excavation of that ancient Hittite site. There he was still
working when the outbreak of the World War and the decision of
Turkey to join the Central European Powers put an abrupt stop
to all archaeological work and called Lawrence to what proved a
wider field. From Oct. to Dec. 1914 he worked at home in a
department of the War Office. In 1915 he went to Egypt as
a staff captain. The following spring he was in Mesopotamia
at Army Headquarters, whence he returned to Cairo as intelli-
gence officer for the Mesopotamia expeditionary force. In the
autumn he was attached to the Arab Bureau at Cairo, under
Lt.-Comm. D. G. Hogarth, being then a staff captain on the
Foreign Office list, not under War Office control. In that capacity
he was attached in 1917 to the staff of Gen. Sir F. Wingate, the
general in command of the Hejaz expeditionary force. This gave
Lawrence his great opportunity. He possessed, to an extraordi-
nary degree, a power of getting into intimate association with the
Arabs of the desert, such as has belonged to but one or two of his
predecessors in Arabian travel, and he combined with this gift
the soldier's instinct and a capacity for leadership which raised
him at once to the first rank of commanders in desert warfare.
The story of how he raised and led a force of Arabs, which cut the
Hejaz railway, pushed forward in the van of Allenby's advancing
army and were first into Damascus, is but faintly reflected in the
dry official record of his various promotions to major (Aug. 1917)
and lieutenant-colonel (1918), when he was transferred to Gen.
Allenby's staff.
To decorations and official recognitions he was notoriously
indifferent. He was a Prince of Mecca, a Chevalier of the Legion
of Honour, the holder of the Croix de Guerre (with palms), the
Italian silver medal and various British war medals. But what he
cared for was the cause of the Arabs, whom he had learned to
know and admire, and for whose interests he pleaded at the Paris
Peace Conference in 1919. In that year he was demobilized and
retired into academic life, being elected to a research fellowship at
All Souls College, Oxford. Unofficially he remained in frequent
touch with the Emir Faisal; but he did not reemerge officially
until March 1921, when Mr. Winston Churchill, on succeeding
Lord Milner at the Colonial Office, appointed Lawrence to be his
adviser there on Middle Eastern affairs, with a view to the sub-
sequent creation of a special department dealing with them.
LEAGUE OF NATIONS. The Covenant of the League of
Nations, incorporated in the Peace Treaty in 1919, was perhaps
the most remarkable of all the direct results of the World War.
The League of Nations may be regarded as a necessary result
of the development of human society in political organizations.
It is not an abnormal achievement of human idealism a great
leap in advance beyond the achievements of the present age,
outstripping the practical needs and requirements of the world.
On the contrary, it is a practical method for achieving practical
ends which are of importance to every citizen of every country.
The demand for an international organization to prevent war
has often been made in the last four centuries after any great
European conflict. Fundamentally, this demand is that the
relation of these States among themselves shall be subjected to
something analogous to the system of law and order to which
men have subjected themselves within the smaller units in which
they live. It is an illustrative commentary on the maxim of the
Roman lawyers ubi societas ibi lex. But the purpose and the
content of these rules for the conduct of their relations the
lex necessarily depend on the nature of the units of the society
and on the nature of their relations. When Grotius, for example,
wrote his famous work on the Law of Nations, he was writing
of a Society of States whose intercourse was disturbed by the
continual outbreak of hostility. Indeed, Europe had been con-
vulsed by the Thirty Years' War for a whole generation prior to
the publication of his work. Thus it was natural and indeed
inevitable that the rules which Grotius produced for the guidance
of the Society of States, as he knew it, amounted to little more
than a code of laws for.the better conduct of war. He did indeed
sketch the outlines of a law for the pacific relations of States,
and in the following century and a half his successors developed
to some extent what he had begun. But only after the Napoleonic
wars was the first serious attempt made to establish an organized
system of conducting international affairs with a view to the
avoidance of war. To Alexander of Russia's scheme of a Holy
Alliance we need only briefly allude. Though admirable in
intention it was rejected as " sublime nonsense and mysticism "
by Castlereagh, and it eventually degenerated into a mere prop
of despotism supported by the empires of Central Europe and
France. But the work of Castlereagh is worthy of closer atten-
tion. He tried to substitute for the chaotic political methods of
the past a system of diplomacy by conference, confining his
efforts, however, to the Great Powers; though he desired to make
their attitude to the Smaller Powers one of " influence rather
than authority." He provided his " Conference of Ambassa-
dors " with an organized plan, of work and with a secretariat,
and he supplemented it by occasional Conferences of the Princi-
pal Statesmen of the Concert. His Conference of Ambassadors
continued to sit in one form or another for almost six years, and
he held four or five of his Conferences of Principal Statesmen.
Later in the igth century Castlereagh's work bore fruit in the
European Concert, which proved on a number of occasions to be
an effective instrument for the joint settlement of Balkan prob-
lems and for the maintenance of European peace. But at the
time, and for the purpose for which he had created it, Castle-
reagh's system of diplomacy by conference almost completely
failed. It did so because it never had in it the seeds of life. Its
members differed fundamentally on all the greater issues of
international politics; while some of them were independent and
autocratic sovereigns, subject to no control, and without the
pressure behind them of a general democratic will for peace.
Indeed the paramount cause of failure, not only of the vague and
mystic ideas of Alexander, but also of the more practical and
definite schemes of Castlereagh, was that they were not backed
by the force of a strong, persistent, instructed public opinion.
Since the Napoleonic wars, forces have been at work which
have slowly changed the economic condition of the world knit-
ting its many parts together, and making more and more possible
an international political organization, which shall exist side by
side with the economic organization already created. The first of
these forces is the revolution in communications which has
occurred in the course of the last century, and which has brought
the most remote parts of the world nearer to each other than
neighbouring towns were a hundred years ago. The second of
the forces in a sense it is the result of the first is the remarka-
ble raising of the standards of civilization through the coopera-
tion of mankind in ever larger groups and in enterprises con-
ceived and conducted on an ever greater scale. To-day no part
of the world can live without the rest; and a greater proportion
of the world's commerce is conducted by vast international
companies. Thus we have a general community of interests
between human beings living in different States. It was evident
before the World War and if it were not, the war proved it to
demonstration that the interests of any one civilized country
are indissolubly bound up with those of every other country,
and no sensible statesman will ever again base his policy on
the principle that his country will gain by another's loss.
Nor is this community of interests between peoples confined
to their material well-being. It extends to every sort of scientific,
political and moral activity in which men cooperate for the
progress of their race. The revolution in communications,
which is still in progress, rapidly destroying the factors of space
736
LEAGUE OF NATIONS
and time, has rendered possible a development of warfare which
has changed its whole character, and rendered it universal in a
sense never hitherto imagined. Withal, " science," as Lord
Esher remarks, *' sleepless, restless and revolutionary, is explor-
ing every day new methods of destruction, and opening up
avenues to novel tactics, rendering certain that war in the
future will be waged with weapons hitherto undreamt of, fought
in the air and under the water by contrivances which will render
those of 1918 as obsolete as gunpowder rendered bows and bills."
Thus it is not too much to assert that another world war would
almost certainly throw mankind back into the dark ages. For
these among other reasons some sort of international organiza-
tion for the conduct of the relations of States is essential, if the
human race is not to abandon the hopes and the ideals for
which it has striven during centuries of progress.
Essential Conditions. \\ith the reasons for the failure of the
earlier scheme of a century before, and with the nature of mod-
ern national States in our minds, we can perhaps now proceed to
lay down the essentials of a league of nations.
It may be taken as commonly accepted that the purposes and
objects of a league are the following: First, the maintenance of
peace. Second, and as a corollary to the first, the solution of
international disputes by methods of law, if and when the nec-
essary law exists; when it does not, their solution by political
methods, by public debate, by impartial investigation and by
conciliation on the basis of the accepted canons of right and
justice. Third, the promotion of international cooperation
wherever necessary or useful, between States and between the
citizens of different States. The promotion of such cooperation
will imply the development of rules and the general acceptance of
common machinery and common practice in ever wider spheres
of international activity. Further, a first principle which must
be borne continually in mind is that the fundamental basis of all
law, and the primary condition of all political organization, is the
consent of those who are to obey it. And an important and
relevant corollary of the proposition is that the force, even the
united force, of the greater or more powerful members of a society
cannot in the long run coerce the will, or replace the consent, of
the others. It is useless, therefore, to plan any organism which
depends on the cooperation of the powerful States, but which
will not also receive the willing acceptance and cooperation of
the great body of other States.
An examination of the results of these limiting conditions,
and of the lessons to be drawn from historical experience, and
of the accepted objects which it is desirable that a league should
achieve, will perhaps indicate to us without further discussion
the minimum of rules and of machinery which is essential.
In the first place, then, there must be rules laying down the
conditions of membership of the League. As the members of the
League, in order to carry out the objects which they agree upon,
must give reciprocal undertakings, they must have some guaran-
tee that those with whom they associate themselves are willing
and able to carry out what they promise. Next, it is essential
that all the members should enter into agreements to meet in
full conference from time to time. Third, it will in practice be
necessary, and even in theory it is most desirable, that there
should be some smaller organ than the full conference of all the
members, which in the current business of the League, and when
executive action is required, can represent the whole body of the
members. It is evident that the composition of such an execu-
tive organ will in a society in which members are so unequal in
size, population and power involve most difficult problems of
representation. And a further consequence of any attempt to
organize international affairs through regular conferences of all
the members of the League, and through a smaller executive
organ, is the necessity for a secretariat which shall be charged
with the duty of preparing the work of the organs of the League,
which shall act as a central exchange for information among
members of the League and shall organize the central and tech-
nical services for conferences and for the meetings of the execu-
tive organ. The secretariat would also have to keep the records
of the League, supervise the execution of the League's decisions
and in general act as an organizing agency for the promotion of
international cooperation. It is, perhaps, theoretically possible
that these duties 'should be fulfilled by means of national secre-
tariats attached to the representatives who compose the full
conference or the executive organ of the League; but there are
great practical advantages in an international secretariat whose
members are individually independent.
The above represents the minimum machinery that is essential
to the effective working of any league. We must next consider
the minimum mutual obligations which the members of the
League must assume if it is to prove an effective instrument for
the maintenance of peace.
It is evidently essential that every member must agree that
it will not go to war with any other member without previously
submitting the dispute to peaceful methods of settlement, either
through the instrumentality of the League or otherwise. Further,
and as a corollary to this first undertaking, there must be a
second one providing for common action against members who
break this fundamental agreement. What the nature of this
common action must be is a matter for discussion; but it must
at the least provide for united and energetic moral pressure by
the whole body of the League against the recalcitrant member.
It may well be argued that in the world as it is to-day this united
moral pressure should be supported in whatever way may be
possible by united material pressure as well. What in any
case is essential is to find some means of bringing home to every
citizen of a member which breaks its League agreements the
universal disapprobation of the other members. Thirdly, it is
practically, if not theoretically, necessary to lay down in advance
some method, or methods, for the settlement of disputes by
peaceful means. Great elasticity may be left as to the nature of
these methods, and as to the choice of method which the parties
to a dispute may adopt. But the agreements of the League
should include plans for settlement by conciliation, or arbitra-
tion, or judicial verdict; and these plans should be based on the
essential principles by which alone moral pressure can be brought
to bear on individuals or on Governments that is to say, on
strictly impartial inquiry into the merits of disputes, and on
full publicity for the contentions of the parties and for the pro-
ceedings by which settlement is attempted.
It is further essential that the agreements of the League
should include the automatic abrogation by members of all
treaties or undertakings which are not consistent with their
obligations as members of the League. No general organization
such as a league of nations can operate or inspire confidence in
its members if the undertakings to which they agree by their
membership are overborne or superseded by other inconsistent
agreements which they may enter into with individual States.
The organization and the undertakings indicated seem to
constitute the minimum that can serve as the basis of any
effective international organization for the prevention of war.
Beyond this minimum, there are other things not absolutely
essential, but highly desirable. For example, in the plans laid
down for the settlement of disputes, it is necessary to make
provision for settlement by conciliation, by arbitration and by
judicial verdict. The last of these alternatives implies a court
of international law. It is true that such a court might be set
up ad hoc for any dispute in which it is required. But it is pre-
eminently desirable that a permanent court of international
justice should be established as part of the machinery of the
League. Only such a permanent court can guarantee the full,
absolute and unquestionable impartiality without which States
will not submit their disputes to its jurisdiction. Further, such
a court appears to be a necessity if we are to achieve the develop-
ment of international law as an increasingly important factor in
the relations between States.
Again, it is highly desirable, though it is not theoretically
essential, that the agreements of the League should provide that
any dispute, or any circumstances affecting the peace of the
world, should be a matter of general concern to every member,
so that any member may be within its right in demanding the
consideration of any such matter by the organs of the League.
LEAGUE OF NATIONS
737
Interdependence of States had so far advanced during the
course of the iptli century that this principle received some
slight and tentative recognition in the international conventions
for the peaceful settlement of international disputes drawn up
by the conferences at The Hague. But the principle needs full
recognition and application if countries are to be prevented from
drifting into armed conflicts which, in these times, certainly will
involve the interests of their neighbours.
And lastly, it is desirable, though again not essential, that the
League should be given the necessary powers to enable it to act
as the coordinating agency for the international activities of its
members in all the multifarious spheres hitherto governed by
international bureaux, by general treaties, and by other forms
of official and unofficial cooperation.
Features of the League. Impartial consideration of the Cove-
nant of the League, first signed by the 32 signatories of the
Treaty of Versailles, and accepted and acted upon by the 48
States who in 1921 were members of the League, will show that
it embodies every one of the features which have been enumer-
ated as the essentials of an effective league. It may further be
said that where the Covenant goes beyond the essentials it does
so in a way which was intended to make, and does make, for
greater completeness and efficiency.
Article i of the Covenant consists of the rules of membership.
It stipulates that the original members of the League shall be
the signatories to the Covenant and such other States named in
the annex thereto as shall accede to it without reservation; and
that any fully self-governing State, dominion or colony may
become a member if its admission is agreed to by two-thirds of
the members, and provided that it shall give effective guarantees
of its sincere intention to observe its international obligations
and shall accept the regulations of the League in regard to its
military forces. Article i also makes provision for the with-
drawal after two years' notice of any member who wishes to
abandon its membership. These rules constitute a statement of
the principles concerning membership that are essential if the
members of the League are to have confidence that their mutual
undertakings will be carried out.
With regard to agreements to meet in conference, Articles
2, 3 and 4 of the Covenant stipulate for the creation of an
assembly consisting of three representatives of each member of
the League, and for a smaller council consisting of representa-
tives of four Great Powers and of four smaller ones. The Cove-
nant does not lay down the intervals at which these bodies shall
meet: it merely stipulates that the Assembly shall meet at
stated intervals and from time to time as occasion may require;
and that the Council shall meet in the same way, and at least
once a year. It leaves these questions to be dealt with in what-
ever rules of procedure the Council and the Assembly may
respectively consider it wise to adopt.
The question of representation of the members at the Assembly
was one which naturally involved serious difficulties. It was
solved by according to every member an equal right to send
three representatives. There was considerable discussion when
the Covenant was being drafted as to whether three was a
sufficiently large number. In practice this point has been dealt
with in a way indicated later on.
The question of representation on the Council was still more
difficult. A definite preponderance of influence in international
affairs had been recognized prior to the war on the part of the
Great Powers of the world. It was inevitable, and surely right,
that the Great Powers who are members of the League should
be accorded permanent representation on its principal execu-
tive organ, and this has been done. The representation of the
smaller Powers an exceedingly difficult matter was dealt
with in a way which in practice seems likely to prove quite
satisfactory, namely by providing that the four non-permanent
members of the Council shall be selected by the Assembly from
time to time in its discretion.
Articles 6 and 7 provide for the necessary secretariat, and for
the nomination of a secretary-general who shall make all the
appointments to the secretariat with the approval of the Council,
and who shall act as secretary at all the meetings of the Assembly
and of the Council. These Articles also provide that every posi-
tion in the secretariat shall be open to women.
So much for the institutional organization of the League as it
is established by the Covenant.
With regard to the agreements not to resort to war, which
are included above among the essentials, the Covenant embodies
practically everything that any responsible authority had advo-
cated as practicable. By Article 12 the members agree that if
there should arise between them any dispute likely to lead to a
rupture, they will submit the matter either to arbitration or to
inquiry by the Council, and they agree that they will in no case
resort to arms until three months after an award has been made
by the arbitrators or a report has been made by the Council.
Article 12 thus not only embodies an agreement not to go to war
without previous recourse to peaceful methods of settlement for
disputes, but also lays down two alternative procedures by
which, through the agency of the League, settlement can be
effected. The first is ambiguously referred to as " arbitration,"
but it is evident from Articles 13 and 14 that the use of the word
" arbitration " is a loose one, and that what is really intended
is recourse to legal decision. For Article 13 proceeds to give a
definition of disputes which the members recognize to be " gen-
erally suitable for submission to arbitration "; and this defini-
tion is textually that agreed to by various high authorities in
international law as the best that can be devised for disputes
which may be called "juridical," i.e. suitable for decision by
means of legal verdict. Further, while Article 13 leaves the
parties free to choose any court or board of arbitration to which
they may agree for the judicial settlement of their disputes,
Article 14 nevertheless charges the Council with formulating,
and submitting to the members of the League for adoption,
plans for the establishment of a permanent court of interna-
tional justice which shall be competent to hear any dispute of an
international character which the parties thereto submit to it.
While, therefore, these two Articles leave great elasticity, it is
evident that the intention was to lay down a normal legal pro-
cedure, and to secure the establishment of a permanent inter-
national court to which the parties should, in the normal course,
take disputes of a legal nature. There is, moreover, at the end
of Article 14 a clause which greatly increases the value of the
Permanent Court. This clause provides that the Court may
also give an advisory opinion upon any dispute or question
referred to it by the Council or by the Assembly. It is evident
that in the course of a dispute one party may maintain that a
whole or a part of the question at issue is juridical in nature, and
should be determined on legal grounds. If one of the parties
put forward such a contention and were able to support it by
sound arguments, there is no doubt that the Council would act
on the final clause of Article 14 and would submit the question to
the Court for an advisory opinion; and it is to be particularly
noted that they could do this as a matter of procedure, and,
therefore, by a majority vote. If, then, a litigant should bring
to the League a dispute in which it believes the law to be on its
side, it will be able to demand, even if the other party does not
agree, that the Council shall secure on the juridical questions at
issue an advisory opinion from the Court: and the Court in
rendering this opinion will give the Council the elements for a
decision which would have all the force of a legal verdict.
Thus, while avoiding the pitfall of " obligatory arbitration,"
which very few of the States of the world at the present time
are ready to accept, the Covenant includes provisions which go
very far towards securing that all international disputes of a
genuinely legal nature shall be determined by legal methods.
With regard to the other alternative method provided for the
settlement of disputes, which members agree to by Article 12,
that is to say, inquiry by the Council, Article 15 lays down in
considerable detail the procedure which is to be adopted. It
provides that any party to a dispute can oblige the League to
take cognizance of it by giving notice to the Secretary-General,
who is then obliged to make all the necessary arrangements for a
full investigation and consideration thereof. The parties under-
738
LEAGUE OF NATIONS
take to communicate to the Secretary-General as promptly as
possible statements of their case, with all the relevant facts and
papers. The Council is then given discretion to endeavour to
effect a settlement of the dispute, and it is provided that if its
efforts are successful, a statement shall be made public giving
such an account of the dispute and of the settlement arrived at
as the Council may deem proper. If the Council fails to settle
the dispute, it is to make a report setting forth the merits of the
dispute and the recommendations which the Council thinks
would be suitable for a settlement, and this report is to be pub-
lished. A report may be made either unanimously or by a
majority vote, and any individual member of the League which
is represented on the Council has a right to make its own public
statement concerning the dispute and the conclusions which it
draws from them. There is a further provision in Article 15 to
the effect that if such a report is agreed to by the Council unani-
mously, with the exception of the representatives of one or more
of the parties to the dispute, the members of the League includ-
ing the parties agree that they will not go to war with any
party to the dispute who complies with the provisions of the
report. This is a most important additional limitation of the
right of members to resort to arms. Article 15 also provides
for an appeal to the Assembly, conditional on its being made
within 14 days after the submission of the dispute to the Council.
If a dispute is so referred to the Assembly, the Assembly is to
deal with the matter in the same way as the Council, with this
exception, that if a report is agreed to in the Assembly by all the
members of the League represented on the Council, and by a
majority of the other members of the League, exclusive in each
case of the representatives of the parties to the dispute, the
report shall have the same force as a unanimous report agreed to
by the Council. In other words, the members of the League must
not go to war with any of the parties to the dispute which
accept it. These Articles, then, provide two, or rather three,
methods by which disputes can be settled by peaceful means
through the agency of the League. The first of these methods
provides for legal verdicts, when such verdicts are possible and
useful; the second provides for arbitration by some other tribunal
agreed to by the parties to a dispute; and the third, for settle-
ment by the political agency of the Council or the Assembly, in
accordance with procedure based on the principles of full publicity
and strict impartiality. It may perhaps be observed that pub-
licity will of itself ensure impartiality; for it is not conceivable
that a council, acting as the representative of the whole body of
the League and in circumstances of utmost publicity, should
conduct its inquiries into a dispute in any way not consistent
with the strictest fairness to all the parties concerned.
Articles 12 to 15 also make provision for the next essential of
a league united pressure by all the members against any of
their number which disregards its undertakings. In providing
for a public report by the Council on the merits of a dispute
and for the publication of its recommendations as to a settle-
ment, the Covenant lays down a method which, in practice,
must exert the strongest moral pressure on any State which in
defiance of Article 1 2 is disposed to go to war. Anyone who
knows how great a factor in the conduct of international affairs
the public opinion of the Society of States was, even prior to
1914, will realize that such a verdict of the organized opinion
of the world is bound to be a weapon of great power.
But the Covenant goes beyond this, and provides in Article
1 6 that, if any member of the League in contravention of its
agreements resorts to arms, such a member is ipso facto " deemed
to have committed an act of war against all other members of
the League," and the other members are obliged to prevent all
financial, commercial or personal intercourse between the nation-
als of the Covenant-breaking State and the nationals of any
other State. It was difficult in the disturbed condition of the
world during 1919-21 to realize just what would be the effect
of such a complete economic and financial boycott in times of
normal peace. But it is not too much to say that no civilized
State would, in 1914, have ventured to declare war had it been
threatened by such a universal boycott as Article 16 stipulates.
It may be held that in providing for such a universal boycott,
the Covenant goes beyond the essentials of a league. It may
even be held that it goes beyond what is practicable and wise.
Certainly it is a matter which will give rise to the gravest prob-
lems, and on which, indeed, the League had in 1921 already
found it necessary to appoint a commission to determine the
precise obligations of the members and to recommend the
machinery required for their fulfilment. But it must be remem-
bered that Article 16 only comes into force in the case of a State
insisting on going to war without waiting for any attempt at
peaceful settlement such as is provided for in Articles 12, 13 and
15, or where the agreed tribunal or a unanimous council have
given a decision which has been accepted by the other party.
In other cases ultimate resort to war is envisaged as possible.
And the Covenant goes even further than this in making pro-
vision for pressure on recalcitrant members of the League.
Article 16 further lays down that in addition to the blockade,
which is an automatic obligation of all the members of the
League, the Council shall consider and shall recommend to the
several Governments concerned, what effective military, naval
or air forces members of the League shall severally contribute
to the armed forces to be used to protect the Covenant. In
other words, while leaving again the greatest possible elasticity,
and while laying no positive obligation on any member to con-
tribute military force, the Covenant yet definitely foreshadows
united military action against a Covenant-breaking State.
To turn to another matter, the Covenant provides by Article
20 for the abrogation of treaties, obligations and understand-
ings which are inconsistent with its own terms, and thus meets,
in yet another particular, the essentials of a league.
How far, and in what respects, does the Covenant go beyond
what we have recognized to be these essentials?
To begin with perhaps the most important point of all, there
are the much-discussed provisions of Article 10. This Article
has been very generally misunderstood. It has been widely
proclaimed as containing the central and essential obligation of
the whole Covenant an obligation, moreover, which most
States are unlikely to accept in practice and which, indeed, they
would be right in refusing. This is quite untrue. As a matter of
fact the great objection to it is that it has little actual effect
while appearing to mean a great deal. It does not create, as
has been thought, an obligation on all the members of the
League to maintain by force of arms the existing territorial and
political arrangement of the world. It does indeed guarantee
the members against external aggression which would impair
their territorial integrity or political independence. But this
guarantee is only to be enforced, if at all, as the Council acting
unanimously shall agree. In practice the protection against sud-
den and unjust attacks provided by Articles 12-16 will be much
more useful. Article 10, when closely examined, will be found
to be little more than a rather clumsy assertion that territorial
or political changes ought not to be made by aggressive warfare.
Such changes, if required, should be made under Article 19, which
enables the Assembly to reconsider treaties which have become
obsolete or dangerous to peace.
It may perhaps with more show of reason be said that, by
the provisions of Article 8 on the subject of armaments, the
Covenant introduces something which is extraneous to an agree-
ment to preserve the peace. But the history of the 2oth century
has already demonstrated that if you prepare for war you will
have war; that increase of armaments in one country provokes
increase of armaments in other countries, and that if rivalry in
preparation for war continues, within a certain time war will
break out. Unless the rivalry in armaments can be prevented,
any league of nations, however it be constituted, will fail. Doubt-
less complete disarmament is not practicable or probable at an
early date. But an agreement not to engage in unlimited compe-
tition on the development of armaments is absolutely necessary
to the peace of the world. The Covenant deals with the matter
in a way which is preeminently practical and sane. It recog-
nizes that the maintenance of peace requires the reduction of
national armaments to the lowest point consistent with national
LEAGUE OF NATIONS
739
safety and directs the Council to formulate plans for such reduc-
tion for the consideration of the several members of the League.
In other words, the members agree to cooperate in working out
a general international plan embodying scales in accordance
which with their armaments shall be limited or reduced. Further,
the members agree that they will, through the League, endeavour
to take measures for abolishing the evil effects of the private
manufacture of armaments and material of war, and they agree
to exchange full information as to their armaments, their prepa-
rations for war, and the condition of their industries which may
be adapted to warlike purposes. Lastly, by Article 23 they
agree that, subject to conventions to be arranged, the interna-
tional traffic in arms, admittedly one of the minor contributing
causes of war, shall be placed under the League's supervision.
These are only general principles. In themselves they would
be of small value. But the Covenant, by Article g, establishes
a Permanent Commission to advise the Council in working them
out in detail and securing their effective application. It may
fairly be hoped that this machinery will in time enable the mem-
bers of the League to give effect to the purpose of Article 8;
and if so, great strides will undoubtedly be made towards the
disarmament which everyone desires. In this respect, as in others,
the authors of the Covenant were careful not to travel too fast;
they laid foundations on which those who were to wield authority
in the League could later build.
By providing in Article 18 for the publication of all treaties,
the Covenant again goes beyond essentials. Yet no reasonable
man can doubt that, under the diplomatic system which pre-
vailed before 1914, secret treaties of alliance, directly by mere
existence and indirectly through mistrust which they created,
were one of the serious causes of international conflict.
Article 22 of the Covenant introduces a new principle into
international affairs which is certainly extraneous to the central
purpose of a league. The mandates system which it creates is a
great experiment in the government by advanced peoples of
backward territories and races. The main principles are simple.
The Article is based on the proposition that backward peoples
and territories are not for the future to be exploited tor the
exclusive benefit of those who govern them ; that, on the contrary,
their interests and well-being constitute a sacred trust of civiliza-
tion, and that the way in which they are ruled is a matter of inter-
est to the world at large. The Article therefore lays down that
in the government of such territories the interests and progress
of the inhabitants must be the guiding purpose of the adminis-
tration. The methods by which their interests are to be pro-
tected and their development secured vary, of course, in every
case with the nature of the territory and the character of the
people concerned. But in every case the fundamental principles
are the same; and to secure the observance of them the Cove-
nant imposes on the mandatories a duty to make annual reports
for submission to a permanent mandates commission; which is,
in turn, to report to the Council. Here, again, the Covenant
relies on publicity and public opinion as a guarantee that
Article 22 will be faithfully carried into effect.
With regard to international cooperation, the Covenant in
Articles 23 and 24 goes a great deal further than might be con-
sidered essential. It provides in general terms for the establish-
ment of a labour organization (which in fact has been elaborated
separately by another agreement) ; for the equitable treatment of
commerce; for the development of freedom of transit; for League
supervision of the traffic in arms; for League action in matters of
public health; and for the general supervision by the League of
all official, and also, if necessary or useful, of unofficial, interna-
tional offices established for international purposes of general
interest. There is no need to deal in detail with the provisions
of these Articles. Their general effect is to make the League what
it is clearly desirable that it should be a central organism
through which international activities of every sort can be
coordinated and when useful assisted by the Council and the
Secretariat. There can be no doubt that the result of this must
be to prevent waste of effort and promote efficiency in the con-
duct of international business of every kind.
In the last place the Covenant, by Article 26, provides a
method by which it can itself be amended; and this, it may be
held, is not an essential of a league. It is true that the Covenant
might have been regarded as an ordinary international treaty,
valid, as most treaties are now made, for a certain fixed period,
at the end of which it might have been renewed or changed by
the ordinary methods. But it was precisely because the authors
of the Covenant did not regard it as an ordinary international
treaty that they provided a special means for amendment;
and there can be no doubt-that morally Article 26 is of great
significance, and that practically it may prove to be of great
constitutional value. It still leaves it difficult to secure amend-
ment of the terms of the Covenant. It can only be done if all
the members of the Council and the majority of the members of
the Assembly are agreed. But the fact that amendment is
definitely envisaged is in itself important, and the proceedings of
the Amendments Commission established last year by the first
Assembly, which will report for the acceptance of the next
Assembly certain amendments of importance, have demonstrated
the essential soundness of the conception of Article 26.
Generally, it may be said that when the Covenant goes oeyond
the essential features which are necessary to any effective league
to preserve peace, it does so with one of two objects in view.
Either it is with the purpose of giving real life to the machinery
which it establishes: of bringing the international forces actually
at work into effective cooperation, in order that members of the
League may be brought closer together, and the League it-
self be strengthened and have the vitality that comes from con-
tinuous and varied work; or else it is with the purpose of remov-
ing those deep-seated causes which public opinion has recognized
as having led to war. It is not by chance that the Covenant
contains more or less elaborate provisions concerning armaments,
the traffic in arms, annexation by conquest, the avoidance of
unfair economic competition, imperial rivalry in the exploita-
tion of backward countries, secret treaties and alliances. It is
because these things have led to war in the past that the Cove-
nant seeks to deal with them in a practical and effective way,
to the end that war may be rendered less probable in the future.
It has already been said that the authors of the Covenant con-
fined themselves to laying down the essentials of the organiza-
tion which they considered the League required and the general
rather than the detailed obligations to which they thought that
members of the League must agree. Elasticity is one of the chief
" notes " of the whole machinery of the League. The Council
and the Assembly have been free to develop their own methods
and systems as they chose, to appoint committees and com-
missions at their discretion, and to draw up codes of procedure
which they could themselves change, and have thus been able
to give to the general principles of the Covenant a free develop-
ment on sound lines.
It is in pursuit of this same elasticity that in several cases the
Council is charged to carry into execution plans which the
authors of the Covenant felt to be essential, but which they were
not themselves, for lack of time and for lack of expert technical
advice, able immediately to develop. Much good has been done
under these provisions.
It will perhaps be worth while to examine more in detail the
working of the Covenant in action, and to examine it under three
separate aspects: the first, the institutions of the League con-
sidered as political machinery; the second, the working of the
Covenant in connexion with disputes; and the third, the activity
of the League in the promotion of international cooperation.
The League in Action. Of the two principal organs of the
League, the Council was naturally the one which, up to the
summer of 1921, had the best opportunity of proving in practice
its working value. Meeting at Geneva, in the first 18 months of
its existence, it held 13 sessions, many of which lasted a fort-
night. Its members therefore had time to prove by experi-
ence whether or not the conception of the Council, as set forth
in the Covenant, is right or not. There is probably no states-
man who has sat as a member of the Council who would deny
that it is an institution which has proved a success.
740
LEAGUE OF NATIONS
In its working there were, of course, great difficulties to be
overcome. The first and most important of these was that of
representation of the Governments entitled to seats on the
Council. How was it to be by ambassadors, by Cabinet minis-
ters, by prime ministers ? There is an evident difficulty in expect-
ing a prime minister to give up so much time as the members of
the Council had to give up during 1920-1 to their duties. There
are no less solid objections to allowing the representation of
members by ambassadors. Nevertheless, for far-distant coun-
tries such as China and Japan it is obvious that their coopera-
tion can only be secured by representatives permanently resid-
ing in Europe, which, in practice, means their ambassadors; and
of course the solution adopted by the European countries had
varied. It is a matter which the Covenant leaves every country
free to decide for itself. For the ordinary conduct of the affairs
which come within the consideration of the League the solution
acted on by Great Britain is probably the best one, namely that
it should be represented by a Cabinet minister, whose duties are
primarily to deal with all League of Nations business. He must
act in close cooperation with the Foreign Office, even if he is
not, as perhaps he should be, directly attached to it. When
matters of first-class political or general importance are under
discussion, it is eminently desirable that prime ministers or for-
eign ministers should themselves attend, and, if the League is to
succeed, it will at great crises be essential that they should do so.
In a great deal of its work the Council required expert and
technical study to enable it to take decisions, and to this end it
adopted in a large number of cases a plan of appointing special
temporary commissions to study the matter under discussion
and to make a report. In practice this plan worked admirably.
A striking example is the commission which prepared the project
for the International Court of Justice. The Council appointed
this commission, consisting of nine of the most eminent jurists
in the world, and provided it with an expert secretariat. The
Commission invited proposals, examined numerous schemes
laid before them, prepared a detailed plan antl submitted it,
unanimously, for the consideration of the Council. The Council
examined it, amended it in important particulars and presented
it, in turn, to the Assembly. The Assembly again amended it,
adopted it, and signed it in the form of an International Con-
vention. It is a remarkable example of how the Council, by
delegating technical work and by then taking the necessary polit-
ical action on technical reports, can achieve results which, with-
out the League, could not have been achieved.
The Council also adopted another method of delegating author-
ity, namely, by the appointment of high commissioners. It
appointed Dr. Nansen to act on its behalf in securing the
repatriation of nearly half a million prisoners-of-war in Russia
and Central Europe, who, 18 months after the Armistice, were
still without prospect of being able to reach their homes. Dr.
Nansen was able to coordinate the action of Governments, to
obtain an international loan, to induce Governments and volun-
tary philanthropic societies to act harmoniously together, and, in
general, to secure effective international cooperation in a sphere
in which such cooperation could certainly have been achieved
by no other means.
The Council also had to solve the problem of carrying on the
detailed work and providing for the day-to-day decisions
required by some of the administrative, or quasi-administrative,
tasks which were entrusted to it. It solved this difficulty by
entrusting its president with authority to take current de-
cisions, in conjunction with the Secretary-General, and to
exercise his own discretion as to when and how he must consult
his colleagues by telegram or otherwise on any given matter.
Thus, by means of a permanent secretariat, the difficulties of
time and space are minimized.
On the whole it may be said that most of the very different
tasks confided during its early existence to the Council were
executed with a remarkable degree of unanimity and efficiency.
The machine worked even better than it was expected to work
and the advantages of continuous cooperation and discussion
among the members were made increasingly plain.
The Assembly, considered as a political machine, was no less
successful than the Council. Its first meeting was, indeed, a
great event in the history of the world. No man could say
beforehand what manner of thing it would prove to be. It
might have been like previous international Conferences
remarkable for ill-prepared work, for formalism, and confused
debate, or it might even have ended in disorder and sterility.
Such was not the case. On the contrary, on the basis of the
admirable preparatory work accomplished by the Council and
the Secretariat, a very great amount of constructive work on the
organization of the League and its subsidiary bodies was done.
Some international agreements of the first importance were made.
Compared with national parliaments the Assembly must be
ranked very high, both for the order and interest of its debates
in spite of the difficulty of interpretation and for the amount
which it accomplished in the comparatively brief period of five
weeks for which it sat. Most important of all, it created an inter-
national spirit, and an atmosphere of conciliation and coopera-
tion, which were certainly unique in the history of international
conferences, and augured well for the future of the League.
At the beginning of its labours the Assembly was bound to be
faced by very difficult problems of its own internal organiza-
tion. Obviously a great many items of its long agenda would
have to be thrashed out in committee before they could be
dealt with by the Assembly at large. It was also obvious that
every country represented might wish to take part in any or all
of these detailed preliminary discussions. That is to say, every
country might wish to be represented on any, or all, of the
Committees which the Assembly might set up. The following
device was therefore adopted: the whole of the agenda was
divided into six groups, and each of the groups was entrusted to
a separate Commission. On each of these Commissions every
member of the League had the right to one representative. Thus
each delegate could serve on two of the Commissions (since
each member can have three representatives), or could nominate
a substitute to take his place. This system resulted in six Com-
missions which theoretically might each consist of 42 members,
but at which, in practice, there was an attendance of from 25
to 40 members. These Commissions were not too large for the
effective conduct of business; and yet they satisfied the legiti-
mate desire of every country to be heard at all stages of every
debate. In practice the Commissions studied the business put
before them in great detail, and with great efficiency, and laid
before the Assembly reports which, for the most part, were
adopted as they stood. For some work it was of course necessary
for the Commissions to appoint smaller Sub-Committees; but
this in no way destroyed the control of every member over the
detailed conduct of business.
For the general organization of the work of the Assembly, a
central Committee or Bureau was appointed. This consisted
of the President of the Assembly, the President of each of the
six Commissions, and six other members elected by the Assembly
at large. This body was responsible for settling the order of the
agenda and for dealing with any current questions which arose.
The system worked to the satisfaction of everyone. In its
conduct of detailed practical business, no less than as a forum
of international opinion, the Assembly fulfilled the best hopes
that had been placed in it.
The Secretariat similarly proved in practice to be a sound
working instrument. In many ways its task was more difficult
even than that of the Council and of the Assembly. In accord-
ance with the spirit of the Covenant, it was built up on lines as
truly international as is consistent with the efficient conduct of
its work. Over 20 nationalities were represented among its
members, and yet the whole staff worked together harmoniously
in pursuit of common ends. It was divided into sections, follow-
ing the general division of the work which has been entrusted to
the League. It is in no sense a rival to the Foreign Offices. It
proved an efficient agency for the preparation of the work of the
Council and of the Assembly, and for the execution of their
decisions. Its work is greatly comph'cated by the fact that both
French and English are official languages, and by the difficulties
o
5
LEAGUE OF NATIONS
74i
of maintaining continuous contact with 48 different and distant
States. Its work was none the less carried out in a spirit of
devotion and with a degree of economy which earned the high
approbation of a special Committee of Inquiry appointed by
the Assembly.
The provisions of the Covenant with reference to disputes
(Articles 11-17) had not yet been] put into application sufficiently
for a conclusive opinion to be formed on them. But there was
sufficient experience of their working to make it fair to claim
that they are based on sound principles.
The Articles relating to the legal settlement of disputes had
hardly as yet been tested. The plan laid down in Article 14 for
the creation of the Court worked well. It is worthy of special
note that nine States had by the middle of 1921 already agreed
to give the Court obligatory jurisdiction in all juridical disputes
which might arise between them.
Apart from this, one legal question was solved in 1921 by the
League, which would have been referred to the Court had it
been in existence. This was the question of the competence of
the League to deal with the Aland Is. dispute. Finland claimed
that the islands lay entirely within its sovereignty, and that
therefore the League could not deal with the matter. As there
was no Court, the Council referred this contention to a Com-
mission of three eminent international lawyers, a Frenchman, a
Dutchman and a Swiss. This Commission made an elaborate
report and produced so great a body of convincing legal argu-
ment in support of the League's competence that their decision
was never for one moment questioned even by Finland, against
whom it went. It was a good demonstration of the value of
judicial methods; and it indicates the great authority which the
International Court may be expected to wield.
The provisions of the Covenant for the settlement of disputes
by political methods (Article 15) had more extensive trial.
Three disputes of first-rate importance had been dealt with by
the League by Aug. 1921 the Aland Is. dispute, between
Finland and Sweden; the Vilna dispute, between Poland and
Lithuania; and the Albanian frontier dispute, between Albania,
Serbia and Greece. Of these the first in date and importance
was that of the Aland Is. It was laid before the League in the
month of June 1920, at a moment when there was great tension
between the parties tension which in the opimon of a good
many competent judges was very likely to result in war. The
Council's conduct of the matter afforded an illustration of the
working of almost every provision in the Covenant that relates
to the settlement of disputes. To begin with, the matter was
brought to the League by the action of a third party Great
Britain under the terms of Article n; no better example could
be wished for of the value of this Article. Next, the question of
the legal competence of the League was referred by the Council,
under Article 14, for an advisory opinion to a Commission of
jurists representing the International Court. Next the Council
appointed a political Commission of persons of high international
authority, and of impeachable impartiality, to investigate the
contentions of the parties and the merits of the dispute. This
Commission spent several months on its inquiries, and passed
a long time among the Aland Islanders themselves. As a result,
they produced a remarkable report, against parts of which the
Swedish Government strongly protested, but which nevertheless
was recognized by public opinion as a fair and statesmanlike
presentation of the facts and merits of the problem, and as a
wide and practicable proposal for its solution. This report was
published for the examination of the world at large as soon as it
was laid before the Council. The matter was finally dealt with by
the Council at its i3th session. The substance of the Commis-
sion's report was adopted as the Council's decision, and this in
turn was accepted by all the parties. The Aland Islanders,
whose representatives were themselves heard by the Council,
secured guarantees from Finland amounting almost to autonomy,
while the Swedish-speaking population of Finland secured protec-
tion, which, without the intervention of the League, they would
not have done. Thus a very probable war was averted, and a
path to friendly cooperation between close neighbours was
opened. Such was the result of the full application of the new
methods of delay, publicity and impartial investigation which
the Covenant provides.
The history of the Council's conduct of the Vilna dispute
between Poland and Lithuania is less satisfactory. The matter
was rendered far more difficult from the start by the fact that,
immediately it was referred to the League, the Polish forces of
Gen. Zeligowski executed a coup de force and occupied the area
in dispute. The Polish Government repudiated Gen. Zeligowski,
but have since tacitly admitted their responsibility for his actions.
There are provisions in the Covenant which might have been
applied to induce Poland to remove Zeligowski's forces from the
territory he had unlawfully invaded. These provisions were
not applied. Moreover, had greater publicity been given to the
conduct of the dispute by the Council in its early stages, the
parties would have found it difficult to maintain their unreason-
able, and on some points unjustifiable, course of action. But,
in spite of these difficulties and mistakes, the Council neverthe-
less succeeded in preventing the outbreak of war. If even
induced the parties to continue direct negotiations under the
presidency of a distinguished member of the Council. It unani-
mously adopted recommendations at its i3th session, which,
if the parties accepted them, seemed likely to lead to the settle-
ment of the dispute by methods of peaceful negotiation and not
by force of arms. Thus, even when the Council fails to avail
itself of its full powers under the Covenant, it may still, as a
result of the moral authority which it possesses, achieve very
important results.
With regard to the promotion of international cooperation
(Articles 8 and 9, 23, 24 and 25 of the Covenant) the League
had done perhaps the most convincing and successful work of
its early history. Reference may be made to the principal
activities it engaged in. . The first was the Brussels Financial
Conference of 1920, which resulted in the formation of economic
and financial Advisory Committees, and the preparation of a
scheme for the financial and economic rehabilitation of Austria.
The next was the Transit Conference, held at Barcelona in the
spring of 1921, which drew up a number of conventions and
recommendations on transit by sea, by river and by railway.
The work of this Conference was prepared in the greatest detail
by a League Committee, acting under the authority of the Coun-
cil, and the results which it achieved, including the establish-
ment of a Transit Committee, on which 14 different countries
were represented, were of an encouraging kind. Another Con-
ference, on the regulation of the white slave traffic, was held in
June 1921, and was attended by a far greater number of States
than any other similar Conference before, and achieved results
of great importance which were shortly to be embodied in the
form of a convention. With regard to the allied subject of
opium, the Assembly appointed a Committee which has begun
its work for the supervision of the traffic in drugs in a systematic
way, on the basis of which a machinery of supervision and control
will in due time be worked out.
In another order of ideas, the League acted as the coordinat-
ing centre of international action in various matters in which
such action could not have been achieved except through the
League and its Secretariat. As an example may be cited the
repatriation of prisoners-of-war already referred to. Another
was the campaign against typhus in central Europe, carried
out by means of a central fund raised by members of the League
and administered under the authority of an Epidemics Commis-
sion appointed by the Council. Such administrative interna-
tional action is unique in the history of international relations,
and there seems no reason why it should not be extended advan-
tageously in the future.
There is one other matter which should be mentioned in con-
nexion with this aspect of the League's work the protection of
racial and religious minorities. A great number of treaties have
been signed in the last 70 years or so, in which provision has been
made, and solemn obligations undertaken, for the protection
of such minorities, particularly in central and south-eastern
Europe. It is unfortunately true that these treaties have been
742
LEATHER
of very little worth. But by a series of new treaties, to which
practically every State in central and south-eastern Europe
has given its consent, the protection of these minorities is now
placed under the authority of the League. When it is remem-
bered how very mixed are the populations of the new States
created by the Treaties of Peace, and how strong are the national
feelings left by the war, it cannot be doubted that, if the League
succeeds in securing the effective protection of minorities, it
will do much to remove a very potent cause of trouble.
With regard to the League's work for disarmament, in addi-
tion to the Permanent Commission to which reference has already
n made, the Assembly recommended to the Council that it
should adopt again the plan to which it had had resort in con-
nexion with the project for the Court of International Justice;
and accordingly the Council appointed a Temporary Mixed
Commission, consisting of military men, of politicians, of econo-
mists, of employers and of workmen, to study in more detail the
application of Article 8, and to propose plans for the adoption
of the. Council and of the Assembly. This Commission had only
just begun its work in the summer of 1921.
As a result, then, of the general review which has been given
of the Covenant in action, it may fairly be held that in technical
spheres the results which the League had achieved up to the
middle of 1921 had been good. In political matters they had,
whenever the Covenant had been acted upon, been no less good.
But only too often the Governments of the members of the
League and the members of the Council had failed to apply the
provisions of the Covenant to matters of political importance
with which it was intended that the League should deal. Until
the members of the League use the methods of the Covenant for
dealing with all international questions of first-rate political
importance which arise, the League cannot have that full author-
ity by means of which alone it will be able at times of crisis to
prevent the outbreak of great world wars. If the members
of the League do use the methods of the Covenant, experience
justifies the belief that they will secure the effective settlement
of their disputes, and that in doing so they will calm the passions
and mitigate the hatreds which otherwise are calculated so
gravely to menace the peace of the world.
See also the articles INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION
and MEDICINE, INTERNATIONAL. (R. C.)
LEATHER (sec 16.330). The decade 1910-20 saw consider-
able advances made in many of the processes incidental to
leather manufacture. In addition to improvements in the older-
fashioned methods of tanning, and the manufacture of leather
generally, several new processes were perfected. The applica-
tion of chemical control ih the leather industry during this
period made great headway. Whereas previously most leather
manufacturers worked on empirical methods, it is now the
general rule for all large leather works to employ the services
of a chemist; and in consequence methods of leather manu-
facture have become more scientifically exact than was pre-
viously the case. Changes of procedure made necessary by the
cutting-off of certain supplies during the World War period
have ultimately had a beneficial influence on the industry.
Alterations in the manufacturing process, thus rendered com-
pulsory, have resulted in the perfecting of more economical
working of various processes, and many of the methods used
have consequently been retained with advantageous results.
Tanning Materials. Additions to the earlier list of materials
(see 16.332) are mimosa bark and mimosa extract. These tanning
materials have attained a considerable degree of importance in the
tanning of light and heavy leathers. Whereas mimosa was originally
cultivated in Australia, it has latterly been introduced into S. Africa,
which is now the principal source of supply. Acacia pycnantha
(golden wattle) contains upwards of 4O%-45% tannin. Acacia
decurrens (green or black wattle) contains 36%~4O% tannin.
This latter variety is the one which is now most commonly cultivated
in Natal and Cape Colony ; its cultivation is also being carried out
in northern Africa, Ceylon, and elsewhere. The manufacture of
mimosa extract in S. Africa has become a commercial industry of
considerable and increasing importance. This extract, which is
exported from Natal in the solid form, contains from 6o%-62%
tannin matter. The product possesses excellent tanning properties,
producing a leather of a slightly pinkish colour; it is a fermentable
tannin which gives fair weight and rapid penetration, and is likely
to compete with quebracho extract produced in Argentina.
Synthetic Tannins. Great advances have been made in the
manufacture of synthetic tannins. The original product of this
important branch of tanning agents was " Neradol," prepared by
the action of formaldehyde upon phenolic bodies, under suitable
conditions. Since the introduction of this product, patented by E.
Stiasny and manufactured by the Badische Anilin und Soda Fabrik
in 1911, considerable progress has been made in the production of
tanning agents of this character. Products of this class made by
British firms are commercially obtainable under the names of " Syn-
thetic tannin," " Syntan," " Cresyntan," " Paradol," " Maxyntan."
The leather produced by synthetic tannin is of a white colour and
possesses light-weighing properties. Its principal use is in conjunc-
tion with natural tannins, either employing the material as a prelim-
inary tannage prior to the application of the natural tannin, or
using same in combination with the natural stuffs. Synthetic tan-
nins differ from most natural tannin materials chiefly in the direc-
tion that they permeate the pelt with great rapidity and thereby
accelerate the tanning process. These products are very useful for
employment by curriers and leather dressers in the retanning of
leather which has only been lightly or half tanned, e.g. E. India
tanned kips, goat and sheep skins. The rapid penetration of the
tannin above referred to enables the retanning to be done in a
minimum of time. Whilst, in the early stages of its introduction,
many difficulties were encountered in the method of application of
these products, improved processes used in their manufacture have
eliminated most of these, and the results are quite reliable, and syn-
thetic tannins are now somewhat extensively used.
The introduction of synthetic tannins undoubtedly marks an
epoch in the history of leather manufacture. Whilst the progress
made up to the present is not sufficient to allow of their entire sub-
stitution for the natural products, it would appear probable that,
aided by the great advances made in chemical technology, the day
may not be so far distant when leather will be produced entirely by
products of this kind.
Sulphite Cellulose Extract. This product, sold under the names of
" Wood Pulp Extract," " Spruce Extract," etc., results as a by-
product from the manufacture of paper from wood pulp. The
liquor resulting on the treatment of wood with calcium and sodium
bisulphite in the manufacture of cellulose was, prior to about ten
years ago, a waste product which had no industrial application. By
a special method of treatment, with a view to ridding the product of
objectionable impurities, e.g. calcium and iron salts, and subsequent
concentration, an extract was prepared of i8-25 Baum6, which
has considerable application in the manufacture of leather. Whilst
the product may not be regarded as a true tanning agent, it may be
employed in conjunction with natural tannins. The material is most
generally applied towards the latter end of the tanning process; and
when retanning leather for the purpose of obtaining increased weight,
the application is made when the tanning process is almost entirely
complete. The fact that this is a by-product and can, consequently,
be cheaply prepared, has caused it to be used to quite a considerable
extent. The amount of matter absorbable by hide powder present
in the commercial products varies from about 18 % to as high in
some cases as 25 %.
Analysis of Tanning Materials. The method of analysis most
generally used is the hide-powder method, resulting upon the work
of the International Association of Leather Trades' Chemists and
the Society of Leather Trades' Chemists. This method for the
estimation of tannin, whilst still being somewhat empirical, en-
ables the obtainment of concordant results, and furnishes a figure
which bears some relationship to that obtainable in practical tanning.
The following is the method of carrying out the analysis which is
officially recognized by the Society of Leather Trades' Chemists :
Such a quantity of material shall be employed as to give a solution
containing as nearly as possible four grams of tanning matter per
litre, and not less than 3-5 or more than 4^5 grams. Liquid extracts
shall be weighed in a basin or beaker and washed with boiling dis-
tilled water into a litre flask, filled up to the mark with boiling water,
and well mixed and rapidly cooled to a temperature of 17-5 C.,
after which it shall be accurately made up to the mark, again well
mixed, and filtration at once proceeded with. Sumach and myr-
abolam extracts should be dissolved at a lower temperature. Solid
extracts shall be dissolved by stirring in a beaker with successive
quantities of boiling water, the dissolved portions being poured into
a litre flask, and the undissolved being allowed to settle and treated
with further portions of boiling water. After the whole of the
soluble matter is dissolved, the solution is treated similarly to that
of a liquid extract. Solid tanning materials, previously ground till
they will pass through a sieve of five wires per centimetre, are ex-
tracted in Koch's or Procter's extractor with 500 c.c. of water
at a temperature not exceeding 50 C., and the extraction continued
with boiling water till the filtrate amounts to one litre. It is desirable
to allow the material to soak for some hours before commencing the
percolation, which should occupy not less than three hours, so as to
extract the maximum of tannin. Any remaining solubles in the
material must be neglected, or reported separately as " difficultly
soluble " substances. The volume of liquor in the flask must, after
cooling, be accurately made up to one litre.
LEATHER
743
Filtration. The infusion must be filtered until optically clear. No
correction for absorption is needed for the Berkefeld candle, or for
S. and S.-sgo paper if a sufficient quantity (250-300 c.c.) is re-
jected before measuring the quantity for evaporation, and the solu-
tion may be passed through repeatedly to obtain a clear filtrate. If
other methods of filtration are employed the average correction
necessary must be determined in the following manner: About
500 c.c. of the same or a similar tanning solution is filtered perfectly
clear, and, after thorough mixing, 50 c.c. is evaporated to determine
" total soluble No. I." A further portion is now filtered in the
exact method for which the correction is required (time of contact
and volume rejected being kept as constant as possible) and 50 c.c.
is evaporated to determine " total soluble No. 2." The difference
between No. I and No. 2 is the correction sought, which must be
added to the weight of the total solubles found in analysis.
An alternative method of determining correction, which is equally
accurate and often more convenient, is to filter a portion of the tan-
ning solution through the Berkefeld candle till optically clear, which
can generally be accomplished by rejecting 300 or 400 c.c. and re-
turning the remaining filtrate repeatedly; and at the same time to
evaporate 50 c.c. of the clear nitrate, obtained by the method for
which correction is required, when the difference between the
residues will be the correction sought. (It is obvious that an average
correction must be obtained from at least five determinations.) It
will be found that this is approximately constant for all materials,
and amounts in the case of S. and S.-6O5, 150 c.c. being rejected,
to about 5 mgm. per 50 c.c., and where 2 grams of kaolin are em-
ployed in addition, to "j\ mgm. The kaolin must be previously
washed with 75 c.c. of the same liquor, which is allowed to stand
fifteen minutes and then poured off. Paper 605 has a special absorp-
tion for the yellow colouring matter in sulphited extracts.
Hide powder must be of a woolly texture, thoroughly delimed,
preferably with hydrochloric acid, and must not require more than
5 c.c. or less than 2-5 c.c. of decinormal NaOH or KOH to produce
a permanent pink colour with phenolphthalein on 6J grams of the
dry powder suspended in water. If the acidity does not fall within
these limits it must be corrected by soaking the powder before
chroming for 20 minutes in 10 to 12 times its weight of water, to
which the requisite calculated quantity of standard alkali or acid
has been added. The hide powder must not swell in chroming to
such an extent as to render difficult the necessary squeezing to 70-
75% of water, and must be sufficiently free from soluble organic
matter to render it possible in the ordinary washing to reduce the
total solubles in a blank experiment with distilled water below 5
mgm. per 100 c.c. The powder when sent out from the maker must
not contain more than 14 % of moisture, and must be sent out in air-
tight tins.
The detannization must be carried out in the following manner:
The moisture in the air-dried powder is determined, and the quantity
equal to 6-5 grams actual dry hide powder is calculated, which will
be practically constant if the powder be kept in an airtight vessel.
Any multiple of this quantity is taken according to the number of
analyses to be made, and wet back with approximately 10 times its
weight of distilled water. Very woolly powders require slightly
more than 10 times their weight of water; a powder may be con-
sidered " woolly " if it cannot be poured like sand from a beaker.
Two grams per 100 of dry powder of crystallized chromic chloride,
CrCl 3 6H 2 O, is now dissolved in water and made basic with 0-6
gram of Na2COs by the gradual addition of 11-25 c - c ' f normal
NazCOs, thus making the salt correspond to the formula Cr-Cls
(OH) 3. This solution is added to the powder, and the whole churned
slowly for one hour. In laboratories where analyses are continually
being made, it is more convenient to employ a 10% stock solution,
made by dissolving 100 grams of CrCls6H 2 O in a little distilled water
in a litre flask and very slowly adding a solution containing 30 grams
of anhydrous sodium carbonate, with constant stirring, finally
making up to the mark with distilled water and well mixing. Of
this solution 20 c.c. per 100 grams or 1-3 per 6-5 grams of dry powder
should be used.
At the end of one hour the powder is squeezed in linen to free it
as far as possible from the residual liquor, and washed and squeezed
repeatedly with distilled water, until, on addition to 50 c.c. of the
filtrate of one drop of 10 % K 2 CrO4, and four drops of decinormal
silver nitrate, a brick-red colour appears. Four or five squeezings
are usually sufficient. Such a filtrate cannot contain more than
o.ooi gram of NaCl in 50 c.c.
The powder is then squeezed to contain 70-75 % of water, and the
whole weighed. The quantity Q containing 6-5 grams dry hide is
thus found, weighed out, and added immediately to 100 c.c. of the
unfiltered tannin infusion along with (26-5 Q) of distilled water.
The whole is corked up and agitated for 15 minutes in a rotating
bottle at not less than 60 revolutions per minute. It is then squeezed
immediately through linen, one gram of kaolin added to the filtrate,
stirred and filtered through a folded filter of sufficient size to hold
the entire filtrate, returning until clear, and 60 c.c. of the filtrate is
evaporated and reckoned as 50 c.c., or the residue of 50 c.c. is
multiplied by six-fifths. The non-tannin filtrate must give no tur-
bidity with a drop of I % gelatine, 10 % salt solution. The kaolin
may be used by mixing it with the hide powder in the shaking
bottle. The analysis of used liquors and spent tans must be made
by the same methods employed for fresh tanning materials. The
liquors or infusions, being diluted, are concentrated by boiling in
vacua, or in a vessel so closed as to restrict access of air, until the
tanning matter is, if possible, between 3-5 and 4-5 grams per litre,
but in no case beyond a concentration of 10 grams per litre of total
solids, and the weight of hide powder must not vary from 6-5 grams.
The results must be reported as shown by the direct estimation,
but it is desirable that, in addition, efforts should be made, by de-
termination of acids in the original solution and in the non-tannin
residues, to ascertain the amount of lactic and other non-volatile
acids absorbed by the hide powder and hence returned as " tanning
matters." In the case of used tans it must be clearly stated in the
report whether the calculation is on the sample with moisture as
received, or upon some arbitrarily assumed percentage of water;
and in that of used liquors whether the percentage given refers to
weight or to grams per 100 c.c., and in both cases the specific
gravity shall be reported.
Processes Preparatory to Tanning. Considerable advances
have been made in the methods of preparation of the hides and
skins for tanning, particularly in the liming process. The bene-
ficial influence of the addition of sodium sulphide to lime in the
depilation of skins and hides, in the direction of accelerating the
process and effecting the desired result as regards loosening of
the hair and epidermis, has long been well known. During
recent years the employment of gradually increasing strengths
of this addition to the liming process has been more largely
practised, with the result that the time required for the depila-
tion of various goods has been materially shortened. Particu-
larly in the manufacture of calf, sheep and goat skins into
chrome tanned leather, the use of this depilatory has assumed
great importance. Dependent upon the characteristics required
in the resulting leather, the percentage of sodium sulphide
employed varies between i% and 5% of the soaked weight of
skins. When dealing with somewhat common sun-dried or dry-
salted skins, it is now general practice to use a very strong
solution, with a view to reducing the time of the liming process
to two or three days, whereas previously two or three weeks
was not considered unduly prolonged.
Improvements have been made in the carrying-out of the
liming process in the direction of applying mechanical labour-
saving devices.
In order to obtain greater uniformity than is the case in the
finished leather resulting from the older-fashioned method of
laying the goods in a saturated solution of lime in a pit for varying
periods, several manufacturers have, with a view to saving time and
labour, installed special mechanical apparatus for the purpose of
agitating the lime liquor. In the case of heavy goods, e.g. hides,
the goods are either suspended in the lime-pit and the liquor agitated
by means of a screw propeller or small paddle-wheel working in the
bottom of the pit ; or the hides are suspended from a wooden or steel
framework placed slightly below the surface of the liquor in the pit,
and the necessary movement imparted by rocking the frame by
mechanical power. A further method installed in several large work's
consists in keeping the lime liquors in a state of agitation by blow-
ing compressed air into the bottom of the pit, thereby causing the
liquor to be continually in a state of motion during the period
of irfimersipn of the goods.
With a view to minimizing the labour involved in handling hides
or skins when liming by the pit method, liming in cages is now
practised. In this method the goods are placed in a large wooden
cage contained in the ordinary lime-pit; the cage and its contents
can be bodily removed by means of a travelling crane working
overhead. The goods are placed in the cage on one of the pits and
are then transferred, as and when required, from one lime solution
to another by attaching same to the travelling crane, withdrawing the
cage containing the pack of hides and skins. The removal of the
goods through the whole of the series of pits, and the transference of
the pack to the unhairing and fleshing machines without the em-
ployment of any hand-labour for handling the goods, may thus be
accomplished by this means.
In the liming of light skins, sheep and goats, for example, the
liming process has been considerably accelerated by liming in paddle-
wheels instead of in pits; the goods being paddled several times daily
during the period of their immersion, thus eliminating the labour
involved in the older-fashioned method of withdrawing each individ-
ual skin by hand from the pit and then replacing for the purpose of
altering the position in the solution.
Puering and Bating. Great improvements have been made in the
operations of puering and bating by substituting solutions containing
pancreatic enzymes for the ordinary bird-excrement and dog-ma-
nure infusion used for depleting skins after the liming process.
Enzymes of pancreas absorbed in wood sawdust, or vegetable meal,
mixed with varying proportions of ammonium chloride or boracic
744
LECOCQ LEHMANN
acid, are now almost entirely used in substitution for the older-
fashioned disgusting process. These substitutes have resulted on
the researches of J. T. Wood; and it has been recently shown by A.
Seymour-Jones and J. T. Wilson that the depleting action of pan-
creatic enzymes is due to their solvent action upon elastins. The
addition of ammonium chloride or boracic acid is for the purpose of
effecting the removal of the lime; the enzymes by their liquefaction
of the elastins bring about that degree of flaccidity required on most
light leathers before tanning.
Currying. The older-fashioned process of impregnating leather
with grease by the application of a dubbin consisting of a mixture of
tallow and cod oil, when manufacturing the so-called " waxed "
leathers for boot upper leather, has now almost become a thing of the
past. Chrome tanned " box " and " willow " calf leather have al-
most entirely supplanted the old-fashioned greasy leather for use in
the manufacture of boot uppers for general wear. For leather in-
tended for army boots and boots for agricultural and similar pur-
poses, the method of grease impregnation by drum-stuffing is the
one universally practised. In the manufacture of belting leathers,
and leather for hydraulic purposes, hose pipes, leather buckets,
etc., the method of impregnating by dipping the leather in melted
greases is very commonly practised. This is carried out by placing
the previously thoroughly dried leather in a suitable vat, which
can be heated by means of a steam coil to any desired temperature,
and which contains a mixture of melted paraffin wax, and hard tallow
or wool stearine, etc.; the leather being immersed for a few moments
until complete permeation has been effected, when it is withdrawn
and then scoured for the purpose of removing grease from the grain
and flesh surfaces.
Sulphonated Oils. Sulphonated oils, the original of which was
the so-called Turkey Red Oil, made by treating castor oil with sul-
phuric acid, have now been generally adopted in the fatliquoring and
dressing of leather of all kinds. On account of the fact that these oils
are acidic in character and are not adversely affected by acid solu-
tion, their employment has been considerably extended in respect
of their application in the nourishing and fatliquoring of dyed
leather. Properly prepared Sulphonated oils have no adverse in-
fluence on leather which has been dyed with acid colours, with the
consequence that they greatly facilitate the manufacture of dyed
leathers and enable the fatliquoring operation to be done in the
same solution as' the dyeing has been performed, if this method of
application is to be desired on the grounds of economy.
Sulphonated oils specially prepared for the leather industry
consist of Sulphonated wool olein, Sulphonated castor oil, sulpho-
nated neatsfoot oil, and Sulphonated mineral oils. All these have
been used for this purpose in addition to being used for oiling leather
in the tanned condition prior to drying, in substitution for cod oil,
mineral oil, etc., which were almost universally used previously for
this purpose; the emulsion which results on dilution of these oils
with water is useful in the direction of producing a lighter-coloured
leather than is the case when the older-fashioned process is employed.
Glove-Leather Dressing. The alum, salt, flour and egg process
ordinarily practised in the manufacture of sheep and lamb skins for
the lighter grades of glove leather has been either partially or entirely
substituted by many manufacturers, who have adopted the chrome
tanning process. For the heavier grade of glove leather required for
men's wear, chrome leather would appear to possess many ad-
vantages over the ordinary alum and salt process; the leather being
softer, more tensilely strong, and stouter in substance than that
produced by the alum and salt method, in addition to being water-
proof and enabling the gloves to be washed after wear, which is not
practicable with alum leather, the tannage of which is readily re-
movable by washing, causing the gloves to lose softness on drying.
The dyeing of glove leather is now more extensively carried out
by the aid of coal-tar colours in substitution, either entirely or par-
tially, for the wood and natural dye-stuffs previously used.
Suede Leather. Suede leathers finished with a velvet-like surface
or " nap " are now largely employed in the manufacture of gloves,
fancy leather articles, trimmings for clothing, ladies' hats, shoes and
handbags, etc. These goods are invariably finished on the flesh
side, and the larger proportion of these leathers are made from E.
India tanned (" Persian ") sheep.
These goods, after the usual preparation and retanning with
sumach, are dried, nailed, strained out on boards, and then buffed
on the flesh side to obtain the desired fineness of " nap." After
buffing, they are wetted down and dyed, and afterwards fatliquored
with Sulphonated oil, being finally dried, and finished either on
the buffing- wheel or by " scurfing " with an emery-covered scurf er.
Suede glove leathers are tanned by the alum, salt, flour and egg
process, or by the chrome tanning process, and are then fluffed on
the flesh side, fluffing several times on a fine emery or carborundum
wheel, being afterwards re-dyed with a mixture of natural dye-stuffs
and " topped " with a suitable coal-tar colour; the finishing opera-
tions consisting of staking and re-wheeling.
Calfskins with a suede finish are generally finished on the grain
side, the goods previous to dyeing being buffed on a rapidly rotating
carborundum buffing wheel, after setting and drying; the goods
being re-buffed lightly or the required " nap " raised by rubbing
over with an emery-covered block after dyeing and drying.
Aldehyde Leather. Sheep fleshes tanned by the aldehyde process
and finished white are now largely used in the manufacture of wash-
able gloves. This tannage effected by means of formaldehyde, orig-
inally invented by Payne and Pullman in 1898, has come into
considerably extended use in this branch of the leather industry.
The goods, after liming, are frizzed and then delimed and leathered
in the drum with a weak solution of formaldehyde rendered slightly
alkaline by the addition of washing soda or soda ash, to which
French chalk or other white filling agent is sometimes added. The
goods, after leathering, are dried, staked and wheeled on both sides,
and finally calendered to produce the fine nap-like surface.
Chrome Tanning. The rapidity with which this method of
tanning converts pelt into leather, combined with the strength,
appearance, and wearing properties of the finished leather, has caused
this method to be almost universally adopted in the manufacture
of boot upper leather; glac6 kid (i.e. chrome tanned goatskins),
" box," " willow " calf, and side leather.
Considerable improvements have been made in the manufacture
of chrome tanned leather. These improvements consist chiefly in
modifying the original processes invented by Schultz and Martin
Dennis; the former inventing the "double-bath " process which is
employed almost exclusively in the manufacture of glaci? kid, and
the latter the " single-bath " process which is used on calf and side
leather. The more accurate adjustment of quantities combined with
a chemical control of the tanning process and greater skill in the
finishing processes are chiefly responsible for the improved manu-
facture, rather than any material alteration in the general process.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. H. G. Bennett, Animal Proteins (1921); A.
Harvey, Tanning Materials (1921), Practical Leather Chemistry
(1920); A. Watt, Leather Manufacture (5th ed., 1920); H. C. Stand-
age, Leather Workers' Manual (and ed., 1920); L. A. Fleming, Prac-
tical Tanning (3rd ed., 1920); H. R. Procter, Leather Chemists'
Pocket Book (2nd ed., 1919); H. G. Bennett, The Manufacture of
Leather (3rd ed., 1919); H. R. Procter, The Making of Leather (1914);
J. T. Wood, The Puering, Bating and Drenching of Skins (1912);
M. C. Lamb, Leather Dressing (2nd ed., 1909). (M. C. L.)
LECOCQ, ALEXANDRE CHARLES (1832-1918), French musi-
cal composer (see 16.355), died in Paris Oct. 24 1918.
LEE, SIR SIDNEY (1859- . ), English man of letters (see
16.363), was knighted in 1911. His lectures on The French
Renaissance in England and Great Englishmen of the i6lh Century
were published in 1910; and his later works include Principles
of Biography (1911) and Shakespeare and the Italian Renaissance
(1915). He became president of the English Association in 1917
and dean of Arts in the university of London in 1918.
LEE, VERNON, the pen-name of Violet Paget (1856- ),
English author, was born in France of English parentage Oct.
14 1856, and made her home at Maiano, near Florence, identify-
ing herself with her adopted country and making special study
of its art and history. Amongst her publications are Studies of
the Eighteenth Century in Italy (1880) and many volumes of
essays; certain novels and stories, such as Miss Brown (1884);
A Phantom Lover (1886); Hauntings (1890); Vanitas (1892);
Sister Bemienula (1906) and Louis Norbert (1914); a play in
verse, Ariadne in Mantua (1903), and Satan the Waster, a philo-
sophic trilogy (1920), as well as a volume of poh'tical essays,
Gospels of Anarchy (1908).
Her half-brother, EUGENE LEE-HAMILTON (1845-1007), who
was also born in France Jan. 6 1845, was educated in France
and Germany and at Oriel College, Oxford, afterwards entering
the diplomatic service. He married in 1898 Annie E. Holds-
worth, author of Joanna Traill, Spinster; The Years that the
Locust Hath Eaten, and other novels. He published a number of
volumes of poetry, as well as a translation of Dante's Inferno,
and (with his wife) Forest Notes (1899). He died at Florence
Sept. 7 1907.
LEGROS, ALPHONSE (1837-1911), Anglo-French artist (see
16.380), died in London Dec. 8 1911.
LEHMANN, LIZA (1862-1918), English singer and composer,
was born in London July n 1862, the daughter of the artist
Rudolf Lehmann. She studied singing under Alberto Randegger
and Hamish MacCunn, making her debut in 1885, and became
extremely popular as a concert singer. In 1894 she married
Herbert Bedford, the composer, and retired from the concert
platform, devoting herself henceforward chiefly to composition.
Her most popular works are the song cycles In a Persian Garden
(1896, words from the Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam) and The Daisy
Chain (1900), and various Shakespearean songs, while she also
produced a light opera, The Vicar of Wakefield (1907) ; the music
LELAND STANFORD LEMBERG
745
for the farce Sergeant Brue (1904) and the morality play Every-
man (1915). Madame Lehmann became well known as a teacher
of singing. She died at Hatch End, Pinner, Sept. 19 1918.
LELAND STANFORD JR. UNIVERSITY (see 16.406). The
work of the university was so reorganized during the decade
1910-20 that the first two years constituted a so-called lower
division with certain specified requirements, including biology,
a course in citizenship, etc. The major department system
became operative at the beginning of the junior year, and degrees
were granted upon the recommendation of the departments.
The institution sold some of its large ranch property in 1919, and
in 1921 had about $25,000,000 in investment securities and an
educational plant that included the Stanford Medical School,
Lane and Stanford hospitals, Stanford school for nurses, the
Lane medical library, all in San Francisco, and the Hopkins
marine station on Monterey Bay, the whole valued at $10,000,-
ooo. The medical school owed its origin to the fact that the
directors of the Cooper Medical College in 1910 turned over that
institution and the associate Lane hospital to Stanford. In
addition to the schools of law, medicine and education, a gradu-
ate school was organized with a dean at its head in 1917. New
dormitories for women were constructed and a housing scheme
inaugurated whereby practically all the faculty and students
will eventually live on the college campus. Volumes in the
library numbered 319,872 in 1920, of which 48,187 are in the
Lane medical library and 23,360 in the law library.
In 1920-1 the students numbered 2,489, of whom 500 were women
and 281 graduates, a gain of 43% over the 1907-8 figures, which
were 1,738, of whom 500 were women and 126 graduates. Limita-
tion in the size of the endowments and of the facilities of the plant
caused a restriction in the student body to something over 2,000.
Only 500 men with less than a year and a half of college standing
are admitted each year, but there are no limitations for upper-class
students. The tuition fee in 1920 was $40 per quarter, but after
Oct. I 1921 it was to be $75.00. There was in operation a tuition note
system by which worthy students might delay payment of tuition
until three or more years after graduation. Although in 1921 military
training was not required, there was a field artillery unit of the
Reserve Officers' Training Corps.
During the World War Stanford was represented by about 3,000
of its members, graduates and undergraduates, of whom 70 lost their
lives. A Students' Army Training Corps unit, comprising practi-
cally all the men students, was organized during the war period.
Dr. John Casper Brauner, a distinguished geologist, was president
from 1913 to 1915. Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur became president
Jan. i 1916. (R. L. W.)
LEMAITRE, FRANCOIS ELIE JULES (1853-1915), French
critic and dramatist (see 16.408), died in Paris Jan. 21 1915.
LEMAN, GERARD JOSEPH MATHIEU GEORGES (1851-1920),
Belgian general, was born at Liege Jan. 8 1851, the son of an
artillery captain who was a professor at the Ecole Militaire. He
entered the Ecole Militaire at Brussels, and when he left it in
1869 had acquired a reputation for brilliance. During the Franco-
German War he served in a Belgian observation corps. In 1882
he became a member of the teaching staff of the Ecole Militaire,
and both then and later, as head of the school, he exerted con-
siderable influence on military matters. In Jan. 1914 he was
appointed commander of the fortress of Liege and also of the 3rd
Div., and concentrated all his efforts upon strengthening the
defences of the town against a possible German attack. This
came in Aug. 1914, when Gen. von Emmich's army appeared
before Liege and summoned it to surrender. On Gen. Leman's
refusal the fortress was attacked and ultimately destroyed, while
its heroic defender was captured and imprisons 1 in Germany.
As a token of respect, however, he was allowed to retain his sword.
He returned to Belgium after the Armistice, and died at Brussels
Oct. 17 1920.
LEMBERG (LVOV), BATTLES ROUND, 1914r-5 In the
Austro-German campaign against Russia, the operations round
Lemberg (Polish, Lvov) both in 1914 and in 1915 formed an
important part of the fighting in Galicia. They are described
here in two general sections.
I. THE GALICIAN BATTLE OF AUG.-SEPT. 1914
In accordance with the general tactical and strategical situa-
tion, the main body of the Austro-Hungarian army concentrated
and formed up for deployment in Central and Eastern Galicia,
about Aug. 20 1914. The four armies (I., II., III., IV.) formed
up for deployment under cover of a frontier guard for which
provision had been made in peace-time. This was augmented
by other troops as follows: (a) those corps which had been
stationed in the deployment area (I. Cracow, X. Przemysl, XI.
Lemberg), parts of which had even in peace-time been pushed
forward to the frontier; (b) the cavalry divisions quartered in
the above-named areas, which had been hastily reenforced from
the interior of the monarchy; (c) the Territorial Landsturm,
Gendarmerie and Customs guards, which had been called up on
the first day of the alarm to occupy all the important frontier
posts. These precautions were taken on the definite assumption
that the Russians would employ their powerful cavalry masses
in a rapid incursion for the purpose of hindering the mobilization
and deployment of the Austro-Hungarian armies, an assumption
which subsequent events almost completely belied.
Although all components of the army formed up for deployment
according to programme, the advantage to be gained by greater
speed in their mobilization, on which the Army Commands of
the Central Powers had always counted, was not achieved. The
fact was that, though incomparably better situated as regards
mobilization and deployment, the Central Powers suffered from
mistaken political and military-political calculations, which
delayed effective war preparation by nearly a month, and also
from the fundamentally unsound grouping of the armies. The
main portion of the II. Army (IV. and VII. Corps) was first
deployed against Serbia on the Sava, where portions of it were
even engaged, with the result that this army having to traverse
the whole breadth of the monarchy to the N. was only repre-
sented by one-third of its strength (the Kovess army group,
XII. Corps) in the great introductory battles. After the arrival
of all forces allocated to the N. the total strength of the armies
was, roughly, 750,000 rifles, 60,000 sabres and 2,000 guns.
The first-line infantry was well armed and equipped, though
the rifle was ballistically somewhat inferior to the Russian serv-
ice pattern. The cavalry was well mounted, but undeniably
old-fashioned in its equipment. The artillery was relatively
inferior to the Russian in the quantity, and absolutely in the
quality of its guns. In view of the medley of races within the
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and the violent constitutional
struggles arising from the centrifugal nationalist agitation fanned
from outside, doubts had arisen in many quarters as to the
trustworthiness of the troops. As regards the first period of the
war these doubts were certainly not justified. The spirit of
the army resisted all attempts to undermine it, and the bearing of
the troops in the initial battles was excellent, superior indeed
to that of the enemy on more than one front.
Strategic Aims. On the Russian side the forces used in the
opening operations and the preliminary battles were as follows:
(a) against East Prussia the I. and II. Armies with over 20
infantry divisions; (b) against Austria-Hungary the IV., V.,
III. and VIII. Armies in the first line, the VII. Army in the
second. These armies had each a strength of 9-12 infantry and
3-4 cavalry (or Cossack) divisions. Judged by the number of
units, therefore, Russia's superiority in numbers did not appear
to be overwhelming, but it was actually greater than appeared,
since the Russian infantry division was about one-fifth stronger
in infantry and artillery than the Austro-Hungarian. About
one-quarter of the Russian forces consisted of reserve divisions.
The information received by the Austro-Hungarian Higher
Command, before and during deployment, gave a far from clear
idea of the operative situation. They knew that the transport of
troops for deployment was going forward on all railway lines
and were aware of the evacuation of Congress Poland; but as
regards grouping and strength, particularly in the case of the
heavy-massed groups rolling up from the E., they appear to have
been in uncertainty. It is possible that they underestimated
these. For the Austro-Hungarian conduct of operations two
alternatives presented themselves: (i) to unite the whole of the
fighting forces on the Middle and Lower San and accept a de-
fensive battle, advantage at the same time being taken of any
746
LEMBERG, BATTLES ROUND
opportunity for a well-timed offensive, using as a pivot for this
the San and Vistula line (by that time completely prepared),
the fortress of Przemysl, and the San and Vistula bridgeheads,
designed for the purpose; (2) to open an immediate offensive
against the Russian army masses, as yet divided, while, they
were making their concentric advance.
The advantage of the first plan lay in the possibility of utilizing
the whole of the forces to the last rifle and gun, and also of inflict-
ing partial tactical defeats on the enemy by swift and skilful
advances from the bridgeheads. Against this weighed the dis-
advantage of allowing the Russians to bring up the whole of
their superior forces. East Galicia, too, with Lemberg, its politi-
cal and economic centre, as well as large portions of Central
Galicia, would be relinquished without a struggle to the enemy,
who could also make use of his increasing numerical superiority
to invade Hungary with momentous political results.
The advantage of the second plan lay in the reasonable hope
of falling on the still divided enemy armies with relatively su-
perior forces. But here the danger was that, as the army would
at first have to advance fan-wise owing to its obligatory initial
situation, a mishap in any one of the armies might owing to the
relatively small extent of the area available for manoeuvring
compromise the whole situation and even bring all the armies
into a critical position. Thus the second alternative was by far
the more risky solution, depending as it did on skill in the leading
of the various armies. Provided, however, that no important
errors of detail were made, it promised the greater results; and
it was the alternative chosen by the Army Higher Command.
For the Russians the natural procedure, aimed at from the
very first, was to make a concentric attack on the Dual Monarchy
simultaneously with a threat to East Prussia, and one to Berlin
in the background. The enormous fighting masses of the Russian
Empire, and the^elative shortness of the lines, admitted of this
double project. Thanks to the early completion of their prepara-
tion they were also enabled to make full use of their original
enveloping base against Austrian territory and the armies forming
up for deployment within it. All the main lines of transport
converged thither, while the whole conduct of operations was
materially advanced by the circumstance that the strategical
and even the tactical communications between the two great
concentration areas the territory between the Vistula and the
Bug on the one side and Podolia on the other were completely
guaranteed by the triangle of fortresses Kovno, Dubno and
Luck (Lutsk). The Russian plan of operations was accordingly
drawn up on these lines. In the area between the Vistula and
the Bug were posted the V. Army (Chelm) and the IV. Army
(Lublin) facing generally southward; and against East Galicia
the III. and VIII. Armies facing generally westward, while the
VII. Army followed in echelon to the left.
Preliminary Operations. Some characterization of the fighting
methods on both sides, as evidenced in the beginning of the war,
may not be out of place here.
In all Austro-Hungarian tactical regulations and training
manuals the greatest stress was laid on the encounter battle.
Conscious and deliberate initiative was represented as the leading
motive of every sort of action in war or battle. In practice,
particularly in the grand manoeuvres, this motive, correct as it
was, came to be so exaggerated that the attack was practically
asserted to be the one true form of battle. This undoubtedly
created a certain rigidity of opinion which in the long run de-
veloped into schematism. To fail to attack was to run great
risk of adverse criticism and judgment, a decisive personal mo-
tive being thus added. Another result was a frequently very
marked belittling of the effect of weapons, which was particularly
the case with the artillery. Rigorous battle-training and profit-
able employment of this arm were consequently taken too little
into account; and its tactical cooperation was developed rather
on- the formal side. With the cavalry analogous principles were
laid down. Dismounted fire action above all was a method of
fighting rarely and unwillingly practised. The infantry was very
well trained on modern principles, particularly in the technique
of rifle fire; but the tactical cooperation of the three arms received
no special attention. Taking all in all it was reasonable to count
upon a quick engagement by all detachments and groups, par-
ticularly as the fighting more/ especially at the beginning of the
war was at its highest level, and the flexibility of units and the
uniform training of commanders of all grades seemed to guarantee
high manoeuvring power.
For the Russian army the war with Japan had been an excellent
training. The cooperation of all arms, and particularly the em-
ployment of their strong artillery, had reached a high stage of
development. Especially remarkable was their rapid fortifying
of the field of battle by means of which a Russian front habitually
covered itself almost as soon as an action began. In this respect
the Russians were at first far superior to their opponents. In-
directly this no doubt contributed to the clumsiness of most of the
attacks, which often resulted, contrary to the wish of the Com-
mand, in a stationary fire-fight in which the superiority of the
Russian artillery was usually balanced by that of the Austro-
Hungarian musketry training. In manoeuvring the Russians
were less skilful than their opponents, who profited by this fact
to extricate themselves from many an awkward tactical situation.
The Russians were capable of great marching feats on occasion,
but their pace was generally rather slow. Their fighting moral
was excellent throughout; indeed their endurance in the most
difficult tactical situations could not be surpassed. The reconnoi-
tring activities of the Russian cavalry, particularly of the Cossacks,
was remarkable, and not less remarkable was the use made of
political propaganda, systematically introduced in peace, and
the good organization of intelligence in the potential theatre of
operations. On the other hand, the Russian cavalry was disin-
clined to mounted action on a large scale and had a marked
preference for the dismounted fire-fight. No considerable mounted
attack therefore ever occurred, though on several occasions
large masses of cavalry were opposed to each other.
On Aug. 15 the Austro-Hungarians pushed forward all the
cavalry divisions in the deployment area to gain touch with the
enemy. It was hoped that this, combined with a general air
reconnaissance the day before, would give the necessary data
for decisive conclusions. But the reconnoitring activity of the
cavalry resulted only in a series of small cavalry actions, success-
ful and unsuccessful, without bringing in trustworthy informa-
tion as to the grouping of the enemy, whose fighting strength
and readiness for operations were, speaking generally, under-
estimated in consequence. Nevertheless Aug. 18 saw the issue
of orders which formed the basis of the offensive scheme in all
armies. This inevitably involved even merely geometrically
the armies drawing apart excentrically. The Army Higher
Command, however, reserved to itself the definitive grouping
of the larger units. This was particularly the case with the IV.
Army, in the centre, whose orders were " to group itself in such
a way as to be able to push forward towards the N., N.E. or E."
On the three following days (Aug. 20, 21 and 22) the I. Army
successfully accomplished the crossing of the Tanew region,
dreaded for its impracticability, without mishap, and took
possession through its advanced guards of the pronounced ridge
lying north of this region from E. to W. For the rest, the I.
Army was required to occupy the whole of the ridge on Aug. 22,
the IV. Army, as before, to hold itself in readiness to proceed
to the N. or N.E., while the III. and II. Armies (or rather that
group of the latter, under Gen. von Kovess, which had arrived
in the theatre of war), with fronts facing E., were to deal with
any possible attacks.
Out of this situation there arose a string of combats which
at first were favourable to Austria-Hungary. Thus at Czernowitz
a Russian division was repulsed by an Austrian Landwehr divi-
sion and thus also arose S. of Krasnik from the 23rd onwards a
series of actions which are collectively known as " the battle of
Krasnik." The I. Army went forward, with its nine divisions in
columns aligned, and came upon the enemy in a prepared posi-
tion but numerically greatly inferior. At first, indeed, there were
only two and a half infantry divisions, hurriedly thrown forward
from the Lublin concentration area, and though reinforcements
were sent up to them they remained considerably inferior in
LEMBERG, BATTLES ROUND
747
numbers. Fighting with extraordinary bravery they were never-
theless ousted from all their positions by the morning of Aug. 25,
he I. Army attempting to envelop the Russian right wing. In
their hasty retreat the Russians left behind them 6,000 prisoners,
28 guns and a number of standards.
Under the influence of these events the Austro-Hungarian
Army Higher Command, on the evening of Aug. 24, issued the
definitive dispositions for developing its offensive. In accordance
vith this the I. and IV. Armies were to deliver the proposed
great blow northward, i.e. against the IV.and V. Russian Armies,
the general direction given being " Lublin and Chelm." The
III. Army and the available portions of the II. Army were to
be entrusted with the defence against the Russian III. and VIII.
Armies advancing from the E., which mission it must be
emphasized they were to carry out offensively. Thus on the
Austro-Hungarian side a mass of 350 first-line battalions was
allotted to the main blow northward while 150 battalions (which
could soon be reenforced up to 200) were to act on the defensive
towards the east.
The first great scheme in the operations, which aimed at a rapid
advance and an attack on the enemy's oncoming main groups
before they could unite, might therefore be considered a success
at least as regards the first part. In view of the difficulties sur-
mounted this was certainly a considerable strategical achieve-
ment. It now remained to secure the tactical results that is to
ay, the blow in the N. must end in a complete victory, and the
enemy in the E. must be effectually repulsed. The first of these
efforts succeeded, the second did not; and from this failure arose
the general battle of Grodek-Rawa Ruska and eventually the
retreat beyond the San.
It should be added that Gen. von Kummer's army group had
received instructions as early as Aug. 15 to invade Russian Po-
and from the concentration area at Cracow and to traverse that
country in a north-easterly direction, thus forming a strategic
protecting flank for the main army advancing on the right bank
of the Vistula. It was also expected to provide the necessary
reserve and nucleus for the anticipated revolutionary movement
in Congress Poland. The execution of this task should not have
been difficult, in view of the fact that the Russians had at first
only the one cavalry division (the I4th) in the area W. of the
Vistula, but in fact it proved extraordinarily .difficult, as the
whole army group excepting the 7th Cav. Div. was made up
of Landsturm formations which had been thrown together on the
spot and whose armament and equipment were quite inadequate. 1
In these circumstances and with these masses, it became almost
, work of art to carry through the extremely exhausting marches
and small skirmishes which arose out of the Russian opposition.
As, too, the desired insurrection almost entirely failed to ma-
terialize, the Army Higher Command recalled the whole army
;roup from below Zawichost on Aug. 24, to the right bank of
the Vistula, where it was placed under the command of the I.
^rmy, which had thenceforward 12 divisions at its disposal. In
addition to this Gen. von Woyrsch's Silesian Landwehr corps
had now pushed through from Prussia, so that, from Sept. 4 on,
the I. Army had the strength of 14 inf. and 3 cav. divisions.
This army had meanwhile continued its advance to an attack in
tie general direction of Lublin, according to orders. By Sept. 2,
it had, after winning a succession of skirmishes, come within
dalf a day's march of the line which had been formed S. of the
central point just referred to, and was being vigorously defended
by the whole of the IV. Russian Army, which had come up in
1 It was a singular fact that the Army Higher Command brought
on to the field in the very first moments of the battle all the fighting
forces that could by any means be got together. Nearly one-third
of the battalions assembled in the deployment area were second
or rather third-line troops (the third line is practically non-ex-
istent in Austria-Hungary). But this method, though demonstrat-
ing great energy in the leading and employment of fighting masses,
was hardly suitable to apply to troops about to be sent to two sep-
arate theatres of war. Here again the totally inadequate armament
and equipment of the Landsturm formations formed a serio'us
drawback. Not only was their fighting power materially damaged
but unusually heavy losses were suffered on the march and in action
vhich might have been avoided.
the meantime. The I. Army's attempt to envelop the Russian
right wing met with but slight success, but a group that had
formed up behind the Russian left wing delivered a thrust which,
at a later stage in the action, was to influence the course of events
considerably. Before going further into this it will be well to
describe the operations and battles of the IV. Austro-Hungarian
Army which culminated in the eight days' battle of Komarow.
Battle of Komarow. Portions of the IV. Army's II. Corps
had gone into action on the afternoon of the 24th being attached
to the I. Army. It was known that a strong enemy group (the
XXV. Corps) was in the act of deploying before Zamosc. The
IV. Army had at its disposal, prepared for prompt service,
only the 3 divisions of the II. Corps, the loth Div. of the IX.
Corps and parts of the VI. Corps. The remainder (the 26th Div.
of the IX. Corps and the XVII. Corps) were still forming up for
deployment and in some cases had not yet arrived on the scene
of action. The army commander decided to proceed to the attack
with the troops on the spot, in order to bring the enemy to a
stand, and then make an enveloping attack on both wings, in
which he would be supported by the Archduke Joseph Ferdi-
nand's army group (3rd and 8th Infantry, 4ist Landwehr and
2nd Cav. Divs.) which had been 'allotted to the army command
on the evening of the 24th. But first the nearest enemy corps had
to be repulsed and the advance of the Russian XIX. Corps,
marching from Tyszowice, cut off.
To deal with the first of these tasks a group was formed of 3
divisions (4th, I3th and 2 5th) of the II. Corps and the loth Div.
of the IX. Corps, under the command of General of Infantry
Schemua. From 6 A.M. on Aug. 26 this group went forward in
several parallel columns along the ridge W. of the Tomaszow-
Zamosc road. The collision with the enemy, who were established
in. hastily erected shelters, took place in the afternoon. By
evening the enemy had been thrown out of their positions
and forced back to the northern ridge. Here they established
themselves firmly in prepared positions.
The VI. Corps, advancing in three divisional columns (3Qth,
2yth and isth Divs.) echeloned in rear to the right, had first
of all to change its direction of march from north-east to north.
The 39th Div., advancing on and E. of the Tomaszow-Zamosc
road, came up against the enemy (the Russian XIX. Corps) in a
strong position and captured his outposts; but, in front of the
main position at Tarnawatka, the division was surprised by gun-
fire and forced to retire to the heights N. of Tomaszow until
evening. The 27th Div. (especially the 8sth Infantry Regt.),
advancing eastwards on the right, delivered an exceptionally
brave and persistent attack which unfortunately entailed heavy
losses owing to inadequate artillery preparation. The attack in
itself succeeded, but the enemy could not be prevented from
taking up another position farther back. The right-wing division
of the corps, which had had the greatest distance to come, did not
come into action that day. On the other hand a violent fire-fight
had occurred in the afternoon, E. of the Huczwa at Posadow, in
which a cavalry corps under Gen. von Wittmann, formed from
the 6th and zoth Cav. Divs., fought with some success against a
Cossack division reenforced by infantry. In the evening, %fter
the fight, the cavalry corps retired for the night to Dyniska, fol-
lowed by all portions of the IV. Army which were echeloned to
the rear (26th Div. and the temporarily formed XVII. Corps con-
sisting of the XIX. Infantry Div. and three march brigades).
For the following day (Aug. 27) the II. Corps had as their
allotted task to. drive the enemy back beyond Zamosc. At the.
same time a combined attack, in which portions of the VI. and
IX. Corps took part, was organized against the Russian XIX.
Corps, which had dug itself in above Tarnawatka, and in particu-
lar against the right wing. The remainder of the army was to
continue its advance, but here some delay was caused by the
Higher Command's granting and withdrawing alternately, three
times over, the right of Archduke Joseph Ferdinand's army
group to make its own dispositions. The unfavourable turn of
events in the E. was the cause of the Higher Command's difficulty
in deciding as to the definite distribution of this fighting group.
The day (Aug. 27) began with a misfortune to the IV. Army.
748
LEMBERG, BATTLES ROUND
The loth Cav. Div., encamped on the extreme right wing, was in
the early morning hours surprised and routed. Gen. Schemua's
attack, on the contrary, was carried out according to pro-
gramme, and his group succeeded, by evening, in throwing back
the whole of the XXV. Russian Corps beyond Zamosc, some
portions of it being put to flight. A large number of prisoners
and 20 guns, including some heavy pieces, were left in the hands
of the Austro-Hungarians.
The combined attack on the right wing of the XIX. Russian
Corps, however, met with no success, and its chances became
smaller in proportion as the enemy fronts visibly gained by reen-
forcements. Airmen's reports confirmed the approach of an
enemy corps (the XVII.) from Grubieszow (Hyubieszow) and
Krylow and also the direct approach from the N. (in the direction
of Chelm) of enemy forces on all the lines of communication.
These proved later to be the troops of the V. and XIII. Russian
Corps. By evening on the same day the Austro-Hungarian isth
Div. (VI. Corps) had after a short fight reached the neighbour-
hood of Laszczow (Pukarzow). Acting on these various reports,
the Command of the IV. Army ordered the right wing (in particu-
lar the i sth Div.) to bend backwards and take up a frontal posi-
tion to the N.E. on the line Laszczow-Posadow. This was done
partly to enable the advancing group (Archduke Joseph Ferdi-
nand's ipth Div.) to deliver a blow at the enemy's flank and rear.
But the day of Aug. 28 began with a surprise attack at dawn
on the i sth Infantry Div., which was massed in the narrow
space near Pukarzow. After a short and costly battle, in which
the divisional commander and the chief of the general staff were
killed, the division was routed and in its flight westward lost the
greater part of its artillery irretrievably in a swamp. The enemy
pursued, and came up with the flank and rear of the 27th Infan-
try Div., but their progress was checked by the vigorous inter-
vention of a brigadier, the position saved and the shattered
remnants of the i5th Div. reassembled at Tomaszow. On other
parts of the front the day was spent in fruitless fighting, though
the enemy was at least prevented from breaking through, from
the concentration area at Tarnawatka, by the now reassembled
26th Div., which unfortunately suffered heavy losses in the
process. Certain portions of the II. Corps followed the enemy in
his retreat northward, while others joined in the fighting on the
I. Army's right wing; but the main body of the corps remained
concentrated round Zamosc.
All these varying incidents notwithstanding, the fact re-
mained that the IV. Army with all its groups had been brought
up for the purpose of a uniform attack, and during the evening
the Army Command issued orders for such an attack to be made
by the whole army. This attack was based on the plan of battle
drawn up on Aug. 25, in which the VI. Corps and the igth In-
fantry Div. were to form the battle-front, while the IX. Corps
(loth and 26th Divs.) was to envelop the enemy on the W.
(especially in the Tarnawatka position) and the II. Corps to
wheel from the N. on to the enemy's rear with two of its di-
visions, using a third division (the 4th) to cover the manoeuvre.
This cover in rear was to be made complete by the loth Cav.
Div, which had been transferred from the I. Army to the IV. for
the purpose. Lastly, the Archduke Joseph Ferdinand's army
group was to attack vigorously from the S. and to attempt an
enveloping attack on the enemy's left flank. That is to say,
there was to be a double enveloping attack by all portions of
the IV. Army. On the evening of Aug. 28 reports had already
come in of effective attacks by both the igth Div. and the
Archduke's divisions. These were particularly valuable on ac-
count of the surprising number of guns captured under fire, of
which there were over fifty.
On August 29 this army group repeated its tactical successes
and made a further ha'ul of 26 guns. But while the enemy was
being continuously reenforced, the A-ustro-Hungarian troops,
though fighting splendidly, were greatly exhausted by their
marching and fighting achievements of the previous days, and
therefore did not gain ground to the desired extent. As regards
the remaining parts of the battle-front, the heavy persistent
fighting in the area occupied by the XVII., VI. and IX. Corps
took on the character of a fixed battle broken by repeated enemy
attacks, which were in particular directed against the reentrant
formed by the VI. and IX. Corps. The intention was obviously
to effect a breach in this joint and break up the IV. Army front.
It did not succeed; but the battle was a very costly one, owing
largely to the superiority of the Russian artillery, which in a
stationary fire-fight made itself plainly felt. In the II. Corps
the two divisions (i3th and 25th of Archduke Peter Ferdinand's
army group), told off to attack in rear, commenced their wheel-
ing manceuvres in a southerly direction. But their movements
were not as rapid as could have been desired.
On the following day (Aug. 30), the fifth day of the battle,
information came through from the Army Higher Command
that according to an intercepted radiotelegram, a strong army
body of the enemy's forces advancing from the E. had instructions
to attack from Sokal the rear of the Austro-Hungarian right.
This sounded unlikely, and in fact all that the IV. Army Com-
mand did was to send the 6th Cav. Div. to the Solokija in the
direction of Beiz (Belz). But undeniably the report, on becoming
known (it penetrated also to the Archduke Joseph Ferdinand's
army group), did so far prejudice the advance that the desired
wheel to the W. by this group did not take place. This was
partly due, no doubt, to the fact that the enemy, realizing the
magnitude of the danger which threatened him, reenforced his
left wing more and more until he was able, the next day, actually
to show once more a numerical superiority in artillery and this
although 80 guns had been taken from him on this sector.
On this day, too, the XVII., VI. and IX. Corps fought some
violent local battles on their own part of the front. The enemy
confined himself this time to defensive tactics, in contrast to the
two preceding days. From the N. a vehement blow was struck
on the same day against the 4th Div. of the II. Corps by 2-2^
enemy divisions. But the troops of this division, reenforced by 3
Landwehr battalions, parried bravely all the thrusts of its more
powerful enemy, who pushed forward as far as the Labunka,
but, being apparently incapable of any further action, retired in
the night of Aug. 31 in a northerly direction. The Archduke
Peter Ferdinand's group (i3th and 25th Divs.) had now at last
finished its wheel manoeuvre southwards, so that by the evening
of the same day two divisions were able to deploy in rear of the
enemy. One detachment on the left wing, commanded by Col.
von Stohr, pushed forward as far as Perespa (on the Dub). On
the same evening Gen. von Borocvic, commanding the VI. Corps,
arranged for an attack to be delivered by the i5th Infantry Div.
from the S. on the enemy position to the S. of Komarow. This
attack, courageously executed and well prepared by concentric
artillery fire, was successful. Large masses of the enemy (the
XIX. and V. Corps) within the Komarow area were surrounded
on three sides, the S., the W. and the North.
The enemy, being extremely brave, did not submit to his fate,
but during the night of Aug. 31 concentrated 18-20 battalions
and three battery groups with which to force a way of retreat,
and meanwhile withdrew from the centre of his front detach-
ments and also transport which were set to march along the
Komarow-Tyszowice road in an easterly and later a northerly
direction. Groups of infantry, artillery and army service corps
from the Russian left army wing were similarly withdrawn and
retreated towards Grubieszow and Krylow. Into the midst of
these groups burst the 2nd Austro-Hungarian Div. after violent
artillery preparation, and captured 20 guns. The reports of these
actions on the enemy's line of retreat came in to the Army Com-
mand in the course of the day (Aug. 31). On the morning of this
day the attacking groups, mentioned above, which had been
improvised on the Russian right wing, went forward against the
Archduke Peter's front, which faced S., and subjected it to a rain
of overwhelming artillery fire. But Col. von Stohr's detachment
on the left wing still held the Russian outermost wing in a vice,
even after the fire of a Cossack division in rear had made itself
vigorously felt. Naturally the Austro-Hungarian gth Cav. Div.,
posted behind the Archduke Peter's front, found it hard to remain
inactive. Moreover, the Archduke Peter had received a report
early in the morning that an enemy column, three battalions
LEMBERG, BATTLES ROUND
749
strong, was approaching from the north. This report in no
case a very alarming one was afterwards proved to be false, but
it caused the group commander, already shaken by the powerful
artillery fire, to order a retreat in other words a wheel to the
west. This rearward wheel was carried out unmolested, but it
opened to the enemy the line of retreat which had been com-
pletely blocked. This was a tactical error which greatly influ-
enced the outcome of the. battle. It was curious that, on both
wings of the army, false reports of danger in the rear were able
to upset a well-conceived scheme, one of which the greater part
had already been put into effect, for surrounding the enemy.
The result of the fighting on Aug. 31 was the capture of
Komarow, with the heavily fortified position on the heights
around it and the repulse of the. enemy from all parts of the
front except on the E. wing, where their strong position and very
considerable forces enabled the Russians to cover the wheel and
retreat of the army towards Chelm and Grubieszow. This wing
maintained its position throughout Sept., when the pursuit was
in full force along the remainder of the front, and in this way a
series of rearguard actions took place. But during the night of
Sept. 1-2 the last of the Russian detachments quitted the field,
and fell back, in some cases in disorder, in the direction of
Grubieszow.
The eight days' battle had ended in a complete victory for the
Austro-Hungarian troops, but, owing to the events just described,
the complete breakdown of the enemy, which was to be the out-
come of the battle, did not follow. The number of guns captured
was unusually large, amounting to 156, but very serious, too,
were the losses suffered by the Austro-Hungarian troops, who
had been almost entirely on the offensive, amounting in all to
40,000, including 8 generals and a number of senior officers.
With the Eastern Group (II. and III. Armies). In the mean-
time events had taken a most unfortunate turn with the Eastern
group of armies. At the beginning of operations the two great
units, on forming up for deployment, had had about two infantry
divisions available, to which were added six cavalry divisions
that had been pushed forward up to and beyond the frontier of
the empire. Since the middle of Aug. these mounted troops had
been in sharp contact with the enemy's cavalry masses, which
were being followed by infantry, and sections of the Austro-
Hungarian cavalry at times took refuge between the heads of
their own infantry division.
The task allotted to the two armies was, as has been stated,
to hold off " by offensive operations " the enemy forces advancing
from the E. until the I. and IV. Armies should have delivered
their blow. This task was no easy one, since the enemy would
obviously be in a position to develop a considerable superiority,
particularly as two corps (the IV. and VII.) were still rolling up.
The problem could be solved either offensively or defensively.
The argument for the offensive was that the greater the space
won towards the E. by these two covering armies, the greater
would be the security of the two attacking armies (I. and IV.).
The disadvantage it involved was the distance which the columns
would put between themselves and the troops still on the way to
the front in proportion as they pushed forward to the east. Above
all there was the danger of the Austro-Hungarian troops being
drawn into decisive battles against a more powerful enemy with
practically no chance of success. If, on the other hand, a solution
was sought in the defensive, a tactical advantage could be drawn
from the excellent defensive fronts offered by the many parallel
sectional lines (deep-cut streams and rivers) which traverse the
Podolian land ridges, E. of Lemberg. These fronts were particu-
larly suited to long-drawn-out battles, especially against an enemy
inclined to be clumsy in attack, as the Russians undoubtedly
were. But the Army Higher Command decided to solve the
problem offensively, and the two armies (the III., XI. and XII.
Corps and 2 Landwehr divisions) with a strength of 2 infantry
divisions began their eastward advance on Aug. 24 accordingly.
From the 26th onwards there was violent fighting on the Zlota
Lipa and .at Zloczow. The Russians settled down at once in
typical fashion to a defensive action, while the Austro^Hun-
garians for their part failed to make their attack uniform along
the whole front. With such unfavourable tactical and numerical
conditions, no amount of bravery could bring success, and both
armies were forced to retreat on the evening of the 27th. But
the retreat was checked at the Gnila Lipa after a day's march,
and on Aug. 29 and 30 violent battles again took place at Glyn-
jany, Przemyslany, and Bobrka. Here the VII. Corps, which had
now been brought up, took part, but still no success was achieved.
The losses were very heavy, especially in the XII. Corps (Gen.
von Kb'vess), which lost nearly all its artillery. At the last mo-
ment the Army Higher Command decided to give up the attempt
to advance, to abandon Lemberg and the Dniester bridgehead
at Mikolajow, and to withdraw the two armies behind the line of
the Wereszyca. During these battles the Russians, after repulsing
the attacks, had aimed especially at throwing their weight on to
the Austro-Hungarian weak left wing, and thus to carry out an
enveloping movement. This was in fact only possible after the
crossing of the Bug basin, E. of Lemberg.
The costly fighting waged by the two covering armies had at
least gained the time needed by the other armies (the I. and IV.)
for their blow, but this object might have been attained by far
less costly means. Eleven infantry divisions, reenforced by
successive bodies of troops from the rear up to fifteen divisions,
would, if placed in a strong defensive position on the Gnila Lipa,
for instance have been able to offer a resistance which the
Russians could not have broken without heavy sacrifices. These
battles to the E. of Lemberg provided in fact the clearest possible
illustration of the exaggeration of the offensive principle. They
weakened considerably the fighting power of the troops, and the
fact that they were able to take part in a leading battle a few
days later only proved their excellent quality.
Operations Introductory to the Battle of Grodek-Rawa Ruska.
After the close of these battles fronting eastwards, which coin-
cided with the victory at Komarow, the Austro-Hungarian Army
Higher Command was confronted with grave issues. It should be
added that, although the battles fought by the I. Army in its
advance on Lublin had had favourable and lasting results, the
enemy's growing power of resistance was making itself felt. Two
solutions of the problem were now possible: (a) To bring the
II. and III. Armies once more into action and to let the IV. Army
wheel against the N. flank of the Russian forces now pursuing
the II. and III. Armies, thus bringing about a major decision in
accordance with the proposed " Operation on the interior line ";
(b) To withdraw all the armies to the now fully prepared line of
the San, to defend this line and to seize any favourable oppor-
tunity for renewing the attack.
As regards (a); this plan involved going on with the scheme
of operations in accordance with the policy originally adopted,
but at the same time ignoring the fact that one part of the prob-
lem to be solved had already ended in failure. The Army Higher
Command would also be bound to admit that the blow on the N.,
though successful, had not finally crushed the enemy. For the
decisive moment that is, for the main battle, the I. Army would
not be available at all and the IV. Army would be incomplete.
For there was not, in the opinion of the Army Higher Command,
much time to lose in other words, the initial operations must
begin immediately. That being so, the IV. Army would have to
give up the vigorous and effectual fighting pursuit of the defeated
Russian army. And yet this was the one way in which this army
could have been eliminated from the calculation for the time
being. The topographical conditions for forcing a great tactical
decision in the Grodek area were certainly favourable. A strong
front might be formed protected by the line of the Wereszyca
behind which the II. and III. Armies, unlucky up till now in their
fighting, could receive such local reenforcements as would restore
their full fighting power. But these conditions, again, were so
obvious as to exclude any possible alternative plan of operations.
To get into the right position for this, namely, " frontal defence
on the part of the II. and III. Armies behind the Wereszyca,
flank action and a blow from the N. on the part of the IV. Army,"
the IV. Army, at the close of the battle of Komarow, would have
immediately ,to wheel and, to execute within a narrow .area a
tricky manoeuvre such as only units specially trained in manceu-
750
LEMBERG, BATTLES ROUND
vring could perform. At the same time a flank-protecting force,
of sufficient strength to guard against any possible attack by the
defeated V. Russian Army, would have to be told off from the
main body. At the IV. Army headquarters this flank-protecting
force was calculated, in consideration of all the determining
factors, at 4 infantry and 2 cavalry divisions, so that 8 infantry
and 1-2 cavalry divisions would still be available for the blow
towards the south. But the Army Higher Command, in its
anxiety to keep the attacking force as powerful as possible,
wanted the protecting force reduced to 3 infantry and one cavalry
division. In view of the sharp defeat suffered by the V. Russian-
Army even such a force might possibly have sufficed had their
task been exclusively that of protecting the IV. Army, but this,
as will be seen, was not the case. If all the conditions here out-
lined were fulfilled, there was certainly reason to hope for a
favourable decision which would undeniably have great tactical,
and possibly even greater political, results. It was absolutely
essential, however, (i) " to have an unconditional guarantee of
the I. Army's power to hold out N. of the San-Tanew region, at
least up to the line of the For; (2) that the wheel manoeuvre of
the IV. Army should succeed completely; (3) that this army
should be covered by the pinning down of the V. Russian Army
on the lower Huczwa; (4) that the main attack from N. to S.
in the area E. of the Wereszyca should be successful." 1
Turning to a consideration of the scheme of operations under
(6), the " concentration of all four armies on the San," it would
seem that the obvious drawback was that it would rob the two
victories of Krasnik and Komarow of their strategical impor-
tance. To give up yet another slice of Galicia would have been a
disadvantage from the military and still more from the political
standpoint. Yet the plan was not without considerable advan-
tages. First and foremost the II. and III. Armies would have a
still longer respite from the enemy's attentions and could have
all the available reinforcements and supplies sent to them at
leisure. The Russian opponent would then find himself opposed
by an entrenched front, which as far as could be foreseeen he
would be unable to overpower with his first- and second-line
forces on the spot; while the time gained would certainly give
the Austro-Hungarian armies opportunities for an offensive
attack from the manoeuvre area on the San. Finally the IV.
Army would have one or two days in which to pursue and rout
the defeated enemy before wheeling from the battle-field. In
addition this scheme of operations offered the least risk in con-
trast to (a), in which practically everything was staked on one
throw, a risk for which no absolute necessity could be pleaded.
Nor could the fact be overlooked that unlike Russia the Dual
Monarchy had, in the united armies at that moment in Galicia,
practically all its available military forces assembled and could
still absolutely rely on them. The Army Higher Command
decided to solve the problem by the first scheme. It was by far
the more daring, and yet, given the four conditions just enu-
merated, it was not unreasonable, so long as these conditions
obtained, to count upon that measure of luck which must al-
ways attend the execution of a resolve to force a direct decision.
First of all the advance of the IV. Army's main body was
expedited to the utmost by order of the Army Higher Command.
It will be remembered that the battle of Komarow was brought
to a complete finish only on Sept. 2, early in the morning. In
order to carry out the Army Higher Command's instructions
the heads of the newly grouped army columns would have to
reach the line Belzec-Uhnow by the evening of the following day.
But this line lay 30 km. to the S. of the axis of the battle-field,
that is, in precisely the opposite direction from that of the
previous advance.
The immense difficulties which arose out of this re-grouping,
particularly in the case of the mass of transport, need not be
dwelt on here. It is enough to say that by Sept. 5 everything
was in order, and the army began its prescribed march south-
wards in three great columns. The western column (IX. Corps)
was composed of 3 divisions (the 25th, loth and 26th), the centre
'Extract from Auffenberg-Komarow's A us Osterreich-Ungarns
Teilnahme am Weltkrieg, Berlin, 1920.
(VI. Corps) also had 3 divisions (the 3Qth, 27th and isth), the
eastern (XVII. Corps) 2 divisions (the igth and 4ist) as well as
2 march brigades. These three columns, marching towards the
line Magierow-Niemirow, given as their first destination, were
preceded by the 6th Cav. Div. and followed by the 3rd Infantry
Div. echeloned to the left, and by the 2nd Cav. Div. still further
behind. Protection in rear was provided by the Archduke Joseph
Ferdinand's newly formed army group, consisting of the 4th
and I3th Divs. of the II. Corps, and the 8th Inf. and gth Cav.
Divisions. The Army Higher Command's original order was
that the IV. Army should continue the pursuit of the defeated
enemy as long as possible and then wheel to the S., but it was
also to protect the I. Army's right flank against which the enemy's
attacks were becoming more and more alarming. Indeed this
question of protection assumed an ever-growing importance in
the eyes of the Army Higher Command and an order was pres-
ently issued placing the whole of the Archduke Joseph Ferdi-
nand's army group under the I. Army command with the excep-
tion of certain detachments to be left behind. On these detach-
ments the IV. Army would now depend entirely for protection
in its rear. But the circumstances did not as will be seen
admit of such a splitting up of the army group as this entailed,
and the double task had undoubtedly an adverse influence on
the measures taken by the group commanders. The idea of
transferring the whole of the Archduke's army group to the W.
was probably inspired mainly by a captured radio-telegram from
the Russian Supreme Command which led the Army Higher
Command to assume that " the V. Russian Army (Plehwe) was
being transported by train from Wladimir Wostok to Brest
Litovsk and that any danger threatening the IV. Army from the
N. was therefore removed." One more example of a false or
misinterpreted report which was to lead to fateful decisions!
Meanwhile, from Sept. 3 onwards, all the II. and III. Army
detachments which had been thrown back behind the Wereszyca
line were concentrating in preparation for a prolonged defence.
On the left (northern) wing of the III. Army in particular 6
infantry divisions, ready for action, were assembled, and here
too the 4th, loth and nth Cav. Divs. were brought together for
recuperation. From this time on, these cavalry divisions were to
be under the IV. Army Command. Lastly the IV. Corps was
assigned to the II. Army, or rather to its right wing. Thus
apart from the Landsturm formations the II. Army (forming
the right wing of the united front) could now take the field with
9 divisions and the adjacent III. Army with 7 divisions.
The IV. Army, once it had overcome all the obstacles caused
by its wheel through 180 degrees, made its advance southwards
in good style, bringing up the heads of the armies to their proper
destinations each day, though the left wing column (XVII.
Corps) came sharply into contact with some enemy units coming
from the east.
The forward push of the I. Army towards the Lublin area
came to an end on Sept. 2. On the 3rd and 4th there were local
battles along the line of its advance, but from Sept. 5 onwards
pressure on the I. Army's right wing was so strong that it was
forced to give ground and had to be withdrawn behind the line of
the Por. This involved a retirement on the other parts of the
front, which even the appearance on the scene of Gen. von
Woyrsch's Prussian Landwehr corps failed to prevent. Even
so the enemy's pressure on the I. Army's right wing was still so
strong that both the I. Army Command and the Army Higher
Command appealed to Archduke Joseph Ferdinand's group for
help an appeal to which it was now impossible to respond. It is
evident from the map that the enemy columns, curving outward
to the N., had begun to be a menace to the advancing IV. Army,
while the 3rd and 8th Divs. echeloned in rear were forced to
deploy fully in an eastward direction against enemy columns su-
perior in numbers. The 8th Div. was hereby compelled to fight
a very sharp and costly action. The 3rd Div. during the night of
Sept. 6-7 succeeded in surprising a Russian division in the wood
N. of Hujcze, but in the general fighting that ensued was forced
to retire westwards and" join up with the XVII. Corps.
The Army Higher Command, to whom all these events were
LEMBERG, BATTLES ROUND
75i
reported in the course of the day (Sept. 27), were compelled to see
that the situation on which the decision to bring about an im-
portant battle on the Wereszyca was based had now undergone
a substantial change. Of the four essential conditions laid down
earlier as the necessary basis for this decision, practically only
one remained, or rather had been carried out: the one relating
to the wheel of the IV. Army. This manreuvre had succeeded.
On the other hand, it seemed doubtful whether the I. Army could
continue its resistance N. of the Tanew for any length of time;
the Archduke's weak army group stood opposed to superior
forces moving to outflank it; and the decisive blow from N. to S.
was rendered impossible by the general enemy grouping, 'in
which the weight had been flung on to the right (N.) wing. The
Army Higher Command had therefore no alternative but to make
a radical change in the original plan of operations. It would
perhaps have been most to the purpose to discard altogether the
guiding idea which now offered so little chance of success, and to
concentrate all the armies on the already constructed line of the
San. But the Army Higher Command held fast to its resolution
to bring about a decisive battle in the Grodek area, though
making certain concessions to meet the altered situation. Thus
the IV. Army, designed as the attacking wing in the original
scheme, was to be converted into the defensive wing with its
front facing E., while the II. and III. Armies were to deliver the
blow from the S. to N. a complete exchange of roles. To this end
the IV. Army had to continue its wheel manoeuvre and the II.
and III. Armies to fight their way across the Wereszyca line,
which until then formed the cover for their front, and then pro-
ceed to the attack. As a result of these operations the two op-
ponents laid their weight on opposite wings, the Russians on
the N., the Austro-Hungarians on the S. wing. This was quite
against the original intention of the Austro-Hungarians, and it
undoubtedly weakened their position appreciably, from a stra-
tegic and still more from a tactical point of view.
The Battle of Grodek-Rawa Ruska. Retreat behind the San.
Directions for the execution of this plan were issued on the after-
noon of Sept. 7. The IV. Army Command at once dispatched
all heavy trains in a westerly direction to beyond the San. Rzycki,
to the E. of Rawa Ruska, was selected as a pivot for the continua-
tion of the army's wheel, and here were brought into action for
the fire-fight the 4th and 6th Cav. Divs. (Gen. von Wittmann),
which had been selected from the very considerable cavalry
masses actually on the spot. A second cavalry corps (the iqth
and nth Cav. Divs. under Gen. Nagy) was ordered to provide
cover, mounted, for the army's extreme outer flank. The first
of these cavalry groups executed its task admirably in a two-days'
fire-fight. The army's right wing (the VI. and IX. Corps) was
allowed to continue its offensive advance, partly with the object
of drawing upon itself as the " defensive wing " as many as pos-
sible of the enemy's forces, and partly so as to use its infantry
so well schooled in attack to the best advantage in an
area of which a comprehensive survey was quite impossible
and showed no obvious boundary line. The left wing (3rd and
8th Divs.) went back, after the heavy fighting already de-
scribed, to the N. of Wittmann's cavalry corps, where it remained
for the rest of the proceedings in close touch with the II. Corps
(4th and 8th Divs.). This corps, being pressed by the attacking
V. Russian Army, retired after a series of battles by successive
stages to Tomaszow.
Following out the Army Higher Command's plan of attack,
the divisions of the II. and III. Armies began an offensive
advance over the Wereszyca on Sept. 8 and wrested certain ad-
vantages from the enemy, who on this front was consider-
ably weaker; but point 315 (Stawczany-Mostki-Dornfeld), the
line which the II. Army was to have reached by the evening of
Sept. 8, was only taken on Sept. n. On the other parts of the
front the fighting, on Sept. 9 and 10, swung backward and for-
ward without a decisive advantage being gained on any one
section. Here the Austro-Hungarians made effective use of that
form of warfare which consists in throwing up cover during the
battle on an extended front in other words, trench warfare,
which later was to become the characteristic feature.
In contrast to the progress made on the right wing of the
Austro-Hungarian battle-front, the development of the battle
positions on the gth, loth and nth showed that the left wing
had recoiled. There the IV. Army was fighting against a superior-
ity of almost two to one. The IX., VI. and XVII. Corps on that
part of the front facing E. were, it is true, able to hold their posi-
tion, and the artillery line with about 100 guns which had been
formed behind the salient (the XVII. and II. Corps) defeated
all the enemy's attempts at attack; but the Archduke Joseph
Ferdinand's army group (the 4th, 8th, isth and 3rd Divs.),
which had been in action for nearly 20 days without a break,
could no longer hold out after all its heavy losses, and had to be
led backwards from one position to another. Even the relatively
strong I. Army was forced to retire by stages, and into the gap
thus formed between the IV. Army, after its wheel, and the I.
Army, the V. Russian Army pushed forward slowly but surely
its cavalry division and corps. This army had resumed its ad-
vance on Sept. 7 after re-forming. 1 On the same day the 8th Div.
had been put out of action by a strong column of the III. Russian
Army advancing from the southeast. This left the Archduke
Joseph Ferdinand with only the 4th and 8th Divs. of the VI.
Corps and the gth Cav. Div. at his disposal. These weak forces
could offer no permanent resistance on such open ground and,
after fighting a serious battle on Sept. 9, they were withdrawn
behind the line of the Rata (which ran provisionally parallel
with the railway line from Jaroslau to Belzec), where they
joined the 3rd and 8th Divs. of the XIV. Corps, which had
likewise been severely battered.
The general strategic situation now appeared to the Army
Higher Command to be untenable. Instructions were therefore
issued on the afternoon of Sept. n to break off the fighting and
retire behind the San. This retreat, facing full W., had, so far as
the II. and III. Armies were concerned, only one disadvantage
the scarcity of communications available within the narrow zone
of retreat. But for the IV. Army the conditions almost brought
about a catastrophe.
On the afternoon of Sept. u, the V. and XVII. Corps of the
V. Russian Army, reaching out to the W., were posted, together
with their own powerful artillery forces, in the direction of the
rear and flank of the IV. Army. A single determined blow from
these forces would infallibly have placed that army in a most
hopeless situation. It was fortunate that the Russian corps in
question were those that had received the worst punishment at
Komarow and had therefore lost much of their fighting power.
But behind this immediate danger there lay another not less
serious. The Russian IV. Army, now pursuing the Austro-Hun-
garian I. Army in its retreat over the San, could easily detach
large groups from the massed forces on its left wing and send
them forward against the line of retreat of the IV. Austro-Hun-
garian Army, thus attacking this army at its most vulnerable
point in the critical moment of the San crossing. The precautions
which had to be taken against both these dangers were the more
difficult to carry out in view of the fact that the whole of the
army's infantry units were just then heavily engaged.
Under these circumstances the violent attack delivered in the
afternoon by the united forces brought up from the E. and N.E.
(the III. Russian Army) came as a welcome incident. The
attack was repulsed along the whole front after an obstinate and
bloody battle lasting on into the evening. Particularly in front
of the i gth Div., composed of Bohemian regiments, there lay
heaps of corpses. After the failure of the attack the Russians
ceased fighting, and at many points whole sections of their front
were discovered by reconnoitring patrols to be in retreat. Under
these conditions it was an easy matter to shake off the enemy
during the night of Sept. 11-12, and by following this up during
the day with a powerful backward push, to break off fighting
contact with the enemy almost entirely. To deal with the Rus-
1 Incidentally the Russian V. Army, which had been defeated at
Komarow, but not pursued this being impracticable took exactly
as long to re-form and return to the field as the II. and III. Austro-
Hungarian Armies after their misfortunes E. of Lemberg, although
in their case pursuit did follow.
752
LEMBERG, BATTLES ROUND
sians attacking from the N. (V. and XVIII. Russian Corps) both
the cavalry corps were brought into action. Although these
were units which had been greatly exhausted in the course of the
operations, they succeeded, with the help of the rearguard of
the XVII. and IX. Corps, in holding off the not very strong
enemy pressure. It was none the less necessary to place the
swampy line of the Sklo between themselves and the enemy as
soon as possible, so as to rule out any possibility of further con-
tact. But this meant crowding together all the divisions now
holding a front of about 50 km. into a defile only some 15 km.
wide. But although this manoeuvre could be executed without
such very great difficulty, the same could not be said when it
came to removing the second danger already alluded to the
blow from the IV. Russian Army which had now arrived at
the San. To do this, the area Laszki-Lazy-Krakowiec-Cho-
tyniec and that portion of the line of the Sklo which bor-
ders it would have to be barricaded off with all possible haste.
The IV. Army Command effected this by bringing up a weak
brigade by motor from the VI. Corps', which was posted near-
est to the only metalled road of communication within the zone
of march. A pivot was thus formed, in the course of Sept. 13,
from this brigade in conjunction with line of communication
posts and field troops. These were able to repulse all attacks
coming from the N., in particular one at Krakowiec on Sept.
13. These attacks, it is true, were made chiefly by cavalry,
with artillery, as the enemy had not grasped the opportunity
offered him of a decisive flank attack by strong forces.
In spite of this the II. Corps was kept in the Krakowiec area
on Sept. 14, as a precaution. Under cover of this corps and the
cavalry corps the armies carried out their retreat and crossed the
San. It is true that from Sept. 13 onward the enemy's columns
were active in their pursuit from the E. and made it infinitely
difficult especially for the IV. Army to get the masses of
trains brought back. Within the stretch N. of Przemysl up to and
including Jaroslaw there were, including the temporary pontoon
bridges, only six bridges over the San which were practicable.
Even fewer were the permanent roads leading to them. It was
therefore necessary to fall back on improvised roads. It has
already been said that the great trains of supplies and material
had been dispatched in good time to the W. and across the San ;
but even so, the train units that are absolutely indispensable
in battle (munitions, sanitary, technical and field supplies) and
in addition the supply wagons (essential in view of the many days
duration of the battle) formed a train mass many kilometres
long. Out of these conditions arose the immediate danger of th.e
sensible weakening of the troops' fighting power as a result of
continual protective and rearguard battles and even the contin-
gent danger of disorder and disbandment. The commander of
the IV. Army, which was most exposed to these dangers, there-
fore gave a plain order that no fighting in protection of the trains
would be permitted. The trains were, if it became inevitable, to
be given up, the teams having first been set free and the com-
munications blocked.
In this manner the crossing of the San was achieved by all the
army columns without a single fighting unit having suffered
ssrious losses, such losses being confined to men unable to march,
who succumbed because they were no longer equal to the
fatigues of 25 days of operations and fighting at a stretch.
The crossing of the line of the San by all four armies brought
to a close the first period of operations, which was marked by a
continuous series of severe battles and difficult manoeuvres
within the Lemberg area. The plan of an offensive operation on
the interior line had led to no useful, lasting success. Conceived
under the influence of the strategical conditions that had for-
merly prevailed when tactical decisions were quickly reached, it
was not suited to the present day when, even in fortunate cases,
days weeks were spent in straining after victory; when the
numerically weaker opponent could only seize the advantage of
a momentarily favourable situation quickly enough if he were
able to inflict an annihilating defeat on the isolated groups of
the numerically stronger enemy forces during their concentric
advance. But such success could only be attained under specially
favourable circumstances and through the perfect cooperation of
all subordinate commanders. In this case these conditions did
not exist; and, as the space separating the Russian groups was
from the first not overwide, the double blow could not succeed
in spite of great isolated successes. Only the manoeuvring skill
of the Austro-Hungarian units, coupled with the hesitating
advance of the Russian forces, enabled the Austro-Hungarians
to escape unharmed from situations which might easily have
led to the kind of disaster typical of an unsuccessful " operation
on the interior line."
With such tremendous fighting power displayed on both sides
the losses were enormous, telling with double intensity on the
Austro-Hungarian as the weaker of the two armies. (A. K.)
II. THE SUMMER BATTLES OF 1915
The Battle of Grodek-Magierow, June 16-19 1915. After the
break-through at Mosciska Lubaczow the Russians retired slow-
ly, fighting as they went, to a position behind the Wereszyca on
the heights of Magierow and Cieszanow, and behind the Tanew.
In this naturally strong line of defence, which was continued to
the left by the strong Dniester line facing the Southern and VII.
Armies, they proposed to fight' a defensive battle to cover East
Galicia and Lemberg. The continuous defeats of the last six
weeks, resulting from the Austro-German spring offensive, ha
already caused them heavy casualties, and the loss of East
Galicia would exercise a disastrous effect on the prestige of the
Entente, while the evacuation of hard-won territory could not
fail to exercise a demoralizing influence on the Russian army,
already greatly exhausted.
The strong position selected had therefore long been carefully
prepared and fortified; the country, which had been the scene of
operations in Aug. and Sept. 1914, was well known to both sides.
The defences constructed by the Austrians around Lemberg at
this period had been strengthened by the Russians, and a circle
of more or less defensible works now surrounded the Galician
capital on a circumference of some 30 miles. The Grodek-
Magierow position was specially designed to secure it against
the first rush of the enemy. It ran from the point d'appui of
Mikolajow along the N. bank of the Dniester to Manasterzec,
then along the E. bank of the Wereszyca to Cuniow and W. of
that river to the heights of Janow, whence it ran by the heights
S. of Rawa Ruska to Narol Miasto, and thence by the heights N.
of the Tanew to the Vistula. Farther to the rear the Russians
had provided for the possibility of a break-through by construct-
ing a second position W. of the Rawa Ruska-Lemberg railway.
This line, as yet incomplete, was connected with the ring of
forts near the height of Lysa Gora, N.W. of Lemberg, and was
continued thence W. of the Szczerek to the Dniester. ,
Early in June all the Austro-German troops between the
Dniester and the Vistula (Austro-Hungarian II., German XI.
and Austro-Hungarian IV. Armies) had been placed under Gen.
von Mackensen. His intention was to direct the attack of
the centre and southern wing of the XI. Army on Magierow and
thence due E., passing N. of Lemberg. The strong left wing of
the II. Army was to deliver an enveloping attack upon the forti-
fied line Janow-Kommarno, while the IV. Army, although main-
taining its position in the angle of the San and Vistula, was to press
N. in conjunction with the XI. Army's left, and then to advance
with its right on Rawa Ruska. On the Russian side there stood
facing Mackensen's army group, which comprised in all the
4ist Infantry and 2 cavalry divisions, Gen. Lesch's III. and
Gen. Brussilov's VIII. Armies, with same number of infantry
divisions and 5 cavalry divisions.
On June 16 the Austro-Germans pressed the Russians hard
along the whole line. The centre of the VIII. Russian Army
offered a stubborn resistance to Bohm's centre and northern
wing, while its left withdrew before his right early in the day.
The Austro-Hungarian XVIII. Corps, in the course of the after-
noon, stormed the Russian rearguard positions at Wolczuchy
and Dobrzany, while parts of it penetrated into the part of the
town of Grodek, which lies W. of the Wereszyca. On the north-
ern front of the German XI. Army Brussilov's army on the
LEMBERG, BATTLES ROUND
753
heights N. ancl N.E. of .Lubaczow was heavily engaged with the
combined corps and the X. Corps, while farther S. the remainder
of the Army (XLI. Corps, Austro-Hungarian VI. Corps, Guard
Corps and XXII. Reserve Corps) reached their objectives on
the line Niemirow-Jaworow without opposition. On the front
of the Archduke Joseph Ferdinand the right and centre of the
Russian III. Army held its ground. In the afternoon violent
fighting commenced at Cewkow and Cieplice. This ended on
the following morning (June 17) in the storming of the heights N.
of Cewkow by the XVII. Corps, which led to the retreat of the
Russian III. Army behind the Upper Tanew and also to the
evacuation of the Rudnik area. The IV. Army followed them up
as far as the heights parallel with the S. bank of the Tanew,
its right wing having reached N. of Cieszanow.
The II. Army, which had on the previous day worked its way
up to the main Russian positions, now began its preliminary
bombardment, and attacked the main crossing points. Heavy
fighting took place between the XVIII. Corps and the Russian
XXVIII. Corps for the possession of Grodek, as also for the
bridges of Kommarno and Lubicn Wk. (Great). Meanwhile on
the left the Austro-Hungarian XIX. Corps crossed the Wereszyca
near Kamienobrod and in conjunction with the IV. Corps began
an enveloping attack against the Wielkopole ridge.
The XI. Army had now arrived in face of the Russian main
position, and a general attack in the direction Rawa Ruska-
Zolkiew was ordered for June 19.
On the 1 8th the Russians resisted fiercely on the whole front.
The II. Army, however, succeeded in taking Mosty and Kom-
marno and in completely clearing the W. bank of the Wereszyca.
The XI. Army pushed closer up to the Russian positions, against
which the artillery preparation had already begun, and grouped
itself for the forthcoming attack. This was to be begun at 7 A.M.
on the igth, after two hours' artillery preparation, by the XLI.
Austro-Hungarian, VI. Guard and XXII. Corps, while the X.
Corps and Stein's combined corps were to cover its northern
flank towards Rawa Ruska. The II. Army was to capture Lem-
berg and to outflank and roll up the Russian line on the Dniester,
while the IV. Army was to cover the XI. in the direction of the
Tanew, and with its right wing corps to follow the XI. Army.
The assaulting wedge of the four corps of the XI. Army
succeeded in breaking the stubborn resistance of the principal
Russian front, pressing through it in the direction of Magierow,
and penetrating as far as the Rawa Ruska-Lemberg railway.
The II. Army had heavy fighting before the Russian main
position. After two days' fierce battle the XVIII. Corps com-
pleted the capture of Grodek, the XIX. Corps took two points
d'appui N.W. of Kamienobrod, while the IV. and the Beskiden
Corps to the N. began at 5 P.M. the bombardment of the heights
by Wielkopole and Stradec in the bend of the Wereszyca. The
infantry assaults that followed lasted till the late evening of the
2oth, and resulted at 4 A.M. next morning in the capture of the
Stradec height, which was the key position for the next advance.
That same evening the S. wing stormed the heights on the E.
bank of the Wereszyca, while the XVIII. Corps broke through
the Russian positions on the Grodek road. These successes
marked the failure of the last Russian attempts to bar the way to
Lemberg. Their main position was no longer tenable, and a gen-
erfl retreat now began on the eastern front of the XI. Army
and the whole front of the II. Army.
The Baltic of Lemberg, June 20-22. On the evening of June
20 the Russians recognized that, in view of the disastrous break-
through at Magierow, they could no longer hold their main posi-
tion. The next line of defence ran from the Dniester at Mikola-
jow, along the hills E. of the Szczerek to Sokolniki, where it
joined the girdle of fortified positions extending from Sokolniki
by Rzesna Polska to the height of Lysa Gora. From this point it
continued on the heights W. of Kulikow by Glinsko, and along
the Rawa Ruska road, where it joined the unchanged portion of
the Russian main position running by Brusno Stary and the
heights N. of Cieszanow along the Tanew.
After the break-through at Magierow the Austro-Hungarian
VI. Corps, the German Guard, and parts of the XXII. Res.
Corps had pressed forward a considerable distance. The situa-
tion being still somewhat obscure, it was deemed advisable not
to push the XI. Army on June 20 beyond the Lemberg-Rawa
Ruska railway, particularly as wireless messages and aviation
reports, while announcing the Russian forces were retiring
towards the N.E., gave reason to suspect a strong hostile con-
centration N. of Rawa Ruska. The XI. Army in its further
advance could not run the risk of being exposed to a stroke
against its flank from this direction. It was therefore not to
advance E. beyond the line of the above-mentioned road, and
was to keep in close touch to the N. with the right flank of the
IV. Army. Should the enemy retire, however, he was to be
energetically pursued.
On the evening of the 2oth the XLI. Corps, fighting on Macken-
sen's right wing, had succeeded in coming up to the strong Rus-
sjan positions at Glinsko and had begun its artillery attack. Arz's
Austro-Hungarian corps to the N., after repulsing several hos-
tile counter-attacks during the previous night, had also made
progress. The Guard, and parts of the XXII. Reserve Corps,
after heavy fighting, had stormed the Lemberg-Rawa Ruska road
and railway on a front of 7 m. N.E. of Dobrosin. On the front
of the remainder of the XXII. Reserve and X. Corps there was
little change, advance troops of the ipth Div. (X. Corps) oc-
cupied the village of Rawa Ruska, driving the Russians back to
the heights immediately N. of it. Meanwhile on Mackensen's
left army wing Stein's combined corps drove back the Russian
Guard at Brusno Stary. On the IV. Army front there was no
important change.
The II. Army was closely following up the retiring Russians.
On the left the Beskiden Corps, completing its success of the
previous night, reached the line Polany-Rokitno. The IV.,
XIX., and XVIII. Corps were, by the evening, close up to the
fortified line, while the V. Corps, during the pursuit of June 20,
reached the Szczerek below Pustomyty in the south. The 5ist
Honved Div. and Szurmay's corps, which had been transferred
from the Southern to the It Army, drove the Russians com-
pletely across the Dniester.
The main burden of the further attack fell upon the II. Army,
which was to capture Lemberg as soon as possible, while the
right wing of the XI. Army was to render the northern front
of Lemberg untenable by a wide turning movement to the east.
The forcing of the Dniester line by the German Southern Army,
and its advance into the area E. of Lemberg against Brussilov's
left flank, would materially increase the success of the plan.
The energetic advance of the II. Army on the S. wing on June
21 bore full fruit; the V. Corps succeeded in several places in
capturing the Russian advanced positions on the E. bank of the
Szczerek. Thus the sist Honved Inf. Div. gained possession of
a hill just N. of Usiec at the confluence of the Szczerek with the
Dniester. The i4th Inf. Div. penetrated the Russian positions
at Dmytrze 4 m. S. of Szczerek, while the 33rd Inf. Div. stormed
the bridge to the N. of this place at Za Grobla. The XVIII.
Corps, exposed to the flank fire of heavy artillery from Sokolniki,
was unable to advance, but the XIX. Corps worked its way close
up to the points d'appui of Sokolniki, Sknit6w and Rzesna
Polska. The IV. Corps had already captured the advanced
positions of the Lysa Gora and Brzuchowice forts, making an
enveloping position against them secure, while the Beskiden
Corps cleared the edge of the woods W. of Zarudce.
On the XL Army front Arz crossed the Lemberg road in the
forest region S. of Dobrosin, while Lt.-Gen. Francois' XLI. Corps
was heavily engaged round the strong positions on the heights at
Glinsko, capturing the most westerly summit in the afternoon.
On the remainder of the XI. Army front and that of the IV.
Army the situation remained unchanged.
On the night of the 22nd the Russians, at Glinsko, threatened
to the N. by the advance of Arz's corps, and to the S. by the
Beskiden Corps, which had beaten them back in the actions at
Zaszkow and Zarudce, evacuated their now very exposed posi-
tions facing the XLI. Corps and fell back by Blyszczywody and
Dzibulki. Arz on the afternoon of the 22nd penetrated deeply
into the forest area N.E. of Zolkiew.
754
LEMBERG, BATTLES ROUND
Meanwhile great events had taken place on the front of Bohm's
army. In the forenoon the Beskiden Corps, after storming the
heights S.W. of Kulikow, advanced well beyond this place, and
by pushing detachments forward succeeded in blocking the road
from Lemberg by Zoltance to Kamionka.
At 4 A.M. the IV. and XIX. Corps opened a bombardment
against the works on the N. and N.W. fronts of Lemberg. At
5 A.M. the I3th Landwehr Inf. Div. of the XIX. Corps penetrated
into the Rzesna work on Hill 320. At n A.M. the 2pth Div. of the
same corps had captured the group of works at Sknitow, while
the 43rd Landwehr Inf. Div. of the IV. Corps stormed the work
Brzuchowice 348. At the same time the I3th Landwehr Div.
continued the attack on the heights E. of Rzesna Polska, and
the 27th and 32nd Inf. Divs. were heavily engaged round the
Lysa Gora heights. Shortly after 1 1 A.M. this strong bulwark of
the N.W. front of Lemberg also fell into the hands of the Austro-
Hungarians. Under pressure of these events, the Russians, who
had defended themselves by numerous counter-attacks, evacu-
ated Lemberg. At noon Bohm's troops entered the city, which
had been in Russian hands for over 10 months.
During the morning, the V. Corps had succeeded in storming
the Russian positions on the heights E. of the Szczerek. In the
afternoon the Russians, obviously as a result of the fall of Lem-
berg, into which Gen. Bohm had made his own entry at
4 P.M., abandoned their whole front facing the Austro-Hungarian
II. Army.
The battle of Lemberg had thus ended in a victory for the
Central Powers. By the evening of the 22nd the II. Army had
reached the line Dawidow-Remenow. The effect of the victory
was now making itself felt along the whole front ; even the angle
between the San and the Vistula, so long and stubbornly defended
by the Russian XV. Corps, was evacuated by the evening of
the 22nd, and the Russians fell back also before the Austro-
Hungarian I. Army and the southern wing of Woyrsch's Army.
The hoped-for separation of the Russian armies, in the direc-
tion of Tomaszow and Sokal on the one hand and eastwards on
the other, seemed nearer, but was not yet achieved.
The Army Supreme Command, after consultation with the
German Supreme Command, now ordered new dispositions.
Mackensen was to continue the pursuit of the retreating
enemy in a northerly direction with the Austro-Hungarian IV.
and German XI. Armies. The Beskiden Corps was subordinated
to him, in order to cover his eastern flank. The II. Army was
detached from Mackensen's group and ordered to pursue east-
wards by way of Busk and Zlocz6w, while the Southern Army
was to force the passage of the Dniester below Zurawno, in
order to envelop Halicz from the N. and press on further across
the lower Gnila Lipa.
By the evening of the 23rd the centre and left of the Russian
IV. Army were also withdrawn, on the front of Woyrsch's right
wing and that of the Austro-Hungarian I. Army, to Ilza, Sien-
na, Ozark6w and Zawichost. Both armies followed them up,
Woyrsch with some rearguard fighting, the I. Army practically
unopposed.
The VIII. and XIV. Corps of the Austro-Hungarian IV. Army
followed the Russians to the San. On the remainder of the front
of the IV. and XI. Armies the situation remained unchanged.
Pursuit by Mackensen's Army Group Northwards; Battles in
East Galicia (June 23- July 14). The northern wing of the II.
Army met with stubborn opposition on June 23, on the line
Jarycz6w-Dmytrowice, but succeeded by the middle of the day in
capturing a part of the Russian positions S. of the latter village.
On the 24th also the II. Army found itself faced along its whole
front by strong Russian lines, from the northern wing of which
the Russians even delivered exceedingly violent counter-attacks.
Owing to this the relief of the Beskiden Corps by a new group
under Field-Marshal-Lt. Kreysa, formed of two divisions of the
II. Army, appeared almost impossible.
On the German Southern Army front, also, the Russians
struck hard against the two centre corps, and drove back the
igth Inf. Div. to the Dniester. Linsingen's northern wing, on the
other hand, succeeded in reaching Bortniki and Chodorow, where,
however, it met with fresh resistance. His southern wing was
able to secure the N. bank of the Dniester below Halicz.
The pursuit by Mackensen to the N. and by Bohm to the E.
had been determined automatically by the lines of the Russian
retreat. The continuation of the offensive on the grand scale,
however, would involve the choice of only one of these directions
for the main attack; and whether this attack were delivered to
the N. or to the E. there would be serious risk of a Russian
assault on its open flank.
After the battle of Lemberg the Russians had concentrated
their main strength between the Vistula and the Bug, while a
smaller force had retired into East Galicia. Consequently, an
advance by Mackensen northwards must bring him into contact
with the main force of the Russians, while the protection of his
eastern flank would be comparatively easy, owing to the favour-
able configuration of the ground in East Galicia, where, in order
to assail him, the Russians would have to cross several tribu-
taries of the Dniester flowing from N. to S. The protection of
the N. flank of an army advancing eastward would be more
difficult, and would require considerable covering forces. These
considerations outweighed the fact that an eastward advance
would be in the same direction as had hitherto been followed in
the attack, and also the prospect of freeing East Galicia, which
it was felt could be postponed.
The thrust to the N., moreover, was better fitted to meet the
general situation. The centre of the Russian front was still bent
far forward into Russian Poland. The greatest possible success
to be aimed at by the Austro-Germans was to envelop this front,
and, at the proper moment, helped by the pressure of their
northern wing (the German E. front), to surround it. Were this
to succeed, East Galicia would fall into their hands of itself. The
northward advance was therefore decided on.
This might be carried out by the IV. and XI. Armies, in
conjunction with the main body of the II., swinging northwards,
leaving the remainder of the latter with the Southern and VII.
Armies to drive the Russians out of East Galicia, or at least to
contain them. A more promising alternative, however, was to
leave the whole II. Army in East Galicia, while Mackensen led
the northward thrust with the IV. and XI. Armies, together with
fresh forces to be marched up between the II. and the XI.
Armies. The shortening of the front at the end of June, as a result
of the progress made by Woyrsch and Puhallo, made it possible
to withdraw Puhallo's army from the front and form it up behind
the inner wings of the II. and XI. Armies. Moreover, the XLI.
Res. Corps, which had been ordered to the western front, was not
now urgently needed there in view of recent favourable develop-
ments of the situation, and was thus for the moment available.
On the other hand, the complete withdrawal of the II. Army
from East Galicia appeared dangerous. The Austrian and Ger-
man High Commands decided therefore for the second plan.
The regrouping between the Vistula and the Bug could be
completed, and the northward advance begun, by the middle of
July. The armies, meanwhile, continued to carry out their
previous tasks. Mackensen followed up the retiring Russians
to the N., Bohm to the E. The ever- widening gap between the
two armies was provisionally filled up pending the arrival of
the I. Army by the extension of the II. Army's left wing to
Kamionka Strumilowa and to the Rata, and the concentration
of strong reserves behind their N. wing.
By the evening of the 2Sth all the XI. Army's measures for
the continuance of the pursuit had been completed. On the
morning of the 26th the attack was to be continued on the whole
front; the XVII. Corps on the right of the IV. Army, which
adjoined the XI. Army on the W., was to join in and occupy the
Loczwa depression N. of Cieszan6w, while Bohm's wing corps
to the E. of it was to advance on Kamionka Strumilowa.
The southern wing of the II. Army (5 corps), in the battle
of Bobrka, -stormed the positions of the Russian VI. Corps W.
of the Biala Potok, and by the evening of the 2Sth had forced it
back to the hills E. of that brook. The XVIII. and XIX. Corps
also advanced successfully E. of Budkow and at Dzwinogrod,
while Brussilov's southern wing on both sides of Jaryczcw Nowy
LEMBERG, BATTLES ROUND
755
delivered a succession of fierce counter-attacks against the
northern wing of the II. Army.
By this date the Southern Army also had not only repulsed
all the attacks directed against its centre, but in the battle of
Bukaczowce had occupied the whole left bank of the Dniester
from Bortniki to W. of Halicz.
The attack of the VI. Guard and XXII. Corps of the XI.
Army pressed forward in to the line Bojanicze-Mosty Mle-
Brusno Stary. In the afternoon Mackensen's left wing corps
succeeded in defeating the Russians and, carrying with it the
adjoining Austro-Hungarian XVII. Corps of the IV. Army,
pressed forward. By the evening of the 2yth the Russians were
falling back before these corps and on the whole front of the XI.
Army. The II. Army had been heavily engaged on both these
days, had taken Jaryczow Nowy and driven the Russians behind
the Swirz; the Russians evacuated all the right bank of the
Dniester before that army's S. wing and the N. wing of the
Southern Army, and abandoned Halicz on the approach of
Hoffmann's corps.
Next day they fell back behind the Gnila Lipa, followed by
the northern wing of the Southern Army and the main body of
Bohm's, while the latter's northern wing reached the Bug, S.E.
of Kamionka Strumilowa. The XI. Army drove back the Rus-
sians north-westwards, its left wing corps and the adjoining
XVII. Corps being heavily engaged at Narol Miasto. These
corps reached Osuchy and Tarnawatka; the centre of the XI.
Army gained the area S. of Laszczow and S.W. of Krystynopol,
while the Beskiden Corps filled the gap between Kamionka and
the Rata. The IV. Army passed the Upper Tanew.
Early on the 2gth the Russians evacuated their lines facing
the last-named army and retired to the ridge bordering the
Tanew region to the N. The Archduke's army was in touch with
them again by the evening, in spite of the difficulty of advancing
over tracks through heavy sand and swamp, the destruction
of the bridges and the partial obliteration of the roads, and in
spite, too, of having had to fight repeated actions with the
Russian rearguards.
The left wing corps of the IV. Army was, meanwhile, on the
3oth, to push forward with all possible speed on Annopol, in
order to menace the flank of the Russians opposing the I. Army
and force them also to retire. This was successfully accomplished
by midday, and before nightfall the main body of the I. Army
had reached the Kamiena and the area S. of Tarlow in pursuit,
while parts of it were already being prepared for transport away.
On the 3oth the whole of the IV. Army was able to begin its
advance into the mountainous district of Krasnik and Turobin;
little opposition was met with, as the Russians had fallen back
to fresh positions on the heights N. of the Wyznica and N. of
the For. The left and centre of the XI. Army, driving before
them the hostile rearguards, which fell back behind the Wolica
and to the area S. of Grubieszow, advanced beyond Szczebrzezyn,
Zamosz and Tyszowce.
The Battle on the Gnila Lipa. Meanwhile on the Gnila Lipa
front there developed a severe battle which continued till July
4. By the end of June the II. and Southern Armies had, after a
series of determined attacks, secured a footing on the heights
> to the E. of the river at several points. On July i the offensive of
the Southern Army here met with a decisive success. Bothmer
and Kosch, advancing against the line held by the Russians'
XVIII., XXIII. and XI. Corps on the front Firlejow-Bursztyn,
drove them back, despite their fierce resistance and determined
counter-attacks, behind the Narajowka. A slight check suffered
on the same date by the 5ist Honved Inf. Div. on the south-
ern wing of the II. Army was thus fully counterbalanced, and
the idea of stopping the pursuit on the Gnila Lipa, which had
occurred to the II. Army, was once more abandoned.
The success achieved was increased during the following days.
The Russians in face of Bohm's southern wing evacuated their
ground under pressure of the Southern Army's advance, where-
upon Bohm also began to move forward across the Gnila Lipa.
On the night of the 2nd Bohm's centre also assumed the offensive
successfully, and drove back the enemy to the heights W. of
the Zlota Lipa, where they were again attacked all along their
front on the 3rd.
During the night of the 4th the Russians, unable to hold out
against Bohm's and Linsingen's vigorous assaults, abandoned
this height also, and took up positions behind the Upper Bug
and behind the Zlota Lipa. Here they intended to entrench
themselves so strongly as to be able to offer a prolonged resist-
ance. Bohm and Linsingen continued their attacks without
achieving any conspicuous successes. Both sides, therefore,
settled down to trench warfare, using the respite to recuperate
and regroup their troops. It was not till the end of Aug. that
heavy fighting again developed on the Zlota Lipa front (Cam-
paign of Rovno).
In the middle of July Pflanzer-Baltin attacked the Russian
IX. Army's lines between the Sereth and Strypa, in order to
assist the main offensive by containing the Russian forces
opposed to him. This was known as the battle of the Dniester
(July 14-19). At the same time his northern wing advanced
across the Zlota Lipa below Zadarow and established itself on
the E. bank. The Russians stubbornly held their ground and
delivered counter-attacks, so that six days of fighting produced
no results worth speaking of. The main object of the operations
had, however, been fully secured.
Second Battle of Krasnik, July 1-14. The Austrian IV. Army,
pushing forward into the mountainous area of Krasnik and
Turobin, had now reached the area already made famous by the
successful campaign of Dankl's army in Aug. 1914. The Rus-
sians were now established N. of the Wyznica and the For in
order to stop, or at least to delay, any further advance of Arch-
duke Joseph Ferdinand's army and the left of the XI. Army
which was next to it. Strong Russian concentrations had more-
over been reported at Vladimir-Volhynskiy and Grubieszow.
Gen. Russky, the commander of the Russian N.W. front, ap-
peared to be putting up a determined resistance.
The Archduke's troops had reached the Wyznica and the For
without meeting with any particular opposition, and, in spite
of their exhaustion, at once began their attacks. The Austrian
X. Corps took possession of Krasnik in the first rush. At the
same time the German X. Corps of the XI. Army forced the pas-
sage of the For after overcoming stiff opposition, while the XXII.
and Guard Corps secured the heights on the N. bank of the
Labunka after fierce fighting.
On July 2 the offensive was to be continued by both armies
at all costs. An assault group composed of five divisions of the
XIV. and IX. Corps (IV. Army) was formed under command of
Field-Marshal-Lt. Roth for the actual breaking through of the
hostile positions E. of Krasnik. The Russians, however, anticipat-
ing some such move, had strengthened their forces at Krasnik,
and forced the Au_strian X. Corps by very violent counter-
attacks to evacuate it. However, when, after the necessary artil-
lery preparation, Roth's attacking wedge drove deeply into their
front by way of Studzianka on July 3, the Russians had to cease
their attacks; whereupon the X. Corps reoccupied Krasnik, while
the 47th Res. Div. (VII. Corps) pushed four battalions to the N.
bank of the Wyznica. The right wing of the army had also con-
tinued its offensive, and with the German X. Corps had advanced
completely across the For; while the XXII. and Guard Corps
had worked forward nearly as far as the Wolica after heavy
fighting. The right wing of the XI. Army had reached the area
Terebinn-Krylow and to the S.E. of Sokal, whence the Beskiden
Corps continued the line as before to Kamionka Strumilowa.
The XLI. Corps was sent back to the army and placed behind
its right wing.
Puhallo's army, meanwhile, had given a striking sign of its
presence by taking the Russian bridgehead of Tarlow and clear-
ing the angle between the Kamiena and the Vistula. After this
success the rest of this army was also held in readiness for trans-
port elsewhere; Woyrsch assumed command of all the forces on
the left bank of the Vistula, and Bredow's division relieved the
I. Army in its positions. It was reckoned that they would finish
taking up their positions in the area behind the inner wings of the
II. and XI. Armies by July 13. Mackensen, meanwhile, in view
756
LEMONNIER LENIN
of the Russian concentration of forces at Vladimir Volhynsk and
Grubieszow and the great extension of his front which must re-
sult from any further advance, resolved to stop the pursuit by
the XI. Army and only to resume the further offensive north-
wards when Puhallo's army had joined him. The right wing of
the XI. Army therefore ceased to attack. The left wing, on the
other hand, had to continue its advance in order to keep pace
with the progress of the Archduke's attack; it pushed forward
to Czernieczin and Staw, while the centre had to repulse violent
counter-attacks. On its right wing a new group from the II.
Army under Szurmay took over the sector between Kamionka
Strumilowa and the Rata from the Beskiden Corps.
On the 4th Roth's group met with complete success. Pressing
forward into the line Stara Wies-Wilkolaz it carried with it the
XVII. Corps on its right beyond Tarnawka, while the X. Corps
on its left, with part of the VIII. Corps, reached Urzedowka.
Next day the attack was successfully continued along the
whole front of the IV. Army. The XVII. Corps reached Gilczew
and the left wing of the XI. Army the Zolkiewka.
On the 6th the X. and VIII. Corps had very hard fighting.
The Russians now really seemed to be pulling themselves to-
gether for a counter-blow, and they began by offering a desperate
resistance to the attack of the two corps. The Command of the
IV. Army followed their attack with considerable anxiety, for
they had made very little headway up to the present, while on
the front of Roth's group and the XVII. Corps a cessation in the
fighting was ordered so as to allow of regrouping the forces and
preparing for a continuance of the break-through.
During this pause, on July 7 a serious set-back occurred. On
the sth an intercepted Russian wireless message had notified the
presence of the VI. Siberian Corps and a grenadier div., both
consisting of entirely fresh troops. On the 6th the Russian
resistance noticeably stiffened and on the yth the Siberian VI.
Corps energetically attacked the inner wings of the XIV. and X.
Corps. The io6th Inf. Div. and the X. Corps were driven back
to the heights N. of Krasnik and behind the Wyznica, and the
right wing of the VIII. Corps had to retire in conformity. During
the next few days the Russians secured further successes, forcing
back the XVII. Corps and the 47th Reserve Div. of the VIII.
Corps. But by the loth the IV. Army, which had been hastily
reenforced by two cavalry divisions and some Landsturm forma-
tions from the I. Army, had overcome the crisis by its own
strength. The 4th Inf. Div. from the I. Army, which had been
sent to Zolkiew, had, it is true, now been placed under it, but
before its arrival the Russian attacks had died down and even
showed signs of turning into a retreat.
This counter-blow, thus fortunately parried, had no serious
effect on Mackensen's army, of which the regrouping could be
carried out as planned, under cover of the activity on the IV.
Army's front, almost without the enemy noticing it.
After the capture of the Tarlow bridgehead the transfer of the
I. Army proceeded rapidly. The Army Command arrived in
Zolkiew by one of the earliest trains, and there took over the
command of Szurmay's group and superintended the assembly of
the army on the Rata and the Bug as far as Krylow. The German
High Command was at the same time arranging for the forma-
tion of a new German army, " the Army of the Bug, " under
Gen. von Linsingen, which was to operate between the XI.
and I. Armies, and to consist of 7 infantry and one cavalry divi-
sions from the XI. Army and one infantry and one cavalry divi-
sion from the Southern Army.
The Russians, in the meantime, had also undertaken a re-
grouping of their forces. At the beginning of the battle of
Krasnik the German XI. and Austro-Hungarian IV. Armies were
faced by the Russian III. Army, which had been gradually
brought up to a strength of 26 infantry and 6 cavalry divisions.
This force, already too large for effective handling from a single
centre, had further been increased by the arrival of two fresh
corps in the Wlodawa area, of which the one was to reenforce the
III. and the other the IV. Army. In order to simplify the prob-
lem of command the Grand Duke Nicholas resolved to break
up the III. Army, the five western corps forming the new III.
Army, and the other six being reorganized into a new XIII. Army.
After completion of the regrouping, Mackensen's command con-
sisted of the IV., XI., Bug, and I. Armies. With these he was
to subdue Russian Poland by means of a new offensive to the N. i
in conjunction with Woyrsch and the IX. German Army W. of
the Vistula. (E. J.)
LEMONNIER, ANTOINE LOUIS CAMILLE (1844-1913), Bel-
gian poet (see 16.415), published among his later works L'Amant
passionne (1905) ; Tante Amy (1906); La maison qui dort (1909)
and La chanson du carillon (1911); as well as L'ecole bdge de
peinture, 1830-1905 (1906). He died at Brussels June 13 1913.
See L. Bazalgette, Camille Lemonnier (1904).
LENIN (originally OULIANOV), VLADIMIR ILICH (1870- ),
Russian Communist leader, was born in Simbirsk in 1870, his
father being an official of middle rank a district inspector of
schools. His elder brother, Alexander, was an active member
of the terrorist party of the " Will of the people." In 1887 he
planned with some friends to assassinate Emperor Alexander
III. by the explosion of an infernal machine: the plot was dis-
covered and Alexander Oulianov was hanged together with four
of his accomplices. Vladimir entered the university of Kazan
as a student of law, but was expelled for taking part in revolu-
tionary agitation. He went to St. Petersburg and passed his
bar examination there. He did not practise long, but joined a
secret organization of professional revolutionists. Towards the
end of the 'nineties he was arrested, escaped and went abroad.
He had joined the Social Democratic movement which in those
days was spreading widely in Russia. Plekhanov and Struve
were at that time the chief exponents of Marxism: they adopted
the teaching of Karl Marx as regards the necessary sequence of
economic stages feudalism, bourgeois individualism, capital-
ism, proletarian upheaval. In that scheme the rise and growth
of capitalism was considered to be a necessary preliminary to
social revolution, and it was thought that Russia had hardly
entered that stage: therefore it was not ripe for a social upheaval.
Lenin was in agreement with these views for some time. But
while Struve, and to a less degree Plekhanov, were induced by
this admission to seek an alliance with Liberal intellectuals in
their struggle against Tsarism, Lenin (as he had taken to calling
himself), together with Martov, Axelrod and other fiery spirits,
forsook the Liberal platform and strove for a violent outbreak
of a downright class war. This produced a split in the ranks of
Social Democracy between the Majority and Minority sections
(Bolsheviks and Mensheviks). This split, first apparent in the
Congress of 1903, gradually widened. At the third Congress in
1905 it led to the formation of two parties, the Bolsheviks meet-
ing in London, and the Mensheviks in Geneva.
The revolution of 1905 saw Lenin again in St. Petersburg,
and he worked a good deal behind the scenes, inciting to vio-
lence, advising a boycott of the Duma, hostility to the Cadets,
etc. But he did not play any part in the Soviet of workmen,
and disappeared as soon as it became clear, after the crushing
of the outbreak in Moscow, that the troops and the people were
not on the side of the revolutionaries.
During his second stay abroad (1906-17) Lenin published
several pamphlets and books which attracted a good deal of
attention. In the Two Tactics (1905) he had announced that
terrorism was inevitable as a weapon in the hands of revolu-
tionists. He said among other things: " The Jacobins of con-
temporary social democracy the Bolsheviks desire that the
people, that is the proletarians and peasants, should settle the
reckoning of Monarchy and Aristocracy in plebeian fashion
by ruthlessly annihilating the enemies of freedom."
The disillusionment as regards material means for improving
the life of mankind had given rise in many minds to a quest for
religion, and this mystic current had attracted men like Struve,
Bulgakov, Berdiayev and others. Lenin regarded such striv-
ings as a betrayal of the claims of the labouring class. His book
on Materialism and Empiric Criticism (1909) heaps abuse on
idealistic philosophers and religious teachers of all schools and
creeds. He does not enquire 'into the abstract right and wrong
of any case, but subjects it to the acid test of proletarian interests.
LEONCAVALLO LEVERHULME
757
He quotes Lafargue with approval: " The working-man who
eats a sausage and is paid five francs a day knows quite well
that his employer robs him, and that a sausage tastes well and
is good food." " Not at all," says a bourgeois sophist (let it be
Pierson, Hume or Kant), " the working-man's opinion on this
question is a personal view, a subjective view; he would have
been quite as justified in thinking that the employer is his bene-
factor and that the sausage is hashed leather, for he is unable
to know a thing as it is (Ding an Sick)."
The period of reading and writing was also a period of propa-
ganda in which Lenin was not troubled by any scruples. He
rather preferred to have to do with common criminals like Mal-
inovsky, Radek or Peters. Malinovsky had been caught in com-
mitting burglary and forgery. This gave a handle to the Peters-
burg secret police, and they employed him as a spy and agent
provocateur. He managed to get into the Fourth Duma through
the joint protection of Biclctzky, the Russian Fouche, and
Lenin. It would be wrong to suppose that Lenin drew profits
from the misdeeds of his associates. His one passion was lust
of power, and he was not in the least attracted by gain. He
was guided rather by the motto: Je prends man bien ou je le
Irouve. This feature of his character served him well when
the World War brought about the long-expected upheaval of
European society. Lenin was one of the leading spirits of the
Zimmerwald and Kienthal meetings, and urged a general revolt
of the workmen of all countries against the war. But he rightly
felt that the social catastrophe would be most likely to break
out in Russia, as the worst governed and the least civilized
country. Therefore he upheld to the full extent of his influence
the cause of Germany against the Entente. " As things actually
are," he said in Oct. 1914, in his organ published at Geneva,
" it is impossible, from the point of view of the international
proletariat, to say which would be the lesser evil for Socialism,
an Austro-German defeat or a Franco-Russo-English defeat.
But for us, Russian Social Democrats, there can be no doubt
that, from the point of view of the working-classes and of the
toiling masses of all the Russian peoples, the lesser evil would
be a defeat of the Tsarist monarchy. We cannot ignore the fact
that this or that issue of the military operations will facilitate
or render more difficult our work of liberation in Russia. And
we say: ' Yes, we hope for the defeat of Russia because it will
facilitate the internal victory of Russia the abolition of her
slavery, her liberation from the chains of Tsarism.' "
He and his associates found ready support from the funds at
the disposal of the German secret service. And it came to pass
that the Kaiser, who deemed himself the champion of mon-
archical principle in Europe, should assist him and his retinue
to reach Russia after the overthrow of the Tsar. From that
point his career up to 1921 is merged in the general history of
Russia (see RUSSIA), where he established himself as president
of the Soviet Government. (P. Vi.)
LEONCAVALLO, RUGGIERO (1858-1919), Italian composer
(see 16.455), died at Montecatini Aug. 9 1919.
LEROY-BEAULIEU, HENRI JEAN BAPTISTE ANATOLE
(1842-1912), French publicist (see 16.485), published among his
later works Les congregations religieuses et I'expansion de la
France (1904) and Christianisme et democratic, et socialisme
(1905). He died in Paris June 16 1912.
LEROY-BEAULIEU, PIERRE PAUL (1843-1916), French
economist (see 16.485), died in Paris Dec. 9 1916.
LESCHETIZSKY, THEODOR (1830-1915), Polish pianist and
teacher, was born in Poland June 22 1830. He was a pupil of
Czerny, and for many years enjoyed a wide reputation as a
pianist. His fame, however, chiefly rests upon his establishment
(1878) of the Leschetizsky school of pianoforte playing at
Vienna, which earned a world-wide reputation for the soundness
of its methods of teaching and the number of eminent artists
whom it produced. Among his pupils may be mentioned Pade-
rewski, Mark Hambourg and Moiseiwitsch. The famous
teacher died at Vienna Nov. 17 1915.
LETHABY, WILLIAM RICHARD (1857- ), English archi-
tect, was born in Barnstaple in 1857, .and began his architectural
training in that town. In 1879 he won the Soane travelling
studentship of the R.I.B.A., and soon afterwards entered the
office of Norman Shaw, remaining with him for 12 years. In
1892 he started practice on his own account. Shaw's inspiring
influence, together with that of William Morris and Philip Webb,
shaped and coloured Lethaby's design and work. His first
important building was Avon Tyrrell, Hants., for Lord Manners,
followed by Melrotter, Orkney and other smaller houses. He
also carried out the Eagle Insurance building in Birmingham,
and a church at Brockhampton, Hereford. A keen student of
the past, Lethaby covered several fields in his writings on archi-
tecture and applied art. He published in 1892 Architecture Mys-
ticism and Myth and London before the Conquest, and in the fol-
lowing year Leadwork, where his subject is treated both his-
torically and from the craftsman's point of view. For several
years he acted as editor of the series covering the whole ground
of the Artistic Crafts, and for the Arts and Crafts Society wrote,
later, Handicrafts and Re-construction. Concentrating on the
study of Byzantine art, in 1893 he visited Constantinople, and
there, in collaboration with Harold Swainson, gathered mate-
rial for his book The Church of Sancla Sophia (1894). His West-
minster Abbey and the King's Craftsmen a study of mediaeval
master-masons and building methods was largely responsible
for his being appointed in 1906 surveyor to the fabric of the
Abbey, and becoming responsible for its repair and conservation.
Amongst Lethaby's many other contributions to the literature
dealing with the history and methods of architecture and its
dependent arts are Mediaeval Art (1908), based on a study of
the French cathedrals; Greek Buildings, represented by fragments
in the British Museum (1908); Architecture, an introduction to
the history and theory of the Art (1912); National Architecture
and Modernism (1918-21) and many articles and papers in the
Hibbert, the Hellenic and other journals and magazines. He
was appointed in 1893 one of the two art inspectors by the then
newly constituted Technical Education Board of the London
County Council, and, with Sir G. Frampton, was responsible
for the establishment of the Council's principal technical edu-
cation centre. Of this, the Central School of Arts and Crafts,
he was principal from 1893 to 1911. He was professor of design
at the Royal College of Art from 1900 to 1918.
LETTOW-VORBECK, PAUL VON (1870- ), German gen-
eral, was born March 20 1870 at Saarlouis. He took part in the
China expedition in 1900, and fought in 1904 in the operations
for the suppression of the German South-West African insur-
rection. In 1911 he was appointed commander of the colonial
troops in Cameroon, and in 1913 to the corresponding command
in German East Africa. There he conducted a four years'
struggle against the British forces, extorting general admiration
by the remarkable way in which he contrived to move his men
and to elude his adversary through tropical jungles and regions
which had only been partially explored. The remainder of his
force finally withdrew into Portuguese East Africa. In 1919 he
returned to Germany, and was made leader of the corps which
bore his name in the organization of the Republican army
(Reichswehr) before the disarmament clauses of the Treaty of
Versailles were fully enforced. He was active in suppressing
Communist risings in Hamburg, and finally left the service
in March 1920. He published in 1919 Meine Erinnerungen aus
Deutsch-Ostafrika.
LEVASSEUR, PIERRE EMILE (1828-1911), French econo-
mist (see 16.505), died July 9 1911.
LEVERHULME, WILLIAM HESKETH LEVER, IST BARON
(1851- ), British soap manufacturer, was born at Bolton,
Lanes., Sept. 19 1851, and educated at the Bolton church insti-
tute. In 1867 he entered his father's grocery business at Bolton.
In 1874 he devised a tablet of " Lever's Pure Honey Soap,"
which, on the passing of the Trademark Act in 1875, enabled
him to register his name as a soap manufacturer. But it was not
until 1886 that he and his brother D'Arcy Lever started soap
manufacture in earnest at Warrington as Lever Brothers. Their
immediate success, and the popularity of their " Sunlight^"
brands, i led to rapid extension, and their works, christened
758
LEVY, A. M. LIBERIA
Port Sunlight, became models of their kind. Schools, clubs,
libraries, rest-rooms, a hospital and many other institutions for
the benefit of the workpeople were included, and a system of co-
partnership was inaugurated in 1909 with successful results.
The brothers also established works at Mannheim in Germany,
as well as businesses in France; Switzerland; Sydney, N.S.W.;
Boston, Mass.; Toronto; Japan, and elsewhere. In the Belgian
Congo they acquired vast forests for their supply of palm-oil,
and in 1911 they established there the settlement of Leverville.
In 1900 Mr. Lever unsuccessfully contested the Wirral division of
Cheshire as a Liberal, and in 1906 was elected, retaining his seat
till 1910. In 1911 he was made a baronet, and in 1917 he was
raised to the peerage as Baron Leverhulme. In 1912 he bought
Stafford House, the London home of the Dukes of Sutherland,
and presented it to the nation as a home for the London museum,
and in 1918 he bought the island of Lewis in the Hebrides,
Scotland, as a centre for a reorganized fishing industry.
See Mrs. Stuart Menzies, Modern Men of Mark (1920) ; H. M.
Macrosty, The Trust Movement in British Industry (1907).
LEVY, AUGUSTS MICHEL (1844-1911), French geologist
(see 16.519), died Sept. 21 1911.
LEWIS, SIR GEORGE HENRY, IST BART. (1833-1911), Eng-
lish solicitor, was born at Ely Place, Holborn, April 21 1833.
Educated at University College, London, he was articled in
1856, and became head of the firm of Lewis & Lewis. He was
engaged in a very large number of notable public cases, including
the Bravo poisoning case, the Hatton Garden diamond robbery,
and the Overend-Gurney and other banking prosecutions.
Later (1887) he was solicitor for Mr. Parnell and the Irish
party in the Parnell Commission. Sir George Lewis, who was
made a baronet in 1893, was for many years the most prominent
man in his profession, and had a unique practice, especially in
advising on difficult family affairs; he was the trusted con-
fidential adviser of many important people. He died in London
Dec. 7 1911, being succeeded in the baronetcy by his son.
LEWIS, ISAAC NEWTON (1858- ), American soldier and
inventor, was born at New Salem, Pa., Oct. 12 1858. On grad-
uating from the U.S. Military Academy in 1884 he was com-
missioned second lieutenant of artillery, and seven years later
was made first lieutenant. From 1894 to 1898 he was a member
of the board on the regulation of coast artillery fire in New
York harbour. For the next four years he was recorder of the
board of ordnance and fortification in Washington. He was
promoted captain in 1900, and the same year made a study
of ordnance in Europe. His report led to the rearmament of
the U.S. field artillery. From 1904 to 1911 he was instructor
and director of the coast artillery school at Fort Monroe, being
promoted major in 1907 and lieutenant-colonel in 1911. In
1913 he was made colonel and retired from active service. The
same year a machine-gun of his invention (the Lewis gun) was
accepted by the British Government after it had been rejected
in America. During the World War it was extensively used
by the different Allied armies, by the American navy, and in
American and Allied airplanes. Colonel Lewis refused to
accept any of the royalties, amounting to about $1,000,000, on
his guns made for the American Government after the United
States entered the World War. His other numerous inventions
included a time-interval clock-and-bell system of signals, a
replotting and relocating system for coast batteries, an auto-
matic sight, quick-reading mechanical verniers used in coast
defences, and a speed indicator for locomotives.
LEWKOWITSCH, JULIUS (1857-1913), British chemist, was
born at Ostrovo in Prussian Silesia in 1857. He graduated as
doctor of philosophy at Breslau, afterwards working in the
Berlin agricultural high school and at Heidelberg University.
About 1888 he came to England and became a naturalized
British subject. He devoted much time to stereo-chemistry
and to developing the industrial technology of fats and oils,
becoming the first living authority in that branch of chemistry.
He died at Chamonix Sept. 18 1913.
LIBERIA (see 16.539). From 1912 this negro republic on the
Guinea Coast of Africa was under the virtual protection of the
United States, an American officer being receiver-general and
financial adviser to the Government. Pop., 1920 estimates,
1,500,000 to 2,100,000. Of the inhabitants about 12,000 are
American negroes or their descendants and some 50,000 negroes
in the coast region are " assimilated," that is they have adopted
the religion (Christianity), standards and language (English)
of the American negroes, whose authority extends, at least
nominally, over the whole country. Europeans number under
200. Monrovia, the capital and chief seaport, had (1920) about
6,000 inhabitants. It has two wireless stations and direct cable
connexion with Europe and New York.
The inability of the Liberian Government to control the tribes
in the interior led to many boundary disputes with France,
whose Guinea and Ivory Coast colonies adjoin Liberia on the
N. and E. By an agreement concluded in 1910 France obtained
some 2,000 sq. m. which Liberia claimed but had not admin-
istered. This reduced the area of the republic to about 40,000
sq. miles. The new frontier was delimited by a commission on
which Liberia was represented by two Dutch officers. By an
Anglo-Liberian Convention dated Jan. 21 1911 an exchange of
territory advantageous to both parties was effected with the
British protectorate of Sierra Leone, which acquired the district
of Kanre Lahun and ceded the Morro Forest district.
At that time 1910-12 the condition of Liberia was far from
satisfactory. It was burdened with debt, it had granted con-
cessions to various companies (British, German and others)
without being able to control the regions in which the conces-
sionaires were to work; after over 60 years' existence the
authority of the Government rarely extended more than 20 m.
from the coast. The remnants of Samory's army, and other
malcontents with French rule, took refuge in the Liberian for-
ests and raided across the frontier. This formed a constant
source of exasperation to the French (and in minor degree to
the British) and, not unnaturally, the French saw in the annex-
ation of the hinterland the only method of securing peace in
their own possessions. There were no railways and no roads in
the country, whose great natural resources in coffee, oil palms,
rubber, timber, etc., were almost totally neglected. Thus in
1911 the total value of all exports was but 230,000.
It appeared as if the experiment of " running " the country
by American negroes on the lines of the Constitution of the
United States would collapse, but the intervention of the Amer-
ican Government led to a reorganization which gave the Liberi-
ans a new start. In 1911 the Liberian Legislature passed an
Act approving the raising of a loan through the good offices of
the United States to refund or extinguish all debts of the repub-
lic, domestic and foreign. Before the loan was issued all out-
standing claims against Liberia had to be fixed and some delay
ensued owing to the discrepancy between the German claims
and the views of the Liberian Government. The German claims
were energetically pressed, and in 1911 the gunboat " Panther "
was anchored for a month off Monrovia, with guns trained on
the executive mansion. All difficulties were, however, overcome
by June 191 2, when an international loan of $1,700,000 (340,000)
was raised, the bonds being payable in New York, both as to
principal and interest, in gold coin of the United States; the
bonds to be issued for a period of not fewer than 40 years, and
for this period the control of the finances of Liberia passed in
effect into the hands of the United States. The customs duties,
the rubber tax, etc., were pledged as security for the loan, which
is administered by an American receiver-general assisted by a
British, a French and (originally) a German receiver, the Amer-
ican receiver-general acting as financial adviser to the Govern-
ment. In accord with another provision for the security of the
revenue a frontier police force was organized by officers of the
U.S. army. This force enabled the Government to obtain con-
trol of the Kru country in the south, and of N. Liberia. Under
the new financial control expenditure was kept within the limits
of the revenue, and internal peace was secured.
The new system had not had time to show any marked results
when the World War began. Its effect was greatly to restrict
trade which up to that time was chiefly with Germany, Great
LIBERTY LOAN PUBLICITY CAMPAIGNS
759
Britain and Holland and had an annual average value of about
450,000. By 1914 fully two-thirds of the trade was in the hands
of Germans, by whom the wireless station at Monrovia was
owned and worked, as well as a four-cable line to New York.
Deprived of their own colonies and ejected from the French and
British possessions on the Gulf of Guinea the Germans during
the war found in Liberia their last foothold in W. Africa. The
sition created was as unsatisfactory to the Liberians as to the
Allied Powers, but Liberia was itself helpless. However, soon
after the entry of the United States into the war the Liberian
Government (May 1917) broke off diplomatic relations with
Germany, the president, Mr. Daniel E. Howard, announcing
that Liberia would cooperate sympathetically with the United
States, Great Britain and France. On Aug. 4 a state of war
with Germany was declared, and the Germans in Liberia were
deported. The only act of hostility reported in Liberia was the
bombardment of Monrovia by a German submarine on April
lo 1918, following a refusal to dismantle the wireless station.
The Germans destroyed the station, killed four persons and
sunk the armed steamer " President Howard," which con-
stituted the whole of the Liberian " navy." Liberia was one
of the signatories of the Treaty of Versailles. In Jan. 1920 Mr.
C. D. B. King took office as president for a period of four years.
Mr. King had been the peace delegate to Paris in 1919 and in
the autumn of that year had paid a lengthy visit to America.
An announcement was made, with reference to financial con-
trol, that Liberia would henceforth be placed under the exclu-
sive supervision of the United States.
After the war renewed efforts were made by British and American
interests to develop the trade and resources of the country, but up
to 1921 little more than preliminary work had been done. Indig-
enous coffee is the staple product 761,300 Ib. of coffee were exported
in 1917. In the same year the export of cocoa was 65,000 Ib. ; of
piassava fibre (prepared from the raphea palm), 5,912,000 Ib. ; of
palm oil, 336,000 gallons. Since 1914 the trade had been almost
wholly with Great Britain, which in 1920 imported from Liberia goods
to the value of 513,000 and exported to Liberia goods valued at
271,000. (The corresponding figures for 1913 were 56,000 and
90,000.) Shipping was also mainly British. In 1919 of the 244
vessels visiting Monrovia 116 were British, and British tonnage was
483,000 out of a total of 622,000 tons.
Revenue, which had been $618,800 (124,000) in 1912-3 (accounts
are kept in American currency though the money chiefly used is
British), had fallen to $273,000 (54,600) in 1914-5, and remained
at about that figure for the next three years. Expenditure was
rigidly curtailed, and obviously the Government had no money to
spend on reproductive works.
Liberia continued to be of special interest to the naturalist. A
valuable fodder grass, the Pennisetum purpureum, was discovered
and in 1912 the first living specimens of pigmy Liberian hippopotami
were captured and exported (by Maj. Schomburgh, who sent speci-
mens to American and German zoological gardens).
See The Republic of Liberia (1920) by R. C. F. Maughan, since
1913 British consul-general at Monrovia, and Sir A. Sharpe, " The
Hinterland of Liberia," Geog. Jour. (vol. lv., 1920). (F. R. C.)
LIBERTY, SIR ARTHUR LASENBY (1843-1917), English
merchant, was born at Chesham Aug. 13 1843, the son of a
Nottingham lace manufacturer. He was educated at the uni-
versity school of Nottingham and at 19 became manager of the
shop in Regent St., London, which he developed into an impor-
tant adjunct of the art world of the period. In 1875 he became
independent and at once set to work to adapt Eastern art in
weaving and design to Western requirements, becoming famous
both for his textiles and for his colourings. He was a fellow of
the Asiatic Society and chairman of the advisory committee of
the Royal School of Art Needlework at Kensington. Knighted
in 1913, he died at Gt. Missenden, Bucks., May n 1917.
LIBERTY LOAN PUBLICITY CAMPAIGNS. The success of
the Liberty Loan campaigns in the United States, after its en-
trance into the World War, must be judged in the light of the
fact that, before 1914, America had little experience of raising
huge amounts of capital for lending abroad. At the outbreak of
the war the United States was a debtor nation. It was indebted
to foreign creditors on capital account to the estimated extent
of $3,500,000,000. Since July 1913 there had been, moreover, a
steady export of gold, which had occasioned grave apprehension
among American bankers; and in June 1914 New York clearing-
house banks had fallen $50,000,000 below their legal gold reserve
requirements. On July 31 1914 drafts payable in gold were
coming due immediately on the arrival of shipments of American
railway and industrial securities sold abroad, and later, but
within a few months, obligations to the amount of $600,000,000
would have to be met with gold in London and on the European
continent. Foreign exchange leaped to the unheard-of figure of
$7 for the pound sterling early in August. By Jan. i 1915, how-
ever, financial conditions in the United States assumed a different
aspect in consequence of the action of the bankers, assisted by
the U.S. Treasury, in devising and making available a gold
fund of $100,000,000 to protect the country's foreign credit. The
warring nations were placing in haste huge orders for munitions
of war, foodstuffs and general supplies. Exchange rates thus not
only became normal, but turned in favour of the United States.
Exportation of gold ceased, and its flow towards the United
States began. In Sept. 1915 England and France contracted in
New York for the Anglo-French loan of $500,000,000. From
Sept. i 1915 to April 15 1917, a period of 19 months, the belliger-
ent nations negotiated loans in the United States amounting to
$1,650,000,000, at a rate not exceeding 5^ %; and the net balance
of imports of gold into the United States during the same period
was $1,074,777,133. These conditions in April 1917 are signifi-
cant in contrast with those of July 30 1914.
When the United States entered the war it was apparent that
huge sums would have to be made available by the U.S. Govern-
ment for the use of the Allies as well as for its own expenses. The
stupendous cost of the war to England, France and Italy clearly
indicated that the United States must secure a war-chest of
thousands of millions of dollars. Taxation and bond issues were
the only methods by which the needed money could be raised.
Congress, April 24 1917, 18 days after the declaration of a state
of war, authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to issue bonds
of the United States to the extent of $5,000,000,000. These
Liberty Loan Bonds carried interest at the rate of 35 % per annum,
were tax-exempt, and convertible into bonds bearing higher
interest if any subsequent series should be issued at a higher rate.
The unprecedented issues of loans by foreign Governments, and
the purchase of large blocks of American railway and industrial
securities which foreign holders had unloaded on the New York
market during 1915 and 1916, however, seemed to have absorbed
all the fluid money in the country. It was most uncertain how
3! % bonds would fare in the open market while those of England
and France were yielding 55%, and railway and industrial se-
curities carrying 6 % were selling below par. Leading bankers in
all parts of the country advised that the issue should not be in
excess of $500,000,000, in the belief that the market could not
absorb more. In the face of these discouraging advices the Secre-
tary of the Treasury determined, nevertheless, to be influenced
only by the essential requirements of the Government. He fixed
upon the amount of $2,000,000,000, and offered the loan to the
public May 17 1917, believing that an appeal to the patriotism
of the people would bring a satisfactory response. This first
offering closed June 15 1917, with subscriptions by 4,000,000
people aggregating $3,035,226,850. Then, within the next 23
months, at intervals of about 6 months, there followed the Sec-
ond, Third, Fourth and Fifth Liberty and Victory loans, aggre-
gating $19,000,000,000 more, and in each campaign the offerings
were over-subscribed. But this was only as a result of an appeal
to the public such as had never before been attempted.
Appeals to the people, however patriotic they may be, cannot
be forcefully made without organization. 1 A selling agency had
to be created, one that wo.uld be nation-wide in its operations,
replete with energy, enthusiastic in its patriotism, and deter-
mined to uphold American honour and credit.
Geographically the United States is divided into 12 financial
sections, each of which is termed a Reserve Bank District, with
its Reserve Bank. The Federal Reserve Board was located in
Washington. The system was but newly created, and had begun
to function early in 1915. After the United States entered the
1 For~an account of what was done in England, for the same pur-
pose, see the article WAR LOAN PUBLICITY.
y6o
LIBERTY LOAN PUBLICITY CAMPAIGNS
war a War Loan Organization under the Treasury Department
was established at Washington, and in each of the 12 Federal
Reserve Districts a Central Liberty Loan Committee was con-
stituted, with the governor of the Reserve Bank as chairman,
and to these committees was entrusted the work of selling the
bonds in their respective districts.
The Treasury Department allotted to each district the amount
of bonds it was to sell, and each central committee divided the
allotment throughout its territory, calling upon its sub-commit-
tees in various localities to have their quotas subscribed. The
men who served on the central committees and on the principal
sub-committees represented the most capable, experienced and
influential men in their respective communities financial, pro-
fessional and industrial. The success of all the loa'ns was largely
due to the perfection of the selling organizations and to the ener-
getic action of the central committees under the direction of the
Treasury Department. American women figured in every great
war movement, and in these campaigns they proved their value
in an entirely new capacity as sellers of bonds. They perfected a
nation-wide organization the National Woman's Liberty Loan
Committee, which cooperated with the Liberty Loan Organiza-
tions of the Federal Reserve Districts. They had enrolled on
their committees 800,000 women during the campaigns for the
Fourth and Fifth loans.
Inasmuch as New York City is the heart of financial America,
and as the Second Federal Reserve Bank is there, a description
of the bond-selling campaign there will be sufficient. The Central
Liberty Loan Committee of the Second Federal Reserve District
was composed of Benjamin Strong, chairman; James S. Alexan-
der (President National Bank of Commerce); George F. Baker
(chairman board of directors, First National Bank); Allen B.
Forbes (Harris, Forbes & Co.) ; Walter E. Frew (president Corn
Exchange Bank); Gates W. McGarrah (President Mechanics
and Metals Bank) ; J. P. Morgan (J. P. Morgan & Co.) ; Seward
Prosser (president Bankers' Trust Co.); Charles H. Sabin
(president Guaranty Trust Co.); Jacob H. Schiff (Kuhn, Loeb &
Co.); Frank A. Vanderlip (president National City Bank);
Martin Vogel (Assistant Treasurer of the United States, in
charge of the Sub-Treasury in New York, and representative of
the Secretary of the Treasury); James N. Wallace (president
Central Union Trust Co.); Albert H. Wiggin (president Chase
National Bank); and William Woodward (president Hanover
National Bank). These men met daily during each campaign.
They formed sub-committees on distribution pub icity speak-
ers' bureaus, banks and trust companies, various industries,
manufactures and professions, each composed of the leading men
in their respective industries and professions. Every city town
and village had its Liberty Loan Committee as part of this huge
organization. Each district was given its allotment, and daily
returns were reported to the Central Committee throughout
each campaign. If the reports from any district showed that it
was lagging behind, speakers of national repute were sent to
arouse it. Campaigns of education were inaugurated making
widely known the causes of the war, the object sought by victory,
and the necessity of financing the Allies and supporting the mili-
tary arm of the Government. To the thoroughness of the edu-
cational campaign may be attributed much of the success of the
issues. It convinced everyone that each man, woman and child
must " do his bit," It made an army of workers with an indi-
vidual responsibility. No device to assemble crowds was ignored,
and there was no assembly without its speakers. Bands, pro-
cessions, parades, balloon ascensions, flights of aeroplanes drop-
ping leaflets, steeple climbers, altars of liberty, " Nation Days "
for aliens and citizens of foreign birth, and, later, captured tanks,
cannon and submarines, pyramids of German helmets all were
used. Walls were covered with special cartoons; magazines and
newspapers contained full pages of advertising. " Buy a bond "
was a slogan from which there was no escape. In cafe and club,
in hotel corridor and restaurant, between the acts in the theatre,
and in all public places came the cry " Buy a bond." The jar-
gon of the money market was abandoned. It was not the ques-
tion of investment versus investment, or interest rate versus in-
terest rate. It was that of the National Treasury in need of funds.
Performance of patriotic duty and pride in American institutions
was the key of the educational campaign. When the great
" drives " came the nation responded to a man. Every village
and city in the land sought not merely to sell its quota of
bonds, but strove to " go over the top."
The Treasury Department and the central committees real-
ized that the people did not have sufficient available money to
pay in cash for the bonds, and therefore the slogan " Borrow,
buy and save " was employed, and the banks throughout the
country were urged to make loans freely to subscribers who
offered bonds as collateral. The banks aided the small investors
by financing their subscriptions, permitting them to pay off in
monthly instalments, with interest at the coupon rate. The
large mercantile and industrial establishments likewise financed
the subscriptions made by their employees. In the later cam-
paigns coupon instalment books were introduced. The banks
aided the large investor to subscribe beyond his available cash
resources by loaning on the subscriber's three-months note,
with the bonds as collateral, and with the privilege of one, two
or three renewals of three months each, with interest at the cou-
pon rate. Usually a substantial payment in reduction of loan
was required and the rate of interest raised at the end of the
renewal periods. There was no special rule, each bank using its
own judgment in individual cases. The banks, in turn, redis-
counted these notes at their Federal Reserve Banks, thereby
maintaining a liquid position. Had this " borrow-and-buy "
method not been put into practice, the people would not have
been able to subscribe and pay in cash the vast amounts neces-
sary. The mere " borrow-and-buy " method in itself may not
have been economically sound, but with it was joined the slogan
" Save," in order that the borrowings might be repaid, and the
borrowing was a war necessity. Immediately after the Armistice
there was an orgy of spending, prices of all commodities rose,
and merchants found that they required more cash to expand
and increase their inventories. This need resulted in a wide sell-
ing movement of the bonds, and was in great measure the cause
of their selling temporarily below par.
Details of the Loans. The Liberty Bonds and Victory Notes were
issued under authority of the Acts of Congress approved April 24
1917, Sept. 24 1917, April 4 1918, July 9 1918, Sept. 24 1918 and
March 3 1919, and pursuant to official Treasury Department cir-
culars. The following are some of the details in connexion with their
flotation : The First loan was a 3O-year 35 % loan dating from June
!5 1917; interest payable semi-annually (as in the case of all the
loans) ; redeemable at the option of the Government on and after
June 15 1932 and exempt from all taxation, except inheritance and
estate taxes, both as to principal and interest. This exemption made
the First loan especially desirable for persons with large incomes and
kept its market price higher than that of subsequent issues. The
amount offered and issued was $2,000,000,000, the subscription
$3,035,226,850. Subscriptions opened May 17 1917 and closed
June 15 1917.
The Second Liberty Loan was a 4% issue dated Nov. 15 1917;
maturity Nov. 15 1942 but redeemable on and after Nov. 15 1927.
It was convertible into subsequent issues of bonds bearing a higher
rate than 4% and was exempt from state and local taxes and from
the normal income tax, but not from estate and inheritance taxes,
or from the super-tax, on personal incomes or the excess and war
profits taxes on corporate incomes above $5,000. Thus by increasing
the interest rate and restricting the tax exemption these bonds were
made more attractive to small than to large investors. Subscriptions
for this Second loan began Oct. I and ended Oct. 27 1917. The
total amount sought by the Treasury Department was $3,000,000,-
ooo, but the Secretary reserved the right to allot additional bonds
up to one-half the amount of any over-subscription. Subscribers
were permitted to make payment in four instalments, and this plan
of allowing deferred payment to be completed in about three months
was followed in subsequent campaigns. Many banks and business
houses allowed their clients and employees to distribute the pay-
ments over still longer periods. The subscription was $4^617,532,300
and the issue $3,808,766,150. The Second loan was issued under
the Act of Sept. 24 1917, authorizing total bonds of somewhat more
than $7,000,000,000.
The Third Liberty Loan was an issue of lo-year 4! % bonds dated
May 9 1918 and'not redeemable until maturity, Sept. 15 1928. The
exemptions were the same as in the Second loan, but the privilege
of converting these bonds into those of future issues was withheld.
The amount offered was $3,000,000,000 and the Secretary reserved
LIBERTY LOAN PUBLICITY CAMPAIGNS
761
the right to accept any over-subscriptions. The loan was offered to
the public on April 6 1918, the first anniversary of the declaration
of war by the United States, and the campaign closed May 4. These
bonds were authorized under the Third Liberty Loan Act of April
4 1918, which made them available for use in the payment of estate
and inheritance taxes and authorized the Secretary of the Treasury
to purchase each year 5 % of each outstanding issue of Liberty bonds,
with the exception of the First. This provision was designed to
stabilize the price of Liberty bonds in the market. The amount
subscribed and issued was $4,176,516,850.
The Fourth Liberty Loan consisted of 2O-year 4! % bonds, dated
Oct. 24 1918, maturing Oct. 15 1938, but redeemable after the end
of 15 years. These bonds were not convertible into future issues and
the exemptions from taxation were similar to those provided for the
Second and Third loans, although it was provided that $30,000 of
these bonds were to be exempt from surtaxes for two years after
the end of the war, while an original subscriber holding this amount
would also be entitled for the same period to an additional exemp-
tion as to any previous issue of 4 % and 4 J % bonds to the extent of
$45,000. Subscriptions to this issue, for which $6,000,000,000 was
asked, began Sept. 28 and ended Oct. 19 1918. The Secretary of the
Treasury accepted all over-subscriptions. The total subscription
was $6,992,927,100, due to later adjustments the amount actually
issued was $6,964,524,650. " The success of this largest of all
loans," the Secretary said in his annual report for 1918, " was the
greatest financial achievement in all history and a wonderful
manifestation of the strength and purpose of the American people."
The Fourth Liberty Loan Act of July 9 1918 had increased the
authorization for Liberty loans from $12,000,000,000 to $20,000,000,-
ooo; it also increased the authorization for the purchase of Allied
Government securities from $5,500,000,000 to $7,000,000,000.
The Victory Liberty Loan was an issue of 3- and 4-year interchange-
able 3}% and 4}% notes dated May 20 1919 and maturing May 20
1923, but redeemable June 15 and Dec. 15 1922. The 3!% notes
were exempt from all except estate and inheritance taxes ; the 4! %
notes from all except inheritance taxes, surtaxes and excess-profits
taxes. The amount of the issue was $4,500,000,000 and the Secretary
of the Treasury, Carter Glass, who had succeeded Mr. McAdoo,
announced that over-subscriptions would not be accepted. Sub-
scriptions began April 21 and ended May 10 1919. The amount
offered was $4,498,312,650 and the subscription $5,249,908,300.
The Victory Liberty Loan Act (March 3 1919) under which the
loan was floated, provided certain additional tax exemptions for
holders of various issues of Liberty loans. It was calculated that the
total possible exemption under these and earlier provisions was
$160,000 in Liberty bonds and notes, not including the first 3J%
bonds and the 3! % Victory notes which were always exempt.
The following tables show with respect to the five U.S. war loans
the quotas, subscriptions and allotments for the twelve Federal
Reserve Districts of which the cities named are the Reserve bank-
ing centres. For the Third loan certain additional data are given.
First Liberty Loan (191?)
District
Quota
Subscription
Allotment
Boston
$240,000,000
$ 332,447,600
$265,017,900
New York
600,000,000
1,186,788,400
593,987,000
Philadelphia .
140,000,000
232,309,250
164,759,750
Cleveland
180,000,000
286,148,700
201,976,850
Richmond
80,000,000
i9,737,ioo
88,593,650
Atlanta .
60,000,000
57,878,550
46,283,150
Chicago .
260,000,000
357,195,950
272,702,100
St. Louis
80,000,000
86,134,700
65,029,450
Minneapolis .
80,000,000
70,255,500
53,759,250
Kansas City .
100,000,000
91,758,850
62,182,900
Dallas
40,000,000
48,948,350
36,663,550
San Francisco
140,000,000
175,623,900
149,044,450
Total .
$2,000,000,000
$3,035,226,850
$2,000,000,000
More than 4,000,000 persons subscribed to this loan, and 99 % of the
subscriptions were from $50 to $10,000. There were 21 subscribers
for $5,000,000 and over, aggregating $188,789,900.
Second Liberty Loan
District
Quota
Subscription
Allotment
Boston
$300,000,000
$ 476,950,050
$ 407,713,700
New York
900,000,000
1,550,453450
1,151,184,900
Philadelphia .
250,000,000
380,350,250
295,127,000
Cleveland
300,000,000
486,106,800
409,787,200
Richmond
120,000,000
201,212,500
182,581,700
Atlanta .
80,000,000
90,695,750
82,943,050
Chicago .
420,000,000
585,853,350
525,955,600
St. Louis
120,000,000
184,280,750
150,122,200
Minneapolis .
105,000,000
140,932,650
131,972,450
Kansas City .
120,000,000
150,125,750
136,549,500
Dallas
75,000,000
77,899,850
74,567,100
San Francisco
210,000,000
292,671,150
260,261,750
Total .
$3,000,000,000
$4,617,532,300
$3,808,766,150
There were approximately 9,306,000 subscriptions to the Second
loan; of this number 99% were for amounts ranging from $50 to
$50,000 and aggregating $2,488,469,350.
Third Liberty Loan (iQi8)
District
Quota
Subscription
and
Allotment
%
of
Quota
No. of
Subscrib-
ers
/
/o
of
Pop.
Minneapolis
$105,000,000
$ 180,892,100
172-28
1,221,504
23-6
Kansas City
130,000,000
204,092,800
156-99
1,190,193
16-0
St. Louis
130,000,000
199,835,900
I53-72
1,186,377
12-7
Atlanta
90,000,000
137,649,450
I52-94
584,196
5-8
Dallas . .
80,000,000
116,220,650
I45-27
719,210
12-7
Philadelphia
250,000,000
361,963,500
144-79
1,670,229
25-2
Richmond .
130,000,000
186,259,050
143-27
858,358
9-2
Chicago
425,000,000
608,878,600
143-26
3,479,315
24-7
Boston
250,000,000
354,537,250
141-81
1,512,555
22-7
San Francisco
210,000,000
287,975,000
I37-I3
1,402,584
2I-I
Cleveland .
300,000,000
405,051,150
135-02
1,440,681
15-4
New York .
900,000,000
1,115,243,650
123-91
3,043,123
23-2
Treasury
Department
17,917,750
68,490
Total . .
$3,000,000,000
$4,176,516,850
139-21
18,376,815
17-7
It will be noted with respect to this loan that the Treasury De-
partment calculated the relative standing of the districts with re-
gard to the amounts by which they exceeded their quotas. It should
be noted, however, that this rank shifted with various loans; for
example the Minneapolis district, which here stands first with a
percentage of 172-28, subscribed less than its quota in the First
loan, while the New York district's subscription was nearly 200%
of its quota in that loan. In the Third loan bonds were allotted to
the full extent of the subscriptions.
Fourth Liberty Loan (1918)
District
Quota
Subscription
and
Allotment
Boston .
$ 500,000,000
$ 632,101,250
New York
1,800,000,000
2,044,901,750
Philadelphia .
500,000,000
598,763,650
Cleveland
600,000,000
701,909,800
Richmond
280,000,000
352,685,200
Atlanta
192,000,000
217,885,200
Chicago
870,000,000
969,209,000
St. Louis
260,000,000
295,34 ,250
Minneapolis
210,000,000
242,046,050
Kansas City
260,000,000
295,951,450
Dallas . _ .
126,000,000
145,997,950
San Francisco
Other Subscriptions
402,000,000
462,250,000
33-885,550
Total ....
$6,000,000,000
$6,992,927,100
A * J-t- f t TM
i- _ . i _ i
. j . . 1 , , 1. _ f 11
amount of the subscriptions. The number of subscribers to this loan
was 22,777,680.
Victory (Fifth] Liberty Loan (1919)
District
Quota
Subscription
Allotment
Boston
$ 375,ooo,ooo
1 425,159,950
$ 371,910,150
New York . :
i ,350,000,000
1,762,684,900
1,318,041,150
Philadelphia .
375,000,000
422,756,100
376,290,150
Cleveland
450,000,000
496,750,650
443,802,250
Richmond
210,000,000
225,146,850
201,889,300
Atlanta .
144,000,000
143,062,050
133,080,800
Chicago .
652,500,000
772,046,550
694,330,000
St. Louis
195,000,000
210,431,950
201,787,600
Minneapolis .
157,500,000
176,114,850
170,076,650
Kansas City .
195,000,000
197,989,100
192,429,300
Dallas
94,500,000
87,504,250
84,002,500
San Francisco
301,500,000
319,120,800
294,905,050
Other Subscriptions
11,140,308
6,767,800
Total .
$4,500,000,000
$5,249,908,300
$4,498,312,650
The total number of subscribers to this loan was 11,803,895.
In addition to the great war loans, the Treasury Department placed
on sale beginning in the autumn of 1917 War Savings Certificate
Stamps in two denominations, 25 cents (thrift stamps), and $5
(war savings stamps). The latter were sold at rates beginning at
$4.12 each, increasing one cent monthly to $4.23 and matured in 5
years, at the end of which time the Government agreed to redeem
them at $5 each, this being equivalent to 4% interest compounded
quarterly. The war savings stamps were designed to be attached to a
folder called War Savings Certificate, which had spaces for 20 stamps
(see SAVINGS MOVEMENT). Treasury Savings Certificates, in de-
nominations of $100 and $1,000, were also issued, which increased
monthly in value at the same rate as the stamps. Up to June 1919
the net cash receipts from War Savings Certificates amounted to
762
LICHNOWSKY LIEGE
about $950,000,000. At that time the total indebtedness of the
United States was approximately $26,597,000,000, or $249.38 per
capita, the annual debt charges being about $8.38 per capita. It
was estimated that at the close of the war at least 20,000,000 persons,
and probably as many as 25,000,000, were holders of Liberty bonds.
Although complete data were not available it seemed probable that
the war loans of the United States were much more widely distributed
among the population than those of any other country. By an Act
of March 3 1919 Congress established a cumulative sinking fund
amounting to 23 % annually of the aggregate total of the loans out-
standing July I 1920, less the amount which had been invested in
foreign Government securities.
For a study of the U.S. Government's financing of the war, see
Jacob H. Hollander, War Borrowing (1919). (M. V.*)
LICHNOWSKY, PRINCE KARL MAX VON (1860- ), Ger-
man diplomatist, was born March 8 1860 at Kreuzenort in Upper
Silesia. He entered the German Foreign Office in 1884 and from
1904 to 191 1 held secretarial posts in different German embassies
abroad. In 1912 he was sent to London as ambassador, and re-
mained at that post until the outbreak of the World War. He
took part in the negotiations for a convention with Great Britain
regarding the Bagdad railway and various colonial questions,
which was on the point of being signed when the crisis of July
and August 1914 became acute. Lichnowsky was convinced
that for years the relations between Germany and Great Britain
had been mismanaged and misunderstood by the Foreign Office
in Berlin, and, in particular, he believed that Bethmann Hollweg
and his advisers failed to appreciate the pacific attitude and in-
tentions of Sir Edward Grey and the British Government during
the crisis that ended in the World War. He embodied his views
in the pamphlet entitled Meine Londoner Mission, which he
circulated privately in manuscript among his German friends.
This document came into the hands of a harebrained enthusi-
ast, Capt. von Beerfclde, who was the means of its being pub-
lished, without authorization, in 191 7. The publication exercised
a very prejudicial effect upon the German war spirit and there
were loud demands among the Conservative and National
Liberals for the prosecution of the author. The Prussian Up-
per House, of which Lichqpwsky was a member, passed a re-
solution excluding him from that assembly. It became impos-
sible for him to live in Germany, and he sought refuge in
Switzerland.
LIEBKNECHT, KARL (1871-1919), German Socialist and
revolutionary leader, was the son of Wilhelm Liebknecht (see
16.592). He was born in Aug. 1871 at Leipzig. In 1899 he
qualified as a lawyer, and speedily became a prominent agitator
on the extreme Left wing of the Socialist party. In 1907 he was
sentenced to 18 months' imprisonment for high treason. In the
following year he was elected a member of the Prussian Chamber
of Deputies; in 1912 he also became a member of the Reichstag,
and on the outbreak of the World War he distinguished himself
by the violent opposition which he offered to the policy of the
Government and the successive votes of credit. Liebknecht was
then expelled from the Social Democratic party and founded a
faction of his own, which he called " die Sozialdemokratische
Arbeitsgemeinschaft." In 1916 he was once more arrested on a
charge of high treason brought against him by the military au-
thorities and was sentenced to four years' penal servitude. On
the eve of the revolution in Oct. 1918 he was reprieved, and, on
his release, at once put himself at the head of the Spartacists,
the extreme revolutionary section in sympathy with Russian
Bolshevism. He was once more arrested during the Spartacist
insurrection in Jan. 1919, for which he was largely responsible.
While he was being conveyed in a motor-car from the Govern-
ment military headquarters in the west end of Berlin to the
prison at Moabit he was shot down by his military escort while,
as was subsequently alleged, he was attempting escape. His
death, as well as that of his associate, Rosa Luxemburg, who
perished on the same night at the hands of the soldiers or the
mob, was constantly made a subject of reproach to the Govern-
ment Socialists by the extreme Communist party.
LIEGE (see 16.593). The pop. of the city (not including the
suburbs) had risen from 168,532 in 1904 to 172,643 in 1913 but,
according to a census estimate on Dec. 31 1920, had then fallen
slightly below 165,000. During the World War factories and
works were sacked by the Germans and the machinery either
broken up or removed, but on the declaration of peace the work
of restoration was undertaken with remarkable vigour. Apart
from the main iron and steel works and the manufacture of arms,
industrial development has been towards the production of zinc
and automobiles, thousands of hands being employed in the latter
industry. Previous to the war a School of Mines, Arts and Manu-
factures had been established and an institute for research in
electricity, the gift of Montefiore-Levy, had been founded.
Liege was the first serious obstacle to the German invasion
when they violated Belgian neutrality in 1914. Gen. Leman,
the military governor, commanded the defence force. On
Aug. 16 the last fort capitulated and the passage of the Meuse
was forced, but only after a serious delay of eight days to the
Germans and after heavy losses. The forts were repaired by
Krupp in 1914-5. On the night of Aug. 20 1914, under the pre-
text of Gen. Kolewe, " Kommandantur," that his troops had
been fired upon by Russian students, a massacre took place in the
streets and 18 persons lost their lives. Many houses in the Rue
des Pitteurs, the Place de 1'Universite, and Quai des Pecheurs
were systematically fired by the German soldiery, and order was
not restored for several days. Under the occupation, the indus-
trial workers gave proof of their independence of spirifby refus-
ing to take part in the manufacture of weapons for use on the
western front, and resisted to the utmost the deportation which
took place during 1915-6. At the close of war, the Place de
1'Universite was re-named Place du Vingt Aout to recall the
scenes of Aug. 20 1914, and the Place Verte became the Place du
Marechal Foch.
See Kurth, La Cite de Liege (3 vols., 1909-10).
THE SIEGE or 1914
The importance of the fortress at the opening of the World
War lay in its control of the routes from the region of Aachen to
that of Maubeuge, and until these routes were in German con-
trol the assembly of the masses of the German I. and II. Army
in the Belgian plain was impossible. The first phase of opera-
tions was therefore an attempt to seize Liege and these routes
by an immediate coup de main, delivered by troops which were
brought from their normal stations at peace strength without
waiting for reservists to rejoin.
The fortress was a ring-fortress of about 9 miles average
diameter, lying astride the Mouse and its tributaries, the Ourthe
and the Vesdre. All these rivers were in deep-cut narrow valleys,
which on the right bank of the Meuse lie some 350-400 ft.
below the plateau level. On the left bank the country in the
vicinity of the forts was more undulating than scarped, but on
the side opposed to Germany the works occupied commanding
eminences, but imperfectly controlled the denies of the rivers,
which, however, were in themselves highly defensible by the
ordinary methods of field warfare. From the Meuse above Liege,
over the Ourthe to the Vesdre valley, the country forming
the edge of the Ardennes is heavily wooded. The northernmost
forts of the ring could just reach the Dutch frontier line with
their artillery. The Prussian frontier to the E. was little
beyond the range of Fort Evegnee. Liege was, therefore, both
an effective obstacle to manoeuvre and a tempting target for
surprise attack; and these contrasted characters made it difficult
for the Belgian military authorities to decide in advance whether
it should be considered as a stronghold to be equipped as a self-
sufficing entrenched camp or only as a barrier position. In the
event, it was treated .as the latter.
The defences consisted of a ring of large and small self-con-
tained forts of the well-known Brialmont type, that is, command-
ing concrete masses with all guns under armour, each fort being
disguised to participate both in the distant and in the close
defence without differentiation of the guns. In the intervals,
therefore, there was no peace-time provision for the long-range
batteries, and the forts themselves possessed no element cor-
responding to the traditore batteries and Bourgcs casemates
characteristic of the "infantry" type of fort. Thus, the power
LIEGE
763
of counter-battering the enemy's siege artillery depended
wholly on the strength of the armour and concrete protecting
the distant-defence guns while the power of guarding the inter-
vals, and firing into the rear of any opponent who had penetrated
them, was conditional on the freedom of action of certain guns
which, however, were as fully exposed to neutralizing and de-
molition fire as the rest. The passive strength of the fort, and
practically that alone, was supposed to guarantee that the guns
it protected would be available for fire in any direction on all
necessary occasions, and it was therefore a fact of great impor-
tance that this strength was calculated as against attack by 21-
cm. howitzers only. In Brialmont's time, and indeed at the
time of the construction of the latest forts, this calibre was
regarded as the heaviest available for mobile siege trains. But in
1914 this was no longer the case. Though the Germans suc-
ceeded in keeping secret the existence of their very heaviest
siege guns, it was well understood that calibres above 21 cm.
could figure in any modern siege, and it was known that Aus-
tria-Hungary possessed road-mobile howitzers of 30-5 cm.
Beginning from the N.E. and proceeding clockwise i.e. by
S. to W. the names and positions of the forts were as fol-
lows. From the right bank of the Meuse below Liege, to the
Vesdre: Fort Barchon near the Maestricht road, Fort Evegnee,
Fort Fleron on the Aachen road, Fort Chaudfontaine overlook-
ing the Vesdre valley; between the Vesdre and the Ourthe:
Fort Embourg; between the Ourthe and the upper Meuse:
Fort Boncelles. On the left bank of the Meuse in a semicircle
from W. to N.E.: Forts Flemalle, Hollogne, Loncin, Lantin,
Liers, Pontisse, the last-named crossing its fire with Barchon.
The garrison commanded by Lt.-Gen. Leman consisted (orig-
inally) of the III. Army Div. reinforced by one brigade, 12
fortress battalions, 4 fortress artillery battalions, one engineer
battalion, and the local Julde Civique equivalent in strength to
rather less than a battalion. The bridge of Vise and Argenteau,
N. of the fortress, was held by a detachment of the 3rd Div.
The Germans brought up, for the storming attack, 65 brigades
and 5 Jager battalions at peace strength. At this stage, the
siege artillery was still in process of mobilization and it was
hoped to master the fortress without it. The commander of the
siege troops, designated as the " Army of the Meuse," was
Lt.-Gen. v. Emmich. An important part of his task was to
enable the cavalry divisions of Gen. v. der Marwitz to traverse
the Meuse between Liege and the Dutch frontier, at or near
Vise. The flooding of the Belgian plain, and the reconnaissance
of the Belgian field army disposition by this cavalry, was in
fact almost as essential a preliminary to the deployment of the
German I. and II. Armies W. of the Meuse as was the capture
of Liege itself. Von Emmich advanced over the frontier on
Aug. 4 with the 34th reinforced Bde. and the 4th Cav. Div. on
Vise; the 27th Bde. formed Fort Barchon, the i4th Bde. formed
the interval Evegnee-Fleron, the nth Bde. between Fort
Fleron and the Vesdre, the 38th and 43rd Bdes. between the
Vesdre and the upper Meuse (chiefly on the Ourthe), with the
gth Cav. Div. on the left rear screening the enterprise against
possible interference from French cavalry in the Ardennes.
Two mobile 21 -cm. mortar batteries prepared to act against
Barchon and Evegnee as required; and such light artillery as
was available was, in the main, told off to keep the forts under
neutralizing shrapnel fire. All artillery was put under cover,
and in the sequel the forts were practically unable to find targets.
On both sides, it is evident from what followed, nervous tension
was high and uneasiness great. The Belgians in evacuating the
foreground had blocked roads and blown up bridges, and the
German advance, especially that of the transport, was laborious.
On the 4th, owing to these obstacles, the 4th Cav. Div. reached
the Meuse at Vise only very little in advance of the infantry.
Finding the passage held by Belgian infantry, the cavalry
forded the Meuse at Lische, just short of the Dutch frontier;
the Belgians thereupon fell back on Liege, but destroyed Vise
bridge before doing so. The German cavalry with the leading
troops of the 2yth Bde. thus spent the night of the 4th and sth
astride the Meuse, but as their troop train could not be
got forward, the movement came to a standstill on the 5th.
Meanwhile the other brigades advanced in their respective
sectors, employing the daylight of Aug. 5 in driving back Belgian
advanced troops on the various roads. After dark, the six
brigades, formed in five columns, set out on the evidently desper-
ate enterprise of storming the intervals. The procedure was
practically uniform the brigade advanced, well closed up, in
fours along the road, detaching to right or left a company or
two to occupy the attention of the adjacent fort by a false
attack. In some columns a battery or more of field guns or
field howitzers was inserted, near the head. One regiment of
the 27th Bde. (which had 3) was deployed on the Barchon-
Evegnee front to demonstrate and to cover the positions of the
2i-cm. batteries, which themselves had the role of neutralizing
rather than battering these forts. Of the five storming columns
two were repulsed, two penetrated but then withdrew, and only
one reached its objective. In all cases fighting was heavy and
confused, and on the German side it was marked by very severe
losses in brigade and regimental commanders. Two of the
five major-generals and five colonels out of eleven were killed,
a proportion perhaps never equalled in the later history of the
war. A colour of the 8pth Mecklenburg Regiment was captured
by the Belgians. Yet by 8 A.M. on the 6th Gen. Leman had
ordered the evacuation of the E. bank of the Meuse and of
Liege itself, by all troops not forming part of the fort garrisons.
To understand this strange result, the fortunes of the different
storming columns must be followed in detail, and a brief account
of the movements of each is therefore given here.
The most important sectors, from the point of view of the
attack and of the defence alike, were the northern (or Fort
Pontisse-lower Meuse-Fort Barchon) and the southern (or
Ourthe-Fort Boncelles-upper Meuse). To each of these Von
Emmich allocated two brigades, while on the eastern sector
(Fort Barchon-Fort Chaudfontaine) the intervals Evegnee-
Fleron and Fleron-Chaudfontaine were to be attacked by a
brigade each. On the N. side, the 34th Bde. and a Jager battal-
ion, moving W. of the Meuse from the positions above Lische
occupied on the 4th and 5th, successfully broke in between Fort
Pontisse and Fort Liers, but became entangled in the dark in
the villages beyond. Resistance was stiff, the brigade column
broke up into four or five units attacking the discernible objec-
tives, and the whole swerved eastward into Herstal and the area
behind Fort Pontisse instead of pursuing the Liege direction.
One party of Jagers reached Liege and penetrated to Leman's
headquarters in broad daylight, partly through being mistaken
by the inhabitants for the British troops that, rumour said, were
on the way to relieve the city. After a momentary fierce fight
the intruders were disarmed. The German, but not the Belgian
official, account mentions also the inroad and subsequent sur-
render of a whole battalion of the 8gth Regt. The main body
of the 34th Bde. had meantime been counter-attacked in and
about Herstal by part of Leman's general reserve, and had
retreated in confusion to Lische, where most of the troops with-
drew E. of the river. The next column, 27th Bde., moving
down the Vise-Liege road, after heavy fighting carried the
village of Cheratte but was brought to a full stop at the next
village, Wandre, and retreated to Argenteau whence it had
come. Both the northern attacks were thus complete failures.
On the S. side, the 38th and 43rd Bdes. moved up in one
column between Fort Boncelles and the Ourthe, detaching one
battalion to demonstrate against Fort Embourg in the angle of
Ourthe and Vesdre and half a battalion against Fort Boncelles.
The fighting area of these brigades was the most heavily wooded
and deeply scarped of the whole field, and the difficulties of the
advance were increased by a thunderstorm and torrential rain.
Here, too, Leman felt his position most sensitive and employed
the bulk of his general reserve, so that, in sum, the Germans
after penetrating as far as Oujnee and Sart Tilman, and looking
down on the Meuse, withdrew again through the woods to the
villages round Esneux, where meantime their baggage and rear
parties had been subjected to constant attack by Belgian soldiers
and civilians; for Liege, Herstal, and Sering were centres of the
764
LIGGETT, HUNTER
arms industry and the use of firearms was familiar to all. On
this front and on others, the German and the Belgian accounts
alike complain of the fighting troops being fired upon from the
rear. A comparison of the available items of evidence leads to
the conclusion that not only did civilians participate, but that
the shooting of the troops on both sides was, in the confusion
of night fighting in streets and woods, frequently a wild and
indiscriminate fusillade. The two brigades, after mastering
this local opposition, settled down to wait for their reservists to
come in from Germany. Thus the southern attack also failed on
the E. side. The nth Bde. attacked between the Vesdre and Fort
Fleron, and the i4th Bde. between Ft. Fleron and Ft. Evegnee,
while the 3rd Regt. of the 27th Bde. maintained its position of
liaison opposite the E. side of Fort Barchon. The nth Bde.
followed the winding route from St. Hadelin by Magnee and
Romsee to Beyne-Haussay behind the fort and village of Fleron.
But their whole progress from locality to locality had been won
by sharp fighting and it came to a standstill in the first houses
of Beyne-Haussay. Thus, having no news of the column to the
right, this brigade withdrew to Magnee to wait for the situation
to clear up and to obtain ammunition for a renewed attack
after dark, for, in spite of formal orders to employ the bayonet
only, all the German columns seem to have shot away most of the
contents of their pouches. Companies of the brigade remained
in front of Fort Chaudfontaine and S. of Fort Fleron.
The I4th Bde., between Fleron and Evegnee, alone was suc-
cessful. It moved off from Herve in the dark, branched off
companies to observe Fort Evegnee, and through Micheroux
advanced on the hamlet of Sur Fosse. There it was brought
to a standstill with the loss of its general, the leading colonel, and
many other leaders. Meanwhile, in the darkness and excitement,
the rear portion of the column had lost touch with the front
and became unsteady. At that moment Maj.-Gen. Ludendorff,
who was watching the operations on behalf of II. Army
headquarters, took command, and brought the rear troops for-
ward. Finding the brigade commander dead, he assumed con-
trol t of the column, cleared Liery and the adjacent ground,
pushed on to and captured Quene du Bois (which was attacked
and defended by infantry, machine-guns and accompanying
artillery), and then, daylight having come, looked around for
signs of the neighbouring brigades. Nothing was seen but a
column of troops on the river-road N. of Supille (actually, these
were Belgians), but Ludendorff determined to push on. About
midday on the 6th the column, now only 1,500 strong, seized La
Chartreuse, began with its field howitzers a bombardment of
the city, and pushed outposts down to the bridges. Gen. v.
Emmich joined it in the afternoon.
Meantime Gen. Leman, having expended his general reserves
in the struggle on the northern and southern fronts and finding
himself unable for that reason to check the advance or to appre-
ciate the strength of the column which had penetrated between
Evegnee and Fleron, believing moreover, that he had four
army corps in front of him decided shortly after 7 A.M. to
withdraw all field troops W. of Liege, and to leave the eastern
forts to be defended by their respective garrisons only. A little
later he obtained permission from the King's headquarters to
send the 3rd Div. to rejoin the field army (which was assembled
on and in front of the River Jette), leaving the forts alone,
garrisoned by some 4,000 men in all, to bar the passage of the
Germans. In the main, the order was successfully carried out,
though the troops between Ourthe and Vesdre were not notified.
Forgotten by both sides, these lived in the woods for a week or
more, and then escaped, not without many adventures, to
Tirlemont. Gen. Leman himself chose to stay with his forts, and
established his headquarters at Loncin.
Thus the Ludendorff column met with no opposition when on
the 6th, after an anxious night at La Chartreuse, it entered and
took possession of the city. In the course of the 6th and 7th it was
joined there by the nth and 27th Bdes. But behind it the fort
garrisons were active, and, so far as normal communications
were concerned, Emmich's 3^ brigades were isolated in the midst
of the forts, while the other 3, outside, were engaged in receiving
and incorporating their reservists. Meantime more and more
troops of the II. Army were coming up, and General v. Einem
was placed in immediate charge of the forces outside and in
general charge of the whole. The confused situation was not
cleared up even when Ludendorff returned from Liege, for next
day he was unable to get in again, and the impression prevailed
at Billow's headquarters that Emmich and the forces inside had
been destroyed by a counter-attack.
By the loth, however, the situation was cleared up, and the
plan of the Germans was now to emplace the super-heavy siege
artillery which was becoming available so as to demolish the
forts in succession, beginning with the northern forts on either
side of the Meuse (Fleron, Evegnee, Barchon, Pontisse, Liers)
so as to clear the way as rapidly as possible for the crossing of the
congested I. Army below Liege. This was carried out systemat-
ically after the i2th; but at that date both Barchon and Evegnee
had fallen to the 2i-cm. mortars alone, owing to their poor con-
crete and to the fact of being bombarded from the rear. The
remainder continued to hold out and, till ruined, to keep up an
effective interdiction fire on all important cross roads, defiles,
etc., although they were unable to locate the bombarding
artillery. After the I2th, the German super-heavy artillery
(30-5-011. and 42-cm. howitzers) came into play. The tactics
of the attack were, in general, to push infantry as close as possi-
ble to the work attacked, in readiness to seize it when " ripe
for assault," to bombard steadily with 30-5- and 42-cm. and
with medium long range guns till the concrete was ruined and
the cupolas jammed, and to attack the gorges by means of
heavy truck mortars, which here made their first appearance.
To these methods there was no effective possibility of resistance.
Pontisse fell on the I3th, Fleron and Licrs on the I4th; Chaud-
fontaine and Embourg on the I3th fell to intensive bombard-
ment by 2i-cm.; Boncelles and Lantinon the i5th. On the isth
also Loncin blew up, a 42-cm. shell having penetrated to the
magazine; amongst the few survivors was Gen. Leman, picked
up wounded and unconscious by the Germans. The last forts,
Flemalle and Hollogne, surrendered on the i6th.
The effect of the resistance of Liege on the development of the
German offensive plan has been a subject of much controversy,
some going so far as to deny that it had any influence thereon.
Consideration of all the circumstances of time, position and
intention, however, lead to the conclusion that the German
failure to seize the passage on the 6th, and the subsequent resist-
ance of the forts till Aug. 15-16, put back the deployment of the
I. and II. Armies in the Belgian plain four days. This means
that the grand offensive movement which began on the i8th
would, but for the resistance of Liege, have begun on the I4th.
Whether that resistance would have been possible had the Ger-
mans brought up their super-heavy artillery immediately after
the advanced brigades, on the 6th and 7th, instead of on loth and
nth, is another question. On this their procedure at Namur,
where the artillery was installed at the very opening of the
attack, is a significant commentary. The delay, whatever its
causes, was of incalculable importance. (C. F. A.)
LIGGETT, HUNTER (1857- ), American soldier, was born
at Reading, Pa., March 21 1857. He graduated from the U.S.
Military Academy in 1879, was commissioned second lieutenant,
and saw service in the west against the Indians. He was appointed
first lieutenant in 1881 and captain 1897. On the outbreak of
the Spanish-American War in 1898 he served on the staff of the
adjutant-general and later was in Cuba as major of volunteers.
After honourable discharge in 1899 he again entered volunteer
service and was in the Philippines for two years as major. In
1902 he was appointed a major in the regular army and spent
several years with the Department of the Lakes and at Ft. Leaven-
worth. In 1909 he was sent to study in the War College, being
promoted lieutenant-colonel the same year. On graduating from
the War College in 1910 he was appointed a director there and
in 1913 president, in 1912 being promoted colonel and in 1913
brigadier-general. In 1914 he was on the Mexican border and
from 1915 to 1917 was again in the Philippines, being for one
year commander of the Department of the Philippines. In 1917
.
LIGHTING, ELECTRIC
765
he was made major-general and commander of the Western
Department but in Sept. went to France as commander of the
4ist division of the A.E.F. The following year he commanded
the ist army corps and later the I. Army. He was at the
second battle of the Marne, at St. Mihiel, and in the Argonne.
In 1919 he was made commander of the Western Division and
in 1920 commander of the IX. Corps, retiring March 21 1921.
LIGHTING, ELECTRIC (see 16.659). Notable progress in
illuminants was made during the period 1911-21. Advances
in the art of applying artificial light to the best advantage have
been even more remarkable, and as these apply to all illumi-
nants they are dealt with in a separate article (see ILLUMINATING
ENGINEERING).
Progress in Lamps. Some idea of (he position in regard to
electric lamps at the end of 1910 may be gathered from two
papers read by E. W. Marchant (Ri cent Progress in Electric
Lighting, Ilium. Eng. Soc., London De :. 9 1910) and Haydn T.
Harrison (Street Lighting by Modern Electric Lamps, Inst. of
Elec. Engrs. Nov. 24 1910).
Metal filament lamps were in general rte, and their advantages, in
comparison with arc lamps, were already the subject of discussion;
tabular data of cost are given in Maurice Solomon's work on Electric
Lamps. The use of arc lamps with flame carbons was extending, but
ordinary carbons were still widely used. Efforts were made to
extend the period of burning of flame arcs before recarboning became
necessary. In the magazine flame arcs carbons are automatically
replaced from a stock in the lamp as they burn away. In this way a
period of burning of 80-100 hours has been secured. In the Jandus
Regenerative arc lamp the flame carbons were enclosed in an air-
tight chamber, with a special circulatory system to prevent deposi-
tion of fumes on the globe. Approximately five c.p. (mean hemi-
spherical) per watt and 70 hours burning with one pair of carbons
were stated to be obtained. The enclosed Carbone arc was designed
with a similar object, a special shape of globe being used to prevent
inconvenient deposition of fumes. Quite recently a form of enclosed
flame arc has been developed in Germany, the burning period being
80-120 hours, and the efficiency, on direct current 4-6 c.p. per watt
(Lichttechnik, by L. Bloch). Inclined carbons are commonly used
in flame arc lamps, but in the Crompton-Blondel arc vertical car-
bons, one above the other, were adopted. Marchant (toe. cit.) gives
values ranging from 3-72 to 6-85 c.p. per watt for various flame arcs
efficiencies well above those yet attained with incandescent lamps.
Various circumstances have tended to limit the field for arc
lamps. During the World War carbons were almost unobtain-
able, and their cost has risen considerably. Moreover, gas-filled
incandescent lamps tend to displace arc lamps for many purposes.
At the present time (1921) lamps using ordinary carbons are
becoming obsolete, but flame arcs still hold their own for light-
ing large areas. Most flame arcs furnish light of a pronounced
yellow colour, owing to the influence of calcium salts in their
electrodes. Flame carbons yielding white light have, however,
been used for photographic and cinema work. The arc lamp
using a magnetite negative electrode, with a life of 150-175
hours, is still used in America but little known in England.
A step of great scientific interest has been the introduction, during
the war, of searchlights using carbons cooled either by a spray of
alcohol (Beck-Goerz system) or a blast of air (Sperry searchlight).
(See Harrison, Ilium. Eng. March 1918; also Ilium. Eng. Feb. 1915;
also McDowell, Trans. Ilium. Eng. Soc., U.S.A., Sept. 1916; also
Electrician Feb. 2 1917). This leads to a smaller crater of increased
intrinsic brightness, estimated at 200,000-300,000 candles per sq. in.
as compared with 85,000 for the ordinary arc-crater. Thus, a much
more powerful beam, which is stated to approach 500 million candles
(max.) may be attained, and a diminished angle of dispersion.
Intrinsic brilliancies of 600,000 c.p. per sq. in. are said to have been
obtained in Germany (Lichttechnik by L. Bloch), while Lummer,
with an arc operating in a pressure of 22 atmospheres and at a tem-
perature of 7,600 Abs., attained 1,500,000 candles per sq. in.
No very striking advances in illuminants using the lumines-
cence of metallic vapours are recorded. The tubular mercury
vapour lamp has been improved by the use of devices enabling
the lamp to start automatically without tilting by hand. At-
tempts have been made to supply the missing red rays by mount-
ing over the tube a fluorescing rhodamine reflector, but the
effect is comparatively slight.
Wolfke, in Germany, obtained an approximately white light by
using an amalgam of cadmium and mercury (Elektrot. Zeitschr. 1912,
p. 917), but the lamp does not appear to have reached a commercial
stage. In the other familiar form of mercury vapour lamp with a
quartz or silica glass tube, operated at a high temperature, the red and
orange rays are not entirely missing. The chief feature of this lamp,
apart from the higher luminous efficiency (estimated at about five
c.p. per watt) is the high proportion of ultra-violet rays emitted.
For ordinary lighting purposes these rays are masked by an outer
globe of dense glass. Forms of lamps enabling the ultra-violet light
to be applied in a concentrated form for therapeutic purposes are
also available.
The Moore tube lamp, utilizing the luminescence arising from a
high tension (5,000-17,000 V.) discharge through rarified nitrogen
gas, is little known in England. The length of tube is usually con-
siderable, but a small and compact form using carbon dioxide gas,
the light of which is stated to resemble daylight closely in colour
is used in industries involving accurate colour-matching.
The use of the rare gas neon in such luminescent tubes, announced
by Claudes in 1911 (Comptes Rendus, May 22 1911) and since de-
veloped to a commercial stage, has had interesting results. Owing
to the higher brightness and greater efficiency of luminescent neon
(approx. two candles per watt) tubes of moderate dimensions and
varied shape can be constructed. Such lamps can now be operated
direct on 220 volts, but a special starting device, applying an induc-
tive discharge, is necessary. The vivid orange colour of the light is
favourable to its use for spectacular lighting. Quite recently small
neon lamps, resembling an ordinary glow lamp in appearance and
capable of being inserted in an ordinary lamp holder, were exhibited
before the Illuminating Engineering Society (see Ilium. Engineer Jan.
1921; ibid Aug. 1920). The cathode is extended and brought close
to the anode, light appearing as a diffused orange glow. Although
the efficiency is as yet low (apparently of the order of 0-06 c.p.
per watt) such lamps consume only five watts or less on 220 volts.
They may therefore prove useful in cases where only a weak light is
necessary but a small consumption of electricity desirable. Further
improvements may be anticipated.
Incandescent lamps using tungsten filaments in vacuo have now
displaced the Nernst, tantalum and other forms, and the proportion
of carbon filament lamps in use is constantly decreasing. The in-
troduction in 1911 of filaments drawn out as wire from ductile
tungsten has had important consequences. Filaments made by other
processes (e.g. squirted or pasted) are now little used. The ductile
tungsten wire now prepared can be more easily mounted in the
bulb, can be readily wound in any desired shape, and is better able
to resist shock and vibration. Ten-watt lamps are now available on
100-105 volts and 20- watt lamps on 200-210 volts, thus rendering
such special devices as running lamps in series and the reduction of
supply voltage by transformers largely unnecessary. Useful life
and efficiency have also improved. Candle-power should not
diminish by more than 20% in 1,000 hours' burning, the luminous
efficiency being at>out o- 75-0^9 candles per watt, according to type.
Filaments can be arranged in a bunched compact form suitable for
automobile lamps, pocket torches, etc., and special " traction "
forms, designed to withstand vibration, have been developed.
Another step of importance has been the development of the gas-
filled or so-called " half-watt " lamp, announced in 1913 (see Lang-
muir and Orange, Trans. Am. Inst. of Elec. Engrs. 1913; Gen. Elec.
Rev., U.S.A. Oct., Dec. 1913; Pirani and Meyer, Elektrot. Zeitschr.
1915). The filament consists of a compact tungsten spiral brought
to incandescence in an atmosphere of inert gas (usually nitrogen but
in the smaller forms argon). The tendency of the tungsten to vola-
tilize is checked by the pressure exerted by this envelope of gas. Fila-
ments can accordingly be run at a higher temperature, with corre-
spondingly improved efficiency. Recent specifications indicate that
lamps should operate at I-I-6 candles per watt with a useful life of
1,000 hours. Still higher efficiencies may be expected from high
candle-power low voltage units. A feature of the lamp is the forma-
tion of convection currents within the bulb which has a long neck
in which particles of tungsten tend to deposit, thus largely obviating
blackening of the bulb proper. In England the smallest units avail-
able on ordinary lighting pressures are 40 watts on 100-130 volts,
and 60 watts on 200-260 volts. The largest lamps ordinarily listed
consume 1,500 watts. Thus we have for the first time incandescent
lamps of a candle-power comparable with that of arc lamps. For
special purposes even larger units have been developed. Special
lighthouse lamps consuming 2,400 watts have been used in Holland,
and 4,ooo-watt types are stated to be in course of preparation.
Filaments of gas-filled lamps may assume a wide variety of shapes.
In the United States special forms have been developed for use in
cinema lanterns.
The " arc-incandescent," (" Pointolite ") lamp, developed in
the Ediswan laboratory during the war, has interesting features
(Ilium. Eng. Jan. 1916; Jan. 1920). The source of light is a globule of
tungsten brought to incandescence as the anode of an arc within a
sealed glass bulb. The cathode is a rod composed of tungsten and
certain rare earths, which is heated by the passage of a current,
ionizes the space between the electrodes and starts the arc. As an
approximate " point-source," with a brightness near 13,000 candles
per sq. in., the lamp is adapted for use with optical lanterns, etc.
Lamps giving up to 1 ,000 c.p. have been developed, and it is hoped
that a 4,ooo-c.p. type now being prepared will prove valuable for
cinema lanterns in view of the steady light and the fact that no
manipulation is needed once the lamp is switched on.
y66
LIGHT RAILWAYS, MILITARY
A feature of the past few years has been the rapid development
in lamp manufacture in the United States. In 1920 the production
was estimated to reach 230 million lamps, of which only 7 % were
of the carbon filament type (Gen. Elec. Review, U.S.A., Jan. 1921).
Considerable progress in the manufacture of miniature lamps for
automobiles, flashlights, miners' lamps, etc., is recorded, an output
of 125 million being attained in 1920. Progress in lamp manufacture
has 'been aided by success in standardizing supply voltages, nearly
79% of the lamps sold in 1920 being for the standard pressures of
no, 115 and 120 volts. In Japan a uniform pressure of 100 volts
throughout the country has been established.
Physical Data Underlying the Efficiency of Light Production.
Researches in the physics of light production have yielded interesting
conclusions, revealing the comparative inefficiency of most artificial
illuminants. Thus it is estimated that the ordinary tungsten fila-
ment radiates as visible light not more than 5 % of the energy im-
parted to it. Increasing temperature shifts the maximum of radia-
tion nearer the visible region of the spectrum and is thus favourable
to high luminous efficiency. It has been computed that a source
operating at solar temperature might attain a luminous efficiency
of 50%. P. G. Nutting (Bull. Bureau of Standards, May 1911)
estimated that a source which produced only visible white light
should yield 26 candles per watt, whereas the most efficient
illuminants available do not give more than about five candles per
watt. Nutting also calculated that a source producing only light
of the most efficient wave-length for creating brightness, namely
0-54, would yield 65 candles per watt.
Our ideal should be to control emission of radiation so as to pro-
duce only light of the particular colour desired. This has a bearing
on attempts made to imitate the colour of daylight. By the in-
troduction of a suitable tinted glass in the path of light from a gas-
filled lamp, or by reflecting the light from a matt surface having a
suitable coloured pattern, a close resemblance to normal daylight
may be obtained (Ilium. Eng. Feb. 1920). Such " artificial daylight "
units are of great value in industries where accurate colour matching
is needed. But present processes involve the sacrifice of much light
by absorption, and the overall efficiency of accurate units probably
does not exceed about 15-20% of the light yielded by the lamp.
Progress in Shades, Reflectors and Lighting Appliances. Advances
in the efficiency of illuminants have been accompanied by consider-
able progress in methods of distributing light. Reflectors are now
designed to screen the source from the eyes of persons using them,
soften shadows and modify the natural distribution of light in any
desired manner. Spacing rules for standard reflectors oT " Exten-
sive," " Intensive " and " Focussing " types are furnished and
adherence to these should ensure the provision of uniform illumina-
tion of a specified value in foot-candles. Prismatic glass devices,
for use with arc lamps and gas-filled lamps, have been designed to
give a distribution of light favourable to uniform illumination
between street lamps. An example is the Holophane street lighting
lantern, which utilizes two prismatic glass surfaces, superimposed
one on the other, with a smooth exterior and interior such that the
lantern can be easily cleaned. Improved and simplified illumination
photometers have enabled much information to be obtained regard-
ing the illumination necessary for various purposes. It is now con-
sidered preferable to state the illumination in foot-candles at the
actual place where light is needed rather than to prescribe so many
lamps of a specified consumption per square feet. This illumination
can be related to the consumption of electricity per sq. ft. of area
lighted. Thus with direct lighting by vacuum tungsten lamps in
modern reflectors about 0-2-0-3 watts per lumen (i.e. per foot-candle
per sq. ft.) is usual; with gas-filled lamps about 0-1-0-15. With
indirect lighting about twice of the above values are required.
The introduction of the more efficient gas-filled lamps, which re-
quire screening on account of the great brilliancy of the filament,
has encouraged the use of indirect and semi-indirect methods of
lighting. Small gas-filled lamps with opal glass bulbs have also been
introduced. Lamps are now commonly mounted high up near the
ceiling so as to be out of the direct range of vision and leave a clear
space for the supervision of work. The high candle-powers available
allow of greater mounting heights than those formerly used. Thus
in factories lamps mounted 30 or even 40 ft. above the working
plane are not unusual (see The Gas-filled Lamp and its Effect on Illu-
minating Engineering by F. W. Willcox, Ilium. Eng. June 1919).
Certain fine industrial processes, however, require local lighting
with well shaded lamps. Reflectors have been developed for lighting
large vertical surfaces, notably for picture lighting. A feature in
the United States has been the development of " flood-lighting,"
i.e. concealed lighting by compact filament gas-filled lamps in
parabolic reflectors giving a concentrated beam of light with a dis-
persion of IO -I5. Thus a soo-watt lamp in a suitable mirror will
yield a maximum beam-candle-power of 330,000. Such lighting units
nave been used for spectacular lighting (e.g. illuminating historic
monuments and buildings, large advertisement-placards, etc.), and
during the war served as a measure of protection, to prevent un-
authorized persons approaching arsenals or other works unseen.
For further information the following works may be consulted :
The Development of the Incandescent Lamp, by G. B. Barham (1912) ;
Elektrische Lichteffekte, by W. Biscan (1909); Lichtlechnik, edited
by L. Bloch, issued by the German Illuminating Engineering Society
(1921); Grundziige der Beleuchtungstechnik by L. Bloch (1907),
translated by W. C. Clinton; The Application of Arc Lamps to
Practical Purposes, by J. Eck (1910); Le Nuove Lampade Elettriche
ad Incandenza, by G. Mantica (1908) ; Elektrische Beleuchtung, by
B. Monasch (1907) ; The Electric Lamp Industry, by G. A. Percival
(1920); Electric Lamps, by M. Solomon (1908); Electric Arc Lamps,
by O. Zeidler and J. Lustgarten (1908).
Frequent articles on electric lighting appear in The Illuminating
Engineer (London) ; The Transactions of the Illuminating Eng.
Society U.S.A. (New York); and Licht und Lampe (Berlin). See
also ILLUMINATING ENGINEERING. (J. S. D.)
LIGHT RAILWAYS, MILITARY. To transportation engi-
neers, both civil and military, one of the most interesting features
of railway work during the World War was the development of
the network of 6o-cm. lines ("soixante") in rear of all the main
fronts in France during the days of position warfare. These
little narrow-gauge lines were, of course, no novelty, since similar
lines had been employed in industrial plants, on large plantations
and on large construction works. Lt.-Col. W. H. Cole, in Light
Railways at Home and Abroad (1899), describes a 6o-cm. line
built under a concession granted in 1890 to the Decauville Co.
between Caen and Dives. Another 6o-cm. line of lighter rail
( 19- 1 Ib. to the yd., the same as the French military track) was
built about the same time between Pithiviers and Toury, France.
It was worked under lease by the Decauville Company. Nor was
the idea new to the student of military affairs, as at the French
siege manoeuvres before Paris in 1894 some 30 m. of such line
were laid under simulated field conditions upon which complete
trains were drawn by double-ended engines. German military
tests in 1895 had shown that it was practicable to lay 6o-cm. (or
2-ft.) tracks, with rails weighing 10 to 19 Ib. to the yd., at a
rate of from 600 to 700 yd. per hour for a distance of 31 m. of
continuous laying. In the campaign in Manchuria (1904-5)
both belligerents had made use of light narrow-gauge lines for
distribution purposes. At Port Arthur, for example, despite the
fact that the main railway supply line of the Japanese army was
itself of 3 ft. 6 in. gauge, equipped with medium-weight engines
and light cars of small capacity (6 tons), it was found desirable to
lay 6o-cm. (2-ft.) track from a transfer station or siege junction
to the adjacent artillery and engineer parks and thence to the
siege batteries and smaller dumps near the troops. These lines
of the Japanese were not suited to the use of locomotives. The
sections were merely hooked together as laid. One hook was
formed by a bend in an extension of the lower flange of a rail, and
this engaged with a companion hook on the end of a fish plate
bolted to the web of the rail of the adjoining section. At Fort
Arthur the sections came to the front already assembled so that
no field bolts were necessary. Where transportation on moun-
tain roads was involved, as it was in the main campaign, the rails
and ties came up separately and were assembled shortly before
use. At Port Arthur the light flat cars were oushed about by
soldiers, at the Sha-ho by horses.
No discussion of these special railways would be complete
without some reference to the " battle of the gauges," which
raged around them during and subsequent to the World War
(1914-8). Many officers with railway and military experience
contend that the gauge of field railways should invariably cor-
respond to that of the main supply railway special light loco-
motives, and, if necessary, light cars being used on rapidly laid,
light rail lines. Others believe that where the main line is of 4 ft.
85 in. gauge a lesser gauge is desirable for distribution within the
combat area, but think that 6o-cm. is too narrow; some have
suggested 3O-in., others 36-in., and so on increasing to standard,
most of them agreeing, however, that when the main line is
narrow, 3 ft. 6 in. or less, no lesser gauge is necessary. Others
contend for the 6o-cm., and these include many who have had
long experience with these diminutive systems.
It is of value to examine into the purpose for which this
character of equipment was intended at the outbreak of the
World War. Gen. von Bernhardi, writing in 1912, had already
indicated the use the Germans intended to make of them in the
following words:
" Where, during the further advance of the army, the railways
are commanded by hostile fortresses or 'forts d'arrgt,' the capture
LIGHT RAILWAYS, MILITARY
767
of which will probably take some time, field railways turning them
must be constructed. Where the railway network is altogether
insufficient to satisfy the wants of the army, or where too many
difficulties are encountered in repairing the trunk lines, field railways
must be laid along lines of advance from railheads. There is no
occasion in these cases for being too pedantic in constructing such
lines. They are not built to last for ever, and must sometimes be
rapidly taken up again. At times horse power must suffice for them
until time and circumstances permit the line to be constructed for
steam power. Rapidity of construction is the first object. If the
line to be constructed is long, we must try to begin building it at
various points simultaneously. We must try to follow each corps, if
possible, with one field railway line, provided material and personnel
are available to build it, which of course is not the case to an
unlimited extent."
Gen. von Kluck, in his book The March on Paris, says:
" To assist the work of supply, a light railway system up to the
several corps was successfully opened for traffic on Aug. 22 (1914) ;
that for the II. Corps to Ninove and Vollezeel ; for the IV. Corps at
first to Castre, later to Enghien; and for the III. Corps to Hal."
These two quotations are sufficient to establish the fact that
the Germans had adopted these lines as an essential part of the
open warfare equipment of an army marching to attack, and not as
an expedient for trench warfare. Experience at Metz, at Toul,
and at the tunnel of Nauteuil in 1870, had impressed the minds
of the German general staff with the need of some means for
supplying the several corps of an army attacking an enemy army
just beyond or pivoting on an obstacle on the main railway line.
Doubtless they had, with their usual attention to detail, selected
the ig-lb. rail, 6o-cm. Decauville track, as the lightest which
could accommodate the locomotives and cars necessary to for-
ward a daily corps supply of ammunition and food for a serious
engagement (about 600 tons for the German corps of 1914).
This character of service was rendered by the 6o-cm. lines in
the open warfare attacks by the American army in 1918. Rapidly
extended for each corps, they served to free the roads and stand-
ard-gauge railway terminals from congestion by animal and
motor transport, and thus gave a freedom of manoeuvre for the
troops engaged in breaking the hold, which the enemy insisted
on maintaining, on the valleys where standard-gauge lines existed
or where they could be built. For example on the American front
in the attack N. from Verdun-Ste. Menehould railway, two
standard-gauge lines were contemplated for the supply of the
army. One of these followed the Meuse river valley to Stenay
and Sedan. The enemy clung desperately to this line, and it was
not until the III. Corps supplied by " soixante " forced a cross-
ing of the river at Dun-sur-Meuse that the valley was freed and
the reconstruction of the standard-gauge line could proceed. The
" soixante " had given the power of manoeuvre required. The
second was the Aubreville-Grandpre-Mouzon line. For the
attack on Verdun, the Germans had constructed a standard-
gauge railway line from Mouzon to Grandpre, where it connected
with a French standard-gauge railway leading to Ste. Menehould.
The American plan was to build a line from Aubreville to Grand-
pre and thence along the German roadbed to Mouzon. Work was
put under way at the beginning of the advance, Sept. 26 1918,
the line being constructed as far as, and to include, a terminal at
Varennes under standard-gauge railway practice. From Varennes,
the " soixante " reached out to the east to supply the V. Corps,
and the manoeuvres of that corps and of the I. Corps on
its left, supplied from Varennes and also by " soixante " from
Les Islettes, freed Grandpre and opened the Aire valley for the
advance of the standard-gauge railway, which from Varennes
northward was constructed in accordance with light railway
practice, no ballast being used, the track being supported by ties
almost in juxtaposition, alternate ties extending outside of track
to permit tamping and to spread the foundation. In advance of
the standard-gauge track, and on the same roadbed, a " soixante "
line was laid, partly of fabricated track and partly of separate
rail construction, on standard ties. While this was pushed ahead
of the standard line, primarily for the supply of troops, it served
to speed up the construction of the standard railway by handling
materials, rails, and ties in advance of standard railhead. Points
of transfer from standard gauge to the " soixante " were ad-
vanced as terminals permitted and as desired, and when so
advanced the " soixante " material in rear of transfer point
could be taken up if needed. This was rarely done, as the line
to the rear was useful.
Ever since the days of Sevastopol, students of siege warfare
had insisted upon a railway for use both by the attack and de-
fence in fortress warfare. An i8-in. gauge had been adopted for
these siege railways, and 5-5 m. of this track were to be carried
as a part of the regular authorized store of a siege train in British
practice. This equipment, including wooden sleepers but exclud-
ing cars, weighed approximately 62 tons to the m.; 25 trollies on
two four-wheel bogies, weighing 54 tons, were also to be taken.
The siege train included 16 pieces of artillery. For similar pur-
poses the French had adopted a Decauville pattern track of 40-
cm. gauge (16 in.). In the original conception of these hand-
operated lines of from i6-in. to i8-in. gauge, the ordinary gauge
of the country was to be brought to the field arsenal (siege junc-
tion), and the break of gauge between it and the narrow-gauge
lines was to be made there, though it was accepted that under
certain circumstances lines of wider gauge would be pushed for-
ward to the front, even to the first batteries, independent of the
break in gauge at the field arsenal. The British Siege Artillery
Drill Book in 1898 estimated the distance of the siege arsenal at
7,000 yd. from the fortress, as being out of range of the defence
guns, and this distance and the width of front to be covered by a
siege unit formed the basis for the estimate upon which the 5^ m.
of siege track per unit was arrived at. But increases in range, and
particularly in accuracy and effectiveness of fortress guns, caused
a new estimate to be made of the distance to the siege arsenal,
and led to a realization that not only ammunition but other
stores as well would need to be more widely dispersed, not for
security alone but also for better service. Such changes increased
unduly the length of haul and led to the adoption of a light line
suitable for locomotives.
During the World War, after position warfare was entered
upon and lines became more and more permanent, the daily
wear and tear led to the replacement of light rail by heavier, the
improvement of the roadbeds, the increase of ballast, the increase
of loads, the connecting up of separate detached lines into systems,
the installation of shops and other facilities pertaining to com-
plete systems, and a tendency, as evinced by the action of the
Americans, to adopt heavier rolling-stock and more powerful
locomotives so as to secure greater tonnage per engine and train
mile. Unquestionably at this period, had the design de nemo of a
railway to meet the then existing conditions arisen, most officers
would have favoured a wider gauge. But when the advance be-
gan once more, the weight of a mile of track, including sleepers,
came to be a vital one and the " soixante " reverted to type.
Then the heavy engines and heavy cars, still very useful in
bringing up materials of construction from the rear, came to be,
temporarily at least, out of place on the forward lines.
In their simplest diagrammatic form the " soixante "lines ran
perpendicular to the front, from stations along a standard-gauge
line which roughly paralleled the front. These perpendicular
lines were connected by laterals, the whole forming a series of
loops, and trains were operated out on one line and back on an-
other. The loop system permitted a density of traffic exceeding
that of double track lines, and offered an alternate route if the
track was broken at any point. Most of the grading was done by
hand, and every effort was made to reduce earth work by follow-
ing the contour of, the ground even when rather sharp curves
resulted. Surface location was also advantageous because it
permitted a shifting of the track in repair of a break made by
shell-fire. Embankments were especially to be avoided, as hand-
made fills in a rainy climate meant soft track and washouts.
A most difficult problem in track construction was met with
in crossing badly shell-torn ground. Old craters were half-filled
with water. To level off and proceed with track -laying meant
certain trouble later. Here wooden ties were used to great ad-
vantage, the fabricated track, spiked down occasionally, being
frequently laid on a roadbed formed by them, the ends being
supported if necessary on crib work in a manner customary in
the repair of washed-out track in America.
768
LIGHT RAILWAYS, MILITARY
The light railway manuals of all the Allied armies specified a
depth of ballast of 6 in., extending at least 6 in. beyond the ends
of ties, and noted broken stone as the most suitable material.
This required about 1,000 cub. yd. of stone for each mile. Of
course no such amount of material could be brought up by the
line itself during rapid construction, even if it had been available
in rear. Whatever was available locally was used.
Speed of construction varied greatly according to conditions.
On the construction of a line between Abainville and Sorcy (28-5
km. of heavy work) it was found that 1,758 man-days were re-
quired for the construction of one mile. During the progress of
this piece of work, 2-69 m. of track were built in a few minutes
over half a day. The entire force engaged was 2 officers and 135
men, 2 locomotives and 2 motor-trucks. The work was in rear of
a quiet sector of the American front, the conditions not being
very different from those of peace. On four short tracks con-
structed to connect American and German 6o-cm. lines after the
battle of St. Mihiel (total length laid in all 19 km.), 2,012 man-
days of work were required per mile. French experience indicates
that this latter figure is about what is to be expected under
favourable conditions. British figures vary from 1,760 to 2,400
man-days per mile. These figures may be compared with 4,300
man-days of work required in the construction of a standard-
gauge line, following light-railway methods, between Varennes
and Grandpre during the American Meuse-Argonne offensive.
French " soixante " track consisted of rails weighing from 15- to
19-lb. to the yard, made up into sections, 5 metres, 25 metres and
ij metres long, the steel ties being riveted to the rails. When riveted
sections became bent or broken, they could not be repaired in the
field. For this reason the Americans adopted a fabricated section,
in which the ties were fastened to the rails by bolts and clips. If a
section became bent or broken, the ties could be removed, the rails
bent back to line and new ties substituted. The American rail
weighed 25 Ib. per linear yd., and came separately in 30- ft. lengths
for laying on wooden ties as well as in fabricated sections. A mile of
American track (fabricated sections) weighed a little over 75 tons,
while a mile of track on wooden ties weighed about 90 tons, but
where the wooden ties were cut in the forward area, the actual
material from the rear weighed but 43 tons. The British used 2O-lb.
rail, and both British and Americans favoured the track made with
separate rails laid on wooden ties. Fabricated track, however, was
of great value in laying temporary lines and particularly in forward
areas, as a damaged section could be removed and replaced in the
dark and without much noise.
The German equipment-track came in 10- and ig-lb. rail, but they
too made much use of the separate rail, wooden tie construction.
On their main arterial lines on the Verdun front a great part of the
rail weighed upward of 30 Ib. to the yard, a considerable amount
being very heavy rail taken from standard-gauge lines which could
not be operated so far forward. The Germans made wise use of the
standard-gauge track and roadbed for these narrow-gauge lines.
By merely moving one rail over to 6o-cm. gauge, they could use the
light rolling-stock and, if need came, the standard track could be
promptly reestablished. This, however, proved to be a distinct
advantage to their enemies when they came to reconstruct captured
lines for standard-gauge operations.
The American 6o-cm. motive power consisted of lo-wheeled,
2 6 2, side-tank steam locomotives, with a weight on driving
wheels of 12 tons (17-5 tons total) and 6,225 Ib. tractive effort;
and gasoline tractors of o 4 o type, weighing 7 tons and 4 tons
rated at 50 and 35 H.P. respectively. By actual field tests, the
pulling power of these engines on various grades was determined
to be (in gross tons) as follows :
Compensated
Grade in %
Steam
Loco.
50 H.P. Gas. Loco.
35 H.P. Gas. Loco.
High Gear|Low Gear
High Gearl Low Gear
o-o
I-O
2-0
3-0
3-5
258
133
86
61
54
62.5
32-5
2I-O
15-0
I.V"
125
65
42
3
26
31
16
62-5
32-
21
15
The steam locomotive was powerful and gave valuable service
on first-class track. It derailed and turned over very easily, owing
to its lack of flexibility and very high centre of gravity. The French
Pechot, having low centre of gravity and pivoted truck, was able
to take curves with ease. It was not so powerful (tractive effort
5,060 Ib.) as the American engine, but it stayed on the track. The
German eight-wheeled, o 8-^-0 locomotive had a total wheel base
of 7 ft. 4^ in., as compared with the American 5 ft. 10 in. driving-
wheel base and total wheel base of 15 ft. 7 in. It weighed approx-
imately the same, 18 tons, but all the weight was on the drivers.
There was little overhang and the centre of gravity was low. A
flexible arrangement of end drivers gave radial action on curves.
While not armoured, the cabs were low and well protected. The
four-wheel well-tank locomotive of the Germans had a wheel base of
but 3 ft. 7i- in., permitting its use on very sharp curves. The British
armies used four or five types of steam locomotives. The Hunslet,
4-76 o, seemed to have given best satisfaction. The weight on
drivers was 12 tons; total weight 16 tons.
Of gasoline tractors the French had several types, the principal
ones being the Schneider o 6 o, and the Crochat (petrol-electric)
o 44 o. The Schneider, which was equipped with a 65-H.P.,
4-cylinder, 4-speed engine, compared favourably in pulling power
with the steam locomotives. In part, at least, the success of this
tractor was due to superior workmanship on the motor and clutch,
which was of the three-disc type, and the skill of the operators. The
four speeds and low centre of gravity made it suitable for work of all
character. The Crochat was completely armoured. The German
gasoline tractors were of two types, o 4 o and o 6 o. In
general construction there was little difference between them, the
outstanding features of both being low construction and little side
overhang. Lubrication was supplied to all moving parts from local
sight feed reservoirs or from a mechanical lubricator in the cab. The
planetary transmission was controlled by a hand-wheel in the cab,
and the operator could apply the power gradually. No effort on his
part was required to hold the power at a certain stage of engagement,
as is necessary with the clutch and spring action. Simple engines,
low speed, heavy fly-wheels, smooth and positive application of
power, were the great points in the German tractors.
The American rolling-stock was heavier and of greater capacity
than that of other armies. For long hauls on fine track this was of
advantage, but the " soixante " was not intended to be a long haul,
heavy-traffic railway. British cars were relatively light and flexible,
but included more types than those of the other armies. The
German equipment was the lightest of all. Their gondola was made
by attaching removable sides and ends to a flat car. One end only
of their tank car was provided with roller side-bearings enabling it
to run on uneven track. The tank cars of other armies derailed
frequently because of lack of flexibility between the trucks.
The " soixante " lines were operated by a simple system of
telephone dispatching, adapted from the Manual Block System.
The railway was divided into several dispatching districts, each
controlling from 25 to 75 km. of track. Control was exercised by
telephone through operators stationed along the line at intervals of
from 3 to 5 kilometres. At advanced points, where night operation
alone was possible, and during extensions, temporary operators
equipped with portable field telephone sets kept in touch with the
permanent operator next in rear or with a special dispatcher.
The general superintendent of a system was connected by tele-
phone with all the dispatching districts, and all orders for the
movement of supplies and personnel were handled through his
office. He also arranged for the proper distribution of motor-power
and rolling-stock among the several districts under his control in
proportion to the relative traffic requirements. (G. R. S.)
Pioneer Railways in the Middle East. In the World War, the
development of standard-gauge lines in the western theatre was
so high that " pioneer " lines were totally unnecessary. Much
work was done in creating new sidings, short loops and the like,
but owing to the nearness of the sources of supply, the quantity
of labour available and other causes, all this work was rather
accelerated normal work than pioneer building proper.
In the eastern theatre of war, too, most of the work done in
Russia was rather a speeded-up development of the normal rail-
way system than pioneer work, except in the case of the railway
between Murmansk and Ivanka (Zuanka). Work on this line,
however, was carried out by the civil authorities and under peace
conditions and it can hardly be called a military pioneer railway.
In two theatres, however, the pioneer railways were construc-
ted in immediate connexion with operations, and the work done
in these two theatres must be considered in some detail, both as
an illustration of military railway principles and as an important
element in the history of the World War.
Mesopotamia. In no theatre of war was the maintenance of
communications so precarious a matter as in Mesopotamia. The
rivers during the flood season became hardly navigable, while the
constant silt deposits have not only constricted the beds but even
raised them above the level of the country on either side the banks.
Consequently, hundreds of square miles of land are, in spite of the
protective "bunds," inundated almost every year; and railway
construction is hampered or made impossible. Moreover, the
climate is subject to great extremes. So intense is the- heat during
the months of June, July and Aug. that work has to be suspended
for several hours each day; while, on the other hand, the mornings
and evenings during Dec. to Feb. are so cold that the output of east-
ern labour is restricted. Again, it was found that, owing to the
peculiar nature of the soil, unballasted surface rail-track often
LIGHT RAILWAYS, MILITARY
769
became unworkable after rain. And apart from these difficulties, of
course difficulties peculiar to Mesopotamia there was also the
difficulty, common to all theatres, due to shortage of material and
rolling-stock; and the strain thrown upon India was very great.
Railway construction in Mesopotamia began in the middle of
1916. Two railways were decided upon the one, between Basra
and Nasiriya, the other between Qurna and 'Amara. The Basra-
Nasiriya line was built on the metre-gauge ; the Qurna-'Amara line
on the 2 ft. 6 in.-gauge. This question of gauge was a vital and con-
troversial one. No definitive ruling was possible during the war,
however; and the gauge of each railway in Mesopotamia was usually
determined by some such consideration as the availability of material
and rolling-stock. But the decision to convert the Qurna-'Amara line
to metre-gauge had important effect. By the end of 1916 there were
in the country three unconnected railway lines, totalling 234 m. of
track. One, the Sheikh Sa'd-As Sinn line (24 m. of 2 ft. 6 in.-gauge
line, opened in Oct. 1916) was built in order to maintain communica-
tion between the advanced base on the Tigris and the troops on the
Kut front. It was dismantled in 1917 after the Turkish retreat.
The Qurna-'Amara line (70 m. of 2 ft. 6 in.-gauge line, afterwards
{April 1917] converted to metre-gauge line) was opened for traffic
in Nov. 1916. It ran along the right bank of the Tigris and its
principal object was to relieve the river transport on the difficult
section of the Tigris between Qurna and 'Amara. Almost _ all the
country through which the line had to pass is liable to flooding and
the track had to be carried on hijh banks. Many bridges were also
necessary, that at the Majar Kebir spill being 200 ft. wide. The
Basra-Nasiriya line (the first metre-gauge line to be opened in
Mesopotamia) followed the Euphrates and was 140 m. long. The
rails were so laid on the sleepers (mostly of the Indian broad-gauge
type) that, by shifting one rail, the line could be converted to a
standard-gauge track. Much of the land through which the line
had to pass was below flood level and banks had to be constructed.
In addition to these three lines, a further 126 m. of track had been
authorized in 1916 one line to link up Basra and Qurna, the other
to connect 'Amara and Sheikh Sa'd. The latter line (the construc-
tion of which was not proceeded with owing to the rapid advance of
the British forces) would have been some 86 m. long. Work on the
Basra-Qurna line was begun in Feb. 1917. The principal_construc-
tional difficulty which had to be overcome was the crossing of the
new channel of the Euphrates at Gurmat 'Ali. The river there is
between 60 ft. and 70 ft. deep and an ordinary pile bridge was not
possible. A floating bridge was brought from India and was placed in
position on Dec. 26 1917. This pontoon, however, was not a great
success; owing to the rise and fall of the tide the bridge could not
be used more than 16 hours daily. The old channel of the Euphrates
at Qurna was crossed by a pile bridge 900 ft. long.
In April 1917 the Bagdad-Samarra standard-gauge line (74 m.
long) a well-ballasted track built by the Germans in 1915 fell
into British hands. The Turks, when retreating, had damaged the
line had blown up bridges and destroyed stations; but they made
no attempt to demolish the track itself; and on May 61917 the first
British train ran through from Bagdad to Samarra. In June 1918
work began on an extension of this line; and by Sept. I connexion
between Bagdad and Tikrit was established. In Oct. work began on
a further extension from Tikrit to Shuraimiya, a distance of 30 m. ;
but when the line reached Baiji, 26 m. beyond Tikrit, the Armistice
was signed and any further construction on the line was abandoned.
The Sumaiki-Sadiya bra,nch of this line was opened in July 1917.
After the advance beyond Bagdad in July 1917, the completion of
the Kut-Bagdad line (already in course of construction) became of
vital importance. This line (metre-gauge) reached Hinaidi (4 m. S. of
Bagdad) on July 24 1917, the average rate of progress in construction
working out at about I J m. per day. The line was later extended to
Bagdad East, though Hinaidi remained the terminal centre. It was
109 m. long, with crossing stations at 13 points, and afforded great
relief to the river traffic; for while the upstream journey from Kut
occupied two days, Bagdad could be reached by rail from Kut in
about eight hours.
In May 1917 work had been begun on a line from Bagdad to the
i Diala front. It was (owing to shortage of metre-gauge material)
constructed on the 2 ft. 6 in.-gauge material from the dismantled
Sheikh Sa'd-As Sinn line and the abandoned Qurna-'Amara line
being used. The line as far as Baquba was opened for traffic on
July 13 1917. It was later extended to Table Mountain, 65 m. from
Bagdad. (Between Baquba and Table Mountain, it should be added,
was a branch line [4 m. long and opened at the end of 1917] connect-
ing Abu Jezra and Abu Saida on the Diala river.) The whole of this
line was afterwards converted to metre-gauge-^-or, more accurately,
a new metre-gauge line was laid beside the existing track; the section
Bagdad-Baquba being opened in Nov. 1917, and the section
Baquba-Table Mountain, in June 1918. The line was originally
carried over the Diala river at Baquba by a pile-and-trestle bridge.
At the end of 1918, however, the pile bridge was replaced by a
permanent structure, consisting of four spans of 100 ft. and two
spans of 75 ft. on well piers. Towards the end of 1918, an extension of
this line to Khaniqin, on the Persian frontier, was completed ; later,
the line was again extended to Quretu, 130 m. from Bagdad.
tin Aug. 1917 work was begun on the standard-gauge line between
iagdad and Falluja. Owing to shortage of matefial, however, it
;
was not finished until the following December. One bridge 290 ft.
long had to be built over the Euphrates just outside Bagdad. After
the occupation of Ramadi, at the end of Sept. 1917, it became neces-
sary, for the support of the advancing troops, to extend the Falluja
line. The original intention was to carry it to Ramadi ; but it was,
in practice, only extended to Dhibban, 485 m. from Bagdad, the
work being completed by Feb. 1918.
The Bagdad-Hilla line was opened for traffic in May 1918. This
line was, originally, to have connected Bagdad with Musaiyib,
branching from the existing standard-gauge line to Dhibban at a
point 3 m. from Bagdad. Changes in the strategical situation, how-
ever, led to the abandonment of the proposed line to Musaiyib, one
to Hilla being decided upon instead. The Bagdad-Hilla line 58 m.
long was built of 75-lb. rails on broad-gauge sleepers. In Aug.
1918 a 2 ft. 6 in.-line was opened from Hilla to Kifl, 21 m. away, for
the purpose of carrying the harvest from the Hincliya agricultural
district to Bagdad.
As the joint result of strategical requirements and the shortage of
material, it was not found possible to complete the Bagdad-Basra
through line until after the close of the campaign in Mesopotamia.
Of the three alternative routes for the through line, that along the
Euphrates was eventually decided on; and work on the connecting
link between Nasiriya and Hilla was begun in Aug. 1918. The
through line is on the metre-gauge; but it will undoubtedly be con-
verted to the standard-gauge later.
It was not, as has been said, until the middle of 1916 that railway
construction began in Mesopotamia. At the beginning of 1919, how-
ever, just after the close of the campaign the railway system in
the country consisted of some 1,000 m. of track, 799 m. being main
line track, and 200 m. secondary line track. Rolling stock, too,
was at first extremely scarce. In July 1917, for example, only 20
standard-gauge engines and 323 standard-gauge waggons were
available, together with 57 metre-gauge engines and 979 metre-gauge
waggons. But by Sept. 1918 the numbers of standard-gauge engines
and waggons available had increased to 38 and 562 respectively, and
the numbers of metre-gauge engines and waggons to 145 and 4,158.
Inland water transport was, unquestionably, the first line of com-
munication in Mesopotamia. It is certain however that after the
advance beyond Bagdad the railways played the most vital part;
and the following figures showing the total of War Department
stores (D.W. tons) carried on the principal lines in Mesopotamia
during the two years 1917-8 will make clear the growth of the
freight traffic service: Basra-Nasiriya line (metre-gauge), 542,407
tons; Basra- 'Amara line (metre-gauge), 699,526 tons; Kut-Bagdad
line (metre-gauge), 572,696 tons; Bagdad-Baquba-Table Mountain
and Qizil Robat line (metre-gauge), 403,087 tons; Bagdad-Samarra-
Tikrit and Baiji line (standard-gauge), 388,934 tons; Bagdad-
Falluja-Dhibban line (standard-gauge), 122,001 tons; Bagdad-Hilla
line, 37,551 tons: a total of 2,766,202 tons.
Sinai and Syria. ihe first steps towards developing a military
railway system in Palestine were taken in the early part of 1916.
The strategical position at the time seemed to be such as to favour a
British offensive; and, as a preliminary to an offensive, certain rail-
way construction was decided on. The doubling of the existing line
from Zagazig to Ismailia was essential and, in addition, several short
2 ft. 6 in.-gauge lines on the E. bank of the Suez Canal were neces-
sary. The Egyptian State railways undertook to carry out the work,
which had to be completed by the middle of Jan. 1916. A 2 ft. 6 in.-
gauge line to the Baharia oasis and a similar line to the Kharga
oasis were also laid down, though not by the State railways; the
necessary material being obtained by dismantling certain private
lines in Egypt. In addition, since an advance into Palestine had been
decided on, the construction of a line from Qantara (on the E. bank
of the Suez Canal) towards Romani and El 'Arish had to be under-
taken. Royal Engineer construction companies were made respon-
sible for the actual laying of the track on this line, the preliminary
formation work being carried out by Egyptian labour. A single
standard-gauge line only was laid down, the question of the double
line being deferred. By Aug. 1916 the line reached Romani (41 km.
from Qantara); and, within a month of the British entry into El
Arish (Dec. 21 1916), it had been extended to that place, which is
155 km. from Qantara. By mid-March 1917 the line was at Rafa,
200 km. from the base, and by June in which month Gen. Allenby
took over command of the E.E.F. at a point (El Belah) about 13
km. from Gaza. In July the special commission on the Palestine
railways, under Brig.-Gen. Stewart, recommended that, in view of
the proposed further advance into Syria, the line from Qantara to
Rafa should be doubled and at the end of the month the work was
begun. During the subsequent advance to Jerusalem the Turkish
line from Beit Hanun to Wadi Sarar was captured, and as it was
practically undamaged it was, at the end of Nov., by which time
the main line from Qantara had been extended to Beit Hanun used
for the onward conveyance of supplies. With the capture of Jeru-
salem (Dec. 9) the Turkish branch line from Wadi Sarar (l -OS-metre
gauge, like the line Beit Hanun-Wadi Sarar) came under British
control and was converted to standard-gauge. Meanwhile, the work
on the main line from the base at Qantara had been continued ; by
March 30 1918 it had been extended to a point some 8 km. N. of
Ludd, and by Dec. of the same year to Haifa, 412 km. from Qantara.
A branch line from Rafa to Beersheba had been completed by the
770
LILLY LINSINGEN
end of June 1918 and the conversion of the Turkish line Ludd to
Jerusalem from I -OS-metre gauge to 4 ft. 8^-in. gauge was also
completed. The latter formed part of the original Jaffa-Jerusalem
line (completed in 1892) ; but the section, Jaffa-Ludd, was dis-
mantled by the Turks. The construction of the standard-gauge line
from Qantara to Haifa was a remarkable achievement. Most
difficult country had to be traversed. From Qantara to Rafa there
was nothing but desert ; and, in the early days of the line's working,
derailments were constantly occurring through the silting-up of the
track by sand. Later on, however, this was avoided by covering the
banks with brushwood and thorn; and when the line settled firmly on
the sand formation no ballasting was necessary, the hard, closely-
packed sand serving as ballast. From Rafa northward and towards
Beersheba was a fertile plain, but even here the heavy growth of
grass and corn on the tracks made large maintenance gangs neces-
sary. Beyond Gaza, marshy land was met with and it was found to
be almost impossible to build banks during wet weather owing to the
spongy nature of the cotton soil. Often, indeed, sand had to be
transported to provide a bed for the track, and many culverts and
drains were required to combat the effect of rain on the yielding soil.
As Ludd was approached the country became hilly and heavy earth-
work was necessary ; and a sea wall had to be built for a considerable
distance S. of Haifa. From Qantara to El 'Arish no bridges were
. necessary; but from El 'Arish northward wadys and streams of
varying size and depth had to be crossed; and, owing to the soft
nature of the soil round the wadys, scouring of the bridge foundations
had to be most carefully guarded against. Trestle bridges on con-
crete footings were usually constructed, pile bridges being the
exception; but permanent bridges were erected at El 'Arish and over
the Wadi Ghuzze at Gaza, and a special swing bridge, capable of
being opened in about 10 minutes, was built over the Suez Canal.
Water for the use of locomotives on the main line was provided by
a pipe-line system between Qantara and El 'Arish which was
capable of supplying 600,000 gal. a day. On the recommendation of
Gen. Stewart's committee in 1917, additional engines and pumps
were installed at a cost of 376,000; and though in March 1918 the
consumption from the pipe-line was not more than 400,000 gal. a
day, it was capable of supplying something like twice that amount.
The furthest points from Qantara at which water was drawn for
locomotives were at kilometre 194 on the main line and Karm on the
Beersheba branch line. Beyond kilometre 194 water was obtained
from wells.
Some 15 R.O.D. sections (each consisting of 267 men) and four
construction companies (each of 250 men), together with native
labour, were employed on the Palestine railways; the construction
companies being responsible for purely constructional work, and the
Railway Operating Division sections for maintenance work other
than sand clearing, the sand clearing being carried out by special
gangs. Traffic on the Palestine system was heaviest in 1918. In that
year the total of passenger traffic increased from 325,000 in the
March quarter to nearly 650,000 in the Dec. quarter; the stores
carried increasing from just over 300,000 tons (D.W.) in the first
quarter of the year to 400,000 tons (D.W.) in the Sept. quarter.
Throughout the campaign, it should be added, the strain on the
resources of the Egyptian State railways was very great. Not only
did the State railways undertake much new construction work for
the military authorities, but they also had to provide for a greatly
increased freight and passenger traffic at a time when their rolling-
stock and material were greatly depicted and when even their repair
shops were being utilized for the manufacture of bombs and grenades
and the repair of ordnance and machine-guns.
A full account, from the technical point of view, of the Syrian and
Mesopotamian railways is to be found in the Railway Gazette of
Sept. 21 1920. (X.)
LILLY, WILLIAM SAMUEL (1840-1919), English man of
letters, was born at Fifehead, Dorset, July 10 1840. He was
educated at Peterhouse, Cambridge, taking his degree in 1862,
and subsequently entered the Indian civil service, becoming in
1869 secretary to the governor of Madras. Owing to a break-
down in health, however, he had to return to England, where
he devoted himself to literature. Lilly was a convert to Roman
Catholicism, and from 1874 was secretary to the Catholic Union
of Great Britain. His works include Ancient Religion and Modern
Thought (1884); The Claims of Christianity (1894); Four Eng-
lish Humorists of the Nineteenth Century (1895), and Studies in
Religion and Literature (1004). He died in London Aug. 29 1919.
LIMAN VON SANDERS, OTTO (1855- ), Prussian general,
was born Feb. 18 1855 at Stolp. After he had attained the rank
of divisional commander in the German army he entered the
Turkish service in 1913 for a period of five years as chief of a
commission for reforming the Turkish army. He was likewise
given command of the I. Turkish Army Corps, an appointment
to which the Russian Government strongly objected. Liman's ap-
pointment was accordingly annulled, but he remained Inspector
of the Turkish army. In Jan. 1914 he was promoted to be a
Prussian general of cavalry, and in Nov. of the same year, after
the outbreak of the World War, he was placed in chief command
of the Turkish troops in the Caucasus. In March 1915 he took
command of the V. Turkish Army on the Dardanelles, and
successfully opposed the attacks of the British forces and the
French contingent on the peninsula of Gallipoli. In 1918 he was
given the chief command of the Turkish forces in Palestine, where
he shared in the disaster which overtook them at the hands of
Gen. Allenby's forces and narrowly escaped being captured.
After the close of the military operations he was interned at
Constantinople at the end of 1918, but was liberated in the
course of the following year. He recounted his war experiences
in Fiinf Jahre Tilrkei.
LINDAU, PAUL (1839-1919), German dramatist and novelist
(see 16.717), published in 1909 a collection of short stories Der
Held des Tages. A volume of memoirs, under the title Nur
Erinnerungen, appeared in 1917. He died in Berlin Jan. 31 1919.
His elder brother, Rudolph Lindau, died in 1910.
LINDLEY, NATHANIEL LINDLEY, BARON (1828-1921), Eng-
lish judge (see 16.719), died at Norwich Dec. 9 1921.
LINDSAY, SIR COUTTS, 2ND BART. (1824-1913), English
artist, was born Feb. 2 1824. He succeeded in 1839 by special
remainder to the baronetcy of his maternal grandfather, Sir
Coutts Trotter, and afterwards entered the army, where he
commanded the ist Regt. of the Italian Legion during the
Crimean War. He subsequently retired from the army and de-
voted himself to art. Between 1862 and 1874 he exhibited many
pictures, including various successful portraits, and in 1877
founded the Grosvenor Gallery, which devoted itself to exhibiting
the works of the pre-Raphaelite group and other artists who were
at that time considered to be too advanced in style for the
Royal Academy. His first wife, whom he married in 1864, was
Caroline Blanche Elizabeth, daughter of the Rt. Hon. Henry
Fitzroy by his wife Hannah Mayer de Rothschild. She was
herself an artist and poet of some distinction. For 30 years
before her death she lived in London or Venice, gathering a
circle of friends about her which included G. F. Watts, Alma-
Tadema and Browning. She collected a number of fine pictures,
some of which she left to the National Gallery. She published
several volumes of verse, among them From a Venetian Balcony
(1903) and Poems of Love and Death (1907). She died in London
Aug. 10 1912. Sir Coutts Lindsay married secondly, in 1912,
Kate Harriet Madley, daughter of William Burfield. He died
at Kingston May 7 1913, the baronetcy becoming extinct.
LINDSAY, [NICHOLAS] VACHEL (1879- ), American
writer, was born at Springfield, 111., Nov. 10 1879. In 1897 he
entered Hiram College, O., but left after three years to study art
in Chicago and New York. For several winters he was a Y.M.C.A.
lecturer, and during 1909-10 lectured for the Anti-Saloon
League in his native state. Meanwhile he had begun during the
summers a series of wanderings on foot which carried him through
many states, reciting or singing his own verses like an ancient
minstrel, and delivering an occasional lecture, receiving in
return food and lodging. In 1920 he visited England, where he
gave recitals. Many of his poems have the true ballad ring.
He wrote General William Booth Enters into Heaven, and Other
Poems (1913); The Congo, and Other Poems (1914) ; Adventures While
Preaching the Gospel of Beauty (1914, prose) ; The Art of the Moving
Picture (1915, prose) ; A Handy Guide for Beggars (1916, prose) ; The
Chinese Nightingale, and Other Poems (1917); The Golden Book of
Springfield (1920, prose) and The Golden Whales of California, and
Other Rhymes in the American Language (1920).
LINSINGEN, ALEXANDER VON (1850- ), Prussian gen-
eral, was born on Feb. 10 1850 at Hildesheim. From 1909 to
1914, he was in command of the II. Army Corps, and in Jan. 1915
was given the command of the German Southern Army, which
he exchanged in July of the same year for the command of the
Army of the Bug. In the following Sept. the German-Austrian
south-eastern group (Army Group L) was likewise placed under
his command. With these forces he succeeded in repelling Rus-
sian attempts to break through in Oct. and Nov. 1915, and in
1916 and 1917. He was in command at the battle of Gartorysk
LINTON LIQUOR LAWS
771
on Oct. 8 when the German-Austrian troops captured the Rus-
sian positions, while the operations which the Russians initiated
nine days later resulted in their breaking the Austro-German
front on Oct. 20. In March 1918 Linsingen led the advance into
' the Ukraine, and was advanced to the rank of Generaloberst.
In the following June he was appointed chief-in-command in the
Mark, i.e. in the province of Brandenburg including Berlin. In
this capacity he was responsible for the disposition of the troops
which had been left in Berlin and neighbouring garrisons for the
purpose of preserving order. On the eve of the revolution he and
the officers in command under him failed to maintain their
authority, and, on Nov. 9 1918, the troops made common cause
with the revolutionary workmen, who overthrew the imperial
and royal regime and secured the proclamation of the German
Republic.
LINTON, SIR JAMES DRUMGOLE (1840-1916), British
painter, was born in London Dec. 26 1840. He was educated
at Cleveland House, Barnes, and afterwards studied art. He
frequently exhibited his works and was best known as a water-
colour painter. From 1884 to 1899 he was president of the Royal
Institute of Painters in Water Colours, and was again elected
in 1909, holding the office till his death. He was knighted in
1885. He died at Hampstead Oct. 3 1916.
LIQUOR LAWS AND LIQUOR CONTROL (see 16.759). In the
following article, the later developments on this subject are
dealt with as regards the United Kingdom and the United
States, but the article PROHIBITION should also be consulted in
this connexion, especially as concerns the United States.
UNITED KINGDOM
1. Pre-War Legislation. Two legislative enactments relating
to the sale of intoxicating liquors in the United Kingdom are
to be recorded respecting the four years from 1910 to the begin-
ning of the World War.
(a) The Licensing (Consolidation) Act of 1910 codified the greater
part of the existing licensing laws of England and Wales. The
changes introduced by this Act were few and of minor importance.
It was designed to bring within one code the complex legislation
outlined in 16.7634. This Act remained the statute law at the open-
ing of 1921, although during the period 1915-21 it was superseded,
in many of its main provisions, by the Orders of the Central Control
Board (Liquor Traffic); (b) The Temperance (Scotland) Act, 1913,
appointed 10 A.M. as the opening hour for licensed premises through-
out Scotland; strengthened the law respecting clubs supplying liquor;
and gave powers of Local Option to Scottish Local Government
electors on the three resolutions of " n<5 licence," " limitation of
licences by one-fourth," and " no change." Under the terms of
this Act, the first local option polls were taken in Scotland in 1920
(see SCOTLAND).
2. Emergency Legislation in 1914. The necessity for more
stringent measures of control over the sale of drink was manifest
in the opening days of the war. Insobriety in the services was
too obvious a peril to be disregarded. Steps were at once taken
under the first Defence of the Realm Act (Aug. 1914). Com-
petent naval and military authorities were empowered to reduce
hours of sale, and, in cases of emergency, to close licensed
premises in naval and military areas; the supply (except under
doctor's orders) of intoxicants to sailors or soldiers undergoing
hospital treatment was prohibited; as was also the bringing of
liquor into dock premises used for naval or military purposes.
Nearly 500 restrictive orders were made by service authorities
during the first ten months of the war. But the question was
speedily recognized to be one affecting civilians as well as
service men. The Intoxicating Liquor (Temporary Restriction)
Act, passed on the last day of Aug. 1914, and intended to apply
to the conditions of civil life, was asked for by the service author-
ities. It gave licensing justices power, upon the recommenda-
tion of the chief officer of police, to vary within narrow limits
the opening and closing hours of sale. The Act applied also to
the supply of liquor in clubs. The ground for action was " the
maintenance of order, or the suppression of drunkenness."
Within four months restrictive orders were made in 427 out of
the 1,000 licensing districts in England and Wales.
3. The Demand, for Further Action. As the growth of the
army and munition industries drew the vast majority of the
adult population into national work, spread camps and muni-
tions works throughout the kingdom, and made efficiency the
national watchword, the need for much more drastic action was
realized. Lord Kitchener in Oct. 1914, and Lord Roberts a few
weeks later, appealed to the public to avoid treating men of the
new armies to drink. Sir Edward Henry, the chief commissioner
of police for the metropolis, called attention " to the serious
difficulties with which the military authorities are at present
faced owing to the late hours to which the numerous public
houses are kept open." The chairman of the Birmingham jus-
tices, announcing an order under the Intoxicating Liquor
(Temporary Restriction) Act, said, " the order has been made
owing to the accumulated evidence in the hands of the authori-
ties as to the delay in the execution of Government orders, aris-
ing from the bad time-keeping and drinking habits of a minority
of the workmen employed on such orders." On March 29 1915,
a deputation from the Shipbuilding Employers' Federation
waited on the Chancellor of the Exchequer to urge " the total
prohibition during the period of the war of the sale of exciseable
liquors," basing their claim on serious delays in shipbuilding
and repairs. The statement of delays submitted by the depu-
tation was forwarded to the King, who, resting his action on the
evidence thus furnished, " set the example by giving up all
alcoholic liquor himself, and issuing orders against its con-
sumption in the Royal Household, so that no difference should
be made, so far as His Majesty is concerned, between the treat-
ment of rich and poor in this question." The Royal example
stirred public thought, yet it was seen ere long that only new
legislation could effectively meet national requirements. A
speech by Mr. Lloyd George at Bangor on Feb. 28 1915 riveted
public attention. The " lure of drink," he affirmed, was delay-
ing the output and transport of stores of war. This was true of
only a minority of manual workers, but " a small minority of
workmen can throw a whole works out of gear." There was an
extraordinary consensus of opinion in favour of entrusting the
Government with whatever new legislative powers they deemed
requisite. Possible remedies for the impairment of efficiency
by alcoholism were widely canvassed. These included total
prohibition; the prohibition of spirits; the sale of light instead
of heavy liquors; a general restriction of drinking facilities;
State purchase, to be followed by drastic curtailment of the
traffic in drink; and the provision of works' canteens to supply
wholesome meals for war workers.
4. Control Board (Liquor Traffic). When the Government
plan was announced in the Commons, on April 29, it was seen
that neither prohibition nor national purchase was to be adopted.
" Control " was the key-word of the policy. A new national
authority was to be established, with unprecedented powers.
It was further proposed to increase substantially the taxes on
intoxicating liquors. The fiscal plan, devised partly to aid
revenue and partly to promote sobriety, did not survive hostile
Parliamentary criticism. But the " control " proposals, sup-
ported by a White Paper " showing the effects of excessive
drinking on the output of work on shipbuilding, repairs and
munitions of war," were approved by Parliament as the Defence
of the Realm (Amendment) (No. 3) Act. The new authority,
entitled the Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic), was set
up on May 27. The Board, as finally constituted, comprised
representatives of the Admiralty, War Office, Home Office and
Treasury Departments; men expert in licensing law and pub-
lic health administration; well-known employers and Labour
leaders; and leaders of the temperance movement and liquor
trade. Lord D'Abernon served with great distinction as chair-
man for five years (1915-20). Sir John Baird was appointed
chairman in May 1921; in the year preceding his appointment
the acting chairman was Sir John Pedder. The secretary of the
Board was Sir John Sykes. By the death of Mr. Richard Cross
in 1916, the Board lost a member of unusual vigour of mind and
long experience in licensing administration.
The Board could take action where, and only where, war
material was being made or loaded or unloaded or dealt with
in transit, or where men belonging to H.M. naval or military
772
LIQUOR LAWS AND LIQUOR CONTROL
forces were assembled. Action must be " for the purpose of
increasing directly or indirectly the efficiency of labour in such
areas, and preventing the efficiency of labour in such areas from
being impaired by drunkenness, alcoholism, or excess." It
would be a mistake, therefore, to regard the Board's work as a
designed contribution to temperance reform. Conversely, the
fact that the vast experiment which the Board made in modes
of liquor control was entered upon without bias, and dictated
solely by concern for the industrial efficiency of the nation,
gives it a unique public value.
The first areas were scheduled and restrictions applied in
July-Aug. 1915. These areas included most of the seaports of
England, Wales and Scotland, for it was speedily established
that the intemperance of a minority of ship and shore workers
had caused delay in the sailing of vessels laden with stores of
war. Restrictive orders for London and the great industrial
neighbourhoods of the Midlands and the North followed.
Ultimately, the Board's orders came to apply to all the main
manufacturing and transport areas; the only parts of Great
-Britain excluded were certain agricultural districts, and a few
x>f the smaller towns where military orders restricting the sale
of drink made action by the Board unnecessary. The procedure
was normally this: complaints that drink was delaying war
work or efficiency in the services were received from the Ministry
of Munitions, the service authorities, or other responsible quar-
ters; a delegation of members of the Board, appointed for the
purpose, held a one or two days' conference in the neighbour-
hood concerned, taking evidence from naval, military, licensing
and municipal representatives, the chief constables, employers
and trades unionists, deputations from churches and temperance
societies, and from the various sections of the local liquor trade;
the delegation's report was considered by the Board; where
action was found necessary, a restrictive order was prepared to
apply to a definite area, usually an extensive one; a statement
of the case for action in the area suggested was submitted to
the Minister of Munitions; when the area had been defined by
an Order in Council an Order was issued by the Board to take
effect therein about ten days later. In the areas so defined, the
Board was able, during the war emergency period, to vary the
restrictions in force, to provide or encourage the provision of
industrial canteens for war workers, or to exercise their power
to acquire licensed property by purchase and thus directly con-
trol the sale of drink.
5. Methods of Liquor Control. (A) The Restrictive Code of
the Board. The most notable changes made by the Board in
the hours and customs of liquor sale are summarized below.
The main lines of policy were found applicable to all the sched'
uled areas, but minor deviations were made to meet the requests
of naval or military authorities, or the special circumstances of
localities. The " Standard Order " comprised the following
important divergences from statute law or popular custom:
(1) Weekday hours for "on " sale (i.e. for consumption on the
premises). England and Wales: hours reduced by two-thirds; from
I9i (London), 17 (large tpwns), and 16 (other places) to a maximum
of sJ, divided between the mid-day and evening meal-time periods;
no sale before noon; sale for 2\ hours at mid-day (12-2:30 P.M.);
period of non-sale until 6 or 6 30 P.M. ; sale resumed for three hours
in the evening, ceasing at o or 9:30 P.M. Scotland: hours reduced
from 12 to a maximum of 5 J, divided into mid-day and evening meal-
time periods, as in England; a special provision for the industrial
areas of the Lowlands and North prohibited sale on Saturdays (the
usual pay day) until 4 P.M., sale to continue until 9 P.M.
(2) Sunday hours for " on " sale. England : hours reduced from
seven to five. In Wales and Scotland, where a Sunday closing law
prohibited ordinary sale or supply from licensed premises, the Board's
order brought clubs within the probihition. In Monmouthshire and
the Forest of Dean complete Sunday closing enforced, in keeping
with the practice in the adjoining Welsh counties from which there
had been a considerable Sunday incursion of drinkers.
(3) Hours for " off " sale, i.e., for consumption off the' premises.
" Off " sale and dispatch of brewed liquors, and wines, ceased one
hour earlier at night than " on " sale. " Off " sale and dispatch of
spirits (save to meet medical emergencies) limited to the permitted
mid-day hours (12-2:30 P.M.). from Monday to Friday, and no
" off " sale on Saturday or Sunday. No " off " sale of spirits from
railway refreshment rooms.
(4) Additional restrictions on spirits, because of their greater
alcoholic strength. Before the war, whisky, brandy and rum might
not be diluted, without notice to the purchaser, to a lower strength
than 25 under proof ; the Board extended this limit to 50 and made
dilution to 30 compulsory.^ To stop the trade in " nips " and small
flasks of spirits, the " off " sale of a less quantity of spirits than
" a reputed quart " prohibited.
(5) Treating prohibited, to stop the general and pernicious
practice of pressing liquor on men in uniform, and the habit of
"group drinking" among workmen, a custom to which a con-
siderable amount of intemperance was due. (A " saving provision "
permitted treating to liquor as part of a meal.)
(6) The " long-pull," or over-measure of beer, given by a publican
to draw trade to his house, prohibited.
(7) Retail sale of liquor on credit prohibited, to stop the practice
of running into debt for drink.
(8) Canvassing for liquor orders, elsewhere than on licensed
premises, prohibited.
(9) In view of the fact that before the war clubs supplying liquor
were not required to conform to the same restrictions as licensed
premises, and could supply drink at any hour, it is important to
note that the whole code of the Board's restrictions applied to clubs
not less than to all classes of licensed premises.
When informed of police-court convictions showing that the
restrictive order had been disregarded and the public interest im-
perilled, the Board was empowered, after due enquiry, to stop the
sale or supply 01 drink in the licensed premises or club concerned for
the remainder of the current licensing year. This step was taken iii
regard to 178 licensed premises and four registered clubs.
In two Scottish neighbourhoods of outstanding naval importance 1 ,
Glasgow Docks and the Firth of Forth, the Board supplemented the
restrictive order by a system of direct supervision, appointing a
"supervisor" to assure compliance with the restrictions and to
recommend further action as required.
(B) The Industrial Canteen Movement. The Home Office
investigators, whose reports were included in the White Paper
of 1915 mentioned above, stated that in the shipbuilding areas
" many of the workmen take insufficient food, which not only
increases the temptation to drink, but makes the effect of the
liquor taken more injurious, so that the result is to incapacitate
the workmen for the strain of heavy work." They emphasized
" the need for mess-rooms and canteens in the yards where the
men could get good meals in comfort without having to resort
to the public houses." " Such accommodation," they said, " is
very rarely provided." The need was even more obvious in the
munition areas. The answer of the Board was a widespread
development of industrial canteens, ranging from the simplest
of mess-rooms to " social centres " with extensive recreative as
well as culinary provision. A canteen committee under the chair-
manship of Sir George Newman was set up to direct the enter-
prise. Employers were encouraged to erect canteens under a
scheme which permitted them to deduct a proportion of the
cost from the sum which would otherwise have been payable to
the state as " excess profits." Between 800 and 900 canteen's
were thus provided for over a million employees in transport or
munition areas. Over 95% of the canteens were " dry "; where
intoxicating liquor was retailed, the supply per person was
restricted to one pint of beer served with a meal. The sale of
" light beer " of a non-intoxicating strength was encouraged.
The Health of Munition Workers' Committee attributed to this
industrial canteen movement the improved nutrition of the
workers in the industrial establishments affected, increased con-
tentment and efficiency, and " a lessened tendency to excessive
consumption of alcohol."
(C) The Direct-Control Areas. In three neighbourhoods of
supreme importance to the nation at war the Board acquired
the licensed premises, and carried on the trade in intoxicants
under a stringent control. A group of licensed premises adjacent
to the Royal Small Arms Factory at Enfield Lock, N. London,
was purchased in Jan. 1916. All the licensed premises in a wide
area around the Cromarty Firth were acquired in 1916-8 to
enable the Board to repress intemperance at the then base of
the Grand Fleet, which at a later date became a base for Amer-
ican naval forces. The largest State Purchase enterprise, and
the most famous, was on the Scottish Border, where a huge
national explosive factory was erected, surrounded by the new
township of Gretna.
.Table I shows the number of licensed premises acquired in the
three State Purchase areas (from 1916 to 1921), and the number of
these licences suppressed after purchase as redundant.
LIQUOR LAWS AND LIQUOR CONTROL
773
TABLE I. Licensed Premises Acquired in the Direct- Control Areas.
Retail
licences
Total
suppres-
Brew-
"On"
" Off " '
retail
sed after
Area
eries
licences
licences
licences
purchase
acquired
because
redun-
dant
Entield
4
I
5
Cromarty Firth
Area
28
II
39
19
Scottish Border
Area, Gretna
(including An-
nan) . i
20
8
28
16
Carlisle (city) .
Carlisle (adja-
4
104
12
116
50
cent country
districts)
i
196
2
198
6?
Total
5
352
34
386
152
The rapid influx of a new industrial population overwhelmed
the normal social life of Carlisle and district. Sixteen thousand
navvies were at work at Gretna. The available housing accom-
modation proved inadequate, and the public houses were
packed to excess. " Broken time " at Gretna became a matter
of grave concern; of 953 persons convicted for drunkenness in
1916 at Carlisle 788 were Gretna factory workers. The Board's
restrictive code had been applied but was extremely difficult
to enforce; the abnormal conditions demanded changes more
fundamental. Consultations with the local authorities led to
the decision to purchase the licensed properties throughout the
area, and to institute under State ownership a firmer control
of the traffic in intoxicants. The houses first acquired were
those adjacent to the national factory; but the problem was
speedily seen to be co-extensive with the district over which
the industrial workers had spread, and in successive stages the
purchase area was extended to a territory of 500 sq. m., flank-
ing both shores of the Solway Firth, with a war-time pop. of
140,000, including the towns of Annan and Gretna in Dum-
friesshire, and the city of Carlisle and the town of Maryport
in Cumberland. The properties acquired in this Border area
numbered five breweries and 342 licensed premises (320 " on,"
22 " off " licences). Local advisory committees were set up at
Carlisle and Gretna to cooperate with the Board in the work of
administration. Sir Edgar Sanders, as general manager of the
Carlisle undertaking, rendered unique national service.
The chief changes effected under the State Purchase regime
at Carlisle, over and above the Board's usual restrictive code,
were these:
(i) A vast improvement was speedily achieved in the observance
of the restrictive code. (2) Redundant and undesirable licences
were extinguished ; up to June 192 1 133 licensed premises were closed,
and brewing discontinued at three of the five breweries; all " gro-
cers' licences " were extinguished as soon as purchased. (3) The
sale of spirits was stringently regulated. The number of houses sell-
ing spirits for " off " consumption was greatly reduced, and through-
out the war no sale of spirits ("on" or "off") was permitted on
Saturdays. (4) The " on " sale of intoxicants to young persons
under 18 was prohibited, excepting the sale of beer with a meal.
(5) All display of liquor advertisements outside licensed premises
ceased. (6) During the war complete Sunday closing was enforced in
the State Purchase area of Cumberland to accord with the practice
north of the Border. (7) Certain licensed premises were reconstructed
and structural improvements made in others. (8) All private in-
terests in the sale of intoxicants were eliminated, and a weekly wage
paid to bar employees irrespective of the quantity of liquor sold.
(9) The sale of food and non-alcoholic refreshments was encouraged,
and a commission on these paid to the managers of licensed houses.
" Food taverns " were established in industrial neighbourhoods,
and tea-rooms provided at country inns. In 1920 570,000 meals
were served in the Board's-" food taverns" at Carlisle. (10) Li-
censed restaurants with ample recreative facilities were opened at
Carlisle, Longtown and Annan, (n) Provision was made at Car-
lisle for the meeting of Trades Union Branches and Friendly So-
cieties on unlicensed premises. (12) Substantial economies in the
manufacture and sale of liquor were secured as a result of the ac-
quirement of many competing businesses by one organization.
The social results of this new system of administration were
seen in a rapid decrease of drunkenness, and a marked improve-
ment alike in public order and in industrial efficiency at the
neighbouring national factory. The annual reports of the chief
constable of Carlisle testify to the reduction of insobriety. A
convincing proof of the social value of the policy of direct con-
trol in the Scottish section of the Border area was an official
request to the Board from the local authorities of Dumfries-
shire asking that the whole of the county should be included
in the State Purchase area. Similarly valuable social results
were achieved at Enfield and in the Cromarty Firth area.
The value of the assets of the Board's direct-control undertakings
in the Carlisle and Gretna, Cromarty Firth, and Enfield areas
amounted at March 31 1920 to 1,307,448; while the balance of
Exchequer issues outstanding, after crediting interest amounting to
89,058, was 646,939; and the accumulated profits amounted to
435,335- The direct-control undertakings had at that date been
in existence for about four years, and as the current annual profits
were sufficient, after allowing for Exchequer interest, to admit of the
Exchequer issues being repaid at the rate of 120,000 per annum, it
was possible that the whole capital expenditure would be repaid with
interest in about ten years from the commencement of operations.
(D) Investigation of the Effects of Alcoholic Beverages. Early
in the Board's career it was found essential to obtain reliable
data concerning " the physiological action of alcohol, and, more
particularly, the effects on health and industrial efficiency pro-
duced by the consumption of beverages of various alcoholic
strengths." An advisory committee for this purpose was formed
under the chairmanship of Lord D'Abernon, and their succes 1 -
sive reports on the nature and action of alcohol were ultimately
published under the title of Alcohol: its Action on the Human
Organism. The impartial spirit of this volume, and the repre 1
sentative character of the distinguished men of science who
served upon the advisory committee, combine to make the vot-
ume the standard authority upon the field which it covers. '
6. The Food Controller's Limitation of Output. Within the!
period under review another series of drastic restrictions on the
liquor trade is to be recorded, a limitation of brewing and of the
release of spirits and wines from bond. The Output of Beer
(Restriction) Act, 1916, caused some reduction in the output
of beer; but it was the activity of German submarines in the
third year of the war which, by endangering the national food
supplies, led to the policy of severe limitation of liquor output
adopted by the Food Controller in the early months of 1917.
On April i 1917, brewing was restricted to an output of 10,000,000
standard barrels per annum, compared with 36,000,000 standard
barrels, the output for the year ending March 31 1914; and the
quantity of spirits and wines to be released from bond was
limited by one half. This policy of restriction of output was
maintained for three years in varying degrees of stringency.
After the Armistice, successive relaxations were made, and the
restrictions on output were finally withdrawn in July 1919.
The permitted average gravity of beer, and the retail prices of
beers and spirits, were fixed by a series of Orders of the Food
Controller; this system of control was continued until the
passage of the Licensing Act in Aug. 1921.
7. Effects of the Policy of Liquor Control. The relevant sta*
tistics point to a remarkable decrease in drunkenness, and in
the disease and tragedies which follow alcoholic indulgence.
The appended table displays, for the period 1913-20, the num-
ber of recorded convictions for drunkenness, deaths from alco-
holism and from cirrhosis of the liver, a disease often attribut-
TABLE II. Drunkenness and other Alcoholic Phenomena in England
and Wales 1913-20.
Convictions for Drunkenness
Recorded
Deaths
from
Alco-
holism
Recorded
Deaths
from
Cirrhosis
of the
Liver
Recorded
Deaths
from
Suffoca-
tion
(Children
under one
year)
At-
tempted
Suicide
Males
Females
Total
1913
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
153,112
146,517
IO2,6oo
62,946
34,103
21,853
46,767
80,517
35,765
37,3"
33,2ii
21,245
12,307
7,222
11,180
15,246
188,877
183,828
I35,8U
84,191
46,410
29-075
57,947
95,763
1,831
1,816
I-45I
953
580
296
369
59i
3,880
3,999
3,632
2,986
2,283
1,671
1,507
1,763
1,226
1,233
1,021
744
704
557
525
593
2,426
2,385
1, 608
945
935
810
1,222
1,448
774
LIQUOR LAWS AND LIQUOR CONTROL
able to alcoholic indulgence, deaths of children (under one year
of age) from suffocation, and cases of attempted suicide. The
figures refer to England and Wales. 1913, as the year imme-
diately preceding the outbreak of war, is taken as a pre-war
standard. The influence of the restrictions can be clearly traced.
The convictions of males for drunkenness show an enormous
decrease from 1915 to the close of the war, but the transfer of
millions of men from civil to military discipline makes it difficult
to determine the part in this reduction which is properly attrib-
utable to the new drink policy. Students of the problem have
accordingly turned to the statistics for drunkenness among
women as a much more reliable index. In comparison with 1913,
the convictions of females for drunkenness increased in 1914
by 4%, an indication of what was likeliest to happen as a result
of the tension among women whose male relatives were serving
with the forces. The influence of the restrictions is reflected in
the figures for 1915. Repeated experience shows that in Great
Britain the curves of spending power and convictions for
drunkenness normally rise together; yet, notwithstanding the
great increase in the spending power of women due to the fact
that from 1915 to 1918 women were engaged in national indus-
tries in very large numbers, and so became regular wage earners,
convictions for drunkenness among females actually decreased
in 1915 by 7%; in 1916 by 41%; in 1917 by 66%; in 1918 by
80%. The group of " vital statistics " which follows supplies
confirmatory evidence. The deaths certified as due to or con-
nected with alcoholism, in comparison with 1913, declined in
1915 by 20%; in 1916 by 48%; in 1917 by 68%; in 1918 by
83%. The deaths certified as due to cirrhosis of the liver, in
comparison with 1913, declined in 1915 by 6%; in 1916 by 23%;
in 1917 by 41%; in 1918 by 57%. The deaths of children under
one year from " overlying " (a form of mortality frequently
attributable to parental drunkenness), in comparison with 1913,
declined in 1915 by 16%; in 1916 by 39%; in 1917 by 42%;
in 1918 by 54%. "The suicidal impulse is the most frequent
and most characteristic of the graver disorders of conduct to
which the habitual drunkard is prone " (Sullivan) ; the recorded
cases of attempted suicide, in comparison with 1913, declined in
1915 by 33%; in 1916 by 61%; in 1917 by 62%; in 1918 by 67%.
In estimating the significance of these statistics it should be
borne in mind that from the autumn of 1915 to the spring of
1917 the Control Board's restrictive code was applied stage by
stage to a territory equalling five-sixths of Great Britain, peo-
pled by nineteen-twentieths of the population; and that, in the
later months of 1917 and throughout 1918, the Food Con-
troller's restrictions on output were operating side by side with
the Board's restrictions on hours and customs of sale. It will
be noted that in 1919 and 1920, years marked by some relaxa-
tions of the Board's restrictions, and a progressive diminution
leading on to complete revocation of the Food Controller's
limitation of liquor output, there was a very considerable increase
in convictions for drunkenness, and the curve of mortality began
to move upwards again.
Apart from statistics, a mass of valuable evidence exists to
show that the Board's restrictions led directly to an increase
of discipline and health in the services, and a very marked
improvement in efficiency in munition and transport industries.
Numerous testimonies from the Admiralty and War Office, and
from large employers of labour are cited in successive reports of
the Board. Chief constables in all parts of the country noted
in their annual reports a wonderful improvement in public
order. The commissioners of prisons in successive reports
pointed to the restrictive Orders as an influential cause in the
reduction of crime. Hospital authorities recorded a diminution
in street accidents and injuries arising from street brawls.
Health visitors testified to the domestic advantages and gains
to child welfare which were manifest as soon as the shorter
hours for the sale of drink came into force. A mass of evidence
respecting the bearing of the restrictive code on industrial and
social life, and an examination of the available statistical data,
will be found in The Control of the Drink Trade by Henry
Carter (2nd ed., pp. 237-281).
8. Changes in Liquor Taxation. There were large increases
in liquor taxation in the later years of the period under review.
At the outbreak of war the duty on beer was 75. gd. per stand-
ard barrel; on spirits 145. gd. per proof gallon. The beer duty
was raised to 235. per standard barrel in Nov. 1914; to 255. in
1917; to 503. in 1918; to 703. in 1919; and to iocs, in 1920.
The duty on spirits was raised to 305. per proof gal. in 1918; to
503. in 1919; to 703. in 1920. The Finance Act (1920) practi-
cally doubled the pre-war import duties on wines. These heavy
increases in liquor duties, which led to corresponding increases
in the retail prices of liquor, doubtless had a considerable
influence in checking the consumption of liquor in the years
immediately following the war.
9. The Close of the Period of Control. The beneficial results
of the policy of liquor control were widely recognized, and it
was commonly expected that the Government would at an early
date, when dissolving the Board, enact new legislation based on
the experience gained through what the Scotsman had described
as " the largest social experiment of our time." The Govern-
ment were, however, pre-occupied with the terms of world
peace. In Nov. 1919 the Prime Minister told a deputation
from the Temperance Council of the Christian Churches that a
bill dealing comprehensively with the subject " would be intro-
duced before Christmas." No bill was introduced. The King's
Speech in 1919 renewed the promise of legislation. In Nov.
1920 a bill was introduced which would have transferred for a
limited period the powers and properties of the Board to the
Home Office, but the bill did not survive the criticism directed
against what was deemed to be a perpetuation of war emergency
" control." The Board made various modifications in their
code, to meet in some degree the changed conditions. At length,
in April 1921, in a second reading debate on a private member's
bill, the Government announced their decision; the Board's
rule would continue for a while longer, but an effort would be
made to reach agreement amongst moderate men of all parties
as to the form in which the work done for national sobriety
since 1915 could best be expressed in permanent legislation.
There was sufficient response to enable the Government, in
June, to set up a Round Table Conference of members of the
Commons; the terms of reference were " to consider, with refer-
ence to the law of licensing, how best to adapt to times of peace
the experience gained in time of war." The attorney-general
(Sir Gordon Hewart) was chairman of the Conference, which
comprised members chosen as representative of the. temperance
movement, the liquor trade, the clubs associations, and " average
public opinion." Agreement was reached, and a bill, incorporat-
ing the terms of the agreement, subsequently introduced.
The bill, treated for the most part as a non-controversial
measure, passed with exceptional rapidity and ease through all
its stages, and received the Royal Assent on Aug. 17 1921. Its
main provisions were (i) the appointment of eight hours as the
period for the sale and supply of intoxicating liquors on week-
days outside the metropolis; (2) the appointment of nine hours
for sale and supply within the metropolis; (3) the actual hours
could be fixed by local licensing justices, provided that the first
hour should not be earlier than n A.M., that there should be a
break of at least two hours between the mid-day and evening
periods of sale, and that the normal latest evening hour outside
the metropolis should be 10 P.M., and within the metropolis ir
P.M.; (4) an additional hour for sale and supply was permitted
after the normal evening hour for premises habitually providing
" substantial refreshment, to which the sale and supply of
intoxicating liquor is ancillary "; (5) further safeguards against
the hawking of liquor were provided; (6) credit for " on " sales
of liquor was prohibited; (7) the " long pull " was prohibited;
(8) the dilution of spirits to 35 under proof, without notice to
the purchaser, was permitted; (9) the " bona fide " traveller
was abolished; (10) all the foregoing provisions were applied
to registered clubs as to licensed premises, and were extended
to the whole of Great Britain, thus bringing within the scope
of the Act those parts of the country to which the Control
Board's restrictions did not apply; (12) the properties of the
LISTER LITHUANIA, REPUBLIC OF
three State Management schemes, and their administration,
were transferred as regards the English areas to the Home
Office, and as regards the Scottish areas to the Scottish Office;
(13) the Welsh Sunday Closing provisions were extended to
Monmouthshire.
With the passage of this Act, the period of control closed.
The Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic) came to an end
two months later, on transfer of its responsibilities in the State
Management districts. The Act was in itself a recognition of
the worth of the work done for national sobriety by the Board
during the six years of its existence.
AUTHORITIES. Reports of the Central Control Board (Liquor
Traffic), first, 1915 (Cd. 8117); second, 1915-6 (Cd. 8243); third,
1916-7 (Cd. 8558); fourth, 1917-8 (Cd. 9055); Reports to Board of
General Manager for Carlisle and District Direct Control Area, 1918
(Cd. 137); 1919 (Cd. 666); 1920 (Cd. 1252); Alcohol: Its Action on
the Human Organism (H.M. Stationery Office); Henry Carter, The
Control of the Drink Trade in Britain. (H. CA.)
UNITED STATES
Nowhere is a wider range of experimentation or a greater
variety of legislation dealing with the liquor traffic to be found
than in the United States. The Federal Congress legislates for
the District of Columbia and Federal territory, such as military
and naval stations, Indian reservations, etc., located in the
several states, and has exclusive control over interstate commerce.
The 48 state Legislatures, before national prohibition was
adopted in 1919, had almost exclusive independent and sovereign
power to deal with the matter. The result was that a great num-
ber of statutes were enacted after 1910 for the regulation and
control of the liquor traffic. There was, however, no new departure
from the general principles of the liquor laws in force in the
United States in 1910. The more important state statutes and
the Federal legislation leading up to and including the adoption
of the Prohibition Amendment to the Constitution in 1919 with
its enforcing legislation (Act of Oct. 28 1919, National Prohi-
bition Act, also known as the Volstead Act) are discussed in
the article PROHIBITION.
The spread of state prohibition by both constitutional
amendment of state constitutions and by enactments of state
Legislatures was continuous during the five-year period prior
to the adoption of national prohibition. On Jan. 17 1920, when
national prohibition went into effect, only 1 5 of the 48 states had
any " wet " area and of the total pop. of all the states 68-3%
resided in " dry " areas. The land area under prohibition was
95-4% dry as compared with 4-6% under licence by state law,
although this fact is perhaps less significant than the percentage
of population. National prohibition provided for " concurrent "
power in the Federal Congress and in the state Legislatures for
its enforcement so that many of the state Legislatures, since
national prohibition went into effect, have taken their own
measures for the definition and enforcement of state-wide
prohibition, which may be more, but not less, than strict national
constitutional prohibition or the enforcement legislation enacted
by Congress. Local option within the several states made con-
tinuous progress (1910-9) and resulted in the extension of dry
territory, all kinds of expedients being employed to protect the
population of dry areas, against the influence and practices of
contiguous wet areas.
A considerable and interesting effort has been made in many
states to provide by legislation for the treatment of inebriety,
the prevention of public drunkenness, and the protection of
minors and habitual drunkards and persons in an intoxicated
condition to whom the sale of intoxicating beverages was pro-
hibited by state and local laws and ordinances. Liquor selling
in .connexion with dance-halls and places of public amusement
and recreation has been increasingly restricted or prohibited by
state and local legislation in the interest of public morals.
(S. McC. L.)
LISTER, JOSEPH LISTER, BARON (1827-1912), English physi-
cian (see 16.777*), died at Walmer Feb. 10 1912.
LITHOGRAPHY (see 16.785). The most important develop-
ment in lithography during the decade 1910-20 was the inven-
775
tion of the mechanical transfer machine. This machine elimin-
ates the pulling-over of the design upon the press plate by hand
labour, the process being termed " mechanical transferring."
The design or designs are positioned on the metal plate with the
aid of photo-lithography. The plate is prepared for the mechan-
ical transfer in practically the same way as for hand transferring
from lithographic stones; that is, the plate is first grained to
hold water when printing and then counter-etched to secure a
clean surface. The plate is next coated with a light-sensitive
solution such as bichromated albumen, after which it is placed
in the mechanical transferring machine in contact with a nega-
tive, representing the picture, or a colour of the picture, and
exposed to light. The plate is then covered with ink, and the
albumen not affected by the light washed away with water,
leaving the image, or images, in hardened albumen. The plate
is then etched, gummed up and is ready for printing.
The mechanical transfer machine consists of a metal plate-holder,
in which the sensitized printing surface is placed, a negative holder,
and an arc lamp. The print of the negative upon the press plate is
obtained by either contact-printing or projection, the positioning of
the image being controlled by an accurate system of gauges or dials.
After one impression has been obtained, the printing plate or the
negative is moved to where it is desired, according to the layout,
that the next impression should appear.
Another method is to project or contact-print the image of a
positive the required number of times upon a large negative. This
multiple negative is then placed in a contact-printing frame and
exposed upon a sensitized press plate the desired number of times
through moving the negative by hand, according to a system of
register marks. Still other variations are in use.
LITHUANIA, REPUBLIC OF. Lithuania is on the whole a
low-lying country watered by the Niemen (" Niemunas "
name of a heathen deity) and its tributaries. The highest part
is in the south and east, where the Baltic hills extend in crescent
formation from Gumbinnen in East Prussia through Suvalki
(Suwalki) and Vilna to Dvinsk. This chain of hills is broken
by two valleys, that of the Niemen flowing through Grodno
and Olita to Kovno, that of the Vilya, flowing from Vilna to
Janov to its junction with the Niemen below Kovno. In the
north-west is situated another triangle of hills, the Telshi-
Shavli-Rossieni. Between these two hilly regions lies the plain
of the Niemen with its two principal tributaries, the Niaviaza
and the Dubissa flowing in from the north. The only other
river of importance is the Svienta, flowing south-west to join
the Vilya near Janov, and in the north the Muscha, which joins
the Aa at Bausk in Latvia.
Early History. For early history see LITHUANIANS AND LETTS
(i 6. 789), also POL AND (21.902). The union between the kingdom of
Poland and the grand duchy of Lithuania was brought about on
Feb. 14 1386 by the marriage of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Jogaila
(Jagello) to the Polish Queen Jadviga and confirmed by the sub-
sequent pacts of Vilna in 1401 and 1432, of Horodlo in 1413, of
Grodno in 1501 and 1512 and, parliamentarily, of Lublin in 1569.
Thus was established a political combination in which Lithuania in
point of territory was three times the size of Poland. The contract-
ing parties were to retain their names, laws, administrative in-
stitutions, financial and military organizations. Through the fact,
however, that from 1501 onwards the Lithuanians and the Poles
were ruled over by one sovereign and from 1569 onwards had a com-
mon legislature, the former, though ever anxious to break away,
gradually sank into a state of dependence. The Poles, past-masters
in the art of political intrigue, never lost an opportunity of imposing
their hegemony. Accordingly the Dual State was involved in a
common downfall, and in the three partitions of 1772, 1792 and 1795
to which it was subjected at the hands of Russia, Prussia and
Austria, Lithuania fell a prey to Russia and Prussia. But, while the
Tsarist regime, unable to denationalize a homogeneous population
of a different religion and language, initially conceded a minimum of
rights to the Polish nation, in Lithuania proper from the outset an
unrelenting system of tyranny was established which was designed
to break by force every non-Russian element in the country.
Russia had annexed the six Lithuanian Governments between
1772 and 1795 and united them as the " Litovskaya Gubernia "
in 1797, that is to say, before the Treaty of Vienna conceded her the
kingdom of Poland in 1815. At the Warsaw Diet of 1818, the
liberal-minded Alexander I. still spoke of the reunion of Lithuania
with Poland under constitutional forms. But the project lapsed
because already then any measure of self-government by extending
the power of the Polish " szlachta " (land-owning noble class) in
Lithuania menaced Russia's influence in that country which stra-
tegically rounded off her north-western frontier. Yet, under the
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
776
LITHUANIA, REPUBLIC OF
influence of the Polish Prince Adam Czartoryski, Alexander I.
encouraged education and enterprise. The cultural influence of
Vilna University produced the poet Mickiewicz and others.
In the closing years of Alexander's reign events in Poland cast
their shadow before them, and in answer to political conspiracies
Novosiltsov, formerly adviser to the Grand Duke Constantine as
governor of Poland, upon his transfer to Lithuania initiated the
persecution of liberal thought. Under the new Tsar, Nicholas I.,
the plan of the reunion of the two states was definitely rejected, his
ukase of 1839 making of Lithuania the " Sievero-Zapadny Krai "
(North-western Province).
As a result of the Polish rebellion of 1830, in which the peasantry,
whether Lithuanian, Polish or White Russian, did not take so great
a part as the upper classes, the university of Vilna was abolished
in 1832, its faculties being transferred in bulk to Kiev and in part
to Kharkov and St. Petersburg; Catholic and Uniate Church
property sequestrated from 1836 onwards; the Lithuanian Statute,
which had remained the law of the land through four centuries
of union with Poland, replaced by the Russian code in 1840, while
prominent natives, debarred from public service in their own
country, were forced to emigrate or exiled to Siberia. Even the
reign of Alexander II. bringing no changes in Lithuania and only
slight modifications in the kingdom of Poland, the revolutionary
spirit led to the great rebellion of 1863.
This abortive insurrection in which the Polish nobility and
intelligentsia were primarily involved, though the Lithuanians also
took a prominent part, led to the suppression of the printing of
Lithuanian books by the dictator Gen. Muraviov, which measure
was only abolished in 1904.
The Tsarist policy was henceforth perfectly consistent in that
it strove to make Lithuania a genuine part of Russia and sought to
extirpate Polish culture beyond the frontiers of the kingdom. Under
these circumstances began in 1864 the great persecution of the " croy-
ance Polonaise," as the Catholic faith was called. However fiercely
conducted, it failed, though the Uniate Church with slighter powers
of resistance was now completely forced into Orthodoxy, its cere-
monial being definitely forbidden and its monasteries dissolved. The
attack upon Polish property by the edict of 1865, though never fully
applied, prevented the increase of Polish-owned estates for 40 years.
The additional taxation of 5 % on all incomes derived from land,
imposed in 1869 and not repealed until the reign of Nicholas II.,
together with the suppression of the Polish language in all official
.matters, served the same ends. By way of reprisal land was taken
Jfrom Polish owners and given to Russians, and settlements were
established for colonization purposes a measure of this kind taking
place as late as 1913 so that proportionately more convicts and
political exiles were sent into Lithuania than even into Siberia. The
abolition of serfdom without cancellation of the peasants' preroga-
tives as to pasturage and timber rights served to accentuate class-
antagonism. Further, Lithuania was specially excluded from the
Zemstvo system which was introduced into Russia in 1864.
' An early expression of reviving Lithuanian national consciousness
.was the appearance of the newspaper " Ausra," which, printed
in East Prussia, lived for three years, though even in that short
period its editor, banished from Germany, had to take refuge at
Prague. It was socially significant that he and his political col-
laborators were drawn of the stock of newly emancipated peasants.
In Prussian Lithuania a craftier policy allowed greater outward
liberty, though the process of German colonization, seconded by
persecution, restricted the Lithuanian language which was once
dominant in East Prussia to barely five districts (Tilsit 38%,
Heydekrug 61-9%, Memel 47-1 %, Ragnit 27%, Labiau 30%).
Period of Popular Representation, 1905-14. Russia's defeat
in the Russo-Japanese War and the revolution which followed
in its wake led, in Sept. 1905, to a measure of reform in the
Russian system of government in Lithuania. The first National
Lithuanian Assembly, which, however, in the eyes of the Tsar's
Government was merely a revolutionary body tolerated for the
time being, met at Vilnius (Vilna). It consisted of two thousand
delegates who demanded autonomy for the four governments
of Vilna, Kovno, Grodno and Suvalki under a Diet at Vilna to
be elected by universal, direct, equal and secret franchise. It
was the first modern attempt to define Lithuania ethnograph-
ically, to respect national minorities and continue the connexion
with Russia upon the federative principle.
The Tsar's Government under the electoral statute of 1905
granted the four-class franchise (landowners, peasants, towns-
men and workmen) in such wise as to favour the rural population.
Only Poles were elected to the first Duma in 1906.
As the imperial ukase which followed the dissolution of
the second Duma in 1907 conferred more power upon the great
landowners, it was modified as regards Lithuania by a nationality
clause which provided that the total of electors of each class
should be in proportion to the amount of land possessed by
the respective nationalities in the district. This measure,
applied by Russian officials, was designed against the Poles
and the Lithuanian Nationalists alike, for not even the Pro-
gressives who favoured autonomy for Poland contemplated its
grant to Lithuania. In the third Duma the five delegates allotted
to the non-Russian population of Vilna government were all
Poles who joined the Polish party; in Kovno government three
delegates were Lithuanians, one was a Pole and one a Jew.
War Period, 1914-20. The outbreak of the World War in
1914 led to a German invasion which, from midsummer 1915
until Aug. 1919, lay heavily upon the land, which was ruthlessly
exploited. To further their own purpose, which was the lasting
hold over Lithuania, the Germans after the military collapse of
Russia allowed the phantom existence of a State. While a
Lithuanian conference met at Vilna (Sept. 18-23 1 9 I 7), and, in
negotiations which dragged until March 1918, petitioned the
then German Chancellor, Count Hertling, for the restoration of
the country's independence under condition of a perpetual
alliance between it and the German Empire (" Bundesverha.lt-
nis "), the German clerical party caused the " Taryba," or
Council of State, which was then unavoidably still largely under
the control of their army of occupation authorities, to offer the
Lithuanian crown to Prince William of Urach, a younger member
of the Wurttemberg reigning family. On July n 1918 he
accepted under the title of " Mindove II., King of Lithuania,"
thus strangely choosing the style of a heathen prince of the I3th
century who fiercely resisted the Teutonic order.
While the opposition of the German annexationists thwarted
this candidature which the Council of State eventually can-
celled (Nov. 2 1918), their delegates at the peace negotiations
of Brest Litovsk, in March 1918, on the contrary upheld against
Trotsky the authority of the Lithuanian Council of State despite
the fact that they had previously refused to regard it as the
" legal representative of Lithuania." Their last argument
rested upon this, that "Germany had recognized Lithuania's
independence only on the condition that the conventions to be
concluded, among them, of course, the form of constitution
and the choice of a ruler, shall correspond to German inter-
ests " (Nordd. Allgem. Zeitung, Aug. 1918).
By Nov. 1918, the magnitude of Germany's defeat being no
longer in doubt, the Taryba, or Council of State, promulgated a
provisional constitution under which it became the Lithuanian
Parliament. The supreme power was vested in three persons,
A. Smetona, J. Staugaitis, and St. Silingas, who on Nov. 51918
invited Prof. Voldemar to form the first independent adminis-
tration on non-party lines and reach an understanding with the
national minorities resident within the still indeterminate
frontiers, viz. White Russians, Poles, Jews and Great Russians.
Alone the Pan-Polish party reverted irreconcilably to the historic
solution of union or federation with Poland. The initial diffi-
culties of setting up an administrative machine on national
lines were the greater as the troops of the occupying Power,
affected by the revolution which had broken out in Germany,
engaged in pillage and highway robbery, which a national militia
as yet barely armed had to suppress. The German troops were
to a large extent composed of men who had been on the eastern
front for some time, who had never themselves suffered defeat
by the Allies, and were therefore indisposed to admit them-
selves beaten. They behaved in the most high-handed, brutal
and truculent manner. Although Kovno itself was evacuated
in June 1919, and shortly afterwards southern and eastern
Lithuania, the area Mitau-Shavli-Taurogen remained in their
hands until Dec. 13 of that year. In their withdrawal, by a
historic disregard of fair play, the Germans not merely refused
to put at the disposal of the Lithuanian authorities the neqes-
sary means of defence, but under a military convention allowed
the Bolshevist troops to march into evacuated zones at a mean
distance of 10 kilometres. They were by this procedure, more-
over, directly violating the terms of the Armistice concluded with
the Entente Powers on Nov. n 1918. Thus in lieu of the Ger-
man appeared the Bolshevist menace.
The Voldemar administration resigned on Dec. 26 1918. the
LITHUANIA, REPUBLIC OF
new premier, M. Slezevicius, widening the Cabinet on coalition
lines. Prof. Voldemar, whom the precarious situation of the
country and the approaching Peace Conference called to Paris,
served as Foreign. Minister, M. Yeas as Finance Minister, M.
Velykis as Minister of War. In Jan. 1919 the near approach
of the Bolsheviks to Vilna caused the removal of the Govern-
ment to Kovno. Owing to this menace of the enemy and dis- j
putes over very urgent questions the Provisional National !
Assembly was elected with difficulty, but in session at Kaunas
(Kovno) from Jan. 16-23 1919 it recognized the Council of
State (" Taryba ") and the Slezevicius Cabinet as the regular
Government of Lithuania, which had the confidence of the
country. Thereupon, although large stretches of territory were
still in enemy occupation; the Taryba voted the provisional
constitution, elected A. Smetona President of the State, and
composed the statute for the election of the Constituent As-
sembly by universal, equal, direct and secret franchise accord-
ing to a proportional system basel on d'Hondt's distributive
principle which contains elaborate safeguards against the
tyranny of the majority. Despite the most painful conditions,
national defence began to be organized at first in the form of
volunteers and afterwards by regular troops. Under these
circumstances the Bolshevist advance reached its culminating
point in May 1919, when the Soviet armies occupied Telshi
and Shavli in the north and Olita in the south, thus threaten-
ing Kovno itself. Until Sept. 1919 fighting took place against
the Bolshevist forces, which were successfully cleared out of the
northern districts of the country, and until Dec. of that year
against the so-called Bermondt troops, and sporadically all
through 1920 against Polish units. The Constituent Assembly,
or " Seimas," composed of 112 members, met on May 15 1920.
The President of the State, the National Council and the Cabinet
resigned, and, all power passing to the assembly, the provisional
Government give way to the permanent Government.
Meanwhile the Polish Government's proposal for joint action
against the Bolsheviks was rejected pending Lithuania's recogni-
tion as an independent state with Vilna for its capital. The
state of war with Soviet Russia, however, continued until the
Peace Treaty of July 12 1920, whereunder the Lithuanian
claim to Vilna and Grodno was recognized by the Bolsheviks
and Lithuania received three million rubles in gold and 100,000
hectares of forest land for exploitation.
The Polish war against Soviet Russia continued. The initial
victories of the Bolsheviks were followed by defeat and the
victorious Poles, under the so-called " rebel " Gen. Zeligowski,
on O:t. 9 1920 drove the Lithuanians out of Vilna, which they
had temporarily occupied after the retreat of the Soviet armies.
This incident leading to an infor nal war between the Lithua-
nians and Gen. Zeligowski 's so-called mutineers, the matter was
taken up by the League of Nations, which strove to establish
the fate of Vilna and other dispute 1 areas by means of a pleb-
iscite. An armistice was concluded with effect from Nov. 30 1920.
In the beginning of March 1921, direct negotiation between
Poland and Lithuania under the auspices of the League of
Nations, to be followed by arbitration on unsettled points,
was proposed in lieu of the plebiscite and agreed to by all parties.
The independence of Lithuania de facto was recognized by
Sweden, Norway, England, Esthonia, Finland, France and
Poland; de jure by Germany on March 23 1918, by Soviet
Russia on July 12 1920, by Latvia and Esthonia in Feb. 1921
and by the Argentine Republic in March 1921.
Constitution. The provisional constitution adopted by the
Constituent Assembly on June 2 1920 describes the State of
Lithuania as a democratic republic, over which, until the
final constitution is established, the president of the Con-
stituent Assembly (A. Stulginskis) rules as temporary President,
whose acts need to be countersigned by the premier.
Territorial Possessions. Ethnographical Lithuania (approximate-
ly as defined in the Soviet Peace Treaty of July 12 1920) includes:
(1) The whole of the former Russian province of Kovno (20,260
sq. km. and 1,857,000 inhabitants);
(2) The province of Vilna, minus the districts of Disna and
Vileika (29,818 sq. km. and 1,538,000 inhabitants);
777
(3) Part of the province of Grodno north of the Niemen river and
the narrow hinterland of Grodno city in the south (say 2,000 sq.
km. and about 100,000 inhabitants) ;
(4) The province of Suvalki, minus the southern parts of the
districts of Suvalki and Augustovo (Augustow) (10,000 sq. km. and
615,800 inhabitants) ;
(5) Parts of the former province of Courland between the old
German frontier and the Holy Aa river, as also part of the district of
Illuxt.
Including the Memel area, to which the people aspire as an outlet
to the sea, it may be said that 4,295,000 souls inhabit ethnographical
Lithuania. Of these only 1,844,000 residents of Kovno are fully
under State control plus from 33 to 50% of the 615,000 persons in-
habiting Suvalki province.
The remainder of the Suvalki population is under Polish gover-.
nance, as also nearly the whole of the 1,471,000 persons inhabiting
Vilna province and the 139,000 inhabiting Grodno province. la
the Memel area 165,000 persons are under temporary French occu-
pation ; in the Polangen district 3,000 under Lettish governance.'
In the disputed Illuxt area 53,000 persons are also under Lettish
rule. Thus not less than 1,143,500 subjects, or just one-half of the
total, are temporarily or permanently not under the jurisdiction of
the Lithuanian State.
Religion and Education. In the Vilna, Kovno and Suvalki prov->
inces Roman Catholics make up 75-2% of the population, Jews
12-5%, Orthodox 8-9% and Protestants and Calvinists 3-5%.
Elementary school education (4 years' teaching) is not yet com-
pulsory. There is a higher training course, but as yet no university;
Secondary schools are few, one foreign language being compulsory;
The official language being Lithuanian, Russian is almost universally
understood. Polish, Yiddish and German are widely spoken. ;
Economics. In the provinces of Vilna, Kovno and Suvalki 7i-4%
of the population belong to the rural class, industry and commerce
absorbing 12-8 %. Of the 82,000 sq. km. in question before the war*
40 % belonged to the large estate owners, 10 % to the Government and
the churches, 50% to the farmers. Of the last-named class 30%*
owned less than 3 hectares, 60% from 10-50 hectares, 3 % from 3-10
hectares, i% from 50-100 hectares, while 17% of all the villagers
were landless. An agricultural reform initiated by the provisional-
Government aims at the distribution of the fallow lands of the-
large estates and the better exploitation of the land. _ >
Agriculture. Lithuania is essentially an agricultural country in
which the soil is richest in the old Kovno Government, north of
Suvalki and north-west of Vilna. Grain of all kinds (chiefly rye), 1
clover and potatoes are grown. Flax is mainly grown in the north-
ern districts of Kiejdani, Shavli, Ponevyez and Rakishki.
In 1920 the territory administered by the Lithuanian Govern-
ment (5,200,000 hectares out of 8,500,000 hectares) yielded:
Rye .
Wheat
Barley
Oats .
Potatoes
Peas .
Flax seed
Harl .
10,000,000 cwt.
1,500,000
3,000,000
5,000,000
20,000,000
1,200,000
700,000
730,000
As regards live-stock raising there were in 1920 in the same area: ,
Horses 380,000
Cattle 865,000
Sheep and Goats . 73> oo
Swine 1,400,000
Forests. Twenty-five per cent of the whole extent of Lithuanian;
territory is covered by forests, 80 % of which consist of needle-bearing;
and 20% of leaf-bearing trees. The country is thickly wooded (the
areas under timber comprising some 25-5% of the whole against
35 % fifty years ago). The most heavily wooded districts are in the
southern and eastern parts (fir, pine, birch, aspen, alder and oak)..
Sixty per cent of the present output of timber being needed for in-,
ternal consumption, about 200,000 festmetres are available annually
for export. Coal has not been found, but peat may be exploited
under favourable economic conditions.
Manufactures. In 1913 there were 5,140 industrial establish-
ments in Lithuania with 33,000 workmen and a yearly productive
value of 62 million Russian (gold) rubles. During the war the larger
industrial establishments were destroyed.
Exports and Imports. In 1920 were exported farm products,!
live stock, fowls, timber and flax valued at 501,797,000 marks, and
imported foreign products and machines at 428,728,000 marks.
Lithuania requires primarily manufactured fertilizers and agricul-
tural machinery and salt, sugar, herrings, manufactured articles, etc.
Towns. The towns in order of importance are in political Lith-
uania: Kovno (Kaunas) with about 60,000 inhabitants, Ponevyez.
with 20,000, Shavli (Siauliai) with 8,146, Vilkomierz with 8,000.
The ethnographical claim in its extreme form would include Vilna.
(Vilnius) with about 170,000 inhabitants, Grodno (Gardinas) with
61,000, Memel (Klaipeda) with 32,000, Suvalki with 31,600.
Roads. The only first-class roads are: Kovno-^Vilkomierz-
Dvinsk; Kpvno-Mariampol-Suvalki ; Mitau-Shavli-Tilsit. Roads
778
LIVERPOOL
were purposely neglected under the Russian regime in the frontier
area, Kovno itself being then a first-class fortress.
Railways. The lines which existed under the old Russian Empire
were converted by the Germans during their occupation from Ru ssian
5-ft. gauge to German 4 ft. 8 2 in. The total length is 720 kilometres.
Double lines are: Wirballen-Kovno-Koszedari ; Janov-Shavli v
Koszedari-Jewie (to Vilna). Single lines are: Koszedari-Janov-
Shavli-Murajevo-Lusha (to Mitau); Radzivilishki-Ponevez-Jal-
ovka-Kalkuni (which joins the Vilna-Dvinsk double lineal Kalkuni);
Murajevo (Musheiki)-Ringen (to Mitau with ballasted track for
second line) ; Suvalki-Pinsk-Olita-Daugi (to Orani), which joins a
double line at Orani. The following new single lines totalling 288
km. were built by the Germans during their occupation : Shavli-
Pozeruni (to Tilsit) ; Shavli-Meiten (to Mitau); Memel-Bajohren-
Skudi (to Prekuln and Mitau).
Waterways. The length of the Niemen from Olita to the German
frontier (village of Polejki) is 266 kilometres. The river, which is
navigable for 8 months in the year, has been internationalized under
the Treaty of Versailles as far as Grodno (extreme point for steamer
navigation). Its width varies from 75 to 325 yd. as far as Kovno
and thence to the Baltic from 185 to 650 yards. Its average depth
is 3 ft. and its average speed of current 2j m. per hour. The Vilya is
navigable from its mouth at Kovno to Janov (40 kilometres). The
Niaviaza is navigable from its mouth, northwest of Kovno to
Bobri (25 kilometres).
Currency, Weights and Measures. Alone among the Baltic
states Lithuania had as yet no national currency in 1921. Legal
tender were the " Ostmark " (originally introduced by the German
Military Administration of the Army of Occupation, " Militarisches
Verwaltungsgebiet Ober-Ost "), which in Lithuania proper ranked
pan passu with the German " Reichsmark," and other German fidu-
ciary currency to a total not less than one milliard marks.
The weights and measures were still Russian, but the introduction
of the metric system was contemplated in 1921.
Laws. In all cases where special enactments had not yet been
made the laws of the former Russian Empire were considered valid.
__ Political Parties. The Seim (Constituent Assembly) in existence
in 1921 was elected in April 1920 by universal, direct, equal and
secret franchise. All men and women who were 21 years of age and
all soldiers who were 18 years of age were entitled to vote. The Seim
comprised 112 members, of whom 59 were Christian Democrats,
29 Popular Socialists, 14 Social Democrats, 6 Jewish party, 3
Polish party and I German party. The Peasants' party combined
with the Popular Socialist party, while the " Workers' Federation "
and the " Yeomen's Union " (these being but the small landowners)
formed part of the Christian Socialist governing bloc. Legally
recognized parties which were not represented in the Seim were:
(a) the Progressive party (Pajanga) ; (b) the Liberal party (known as
the Santara Union); (c) "Landlords' Association" (which com-
prised only large landed proprietors). The Social Revolutionary and
the Communist parties were not legally recognized and were un-
represented. The president was chosen by the governing party,
the Christian Democrats; the first vice-president by the Popular
Socialists; the second vice-president by the Christian Democrats.
The Government which took office in June 1920 was a coalition
Cabinet of the Christian Democrat and Popular Socialist parties
plus three ministers who did not belong to any party. The Opposi-
tion was formed of the Social Democrat and the Polish parties. The
prime minister was Dr. K. Grinius (Peasants' Union) ; Minister of
Finance, Trade and Commerce and Communications, E. Gal-
vanauskas (non-party) ; of Foreign Affairs, Dr. J. Purizkis (Chris-
tian Democrat); of War, Dr. Shimkus (Popular Socialist); of the
Interior, K. Skipitis (Santara); of Education, K. Bizauskas (Chris-
tian Democrat); of Justice, V. Karobis (non-party); for Jewish
Affairs, M. Soloveicik (Democrat); for White Russian Affairs, D.
Siemasko (non-party) ; and of the department of Agriculture, Alexa
(Popular Socialist).
Army. The serious disadvantage under which the Lithuanian
army suffers is the shortage of the officer class, but the sturdy,
phlegmatic peasants should, under good leadership, make good
fighting material. The army in 1921 was organized in 4 divisions,
each division normally containing j, regiments of infantry, 3 field
batteries and I squadron of cavalry. The 'total number of units
were, in the infantry, 28 regular battalions, I reserve battalion and 3
battalions of Frontier Guards; in the cavalry some 8 squadrons; in
the artillery 9 field batteries; in the engineers I electro-technical
and I auto battalion, a pioneer company and a railway operating
company plus an aviation corps, or a total of about 1,200 officers
and 35,000 men. This was the maximum expansion possible under
the conditions prevailing in 1920-1, of a crisis in the political rela-
tions with Poland ; but the maintenance of this establishment for
any length of time appeared to be impracticable, since on this
basis the army absorbed close on 60 % of the revenue of the State,
viz. some 460 million German marks.
Climate. The climate of Lithuania is, on the whole, more moder-
ate than that of other parts of Russia in the same latitude. Winter
sets in normally at the end of Nov. and lasts till the end of March.
The rivers are frozen from Dec. to Feb. Spring begins at the end of
March. June, July and Aug. are considered the summer months.
Autumn begins in Sept., light frosts occurring at its close.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Joseph Ehret, La Lithuanie (1919, also in Ger-
man); L. Gaigalat, Litauen (1917, also in French); Victor Jungfer,
Kulturbilder aus Litauen (1918); A. Jusaitis, The History of the
Lithuanian Nation (1918); Etat Economique de la Lithuanie (1919);
P. Klimas, Liettwa, jos gyventojai ir sienos (1917); P. Klimas, Le
Developpement de I'Etat Lithuanian (1919, also in German); T.
Norus and J. Zilius Norus, Lithuania's Case for Independence (1918);
Mgr. C. Propolanis, L'Eglise Polonaise en Lithuanie (1914) ; Albinas
Rimka, Lietuvos ukis pries didji kara (1918); Russian Poland,
Lithuania and White Russia, Handbook No. 44 prepared under the
direction of the Historical Section of the Foreign Office (London
1919); Stasys Salkauskas, Sur les confins des deux mondes (1919);
B. Skalweit, Landwirtschaft in den Litauischen Gouvernements (1918)
Ludwig Sochassever, Memel, der Hafen von Litauen; K. Verbelisj
La Lithuanie Russe (Geneve Edition Atar); W. St. Vidunas|
Litauen (1916); A. Voldemar, Relations Russo-Lithuano-Polonaise's
(1920) ; idem, Lithuanie et Pologne (1920). (W. L. B.)
LIVERPOOL, England (see 16.804). The pop. of the city had
increased from 684,958 in 1901 to 753,353 in 1911. The munici-
pal area, which covered 16,619 ac. in 1911, was extended in 1913
so as to include the townships of Allerton (1,589 ac.), Childwall
(830 ac.), Little Woolton (1,389 ac.), and Much Woolton (792
ac.), making a total area (exclusive of 2,883 ac. of river-bed) of
21,219 acres. The estimated pop. of this area in 1919 was
781,948 and the ratable value in 1920-1 was 5,114,256. The
death-rate per thousand was 17 in 1919 almost the lowest on
record for the city but the death-rate from zymotic diseases
remained proportionately high (0-96 per 1,000) and, under the
insistence of the Home Office, it was decided to establish an
experimental disinfecting station for the disinfection of all
imported dangerous wool.
The city in 1921 was divided into 39 wards with 36 aldermen
and in councillors, and the total number of municipal electors
according to the 1920 register was 283,760. The n parliamen-
tary divisions are: the Scotland, Exchange, W. Toxteth, E.
Toxteth, Edge Hill, Everton, Kirkdale, Walton, W. Derby,
Fairfield and Wavertree. The electors numbered 355,755.
Under the Housing of Working Classes Acts, 1890-1909,
1,510 insanitary dwellings were demolished during 1910-5.
During the period 1916-9, owing to conditions created by the
war, no proceedings were taken, but in 1920 the Housing Com-
mittee were again giving attention to the pre-war schemes for
demolition and rebuilding in various insanitary areas and had
entered into contracts for the erection of 2,730 houses on the
Larkhill Estate and 2,000 at Allerton.
The water-supply up to 1920 was derived in the proportions
of 65% from Lake Vyrnwy, Riverton 29% and wells 6%, but,
to meet the urgent need of an additional supply, the construc-
tion of a third main pipe from Lake Vyrnwy (to be followed
by a fourth) was decided upon and the crossing of the Mersey
to be effected by laying pipes in the bed of the river. The
average daily supply from all sources in 1919 was approximately
43,000,000 gallons.
Among important buildings completed since 1910 are the prom-
inent Royal Liver building of 17 storeys and a tower 295 ft. high
and the Cunard building, both near the landing-stage. The latter,
in the Roman Renaissance style of the Farnese Palace at Rome,
was opened in 1916. On July 5 1921, the Prince of Wales unveiled
the bronze equestrian statue of King Edward VII. by Sir W. Gos-
combe John, erected on the river front between the Cunard building
and the landing-stage.
At Liverpool University the foundation stone of a new engineering
aboratory was laid on Oct. 22 1910. The Liverpool School of
Tropical Medicine, in the same year, endowed a chair known as the
Dutton Chair of Entomology, and in 1911 the cost of building a cen-
:ral hall for the Undergraduates' Union was undertaken by Capt.
3ilmour. Sir William Hartley presented a wireless telegraphic
nstallation for the purpose of experiment and research in 1913, and
a plant for tests in connexion with the erosion of metals was estab-
ished. A certificate in architectural design and a diploma in oph-
thalmic surgery were also instituted.
The work of building the cathedral (see ARCHITECTURE), which
lad practically ceased during the war, was being vigorously carried
'orward in 1921. The original design has been considerably revised
and modified- by the architect, Giles Gilbert Scott, A. R. A. Owing
to the exigencies of the site on St. James's Mount the building lies
north and south, the rubrical " east " thus pointing south. The
general plan, which is marked by much individuality, consists of a
jreat central space 200 x 72 ft., formed by a central tower with the
crossings of two pairs of transepts; a choir in three bays; and a nave
LLANDAFF LLOYD GEORGE, DAVID
779
the whole to have an interior length of 480 feet. The central
tower will be 335 ft. in height, and the principal portal of the cathe-
dral will be at the west side of the tower, not at the traditional
" west end." The stone is Woolton red sandstone, which weathers
to a greyish pink in a smoky atmosphere. The Lady chapel, 114
ft. long, 355 ft. wide and 58 ft. to the vaulting, was completed and
consecrated in 1910 and has been embellished by the gift of a reredos
from designs by Mr. Scott. It was decided in 1912 to proceed with
the building of the choir, chapter-house and S.E. transept : the
chapter-house with its copper roof was built by 1915 and the walls
and vaulting of the choir and transept were completed in 1921.
The Council acquired the Harthill estate of 32 J ac. (1913),
Walton Hall estate of 130! ac. (1913), Walton Wood estate of 62
ac. (1917), and the Princes Park of 44i ac. (1918); and in 1921 the
total acreage of parks and open spaces within the municipal area
was i ,386 acres.
The Mersey Docks and Harbour Board were in 1921 carrying
out various important schemes of improvement of the port, the
expenditure involved being about 10,000,000.
In 1906 the Board obtained parliamentary powers for the con-
struction of new docks at the N. end of their Liverpool estate. The
work was suspended during the war but has since been pressed
forward. The scheme embraces: (a) the construction of a great
vestibule dock 1,070 ft. by 130 ft. to provide a depth of water of 48
ft. at high water of spring tides and having a river lock entrance;
(b) a lock 645 ft. long and 90 ft. wide (opened in 1921) between the
new dock and the adjacent Hornby dock; (c) two branch docks
(to be called Gladstone dock No. I and No. 2) opening out of the
vestibule dock and having three-storey sheds on the N. and S. sides.
The Board also acquired 340 ac. of foreshore in Seaforth and Water-
loo to the northward to meet future developments.
With the object of providing further facilities for the embarkation
of passengers on ocean-going and local steamers, parliamentary
powers were obtained in 1921 for the extension of the Prince's
landing-stage by 500 ft. ; and (to improve the cross-river ferry traffic)
a small extension of the George's landing-stage at its southern end
was in hand in 1921. Considerable progress had also been made
with a scheme for electrification of the whole of the dock estate
to provide, eventually, not only light but power for all the mechan-
ical appliances. The cable work, including switch gear for the supply
of the whole of the northern section of the estate, was practically
complete in 1921 and involved the laying of about 40 m. of main
cables between Sandon and Hornby docks.
To provide ample accommodation for the rapidly growing oil
trade of Liverpool, the Board set apart a large area of land known as
the "Parkhill and Dingle Estates " at the extreme S. end of the
dock estate, and of this 25 ac. had in 1921 been leased to leading
oil companies for the erection of oil storage tanks. Some of these
were already in use in 1921 and when all are erected the tanks will
provide storage for 140,000 tons of oil. Pipe lines to oil berths in
the Herculaneum dock will enable tank steamers to discharge direct
into the storage tanks. The reclamation of the foreshore ai\d the
extension of the Herculaneum river wall, undertaken in 1921, will
provide further berths for oil steamers and barges immediately
opposite the oil installation.
To meet the requirements of the East India and Colonial wool
trade, of which Liverpool has become the chief centre in the United
Kingdom, two immense warehouses have been built: that of Great
Howard Street has " dead " storage capacity for 150,000 bales and
that in Love Lane (completed in 1920) of 85,000 bales. Important
work in connexion with the provision of stone revetments and
training banks in the sea channels the Queen's and Crossby
leading to the port was in progress in 1920. The proposal to con-
struct a bridge between Liverpool and Birkenhead was revived in
1912 but, in 1921, was still being studied.
LLANDAFF, HENRY MATTHEWS, IST VISCT. (1826-1913),
English politician (see 16.828), died in London April 3 1913.
LLOYD, CHARLES HARFORD (1840-1919), English organist
and composer, was born at Thornbury, Glos., Oct. 16 1849. He
was educated at Rossall and at Hertford College, Oxford, where
he was one of the- founders of the Oxford University musical
club, becoming its first president. In 1876 he became organist
of Gloucester cathedral, in 1882 organist of Christ Church
cathedral, Oxford, and in 1892 precentor and musical instructor
at Eton. In 1914 he became organist at the Chapel Royal, St.
James's. Dr. Lloyd was well known both as a teacher and as
a composer, his best-known work being the cantata Hero and
Leander, composed for the Worcester festival of 1884. He also
wrote much church music. He died at Slough Oct. 16 1919.
LLOYD GEORGE, DAVID (1863- ), British statesman
{see 16. 832). After the constitutional conference of 1910 had
failed, Mr. Lloyd George took his full share in the party cam-
paign which ushered in the second general election of that year.
He was especially sarcastic about the proposal for a Referendum,
which was put in the forefront of Unionist policy. " A prohibi-
tion tariff against Liberalism," he called it. After the general
election of Dec. 1910, which showed that the campaign of the
Liberals against the Lords' veto had merely enabled them to
maintain the somewhat precarious position established by the
general election of the previous Jan., Mr. Lloyd George left the
prosecution of the Parliament bill, and the subjugation of the
Lords by means of a threat of promiscuous swamping, to the
Prime Minister and other colleagues; and he devoted himself to
the enthusiastic forwarding of his social programme, which was
to show Labour that he and his party could and would do more
to raise the condition of the workers than their professed advo-
cates. His budget, which, owing to a realized surplus of 5,600,
ooo, did not raise taxation, provided 1,500,000 for sanatoria for
consumptives and 250,000 for the payment of members a cause
dear to the heart of Labour. This latter provision was carried in
Aug. after a somewhat perfunctory Unionist protest in debate,
by a majority of nearly a hundred.
But his principal contribution to social reform was in his
National Insurance bill, providing insurance for all workers by
means of contributions from employers, employed and the State.
By it there was set up not merely unemployment insurance, ad-
ministered under the Board of Trade, but National health in-
surance, which imposed a somewhat complicated card and stamp
system on all employments, including even that of domestic serv-
ice. In order to work the system, the cooperation of the doctors
was essential, and the terms offered were hardly attractive. Mr.
Lloyd George soared to uncommon heights of eloquence in press-
ing his scheme upon Parliament and the country, appealing
earnestly for a measure which would relieve undeserved misery,
help to prevent much wretchedness, and arm the nation until it
conquered " the pestilence that walketh in darkness and the de-
struction that wasteth at noonday." Though benevolently re-
ceived at first, the bill soon met with the banded opposition of
the doctors, who protested that the terms offered the profession
were absurdly inadequate; and it was far from popular with
either the employing or the employed class, both of whom re-
sented the liabilities imposed upon them, and the cumbersome
process of stamp-affixing. This general unpopularity cost the
Government some seats at by-elections; but Mr. Lloyd George
stood firm, and the bill duly became law. But the doctors held
out even after the bill was passed. The negotiations, carried on
for more than a year, produced no agreement, and it looked as if
the Act would break down through a boycott by the medical
profession. But owing to Mr. Lloyd George's mingled diplomacy
and tenacity, the minority in favour of acceptance slowly grew,
and a sufficient number of panel doctors were registered to bring
the medical benefit into effect on the appointed day early in Jan.
1913. Thereafter the opposition to the Act gradually died away,
as its benefits to all parties became evident. A year later, in Feb.
1914, Mr. Lloyd George could claim that, out of 22,500 general
practitioners in Great Britain, over 20,000 were on the panels.
In the discussions of the two bills going forward in the years
1912-4 under the Parliament Act, the Irish Home Rule bill and
the Welsh Church bill, Mr. Lloyd George did not take a promi-
nent part, though he was heartily in favour of both. Indeed he had
been throughout one of the principal promoters of disestablish-
ment in Wales, and, when he did speak, advocated it with almost
apostolic fervour; but the conduct of the measure was in the
hands of Mr. McKenna. This cause appealed to him not merely
on its religious, but also on its social, side. It was, however,
another social change, that affecting the land, to which, after
National Insurance, he devoted his principal attention from the
autumn of 1912 down to the outbreak of the World War. He
even accused his opponents of dragging the red herring of Ulster
across the trail of his projects of land reform. His earliest polit-
ical campaign in Wales had been aimed against the landed in-
terest; and he had made a further move in that direction in the
taxation of land values in his budget of 1909. Though the Prime
Minister, Mr. Asquith, formally disclaimed the notorious specific
of advanced land reformers, the single tax on land, he sanctioned
78o
LLOYD GEORGE, DAVID
an unofficial committee of inquiry which Mr. Lloyd George de-
sired to institute in order to investigate rural grievances. The
first essential condition of every social reform, Mr. Lloyd George
said at Aberdeen in Nov. 1012, was change in the land system,
which was still in its essence feudal. The first purpose of the
land, he said, should be the provision of sustenance and shelter
for the cultivator. The movement attracted a considerable
amount of public support ; and he found it a convenient subject to
which to direct public attention after the shock to confidence
produced in the spring of 1913 by the Marconi revelations, which
showed, in the general estimation, a reprehensible carelessness in
the private financial operations of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer (see ENGLISH HISTORY). He advised purists to recall the
manner in which landlord parliaments had bartered away the
common land. The Liberals, he said at Sutton-in-Ashfield in
Aug., were about to march against the central position where
land monopoly was entrenched. During the autumn he made
many eloquent speeches in different districts of England and
Wales in support of his movement, denouncing agricultural con-
ditions, bad wages, atrocious housing, damage to crops by game,
insufficient prospect of small holdings; and also promising relief
to harassed leaseholders in towns. At Swindon on Oct. 22 he
detailed a ministerial scheme, which should recast the whole
conditions of land monopoly. The main provision was the es-
tablishment of a Ministry of Lands, with comprehensive powers
for the supervision of everything connected with land, and with
a number of roving or local commissioners by whom in a general
way these powers would be exercised. The Unionists scoffed at
the idea of these hordes of despotic officials; and the course of
events in 1914 prevented the scheme from ever seeing the light
as a Government bill. But the spirit in which Mr. Lloyd George
pursued his campaign was shown in a speech at Pwllheli in
December. The landlord, he said then, was no more necessary to
agriculture than a gold chain to a watch ; a breath of liberty
must be brought into the villages.
To realize the promises of these social campaigns Mr. Lloyd
George required ever-increasing millions from the national purse.
Indeed he may fairly be charged with having turned the Treasury
from a department to control and limit expenditure into a spend-
ing department. Between the time when he took- over the Ex-
chequer in 1908 from Mr. Asquith and his last budget before the
war, that of 1914, the national revenue and expenditure increased
by about 55,000,000, reaching in 1914 nearly 210,000,000 in all.
Besides the social expenditure, the other main item of increase
was, of course, the navy estimates; and Mr. Lloyd George, in an
interview published on the first day of 191 4, declared that Liberal-
ism would be false to its trust if it did not seize the opportunity
of what he asserted to be the improvement in Anglo-German re-
lations to diminish expenditure on armaments. Happily, though
many Liberal associates responded, the common sense of the
Cabinet and of the public prevented any such suicidal operation,
and the navy estimates laid before the House were the highest
on record. To meet the increased expenditure Mr. Lloyd George,
who had been content to mark time in his budget for 1913, made,
in 1914, new proposals which carried to a further pitch the prin-
ciples of the budget of 1909. He had to meet a deficit of 5,330,-
ooo, which he increased to 9,800,000 by further larger grants
for social purposes, such as education, health and insurance. To
procure this heavy additional sum he took 1,000,000 from the
Sinking Fund and then fell back once more on income tax, super-
tax and death duties. There were to be increases of the higher
grades of income tax, which was to rise to is. 4d.; supertax was
to begin with incomes of 3,000, rising to the same maximum of
is. 4d. ; and the rates of death duties were to be raised from all
estates over 60,000, rising to a maximum of 20% for a million.
There was also to be a national system of valuation for local
taxation, including the taxation of site values. An outcry fr6m
Liberals no less than Conservatives caused him to abandon the
extra penny on the income tax, so that the maximum would be
only is. 3d., and therefore to postpone many of the grants for
social purposes for a year. But, with some modifications, the rest
.of the budget passed, not without difficulty, into law.
With all these schemes of social betterment in his head he was
eager for short-cuts in the matter of Irish Home Rule. At Hud-
dersfield on March 21 he violently attacked the House of Lords
and the province of Ulster, denounced the doctrine of " optional
obedience," and dwelt on the necessity of settling the Home Rule
controversy in order to open the way to deliverance from social
wretchedness. At the Mansion House in July he insisted that in
view of the threatened war between capital and labour at home
and between Nationalist and Orangeman in Ireland, it was the
duty of responsible men of all parties to work for peace; and he
himself took part in the abortive Buckingham Palace Conference,
and impressed his opponents with the sincerity of his desire for
an agreed settlement.
The sudden approach of the World War threatened an even
more complete end to his social Utopias. Accordingly, in spite
of the fact that he had made in 1911, at the time of the Agadir
incident, a spirited declaration that Great Britain was deter-
mined at all hazards to maintain her place among the Great
Powers, he was slow to realize her peril and her duty in the last
days of July, and clung, down to a late hour, to the policy of
neutrality. When once, however, he was convinced, by the Ger-
man violation of Belgium, that honour and justice and human
liberty demanded British intervention in arms, he reverted to
his position of 1911, and was from the beginning to the end the
most resolute of all British ministers to prosecute the war to a
triumphant conclusion.
As Chancellor of the Exchequer it was his duty to provide at
once against a financial collapse. Ever since the budget of 1909
there had been a coldness between him and the natural friends of
the Exchequer, the bankers and merchants of the City of London;
but he and they buried the hatchet at once, and he had their ad-
vice and aid in the measures which were promptly taken. He
availed himself liberally of the assistance of his friend, Lord Read-
ing, in this connexion, with excellent results. On Nov. 17 1914
he introduced the first war budget. He had to meet a deficit of
nearly 340,000,000; and he determined to follow the precedents
set by Pitt and Gladstone and to raise a considerable portion by
taxation. Accordingly he doubled the income tax and supertax;
added an extra jd. a half-pint on beer; and raised the tax on tea
by 3d. a pound. He calculated that in a full year his new taxation
would provide over 65,000,000, and for the current year he
raised 2,750,000 by a partial suspension of the Sinking Fund.
To meet the remainder of the deficit he announced a War Loan of
350,000,000 at 35% issued at 95. Moreover, in order to further
the recruiting campaign he made eloquent appeals this autumn
to those sections of the people with whom he was peculiarly
associated, to Welshmen at the Queen's Hall in London and at
Criccieth, and to the Nonconformists at the City Temple. He
dwelt on his own record as a man of peace; but insisted that
peace could not have been had this August without national dis-
honour. If treaties could be disregarded as " scraps of paper,"
why should any regard be paid to bank-notes and bills of ex-
change? He appealed to the great principles of Duty, Patriot-
ism, Sacrifice. Peace at any price was not a Christian principle.
The only way to establish peace on earth was by making the way
of the peace-breaker too hard for rulers to tread.
Early in the next year, 1915, Mr. Lloyd George attended a
conference of finance ministers in Paris, where it was agreed that
each of the Allies should bring to the common cause that which
they were most competent to supply, without reference to any
principle of equal sharing by all. This was one of the first of
those services to the cause of more intimate cooperation among
the Allies which he was to make peculiarly his own in subsequent
years. There was no change of taxation in his budget this spring.
He bent his whole energies this year to the increase of munitions
of war, wherein British supplies were lamentably deficient. He
first sounded the note on March 9 in introducing a new and dras-
tic Defence of the Realm bill, whose object was the mobilization
of industrial resources, and which gave Government wide powers
of commandeering factories capable of turning out munitions.
He called a conference of trade-union representatives on March
17 with a view to preventing strikes and stoppage of work and
LLOYD GEORGE, DAVID
781
removing all restrictions on output ; and announced that Govern-
ment would limit the profits of employers. He pointed to drink
as one of the great drawbacks to increased output. " We are
fighting," he said, " Germany, Austria and drink; and as far as I
can see the greatest of these three deadly foes is drink." The
regulation of drink was relegated to a Board of Control with
wide powers. But, in the face of a minimizing speech from Mr.
Asquith at Newcastle, Mr. Lloyd George enlarged in the House
of Commons on the absolute necessity of an enormously increased
output of munitions, and of munitions of a different kind. Pub-
lic opinion strongly supported him, with the result that, in the
Coalition Ministry which Mr. Asquith formed in May, a new
department of munitions was created, with Mr. Lloyd George as
Minister of Munitions.
He flung himself with ardour into this new work; appealed for
and obtained the cooperation of eminent men of business and
experts, divided up the country into 10 munition areas, went in
person to the great centres of trade and manufacture, Manches-
ter, Liverpool, Cardiff, Glasgow, and urged the imperious neces-
sity of setting to work as one man, of removing all limiting
restrictions, of planting the flag on the workshops. He was inde-
fatigable in conferences with the unions to persuade men to con-
sent to abrogate the Eight Hours' Act and to consent to labour
dilution, and to suspend all hampering rules, promising that all
should be restored in their integr'ty after the war. He had a
considerable measure of success, owing largely no doubt to the'
confidence felt by the working-men in a min'ster who had devoted
himself so whole-heartedly to social betterment. He took special
powers in the various Munitions Acts to deal summarily with
labour difficulties in the factories. Meanwhile, all over the
country, shops that had previously turned out utensils of
peace were converted into factories of munitions; new factories
were rising, sometimes in the most secluded and unlikely spots,
and volunteers, men and women, were pressed into the service.
The heartening orations which Mr. Lloyd George had made
since the war broke out were collected into a shilling volume
in the autumn under the title " Through Terror to Triumph."
In this winter and in the spring of 1916 there were troubles on
the Clyde, where the very small leaven of revolutionary feeling
was concentrated; but the strong measures, including the arrest
of six ringleaders, which Mr. Lloyd George and his Munitions
Ministry took, brought appeasement before long.
His absorption in his new and engrossing work did not leave
Mr. Lloyd George much leisure for dealing with other aspects of
the critical situation; but he made a strong speech in May in
favour of the second and comprehensive Military Service bill of
1916, in which he said that he would rather be driven out of the
Liberal party and indeed out of public life than have on his con-
science that he opposed a bill calculated to supply the men who,
in the opinion of the military authorities, would make all the dif-
ference between defeat and victory. No country, he maintained,
had saved itself from great military peril without resort to com-
pulsory service. A call was also made by his ministerial col-
leagues on his powers as a peacemaker after the Dublin rebellion
had convinced Mr. Asquith that the system of Irish government
had broken down and that there was a unique opportunity for a
new departure. He was authorized to put himself in communica-
tion with all Irish parties and endeavour to promote a settlement.
Accordingly in June be came to a preliminary arrangement with
both Nationalists and Ulstermen, on the basis of bringing the
Home Rule Act into immediate operation, and of introducing an
Amending bill to cover only the period of the war and a short
interval after it, during which the Irish members were to remain
at Westminster and the six Ulster counties to continue under the
Imperial Government. Neither southern Irish Unionists nor
English ministers were happy about these proposals; and some
small changes made to conciliate them were taken by Mr. Red-
mond as a ground for abandoning the negotiations, though Mr.
Lloyd George maintained that the arrangement was still one that
might well be accepted.
Meanwhile Mr. Lloyd George's relations to the war had be-
come still more intimate and responsible. On the sudden death
of Lord Kitchener, it was felt necessary to instal in the War Office
a statesman on whose determination and energy both the nation
and the Allies could rely; and Mr. Lloyd George had now come
to fill so large a space in the civilian administration of the war
that no other choice would be acceptable. He took Lord Derby,
the hero of the voluntary recruiting campaign, as his Under-
secretary. The spirit in which -he proposed to administer his
office was shown in an interview which he granted in Sept. to an
American journalist. Britain, he said, had only begun to fight.
The British Empire had invested thousands of its best lives to
purchase future immunity for civilization. After all these sacri-
fices " the fight must be to a finish to a knock-out " a view
which, when it was challenged, the House of Commons warmly
supported. Desiring to promote the war in this spirit, he showed
justifiable anxiety both about the number of exemptions allowed
under the Military Service Acts and about the unsatisfactory
results of recruiting in Ireland. But what gave him the keenest
anxiety was the defective constitution and limited authority of
(he War Committee of the Cabinet. It was too large, it did not
meet sufficiently often, it was subject to the over-ruling of the
Cabinet, and its chairman, Mr. Asquith, was overburdened with
other duties, including the leadership of the House of Commons,
and had hardly the temperament of a resourceful and enterpris-
ing controller of war. Public opinion, in the press and in the
, Parliamentary War Committees, was becoming mobilized in this
sense. Accordingly, on Dec. i Mr. Lloyd George wrote to Mr.
Asquith demanding, on threat of resignation, that the conduct of
the war should be placed in the absolute control of a small com-
mittee of four, sitting day by day, including himself but not
including Mr. Asquith. In the negotiations which followed. and
in which Mr. Lloyd George made some concessions in order to .
win Mr. Asquith if possible, it became clear that the result
would be to transfer the main conduct of the war from Mr. As-
quith to Mr. Lloyd George. This was eventually effected by the
formation of a Ministry under Mr. Lloyd George, with Mr. Bonar
Law as his partner, and with the support not only of the Ministry
but of the Labour party, and a large contingent of the Liberals,
while Mr. Asquith and his immediate friends remained outside
but did not oppose.
Mr. Lloyd George's advent to supreme power was well received,
as his reputation as a War Minister had steadily augmented
from Aug. 1914 onwards; and by constituting a War Cabinet
of four persons in permanent session with full powers, and trans-
ferring the leadership of the House of Commons to Mr. Law in
order to devote himself to the conduct of the war, he strength-
ened the good impression of the public. They welcomed also the,-
evidence of determination given by the creation of new depart-
ments Food, Labour, Shipping, Pensions, National Service; by
the assumption by Government of control over shipping and
mines, and by the appointment of business men and experts to
some of the more important posts. They welcomed too his firm
reply to the German Chancellor's peace overture: "We shall
put our trust in an unbroken army rather than in a broken faith " ;
and his decision to summon the Prime Ministers of the Dominions
to a series of special meetings of the War Cabinet. His popularity
i was increased by the discovery in Jan. 1917 of a conspiracy in a
Derby family of anarchists to murder him and Mr. Henderson,
his Labour colleague in the War Cabinet. Three of the family
were found guilty at the Centra! Criminal Court and sentenced
to substantial terms of penal servitude. Sympathy was again
roused later in the year when it was suggested by a portion of the
press that he one of the most courageous of men had left Lon-
don to avoid an air-raid. The offenders apologized and with-
drew, agreeing to indemnify the Prime Minister for his costs.
The successive measures taken by the Government in the next
two years and a half to carry out its policy of subordinating every-
thing to the prosecution of the war to a victorious conclusion, and
of marshalling the whole of the resources of the nation for that
one purpose, are detailed in the article on ENGLISH HISTORY. So
far as the work was done in Parliament it was carried through
mainly by Mr. Bonar Law. Mr. Lloyd George adhered closely
to his programme of concentrating his own energies on the day-
782
LLOYD GEORGE, DAVID
by-day conduct of the war in the War Cabinet, and in the War
Councils of the Allies of which he was so keen a promoter; and
he spoke comparatively seldom in the House of Commons save
at critical moments, or in order to give Parliament from time to
time an authentic statement of the progress of the national
cause. But he took upon himself the duty of heartening and in-
spiriting the nation, and made, as occasion served, eloquent ap-
peals to his countrymen, sometimes by letters and messages,
sometimes by speeches in the City of London or in big towns. In
these he constantly sounded that note of sacrifice which had
been the text on which he had preached in the first of his great
war orations, in the City Temple in the autumn of 1914. Thus
in Carnarvon in Feb. 1917 he appealed for support to the Govern-
ment in men, money and labour, in the sacrifices of conveniences
and even of comforts. In order to win, Britons must endure more.
In the past the sacrifices had been too much relegated to the
trenches. He appealed to housewives to see, each one in her own
home, that not an ounce of food was eaten beyond the amount
laid down by Lord Devonport, the Food Controller. Those who
were doing nothing should do something; those who were doing
something should do more and all should do their best. Every-
one who had got enough land to grow a potato or a cabbage must
use it for that purpose. If train services were inconvenient and
fares increased, people should remember that the limitation of
railway facilities helped the army in France. At Dundee in July
he urged the cheerful acceptance of restrictions which, he de-
clared, could not yet be regarded as privations. In a message to
the nation at the beginning of the critical last year of war, he
wrote:
The sacrifices which the men and the women also are making
at the front we all know. Despite all that they have gone through,
they are still facing frost and mud, privation and suffering, wounds
and death, with undaunted courage, that mankind may be freed
from the tyranny of militarism and rejoice in lasting freedom and
peace. No sacrifice that we who stay at home are called to make
can equal or faintly approach what is daily and hourly demanded of
them. So long as they are called upon to endure these things let
us see to it that we do not take our ease at the price of their sacrifice.
He appealed during this year to Labour men to surrender the
pledges given them about recruiting, to farmers to concentrate
on potato-growing, to women to abandon a life of ease and come
upon the land, and to munition workers to remember their
exemption from the dangers of the front and not imperil the
national cause by wanton strikes.
At the same time he never failed to proclaim that victory
could be won if all did their best and maintained a stout heart.
At the Guildhall in Jan. 1917 he told his hearers that the feeling
of the Allies at their recent conference in Rome was that if victory
was difficult defeat was impossible. The Allied peoples were
looking more and more to Great Britain. She was to them like a
great tower in the deep: the hope of the oppressed and the de-
spair of the oppressor. While there was much, he told the people
of Carnarvon in Feb., in the existing state of affairs especially
the " piratical devices " of the German submarine to cause
anxiety, he had never had any doubt of ultimate victory; neither
had he any doubt that, before we reached it, there were many
broad and turbulent rivers to cross which the nation must help
to bridge. Even at the period when the losses from submarines
were greatest, he refused to be daunted and reassured the coun-
try by his confidence in the Admiralty's plan of defence, and in
the adequacy of the food supplies. He constantly declared that
British difficulties were declining while those of the enemy were
augmenting. He welcomed, in April, the entry of the United
States into the war as not merely a vindication of the character
of the struggle as a great fight for human liberty, but also as an
assurance that the war would be effective and successful and
would result in a beneficent peace. In her, he said in Oct., the
Central Powers had to deal with a country of infinite resources
that had never yet been beaten. He set her advent against the
defection of Russia, which was a bitter disappointment to him,
as he had hailed her revolution as a sure promise that the Prus-
sian military autocracy would, before long, be overthrown, and
as he clung, till the establishment of Soviet government in Oct.,
to the hope that the demoralization of her armies was not beyond
repair. Still, although his war plans and those of the Allies, which
had been based on the assumption that the Germans would have
to retain large forces on the eastern front, were ruined by her ces-
sation of fighting, he could point in Dec. to the number of battles
fought during the year on the western front in which the Ger-
mans had been beaten, and to the prestige which British arms
had won by the capture of Bagdad and Jerusalem.
The critical situation produced by the rapid and victorious
German advance in March 1918 called forth all his energy. He
had already largely coordinated Allied military operations by
means of the Supreme War Council at Versailles; he now,
through his colleague, Lord Milner, secured a unity of military
command at the front. He sent immediately across to France a
large portion of the home defence force it was complained with
some justice that he should have reenforced Sir Douglas Haig
with these troops some weeks earlier; he effected a further
drastic comb-out from essential industries; he introduced in
Parliament a man-power bill of excessive stringency; he sent his
most capable and vigorous colleague, Lord Milner, to the War
Office; he was urgent with the American authorities to hurry up
as many of their troops as possible into the fighting line. The
situation was saved, owing mainly to the skilful strategy of Gen.
Foch and to the magnificently efficient fighting machine into
which Sir Douglas Haig had converted his armies. Accordingly,
Mr. Lloyd George could assure the Empire, in a message on the
fourth anniversary of the war in Aug., that although the battle
was not yet won, yet, thanks to the extraordinary bravery of all
the Allied armies, the prospects of victory had never been so
great. All that was wanted was to "hold fast."
Mr. Lloyd George was reproached by his critics with too great
a disposition to encourage and strengthen the various subsidiary
fronts, such as Mesopotamia, Palestine, Salonika and Italy, at
the expense of the western front, where the struggle must mainly
be decided; and in this and other respects to overrule, on ques-
tions of what may be called the higher strategy, the decisions of
his military advisers. If that be so, he might plead the example
of Chatham; and at any rate the eventual and dramatic success
of what were called derisively " side-shows " contributed not a
little to the downfall of the Central Powers. He was also charged
with reducing his colleagues to ciphers, and acting as a dictator
rather than a first minister. The loyalty with which he was
served by eminent men who had been formerly in sharp antag-
onism to him is sufficient to show that his colleagues recognized
that he assumed no more authority than was inevitable when the
State was in danger. But undoubtedly the system of a Supreme
Council of the Allies represented by their Prime Ministers, which
he helped to establish in war and which continued for a while
in peace, tended to enhance his authority and position, and in
particular to reduce the importance of his Foreign Minister.
Moreover, it was impossible for him and his colleagues not to
realize that it was preeminently in him, after Lord Kitchener's
death, that the British nation and Empire trusted to bring them
safely through the war. He never contemplated, or allowed the
country to consider conceivable, any other termination of the
war than a fight to a finish. He would not palter either with any
of the insincere or inadequate German overtures, with President
Wilson's early formula of "peace without victory," with the
Russian phrase "no annexations and no indemnities," or with
Lord Lansdowne's negotiated peace; he insisted on eliminating
the doctrine of the "freedom of the seas" from President Wil-
son's Fourteen Points. He steadily pressed for the war aims
originally laid down by Mr. Asquith, though, an idealist himself,
he expressed them in terms agreeable to idealists, such as Presi-
dent Wilson and the loftier spirits among the Labour men. On
the publication of Lord Lansdowne's letter he made his position
clear. It was not the extreme pacifist, he said, who was the dan-
ger, but the man who thought there was a halfway-house be-
tween defeat and victory. To end a war entered upon to enforce
a treaty, without reparation for the infringement of that treaty,
merely by entering into a new and more comprehensive treaty,
would indeed be a farce in the setting of a tragedy. " To stop
LLOYD GEORGE, DAVID
783
short of victory," he wrote in Aug. 1918, " would be to compro-
mise the future of mankind." He was as good as his word. Hos-
tilities were closed with each of the enemy allies in succession
Bulgaria, Turkey, Austria-Hungary and Germany by what
was virtually a surrender, and a surrender on terms implying
severe defeat. It was in keeping with the character of a man
who, a lay preacher himself, regarded the war as a sacred, reli-
gious duty, that, after reading the terms of the Armistice from
his place in the House of Commons on Nov. n, he should ask
Parliament to come, with Chancellor and Speaker at their
head, to render thanks to God at St. Margaret's.
In spite of his bitter partisan sallies in the past, Mr. Lloyd
George was a great conciliator, as he showed over and over again
both in his dealings with Britain's Allies, and in his interventions
in Labour disputes; and therefore it is not unnatural that he
should appreciate highly the value of government by Coalition.
Owing to it he had the satisfaction, even during the war, of pro-
moting social welfare by means of a comprehensive Education
bill; and of settling on a wide basis the question of reform, in-
cluding the extension of the franchise to women an extension
of which he was always a warm advocate, though the militants
had, in the past, unfairly flouted him as a renegade. It was his
firm belief that by Coalition it would be possible to settle the
Irish question. The convention which he set up in 1917 gave
hope of success but its report was not sufficiently unanimous;
and his vacillation in first promising, and then refusing, to in-
troduce a Home Rule bill after the convention in 1918, together
with his attempt to force conscription upon Ireland, contributed
to the spread of Sinn Fein disaffection; though there was a
plausible justification at the time for each of his actions. Coali-
tion also helped towards that great constitutional development
of the Imperial War Cabinet, with its corollaries of imperial
preference and conservation of the essential raw materials of the
Empire, for which, even apart from the war, Mr. Lloyd George's
Ministry will always be honourably remembered.
Hence, when a general election, long overdue, and now ren-
dered inevitable by the passage of a reform bill, was impending
on the termination of hostilities, Mr. Lloyd George, with the
cordial assent of Mr. Law, determined to maintain the Coalition,
and to ask the country to return candidates pledged to support
the Government in the negotiations of peace and in the problems
of reconstruction that must immediately arise. As he wrote to
Mr. Law, the Government had had a unity both in aims and in
action which was very remarkable in a Coalition Government.
This was, it may be pointed out, the less surprising, as the plat-
form of social reform united Mr. Lloyd George and his followers
among the Liberals not merely to the moderate Labour leaders
but to Mr. Law and the great majority of his party, who inherited
the Disraelian tradition of Sybil and of the social measures of the
1874 Government. It was a policy of this character that the
joint leaders put forward in their manifesto, and they invited
candidates who agreed with their aims to pledge them their
support. This was surely not unreasonable, as they could not
rely upon organized parties; but the Liberals who followed Mr.
Asquith, and the Labour party as a whole, though they both
claimed independence of the Coalition and stood practically as
opposition candidates, denounced the practice as unfair, and
nicknamed the pledge a " coupon." The result was an over-
whelming vote of confidence in the Coalition, and the absolute
rout of the pacifists, the discomfiture of Mr. Asquith and the
Liberals who refused to follow Mr. Lloyd George, and the com-
parative failure of an ambitious effort by the Labour party.
This enormous majority gave Mr. Lloyd George a position of
exceptional strength and authority at the Peace Conference of
1919 at Paris, which he attended as the principal British pleni-
potentiary. He established a new precedent by taking to the
conference with him not merely some of his principal colleagues,
but also the Prime Ministers and other representatives of the
Dominions and of India; who, as representing peoples whose
fighting strength had contributed materially to the victory, were
obviously entitled to have their share in arranging terms of peace
and to sign the treaty ultimately agreed upon. At the conference
he was one of three principal figures, along with President Wilson
and M. Clemenceau; and his remarkable powers of conciliation
were often required to harmonize the very divergent points of
view of these eminent men. He strongly supported the Presi-
dent's idealistic scheme of a League of Nations, having himself
always regarded the war as one to end war. At the same time he
sympathized with M. Clemenceau's resolve to obtain security
for France, though he refused to consent to the annexation, with
that object, of German populations, either to France herself or
her protege, Poland. But he was ready to protect France in
another fashion by signing along with President Wilson a separ-
ate Treaty of Alliance with her, whereby Great Britain and the
United States agreed to come to her assistance in the event of an
unprovoked attack on her by Germany. The agreement with
England was, however, only to come into force after the "ratifica-
tion of that with the United States a ratification which was
never accorded. He insisted also on German disarmament and
German reparations which latter should only be limited by
German ability to pay. Further, he pressed for the due trial of
war criminals, and, among them, for that of the most responsible
of all, the Emperor William. He signed the Treaty of Versailles
on June 28, and obtained its prompt acceptance by the House of
Commons. The King in Aug. conferred on Mr. Lloyd George
the Order of Merit in recognition of his preeminent services,
" both in carrying the war to a victorious end and in securing an
honourable peace."
But the signing of the treaty with Germany, and of the treaties
with the other enemy Powers, by no means settled finally the
issues between the Allies and their late foes. Mr. Lloyd George
had on frequent occasions in the next two years to attend meet-
ings of the Supreme Council at Paris, San Remo, Spa, Lympne
and occasionally in London, in order to deal with difficult ques-
tions arising to take a few of the most critical points now out
of the provisions relating to German reparations or disarmament,
now out of those providing for the future of Silesia. In regard to
some of these matters the points of view of France and Britain
were so different that even Mr. Lloyd George was hard put to it to
find an acceptable formula; and in regard to Silesia he dexterously
managed in the summer of 1921 to avoid an open breach by
referring the whole matter to the League of Nations. One pro-
vision of the Treaty of Versailles, which both Mr. Lloyd George
and the British public considered important namely, that which
provided for the trial of Emperor William proved abortive; as
the Government of the Netherlands maintained its right of
asylum, and refused to surrender him to the Allies. One foreign
question, indirectly connected with the treaty, occasioned Mr.
Lloyd George great trouble. He strongly condemned the Soviet
Government of Russia, and the principles upon which it was
based; but he gradually extricated British troops from their
commitments to various Russian generals who were waging civil
war upon it; and, as it established its position, yielded to the
desire of the Labour party for the reopening of trade with Rus-
sia, but on the conditions of a release of all British prisoners and
a cessation of foreign revolutionary propaganda.
The immediate prospect of the Peace Conference in Paris and
the probability that international complications arising out of the
war and of the peace would necessarily weigh heavily on the
Prime Minister for many months, if not years, caused Mr. Lloyd
George, when he made a partial reconstruction of his ministry
after the general election, to continue the arrangement by which
Mr. Bonar Law led the House of Commons. But, after the close
of the conference, he himself was more frequently in his place in
Parliament than during the last three years; and the rank and
file after a while began to question whether this war arrangement
should not come, with other war arrangements, to an end. On
this point, however, Mr. Lloyd George remained firm; though
he gratified constitutionalists by restoring, after the Treaty of
Versailles, the old form of Cabinet Government, only with the
addition of a permanent secretariat.
His principal domestic preoccupations during the years imme-
diately following the peace were the industrial unrest, which
continued with practically no intermission for two years and a
7 8 4
LLOYD GEORGE, DAVID
half, and which demanded, again and again, his personal, inter-
vention; the social reforms promised in the joint manifesto, which
were to make Britain, in his own words, " a land fit for heroes to
live in "; the difficulties of finance and of controlling the extrava-
gant expenditure which war habits had generated; and finally
the settlement, if possible, of Ireland and the Irish question. He
laid down his policy on the labour upheaval in the debate on the
Address in 1919. The Government would welcome a general
investigation into the whole causes of industrial unrest; one in-
dividual trade could not be considered without reference to the
rest. A great increase in some essential ingredients like coal or
transport might easily destroy the chances of restarting Brit-
ish export industry. Every demand which was put forward by
any body of workmen would be examined fairly and carefully by
the Government with the view of removing any legitimate griev-
ance ; but the Government were determined to fight Prussianism
in the industrial world, as they had fought it on the continent of
Europe, with the whole might of the nation. He had at once to
deil with a threatened strike of coal-miners, and his was the en-
ergy which promptly set up the Sankey Commission to avert a coal-
miners' strike in the early spring of 1919, and got the Comm's-
sion to issue a preliminary report in three weeks. He sought also
at once a wider remedy. He called an Industrial Conference of
masters and men, and persuaded it to set up a provisional joint
committee. He addressed this body at its first meeting, terming
it a peace congress, and saying that with so much of the world in
pieces, Britain might have to save civilization. It was necessary
to find the legitimate boundary between wages and hours on the
one side and adequate production on the other. The huge war
debt must be met by saving or by increasing productivity. Em-
ployers and workmen should come to an understanding by some
sort of dead level of talk. Though the committee came to an
agreement on the basis of a legal 48-hour week, minimum time
rates of wages of universal application, and the creation of a
permanent industrial council, half masters half workmen, to
advise, the Government on industrial questions, the article on
ENGLISH HISTORY shows that this well-intentioned effort was
of no avail to calm the unrest.
To take one or two instances of his methods. Of the railway
strike in Aug. 1919 he said that he could recall no strike entered
into so lightly, with so little justification and with such entire
disregard of the public interest. He pointed out that the State
was running the railways at a loss due mainly to the enormous
increases in the wages of railway workers since the beginning of
the war. He took strong measures and succeeded in stopping
the strike after 10 days, though promising hardly any further
concession than was previously offered. He declined absolutely
to adopt the final report of the Sankey Commission and concede
the nationalization of the coal industry. The Government had
never, he said, committed themselves blindfold to whatever the
Commission might recommend, and they had definitely decided
that they could not undertake the State management of the
mines. In the great coal dispute of the autumn of 1020, he in-
sisted that there must be guarantees as to output before there
could be an advance of wages, and that wages and output must
advance together. He treated the refusal of Irish railwaymen in
that year to carry munitions of war, which was backed in a half-
hearted way by the English railwaymen, as a challenge to the
whole constitution of the country and was prepared to close the
Irish railways rather than submit.
A speech which he delivered at the City Temple on Sept. 17
1919 shows his general views of reconstruction. He appealed for
brotherhood between nations and brotherhood between classes.
He sketched in broad outline the fundamental changes which he
wished to see in the political, soc ; al and industrial conditions of
the United Kingdom. Slum? would have to go, and he hoped that
the great armaments would disappear, as also the wretched mis-
understandings between Ireland and the rest o'f the United
Kingdom. He looked forward to seeing waste in every shape
and form disappear. But these changes could only be effected
by patient work, in the spirit of comradeship of classes, a passion-
ate desire to see justice done to all classes. He pleaded not only
for the League of Nations, but for fair play between employers
and employed. If workmen merely considered how much they
could extort from employers at the cost, perhaps, of the commun-
ity, or if employers only asked at how low a price they could buy
off labour, the result would be disastrous. In this spirit, while
prices were high and the fictitious boom in trade born of war was
still in existence, he started the Ministry of Health and the Min-
istry of Transport on large lines, encouraged Dr. Addison in a
great housing scheme, for the reason that, as he said, adequate
housing would make happy homes, which were the surest guar-
antee against agitation and unrest; he promoted legislation
guaranteeing a minimum price of wheat and security of tenure
to the farmer, and a minimum wage and better hours to the
labourer; and he encouraged Mr. Austen Chamberlain to con-
tinue to lay the same, or greater, burdens on the taxpayer in
peace, as that patriotic citizen had borne in patience during war.
Then in the late autumn of 1920 there came without warning
a sharp depression in trade, and prices suddenly fell. This at
once rendered acute the question of expenditure about which
there had been many sporadic protests already. Mr. Lloyd
George pointed out that the depression was universal, that it
was desirable to remove Government control from trade as soon
as possible, and that public and private economy were necessary
on the strictest lines. He had already addressed a strong letter
to the spending departments, but with little result; and in the
previous year he had pointed to armaments as the only item on
which considerable reductions could be made. But the public
thought that there were other possibilities of reduction, espe-
cially in the grandiose schemes of Mr. Fisher, Dr. Addison and
Sir Eric Geddes, the Ministers of Education, Health and Trans-
port. This opinion was forcibly brought home to Mr. Lloyd
George in the spring of 1921 by the rapid growth of an " Anti-
Waste " party, unaffiliated to any of the historical connexions,
which defeated Government candidates in by-election after by-
election; and by the formation of a growing " cave," in the
ministerial ranks, of members who announced that they held
themselves free to vote against the Government on questions of
expenditure. Reluctant as Mr. Lloyd George, always a social
reformer rather than an economist, was to abandon his cherished
policy, he recognized that it was necessary to bow to public opin-
ion. The greater part of Mr. Fisher's scheme was postponed;
Sir Eric Geddes reduced the dimensions of his railway bill; Dr.
Addison's proposals were so mutilated that he resigned; the
agricultural policy was reversed; the abandonment of control
of mines was advanced by four months in order to save the sub-
sidy, and incidentally the greatest strike of recent times was
precipitated. But the movement for a severe reduction of ex-
penditure still gathered force.
There was nothing nearer to Mr. Lloyd George's heart than
to effect an Irish settlement, and he carried through Parliament
in 1919-20 a Home Rule bill creating two self-governing Par-
liaments, one at Dublin and one at Belfast, with a Federal Coun-
cil as a link between them making for the unity of Ireland. He
explained to Parliament that the measure rested on three basic
facts: (i) three-fourths of the Irish people were bitterly hos-
tile and rebels at heart; (2) N.E. Ireland was alien in race
sympathy and tradition from the rest; (3) severance of the
United Kingdom and Ireland would be fatal to both. The first
of these facts was abundantly illustrated in 1919-21. The Sinn
Feiners of the south kept up a ruthless campaign of assassination
against soldiers, police and well-affected civilians, sparing nei-
ther age nor sex. Mr. Lloyd George reenforced both soldiers and
police, and backed them up strongly, even palliating unauthor-
ized and severe reprisals which newly recruited police without
sufficient discipline committed during several weeks. But though
he assured Parliament and the public, at intervals, that he had
murder by the throat, the campaign was still continued; and
Sinn Fein held such a control of southern Ireland that it captured
in 1921 without contests the whole of the seats for the southern
Parliament except those allotted to Trinity College, and then its
members refused to come and take the oath. But the northern
Parliament, where the Unionists had a large majority, was
LOCHEE OF COWRIE LODGE, H. C.
785
opened with great eclat in the spring by the King in person, who
adjured Irishmen to " forgive and forget." The words chimed in
with a great yearning in the public mind for peace. Mr. Lloyd
George seized the occasion, asked Mr. De Valera, the Sinn Fein
leader, and Sir James Craig, the Ulster Prime Minister, to come
and see him, and a truce to bloodshed was arranged pending
negotiations. Mr. Lloyd George's subsequent offer of " Dominion
Home Rule," with certain safeguards, the Sinn Fein rejections
of it during August and September, and its acceptance in De-
cember, are dealt with in the article on IRELAND.
Mr. Lloyd George also held further sessions in the summer of
1921 of the Imperial Cabinet, or Conference, as some prefer to
call it. The decisions mainly affected the treaty with Japan, the
renewal of which was approved, and the Pacific question. While
the Dominion Premiers were still in session with British ministers
in London, President Harding issued an invitation to a Con-
ference on Disarmament at Washington, which was accepted.
The Imperial Cabinet suggested a preliminary Pacific Confer-
ence which the Dominion ministers might attend, but the United
States would not agree.
Mr. Lloyd George lost in the early spring of 1921 two valuable
colleagues, Lord Milner and Mr. (afterwards Lord) Long; and
he suffered a still greater loss in the sudden break-down in health
of his partner in Government, Mr. Bonar Law, with whom his
"relations had been peculiarly intimate and cordial. But he ar-
ranged that the newly elected Unionist leader, Mr. Austen
Chamberlain, should occupy exactly the same position as his
predecessor. He was as convinced of the necessity of Coalition
as ever, though there were some signs of disaffection on both
wings, and the " Anti- Waste " movement was proving a dis-
integrating force. His own astounding vitality appeared to have
suffered no diminution. There was no sign of weariness or lack
of grasp in his prompt action after the King's speech at Belfast,
in spite of the fact that he had been uninterruptedly in high
office for nearly 15 years, had been in the forefront of political
strife almost the whole time, had carried the country with safety
and success through the greatest war in history, and had sur-
vived an amount of abuse from different quarters that would
have crushed any but a very exceptional personality. Though
public confidence in him was not so general in the summer of 1921
as it had been at the close of the war, no statesman had yet
arisen who could seriously be put in competition with him for
the post of Prime Minister. (G. E. B.)
LOCHEE OF GOWRIE, EDMUND ROBERTSON, BARON (1845-
1911), British jurist and politician. Born in Scotland Oct. 28
1845, and educated at Oxford, he became a fellow of Corpus
Christi College in 1872; he was called to the English bar, and
became well known as a jurist, filling the posts of examiner in
jurisprudence at Oxford, professor of Roman law at London
University, and reader in law to the council of legal education.
He was Liberal member for Dundee from 1885 until he was
raised to the peerage in 1908. In 1892 he became a civil lord of
-the Admiralty, and in 1906 was secretary to the Admiralty.
His writings include a book on American Home Rule, and
numerous articles on legal and constitutional subjects in the
E.B. He died at Canterbury Sept. 13 191 1.
LOCKE, WILLIAM JOHN (1863- ), English novelist and
playwright, was born March 20 1863 in Georgetown, Demerara,
the eldest son of John Locke of the Colonial Bank Service. He
was educated at Trinidad and St. John's College, Cambridge.
On leaving the university he became a schoolmaster until in
1897 he was appointed secretary to the R.I.B.A. He became
a corresponding member of many European architectural socie-
ties; but it is as a writer of novels that he is best known. Of
these the chief are: At the Gate of Samaria (1895); Where Love
Is (1903); The Morals of Marcus Ordeyne (1905); The Beloved
Vagabond (1906); Stella Maris (1913); The Woiiderful Year
(1916); The Rough Road (1918); The House of Baltazar (1920)
and The Mountebank (1921), several of which have been repro-
duced on the film. Besides original plays, such as Mr. Cynic
(1899), The Lost Legion (1900) and The Man from the Sea (1910),
he dramatized The Morals of Marcus, produced at the Garrick
theatre (1906), and The Beloved Vagabond, produced at His
Majesty's theatre (1908).
LOCKROY, EDOUARD (1838-1913), French politician (see
16.854), died Nov. 22 1913.
LOCKWOOD, WILTON (1861-1914), American painter (see
16.855), died at Brookline, Mass., March 20 1914. In 1912 he
was elected a member of the National Academy of Design.
LOCKYER, SIR JOSEPH NORMAN (1836-1920), English
astronomer (see 16.855), died at Sidmouth Aug. 16 1920. la
1912 he became president of the British Science Guild, which
owed its existence to a suggestion made by him in his presi-
dential address to the British Association in 1903.
LODGE, HENRY CABOT (1850- ), American statesman
and author (see 16.860), as a member of the Committee on
Foreign Relations of the U.S. Senate supported (1914) the repeal
of the Panama Canal toll exemptions clause as desired by
President Wilson. Although he believed that under the Hay-
Pauncefote Treaty the United States had full right to discrim-
inate in favour of American shipping, he felt that a mistake had
been made in refusing Great Britain's request for arbitration of
the question. He was opposed to woman suffrage and in Aug.
was " blacklisted " by the National American Suffrage Associa-
tion. In Jan. 1915 he opposed the ship purchase Ml for the
acquisition of shipping which the President had asked Congress
to pass, on the ground that it would lead to endless foreign
complications because of conditions arising out of the World
War. In Feb. he also opposed the treaty negotiated by Secre-
tary Bryan with Colombia, in which it was proposed to pay Co-
lombia $25,000,000 and to express regrets for incidents attend-
ing America's recognition of the independence of Panama and
acquisition of the Panama Canal Zone. He construed this as a
criticism of the administration of President Roosevelt when
the Canal Zone was acquired. In 1916 he assailed the sug-
gestion of an American embargo on arms, declaring that such
action would place America on the side of the Central Powers.
In Jan. of the same year he offered a resolution calling for armed
intervention in Mexico. He was an unpledged delegate-at-large
from Massachusetts to the Republican National Convention,
1916, and served as chairman of the Committee on Resolutions.
The same year he was elected vice-president of the American
Society of International Law. In July he supported the navy
bill, calling for an appropriation of $315,000,000, and declared
that America needed a fleet both in the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans as the Panama Canal was " vulnerable." In Oct. he
publicly charged that the President had added a " postscript "
to the second " Lusitania " note, informing the German Govern-
ment that the strong words in the first note were " not to be taken
seriously " and had withdrawn it when members of the Cabinet
threatened to resign. Later he accepted, somewhat perfunctorily,
the President's denial of such action. He opposed prohibition
and urged moderate taxation of individual incomes and oi
excess war profits of corporations. In 1918 he opposed the
O/erman bill, bestowing special war powers on the President,
on the ground that it rmVht lead to autocracy. Senator Lodge
hal long been a sharp critic of President Wilson's policies and
his antagonism became more personal after the meeting of the
Peace Conference. In Dec. 1918 he advocated postponement
of the question of a league of nations until after the signing of
the treaty, insisting that the two should be consi '.ered separately.
In the same year he was elected Republican floor leader of the
Senate and, as such and as chairman of the Foreign Relations
Committee, his position was one of great influence. When
the President submitted to the Senate the Treaty of Peace,
Senator Lodge became the leader of the opposition. He as-
sailed the President for usurping power and ignoring the Senate
whose responsibility in the matter, he declared, was as great as
the President's. Under his leadership 14 reservations were
carried through the Senate, "all designed to protect the safety,
independence and sovereignty of the United States. They did
not nullify the treaty. They simply Americanized it"; these,
he maintained, constituted the " irreducible minimum,"
which the President must accept, if the treaty was to be ratified
786
LODGE, SIR O. J. LODZ-CRACOW, BATTLES OF
by the Senate. The President refused to accept the reservations,
a prolonged deadlock ensued, ending in rejection of the treaty
as submitted by the President. At the Republican National
Convention in 1920 Senator Lodge served as permanent chair-
man. He was one of the four U.S. delegates at the Washington
Conference on the Limitation of Armament, in 1921.
LODGE, SIR OLIVER JOSEPH (1851- ), English physicist
(see 16.860). Subsequently to 1910 Sir Oliver Lodge became
increasingly prominent as a leader in psychical research and a
strong believer in the possibility of communicating with the
dead. Amongst his later publications are The Survival of Man
(1909); Reason and Belief (1911, 3rd ed.); The War and After
(1915); Raymond, or Life and Death (1916), a memoir of his son
killed in the World War, with an account of communications
thought to have been received from him since; Christopher: a
Study in Human Personality (1918), etc. In the early part of
1920 he made an extensive lecturing tour in the United States,
having just previously retired from his post as principal of the
university of Birmingham.
LODZ-CRACOW, BATTLES OF, 1914. Under this heading an
account is given of the offensive operations of the Central Powers
in the eastern theatre of war in Nov. 1914, succeeding the
Vistula-San battles, which had ended in their retreat through
Poland and West Galicia to the verge of Silesia. The battle-
front was enormous, extending as it did from the country N. of
Warsaw, across western Poland and past Cracow into the Carpa-
thians. But this front was held in very unequal density, and, in
this event, the execution of the general plan led to the focussing
of the German operations upon the manufacturing town and
rail centre of Lodz, while the Austrian centre of gravity lay at
and to the S. of Cracow.
Having decided to break off the battles of Warsaw and
Ivangorod, the Central Powers instantly formulated a new plan
of campaign, regrouping their troops and placing them in readi-
ness for a new offensive. The Russian IV. and IX. Armies had
kept in touch with the Austro-Hungarian I. Army after the
battle of Ivangorod, but the Russian I., II. and V. Armies soon
lost all contact with Hindenburg's army, owing to his rapid
retreat and the destruction of all communications. By Nov. 3
these three armies had reached the line Kovel (Kowel)-Klodawa-
Uniejow-Zdunska Wola-Belchatow-Checiny, where they lay
without attacking until Nov. 8. It may be assumed that the
Grand Duke Nicholas left them in this section to recover and
prepare for a great new offensive through Silesia into the in-
terior of Germany.
The Russian III. and VIII. Armies pursued the Austro-Hun-
garian Armies very cautiously in their retreat in Galicia, while
the Russian XI. Army was being formed under Lt.-Gen.
Selivanov for the second siege of Przemysl.
Hindenburg, who on Nov. i had taken over the supreme
command of the whole German E. front, resigning the command
of the IX. Army to Gen. von Mackensen, commander of the
XVII. Corps, proposed to meet the Russian attack by sending
the German IX. Army from the Silesian frontier by train to the
Posen-Thorn area and pushing off the German I. Corps and
XXV. Res. Corps of the German VIII. Army then fighting in
East Prussia to meet it there.
With this force consisting of 5^ corps and 2 cavalry divisions
he intended to make an enveloping attack on the Russian I.
Army, which was advancing on the N. wing, and to entrust the
direct protection of the Silesian frontier to Landsturm formations,
the Posen and Breslau garrisons, Frommel's newly formed
cavalry corps (German sth and 8th and Austro-Hungarian 7th
Cavalry Divs.) and Gen. von Woyrsch's army detachment, con-
sisting of 5 infantry divisions which had been left in the area of
Czenstochowa and Zarki.
On the right bank of the Vistula Zastrow's German corps,
consisting of the war garrisons of the Vistula fortresses and
of Landsturm, was to simulate a strong attack on N. Poland
from Soldau, while the main reserve of the Thorn fortress
pushed forward up the Vistula towards Plock (Plotsk).
The Austro-Hungarian I. Army, having the Cracow fortress as
a support for its S. flank, had by Nov. 8 established itself on the
line Zarki-Komolow-Bydlin-Proks-Krzeszowice. In conjunction
with Woyrsch's army, which was under the Austro-Hungarian
Army Higher Command, it was to intercept the expected impact
of the Russian IV. and IX. Armies. The Austro-Hungarian
IV. Army was to join up with the I. Army, cross the Vistula
either within or to the E. of the Cracow fortress area on Nov.
10 or n, according to the stage reached in the battle, and fall on
the flank of the Russian IX. Army attack. The S. wing of the I.
Army was to join in this attack at discretion.
In Galicia no important Russian offensive was expected in the
near future. Confirmation of this view was provided by the
very slight pressure exercised upon the retreating Austro-Hun-
garians by the Russian III. and VIII. Armies, and also by^some
intercepted radio telegrams. On the one hand, the Russians were
exhausted after the heavy fighting on the San and the successful
attacks by the II. and III. Austro-Hungarian Armies at Chyrow;
on the other, the siege army raised for Przemysl had absorbed
a large part of their mobile forces.
In case of an attack, the Austro-Hungarian Army Higher
Command intended to answer by a counter-advance in western
Galicia in touch with the IV. Army and on the Carpathian
ridge. This it hoped to be in a position to carry out even after
the original front had been weakened. In the Silesian frontier
defence, N. of Woyrsch's army, there was a large, inadequately
defended gap which the German Supreme Command ardently
desired to see filled. The Austro-Hungarian Army Higher Com-
mand therefore withdrew the II. Army Command with the IV.
and XII. Corps from the front, added a Hussar regiment, and
sent them all by train through Silesia to Woyrsch's N. wing, to
be placed under his command. In the deployment area this
army was also joined by Hauer's cavalry corps, consisting of the
2nd and gth Cav. Divisions.
The remaining army groups of the II. Army including the
VII. Corps, 1 7th and 34th Infantry Divs., 38th Honved Infantry
Div., ist, sth and Sth Cav. Divs., iO3rd and xosth Landsturm
Bdes., and -the ist, 2nd and I7th Landsturm territorial bri-
gades were placed under the III. Army Command and, in con-
junction with this army, had to prevent a Russian advance over
the Carpathian ridge. The direct protection of western Galicia
was left to the XI. Corps (Field-Marshal-Lt. von Ljubicic).
In Oct. an army group was formed under Gen. von Pflanzer
in order to defend the eastern Carpathians and drive the Rus-
sians out of Austria-Hungary. On this group fell the task of
defending the Carpathians E. of the Verecke pass, and of pro-
tecting the reconquered portions of Bukovina.
In accordance with this plan of operations big battles now
developed, during Nov. and Dec., in Russian Poland, at Cracow
in western Galicia, and on the Carpathian ridge.
Mackensen's attack on the Russian I. and II. Armies led to
the two battles of Lodz (Nov. i7-Dec. 15), the Austro-Hungarian
IV. and I. Armies' operations to the battle of Cracow (Nov.
12-26), to which was added in Dec. the battle of Limanowa-
Lapanow in western Galicia (Dec. 3-12).
In the second half of Dec. a Russian counter-offensive set in,
leading to the battle of Jaslo.
First Battle of Lodz (Nov. i?-Dec. i). The advance of the
German IX. Army from theThorn-Posen area between the Warta
and the Vistula began on Nov. n. On the N. wing the XXV.
and I. Reserve Corps advanced on Wloclawek, the XX.
Corps and the 3rd General Reserve Div. from Hohensalza on
Kutno, the XVII. Corps from Gnesen through Kolo towards
Leczyca, and the XI. Corps from Wreschen (Wrzesznia) through
Konin towards Dabie.
Before the front a screen was provided by von Richthofen's
cavalry corps formed from the 6th and oth Cav. Divs.
which had been brought up from the W. and was driving back
the Russian cavalry through Lubomin and Blena. In the space
between the XI. Corps and Gen. Woyrsch's N. wing the forma-
tion of the Posen and Breslau corps was screened by German
Landsturm and by Frommel's cavalry corps, which had been
winning battles against Novakov's Russian cavalry corps.
LODZ-CRACOW, BATTLES OF
787
Frommel's corps had to push forward on Lodz, the Posen corps
on Sieradz and Lask. The Breslau corps was not yet ready.
It was anticipated that the II. Army would come in by the
middle of Nov. from the area N. of Czenstochowa, and that
towards the end of the month 8 German divs., released by the
breaking-off of the Ypres battle, would have come up by train.
The Zastrow corps and the Westenhausen brigade of the Thorn
fortress garrison had also begun to advance on Nov. n, the
Zastrow corps being reenforced by Hollan's cavalry corps (2nd
and 4th Cav. Divs.), likewise brought from the west.
, The Russian I. Army had on Nov. 9 advanced its front to
Wloclawek. The rest of the front remained more or less stationary.
Their preparations were apparently not complete. They also
assumed the German and Austro-Hungarian forces to be so
thoroughly beaten that they could begin the offensive at their
leisure. Their great distance from the drafting base, too, made
very thorough preparations essential.
On Nov. 1 2 the German N. wing came up against the Russian
front quite unexpectedly on the line Wloclawek-Lubraniec.
After a brief but heavy battle, the Siberian V. Corps and the
Russian 79th and 5th Divs. were overthrown, Wloclawek taken,
and the Russian I. Army forced to retreat to the line Plock-
Gostynin-Kutno-Ozorkow, where it established itself afresh,
prepared for a stubborn resistance. To withdraw from this posi-
tion would mean losing the Vistula crossing at Flock, and with it
the possibility of bringing the corps on the N. bank of the Vistula
over to the S. bank by the shortest way. On the isth Mackensen
overran this line also. In the battle of Kutno on Nov. 16 the
resistance of the Russian I. Army was broken, and it withdrew
to a sort of bridgehead position S. of Flock. Mackensen left
only the one reserve corps under Lt.-Gen. von Morgen to protect
him in rear against the Russian I. Army, and pushed forward
with his main force on the line Leczyca-Lowicz.
The Russian situation had become critical, for the I. and II.
Armies had been torn apart. As the right wing of the II. Army
was in danger of being surrounded, the Grand Duke Nicholas
led the army back to the line Strzykow-Lutomirsk, which it
reached on the evening of Nov. 17. Here, together with the
IV., II. Siberian and XVII. Corps and the I. Corps, brought
up to the right wing from Lask, it was to intercept Mackensen's
blow, aimed in the direction of Lodz. The Russian V. Army,
consisting of the XIX., V., I. and IV. Siberian Corps, was also
brought up, instead of being sent to march towards Silesia, as
was originally intended. At the same time the advance of the
Russian corps still engaged on the right bank of the Vistula was
diverted towards Flock, Wyszogrod and Warsaw for the purpose
of making a thrust at Mackensen's left flank.
On Nov. 17 the German corps crossed over the Lowicz-
Leczyca line, and, after the Russian II. Army's right wing had
been thrown back on Brzeziny, and Brzeziny itself had been taken
by the XX. Corps on Nov. 19, advanced concentrically on Lodz.
As in the meantime Lask had been taken by the Posen corps, a
close ring was, on the 2oth, formed round the Russian II. and V.
Armies, consisting of 14? divisions, which stretched in a long
course of 90 km. from Tuszyn through Bukowiec, Nowosolna,
Lutomirsk and Lask to Grebuszow, leaving only a gap of 20 km.
open to the south-east.
The middle of Nov. also saw the beginning of the en-
veloping attack on Nowo-Radomsk by the IV. Army, Woyrsch's
army and Bohm's army, by which the Russian IV. and IX.
Armies were prevented from sending any of their forces to the
dangerously situated Russian II. and V. Armies.
On the 2ist, when Mackensen's victory over these two armies
seemed to be assured, there arrived Russian reinforcements,
coming from Lowicz and Warsaw by way of Skiernewice, which
pressed forward on the German rear up to Brzeziny.
Although Plock had fallen on Nov. n, and Gen. von Morgen,
who had fetched the main reserve of the Thorn fortress garrison
across the Vistula for his own use, was holding out against the
numerically superior Russians, the diversion of Russian forces to
Lodz could not be prevented.
To repulse the Russian forces advancing from Warsaw and
Skiernicwice (the II. Corps, 55th Infantry Div., Russian 5th and
Caucasian Cav. Divs.) Richthofen's cavalry corps, the Guard
Reserve Division and the XXV. Res. Corps reversed their
front. The German ring had to be opened. On the 2$rd the
right wing fell back on Zdunska Wola, the left on Nowosolna.
When the XX. Corps gave way on Nov. 24, the XXV. Res.
Corps, with the $rd Guard Res. Div. and Richthofen's cav-
alry corps, became cut off and surrounded by the triumphant
Russians, who had trains in readiness for transporting their
prisoners. But in the night of the 24th-25th, Lt.-Gen. Schaffer-
Boyadel, commanding the XXV. Res. Corps, succeeded by means
of a vigorous attack in breaking through to the N. and joining
up with the left wing of his own front, taking with him all the
surrounded units and 10,000 prisoners.
The effort to encircle the two Russian armies had not suc-
ceeded, and the hope of annihilating the Russian armies in the
bend of the Vistula had therefore once more to be deferred.
By the end of November, after the arrival of the Schaffer-
Boyadel group, Hindenburg had organized a strong connected
front on the line Dobrzykow-Zychlin-Piatek-Zgierz-Szadek-
Zdunska Wola-Widowa-Rusiec, at which point a junction was
made with Bohm's army. Against this front the Russians
battered in vain.
Meanwhile in the latter half of November the battle of Cracow
was being fought N. of Cracow and E. of Czenstochowa.
Battle of Cracow. At the Austro-Hungarian Army Higher
Command the attack by the Russian V., IV. and IX. Armies
was expected on Nov. 15 on the front of Woyrsch's and Dankl's
armies. Woyrsch was to hold his own position at all costs, and
to echelon Bohm's army in rear of his N. wing for a subsequent
counter-attack. Dankl's army was also to maintain its front
and be ready on the morning of Nov. 16 to advance to the attack
from its N. wing in conjunction with the Archduke Joseph
Ferdinand's army.
The Archduke was instructed to execute a surprise assault
on Nov. 16 on the flank of the attack which the Russian IX.
Army was expected to deliver on Dankl's army front. To this
end one group consisting of the XIV. Corps, with 4 infantry
divisions, under Field-Marshal-Lt. Roth was to attack by way
of Pietrzejowici; a second group -the VI. Corps, with 2 infantry
divisions, under Field-Marshal-Lt. von Arz wg.s to attack at
Slomniki; the XVII. Corps was to be in readiness at Wieliczka
to gain the N. bank of the Vistula at Niepolomice and Szczurow
on the 1 7th, and to join in the attack by Field-Marshal-Lt.
Roth's group. On Nov. 16 the line Nowo Brzesko-Proszowice-
the heights E. of Slomniki was to be reached.
In fact, however, the Russian IV. Army came within artillery
range of Woyrsch's army and the left wing of the I. Army on
Nov. 15. The Russian advance had, it is true, an appearance of
great caution, and only minor artillery battles and skirmishes
between advanced detachments took place on that day. Still
more hesitatingly did the Russian IX. Army advance its right
wing to the line Wolbrom-Skala. The left wing was meantime
being technically strengthened in the Wawrzenczyce-Smardzo-
wice position, facing the Cracow ring of forts, which it had
reached on Nov. 14.
Again, on Nov. 16, no particular battles were fought by
Woyrsch's army and the deploying II. Army. The right wing
of the Russian IX. Army, on the other hand, made a vigorous
attack on the Austro-Hungarian I. Corps of Dankl's army, but
was repulsed. Neither had the somewhat premature attack by
the right wing of Dankl's army (X. and V. Corps) and the whole
of the IV. Army any success that day.
On the morning of Nov. 17, the II. Army advanced to the
attack with the 35th Reserve Div., while Woyrsch's main body
and Dankl's N. wing (consisting of the II. Corps, the Tschurt-
schenthaler group and the i2th Infantry Div.) were repulsing
strong Russian attacks. The right wing of the I. Army gained
some ground. The IV. Army came up against strong Russian
positions but, towards evening, had managed to work its way up
to the heights S. of Gorzyce and to Smardzowice. The XVII.
Corps achieved the crossing of the Vistula in the course of the day.
788
LODZ-CRACOW, BATTLES OF
For Nov. 18 the Army Higher Command had ordered an
enveloping attack by the II. Army on the right wing of the
Russian IV. Army at Nowo-Radomsk, an assault on Szczekociny
by W'jyrsch's S. and Dankl's N. wing, and the capture of Skala
by Dankl'3 S. wing and the Archduke Joseph Ferdinand who
were also to gain ground in the direction of Proszowice. But this
day again brought only partial suci-ess. The i6th and 3ist Infan-
try Divs. of the II. Army reached Kocin by dint of heavy fight-
ing, and Hauer's cavalry corps encountered a Russian cavalry
division N.W. of Nowo-Radomsk and forced it back.
On the igth only local successes were obtained. The attacks
on the S. wing of the Austro-Hungarian I. Army (X. Corps) by
the Russian XIV. Corps were repulsed by the 24th Infantry Div.
The X. Corps in the end captured the Russian trenches at Saspow
and the N. wing of the I. Army also gained ground. The V.
Corps made an enveloping attack in the direction of Jangrot,
thus enabling the 33rd Infantry Div. to take the heights N. of
the Suloszowa church. The I. Corps and the Tschurtschenthaler
group stormed the heights 2 km. W. of Wolbrom and also those
E. of Kielkowice and Zerkowice. The II. Corps advanced as far
as Lgota Murowana.
In the meantime violent attacks on the Landwehr corps of
Woyrsch's army had been made by the Russian grenadier corps,
and were only repulsed after the left wing division of the II.
Army (i6th Infantry Div.) had made its enveloping attack on
the line Cykarzew-Kruszyna.
Of the remaining divisions of the II. Army the 35th Infantry
Div. reached the area round Miedzno, and th : 3ist Infantry
Div. went as far as Brzeznica. The IV. Army attack made no
particular progress, except that the XVII. Corps, attacking just
N. of the Vistula, won its way to the Kotowiec hollow.
On Nov. 20 the N. wing of Woyrsch's army made a successful
advance. The Prussian Landwehr corps took Radostkow and
drove back the Russian ist Grenadier Div. through Mykanow;
and the 35th German Reserve Div. under Lt.-Gen. Schmettau,
advancing to the N. of the Landwehr corps, also gained ground.
In the II. Army the 3ist Austro-Hungarian Infantry Div. ap-
proached to within about 8 km. of Nowo-Radomsk on both
sides of the Brzeznica-Nowo-Radomsk road and Hauer's corps
reached Dobryszyce.
On Nov. 2 1. the Russian grenadier corps opened a strong
counter-attack, and forced the 3ist Infantry Div. to fall back on
Brzeznica. Hauer's cavalry corps was also forced to retire to
Wiewiec and Chorzenice. Woyrsch's army front remained as it
was; and in the next few days his army went on the defensive,
joining up W. of Szczerczow and Widawa with the N. wing of
the German IX. Army which, in consequence of the events at
Lodz, had also had to be brought back.
Further S., the N. wing and centre of Dankl's army gained a
certain amount of ground, but there were no successes worth
recording. Neither did the Archduke Joseph Ferdinand's army
reap any particular advantages up to Nov. 22. The Austro-
Hungarian XVII. Corps did, indeed, drive the left wing of the
Russian IX. Army back across the Szreniawa, but the Russian
XXI. Corps, which had been fetched over from the S. to the
N. bank of the Vistula, prevented any further advance.
The Russian III. Army at the Battle of Cracow. After the
fighting on the San and the battle of Chyrow had been broken
off, Field-Marshal Ljubii6 led the XI. Corps (nth and 3oth
Infantry Divs.) back through Jaslo and Neu Sandcc to join the
N. wing of the III. Army. To him and to Field-Marshal-Lt.
Nikid's group (consisting of half of the 4ist Honved Infantry
Div., the ist and nth Landsturm Bdes. and the 6th and loth
Cavalry Divs.), which had been assigned to him by the IV.
Army Command, the protection of W. Galicia was entrusted.
The IV. Army was to deliver the flank assault towards the N.
and the main body of the III. Army was to retire to the Carpa-
thian ridge. At the same time Ljubii6 was to prevent the with-
drawal of any portion of the Russian III. Army to the N. bank
of the Vistula.
Of Radko Dimitriev's army, 8 divisions strong, only the XXI.
Corps (33rd and 45th Infantry Divs.) and a few cav. divs. had
reached Tarnow and the Dunajec up to the middle of November.
These were followed, at a great distance, by the cavalry only of
Boroevic's army. Radko Dimitriev's main body was at Jaslo,
Krosno and Dynow.
Screened by the Austro-Hungarian 4th Cavalry Div., the
transfer of the XI. Corps to the Brzesko-Tymowa area was com-
pleted by Nov. 19. Here LjubiCic proposed to hold up the Rus-
sians. If necessary, he would be able to fall back on the Raba,
or, possibly, on a position stretching from Kolko through Bloto
(E. of Niepolomice), Targowisko and Dobczyce to the Kamienik
heights S. of Dobczyce and finally on a technically prepared
position in the Wieliczka-Dobczyce area, where the strongest
resistance could be offered.
On Nov. 17 the cavalry were already engaged. At Strzelce
the Austro-Hungarian loth Cavalry Div. drove the Russian 7th
Cavalry Div. back towards Rylowa and Borzecin, but were
themselves forced to retreat when parts of the Russian 44th
Infantry Div. came on to the field at Borzecin. On the S. wing
W. of Grybow, actions were fought between the gth Dragoons
of the i4th Cavalry Div. and the Russian cavalry.
On Nov. 18 the advanced guards of the XI. Corps had forced
back some Cossack sotnias at Tymowa, and on the ipth the
3oth Infantry Div. reached the area E. of Tymbark, the nth
Infantry Div. and Nikic's group the areas E. and W. of Brzesko
respectively, while the sth Cavalry Div. stopped a Russian
column advancing from Zacliczyn. The gap of about 80 km.
which had been formed between the XI. Corps and the III.
Army's N. wing was protected by the 4th Cavalry Div. and a
mixed detachment at Neu Sandec and on the Dunajec. But, as
the 4th Cavalry Div. was forced by a Russian cavalry corps to
retire on Alt Sandec on Nov. 19, the road now lay open on
Ljubicic's flank and also in the direction of the IV. and I. Armies'
communications. The closing of this gap therefore called for
instant attention.
The protection of the area was entrusted to the commander
of the nth Cavalry Div., Field-Marshal-Lt. von Nagy, to
whom were allotted the 6th and loth Cavalry Divs. and also a
few auxiliary battalions and the Polish legion.
On learning through a radio t2legram that the Russian XXV.
Corps had asked the XXI. Corps to come in on both sides of the
Vistula, Ljubicic decided to deli /er an attack in a N.E. direction,
at the same time covering hims.-lf against Wojnicz and Zacliczyn,
with the aim of preventing the Russian XXI. Corps from attack-
ing on the N. bank of the VistUi?.
Radko Dimitriev's intention was to group his army on the
Dunajec as soon as possible and let the XXI. Corps go to the
help of the hard-pressed IX. Army on the N. bank of the Vistula.
The bridging preparations on both sides of the mouth of the
Dunajec and numerous intercepted messages pointed clearly to
the early execution of this project.
When Ljubicic attacked on Nov. 22 he already encountered
fairly strong Russian forces. Nikid went into action at Brzesko
with but slight results. The nth Infantry Div. attacked the
Russian XI. Corps E. of Brzesko, while the 3oth Infantry Div.
engaged a column of the Russian IX. Corps advancing from
Tarnow. Heavy battles also took place on Nov. 21 and 22, for
Nikic's group and the nth Infantry Div. had renewed their
attacks, in order to delay the Russian XXI. Corps in their
crossing of the river. But the Russians had meanwhile brought
up the whole of the IX. and XI. Corps, as well as parts of the X.
Corps, thus securing the safe withdrawal of the XXI. Corps. If
this corps could not be prevented from reaching the opposite
bank, however, the Austro-Hungarian Army Higher Command
intended that it should at least be harried during the crossing and
prevented from taking part in the IV. Army's battle. Ljubicic
had therefore hurriedly to transfer Nikic's group to the N. bank
of the Vistula, where, in conjunction with the Austro-Hungarian
XVII. Corps, it was immediately to advance against the Russian
XXI. Corps. Portions of the XI. Corps were also to make prep-
arations to cross over if necessary. But the preparations were
not called for, as Radko Dimitriev, on Nov. 23, launched an
attack on the whole of Ljubicic's front (the nth and 3oth Infan-
LODZ-CRACOW, BATTLES OF
789
try Divs. and the ist and nth Landsturm Bdes.). Although it
proved possible to repulse all the Russian attacks with the
exception of one at Brzesko, where an infantry regiment's
position was crushed in and although the Austro-Hungarian
troops were offering a most stubborn and enduring resistance,
Ljubicic decided, in view of the numerical superiority of the
Russians (they had 2 corps, i reserve division and 2 cavalry
divisions), to retire on Nov. 24 to Bochnia-Muchowka.
On the N. bank of the Vistula, similarly, no real success was
achieved. The E. wing of the IV. Army had certainly obtained
some fine results up to this point, but a new situation seemed to
have been created on the N. bank of the Vistula by the bringing
into action of the Russian XXI. Corps, which made furious
onslaughts on the Austro-Hungarian XVII. Corps.
Meanwhile the Russians had apparently intended to break
through on the inner wings of the I. and IV. Armies at all costs,
but all their attacks were in vain. On the S. wing of the I. Army
they threw themselves on the V. and X. Corps' front without
any result. Von Arz achieved some minor successes with counter-
attacks by the IV. Corps on the N. wing of the IV. Army, but
was not able to push through to Skola.
When the Russian III. Army came into action on both banks
of the Vistula, and particularly when it advanced against Ljubicic
on the S. bank with a force more than twice as strong as his, the
right flank of the Austro-Hungarian IV. Army seemed to be
dangerously involved. There were already 2 corps fighting
against Ljubicic, and 2 divisions of the Russian X. Corps were
still coming up. Should Ljubicic be forced to retreat, a reper-
cussion on the right wing of the IV. Army was inevitable.
In the meantime Brussilov had pressed hard upon Boroevic's
army in its retreat to the Carpathian ridge, and the Russian
XXIV. Corps had pushed forward on Homonna.
The danger attaching to Radko Dimitriev's advance led the
Austro-Hungarian Higher Command to decide definitely on a
new plan of operations. Ljubicic's group was in no case to be
exposed to a check, but was to yield gradually to the Russian
pressure and fall back on the last-prepared position Wieliczka,
Dobczyce and the Kamienik height. In accordance with this
retreat the Archduke Joseph Ferdinand was to take back
Kritek's (i7th) and Roth's (i4th) groups, which were heavily
engaged on the right wing, and Arz's group was to refuse its
flank. The consequent shortening of the IV. Army's front,
however, enabled Kritek's group to move back to the S. bank of
the Vistula, thus placing Ljubicic's group in a position to offer
an obstinate resistance on the line mentioned.
Up to this point the decision had been sought N. of the Vistula,
but Conrad von Hotzendorf, whose one anxiety had been to
resume the offensive, now planned a blow to be delivered from
the S. against the left flank of that part of the Russian III. Army
which was advancing against Ljubicic.
This flank attack was to be carried out by the XIV. Corps
(3rd and 8th Infantry Divs.), the i3th Landwehr Infantry Div.
and the German 47th Reserve Div. (Lt.-Gen. von Besser) from
the Mszana-Tymbark area in the direction of Bochnia. The
Austro-Hungarian formations were brought up by train from
the IV. Army supply area through Cracow and Sucha to Cha-
bowka. The 4yth Reserve Div. came up by train to Cracow from
the western theatre of war. Further, the orders issued by the
Austro-Hungarian Supreme Command contained instructions to
General von Woyrsch to prevent any withdrawal of troops from
the Russian IV. Army front opposed to him, and to associate
himself with the attack just begun by Mackensen on Lodz and
Lowicz, as soon as the German division should have arrived on
the field from the western front.
The Austro-Hungarian I. Army was to maintain a strictly
defensive attitude. Under its command were placed the left
wing of the IV. Army, Arz's group with the isth and 2 7th Infan-
try Divs., and also the Honved infantry div.
The IV. Army was to give way before the Russian pressure and
be drawn back gradually to the ring of forts round Cracow.
Ljubicic's group, to which Kritek's Corps (the XVII.) was to be
added, went to its command area with Nagy's cavalry group.
On Nov. 25 the whole IV. Army front and Ljubicifi's group
were sharply engaged, and on the 26th Ljubicic, to avoid expos-
ing his group to the approaching great Russian attack, retired
to the line Niepolomice-Szarow-Gdow-Dobczyce, the nth Infan-
try Div. being hard pressed by the Russians in the retreat.
The IX. Army also began its retreat on Nov. 26, but without
being molested by the Russians. Even the XVII. Corps, on the
right wing, reached the W. bank of the Kosielniki brook, N. of
Niepolomice, without interference, and was able to begin placing
its reserves on the S. bank of the Vistula during the night.
On the 27th the Russian pursuit began to make itself felt.
Vigorous attacks were made on Ljubicic's centre and N. wing,
and he retired before them by order of the IV. Army Command
to the prepared position near Cracow: Rybitwy-Prokocim-
Soboniowice-Siepraw-Kamicnik-Lubien. By the evening of the
27th the entire XVII. Corps had arrived on Ljubicic's right wing.
North of the Vistula the IV. Army had by the evening of the
28th come in behind the ring of forts.
To the S. of Ljubicic's group, in the meantime, Nagy was to
have repulsed a Russian cavalry corps concentrated at Neu
Sandec. As, however, the loth Cavalry Div. was involved in
difficult fighting on Ljubicic's right wing, Nagy could not get his
whole force together and had to limit himself to obstructing a
possible Russian line of advance at Tymbark with the 6th and
nth Cavalry Divs., a group of the Polish volunteer legion and 2
Landsturm battalions. But, on being attacked there by infantry
detachments and the Russian cavalry corps in superior numbers
on Nov. 27, he withdrew to a strong position, which he was
able to hold, on the Dobra heights. During the retreat of the IV.
Army the io6th Infantry Div., and ist and nth Landsturm
Bdes., as well as the 45th Landwehr Infantry Div., were
drawn in to reenforce^ the fortress garrison, while the German
47th Reserve Div. was detraining at Cracow. On the left wing
of the IV. Army the VI. Corps, between Kosciol and Zieloniki,
formed a link with the I. Army. One brigade of this corps came
to Olkusz behind the right wing of the I. Army. On Nov. 28,
the XIV. Corps sent off the i3th Landwehr Infantry Division.
The Russian III. and IX. Armies made their way slowly and
cautiously up to the ring of forts, coming to a halt N. of the
Vistula in an arc from Niepolomice by Point 3 20 (W. of Wierbzno) ,
and Michalowice to Skala. South of the Vistula the Russian
XI. and IX. Corps were pursuing Ljubicic's group.
Meanwhile, on the Austro-Hungarian I. Army's front, the N.
wing of the Russian IX. Army and the IV. Army had been
fairly quiet, whereas Woyrsch's and Bohm's armies went through
some fierce fighting in connexion with Mackensen's army.
On Nov. 26 the N. wing of the Austro-Hungarian II. Army
(Hauer's cavalry corps) had attacked in the direction of Szczer-
czow, in order to relieve Mackensen's right wing, which was
fighting at Wola Wiezowa. At the same time the IV. and XII.
Corps of this army were fighting hard, on both sides of the road
leading from Dzialoszyn to Nowo-Radomsk on the line Koscielec-
Struza, against the Russian Grenadier Corps and XVI. Corps.
Hauer's attack and the advance of the German general
reserve brigade, to the N. of it, were successful. Hauer's cavalry
drove the Russians out of the Sosnia hollow, and the general
reserve brigade took possession of Nowa Wies and Leczyska.
But on the arrival of Russian reenforcements the attack came
to a standstill before Szczerczow.
The Russians, who were concerned above all to prevent
Mackensen's S. wing and the Austro-Hungarian II. Army from
advancing on Piotrkow and Nowo-Radomsk respectively, had
actually detrained 2 new divisions (7th and loth Infantry Divs.)
and set them on the march towards Belchatow as became
known from a captured report. In view of these reenforcements,
which threatened the N. wing of the II. Army, Woyrsch and
Bohm had to divert some of their forces towards the north. The
i6th Infantry Div. of the XII. Corps which was replaced by
the 35th Reserve Div. was withdrawn from the front and sent
to Brzeznica on the Nowo-Radomsk road under the protection of
the Austro-Hungarian 35th Infantry Div. The main force of the
IV. Corps remained in its position N. of this road, but 11 bat-
790
LODZ-CRACOW, BATTLES OF
talions of the 3ist Infantry Div. were taken back to Pajeczno
as reserve. This section was added to the i6th Infantry Division.
Farther N., meanwhile, the Russian 7th Infantry Div.'s action
had made itself felt from Belchatow. On Nov. 30 the general
reserve brigade had to retire to the Sosnia, while Hauer, being
also involved, fell back behind the Krasowa and on Rusiec. On
the adjacent right wing of Mackensen's army, the 48th Res.
Div., which had rolled up from the western front, had meanwhile
engaged the Russian V. Corps. On Nov. 30 the Russians
presumably only in order to prevent a withdrawal of forces
arranged for another vigorous attack by their IX. and IV.
Armies against Woyrsch's S. wing and the Austro-Hungarian
I. Army, but this met with no success whatever.
The actions fought during the retreat in the last days of Nov.,
S. of Cracow in W. Galicia, together with the events which took
place N. of the fortress in the zone of Dankl's and Woyrsch's
armies, may be said to have brought the battle of Cracow to a
close. No strategic success for the Central Powers had resulted
from it. New operations were therefore begun on both wings
of the front, which resulted in the second part of the battle of
Lodz in the N. (Dec. 1-15), the action at Belchatow by the II.
Army, and the victorious battle of Limanowa-Lapanow, S. of
Cracow (Dec. 3-14), following on the regrouping ordered by the
Austro-Hungarian Army Higher Command on Nov. 26.
Second Battle of Lodz (Dec. 1-15). The numerous attacks
delivered by the Russian I., II. and V. Armies in the end of Nov.
against Mackensen were one and all fruitless. But when the
expected German reenforcements rolled up from the W. (II. and
XIII. Army Corps and III. and XXIV. Res. Corps) and
from E. Prussia (German ist Infantry Div.), there was a revival
of the offensive idea on the part of the Germans.
The III. Res. and XIII. Corps were sent to the extreme N.
wing to Lt.-Gen. von Morgen's group (I. Res. Corps) which was
being hard pressed by the Russian I. Army. The II. Corps was
to reenforce Mackensen's S. wing.
When the German ist Infantry Div. had arrived on Gen. von
Morgen's front, his group made a successful counter-attack, the
Russian I. Army's right wing being surprised and thrown back
on to the line Ilow-Kiernoznia-Bielawy.
Simultaneously the German II. Corps entered the area N. of
Lask to reenforce Frommel's cavalry corps and the Posen fortress
garrison in their struggle with the Russian XIX. Corps. The
48th Res. Div. of the XXIV. Res. Corps had already been sent
into action with the main body of the Breslau fortress garrison,
N.E. of Widawa, against the Russian 7th Infantry Division.
Dec. i was the date fixed by Mackensen for the concentric
attack on Lodz by the IX. Army. His N. wing alone Gen.
von Morgen's group was to push forward N. of the Bzura in
an easterly direction. Bohm's army was to support this attack
by a blow on Piotrkow. The strong pressure by the II. Corps
with which the attack began was rewarded at the end of the day
by the capture of Dobran and Pabianice.
After the arrival of all the German reenforcements of which
the zsth Res. Div. had come up to Wloclawek on Nov. 30,
while the III. Res. Corps was on its way thither by train the
German IX. Army had 21 infantry and 5 cavalry divs. as
against the Russians' 26 infantry and 2 cavalry divisions.
While Gen. von Morgen's attack could make only very slow
progress against the strong and technically well-constructed
enemy positions, the concentric advance on Lodz proceeded
rapidly. The German XI. and XVII. Corps came through some
particularly severe fighting with conspicuous success. On the
S. wing a successful push was also carried out by the German
II. Corps and the 48th Reserve Div., in conjunction with the
left wing of Woyrsch's army, against the Russian XIX. and V.
Corps and a group of cavalry.
Little of importance had happened meanwhile to the Austro-
Hungarian I. Army. Its task, which was also that of the centre
and S. wing of Woyrsch's army, consisted mainly in preventing
the shifting of Russian troops from the IV. and IX. Armies
towards Lodz. The two armies could both solve this task either
by attacking vigorously along the whole front, or by transferring
reserves to the N. wing of the II. Army, thus enabling it to
inflict more damage by its attack on Piotrkow.
The Austro-Hungarian Higher Command decided in favour of
the second alternative. It extended the left wing of Dankl's
army to beyond Zarki, and transferred the German 15th Reserve
Bde. promptly from there to Bohm's N. wing. The 27th Infantry
Div. was at the same time withdrawn from the VI. Corps on
the N. wing of the IV. Army and sent to Sieradz on Dec. 4.
But the Russians had already in the last days of Nov. taken
from the front the III. Caucasian Corps, which had greatly
distinguished itself in the battle of Ivangorod and had been
fighting during Nov. on the left wing of the Russian IV. Army
against Dankl's N. wing, and brought it up through Nowo-
Radomsk to the S. wing of their V. Army, in readiness for an
advance against the II. Corps, which had been put in on Macken-
sen's S. wing, and the 58th Res. Division.
Bohm's attack on Piotrkow, however, which set in on Dec. i,
caught the III. Caucasian Corps while it was being shifted and
forced it into an engagement at Belchatow. Thus it could not
play its ordained part in the decisive battle of Lodz.
In this engagement the Russians had on the field the III.
Caucasian Corps, parts of the XVI. Corps, the Guard Cavalry
Corps, the I3th Cavalry Div. and 2 Cossack divs. Bohm's forces
consisted at first only of the IV. Corps, the German Guard
Res. Bde. and Hauer's cavalry corps.
After initial Austro-Hungarian successes the numerical su-
periority of the Russians began to tell. Bohm had therefore to
await the arrival of the 27th Infantry Div. which was to be
placed on the N. wing on the road leading from Widawa to
Piotrkow and the isth Reserve Bde., and then to renew the
attack, strengthened by these new forces.
In the meantime the decision at Lodz had been reached on
Dec. 6. Yielding to the constant pressure of the German II. and
XI. Corps, the Russians evacuated Lodz during the night of the
5th-6th, and retired to the line Brzeziny-Podwiaczyn-Bedkow.
This retreat, however, brought no relief to Bohm's army. On
the contrary, the Russians concentrated new forces at Piotrkow
and employed them in violent counter-attacks against Bohm,
forcing him, on Dec. 7, to close down the attack on Piotrkow
and place himself on the defensive. In case of an attack being
delivered from Piotrkow against Mackensen's right army wing,
however, Bohm planned a flank assault from his position.
In Mackensen's army now that Lodz had been taken and
the Russians pursued up to the new line of resistance at Brzeziny-
Bedkow the interest of the German Supreme Command was
focussed on the N. wing of the German IX. Army, General von
Morgen's group. Before the capture of Lodz the German VII.
Corps had already been withdrawn from the front at Zgierz, and
sent to Piatek to cooperate in the attack on the very strong
front at Lowicz-Ilow. By Dec. 6 the 25th Reserve Div. was
also able to join in the attack from Gabin and the III. Res.
Corps had finished detraining at Wloclawek.
On Dec. 7 the XIII. Corps, being now assembled, was ordered
to make an encircling attack on the N. wing of the Russian I.
Army and succeeded in forcing it back a little way on the 8th.
On the same day the III. Res. Corps also came into the battle,
attacking N. of the XIII. Corps; the XVII. Corps advanced
along the Piatek-Lowicz road and reached the Sobota-Bielawy
area. On Dec. 9 the grouping was completed and the general
attack by von Morgen's group, starting from the N. wing, could
now be launched in full force. There were 4^ German corps as
against 6 Russian in the attack (III. Res. Corps, XIII. Corps,
ist Infantry Div., XVII. and I. Res. Corps against V. Siberian,
II. Caucasian brought from East Prussia VI. Siberian, I.
Turkestan, and VI. Corps and one infantry div. each of the IV.
and VIII. Siberian Corps).
An extremely violent bombardment set in on Dec. n along
the whole front. On the right wing the XVII. Corps, supported
by parts of the I. Res. Corps, penetrated the Russian infantry
position N. of Lowicz. On the i2th the heights at How and N. of
it were taken by the III. Res. Corps and the hamlet of Wiejsce
was stormed by the XIII. Corps.
LODZ-CRACOW, BATTLES OF
791
By the I5th the Russians had been beaten back to the Bzura,
in spite of their gallant counter-attacks. On the same day and
during the night they were forced by further very heavy German
attacks to retire to the E. bank of the Bzura, leaving Lowicz in
the hands of the XVII. and I. Res. Corps.
Battle of Limanowa-Lapanow (Dec. 3-12). According to the
plan drawn up for the battle of Limanowa-Lapanow Field-
Marshal-Lt. Roth, commander of the XIV. Corps, was to attack
the Russian III. Army in flank and rear on Dec. 2 with the 3rd
and 8th Infantry Divs., the i3th Landwehr Div. and the 47th
Reserve Div. from the area of Mszanadolna-Chabowka, E. of
Lapanow. In the meantime, Ljubicic was to maintain his posi-
tion, and, in proportion as the XIV. Army attack progressed, to
go over to the attack likewise, starting from his right wing. The
6th and loth Cavalry Divs. and the nth Honved Cavalry Div.,
which had also been placed under Roth's group, were to cover the
proceedings in the direction of Neu Sandec.
At the beginning of Dec., before the envelopment by Roth's
group could take effect, Ljubicic's 4th Infantry Div. and 3rd
Cavalry Div. reduced to less than half their strength were
opposed by 4 infantry divs. and 3 to 4 cavalry divisions.
The forces which Roth had assembled for the flank attack
were by no means up to their full establishment. The 3rd and
8th Infantry Divs. and I3th Landwehr Infantry Div. could be
counted in all at 9,000 rifles, and the three cavalry divs. at 1,500.
Only the German res. div., with a strength of 14,000 rifles, was
up to its full establishment.
On Dec. 3 the 3rd Infantry and I3th Landwehr Infantry Div.
began their advance from Dobra to the N. and, after some diffi-
cult combats with the Russian cavalry, reached the line of
Wisniowo and the heights N. of Wilkowsko. At Wisniowo
Ljubicic's right-wing division (the 3oth) joined up with the I3th
Landwehr Infantry Div. and began to advance likewise in the
course of the day (Dec. 3).
Meanwhile, the 8th Infantry Div. had gone forward, with the
XI. Honved Cavalry Div., along the road to Tymbark and driven
back the Russians in the direction of Neu Sandec. The VI.
Cavalry Div. had advanced to the Widoma height, to give direct
protection to Roth's right flank, and had driven the Russian
infantry in front of them.
By Dec. 5 the flank attack was in full swing. The German
47th Res. Div. had pushed forward beyond Rzegocina and
Trczina, the 8th Infantry Div. up to Zbydniow and Tarnawa.
Ljubicic's left wing had to deal with heavy Russian counter-
attacks. The I3th Landwehr Infantry Div. came up to the
Russian positions at Gora Sv Jana.
The Russians now realized the threatening nature of the
attack by Roth's group. The Russian VIII. Corps (isth and
i6th Infantry Divs.) was sent off from the Dukla area, on the W.
wing of Brussilov's army, in the direction of Roth's right flank.
At the same time the front of the IX. and XI. Corps at Wieliczka
and Dobczyce was drawn back to Bochnia, and parts of the XXI.
and X. Corps were transferred to the S. wing of the III. Army.
On the N. wing of the Austro-Hungarian IV. Army, Kritek's
group, the XVII. Corps (isth and i6th Infantry Divs.) pressed
forward S.W. of Niepolomice up to the line Grabie-Ksiaznice
without encountering any important resistance. Roth's group
and the XI. Corps had fought their way through Lapanow and
S. of it as far as Ksiaznice-Sobolow-Raybrot.
To all appearances Radko Dimitriev was expected to offer
a determined resistance on this line until the shifting of the
XXI. and X. Corps had been completed. The flank attack
delivered at this moment by the Russian VIII. Corps, which had
come up from Neu Sandec and was fighting vigorously on the
line Limanowa-Raybrot, made itself very unpleasantly felt. It
was opposed at Limanowa by Nagy's 3 cavalry divs. (6th and
loth Cavalry Divs., nth Honved Cavalry Div.) which heroically
repulsed all the onslaughts.
On the whole front of the Austro-Hungarian IV. Army
violent fighting had broken out everywhere. The Higher Com-
mand had been informed in good time of the shifting of the
Russian VIII. Corps, and taken measures to counter it. An
order was issued on Dec. 5 to transfer the 55th Landwehr Infantry
Div. from Cracow and the 39th Honved Infantry Div. from the
right wing of the I. Army by train to the S. wing of the IV. Army.
Von Arz, commanding the VI. Corps, was to take over the com-
mand of both divs. At the same time Boroevic's army was to
carry out a relief offensive towards the N., by which the Russians
Were to be prevented from transferring yet more of their forces
from the Carpathian front to Radko Dimitriev's army.
Boroevic therefore proceeded to reinforce his left wing. At
Muszyna Leluchow he concentrated a group, under Gen. Szur-
may, consisting of half of the 38th Honved Infantry Div. and
one combined Honved infantry div. in all 20 battalions, 3
batteries and one squadron. These he had brought up by train
from the Uzsok pass.
On Dec. 7 Szurmay was to take the offensive at Neu Sandec
conjointly with the 4th Cavalry Div. and Col. von Weiss's
brigade, which were holding the crossings S. of Neu Sandec and
W. of Alt Sandec respectively.
On Dec. 8 the whole front of Boroevid's army was to begin
the advance on Bartfa on both sides of the Ondava and Laborcza
valley. The remaining half of the 38th Honved Infantry Div.
stayed behind in the Uzsok pass under Col. Czermak.
Meanwhile, on the right wing of the IV. Army, Field-Marshal-
Lt. von Arz, who had been placed under the Roth group, had
taken over the command of the 3 cavalry divs., the i3th and 45th
Landwehr Infantry Divs., the 39th Honved Infantry Div. and
the Polish Legion, and received in addition a combined brigade
sent up from the I. Army. The isth Infantry Div. was brought
into the Wieliczka area.
The IV. Army attack went forward with great vigour in an
easterly direction on Dec. 8. On the N. wing the noth Land-
Sturm Bde. and io6th Landsturm Infantry Div. made a
sortie on Kocmyrz6w from the ring of forts. Kritek stormed
Zakrzow (S.W. of Niepolomice), and the XIV. Corps gained
ground by attacking in the direction of Bochnia. On the S.
wing Arz, with the I3th and 45th Landwehr Infantry Divs.,
made a furious attack on the right wing of the Russian VIII. Corps
by way of Rzegocina and the S. of Raybrot and stormed the
Kobyla height S.E. of Raybrot, while the 3 cavalry divs. and
those parts of the 39th Honved Infantry Div. already engaged
had to contain the left wing of the VIII. Corps at Limanowa.
The following day brought yet more successes, but on Dec. 10
the Russians were able to put parts of the XXI. and X. Corps
into the field against the Austro-Hungarian XIV. Corps, which
gradually found itself faced by superior numbers.
Strengthened by these new additions to their forces, the Rus-
sians, on Dec. 10, started an embittered counter-offensive along
the whole front, during which the XIV. Corps lost all the advan-
tages it had won on the previous day, and had to retire. On the
N. wing Kritek repulsed all attacks, but had to withdraw his
right wing to Jaroszowka in conjunction with the XIV. Corps.
On the S. wing also the fighting broke out afresh with great
violence. Arz was forced to surrender the Kobyla height, and the
Hussars of the loth Cavalry Div. and nth Honved Cavalry Div.
won undying laurels at Limanowa, where they repulsed all the
Russian attacks in a fine fight. The vigorous Russian counter-
offensive had brought the Austro-German offensive to a stand-
still. The Army Higher Command was obliged to bring up new
forces with which to repeat the attack.
Meanwhile, in the I. Army an XVIII. Corps had been formed
from 2 Landwehr divs. Both this corps and the 6th Infantry
Div., advancing on Boroevic's left wing, were to be brought
up. At n A.M. the battle, raging with the same intensity along
the whole front, and particularly on the S. wing, had reached its
climax, and by the afternoon the crisis seemed to have been
overcome. Although Arz had to retreat on Mlynne and to the W.
of Limanowa, Roth's centre and left wing held their ground.
With the arrival on the field of the combined brigade of the X.
Corps N. of Limanowa during the afternoon, and the encircling
attack by half of the Honved infantry div., coming from Zalesie,
which completely surprised the Russian left wing, the Russian
power of attack was crippled here also, and the battle on the S.
792
LOFFLER LOGUE
wing decided in favour of Arz. Similar merciless attacks against
the centre and N. wing recoiled without any result. The arrival
of the combined brigade and the advance of Szurmay's group,
reinforced by the 6th Div., on Neu Sandec in rear of the VIII.
Corps had sufficed to turn the scale.
On Dec. 12 the Russian VIII. Corps fell back before Arz who
occupied Chomranice and Marcinkowice. Szurmay drove the
Russians out of Neu Sandec and found touch with the Arz group.
On Dec. 13 the Hungarian 39th Honved Infantry Div. pressed
forward through Jakobkowice to Michalczow, where the Russian
1 5th Infantry Div. was lying, in order to ease the attack in front
of the main body of Roth's group. The 45th Landwehr Infantry
Div. had meanwhile taken the Russian positions in the Lososina
valley, and the i3th Landwehr Infantry Div. had again seized
the hotly disputed Kobla height. These victories by Arz's and
Roth's groups, together with the rapid advance of the III. Army
which by Dec. 14 had reached the area S. of Jaslo, Krosno
and Lisko, decided the battle of Limanowa-Lapanow.
The effect of the Austro-German victory at Lowicz, coincid-
ing with this, and of the earlier one at Lodz, was to cause the Rus-
sians to retreat on Dec. 15 on their whole front.
By evening on Dec. 15 the IV. Army had reached the area of
the mouth of the Szreniawa and Zacliczyn, while the III. Army
remained in the area it had already occupied and joined up with
the Szurmay group S. of Zacliczyn.
. General Tanassy's sortie from the Przemysl fortress on
Bircza, with 19 battalions and 12 batteries, which took place at
the same time, was intended to threaten the retreating Russians
in rear, establish communications with Krautwald's group whi:h
had pushed forward to the area S. of Lisko, and at least prevent
any more troops being taken from the siege army to strengthen
the Russian Carpathian front.
The heroic defenders of Przemysl were actually able by the
1 7th to reach the heights at Cholowicze, S. of Cisowa, at Struzyna,
and the Szybewice height, and even to seize a Russian point
d'appui. But when it became certain on Dec. 19 that cooperation
was impossible, owing to the distance between themselves and
KrautwaKTs group, and as at the same time a new Russian
attack was threatening the foreground position of the fortress,
Kusmanek drew the sortie groups back inside the ring of forts.
North of the Vistula the I. Army had advanced as far as the
Szreniawa, Woyrsch's army and the II. Army up to the Pilica
and Piotrkow. The German IX. Army was heavily engaged in
the Bzura-Rawka sector.
On Dec. 15 the Austro- Hungarian 27th Infantry Div. took
Piotrkow, and parts of Woyrsch's and Bohm's armies crossed the
upper reach of the Pilica. On Dec. 17 Woyrsch pressed forward
to the Nida, Dankl to the Nidzica. The IV. Army came up to
the Dunajec, Szurmay took Tuchow, and Boroevic's army
reached the line JoJlowa-Frysztak-Odrzykon-Korczyna and
the area N.W. of Lisko.
The Russian Counter-Ofcnsive in Western Galicia. While
pra:tically no opposition was encountered in the pursuit of the
Russian IX. and IV. Armies in the bend of the Vistula and of the
Russian III. Army N. of the river, Boroevic's army had to c!o
some hard fighting against the Russian VIII. Army, particularly
on its left flank at Lisko. Protected in the W. by the Dunajec
and their strong positions on the Nida, the Russians on Dec. 18
began a counter-offensive in western Galicia directed against
the IV. and III. Armies. During their retreat they had again
brought up reinforcements to eastern Galicia and also parts of
the siege army from Przemysl (6oth Reserve Div.) which they
used against the III. Army.
Krautwald's group, which had pushed on in the direction of
Lisko, was the first to break off the offensive. The W. wing and
centre of the III. Army succeeded by hard fighting in holding
the line Tuchow- Jodlowa-Brzostek until Dec. 20. On Dec. 21
an extremely violent attack was launched along the whole front
in western Galicia, culminating in the battle of Jaslo (Dec. 21-
25), which caused the retreat of Boroevic's army (the III.).
Although the Austro-Hungarian VI. Corps came into action on
the W. wing, and the X. and XVIII. Corps on the E. wing, the
Russian offensive could not be checked. By Dec. 25 the W. wing
of the III. Army (IX. Corps) had retired on Gorlice, the centre
(III. and VII. Corps) on Zmigrod and Dukla, and the E. wing
(X. and XVIII. Corps) on to the Carpathian ridge to the E. of
Lisko. At the end of Dec. the IX. Corps was incorporated with
the Austro-Hungarian IV. Army, where Arz took over the com-
mand of the VI. and IX. Corps and the Szurmay group and inter-
cepted all attacks against the right wing of the IV. Army on the
Luzna-Gorlice-Malastow front.
The III. Army continued its retreat as far as the line Konieczna-
Alsopagony-Alsokimes-Rosadomb-Radoszyce and the heights
N. of Cisna.
In the gap between the two armies in the Malastow-Konieczna
area, the 4th and 6th Cavalry Divs. and the Honved Caval:
Div. prevented the break-through by which the Russians wi
attempting to outflank the S. wing of the IV. Army.
The Russian counter-offensive brought the campaigns of 19
to a close. During the latter half of Dec. active fighting in the
bend of the Vistula died down. Mackensen's victory-hardened
troops, indeed, took Skierniewice, Lubocz and Inowlodz, but
at the end of Dec. his front settled down to a war of positions,
which lasted throughout the winter, over the whole bend of the
Vistula, until the spring offensive in Galicia.
On the Carpathian front there was no respite, for the actions
fought by the III. Army during the retreat developed into new
battles of gigantic proportions, by which the Austro-Hungarians
hoped to achieve the relief of Przemysl, while the Russians were
exerting themselves to break through into Austria-Hungary
across the Carpathians and crush the Austro-Hungarian army,
as a fighting factor, out of existence.
Although the battles of 1914 had given the Russians possession
of the whole of eastern and central Galicia, the Central Powers
for their part could point to their great success in bringing the
Russian " steam-roller " to a standstill before the gates of Ger-
many and, in addition, to having repeatedly seriously beaten the
Russian colossus in battle and taken the initiative from him by
repeated offensives which were distinguished by the rapid and
effective shifting of forces. (E. J.)
LOFFLER, FRIEDRICH ^852-1915), German biologist, was
born at Frankfort-on-the-Oder June 24 1852 and educated at
the universities of Wurzburg and Berlin. He early began the
study of parasitic diseases, and his description of the bacillus of
diphtheria, published in 1884, was the originating cause of the
modern anti-toxin treatment. He died in Berlin April 8 1915.
LOGUE, MICHAEL (1840- ), Irish ecclesiastic, was born
at Kilmacrenan, co. Donegal, on Oct. i 1840, of peasant stock.
He was ordained priest in 1866 at Paris, where he had been pro-
fessor of belles lettres and theology at the Irish College. In 1879
he was consecrated Bishop of Raphoc, was made Archbishop of
Armagh in 1887, r.nd was raised to the cardinalate in 1893.
Though completely in sympathy with the nationalist aspira-
tions of his Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen, Cardinal Logue
maintained a correct and loyal attitude during the World War,
and on June 19 1917, when numbers of the younger clergy were
beginning to take part in the Sinn Fein agitation, he issued an
" instruction " calling attention to the teaching of the Church
as to the obedience due to legitimate authority, warning the
clergy against belonging to " dangerous associations," and re-
minding priests that it was strictly forbidden by the statutes of
the National Synod to speak of political or kindred affairs in the
church. In 1918, however, he placed himself at the head of the
opposition to the extension of the Military Service Act to Ire-
land, priests being allowed to denounce " conscription " from
the altar on the ground that the question was not political but
moral. He reprobated the campaign of murder against the
police and military begun in 1919, and in his Lenten pastoral
of 1921 he vigorously denounced murder by whomsoever com-
mitted, though the force of this denunciation was weakened by
an almost equally vigorous attack on the methods and policy of
the Government. The cardinal -was much respected by people
of all classes and creeds. In earh'er life he was a keen student
of nature and an excellent yachtsman.
LONDON, JACK LONDON
793
LONDON, JACK (1876-1916), American novelist, was born
at San Francisco Jan. 12 1876 and educated at the university of
California. He was a born adventurer, going to sea at the age of
17 and serving before the mast as A.B. He went with the
first rush to Klondike in 1897 and tramped across the States
and Canada, being in gaol more than once as a vagabond. In
1904 he went to Japan as war correspondent and in 1914 to
Mexico in the same capacity. In 1906 he started on a voyage
round the world in a soft, ketch-rigged yacht and disappeared
for two years. His novels, for the most part published first in
London, reflect his wild adventurous life, the best known
being The Son of the Wolf (1900); The Call of the Wild (1903);
Moon Face (1906); Martin Eden (1909); South Sea Tales (1912),
and his last, The Little Lady of the Big House (1916). He died
at Glen Ellen, Cal., Nov. 22 1916.
See The Book of Jack London (1921), by his wife Charmian London.
LONDON (see 16.938), the capital of the British Empire, was
still in 1921 the largest city in the world, surpassing its nearest
competitor (Greater New York) by at least one and a half mil-
lion souls. The Metropolitan Police District has a radius of
15 m. from Charing Cross (area about 692 sq. m.)., but it does
Dot include the City of London (area 658 ac.), which has its own
police force. The area of the administrative county of London,
Which coincides with that within the registrar-general's tables
of mortality, is about 117 sq. m. ; by the Representation of the
People Act of 1918 it included the whole of the Metropolitan
Parliamentary Divisions, as well as the 28 Metropolitan Bor-
oughs and the City. The London main drainage area is 148-6
Sq. m. in extent. Water London has an area of 561-4 sq. m.
; The multiplication and electrification of suburban railways
and the extraordinary development of the motor-omnibus and
the private motor-car have greatly increased the extent of what
may be called the practicable area of suburban London. An
interesting development is the Hampstead Garden Suburb, at
Golders Green, on the N. side of London, in which every house
stands in its own garden and the number of houses is limited to
eight to the acre. The pre-war rents varied from 33. 3d. a week
to 350 a year. About 2,000 houses have been erected.
The Unemployment (Relief Works) Act of 1920, largely
designed for the benefit of ex-service men, enabled entry to be
made upon land for new roads at seven days' notice. Under
this Act no fewer than nine great arterial roads had been taken in
hand in 1921 by highway authorities with the assistance of the
Ministry of Transport (which absorbed the old Road Board).
These were the Eltham Bye Pass, the Shooters Hill Bye Pass,
the South Circular Rd. (through Woolwich, etc.), the North
Circular Rd. (through Willesden, Hendon, etc.), the Western
Avenue (through Hammersmith), the Eastern Avenue (across
the Lea Marshes), the new Cambridge Rd. (starting at Totten-
ham), the Barking Bye Pass, and the new Chertsey Rd. The
Croydon Bye Pass and the Brentford Bye Pass were begun
somewhat earlier. There were in 1921 over 2,200 m. of streets
in the county of London, maintained and kept in good order at
a total cost of at least 3,000,000 per annum. Street improve-
ments of more than local importance are generally carried out by
the London County Council.
The only new bridge over the Thames is Southwark bridge,
which was opened for traffic on June 6 1921. It has five arches
and is 13 ft. wider than the old one.
The Woolwich tunnel, connecting N. and S. Woolwich and
consisting of an iron tube 327 yd. long and n ft. in diameter,
was opened in 1912 at a cost of 85,862. It is intended as a
supplement to the free ferry (still used by vehicles), which is
subject to interference from fogs. In 1920 the daily average of
passengers using this tunnel was about 28,000, not far short of
double the number using the Greenwich tunnel. Blackwall
tunnel is traversed daily by about 2,000 vehicles. Rotherhithe
tunnel was closed from 1915 to 1918, but its daily average in 1919
was about 1,500 vehicles.
Architecture. During 1910-21 comparatively few additions
of importance were made to the architectural glories of London;
but it is, perhaps, more strange that the interminable series of
aerial bombardments to which it was subjected during the
World War left practically no trace on any buildings of public
interest. There was really almost nothing to show that London
was besieged from the air for four years. The fine old Flemish
windows in the chapel of Lincoln's Inn were indeed shattered by
a Zeppelin bomb on Oct. 13 1915; but this loss is, perhaps,
counterbalanced by the discovery of an unknown Elizabethan
facade near St. Bartholomew's church, brought to light by the
concussion of another bomb in the same year.
Such new buildings as call for mention here weie mainly
erected in connexion with schemes of improvement initiated
before the World War. The extensive clearances made in and
to the N. of the Strand in 1899-1905, chiefly to provide a new
approach to Holborn, opened up the view of St. Mary-le-Strand
and St. Clement Danes, and created the handsome crescent of
Aldwych and the broad new thoroughfare of Kingsway. Among
the edifices already erected in the former are Australia House
(1911-18), the imposing London headquarters of the Common-
wealth of Australia; the Marconi House, and the Gaiety theatre
(elevation by Norman Shaw). The Bush House, close by,
designed by Harvey Corbett, architect of the Bush building in
New York, illustrates (with some restrictions as to height) the
merits of American commercial architecture. The substantial
buildings of Kingsway belong mainly to the domain of archi-
tectural engineering. Prominent among them are the Kodak
building and the large office of the Public Trustee (1916). The
Wesleyan Central Hall in Westminster is a huge domed build-
ing by Lanchester and Rickard (1911), with a fine staircase.
Not far off is the Middlesex Guildhall, a Gothic building by
J. S. Gibson (1913). The new Ministries of Education, Health,
Trade and Works were designed by J. M. Brydon in an Italian
Renaissance style and completed in 1919. Across the river, at
the other end of Westminster bridge, stands the new London
County Hall, designed by Ralph Knott in a Renaissance style.
It is one of the largest buildings of modern times, having nine
storeys and a river facade of 750 feet. In the City is the new
General Post Office (1910), a rcenforced concrete building by
Sir Henry Tanner. The Royal Automobile Club in Pall Mall
was built in 1911 by Mewes & Davis, in a somewhat florid
French Renaissance style. Among commercial buildings of
importance are the large extension of Selfridge's store by Sir J.
Burnet (1921); the extension of Whiteley's in Queen's Rd.,
Bayswater; the new offices of the Port of London Authority
(by T. E. Cooper) and the Metropolitan Water Board (by H.
Austen Hall, 1920).
Monuments and Memorials. On Nov. n 1920, the second
anniversary of the Armistice after the World War, in the middle
of the roadway of Whitehall, was unveiled the Cenotaph, com-
memorating in dignified simplicity the " Glorious Dead of
1914-18." It was designed by Sir Edwin Lutyens. Other war
memorials include one to Edith Cavell (by Frampton) near
Trafalgar Sq., one to London's soldiers (by Sir Aston Webb)
in front of the Royal Exchange, and the Monument of Belgium's
Gratitude (by J. Rousseau and Sir R. Blomfield) on the Victoria
Embankment. In front of Buckingham Palace is the elaborate
National Memorial to Queen Victoria, designed by Sir Aston
Webb, the sculptures by Sir Thomas Brock. To provide a
suitable background for this monument the facade of the E.
wing of Buckingham Palace was rebuilt by Sir Aston Webb,
while the Mall was widened to provide a " triumphal avenue "
to the massive Admiralty arch. Near Westminster Abbey has
been erected a replica of St. Gaudens' famous Chicago statue of
Abraham Lincoln; and a replica of Houdon's statue of George
Washington has been set up near the National Gallery. On the
top of the Green Park arch is a fine group of Peace in her quad-
riga, by Adrian Jones (1912). On the Horse Guards Parade are
statues of Lord Wolseley (by Goscombe John) and Lord Roberts
(by H. Bates); and similar monuments to Lord Kitchener and
Lord Fisher are to follow. Statues of Florence Nightingale (1913)
and Captain Scott, the Arctic navigator (1915), have been erected
in Waterloo Place; and here, too, is the monument to Edward
VII., by Bertram MacKennal (1921).
794
LONDON
Communication. The terminal railway stations were, of
course, a favourite target of the German airmen during the war;
considerable damage was done to Liverpool St. station on June
13 1917, and St. Pancras also was injured slightly on Feb. 17
1918. The new Waterloo station, begun before the war, was
nearly completed in 1921. The Central London railway had
been extended to Liverpool St. and Ealing (in conjunction with
the G.W.R.) The Bakerloo tube ran to Queen's Park, where a
junction was effected with the L. & N.W.R. for through running
to Watford. The Metropolitan District trains reach Hounslow,
Uxbridge. East Ham and Barking. No new " tubes " had been
opened, but various schemes of extension were in the air. The
Underground group of companies (popularly known as the " Traf-
fic Combine "), formed by the amalgamation of the Metropoli-
tan District, the London Electric, the City and South London
and Central London railways, and the London General Omnibus
Co., had greatly improved facilities for through traffic between
the associated companies. Its headquarters are at Electric
Railway House, Broadway, Westminster. Fares had been
standardized and, though necessarily higher than in pre-war
days, were (judged by the average fare paid per passenger)
cheaper than in New York, Paris or Berlin.
The total mileage of tramways in Greater London in 1921
was 350. Horse traction for trams had disappeared. The
annual number of passengers approached 700 millions. There
were no tramways in the City or West End.
The great majority of motor omnibuses belong to the London
General Omnibus Co., and are included in the above-mentioned
" Combine " and in one system of numbered routes. Improved
new vehicles have been introduced, carrying from 46 to 54
passengers (as compared with 34 on the old type). They carried
860 million passengers in all in 1919. During the busiest traffic
period at least 300 to 400 omnibuses pass certain points hourly.
In summer motor-omnibuses run to points 30 m. from the centre
of the metropolis. A notable feature has been the great increase
in motor chars-a-bancs running to places of interest within a
radius of 50 m. or more from London.
Hansoms are now rarely seen, and the horse-drawn four-
wheeler carries on a precarious existence only in the service of
railway passengers with bulky luggage. The general service is
maintained by motor vehicles (" taxicabs "), all provided with
automatic taximeters. Of the 13,794 hackney carriages licensed
to ply for hire in 1919, less than 2,000 were horse-drawn.
Probably 75% of the entire traffic of the London streets is
now carried on by motor.
London was in 1921 in regular communication with the conti-
nent of Europe by air. There were four daily services to Paris,
one to Brussels, and one to Amsterdam, all starting from the
Croydon aerodrome. About 400 passengers were dealt with
weekly, and the number was steadily increasing. These ser-
vices connect with air-services to various other points in Europe
and even (via Spain) to Africa (Casablanca).
Post Office. The buildings of the General Post Office were
greatly extended, and an underground tube railway was con-
structed for the conveyance of postal packets of all kinds, extend-
ing W. to Paddington and E. to Whitechapel. The eight postal
districts were subdivided into delivery office areas, each with its
distinctive number, so that postal addresses are now completed
with such formulae as W.C.i, N.W-3, S.E.2S, and so on. In
addition to the General Post Office and the head district offices
there were 105 local delivery offices.
Telephones. In accordance with the agreement of 1905 the
State took over the whole business of the National Telephone
Co. on Jan. i 1912. Telephone call offices for public use are now
found at nearly all post-offices and railway stations, and at many
shops, public libraries and the like. The London telephone
area is 640 sq. m. in extent, containing 83 exchanges with an
average of about 1,000,000 daily calls. Its headquarters are at
I44A, Queen Victoria Street. From certain offices trunk calls
may be made to any part of the country; and London is also in
telephonic communication with various Continental towns.
Population and Public Health. The pop. of Greater London
in 1911 was 7,251,338 and in 1921 7,476,168; that of the county
was 4,521,685 in 1911 and 4,483,249 in 1921; of the Outer Ring
2,729,673 in 1911 and 2,992,929 in 1921; of the City 19,657 in
1911 and 13,706 in 1921. Greater London increased by 10-2%
between 1901 and 1911 and by 3-1% between 1911 and 1921,
but the county of London had decreased by 0-3% and 0-9%.
The statistics for the metropolitan boroughs are as follows:
Area
in
statute
ac.
Population
Increase
( + )or
Decrease
(-)
1911
1921
Battersea
Bermondsey .
Bethnal Green
Camberwell .
Chelsea ....
2,163
i ,53
760
4,480
660
I,S64.
167,743
125,903
128,183
261,328
66,385
109,496
87,923
153,284
95,968
222,533
121,521
85,495
49,357
327,403
172,317
298,058
160,834
142,551
162,442
118,160
218,387
111,390
191,907
279,804
50,659
3",36o
160,261
121,376
19,657
167,693
119,455
117,238
267,235
63,700
112,500
76,019
157,944
100,493
222,159
130,287
86,080
42,796
330,028
175,686
302,960
174,194
144,273
162,618
104,222
210,986
104,308
184,388
249,738
52,167
328,656
Hi,3i7
140,403
13,706
50
- 6,448
-10,945
+ 5,907
- 2,685
+ 3,004
-11,904
+ 4,660
+ 4,525
- 374
+ 8,766
+ 585
- 6,561
+ 2,625
+ 3,369
+ 4,902
+ 13,360
+ 1,722
+ 176
-13,938
- 7,401
- 7,082
- 7,519
30,066
+ 1,508
+ 17,296
-18,944
+ 19,027
- 5,951
Finsbury.
587
1,706
Greenwich
Hackney.
Hammersmith
Hampstead
Holborn ....
Islington.
Kensington
Lambeth.
Lewisham
Paddington
3,859
3,287
2,287
2,265
405
3,092
2,290
4,083
7,015
1,357
2,'l'U
St. Marylebone
St. Pancras
Shoreditch
Southwark
1,473
2,694
658
1,131
1,767
Stoke Newington .
Wandsworth .
Westminster, City of .
Woolwich
City of London
(County Corporate) .
863
9,107
2,503
8,282
678
The proposed new " London health area " would contain more
than 9,000,000 souls.
The birth-rate sank from 24-3 per 1,000 in 1914 to 17-9 in
1917, but it had climbed again (according to the estimates of the
registrar-general) to 26-5 in 1920. The death-rate curve for the
same period was 13, 18, 12-4. Both birth and death rates are
below the figures for 1910-4 (28-5 and 16-5 respectively). The
comparative death-rates for the different boroughs were about
the same, and London maintained its relatively favourable
position in comparison with other large towns.
Sanitation. The general regulations as to public health remain
much as they were in 1910. The Act of 1891 was supplemented by
the Housing Acts of 1909 and 1919, and various Diseases of Animals
Acts. Many of the provisions or the National Insurance Acts of
1911-20 are administered by an Insurance Committee of 80 mem-
bers, one-fifth of whom are appointed by the County Council.
The mileage of the main sewers had increased to about 370 m., the
cost of construction (to March 1919) to 12,608,000, and the annual
cost of maintenance to about 500,000 (1918-9). The total annual
cost, including debt charges and the work of the Metropolitan
Borough Councils, was nearly 1,000,000 (1918-9).
Hospitals. The powers of the Metropolitan Asylums Board were
further defined by sundry orders of the Ministry of Health, and its
scope and services increased. The activity of the London County
Council, which controls the asylums for acute or recoverable cases
of insanity, was especially notable in the improved treatment of
tuberculosis and venereal diseases and in the campaign against infant
mortality. The growing share of woman in the medical life of Lon-
don is illustrated, e.g. by the existence of several hospitals wholly
run by women. The so-called " Unit System," adopted from
America, will (it is hoped) prove of great benefit.
Water Supply. Under the Metropolitan Water Board Act of
1915 the Board was completing in 1921 a reservoir at Littleton, with
a capacity of 6,350,000,000 gallons. The existing storage reservoirs
for unfiltered water had an area of nearly 2,000 ac. with a capacity
of 13,000,000 gallons. The total supply in 1919-20 was 100,079,-
000,000 gals, of water, being a daily average of 273,400,000 gallons
(about 40 gallons per head of population). The total income on
revenue account for 1919-20 was 3,158,391, and the expenditure
4,143,258, leaving a deficiency of 984,867, which was met by pre-
cepts levied on the contributory authorities. In 1916 the Metro-
politan Water Board decided to save coal by chlorinating raw
LONDON
795
Thames river water (70-80 million gals, per day) and allowing the
treated water to flow by gravity down the Staines aqueduct, instead
of first pumping it up into the Staines reservoir. The amount thus
saved up to March 31 1921 was calculated at 20,000. As regards
the reduction of bacteria (95 %) the success was complete.
Fire Prevention. The London Fire Brigade had in 1921 a staff
of about 1,900, and the gross cost of its maintenance exceeded
650,000 annually. In 1920 it dealt with 4,282 fires (besides 2,272
false alarms). An interesting part of its work is that carried on on
the Thames, where it had three stations with fire-floats.
Cemeteries, Twenty-one of the Metropolitan Borough Councils
had adopted the Burial Acts and seven had not. The City Corp.
had a crematorium at Little Ilford, the London Cremation Co. had
established crematoria at Woking and Golders Green, and the
South Metropolitan Cemetery Co. had one at Norwood; but no
Borough Council had in 1921 provided one. The practice of cre-
mation is controlled by the Home Secretary. In 1920 the crema-
tions in London numbered 1,337.
Education. The London County Council is the local education
authority for the Administrative County of London. It works
through a statutory committee of 50 members, including the chair-
man, vice-chairman and deputy-chairman of the council, and 12
coopted members. In 1920 14 of the members were women. The
total number of public elementary schools in London in 1920 was
950, with 854,979 children scheduled and an average attendance of
624,436. The expenditure was 5,972,375 on Council schools and
1,272,701 on Non-Provided schools. The Education (Provision of
Meals) Acts of 1906 and 1914 empower local authorities to provide
meals for necessitous children in elementary schools, and in 1921
about 29,000 children were fed in this way. The secondary schools
in the county of London were attended by about 41,000 pupils
and cost about 180,000. The evening institutes and continuation
schools were taken advantage of by 135,000 students and involve an
annual expenditure of over 300,000. The total annual expenditure
of the London County Council for higher education of all kinds
approaches 3,000,000.
Public Schools. To the public schools named in the earlier article
must be added University College school, founded in 1830 by a group
of Liberal thinkers (including Brougham, Hallam and James Mill)
and removed in 1907 from Cower Street to large new premises in
Hampstead. It is attended by over 400 boys.
University of London. The teaching and research work of the
university are carried out in (a) incorporated colleges and institu-
tions (University College, King's College, King's College for Women,
including the Household and Social Science department, Gold-
smiths' College, the Brown Animal Sanatory Institution, the Physio-
logical Laboratory, the Gallon Laboratory for Eugenics, and the
Bartlett School of Architecture) ; (6) over 30 schools of the university,
including the Imperial College of Science and Technology (Royal
College of Science, Royal School of Mines, and the City and Guilds
Engineering College), Bedford College, London School of Econom-
ics, East London College, Royal Holloway College, Birkbeck Col-
lege, and the medical schools attached to the great hospitals; and
(c) about 25 institutes having recognized teachers. During the
World War, the university had, of course, largely to mark time;
but it had in 1921 more than regained its pre-war standard of
efficiency. The number of internal students was nearly 8,000, and
the total number of candidates for examinations in 1920-1 was
23.563- Among the chief events in its recent history are the open-
ing of the handsome new buildings of Bedford College in Regent's
Park (1913), and of the new buildings of the Imperial College and
University College, the opening of the School of Oriental Studies in
1917, and the establishment of degrees in commerce (1918), of train-
ing in journalism (1920), and of an Institute of Historical Research
(1921), and the erection of new buildings for commerce teaching at
the School of Economics. In 1920 the Rockefeller Trustees pre-
sented to the university a sum of 370,000 for University College,
and 835,000 for University College hospital school. In this year,
too, the Government offered" the university a site of II a ac. in
Bloomsbury, where it was hoped that it would soon possess a digni-
fied home of its own.
Museums, Art Galleries, Libraries. The museums and public
galleries of London, generally closed or commandeered for Govern-
ment purposes during the World War, had all been practically
restored by 1921 to their normal functions. A new feature at the
chief collections is the guide-lecturer who conducts visitors round
one or more of the departments (free). The British Museum was
greatly extended by the opening in 1914 of the King Edward VII.
Galleries, to the N. of the main building. The Victoria and Albert
Museum had been placed on a more autonomous basis and divided
into seven departments. The collections are arranged upon strict
scientific lines, with the double purpose of stimulating the designer
and manufacturer, and of spreading a knowledge and appreciation
of art. The Indian section now occupies a separate building in the
Imperial Institute Road. In 1916 the Imperial Institute was placed
under the control of the Colonial Office. On the S. side of Imperial
Institute Rd.. adjoining the Imperial College of Science, is the new
Science Museum, the first completed block of which was opened in
1920. The London Museum (1914) is a collection illustrating the
history, life and manners of London, on the lines of the Musee
Carna valet at Paris; it occupies what was long known as Stafford
House, which was presented to the nation by Lord Leverhulme in
1912, when its name was changed to Lancaster House, in honour of
the royal title " Duke of Lancaster" and of the generosity of a Lan-
cashire man. The Imperial War Museum, provisionally housed in the
Crystal Palace at Sydenham, is a marvellous record of the efforts and
unity of the British Commonwealth during the war. The National
Gallery was considerably enlarged in 1911, the Tate Gallery in
1910. The Geffrye Museum (1914), situated in the heart of the
cabinet-making district of London (Hoxton), illustrates the devel-
opment of furniture design.
The provision of public libraries by local authorities is governed
by the Public Libraries Acts, 1892-1919. In London these Acts
have been adopted by practically all the Metropolitan Borough
Councils, and the free public libraries contained in 1921 over one
and a quarter million books. Among the largest are those of Lam-
beth (110,000 vols.), Wandsworth (100,000), and Westminster
(90,000). Over 6,000,000 books are taken out annually by about
220,000 borrowers.
Theatres and Places of Entertainment. Places of public entertain-
ment operate under one or more of four licences: (i) Stage plays,
(2) music and dancing, (3) music only, (4) cinematograph. The
licensing authorities are the Lord Chamberlain and the County
Council. Covent Garden is still the chief home of opera; of equal
importance with it in the history of the drama is Drury Lane theatre,
now used mainly for spectacular drama. Additions to the London
theatres were the Winter Garden, the Ambassador's, the New
Oxford, Prince's and St. Martin's. The growth of the cinemato-
graph was a notable feature, and the " films " or " pictures,"
besides numerous specially erected buildings, now occupy several
old theatres. Various suburban theatres (such as the Lyric at Ham-
mersmith and Everyman's at Hampstead) made a reputation for
the excellence of their productions, and the Royal Victoria Hall
(the " Old Vic.") in Waterloo Rd. has done admirable work in
familiarizing the masses with classic English drama and good music.
The chief public flying-grounds are at Hendon, Croydon and
Northolt, at any of which machines may be hired for short flights,
for day trips to. places like Brighton, and for longer journeys.
Exhibitions of fancy flying and racing are also held.
Port of London. The Port of London occupies about 70 m. of the
Thames, extending from just below Teddington Lock to a line drawn
from Havengore Creek (Essex) to Warden Point (Kent). The Port
Authority was constituted by an Act of 1908, and an Act of 1920
consolidated and unified all Acts relating to the Docks and Rivers
since 1828. Trinity House also exercises rights in respect of pilotage,
lighting and buoying, and the City Corp. is the port sanitary author-
ity. The total area of the dock estate is about 3,000 ac. (of which
704 are water), with over 30 m. of quayage. The wharf and jetties
(with 15 m. of quayage) remain in private hands. Between 1909
and 1921 very considerable improvements and extensions were
carried out in the system of docks. The most important of these
was the new Albert dock extension (south), opened in July 1921,
which includes a dock 64 ac. in area with accommodation for the
largest vessels afloat, a new entrance lock 800 ft." long, and a dry-
dock 750 ft. long. Tilbury docks were also being extended, and
were supplemented by a cargo jetty 1,000 ft. long and a pontoon for
passenger steamers similar to that at Liverpool. The warehouse
accommodation at the docks was greatly enlarged, and various
spacious uptown warehouses constructed. In 1913 (the last com-
plete year before the World War) the total value of imports and ex-
ports of London (excluding coastwise trade) was 411,792,149
(about one-fourth of the total for the United Kingdom). The ton-
nage of vessels entering the port (foreign and colonial trade) was
12,916,378, of those clearing 8,131,660. The war affected the busi-
ness of the port in many directions. Large requisitions were made
on the Authority's facilities, space and plant; and a serious disturb-
ance of all normal trade was inevitable. The tonnage of vessels
entering and clearing sank in 1914-5 to 11,586,967 and 6,832,569
(a decrease of 2\ million tons) ; and the lowest point was reached in
1917-8 with 5,276,445 and 3,631,009 tons. The value of the trade,
however, increased to 505,000,000 in 1917, and 542,000,000 in
1918. This increase was solely in imports, exports showing a con-
tinual decrease. In the year ending March 31 1919 the total value
of the trade was 819,875,330 (about one-third of that for the
United Kingdom), the highest figures ever attained. That this was
due mainly to a rise in price, not in quantity, is shown by the fact
that the total tonnage in 1919-20 was only 15,224,787, about 6,000,-
ooo tons below that of the last pre-war year.
Government. The Representation of the People Act of 1918
somewhat altered the boundaries of the London parliamentary
boroughs. Since the passing of the Act, the London County
Council has consisted of 1 24 councillors and 20 aldermen. The
number of electors in London on the first registers compiled
under the Act of 1918 was as follows:
Men
Women
Total
Parliamentary .
Local Government
1,151.522
806,217
806,533
805,778
1,958.055
1,611,995
796
LONDON
At the election of 1919 (postponed during the World War)
there were returned 68 Municipal Reform (or "Moderates"),
40 Progressive, one Independent, and 15 Labour members.
The Representation of the People Act, 1918, rearranged the
boundaries of all the London parliamentary boroughs, except
the City of London. It provided that the Administrative
County of London should be divided into 61 parliamentary
constituencies, the City of London returning two members,
the others one each (see UNITED KINGDOM). The boundaries of
the county electoral divisions are coterminous with those of the
parliamentary constituencies.
Ecclesiastical Divisions. To the suffragan bishops must be added
those of Willesden (1911), Woolwich (1918) and Kingston (1914).
Leading Nonconformist churches were Westbourne Park chapel,
Westminster chapel, Christ church (Westminster), King's Weigh
House chapel, the Scottish National church, and St. Columba's
(Presbyterian). There were in 1921 eight Christian Science churches
in London proper, and as many more in extra-London. The head-
quarters of the Church Army are at 55 Bryanston Street. To the
French churches should be added the Huguenot Episcopal church in
Shaftesbury Avenue. The Dutch church in Austin Friars is of great
historical interest. The church of the Theosophtcal Society in
Tavistock Sq. is a striking building by Sir E. Lutyens. The Cath-
olic Apostolic church in Gordon Sq. is one of the largest and most
striking ecclesiastical edifices in London. The number of ecclesiasti-
cal parishes is now 633.
Finance. Apart from provisional and temporary measures during
the World War there have been no important modifications of the
financial government of London since 1911. For the year 1919-21
the total sum raised by the General Rates was 22,104,510, an
increase of about oj millions over that of 1906-7. The rate for
1920-1 showed an increase of about 10 millions over 1906-7. The
total local expenditure of London for 1917-8 (the latest year avail-
able) was 30,528,746; the chief items were London County Coun-
cil 13.512,674; Metropolitan Borough Councils 5,555,217; Board
of Guardians 3,427,456; Metropolitan Water Board 2,645,073;
Metropolitan Police 2,679,002; City Corporation 1,314,696;
Metropolitan Asylums Board 1,330,557. The average rate for
1919-20 was slightly under los. in the , and the estimated rate for
the first half-year of 1921-2 about 7s. lOjd. (equal to an annual rate
of 153. gd.). In 1920 the total ratable value of immovable prop-
erty in the county of London was 45,638,701 (an increase of 2-3%
since 1909).! In 1921, however, it rose to 48,708,752 (9-2% over
1909). A penny rate produces over 200,000 (1921-2). The Equal-
ization Fund produces about 1,217,000; but rates still vary from
22s. lod. in Poplar to us. 6d. in Westminster and los. 6d. in
the City. The estimated income of the London County Coun-
cil for 1920-1 was 27,535,033; that of the City Corporation in
1919-20 was 211,272. The debts of the London local authorities
6n March 31 1918 were as follows: London County Council
47,549,550; Metropolitan Asylums Board 1,191,783; Metropolitan
Police 74,345; Metropolitan Water Board 39,255,555; Central
(Unemployed) Body 1,200; City of London Corporation and
Metropolitan Borough Councils 16,190,366; Guardians and Sick
Asylum managers 2,048,448 (total 106,311,247, a decrease of 8
millions since 1908). The aggregate capital expenditure by the
London County Council and its predecessors down to March 31
1919 was 98,576,171.
History. The history of London after 1909 was largely the
chronicle of an interruption or arrest of its normal growth in
population, extent, wealth and progress generally. According
to the estimates of the registrar-general the increase in popula-
tion from 1911-20 was relatively small. Between 1911 and 1920
the assessable value increased only by about 2|%, as compared
with an increase of I2% in 1901-11, and of 20% in 1891-1901.
The tonnage of shipping entering and clearing the port had not
yet regained in 1920 its pre-war figure, though the inflation of
values showed an increase in terms of money. With the excep-
tion of relatively unimportant extensions no new tubes or tram-
ways had been constructed; new schemes of improvement and
extensions in streets, housing, water-supply and the like had
been suspended, or only just resumed. The death-rate, which
had decreased steadily down to 1912, jumped from 13-6 per
1,000 in that year to 19-2 in 1918, and the birth-rate decreased
in a similar proportion. This " arrest," however, had by no
means been due to stagnation, because probably no similar
period had taken London's citizens more emphatically out of the
category of the happy people who have no history and into the
realm of excitement and adventure. On May 31 1915, London
1 The retardation of growth in ratable value was largely due to
the reduction of assessment of licensed premises in 1910.
was startled by the first hostile attack it had experienced for
nine centuries; and from then till May 1918 it was the persistent
target of German airmen (see AIR-RAIDS). In all it was reached
25 times by hostile air-ships (seven raids) and aeroplanes
(eighteen raids). No fewer than 922 bombs were dropped within
the county of London, of which 355 were incendiary and 567
explosive; 524 persons were killed and 1,264 injured. The
material damage has been estimated at over 2,000,000, or
about one-fifth of that occasioned by the great fire of 1666.
East London suffered most severely. Practically no buildings
of historic or artistic value were seriously injured. London's de-
fence, which was increasingly successful, consisted partly of bar-
rage fire from anti-aircraft guns and partly of British " counter-'
planes." An " apron barrage " of wire trailed from balloons
was also tried. Tube stations, church crypts and so on were
used as refuges between the " warning " and " all clear " sig-
nals. On June 13 1917, a bomb fell on a County Council school
at Poplar, killing and injuring a number of children. On
March 7 1918, a single bomb destroyed four four-storey houses
in Paddington, wrecked two, and seriously damaged twelve
others. The greatest financial damage was done by the raid of
Sept. 7 1915, when City property to the value of over 500,000
-was destroyed by fire. (For particulars of damage done elsewhere
than in Poplar by the air raid of June 13 1917, see 30.97.)
The war-time restrictions included the great diminution of the
lighting of the streets after nightfall; an airship patrol to see that
the shading of all lights was properly carried out; the patrolling
of voluntary " special constables," taking over many of the
duties of the regular police; the multiplication of " flag-days,"
when little flags were sold in the streets for benevolent purposes
usually directly associated with the war; the occupation of the
public parks and other open spaces by hutments for one kind or
another of Government sen-ice, or by allotments cultivated by
private citizens for the increase of the national food-supply; the
limitation in the transport services, including the closing of
several suburban stations; the restriction of private motoring;
the queues outside the provision shops; the commandeering by
Government of many of the leading hotels and of numerous
large private houses, the latter chiefly as hospitals and convales-
cent homes; the closing of a certain proportion of places of enter-
tainment, and the temporary abandonment or transference
elsewhere of some of the chief annual fixtures in the sphere of
sport; the closing (total or partial) of the British Museum,
National Gallery, and other public collections; the protection
of historic buildings by sand-bags, the temporary removal of
their treasures, and the substitution of wood for stained glass;
the arrangements for the accommodation and support of many
thousands of Belgian refugees; the setting apart of the Alex-
andra Palace and other large institutions as internment camps'
the appearance of women as omnibus and tramway conductors
(an outward and visible sign of the enormous part played by
women during the war in providing substitutes for male labour).
Aliens, of course, had to submit in London to the general restric-
tions, but London never became a " prohibited area."
During the war London and its neighbourhood became the
seat of a very extensive production of munitions of all kinds,
employing great numbers of women as well as men. One of the
unhappy incidents of their activity was the explosion of a muni-
tion factory at Silvertown on Jan. 19 1917, followed by a disas-
trous fire and the loss of 69 lives (400 casualties in all).
Among other London incidents directly connected with the
war may be mentioned the anti-German riots of 1914; the execu-
tion of Sir Roger Casement at Pentonville on Aug. 13 1016;
the execution in the Tower of Carl Lodz (1914), Miiller (1915),
and other spies and traitors; the march of American troops
through London on Aug. 15 1917; the burial of the Unknown
Warrior in Westminster Abbey (Nov. n 1920), the great memo-
rial services in St; Paul's Cathedral in honour of Nurse Cavcll
(1915); to celebrate America's coming into the war (1917); to
render thanks for the restoration of peace (July 6 1919); and the
remarkable scenes of rejoicing in the London streets on the
proclamation of the Armistice on Nov. n 1918.
LONDONDERRY LONG
797
Among events not due to the war were the death of Edward
VII. at Buckingham Palace in iqio, the coronation of George V.
at Westminster Abbey in the following year; the " Suffragette "
violence of 1914, amply atoned for later in public estimation by
the admirable war services of the women suffragists; the first
aerial Derby round London on June 6 1014; the more or less
abortive police strike of Aug. 1919 (for recognition of their union) ;
the railway strike of Sept. in the same year, when 20,000 motor-
cars were assembled in Hyde Park to maintain the supply of milk ;
the coal-miners' strike of 1921, when the authorities had again
to have recourse to emergency measures for public protection;
the great advance in the use of oil fuel, largely consequent on the
shortage of coal caused by the strike.
Recent excavations in London have brought to light an arch
of old London bridge (near St. Magnus' church), fragments of
the Roman wall in Moorfields,- and a number of isth century
boots and shoes in such good condition that the leather was
used by the modern workmen to mend .their own footwear;
a water conduit of doubtful use and date under Bond St. (possi-
.bly of the iyth century, and used as a reservoir for the water of
Tyburn); and Roman coins and charred remains of clay and
wood in King William St., referred by some authorities to
; Boadicea's destruction of London in 61 A.D.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. The chief official publications consulted in the
preparation of the foregoing article include the London Statistics of
the London County Council (vol. 26, 1915-20); James Bird, Clerk
of the Council, Report of the Council to Jist March 1919; the annual
Accounts of the Corporation of London; the Reports of the Port of
London Authority (1910-20); the Port of London (Consolidation) Act,
1920; Reports of the University of London (1909-21). The Survey of
London, published bj' the London County Council and edited by
Sir Laurence Gomme and Philip Norman, is on a very extensive
scale; the first six volumes had appeared by 1915. The London
Topographical Record, dealing with special districts, was prepared
by the London Topographical Society (10 vols. ; 1900-15). London,
vol. I, of English Topography, edited by Sir L. Gomme (1914);
H. H. Harben, Dictionary of London (i.e. the City) 1917); Sir L.
Gomme, Making of London (1914); London of the Future (1921), pre-
pared by the London Society, includes contributions from Sir Aston
Webb, Lord Crewe, Lord Montagu of Beaulieu, Sir Reginald Blom-
field, and many other authorities.
Small descriptive works include E. V. Lucas, A Wanderer in
London (l4th ed. 1913) and London Revisited (1916); Wilfred
Whitten, A Londoner's London (1913); Mrs. E. T. Cook, Highways
and Byways in London (1911); G. R. S. Taylor, Historical Guide to
London (1911); St. John Adcock, Famous Houses and Literary
Shrines of London (1912) and the Booklover's London (1913); P. H.
Boynton, London in English Literature (1913). The Blue Guide to
London and Its Environs, edited by Findlay Muirhead, is a useful
compendium (2nd ed. 1921). Convenient short histories are those
by K. H. Vickers (1914) and Claud Mullins (1920); its govern-
ment is explained in Percy A. Harris's London and Its Govern-
ment (1913). '
The following refer to special districts, periods or features:
E. Beresford Chancellor, The i8th Century in London (1920);
Arthur Irwin Dasent, Piccadilly in Three Centuries (1920); W. H.
Godfrey, History of Architecture in London (1911); Hilaire Belloc,
The River of London (1913); W. G. Bell, Unknown London (1920);
More About Unknown London (1921); Will Owen, Old London Town
(1921); L. Wagner, A New Book About London (1921): Margaret E.
Tabor, The City Churches (1917); Thomas Burke, Nights in Town
(1915); Limehouse Nights (1917); and The Outer Circle (1921).
(J. F. M.)
LONDONDERRY, CHARLES STEWART VANE-TEMPEST-
STEWART, 6iH MARQUESS OF (1852-1915), British Unionist
politician (see 16.969), was a prominent leader of the opposition
to the Home Rule bill introduced by the Asquith Government
in April 1912. He was one of the first Unionists to sign the
Ulster covenant Sept. 28 1912, and subscribed largely to the
funds accumulated by the Irish Unionists. Lord Londonderry
was one of the largest coal-owners in the north of England, and
by his energy and business capacity greatly increased the value
of his property. He died at Wynyard Park, Stockton-on-Tees,
Feb. 8 1915. Lord Londonderry married in 1875 Lady Theresa
Chetwynd Talbot, elder daughter of the igth Earl of Shrews-
bury, who was well known for her philanthropic and political
work and also as a brilliant hostess. During her residence in
Ireland Lady Londonderry did much for the promotion of Irish
industries, and in later life she completely identified herself with
her husband's activities on behalf of the Unionist cause. She
died in London March 16 1919.
Their eldest son, CHARLES STEWART HENRY VANE-TEMPEST-
STEWART, yth Marquess of Londonderry (1878- ), was born
in London May 13 1878. He was educated at Eton, and afterwards
entered the Royal Military College at Sandhurst. As Viscount
Castlereagh he entered the House of Commons in 1906 as Union-
ist member for Maidstone. He served during the World War,
and in 1915 succeeded his father as 7th marquess. He married
in 1899 Edith, daughter of ist Viscount Chaplin, who did much
valuable work during the World War as the originator of the!
Women's Legion. She founded the corps of " Domestic Legion^
aries," as an attempt to solve the problem of domestic service;
and in 1917 was created D.B.E. >
LONG, JOHN DAVIS (1838-1915), American lawyer and
politician (see 16.974), died at Hingham, Mass., Aug. 28 1915.^
LONG, WALTER HUME LONG, IST VISCOUNT (1854- ),
English statesman, born at Bath July 13 1854, was the eldest)
son of Richard Penruddocke Long, of Rood Ashton, Wilts., and
Dolforgan, Montgomeryshire, and his wife, Charlotte, daughter^
of the Right Hon. W. W. Fitzwilliam Hume Dick. He was
educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford. Being the
representative of an old county family with a tradition of Par-'
liamentary service it was natural that he should contemplate a;
political career. He entered the House of Commons in 1880 as
Conservative member for N. Wilts., and sat in every Parliament
since till he was created a peer in May 1921, though he changed
his constituency several times. The Reform Act of 1884 abol-
ished his first constituency, so in 1885 he became member for.
the Devizes division of the county. From 1892 to 1900 he sat
for W. Derby, Liverpool, from 1900-6 for S. Bristol, from 1906-
10 for Dublin county, S., from 1910-18 for the Strand division,
of London, and after 1918 for St. George's, Westminster. He
early showed interest in, and knowledge of, questions of local
administration, especially in country districts; and was accord-
ingly appointed Parliamentary secretary of the Local Govern^
ment Board in 1886. The industry, capacity and common
sense which he showed in his six years' tenure of this office^
marked him out for promotion when his party returned to
power. Accordingly in 1895 he became president of the Board
of Agriculture, remaining for five years, and then for the five
following years he was president of the Local Government
Board. His administration at the Board of Agriculture was
marked by the stamping out of hydrophobia through the strict
enforcement of a muzzling order for dogs, and the tenacity
and resolution which he showed in carrying his policy through,!
in the face of a violent agitation by many dog-owners and dog-;
lovers, raised him greatly in public esteem.
Hitherto Mr. Long, despite his administrative efficiency, had
not counted for much in the main party struggle. But in March
1905 he emerged into the limelight, being chosen by Mr. Bal-:
four to succeed Mr. Wyndham, after the latter's breach with
Irish Unionism, as Chief Secretary for Ireland. He at once
restored Unionist confidence by reducing the under-secretary,
Sir Antony MacDonnell, afterwards Lord MacDonnell, to defi-
nite subordination to himself as the responsible minister, and by
the firmness with which he proceeded to enforce the law and
repress agrarian intimidation. At the same time he proclaimed
that his policy was to redress legitimate grievances, and to give
everybody justice and fair play. The impression which he pro-
duced in Ireland in the few months before Mr. Balfour's resig-
nation was so considerable that he, an Englishman, was returned
to Parliament in the general election of 1906 as member for the
S. Dublin. division. In the years of Opposition which followed
he proved a vigorous opponent of Mr. Birrell's policy of lais-
ser-faire in Ireland and of Mr. Lloyd George's proposals with
regard to the land, and a more benevolent critic of the Govern-,
ment Old-Age Pension scheme and of Mr. Burns's administra-
tion at the Local Government Board. When Mr. Balfour,
resigned the leadership of the Unionist party in Nov. 1911 he-
was the candidate of the more conservative branch of the party;
but both he and Mr. Austen Chamberlain, his rival, agreed to.
LOREBURN LOS ANGELES
stand aside in favour of Mr. Bonar Law. In the years imme-
diately following Mr. Long was not very prominent in Parlia-
ment, though he took his share in the determined opposition to
the Home Rule bill. But he had the respect of all-parties, as the
chief representative in public life of old-fashioned conservatism
and the " agricultural interest."
With the other Unionist leaders he joined the first Coalition
Ministry in 1915, returning to his old post of president of the
Local Government Board. In that capacity he carried bills for
national registration for suspension of municipal elections, and
for restriction of the raising of rent on small houses, and took a
leading part in pressing upon the House the military service
bills of 1916. In the second Coalition Ministry he was Secretary
of State for the Colonies. He had been hitherto a decided oppo-
nent of woman suffrage, but he was converted by the services
of women during the World War, and in 1917 he introduced in
the House of Commons the Franchise bill, which became law in
the following year, and under which women over 30 obtained
the franchise. When Mr. Lloyd George reconstructed his Min-
istry in the beginning of 1919 Mr. Long became First Lord of
the Admiralty and had the difficult task of supervising the
reduction to a peace basis of the gigantic navy which had been
built up during the war. He refused to be rushed into precipi-
tate action either by the challenge of the United States and
Japan, who both started large schemes of shipbuilding, or by
the clamour of the enthusiasts for air-warfare who proclaimed
that battleships had become useless, but announced in the
Estimates of 1921 a moderate programme of four new battle-
ships. For some years his health had been periodically unsatis-
factory, and in the spring of 1921 he resigned office. Mr. Bonar
Law's breakdown in health occurred immediately afterwards,
and Mr. Long heartily supported the election of his old rival,
Mr. Austen Chamberlain, to the leadership of the Unionist
party in the House of Commons. A few months later he was
raised to the House of Lords, amid general approval, as Viscount
Long of Wraxall.
He had married in 1878 Lady Doreen Boyle, daughter of the
9th Earl of Cork and Orrery. His elder son, Brig.-Gen. Walter
Long, C.M.G., D.S.O., served in the S. African War, and fell
in action in France in Jan. 1917 at the head of his brigade.
(G. E. B.)
LOREBURN, ROBERT THRESHIE REID, IST EARL (1846-
), British lawyer and politician, was born at Corfu April
3 1846, and was educated at Cheltenham and Balliol College,
Oxford, where he had a distinguished career, winning the Ire-
land scholarship in 1868. He was called to the bar in 1871, and
in 1880 entered politics as Liberal member for Hereford. In
1882 he became a Q.C., and having in 1885 lost his seat at
Hereford, was returned in 1886 for Dumfries Burghs, retaining
the seat until 1905. In 1894 he was for a few months Solicitor-
General and was knighted, and during 1894-5 was Attorney-
General. From 1899 to 1906 he was counsel to the university of
Oxford. On the formation of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's
Government in 1905, Sir Robert Reid became Lord Chancellor,
and was raised to the peerage as Baron Loreburn. To him, while
Chancellor, the passage of the Court of Criminal Appeal Act
(1907) was largely due. In 1912 he resigned on grounds of health.
Lord Loreburn was created an earl in July 191 1. He published
Capture at Sea (1913) and How the War Came (1919).
LORIMER, SIR ROBERT STODART (1864- ), Scottish
architect, son of Prof. Lorimer of Edinburgh University, was born
at Edinburgh Nov. 4 1864. After an education at the Edinburgh
academy, and then at the university, Lorimer entered the office
of Sir Rowand Anderson as a pupil, at the age of 21. Here he
passed some four or five years, and after travelling in England
for study he spent upwards of two years in the London office
of G. F. Bodley, R.A. Under his guidance Lorimer's predilec-
tion for Gothic work fostered by subsequent travel abroad
received the encouragement that fitted him for the church work
which, later, played so large a part in his career. In 1893 he
returned to Edinburgh to undertake the restoration of Earl-
shall, Lewchars and other commissions. This was the beginning
of a large series of additions and restorations he was called on
to carry out amongst them Dunderaw and Monzie castles
and Pilkerro in Scotland; Lympne Castle, Kent; and Barton
Hartshorne, Bucks. His domestic work, apart from restorations
and alterations, included new houses at Ardinglar, Argyllshire,
Cupar, Fife; Hallyburton; Brackenbrough in Cumberland, and
St. Marnock's, co. Dublin. Throughout his restoration design
there is evident a full acquaintance with, and feeling for, the
methods and principles of the earlier builder, without too close
and academic an adherence to them. A great opportunity was
afforded him in 1909 in his design for the new chapel of the
Knights of the Order of the Thistle, on the south side of St.
Giles's cathedral, Edinburgh, the chief example of his skill and
architectural ability. The large sum of money left by Lord
Leven and Melville for the restoration of the chapel at Holyrood
Palace it was found impossible to utilize for that purpose, -and
on its reversion to the estate his heir, with great generosity, de-
voted the amount to the building of a new chapel for the use
of the Order, and for this Lorimer was appointed architect.
This building, small but highly ornate and enriched with care-
fully conceived detail, gave him the opportunity of giving to
Scotland a worthy modern example of ecclesiastical woodwork
to add to its only existing specimens of any importance the
few stalls at Dunblane cathedral, and the woodwork in King's
College, Aberdeen. It was in connexion with this fine work that,
in 1911, he was knighted. He also designed a large number of
churches, and fitted many others with screens, organ-cases,
and choir-stalls. In 1920 he was elected Associate of the Royal
Academy and in 1921 a member of the Scottish Academy.
LOS ANGELES, California (see 17.12), increased in its popu-
lation more than 80% in the period 1910-20, reaching 576,673,
surpassing San Francisco, and changing from sixteenth to tenth
place among the cities of the United States. The area of the
city increased more than fourfold, being 365-67 sq. m. in 1920.
In 1910 Hollywood (4-45 sq. m.), East Hollywood and Ivanhoe
(ii-ii sq. m.) were annexed, and in 1912 Arroyo Seco (6-9 sq. m.).
In 1915 168 sq. m. of San Fernando Valley and 4 sq. m. of the
Palm District was annexed. In 1910 there were 22 parks with
3,800 ac. ; these had increased by 1920 to 25 parks with 4,100
acres. The playground department, established in 1911, main-
tained in 1920 12 playgrounds and 34 summer centres at a
cost of $207,836. Three summer camps for family outings
in the mountains were supported by the municipality. In
1910 builders' permits were granted for buildings valued at
$21,684,100; in 1920 the value was $60,023,600. The museum
of the Southwest Society of the Archaeological Institute of
America began in 1912 its first group of buildings. A new mu-
seum was added by a building at Exposition Park.
Los Angeles has maintained its position as a winter resort.
During 1910-20 it became predominantly an industrial rather
than an agricultural centre, though agriculture, which had
hitherto been its chief economic interest, continued to furnish
a large share of the city's prosperity. In 1919 the value of all
farm products in Los Angeles county was $426,045,843, an
amount greater than that for any other county in the United
States. The chief products were citrus fruits, valued at $80,-
140,000. There were 13,013 farms in 1920, against 7,919 in 1910.
Communications. In 1912 only half-a-dozen steamship lines
were in operation between Los Angeles and other coast ports, v ith a
few lines to Mexico, Central America, and Hawaii. By 1920 direct
lines were in operation to the Orient, the Philippines and the Straits
Settlements. On Jan. 31 1921 there were 34 marine services reaching
more than 100 important ports throughout the world. Steamship
travel to and from Los Angeles more than doubled in 1919. The
urban and suburban electric railways had in 1920 over 59' m - f
single track within the city and 1,095 m. outside its limits, extending
to points 72 m. distant.
During 1909-20 the Federal Government spent approximately
$6,000,000, and the city of Los Angeles $5,800,000, in improving the
harbour, Port San Pedro. The arrangement of U.S. pierhead lines
as established in 1920 permitted approximately 24 m. of wharf
frontage; 35,283 ft. was already improved, of which the city owned
and operated 13,315 ft.
Education. There were in 1920 over 800 public and over 140
private schools and colleges in the city. The value of school property
LOUIS LOUISIANA
799
was nearly $19,000,000; the enrolment 115,530, and the teaching
force 5,147. The university of California organized in Los Angeles
a southern branch, providing a two-year course. The public library
in 1920 contained 383,925 volumes with a home circulation of
2,581,214, and there were 12 branches, 24 sub-branches, and 139
depositories with 14,792 volumes.
Industries and Commerce. In 1914 Los Angeles was the twenty-
sixth city in the United States in value of manufactured products;
in Jan. 1921 an estimate showed it to be tenth. In 1912 the value of
the manufactured products was $85,000,000. In 1919 according to
an estimate of the Los Angeles chamber of commerce there were
3,300 establishments representing an investment of $400,000,000
and producing a product valued at $618,772,500. The chief in-
dustries with the value of their products were motion-picture films,
$150,000,000, 80% of the world's supply; petroleum refining, $83,-
000,000; shipbuilding, $68,000,000; meat-packing, $42,000,000; food
products, $41,000,000; garment manufacture, $30,000,000; iron and
steel, $25,000,000; automobiles and accessories, $21,000,000; and
railway car construction, $20,000,000. In 1919 Southern California
produced 102,000,000 bar. of crude oil, Los Angeles being the centre
for this industry. In 1914 there were 2,100 oil wells in the city.
Bank clearings increased from $942,914,424 in 1911 to $3,994,280,-
518.83 for 1920. The post-office receipts during the same period
increased from $1,646,601.84 in 1911 to $4,180,057.70 for 1920. The
assessed valuation of property of Los Angeles in 1920 on a 50% basis
was $636,147,965. The most important event in the economic
development of Los Angeles was the building of the municipal
aqueduct, placed in operation Nov. 5 1913. It is capable of furnish-
ing water to over a million population and a surplus to irrigate
135,000 ac., and also sufficient for all demands of industry. The fall
in the aqueduct is used to develop electric power. In 1917 a plant
of 37. 5 H.P., and in 1919 one of 28,000 H.P. was thus supplied.
In the decade 1910-20 Los Angeles developed from a port of relative
unimportance to one of the leading ports on the Pacific coast, though
the immediate increase in shipping and industry which the city
expected as a result of the completion of the Panama Canal did not
materialize. This was partly due to the unusual conditions arising
from the World War. Since 1918 the city's commerce has increased
remarkably. The value of its foreign exports in 1912 was $235,460,
in 1919 $10,496,172, and in 1920 $18,606,121, the latter an increase
of 80% over 1919. The imports in 1912 were $1,710,127, in 1919
$3,218,490 and in 1920 $9,724,217, the latter an increase of 206%
over 1919. (R. A. V.)
LOUIS [LUDWIG], Ex-King of Bavaria. (1845-1921), assumed
the regency in succession to his father on Dec. 12 1912. In
accordance with the bill passed by the Bavarian Diet he assumed
the crown on Nov. 5 1913 (King Otto, who had been kept in
confinement as a lunatic, died on Oct. n 1916). On the after-
noon of Nov. 7 1918, the King was taking a walk with his daugh-
ters in the Englischer Garte-n, unconscious of the fact that the
Socialist demonstration organized by Eisner on the Theresien-
wiese was developing into a revolution. A plain man of the
people met the King and said to him: " Get home as quickly
as you can, your Majesty, things are not going well." Later in
the evening the monarch was informed by his ministers that the
republic had been proclaimed. With the Queen and his daughters
the King promptly left Munich in one of his motor-cars, the whole
luggage consisting of a few handbags. The royal family resided
first at Berchtesgaden, and afterwards at a castle assigned to
them on the shores of the Chiem See. On Nov. 13 he formally
signed his abdication, and relieved all Bavarian officials, officers
and soldiers from their oath of allegiance. He died at Sarvar,
Hungary, Oct. 17 1921.
LOUISIANA (see 17.53). The pop. of the state in 1920 was
1,798,509 as compared with 1,656,388 in 1910, an increase of 142,-
121, or 8-3 % for the decade. During 1910-20 negroes decreased
from 713,874 to 700,257, or from 43-1% of the total pop. to
38-9%. The percentage of urban pop. increased from 30-0 in
1910 to 34-9 in 1920. Owing to the size of its principal city,
New Orleans, Louisiana had a larger percentage of urban pop.
than any other Southern state, except Florida.
The* cities having a pop. of over 10,000 in 1920 and their
percentage of increase were as follows:
1920
1910
Increase
per cent.
17,510
11,21 5
56-2
Baton Rouge ....
Lake Charles ....
Monroe
21,782
13,088
12,675
387,219
14,897
11,449
10,209
-110,07=;
46-2
14-3
24-2
I4.-2
Shreveport
43.874
28,015
56-6
Agriculture. The most important industry of the state has always
been agriculture. The total value of all farm crops in 1919 as
reported by the Bureau of the Census was $206,182,548 as
compared with $73,536,538 reported by the same bureau in 1909.
The total number of farms in 1920 was 135,463, representing a gain
of 14,917 during the preceding decade. Cotton, sugar-cane, corn,
rice, hay and forage in the order named constitute the most important
field crops. The advent of the boll weevil in the state in 1908 resulted
in a sharp decline in the production of cotton and in the introduction
of more diversified farming in the parishes where cotton had con-
stituted the principal crop. The effect of this pest on cotton produc-
tion is shown by the decline in the yield from 675,000 bales in 1908
to 246,000 bales two years later. By 1917, however, with improved
methods of production and the stimulus of high prices, the output
had increased to 639,000 bales, to fall again in 1918 to 588,000, and
in 1919 to 307,000. With the development of diversified farming the
yield of maize (Indian corn) steadily increased, being 28,800,000 bus.
in 1918 and 21,676,000 in 1919. The live-stock industry also gained
in importance. The production of rice in 1919 was 16,011,000 bus.,
with a farm value of $42,751,000. Practically all the cane sugar
produced in the United States came from Louisiana. The trucking
industry has attained considerable importance in the vicinity of
New Orleans, and the raising of strawberries has proved profitable
and is being steadily extended in the cut-over pine lands of Livings-
ton and Tangipahoa parishes. Citrus fruits are grown in considerable
quantity along the Mississippi river below New Orleans.
Manufactures. The production of lumber is the leading manu-
facturing industry of the state. In 1914 the lumber and timber
products had a value of $66,656,268, Louisiana ranking second
among the states. The manufacture of sugar, including refining and
the production of molasses, came second with total products valued
at $57,948,322. There was a considerable variation in the output of
cane sugar, as the following figures in short tons indicate: 1915,
*37,5<x>; 1916, 303,900; 1917,243,600; 1918, 280,900; 1919, 115,590;
1930, 169,126. The production of cotton-seed oil and cake and the
cleaning and polishing of rice occupied third and fourth places in
the state's manufactures, with products valued in 1914 at $18,-
106,257 and $12,966,690 respectively. The refining of petroleum has
attained increasing importance in recent years.
Minerals. Louisiana leads all other states in the production of
sulphur, and in 1917 was third in the production of rock salt. Both
the sulphur and rock-salt deposits lie in the southern portion of the
state and yield a product of unusual purity. The south-eastern limit
of the mid-continental petroleum field lies in the north-western
section of the state, in the parishes of Caddo, Red River, De Soto
and Claiborne. The Gulf Coast oil-field reaches into the state from
the S.W., and is most productive in the vicinity of Vinton, Jennings
and Anse La Butte. The state's output in 1920 was 35,649,000 bar. ;
in 1918, 15,423,520. In 1920 the live stock on farms was valued by
the Department of Agriculture at $120,000,000 as compared with
$43,315,000 in 1910.
Administration. On March I 1921 a constitutional convention
assembled at Baton Rouge to draft a new constitution which, on
its adoption, would become the tenth under which the state has been
governed since its admission to the Union in 1812, not including the
constitution of the Confederate period, 1861-5. The constitution of
1913, the immediate predecessor of that of 1921, was not, strictly
speaking, a new instrument, but was mainly a textual revision of the
constitution of 1898 by the incorporation into the body of the
document of some 6o-odd amendments which had been adopted in
previous years and had become so numerous as to create confusion.
Other than this change in form, the 1913 constitution included no
new material except provisions for refunding the state debt, due
Jan. I 1914, and for the prevention of combinations in restraint of
trade. Owing to the many restrictions of a statutory nature included
in the constitution of 1898, it was found necessary to submit a large
number of amendments to the voters after nearly every biennial
session of the Legislature. This defect was not avoided in the con-
stitution of 1913. Consequently in Nov. 1916 18 constitutional
amendments were submitted to the voters, and 17 were adopted.
In Nov. 1918 14 more were submitted, and 13 were adopted. This
constant addition of amendments proved both costly and confusing,
and was one of the chief factors in bringing about the movement for
the adoption of a new constitution in 1921.
Education. Material improvement in the provision for the
educational institutions of the state was effected in 1918 and 1920.
In the former year five constitutional amendments were adopted
which resulted in more than doubling the state and local revenues
for the support of the public schools'. A special tax was also provided
for the support of the institutions for higher education. In 1920 a
special tax of 2 % on the value of all natural products from the land
oil, natural gas, sulphur, salt and lumber was imposed to create a
fund for the maintenance of the state institutions, and the proceeds
of this tax were appropriated the following year for the physical
equipment of the College of Agriculture, which is one department of
the Louisiana State University. In 1916 the system of compulsory
education according to the option of each parish gave way to a
state-wide compulsory education law requiring a minimum attend-
ance of 140 days at school in each school vear by all children between
the ages of 7 and 14 years. There has been difficulty, however, in
8oo
LOUVAIN LOWELL
the strict enforcement of the law, and in 1919 there were 87,000
whites and 128,000 negro children of school age not enrolled in the
public schools. The total expenditures from all sources on the
public-school system in 1919 amounted to $9,702,067 as compared
with $7,954,552 in 1918, and $4,310,100 in 1910. In 1919 21-4% of
the school revenues were derived from the state Government, 41 -6 %
from general parish resources, 32-7 % from special maintenance taxes,
and 4-3 % from bond issues. The average salary for white male
teachers was $1,011, as against $758 for the previous year, and for
white female teachers $598, as against $526 for the previous year.
In 1919 negro male teachers received an average salary of $298 and
female teachers an average of $217.
Taxation. From 1908 to 1916 the reform of the system of taxation
was the most important public question within the state. A special
tax commission created by the Legislature in 1908 reported a plan
for the separation of the sources of state and local revenues, but no
action was taken then. In 1912 a second tax commission drafted a
more elaborate plan, providing separate sources of revenue for the
state and local Governments and including a provision for an inherit-
ance tax with highly progressive rates. This was submitted to the
voters by the Legislature in the form of a constitutional amendment,
and was rejected by a large majority. In 1916 a new plan providing
separate assessments of the same property for state and local pur-
poses was submitted as a constitutional amendment and adopted.
This amendment provides a board of three members, designated the
Board of State Affairs, which is charged with the duty of securing an
equalized assessment of property throughout the state, and with the
preparation of a state budget. The Board of State Affairs also sup-
planted the State Board of Equalization and the State Board of
Appraisers, the latter having had control of the assessment of the
property of railway, telegraph, telephone, sleeping-car, and express
companies. Under the new system the local or parish authorities
may take as the basis for local taxes any fraction, not less than 25 %,
of the state assessment of general property. At the close of the fiscal
year 1919 the state's finances were in satisfactory condition, with
receipts aggregating $17,035,351 and expenditures $14,504,468. The
bonded debt on March I 1920 was $11,108,300.
History. Although the state is normally Democratic, the
reduction of the duty on raw sugar by the Tariff Act of 1913,
framed by a Democratic Congress, caused a defection from that
party in that section of Louisiana where the production of cane
sugar is the chief industry, and this resulted in the election in
1914 of a candidate to Congress from the Third Congressional
District on the Progressive ticket. For a short period this party
showed considerable strength in the southern portion of the
state. In the gubernatorial election in 1016 many regular Demo-
crats supported the Progressive candidate, but the Democrat
was elected by a majority of 32,000. The Democratic party in
this election, however, polled some 25,000 fewer votes than
were cast for its candidates in the preceding primary election.
Inasmuch as many Democrats had voted the Progressive ticket
in the regular election after participating in the primary election
of their own party, the Democratic Legislature in 1916 enacted
new primary and general election laws. These measures stipu-
lated that all officially recognized political parties must nominate
their candidates by means of primary elections, and that all such
elections must be held on the same day. Every voter was
required to register his party affiliation in order to obtain the
privilege of participating in a primary election, and was required
to sign a pledge to support the nominee of the party with which
he registered his affiliation. Violation of this pledge was made a
misdemeanour subject to legal penalties. In 1920 John M.
Parker, who had been the unsuccessful Progressive candidate for
governor in 1916, was nominated for the same office on the
Democratic ticket and was elected. Practically all the members
of the Progressive party had by this time rejoined the Demo-
cratic party.
The governors after 1908 were: Jared Y. Sanders, 1908-12;
Luther E. Hall, 1912-6; Ruffin G. Pleasant, 1916-20; John M.
Parker, 1920.
During the World War the total state registration under the
selective draft regulations was 392,316, and the number inducted
into service was 80,834. The total amount subscribed in the
state to war loans was $154,071,000. (W. 0. S.)
LOUVAIN (see 17.67). Pop. 42,490 in 1914, as against 42,194
in 1904. The Germans entered Louvain Aug. 19 1914. The
city was systematically sacked and in large part destroyed by
fire between Aug. 25 and Sept. 2. About one-third of the city
perished, including the famous University Library with its
treasures, the church of St. Pierre and the markets. About
300 civilians, many of whom were shot, lost their lives.
The destroyed fabrics were in process of reconstruction (as
far as might be) in 1921, and about 700 out of 1,200 houses had
been rebuilt. The foundation stone of the new library was laid
July 28 1921 in the presence of the King and Queen of the
Belgians. A clause of the Peace Treaty provides that Germany
should make reparation for the burning of the library by fur-
nishing books, MSS., etc., to the value of those destroyed.
Great Britain (on the initiative of the John Rylands Library,
Manchester) and the United States contributed largely to its
replenishment; over 38,000 books had been sent to Belgium
from the John Rylands Library up to Aug. 1921.
LOW, SETH (1850-1916), American administrator and educa-
tionist (see 17.72), died at Bedford Hills, N.Y., Sept. 17 1916.
In 1914 he was appointed by President Wilson as one of the
arbitrators in the Colorado coal strike. He was delegate-at-
large to the New York State constitutional convention in 1915,
and was chairman of the committee on City government.
LOWDEN, FRANK ORREN (1861- ), American politician,
was born at Sunrise City, Minn., Jan. 26 1861. After studying
at Iowa State University (A.B. 1885) and the Union College of
Law, Chicago (LL.B. 1887), he practised in Chicago for about
20 years. In 1899 he was professor of law at Northwestern
University, Evanston, Illinois. In 1900 he declined the first assist-
ant postmaster-generalship, offered him by President McKinley,
whom he had supported. He was a delegate to the Republican
National Convention in 1900 and 1904, and from 1904 to 1912
was a member of the Republican National Committee. He was
also a member of the executive committee in 1904 and 1908.
In 1906 he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives
for the unexpired term of R. R. Hitt, deceased, and was re-
elected for the terms of 1907-11. He declined to run for another
term. He was governor of Illinois 1917-21, and was energetic
in marshalling the resources of his state in support of America's
war programme. In 1917, when the mayor of Chicago refused
to interfere with a meeting of the People's Council, an organiza-
tion accused of pro-Germanism, he ordered out the state troops
to prevent the meeting. He introduced the budget system for
state expenditure, thereby reducing the rate of taxation in spite
of rising prices. He favoured woman suffrage and the enforce-
ment of the Volstead Act for war-time prohibition. He was
opposed to the League of Nations without reservations, on the
ground that it would create a super-state. At the Republican
National Convention in 1920 he had strong support for presi-
dent. In the first four ballots he stood second; on the fifth he
led with 303 votes (493 being necessary for nomination); on the
sixth he tied for first place (3111 votes); on the seventh ballot
he was second (31 ij votes); on the eighth he again led (307
votes), but then to avoid a prolonged deadlock he released his
delegates, who transferred their votes to Warren G. Harding,
who was nominated on the tenth ballot.
LOWELL, ABBOTT LAWRENCE (1856- ), American edu-
cationist (see 17.73), built for Harvard at his own expense a
president's house, which was finished in 1912. From the time
that he became president (1909) he took great interest in the
social life of the students, and was specially desirous that mem-
bers of the entering class should have the opportunity of becom-
ing thoroughly acquainted. The result was the erection of an
attractive group of dormitories in which all freshmen roomed
and had their meals together (see also HARVARD UNIVERSITY).
President Lowell was a strong supporter of free speech among the
members of the faculty. After the outbreak of the World War
in 1914 he refused to accept, in spite of considerable pressure,
the resignation of Prof. Hugo Munsterberg, who had defended
the German cause. In 1915 Prof. Kuno Meyer, of the university
of Berlin, a prospective exchange professor to Harvard, sent a
letter of protest because of the publication in one of the college
magazines of a satirical poem, Colt mil Uns, by an undergraduate.
In his reply President Lowell pointed out that freedom of
speech was an important characteristic of American universities
as distinguished from those in Germany. He was chairman of
LOYSON LUCK, BATTLES OF
801
the executive committee of the League to Enforce Peace, aud
later was a strong supporter of the League of Nations.
He was the author of Public Opinion and Popular Government
(1913, based on lectures at Johns Hopkins University) ; The Govern-
ments of France, Italy, and Germany (1914, abridged from his earlier
Government and Parties in Continental Europe) and Greater European
Governments (1918, abridged from earlier works).
His brother PERCIVAL LOWELL (1855-1916), American astron-
omer (see 17.73), died at Flagstaff, Ariz., Nov. 12 1916. In
1910 he lectured in London before the Royal Institute and
in Paris before the Association Astronomique.
His sister AMY LOWELL (1874- ), American poet, was
born in Brookline, Mass., Feb. 9 1874. She 'was an accom-
plished writer of vers libre and well known as a critic.
Her works include A Dome of Many-Colored Glass (1912) ; Sivord
Blades and Poppy Seed (1914); Six' French Poets (1915); Men,
Women, and Ghosts (1916); Tendencies in Modern American Poetry
(1917); Can Grande' s Castle (1918); Pictures of the Floating World
(1919); Legends (1921) ; Fir-Flower Tab.'ets (1921), translations from
the Chinese, with the collaboration of Florence Ayscough.
LOYSON, CHARLES (1827-1912), better known as " Pere
Hyacinthe," a famous French preacher, was born at Orleans in
1827. He was educated for the priesthood and entered the Car-
melite order. His eloquence drew all Paris to his Advent ser-
mons in Notre-Dame between 1865 and 1869, but his orthodoxy
fell under suspicion, and in 1870 he associated himself with Dol-
linger's protest against the dogma of Papal infallibility (see
14.512, 20.67). Being excommunicated, he broke finally with
the Church of Rome, and removed first to Geneva and then to
London. He married an English lady, Emily Jane Merriman,
and settled in Paris in 1877, where he founded an Old Catholic
church. He died in Paris Feb. 9, 1912.
LUCK (LUTSK), BATTLES OF, 1916. The battles in the World
War which constituted the Russian summer offensive of 1916 are
known collectively by the name of Luck (Lutsk), a town in
Volhynia, on the river Styr, which before the war formed part
of the Russian fortified region of Rovno. The choice of this point
as indicative of a series of great battles which extended in space
from the river Pripet to the frontier of Rumania and in time
from early June to late Aug. and, with decreasing intensity,
into Nov. is justified by the fact that the break-through of the
Austrian front at Luck was the principal factor in determining
the course of the whole series.
After the fruitless attacks of the Russians in Courland and
Lithuania in March 1916, a perceptible lull had set in on the
eastern front. It was nevertheless obvious to the Central
Powers that Russia was preparing for a new trial of strength.
Their artillery, in particular, which had been augmented in
comparison with the previous year, was initiated into all the
intricacies of the newest fire-tactics, French and Japanese in-
structors being employed in some cases. A very ample supply of
ammunition was accumulated, and air reconnaissance and aero-
plane photography were brought to a high pitch. The general
attack of the Entente was planned for July i.
Brussilov's Offensive. From the disposition of the Russian
troops in May 1916, it was assumed that they would repeat their
attacks against the former pressure-points on the German front,
N. of the Pripst, viz.: at Baranovichi, Smorgon, Lake Naroch
and Dvinsk. But the Austro-Hungarian offensive against Italy
made it imperative for Russia to go to the relief of her ally, and
accordingly General Brussilov was called on to take the offensive
against the front S. of the Pripet, which was almost entirely
occupied by Austro-Hungarian troops. However, no troops
were shifted at first from the area N. of Pinsk to the Russian
S.W. front. Brussilov's command included the following: the
IX. Army (Letchitsky) , with 10-11 inf. divs. and 2-3 cav. divs.,
from the Pruth E. of Czernowitz along the Bukovina-Bessarabia
frontier and on the N. bank of the Dniester to the N. of Uscieczko;
the VII. Army (Shcherbachev), with 6-8 inf. divs. and 2\ cav.
divs., generally on the E. bank of the Strypa as far as Bohatkowce;
the XI. Army (Sakharov), with 8 inf. divs. and i cav. div., from
the upper course of the Strypa across the watershed between
Sereth and Horyn (Goryn) to the E. bank of the upper Ikwa as
far as the N. of Kremieniec; finally, the VIII. Army (Kaledin),
with 12-13 inf- divs. and 3 cav. divs., on the E. bank of the Ikwa
to Mlynow, from there through gently undulating country to the
Putilowka, N. of Olyka, thence to the bend of the Styr between
Kulikowce and Kolodia, and on through the marshy regions W.
of the Styr along the Wiesiolucha to the Pripet.
The Austro-Hungarian Higher Command looked forward with
confidence to the next battle on the eastern front. For although
the offensive against Italy had meant the removal of five good
attack divisions and much heavy artillery to the Tirol, the regi-
ments, excepting those of the VII. Army, had been brought up to
full fighting strength again by the march battalions that were
drafted to them monthly, some of them being even in a position
to form supernumerary companies or battalions. Compared with
the previous year the number of guns had also been increased
through the development of the general artillery organization.
But the allocation of ammunition was meagre. Much time and
labour were spent on organizing the positions. The defence
system consisted for the most part of three positions, which were
supposed to be at such a distance apart that, after the failure of
the first position, the battle for the second position would require
a new movement of the enemy's artillery. The first position,
which again consisted of two or three lines, each behind the
other, was in fact very well organized. But for the construction
of the rearward positions there was not enough labour, time or
wire left over. They were therefore incomplete.
The plan for the defence was conceived to be that the troops
were to stand by, during the very violent artillery demolition
fire that was expected, in deep dug-outs (so called " fox holes ")
either near the front line or actually in it. As soon as the enemy
infantry rushed to the attack the defenders, promptly warned by
observers, were to hurry into the fighting trenches, while their
own artillery by barrage-fire (where possible, oblique) mowed
down the storming enemy infantry, or at least prevented the
enemy reserves from following up. In this way the troops in
the trenches would have only the first rush of the enemy's attack
to beat back in hand-to-hand fighting. These tactics were open
to serious objections. Timely detection of the moment when the
enemy's storming columns should break forth, and consequently
the instant alarming of the garrison in its dug-outs, as also the
instantaneous putting down of the barrage, could not be counted
upon, in view of the destruction of observation and liaison by
the hostile drum-fire. Further, the defence was concentrated
far too rigidly on the fighting in the front line, the loss of which
would mean also the loss of the greater part of the fighting
material there, such as machine-guns, trench mortars, flame-
throwers, searchlights, flanking guns, etc. The troops' power of
resistance was bound up far too closely with the possession of the
foremost position.
The calm assurance with which the Russians went about their
attack preparations, which were plain to see but impossible to
hinder, induced such a state of nervousness in the staffs and troops
of the defence that the launching of the Russian attack would
have been felt almost as a relief had it not been for the annihilating
results of the attacks at various points.
On the part of the front under the Austro-Hungarian Army
Higher Command, stretching from the Pruth to the Jasiolada N.
of Pinsk, there were: (i) VII. Army (Pflanzer-Baltin), with the
XI. Corps, Benigni's and Hadfy's groups, the XIII. and the VI.
Corps (12 inf. divs. and 5 cav. divs.), from the Pruth E. of
Czernowitz to Wisniowczyk on the Strypa; (2) the German
South Army (Graf Bothmer), which now contained only i Ger-
man inf. div., the 48th Res. Div. with Hoffmann's Corps and the
IX. Corps (6 inf. divs.), along the middle Strypa and as far as
Czerniechow on the upper course of the Sereth; (3) the groups
of armies of Generaloberst von Bohm-Ermolli, comprising the
Austro-Hungarian IV. and V. Corps and Kosak's group (5 inf.
divs. and i cav. div.) forming the II. Austro-Hungarian Army
under his own command and holding from E. of Zalosce along the
upper reach of the Ikwa up to Bereczy; together with the XVIII.
Corps (25 inf. and ij cav. divs.), constituting the Austro-Hun-
garian I. Army (Puhallo), along the lower course of the Ikwa up
802
LUCK, BATTLES OF
to Mlynow; (4) the German groups of armies under Linsingen,
to which were assigned the Austro-Hungarian IV. Army (Arch-
duke Joseph Ferdinand) with Szurmay's Corps and the X. and II.
Corps (8 inf. divs.), from Mlynow to Kolki on the Styr; Path's
Austro-Hungarian Corps (2} inf. divs.) on the Styr up to
Kolodia, with, to the N. of it, Hauer's Austro-Hungarian Cav.
Corps (3 cav. divs. and 3 bdes. Polish legions) and Gronau's
German groups (3 inf. divs. and 2 cav. divs.), on the Wiesiolucha-
Strumien-Pinsk-lower course of the Jasiolda and Oginski canal.
As regards reserves, Linsingen was given the half of the 4Sth
Schutzen Div. at Kolki, and the loth Cav. Div. engaged in
constructional work in the line-of-communications area.
Counting by the number of divisions the Russians had only a
slight majority in this particular battle area. But their divisions
were larger, and in addition they had a considerable number of
drafts placed in readiness behind the attacking front, to make
good the losses in the regiments as they occurred.
From the methodical pushing forward of the Russian trench
system right up to the obstacles of the enemy, it became clear by
the end of May that the Russians were proposing to exert their
strength especially against the N. wing of Benigni's group at
Okna, the XIII. Corps S. of Buczacz, the N. wing of the South
Army N.W. of Tarnopol and the IV. Army W. of Olyka. It was
accordingly easy for the command on the Austro-Hungarian
side to place the reserves behind the parts that were threatened.
In the IV. Army the i3th Schutzen Div. was pushed in behind
the X. Corps (2nd and 37th Inf. Divs.), posted astride the Olyka-
Luck road, and the nth Inf. Div. behind the Szurmay Corps
(;th and 7oth Inf. Divs.) S. of that road, so that each of these
corps had a brigade from the reserves placed at its disposal.
The Break-through Battle of Olyka-Luck. On June 4, from
4 A.M., the Russians opened battle on the whole section of the
front from the Pruth to the Pripet with drum-fire of a violence
hitherto unknown in the East. Their artillery systematically
battered the enemy's foremost positions and the locality occupied
by the higher staff, which was accurately known. The defence
system suffered severely, and communication between command
and troops was in many cases destroyed. Owing to the dry
weather, high whirling clouds of dust and smoke arose, and even
on the first day it became an anxious question whether the
breaking loose of the enemy's storming columns could be detected
in time. At several points the Russians " felt " the enemy first
with infantry detachments, but no infantry attack occurred on
that day (June 4). In the evening the Russians ceased fire.
After a comparatively quiet night, spent by the defenders in
making the most essential preparations in the trenches and
restoring the badly damaged obstacles, drum-fire was resumed
on June 5, with increased violence. During the morning, attacks
were launched by the Russian XL. Corps, with the 2nd and 4th
Rifle Divs., against the Austro-Hungarian 2nd Inf. Div. to the
W. of Olyka, and by the VIII. Corps, with the I4th and isth Inf.
Divs., against the 7oth Honved Inf. Division. The blow of the
XL. Corps fell upon the men of the Hungarian 82nd Inf. Regt.,
who, owing to the destruction by drum-fire of all means of
observation and communication, were surprised in their dug-outs
and either taken prisoners or killed. The fate of the 4oth Inf.
Regt., to the S. of them, was no better. For with wonderful
rapidity the Russians rolled up all the lines of the 2nd Inf. Div.
first position, and only fractions of the garrison could escape.
Towards noon the battalions of the Austrian i3th Schutzen
Div. (25th Schutzen Bde.), lying in reserve in the second position,
suddenly found the Russians upon them without knowing what
had happened to the first-position garrison.
The Russians proceeded systematically to the capture of the
second position, in which the battalions of the Viennese ist and
24th Schutzen Regts. were as islands stemming the Russian tide
which poured in from all sides. They were too weak to occupy
the position completely, and were surrounded and forced back
by the Russians after a gallant defence, who advanced through
the gaps and communication trenches before the belated 2nd
Bde. of the i3th Schutzen Div. could come to their aid. By
evening the I3th Schutzen Div., in a state of great exhaustion,
and the scanty remainder of the 2nd Inf. Div. had occupied the
third position, which was but weakly organized.
South of the XL. Corps, the VIII. Corps had penetrated the
first position, held by the Landsturm of the 7oth Honved Inf.
Div., and here the battle raged backward and forward. As the
7oth Div. was too weak to expel its more powerful enemy un-
assisted, the 4th Inf. Bde. of the nth Inf. Div. was sent to be
placed under it. But these East Galician regiments, the 8gth and
9oth, advanced but half-heartedly to the counter-attack against
their Russian kindred, and the attack was not pushed home.
The 7oth Div. was still holding the second line of the first position
in the evening, but in consideration of its exposed N. flank, al-
ready threatened, it also was withdrawn to the third position in
the night of June 5-6. This division, too, had suffered heavy
losses, having indeed shrunk to one-third of its fighting strength.
Despite the warning of Generaloberst von Linsingen, the com-
mander of the group of armies, not to put in the reserves too
soon in case of an enemy break-through, but only to employ
them in a uniform, concentric counter-attack, they were at
Olyka thrown into the battle, dispersed, and were therefore
unable to make any stand against the Russian onslaught.
Carried away in the fatal rush of the retreat, they not only lost
their fighting power, but, in effect, did practically nothing
towards turning the battle. It was also a calamity that the best
troops in the section where the attack was awaiting with cer-
tainty, the 82nd Inf. Regt. (5 batts.), should have been placed in
front. There they could have no chance of developing their own
power of attack, but must necessarily sustain heavy losses, while
the less-capable regiments, consisting of Ruthenians of the nth
Inf. Div., held in reserve, broke down in the counter-attack.
On June 6 no special effort was required on the Russian side to
overcome the troops of the X. Corps and Szurmay Corps who
were mixed up in confusion in the third position. The inner
wings of the 37th Honved Inf. Div. and the 7th Inf. Div., which
lined the N. and S. corners of the pocket respectively, wore
sucked into the tide of the retreat. The X. Corps made an at-
tempt at resistance, in an intermediate position W. of Romanow,
in the hope of covering the stream of transport flowing back in
the direction of Luck, but in vain.
The IV. Army Command now decided to withdraw the Szur-
may Corps behind the Ikwa and the Styr, the X. Corps to the
bridgehead of Luck, and the II. Corps to a position 6-8 km. E.
of the Luck-Kolki road, to insure the protection of the Kivercy
railway station. Here 5 German batts. of the Gronau group
and half of the Austrian 45th Schutzen Div. had already been
detrained, and it was proposed to use them for a counter-blow in a
southerly direction. Besides these the 2oth Inf. Div. from the II.
Army, a guard cav. bde. from the German group, and 6 batts.
with artillery from Prince Leopold's group of armies were being
brought up by train to the IV. Army.
On June 7 the Russian VIII. Corps, reinforced by the loist
Inf. Div., pushed forward against the S. side of the Luck bridge-
head, and the XL. Corps against the N. side. The bridgehead
was unknown to the troops to be defended in the southern
section by the nth Inf. Div. and parts of the loth Cav. Div., in
the northern section by the remnants of the 2nd and i3th Divi-
sions. Towards evening the Russians, advancing from the S.E.
and cutting off the southward-facing salient at Krupy, forced
their way into the bridgehead, captured part of the nth Inf.
Div., and forced the X. Corps to evacuate it. The counter-attack
led by General von Bernhardi, with half the 4oth Schutzen
Div. and the 5 German batts., did not get through. This group
now retired at Roziszce to the W. bank of the Styr, and was
joined there by the II. Corps. The 7th Inf. Div. was handed
over to the I. Army for convenience of supply.
In the morning of June 8 the Russians were able again, without
appreciable effort, to force the broken-down troops of the X.
Corps to relinquish the W. bank of the Styr. The Russians then
swept on in broad masses over the fourth, and so far as the IV.
Army was concerned last line of defence.
The X. Corps retired with the 37th and i3th Divs. behind the
Sierna, while the 2nd Inf. Div. and loth Cav. Div. to the E. and
.1
LUCK, BATTLES OF
803
S.E. of Torczyn established communication with the Szurmay
Corps standing on the S. bank of the Polanka, facing north.
But this corps, threatened by the Russian attempts to break
through, was obliged to wheel back on June 9 behind the Leni-
ewka line, between Korszew and Czarakow, and the bent-back
N. wing of the I. Army could only be extended as far as Lawrow.
There were no longer sufficient forces for the widening curve.
A dangerous gap yawned between the I. and IV. Armies.
Meanwhile the Russians had also continued their attacks
against all the armies farther to the south. The S. wing of the I.
Army near Sapanok had, thanks to the arrival of the 25th Inf.
Div., been able to ward off a Russian assault; and the I. and
South Armies also repelled all attacks, the South Army being
able even to send a brigade of its reserves to the N. wing of the
VII. Army. But in the case of Pflanzer-Baltin's Army the
Russians gained some important success on June 7 at Jazlowiec,
where the Russian II. Corps of Shcherbachev's Army succeeded
by dint of continuous assaults in breaking through the XIII.
Corps and forcing it back behind the Strypa. On June 8 even
this position became untenable, and the corps had to retire
behind the Buczacz-Karopiec line before it could stabilize itself;
and on June 9, Buczacz and the Strypa line as far as Bobulince
were lost by the VI. Corps, which had now also begun to waver.
On the S. wing of Bothmer's Army, both then and after, all the
Russian assaults broke down. In the area between the Dniester
and the Pruth, Letchitsky directed his efforts principally against
Benigni's group on the N. wing, which, though it was able for the
moment to ward off a Russian assault at Okna, had to sacrifice
the positions on the N. bank of the Dniester to the necessity
of forming reserves. The situation of the defenders here was
undoubtedly very tense. All the available reserves (4 regts. of 3
divs.) had been given to the XIII. Corps; in Benigni's group
there were troops from 8 different divs., already inextricably
mixed. In sum, this section of the front was no longer in a condi-
tion to withstand a powerful push.
The allied Higher Commands were now confronted with the
problem of finding measures to restore the equilibrium of the
eastern front, which had been so rudely and abruptly disturbed.
On the western front violent battles were raging, and in the
Italian theatre all forces were engaged. Yet it seemed inadvisable
to consider seriously the idea of leaving the eastern front to its
fate, without sending new forces; for the distress already felt by
the Central Powers forbade the abandonment of so much terri-
tory, with all its grain and other products, and the industries
started and re-started in it. It was necessary, besides, for the
Central Powers to avoid as far as possible any defeat in Galicia
and the Bukovina, lest their neighbour Rumania, once more in a
state of indecision, should deem it advisable to join the Entente;
and, finally, the German front N. of Polyesie, still faced by
numerically superior Russian forces, had to be considered. In
short, it was essential immediately to improve the situation.
The two Higher Commands therefore decided to proceed at once
to a counter-offensive in Volhynia. This was to take the form of
an assault on both sides of the Kowet-Rowno railway by a group
consisting of 7^ divisions. Until this attack-group should have
been formed, decisive battle was to be avoided. If pressed by the
enemy, the Szurmay Corps, X. Corps, the Bernhardi group and
the II. Corps were to fall back in a north-westerly direction if
necessary as far as the Stochod.
Battles on the Styr. Brussilov made his troops follow up into
the bend W. of Luck with great caution, fortifying each section as
it was taken. He directed his energies towards breaking through
the Styr front, as yet intact, thus widening the breach towards
the north. After several vain attempts at crossing on the fronts
of Path's Corps and Hauer's Cav. Corps, the Russian XXX.
Corps finally succeeded, on June 9, in setting foot on the N. bank
of the Styr E. of Kolki. But a counter-attack by the 4th Inf.
Div. threw the Russians back to the S. bank and cost them 1,500
prisoners. Another later attempt by the -Russians to cross at
Sokul on June 12 ended likewise in failure.
On the S. wing of Linsingen's group of armies, preparations
for the proposed counter-attack were meanwhile going forward
systematically, without any serious interruption from the Rus-
sians. The IV. Army (loth Cav. Div., the Szurmay Corps and
X. Corps), now commanded by Generaloberst von Tersztyan-
szky, was shifted to the line Biskupiczy-Chorostow-Siviniarin,
to make room for the attack-group (io8th Inf. Div., Rusche's
combined German Inf. Div., and the German X. Corps consisting
of the i9th and 2oth Inf. Divs.), under the experienced command
of General von der Marwitz, which was deploying in the area
Siviniarin-Ozierany.
The Russians also carried out a series of violent attacks against
the Stochod and Styr section between the Kowel-Rowno railway
and Kolki, but here again the attacks were repulsed with heavy
losses except for a passing local success at Kolki.
The result of shifting the IV. Army to the N.W. and forcing
back the I. Army, whose N. wing had reached Molatyngorni on
the Lipa, was to extend the gap between the two armies by 50 km.
Owing to the shortage of fighting troops this gap could, for the
moment, only be kept under observation by line-of-communica-
tion troops. Had the Russians had more troops, in particular
cavalry, or, still more important, sufficient enterprise, this could
have been an opportunity for undreamed-of successes. But
Kaledin obstinately persisted in his attacks on the Styr front,
thereby allowing the allies to close the yawning gap, for the
time being, with cavalry. This was achieved by hastily bringing
up the Ostermuth Cav. Corps (4th and 7th Cav. Divs. and ist
Landsturm Hussar Bde.) to the area round Gorochow, in addition
to the loth Cav. Div. and a German cav. bde., which were placed
in front of the IV. Army to hide its movements. Finally the
6ist Inf. Div., which was on its way by train from the Tirol to
the VII. Army, was detrained at Stojanow behind the left wing
of the I. Army and placed under its command.
It was not until June 14 that the Russians brought forward
great cavalry masses against the area between the I. and IV.
Armies. As a result, violent battles were fought, first at Lokaczy
against the loth Cav. Div. and, after Ostermuth's Cav. Corps
had hurried up to assist that division, against the 4th and 7th
Cav. Divs. at Swiniuchy; and the Russians were forced to realize
that the gap between the two armies was now closed.
The Break-through at Okna. At the same time, events in the
Bukovina and Eastern Galicia had taken a most unfavourable
turn for the allies. After many vain attacks on the Bukovina
front, Letchitsky eventually succeeded in breaking through
Benigni's Corps on June 10 to the W. of Okna by means of a
powerful push between Dobronoutz and Doroschoutz. Although
the right portion held its ground, the left was driven back in
spite of all the reserves that were put in, and this whole section
of the front had to be taken back to the line Dobronoutz-
Zastawna. A renewed attack delivered by the Russians, forty
deep, on Zastawna, undermined the corps' power of resistance to
such a degree that the XI. Corps, immediately to the S. of it, had
to be withdrawn behind the Pruth during the following night,
while Benigni (who could only with difficulty prevent his corps
from being driven away southward) and the Hadfy group tried
to take up a position again 12-15 km. to the W. of the original
front. The Russians, who at first pursued hotly, forced General
Pflanzer-Baltin, whose vigorous leadership was nullified in these
critical days by illness, to put back the Bukovina front to a line
running from Bojan (on the Rumanian frontier) up the Pruth to
Zablotow, then bending northward through Gwozdziec-Obertyn-
Niezwiska. This line was reached on June 14 by the Austro-
Hungarian troops, who were now being but little moles ted; as the
VI. and XIII. Corps had been placed under the South Army,
General Pflanzer-Baltin's command area became limited to the
troops S. of the Dniester.
These battles in Bukovina and Eastern Galicia, of which the
outcome was so unfortunate for the Austro-Hungarian troops,
were of very great importance, not only on account of the grievous
sacrifice of ground, prisoners and war material, but also because
of their repercussion on the attitude of Rumania. The continuous
violent attacks by the Russian VII. Army against the two
weakened and confused VI. and XIII. Corps on the South Army's
right wing offered no prospect whatever of a stabilization of the
804
LUCK, BATTLES OF
fighting front, and the Army Higher Command was therefore
compelled to dispatch the two divisions (German ic>5th from
Macedonia and Austro-Hungarian 48th from the Isonzo) origi-
nally intended for Marwitz's attack-group to back up the S. wing
of Bothmer's Army.
Counter- Attacks on Luck. As a result of the diversion of these
two divisions the allies had no longer forces enough to carry out
the flank blow planned on the right of the Kowel-Luck road. It
was therefore decided to deliver a concentric attack in the general
direction of Luck. The following were to take part : the N. wing
of the I. Army (now also brought under Linsingen's command),
with the 7th and 6ist Inf. Divs. and Ostermuth's (later Leon-
hardi's) Cav. Corps, advancing from the Lipa brook to the N.E. ;
the IV. Army in an easterly direction; Marwitz's group (German
X. Corps, German io8th Inf. Div., and Austro-Hungarian zgth
Inf. Div.), and Bernhardi's Corps with the combined infantry
division Rusche and half of the 4$th Schvitzen Div., in a south-
easterly direction; and the II. Corps on both sides of the Styr.
This broadly conceived attack was to begin on June 16.
On June 15 the I. Army suffered another reverse. The N.
wing of the Russian XI. Army (XXXII. Corps) drove back the
25th and parts of the 46th Div. at Rudnia on the Brody-Dubno
railway. As there were no forces available for a counter-attack
the N. wing of the Austro-Hungarian II. Army (Kosak's Corps)
and the S. wing of the I. Army (XVIII. Corps) had to be with-
drawn generally to the frontier between Lopuszno-Radzievilow-
Beresteczko.
The offensive against Luck, on which the allies had set all their
hopes, did not go well. The I. Army's N. wing had indeed suc-
ceeded in reaching the N. bank of the Lipa and pushing on to
Swiniuchy on June 16-17; the sparsely filled-up divisions of the
IV. Army had pushed forward to the E. of Lokaczy and Wojmica;
and Marwitz's group had gained ground W. of Kisielin, in spite
of fierce Russian opposition. But Bernhardi was forced back to
the N. bank of the Stochod by heavy counter-attacks, and,
when the Russians again began to press the I. Army's S. wing,
the I. Army Command had no choice but to fetch back the 7th
Inf. Div. (which had just succeeded in crossing the Lipa) to the
S. bank, and place it behind the threatened 46th Division. As
regards the II. Corps, there could be no question of crossing the
Styr, and it was obliged like Fath's Corps to devote its whole
strength to warding off the continuous attempts of the Russians
to cross at Gruziatyn and Kolki.
Only on June 21 did Linsingen's group of armies resume the
attack, after a new attack-group had been formed on its right
wing under General von Falkenhayn. This group consisted of the
6ist Inf. Div., Leonhardi's Cav. Corps, the newly arrived German
4$rd Res. Div., and the Austro-Hungarian 48th Inf. Div. brought
by train from the South Army. The N. wing had also to be
reinforced by the nth Bavarian Inf. Div. on account of the
arrival of fresh Russian forces. Falkenhayn's blow gained ground
up to the line Zwiniacze-Bubnowa, whereupon the Russians fell
back also in front of the IV. Army, so that the latter was able to
follow up to the Sadowa height. Marwitz broke through three
positions by means of vigorous attacks, though constantly
checked by Russian counter-assaults, but found himself con-
fronted, just W. of Zaturcy, with a new Russian line of resistance.
Meanwhile Bernhardi had difficulty, in spite of the Bavarian
reinforcements, in withstanding the powerful mass-attacks which
the Russians repeatedly delivered against the neck of land be-
tween the Styr and the Stochod at Sokul.
But although the counter-offensive of Linsingen's group of
armies had up till then met with undeniable success, the fruits of
which apart from the ground gained were 12,000 prisoners,
2 guns and 54. machine-guns, Luck, the objective, was still far
from being attained, owing to the growing strength of the Rus-
sian resistance which was fed by drafts that were actually taken
in part from the front N. of Polyesie.
In the meantime the Russian XXII. and XVI. Corps of
Shcherbachev's Army continued their costly attacks against the
South Army, in order to shake the southern hinge of the hitherto
unchanged Strypa front at Wismiowczyk. Their temporary
successes over the 39th Honved Inf. Div. were invariably neu-
tralized by counter-attacks from the Oppeln group, consisting of
Austro-Hungarian and German regiments, until finally the Rus-
sians after June 21 gave up their fruitless efforts. Equally
bold was the stand made by Maj.-Gen. Leide's little group on
the South Army's S. wing, which warded off several attempts
by the Russians to cross the Dniester N.E. of Olesza.
The Loss of Bukovina. Pflanzer-Baltin in Bukovina, on the
other hand, had met with fresh misfortune. After the bridge-
head on the N. bank of the Pruth at Czernowitz had been levelled
by Russian artillery-fire on June 16, and its garrison had retired,
strong Russian forces of the XI. Corps crossed the Pruth both
above and below the town, whereupon General Korda, commander
of the Austro-Hungarian XI. Corps, considered it necessary
to order the evacuation of Czernowitz and the S. bank of the
Pruth. He led his corps behind the Sereth, and Brudermann's
Cav. Corps (3rd and 8th Cav. Divs.) had also to retreat.
On June igth Korda and Brudermann were again attacked by
the Russian XI. and XII. Corps and III. Cav. Corps, and forced
to relinquish the Sereth line. Korda was now to retire on the line
Gwrahumora-Oberwikow-Lukawetz and to hold the defiles by
groups, while Brudermann in the Czermos valley was to safeguard
the right flank of Benigni's group, in front of which the Russians
had so far remained quiet.
In the S. of Bukovina the Russians pursued only with the III.
Cav. Corps, reinforced by one infantry division. Nevertheless,
Korda's troops, extended over so wide an area, could not hold the
proposed line for fear of being outflanked. Papp's group fell back
in sections to the often-contested position N.E. of Jakobeny, and,
reinforced by the 79th Honved Bde., occupied it on June 24,
while the 2O2nd Inf. Bde. and the 8oth Honved Bde. en-
tirely unmolested by the enemy reached Moldawa for the
purpose of blocking the route leading to Kirlibaba. Meanwhile
Brudermann's Cav. Corps and, N. of it, Habermann's group
(parts of the 24th and 3oth Inf. Divs.), against which the Russian
XI. and XII. Corps had now turned, had to sustain severe
fighting at and N. of Kuty. Evidently Letchitsky was preparing
the next blow on Kolomea.
Continuation of the Counter-Attack on Luck. In the meantime
the allies persisted in their intention to force a change in the
situation at Luck this time by increasing the pressure on the S.
flank of the bridge formed by the Russian VIII. Army, which had
made over the section N. of Kulikowice (in the bend of the Styr)
to the III. Army (Lyesh). General von der Marwitz, giving up
his own command to General von Luneburg, now took over, on
the S. wing of Linsingen's group of armies, the main attack-group,
consisting of the 7th Inf. Div., recently brought to the Lipa, the
newly arrived German 22nd Inf. Div., the io8th Inf. Div.
brought up from the former Marwitz group, and Falkenhayn's
Corps (Austrian 4th and 7th Cav. Divs. and 48th and 6ist
Inf. Divs., German 43rd Res. Div. and gth Cav. Div.). After
the heavy artillery, needed for the forcing of the powerful Rus-
sian position at Bludow, had come up, the attack began on June
29. The IV. Army with a strong N. wing, the Luneburg group
and Bernhardi's Corps, were to join in, the last-named having
stormed several Russian positions at Sokul since June 24.
The attack brought encouraging initial results to all groups
engaged. Bernhardi followed up his successes at Sokul, and was
also able to force the Russians to evacuate the bridgehead lying
on both sides of the railway on the N. bank of the Stochod.
Luneburg advanced his line 2-3 km., and the Austro-Hungarian
X. Corps stormed the often-contested position of Zatwicy. The
greatest success was, however, won by Marwitz, who, on July i,
undeterred by the rainy weather which hampered both the
artillery fire and the mobility of the troops, penetrated the enemy
position between Boremel and Ugrinow on a front 20 km. wide
and 5 km. deep, and was able to hold his ground in spite of violent
counter-attacks, some of which were delivered by cavalry. But
Bludow could not be<aptured and the IV. Army was accordingly
extended southward while the three divisions standing before
Bludow were sent to reinforce the main attack-group to the E. of
it. In spite of this, no further success was achieved in the attack.
LUCK, BATTLES OF
805
The Russian resistance, which manifested itself in violent counter-
blows, was not to be overcome. Farther N., too, neither the
Liineburg group, which had been forced to give up a brigade to
Woyrsch's army group (attacked by superior numbers at Barano-
vichi), nor Bernhardi's Corps (which had sent the nth Bavarian
Inf. Div. from Sokul to the seriously menaced position in the
Styr salient) could make any further progress.
Loss of the Styr Bend. The increasing exhaustion of the troops
of the II. Corps and Path's Corps in the Styr bend, due to in-
cessant fighting, was not lost upon the Russians, and Brussilov
turned his attention more and more to the wing of the Russian
VIII. and III. Armies. On the S. flank of the Styr bend, the I.
Turkestan and V. Cav. Corps were brought up to join the XXX.
Corps in the attack, while the Russian XLVI. Corps, with 4i
inf. and 2 cav. divs., pressed against the N. flank. The Russians
won the first success on July 4 at Kopyli, when they established
themselves on the N. bank, and were not to be driven away even
by the nth Bavarian Inf. Div. which was hurriedly brought up.
On July 5, at Kolki, the 2nd Polish Bde. and half of the 45th
Schiitzen Div. had also to yield ground; and as on the same day
Path's left wing and the ist and 3rd Polish Bdes. posted at
Kolodia on Hauer's S. wing were broken through in spite of a brave
defence, the risk of Path's doubly outflanked corps being cut off
could now only be averted by ordering his seriously exhausted
troops back to behind the Stochod. Hauer's Cav. Corps, whose
position had now become untenable owing to its exposed S.
flank, had also to retire behind the Stochod, whereby the nth
Honved Cav. Div. on its flank was involved in further fighting
which cost it heavy losses. To strengthen the new Stochod
front the 37th Inf. Bde., which had been sent northward by
train, to join Woyrsch, was now diverted to Path's Corps, while
in the new area of Hauer's Cav. Corps the German 9th Cav.
Div. from Marwitz's group, the Bavarian Cav. Div. sent up by
train from Hindenburg's group, and the combined Clausius
Div., were assembled. Path's Corps was placed under General
Bernhardi, to assure unity of command. In connexion with
these events, the centre and right wing of Bernhardi's Corps
from Sokul, and the S. wing of the Gronau group (82nd Res.
Div.) from the Wiesiloncha, had to be withdrawn behind the
Stochod. The Russians pursued hotly, and tried to push across
the Stochod, attacking at different points up to the middle of
July, but were everywhere, in some cases after the defence had
put in its now adequate reserves, repulsed with bloody losses.
In view of the changed situation and the shifting of forces that
had become essential, a renewal of Linsingen's offensive could no
longer be considered. His troops received orders to establish
themselves in a permanent position on the line reached.
At the end of June the Austro-Hungarian Supreme Command
saw itself forced to close down the offensive against Italy, and
shorten the front on the Sette Communi plateau, in order to
release troops for the difficult fighting on the eastern front.
The first forces available (the VIII. Corps staff with the 4Sth
Schiitzen Div. and sgth Inf. Div.) were dispatched at once by
train to Pflanzer-Baltin's Army which was now, at the turn of
the month, once more the focus of the fighting.
Battle of Kolomea. After the Russian XI. Corps, in the
fighting at Kuty and Wiznitz, had pushed back Habermann's
group to the heights W. of Kuty, Letchitsky massed his XII. and
XLI. Corps astride the Pruth, and advanced against Benigni's
weak divisions on June 28. On the N. wing the attack was
repulsed with the aid of reserves, but in the centre and on the S.
wing the Russians broke through, and Benigni's troops had to
retire to the bridgehead at Kolomea and behind the Pistyanka.
To conform to this, Pflanzer-Baltin brought back also those
parts of his army that were farther north.
On June 29 the Russians renewed the attack with the XI.
Corps against Benigni's S. wing at Pistyn, and forced it back
westwards. The course that the battle was taking, and the danger
of Brudermann's Cav. Corps, farther to the S., being driven
southward, led the Austrian Supreme Command to order the
withdrawal of the army to the prepared position Berenzow-
Sadzowka-Ottynia. Brudermann's Cav. Corps, with its right still
echeloned forward for the time being, held its ground until July
i, when new attacks drove it to retire to the line Kosmacz-Zabie.
Kolomea was thus given up by the Austro-Hungarian troops.
Maj.-Gen. Leide's group, belonging to the South Army, which on
the S. bank had been maintaining the liaison with the VII. Army,
had meanwhile had to ward off mounted attacks by the 6th Don
Cossack Div. on June 29. On June 30 this division again attacked
on both sides of the Olesza-Tlumacz road, with a mass 6 lines
deep and 3 km. wide, but once more the attack spent itself in
vain, suffering exceptionally heavy losses, and providing yet
another example of the uselessness of this type of cavalry attack
on infantry, under modern conditions. Meanwhile reinforce-
ments had come up from the Italian theatre, and were detrained
at Nadworna and Delatyn. The ngth Inf. Div. was sent by the
German Command to Tysmienica for the VII. Army.
Pflanzer-Baltin now intended, in conjunction with the South
Army, to give the movement of battle a new character by
attacks directed from the N. and S. wings of his Galician front.
From the area S. of Delatyn the 44th Schiitzen Div., reinforced
by a regiment of the German icsth Inf. Div., attacked north-
westward, covered on its E. flank by Habermann's group; and
from the area E. of Tlumacz, General Kraewell's group (German
iigth and main body iosth Inf. Div., Maj.-Gen. Leide's group
and 10 companies of the XIII. Corps) pushed southward. Both
attacks met with success on July 2 and 3. In particular, Kraewell's
group, to which Hadfy's group attached itself, gained ground
up to the line running from the Dniester bend at Piotrow to
Chocimierz and Molodylow, after once more repelling Russian
cavalry attacks. But Brussilov had already taken his counter-
measures. While the Russian IX. Army sent forward its powerful
cavalry against Brudermann's N. wing, pressing him back to
Tatarow at the northern exit of the Jablonica (Tartaren) Pass,
Shcherbachev attacked the XIII. Corps of the South Army at
Barysz and pushed it in. After some temporary successes in
counter-attack by the reserves, the corps had to be taken back
to the Koropiec brook in consequence of renewed Russian
attacks. Violent attacks were also made on Benigni's group, N.
of Sadzawka, Leide's group on the Dniester and the VI. Corps E.
of Monasterzyska. But whereas Benigni, by the aid of 1 1 batts.
of his own reserves, and the VI. Corps, with parts of the German
ist Res. Div. which had just reached the South Army, was able
to restore the situation, Kraewell's attack had to close down on
account of the successes obtained by the Russians against Leide's
group. All attempts to drive the Russians out of the region of the
Jablonica Pass failed.
A brief offensive movement by the Austro-Hungarian XI.
Corps from the S. corner of Bukovina did in fact gain ground up
to Moldawa, but it had to be cut short and the troops withdrawn
to their starting-point as soon as the object of drawing down the
enemy's forces upon them was attained; and a brigade had had
to be given up to guard the threatened Jablonica Pass.
If, however, the numerous counter-offensive actions which
arose out of Pflanzer-Baltin's initiative were insufficient to bring
about a change in the situation of his army, they had at least
had the effect of forcing Letchitsky to remain passive for the
moment between the Dniester and the Pruth, in order to give
his exhausted troops a respite after the heavy losses they had
suffered in consequence of his ruthless mass-attacks. The Rus-
sians opposing Linsingen's group of armies, on the contrary,
displayed much activity after the middle of July; and, moreover,
by their repeated advances against the Carpathian front between
the Jablonica and Prislop Passes they obliged the allies to give
closer attention to this part of the front, not so much on account
of the strategical importance of these operations, as in considera-
tion of public opinion in Hungary, and of the extent to which a
fresh misfortune in this quarter might be expected to react upon
Rumania's attitude.
Organization of Command. The command of the front from
the Jablonica Pass to the Rumanian frontier was accordingly
given to General von Pflanzer-Baltin on account of his long
experience in the minor operations in this mountainous country;
and on the N. of the Carpathian front a reorganization of the
8o6
LUCK, BATTLES OF
command was to take place. The German Command, which
since the beginning of June had sent 16 divs. and numerous
higher staffs to the support of the front S. of the Pripet, urgently
demanded an increased influence on the conduct of operations on
that front, controlled by the Austro-Hungarian Supreme Com-
mand. Already German troops were fighting on all parts of the
front, except with the II. Army; and German groups and corps
commands were now systematically pushed in where German
troops were placed, the intermediate and adjacent Austro-
Hungarian formations being put under their command. It is
undeniable that, by interspersing German troops and commands
in this manner on the Austrian eastern front, which was at that
time badly battered, no mean increase in the power of resistance
was obtained. But these measures 'also produced an increase of
the influence which the German General Staff arrogated to itself
in the conduct of the war.
x In order to bring about a fundamental improvement in the
position S. of the Dniester, which was going from bad to worse,
the two Supreme Commands proposed to deliver a counter-
attack on a grand scale on both sides of the river in a south-
easterly direction. For this purpose a new army the Austro-
Hungarian XII. was to be formed from the troops of the inner
wings of the VII. and South Armies and the new divisions now
being brought up by train. It was to be under the command of
the Archduke Karl Franz Josef to whom General von Seecket
was appointed chief-of-staff. But since the incoming troops had
always to be thrown into the battle as soon as they detrained,
the formation of this army never took effect. On the other hand,
the section of the former VII. Army lying between the Jablonica
Pass and the Dniester was handed over, as the " III. Army," to
the III. Army Command (Generaloberst von Kb'vess), which was
on the way by train from Tirol. Archduke Karl was made
commander of an " Army Front " consisting of the VII., III. and
South Armies. This new distribution came into effect on July
20. Another result of the agreement reached by the two general
staffs was the appointment of Gen. Field-Marshal von Hinden-
burg to the supreme command of all the remainder of the eastern
front, i.e. from Riga up to and inclusive of the II. Austro-Hun-
garian Army. He took over the command on Aug. 30, with Brest
Litovsk as headquarters. The German Command decided fur-
ther to give the 2nd Jager Bde., now brought up to divisional
strength and known as the " Carpathian Corps " (later as the
zooth Inf. Div.), to the VII. Army, so as to enable this army to
take the offensive, believing that the anticipated success would
in the end dissuade Rumania from abandoning her neutrality.
The Austro-Hungarian Higher Command on the other hand
transferred the Austro-Hungarian 6ist Inf. Div. (worn out as it
was) from Marwitz's group, and the nth Honved Cav. Div.
from Hauer's Cav. Corps, to northern Transylvania, since, from
reliable information received, it appeared that Rumania's inter-
vention on the side of the Entente would have to be reckoned
with before August was out.
Battles at Monasterzyska and in the Carpathians. In the
meantime Brussilov had persisted in his mass attacks, regardless
of enormous losses. Undeterred by the reverse suffered on July 7,
Shcherbachev again attacked the inner wings of the XIII. and
VI. Corps between the Koropiec brook and the Strypa with his
II. and XVI. Corps, on July 12-13. He succeeded on the two
days in breaking through the Austro-Hungarian izth Inf. Div.
and German ist Res. Div. in turn, but the two divisions, each
supporting the other with its own reserves, succeeded in ejecting
the Russians from their positions again. Against emergencies,
however, the main body of the German losth Inf. Div. was
transferred from the area S. of the Dniester to the South Army.
The Russians now brought up fresh forces (nth and 82nd Inf.
Divs.) to the Carpathian front, and by dogged mountain fighting
forced the 8th Cav. Div. which had to give up the commanding
Chomiak height back on to the wall of the Jablonica Pass, and
defeated the 3rd Cav. Div. in the battle of the Ludowa massif,
driving it back also to the frontier heights. About the headwaters
of the White Czeremos, Russian detachments had already ad-
vanced over the crest line in the direction of the Visso valley, but
were stopped in front of Borsa by the newly arrived 34th Inf.
Div. which with one of its brigades pushed the Russians back on
to the N. slope of the mountains, while the other brigade relieved
the exhausted 8th Cav. Div. at the Jablonica Pass. Farther E.
the Russians strove to wrest the pass at Kilibaba, which com-
manded the Caput height, from the left wing of the XI. Corps,
but without success.
Battles on the Lipa and at Beresteczko. The first attacks exe-
cuted by von der Marwitz's group on July 10 and u, which were
designed to screen the shifting of troops to the Stochod front,
attracted the attention of the XI. Russian Army (Sakharov).
This army had been comparatively inactive since the middle of
June, and was now selected by Brussilov to deliver fresh blows
against the centre of the battle-front.
In the night of July 15-16 a powerful assault by the V. Si-
berian Corps and the VIII. Corps threw back the centre of
Marwitz's group to Zwiniacze. Since a counter-attack made
by 9 German battalions failed to restore the situation, Marwitz
was obliged to bring back his far-advanced right wing behind the
Lipa also. For the same reason the bridgehead at Werben, on
the E. bank of the Styr, which was still held, had to be evacuated,
for though all attacks against it on July 16 were repulsed, no
operation E. of the Styr could be contemplated in view of the
general situation. As Marwitz considered his right wing, now
behind the Lipa and the Styr, to be adequately secured, he
shifted two divisions the 22nd and 43rd Inf. Divs. which
seemed to him not there indispensable, to his left wing at Goro-
chow, where he feared the Russians would launch fresh attacks.
The Russians now extended the violent artillery fire which
they had maintained against Marwitz's group for some days as
far as to the S.E. of Beresteczko. On July 18 they undertook a
demonstrative attack against the 25th Austro-Hungarian Div.
N. of Brody, and on July 20, after crossing the Styr at Werben,
directed a powerful blow by their XXXII. Corps S. of the Lipa
against the 46th and 7th Divs. This blow so strongly affected
these divisions that, in spite of a counter-attack undertaken by 6
batts. of the army reserve, they were unable to hold their ground
on the new line Beresteczko-Smolaiva, as was intended by the
Army Command. The whole front of the I. Army had to be
withdrawn to the line Beresteczko-Leszniow-Siestratyn. But
Marwitz had again to surrender his reserves the 48th Austro-
Hungarian Div. and 3 batts. each of the German 22nd and 43rd
Res. Divs. to the I. Army in the area S. of the Lipa. The II.
Army also transferred half of the 33rd Austro-Hungarian Div.
to Radzicchow behind Puhallo's Army. This part of the front
was now thought to have sufficient support, and it was hoped
that there would be quiet for a time.
Battle of Brody. Brussilov, however, continued his assaults
against the centre of the allied front opposite him without inter-
mittance. His immediate objective was Brody. On July 24th
the Russian XXXII. Corps, which had been shifted to the S.,
attacked the 25th Austro-Hungarian Div. at Leszniow, and
pressed it back several kilometres, together with the adjacent
33rd Austro-Hungarian Div. N. of it. In the following night the
Russian XVI. Corps, next in line to the XXXII. Corps on the S.,
attacked the N. wing of the II. Army and forced it back to a
prepared position on the frontier of the Dual Monarchy.
To ensure unity of command in the Brody area, the Austro-
Hungarian XVIII. Corps was placed under the II. Army Com-
mand, but the troops of the I. Army standing W. of the Styr were
put under the command of Linsingen's group of armies, as Lt.-
Gen. von Dieffenbach's group, and the I. Army Command was
dissolved. The Austrian io6th Landsturm Inf. Div. arrived in
the Brody area from the Italian theatre of war, while the German
loth Landwehr Div. was coming up by train by way of Lemberg,
the latter, however, being short of one regiment left in the zone
of the IV. Army, where comprehensive Russian attack prepara-
tions had been discerned.
On July 26 Sakharov renewed his violent attacks between the
Styr and Radziwilow with directions towards Brody. Difficult
and changeful fighting ensued, in which portions of the io6th
Landsturm Inf. Div., just detrained, took part with success.
LUCK, BATTLES OF
807
On July 27 the battle still raged with undiminished fury. Up to
4 P.M. all the Russian assaults had been repulsed, but a new
massed blow, delivered by the V. Siberian Corps to the E. of the
Leszniow-Brody road, proved decisive. Brody had to be relin-
quished, and positions occupied immediately S. and N. of it.
Then, as it seemed impossible without appreciable reinforcements
to hold the new positions, the loth Landwehr Div., intended for
the II. Army, having been diverted en route to Linsingen's group,
the troops of the II. Army were withdrawn to a prepared position
behind the ponds of the upper reaches of the Sereth and the Styr,
on the line Zalosce-Jasionow-Boldury. This line was occupied
during the night of July 28-29 without serious molestation.
During the battle of Brody the Russians had also delivered
mass-assaults N. of the Pripet at Baranovichi and Gorodish-
che but they were repulsed with very heavy losses. Immediately
afterward, on July 28, a fresh Russian attack on a large scale was
launched against the front S. of the Pripet, and particularly
against the III. and South Armies, parts of the IV. Army and
the Stochod front. The allies, still condemmed to play the thank-
less r61e of defenders, were in a most difficult position. With
their few available reserves they could send fresh forces only to
the most sorely pressed parts of the front, while at the remaining
points, which could no longer be held, salvation could be sought
only in shaking off the enemy without so far as could be seen
any hope of winning back the lost positions.
Battle of Kovel. In his scheme for the general attack launched
in the end of July, Brussilov had selected Kovel as the objective
for the N. wing of his group of armies, and to this end had brought
up the 23rd Inf. Div. and 8th Cav. Div. as far as Tobol, N. of
the Lipa. To facilitate the transmission of orders the N. wing of
the VIII. Army to which had been added the I. and II. Guard
Corps and the Guard Cav. Corps was formed into a separate
group under General Bezobrazov.
On the morning of July 28 Szurmay's Corps of the IV. Army,
after being heavily bombarded with gas-shell, were attacked by
the Russian XL. and VIII. Corps at Sadowa and thrown back
on Szelwow, where a part of the artillery, after holding out until
the last, was sacrificed to the pursuing Cossacks and Circassians.
But the Russian cavalry, wheeling S., was held up by some inter-
vening reserves, and in the counter-attack some of the lost ground
was regained.
At the same time the N. wing of the VIII. Army (XXIII. and
XXXIX. Corps) and Bezobrazow's Guard attacked the rein-
forced Liineburg Corps, standing E. of the Stochod, and forced it,
in spite of the intervention of the I2ist Inf. Div., to retire behind
the Stochod. The attacks launched on the same day by the S.
wing of the Russian III. Army against Bernhardi's group and
Hauer's Cav. Corps at several crossing-places on the middle
Stochod broke down with unusually heavy losses to the Russians.
The next day the Russians repeated their costly attacks with
equal vehemence, but were everywhere repulsed. Only at
Kaszowka did a successful break-through force the II. Corps to
retire from their pronounced salient in the Styr bend to a shorter
line running farther W. and long since prepared. Unencouraging,
too, were the Russian assaults against Linsingen's group of
armies, the most hotly contested points being Szelwow, Kisielin
and the railway crossing on the Stochod. But their efforts were
all in vain. At Stobychowa, again, the Russians, after a hard
struggle, succeeded in establishing themselves on the W. bank,
but were thrown back to the E. bank after several days of counter-
attacks. Thus Brussilov, in spitg of his tremendous output of
force, failed to reach his objective, Kovel.
Battle of Tlumacz. From July 28 onward the attacks directed
against the South Army N.W. of Buczacz were all completely
repulsed; but Bothmer's Army, as the result partly of the con-
stant bending-back and extension of its own S. wing, and partly
of the retreat of the II. Army N. of it, became exposed to en-
velopment on both sides, and its position was soon untenable.
Letchitsky directed his attacks, renewed likewise on July 28,
against the sector immediately S. of the Dniester, and drove in
Kraewell's group with the first assault. This group, after vainly
putting in its reserves, had to fall back carrying with it Hadfy's
N. wing to the line from Molodylow along the eastern edge of
Tlumacz to the Dniester loop S.W. of Koropiec. On Aug. 7
Letchitsky repeated his assaults against the Kraewell group and
pushed it back, inflicting heavy losses, through Tlumacz towards
the west. The Kraewell and Hadfy groups, and the adjacent I.
Corps on the S., were now reestablished several kilometres away
from the enemy, while the VIII. Corps (Benigni's) repulsed all
Russian attacks. But when, on Aug. 10, yet another of Letchit-
sky's mass assaults fell on the Kraewell group, the III. Army
could no longer hold its ground; after giving up Stanislau, it had
to be withdrawn to the line Zielona-Nadworna-Bohorodczany-
heights W. of Stanislau-Jezupol.
Thus another way into Hungary that over the Pantyr Pass
now lay exposed to Russian attacks, for it was only possible
temporarily to block it by a weak detachment. Conforming to
this retreat of the III. Army the right wing of the South Army
had again been bent back, having been fiercely attacked by the
Russians at Monasterzyska. Farther in the N., that part of the
front of the South Army which still projected E. of the Strypa
was also taken back.
Battles at Zalozce and on the Zlota Lipa. In the beginning of;
August there was also fierce fighting in progress on the II. Army's
front at Zalozce, in the course of which Lt.-Gcn. Eben's newly
formed German Corps (igsth and ig7th Inf. Divs.) came to
the assistance of the Austro-Hungarian V. Corps, hard pressed .
by the Russian VII. and XVII. Corps. Although the Russian
break-through was stopped, the counter-attack was not able to
win back the former positions completely, and it was suspended
on Aug. 10.
In spite of all previous failures, the Russian Guard to the N.
of the Kovel-Rovno railway, and, N. again of the Guard up to
Stobychwa, the I. Turkestan and I. Siberian Corps, driven on
with ferocious energy, persisted in their attacks against the
Stochod line. Extraordinarily heavy losses, no longer to be
replaced from those great reservoirs of men that had hitherto
seemed inexhaustible, forced Brussilov after Aug. 10 to suspend
the attacks on Kovel.
This relieved the difficulties of the now unavoidable with-
drawal of the South Army, which with its N. wing was still
holding the last section of the original front line on the Strypa
between Wisniowczyk and Kozlow. On the evening of Aug. ir
it began a two-night movement of retreat, which was to take it
to the line Horozanka-Zawal6wn-heights E. of Brzezany-Koni-
uchy-Zborow. Conforming to this movement, Eben's Corps,
forming the S. wing of the II. Army, swung back. The retreat
was not accomplished without several sharp rearguard actions,
but the pursuing Russians could not prevent the retreating army
from duly occupying the new position that had been chosen.
The Turkish XV. Corps, intended for the Linsingen group of
armies but now no longer needed in view of the improved situa-
tion there, was sent to the South Army, and intervened with its
igth Div. on Aug. i3th at Brzezany with success. The attacks
led by the Russians against the South Army's S. wing on the two
following days ended in failure.
With Kb'vess's Army a comparatively peaceful interval had
set in, and, in consequence, the 5ist Honved Inf. Div. was able
to go to Transylvania, where from day to day an inroad by the
Rumanians was expected, while the 44th Schiitzen Div. .was ,
handed over to the Isonzo front. To replace these the German;
XXIV. Res. Corps with ij inf. divs. was sent to the III. Army,
the German commander, General von Gerok, taking over the
command of the III. Army's N. wing from General Kraewell. |
The Counter-Offensive in the Wooded Carpathians. On the S.
wing of Archduke Karl's Army front the allies had so many
troops available in the beginning of Aug. that they were able at
last to proceed to a counter-offensive. Lt.-Gen. Conta was to ,
attack from the centre of the VII. Army with the Carpathian
Corps and the 68th Inf. Bde. in the Czeremos valley. The two
neighbouring groups were to join in with this attack: Field-
Marshal-Lt. Rudolf Krauss (67th and 202nd Inf. Bdes. and
8th Cav. Div.) from the Jablonica Pass into the Pruth valley; and
the 4oth Honved Inf. Div., which was later placed under the
8o8
LUCY LUDENDORFF
command of Conta, from Kirlibaba toward the N. into the
Suczawa valley. In this operation, which did not follow the old
army road Jakobeny-Gurahumora, but took the main forces into
impassable country without a through line of communications,
the risk of failure was inherent. On Aug. 3 Conta's attack was
launched. An initial success was recorded in the capture of the
Ludowa massif. But the rest of the advance, which culminated
in the taking of Jablonica in the Bilyj Czeremos valley, was made
with great difficulty; for the Russians, who were now at home in
the hill country, fought with a religious fanaticism such as they
had not yet been known to display. The Krauss group began
their attack on Aug. 5, and advanced as far as Worochta. The
4Oth Honved Div. could only with difficulty overcome the Rus-
sian resistance, in spite of gallant efforts, and only won a few
heights N. of Mt. Capul. As the struggles for these mountain
positions, so skilfully defended by the Russians, necessitated long
preparation, the Russians had always time to bring up new forces.
Above all, bad weather began in the middle of Aug., making
artillery operations difficult.
On Aug. 10 the German ist Inf. Div. arrived at Kirlibaba, to
reinforce the 4oth Honved Division. The 3rd Cav. Div. was then
transferred from Dornawatra to Krauss's group, to increase that
group's power of attack. But already the Russians were launch-
ing their counter-attacks, having brought up 4 new inf. divs.
against the Carpathian front. On Aug. 14 Krauss's group was
overthrown at Worochta, and was forced to retire to the heights
of the pass. An attack begun by their right wing, which was to
have been assisted by the German and Cyclist Bde., with the
object of recapturing the Kukul height, was never carried out.
For the cyclist brigade had to be hurriedly dispatched to Borsa,
to hold a crossing momentarily threatened in consequence of a
Russian inroad S. of the Tomnatik height. Meanwhile the Rus-
sians were also pushing forward against the Pantyr Pass, and
half of the 3rd Cav. Div. was accordingly sent there. To ensure
unity of command in the Pantyr- Jablonica Pass section, the I.
Corps headquarters was transferred from the III. to the VII.
Army. Further, the German nyth Inf. Div., which had now
arrived just in time to ward off the violent Russian attacks on
the Jablonica Pass, was placed under the I. Corps command.
The 2nd Cyclist Bde. was finally transferred to the 3rd Cav.
Div. at the Pantyr Pass where the Russians had pushed through
up to the Hungarian frontier. At the end of Aug., in order to
enable reserves to be formed, the Carpathian Corps also was
withdrawn to a shorter line near the Hungarian frontier.
Pflanzer-Baltin's offensive had not got beyond the initial
stages though from no fault of this experienced commander, for
his well-considered counter-proposals had been ignored. The
threat of Rumania's entry into the war made it necessary at the
end of Aug. to put in the nth Honved Cav. Div. on the right
army wing at the junction point of three frontiers. The loth
Bavarian Inf. Div. and sth Honved Cav. Div. were also brought
up into this area.
On the Galician-Volhynian fronts no fighting actions of more
than local importance took place during the second half of
August. The Russians succeeded in penetrating the IV. and V.
Corps of Bohm-Ermolli's Army, N.W. of Zaknce, but, after
several days of counter-attack, everything, down to the last bit
of trench, was recovered. On the Stochod, all that remained to
the Russians as the prize of their persistent efforts and costly
attacks was one small bridgehead S. of Tobol on the W. bank.
From this they could not be dislodged, owing to the impossi-
bility of bringing up heavy artillery.
In the second half of Aug. it became obvious that the Russians'
summer offensive had lost its driving power. Brussilov had, it is
true, recaptured nearly the whole of Bukovina and large portions
of Eastern Galicia and Volhynia, at the cost of heavy sacrifices
and of practically doubling the number of his divisions between
the beginning of June and the end of Aug. But his main object,
the total destruction of the Austro-Hungarian eastern front, had
not been achieved. The structure of the Dual Monarchy's army
had, however, shown dangerous signs of disruption. The difficul-
ties that arose in fighting with an army that was full of Slavs,
against the Russians, their brothers, were plain to all the world,
being most clearly shown by the fact that more than 200,000
prisoners were taken from the Austro-Hungarian eastern front
in the months of June, July and August.
The allies, in particular the Germans, had been obliged to
take strong forces from the other fronts, where they could ill be
spared, and put them into the battle S. of Polyesie without
coming a step nearer to their war-aim, the final overthrow of the
enemy. On the contrary a new enemy, the one-time ally,
Rumania, had been enticed on to the stage by the Russian suc-
cesses. On the evening of Aug. 27, simultaneously with the decla-
ration of war, Rumanian troops crossed the Hungarian-Rumanian
frontier. Gladly did exhausted Russia resign the role of attacker
to her new ally, in the vain hope that this ally would succeed
where the utmost efforts of the Russian Empire had failed.
(R. K.)
LUCY, SIR HENRY (1845- ), English journalist, was born
at Crosby near Liverpool Dec. 5 1845. Educated in Liverpool,
he began life in a Liverpool merchant's office, but soon became
a reporter for a Shrewsbury periodical. In 1870 he joined the
staff of the Pall Mall Gazette, London, and in 1873 became
Parliamentary reporter to the Daily News, with which paper
he had a long connexion in various capacities. In 1881 he also
joined the staff of Punch as contributor of its Parliamentary
sketch over the signature of " Toby M.P." He was knighted
in 1909 and retired from Parliamentary work in 1916. He
published his autobiography, Sixty Years in the Wilderness, in
1909, and The Diary of a Journalist in 1920.
LUDENDORFF, ERICH (1865- ), Prussian general, who
was associated with Hindenburg in the Higher Command of the
German armies, first on the eastern front and afterwards through-
out the whole theatre of the World War, was born at Kruszevnia
near Posen on April 9 1865. He was for a long period employed
in the work of the general staff, and from 1904-13 he was in what
was called the Aufmarschabteilung, the department which drew
up the plans for the transport, disposition and advance of the
troops to be employed in a prospective campaign. In 1908 he
was appointed chief of this department. It was he who worked
out the last great German Army bill, passed by the Reichstag in
1913. Almost all the proposals he had recommended were
adopted without question, but three new army corps for which
he had pressed were not even proposed by the War Minister.
He believed that it was his insistence upon this particular propo-
sal that led to his being removed from the general staff and sent
to Diisseldorf to command the 39th Fusilier Regiment. (It may
be noted here that, when he resigned on Oct. 26 1918, he was
made hon. colonel of this regiment, which, until its dissolution
by the republican Government, bore his name.) In April 1914
he was promoted to the command of a brigade at Strassburg and
was there at the outbreak of the World War. He was at once
made chief quartermaster of the II. Army under Gen. von
Emmich, and proceeded to the western front, where he took part
in the assault upon Liege. He accompanied the advance of the
I4th Bde. of infantry, as a spectator, but, when its commander
fell, he took command of it as the senior officer present and led it
in a night march (Aug. 5-6) past the forts to the heights of La
Chartreuse outside Liege. On Aug. 7, while the forts were still
untaken, he entered the town of Liege with his troops and him-
self knocked at the door of the citadel, which was surrendered to
him without a blow by its garrison of several hundred Belgians.
For this feat he received the Prussian Ordrc Pour le Merite. He
afterwards advanced with the II. Army as far as the Somme
until Aug. 22, when he was sent to the eastern front as chief of
the general staff of the VIII. Army in East Prussia, with Hin-
denburg in command. His first meeting with Hindenburg was
when the latter joined him in the train at Hanover on his way to
East Prussia. The battles of Tannenberg and the Masurian
Lakes, which cleared East Prussia of the Russian invaders, at
once placed Hindenburg and Ludendorff on a pinnacle by them-
selves in the estimation of the German people. In Nov. 1914
Hindenburg was appointed chief in command over the armies of
the East (Oberost), with Ludendorff as his chief-of -staff.
LUDENDORFF
809
On Aug. 29 1916 Hindenburg was made chief of the general
staff of the whole army, and Ludendorff, who had been advanced
to the rank of general of infantry, remained in closest association
with him, as chief quartermaster-general. The tale of his work in
conjunction with Hindenburg, of his successes and failures, be-
longs to the military history of the World War. In particular
his name will always be associated with the great German offen-
sive of the spring and summer of 1918 and with the collapse of
that brilliant and audacious enterprise, followed by the disastrous
German retreat, the overtures for an armistice and the dissolu-
tion of Germany's military power. Ludendorff 's attitude towards
the Government of Germany and his repeated political inter-
ventions form a very important chapter in the events which
led up to the German collapse in the autumn of 1918. The
motives of his political action are clearly revealed in his book
Meine Kriegserinnerungen (1919). He maintains that he never
desired to interfere in internal politics. He even complains in his
book that successive chancellors and ministers forced him and
Hindenburg into a false position by constantly adducing their
approval for ministerial measures. The truth is that the whole
German system, especially in time of war and in the absence of a
commanding political personality like Bismarck, inevitably led
to encroachments of military influence. Ludendorff denies that
he brought about the fall of Bethmann Hollweg; but he was
in communication with those leaders of parties whose views
approximated to his own, and, after the Crown Prince, who was
also in frequent communication with him, had seen the political
leaders and had satisfied himself that they would offer no objec-
tion, the Emperor accepted his Chancellor's resignation. Luden-
dorff asserts in his book that he did his best to keep on terms with
successive Imperial Chancellors. But he recalls that the machin-
ery of the Government worked slowly, while he and his officers
at the front were full of ardour and eagerness. There was often
a delay of weeks in getting urgent things done, " and thus," he
says, " the tone of communications between the front and Berlin
sometimes became stern (hart)." In another place he speaks of
" the struggle with the Government to obtain what the army
required in order to achieve a final and decisive victory." Of
Count Herding he says, " Herding was no War Chancellor."
The kind of War Chancellor Ludendorff would have liked is
revealed in his exclamation of despair: " Who was going to be
Imperial Chancellor after the Emperor had repeatedly declared
against Prince Billow and Grand Adml. Tirpitz ? " Ludendorff
seemed to forget that the country, as represented by the majority,
of the Reichstag, would have none of either of these candidates
and that the Emperor, in addition to being himself alienated from
Billow, was becoming more and more dependent upon public
opinion and more and more afraid of it. Ludendorff, on the other
hand, whenever he refers to the Reichstag or to the leaders of
parties, shows that in his conception their business was to rouse
patriotic feeling in the country and to get the masses into a mood
which would make them support the military leaders' conduct of
the war through thick and thin. Thus he pointed out to the
politicians of the Reichstag in July 1917 that the so-called Peace
Resolution would have a depressing effect throughout Germany,
and that in enemy countries it would produce an impression of
German weakness. Perhaps he was right. In any case it was
impossible for the Allied and Associated Powers to be content
with the status quo ante; and the German supporters of the
Resolution themselves departed from the principle of " no
annexations and no indemnities " whenever successes of the
German arms encouraged them to believe that Germany might
be able to make more advantageous terms. Instances of this
were the Peace of Brest Litovsk and the Peace with Rumania.
In the negotiations for the first of these Ludendorff was impatient
of Count Czernin's Austrian policy as regards Poland, and he
desired the extension of German territory and influence on her
eastern frontiers both as a military precaution and as a defence
against the spread of Bolshevism.
In pursuance of his idea of improving the spirit of the army,
Ludendorff caused to be organized under the superintendence of
a Lieut. -Col. Nicolai a scheme for giving what was called " patriotic
instruction " to the soldiers at the front. The services of a large
number of invalided officers and others were enlisted to carry out
this scheme. It ultimately developed in many instances into a'
system of espionage upon the political opinions of the soldiers,
and the removal of Nicolai and other officers who were engaged in
this work was one of the demands which the leaders of the major-
ity in the Reichstag had put forward when, in Oct. 1918, they
compelled the Chancellor, Prince Max of Baden, to break with
Ludendorff and to bring about his resignation. Ludendorff had
further attempted to extend his system of " patriotic instruction "
to the interior of the country through the medium of the generals
in command of the reserve corps formations. This home propa-
ganda brought him and his subordinates into conflict with the
Social Democrats, who were daily strengthening their hold upon
the masses and were influencing them in favour of a " peace by
understanding." The Independent Socialists were going still
farther and were agitating in the trenches and on the ships of
the navy for a military strike, such as actually took place at
Kiel in the first week of Nov. 1918 as a prelude to the German
Revolution. There were similar demonstrations at various
points on the western front, where new recruits abused regi-
ments going into action as " strike-breakers " and " black-
legs."
The most debated episode of Ludendorff's career is his action
on Sept. 30 and Oct. i 1918 in pressing upon the Government
the immediate necessity of making overtures for an armistice.
The view of the German republicans is that the retreating Ger-
man armies on the western front were on the brink of a great
disaster, that Hindenburg and Ludendorff were aware of this,
and that they urged the necessity of an armistice in order to
escape the worst. Ludendorff's contention amounts to a plea
that he wanted an armistice on reasonable terms in order to
enable the German army to be withdrawn to the frontier, where
it might have time to reconstitute itself if necessary, with a view
to resisting oppressive terms of peace by standing on the de-
fensive. He seems to imply that he did not realize that neither
the Allied Powers nor President Wilson would have agreed to an
armistice of this kind. When Ludendorff saw the kind of terms
which the Allied and Associated Powers were going to impose, he
changed his attitude and desired the German Government to hold
out. He had also, he says, formed the conviction by the end of
Sept. that the Allied and Associated Powers were not in a posi-
tion to press home an immediate and decisive attack. It was
mainly the attempt to urge his changed views upon the Govern-
ment of Prince Max of Baden that led to that Government's
insistence upon Ludendorff's resignation being accepted by the
Emperor on Oct. 26 1918. The immediate occasion of what
amounted to his dismissal was a General Army Order, which had
been issued on Oct. 24, informing the troops that President
Wilson's final terms for an armistice were dishonourable to Ger-
many and that the army must fight to the last gasp. This order
was contrary to what Ludendorff knew to be the policy of his
Government and he finds it necessary in his book to make excuses
for having caused it to be promulgated. It was really as far back
as Aug. 8 1918, as Ludendorff himself testifies, that he had lost
confidence in the possibility of compelling the Allies by military
pressure to accept what they would have regarded as a " German
peace. " After the German lines between the Somme and the
Luce had been broken through by the British on Aug. 8, he had a
conference (on Aug. 13) in the presence of the Emperor with the
then Foreign Secretary, Adml. von Hintze, and advised over-
tures for peace, which Hintze proposed to initiate through the
mediation of the Queen of Holland. According to Ludendorff, it
was the delay of the Government in prosecuting these overtures
that had made him impatient at the end of Sept. when he urged
the immediate necessity of an armistice. It has even been alleged
that in Aug. 1918 Ludendorff, under the influence of events at
the front, had had a complete nervous breakdown.
As a military organizer and resourceful man of action in the
field, Ludendorff has, perhaps, had no equal since Napoleon. He
did not, however, possess Napoleon's insight into the necessities
of domestic politics, while he shared Napoleon's inability, under
8io
LUDLOW LUTYENS
the stress of action and the spur of ambition, to realize either the
limits of military success or the spirit of the nations he was at-
' tempting to crush. He was not exempt from personal vanity.
Complaining of the action of the republican German Reich in
altering the name of the popular contribution (Kriegsspende) of
150,000,000 marks, collected for war invalids, from " Ludendorff
Fund " to " People's Fund," he says: " Could not the Republic
have continued to let it bear my name this fund which, pre-
cisely on account of its bearing my name, had brought in so much
money and was so beneficial?" He was a master of caustic
retort. Prince Max of Baden, instigated by his Socialist col-
leagues in the Government, had. complained that the table of the
officers at the front was in glaring contrast with the poverty of
the common soldiers' rations, and had suggested that the officers
should be content with the same food as their men. Ludendorff
replied that the staff could not do its brain work on the common
soldier's rations, but he would undertake to try to live on these
rations, if Prince Max and the members of his Government would
do likewise. " Prince Max, " Ludendorff reports, " did not
care to eat the soldiers' rations," and, accordingly, the subject
was dropped.
After the revolution, Ludendorff knew that his influencean the
country was gone and that he even ran the risk of being impeached
by the revolutionary Government for having prolonged the war,
as well as for his political activities. He, therefore, like Tirpitz,
went abroad, choosing Sweden as his place of refuge, and did not
return to Berlin till the spring of 1910. His behaviour after his
return was ambiguous. He refrained from placing himself at the
head of any reactionary movement, but he was always in evi-
dence whenever such movements seemed likely to achieve any
success. The reactionaries continued to regard him as one of
their main hopes, and during some of their manifestations of
1919 he showed himself in the streets and was cheered by ex-
officers and royalist crowds. During the days of the Kapp coup
d'etat (March 1920) he was a frequent visitor at the headquarters
of Kapp's usurping "Government." After the failure of Kapp
and his associates, Ludendorff betook himself to Bavaria, which,
under the Government of Herr von Kahr (1920-1) and under a
formal state of siege, was administered in a reactionary spirit.
Bavaria thus became a refuge for Prussian plotters like Col.
Bauer, Major Pabst and Capt. Ehrhardt, whose Marine Brigade
had supported Kapp. The Prussian refugees seem to have
enjoyed the protection of this Bavarian Government, and it was
among them that assassinations like those of Gareis, the Bava-
rian Independent Socialist leader, and of Erzberger, the Demo-
cratic Catholic leader, were planned. It is unlikely that Luden-
dorff was associated with these particular schemes, but his name
and his influence were identified with the royalist parties, whose
unmeasured agitation favoured the wildest plots and contributed
to the spirit which led to assassinations like that of Erzberger.
In addition to his Kriegserinnerungen 1914-18 (1919), Ludendorff
published Falschung meiner Denkschrift von 1912 (1919) ; Entgegnung
auf das amtliche Weissbuch, Vorgeschichte des Waffenstillstands (3
pamphlets, 1919).
LUDLOW, JOHN MALCOLM FORBES (1821-1911), English
philanthropist, was born at Nimach, India, March 8 1821, and
was called to the bar in 1843. Becoming associated with Kings-
ley, Hughes and F. D. Maurice, he helped to found the Work-
ing-Men's College in Great Ormond Street in 1854, having pre-
viously (1850) founded and become editor of The Christian Social-
ist newspaper. He was secretary to the royal commission on
Friendly Societies (1870-4). From 1875 to 1890 he was chief
registrar of Friendly Societies. He was one of the first members
and subsequently president of the Labour Co-Partnership
Association. He died in London Oct. 17 1911.
LUEGER, KARL (1844-1910), burgomaster of Vienna, was
born Oct. 24 1844, the son of an usher, and, studying under
the greatest material difficulties, succeeded in qualifying as an
advocate. He was at first a partisan of the Democratic party,
then a leader of the Christian Socialists, an anti-Semite and
advocate in the courts for artisans and " small men." He over-
threw the German-Liberal municipal government of Vienna, and
was elected burgomaster in 1895, but the Emperor did not con-
firm the appointment and Vienna was placed under the gov-
ernment of a State commission. In the new elections Lueger
allowed another member of his party to be set up as dummy
burgomaster, while he himself in form became vice-burgo-
master. In 1897, however, when the " people's candidate,"
Lueger, was again elected burgomaster, the Emperor confirmed
his election and repeatedly honoured him as a loyal patriot.
Lueger, who was a powerful orator, was seven times elected
burgomaster. He was a zealous Catholic, and wished to " cap-
ture the university " for the Church; he would have neither
Social Democrats nor Pan-Germans nor Jews in the municipal
administration. He secured good treatment for Czech immi-
grants, and established Viennese municipal electrical stations,
gasworks and tramways, independent of the English gas and
tramway companies. He planned to make Vienna one of the
most beautiful of garden cities. He died March 10 1910.
(C. BR.)
LUGARD, SIR FREDERICK JOHN DEALTRY (1858- ),
English administrator (see 17.115), in 1912 resigned his position
as governor of Hong-Kong. From 1912 to 1913 he was governor
of Northern and Southern Nigeria, the two protectorates having
been unified in 1912.
His wife, FLORA LOUISE SHAW, whom he married in 1902,
was a well-known author and journalist. She was for some years
a contributor to The Times, subsequently becoming head of the
colonial section of that paper. In connexion with this work, she
went as special correspondent to South Africa (1892 and 1901),
and to Australia and New Zealand (1892) partly in order to
study the question of Kanaka labour in the sugar plantations
of Queensland. She also made two journeys to Canada (1893
and 1898), the second of which included a journey to the gold-
diggings of Klondike. During the World War Lady Lugard
was prominent in the founding of the War Refugees Committee,
which dealt with the problem of the Belgian refugees, and also
founded the Lady Lugard hospitality committee. She was in
1918 created D.B.E.
LUND, TROELS FREDERIK (1840-1921), Danish historian
(see 17.123), published in 1906 De tre Nordiske Brb'drefolk and
in 1909 Nye Tanker i del XVI. Aarhundrede. In 1911-2 ap-
peared his historical tales, Tider og Tanker. He died in 1921.
LUTYENS, SIR EDWIN LANDSEER (1869- ), English
architect, was born in London March 29 1869. For one who was
to occupy such a commanding figure in the whole world of
modern English architecture, Sir Edwin Lutyens" art owes
singularly little to a training and education of the usual descrip-
tion. After a couple of years at the South Kensington schools
he was at first placed in the office of an architect in the country,
with whom he remained for the briefest possible time, passing
afterwards a year with Mr. (later Sir) Ernest George. His
first commission came to him at the age of 19, and, from
this and his other early experiences, he has himself remarked
that the best training for an architect is the building of houses.
His earliest important work (1890) followed shortly after this
Crooksbury to which some eight years later he made very
characteristic additions, which interestingly show his develop-
ment and his enlargement of the principles of Norman Shaw
and Philip Webb particularly the latter as well as his grow-
ing grasp of abstract design. Amongst other strong influences
on his thought and work should be counted his early association
with Miss Jekyll, the gifted designer and contriver of gardens
treated as an integral feature of the homestead, and playing a
part of the greatest importance in its design and treatment.
At " Hestercombe," a not very interesting house from another
hand, Lutyens carried out his largest essay in garden-work,
suggesting the finer manner of such work as was done under
William III. and Anne, rather than the less elaborate and
smaller methods of the Elizabethan period. His many houses
in Surrey such as " Orchards " show him as carrying still
further his development in the direction of individuality in his
design, tempered by a reticence that has always kept his work
far removed from attempts at " originality " a quality based
LUXEMBURG, ROSA LUXEMBURG
811
upon the impossible. A fine house at Sonning " Deanery
Gardens " is a later important essay in half-timbered design,
and the value he has always placed on a varied use of materials,
as giving different qualities of texture to a building, found ex-
pression in " Daneshill," one of his earliest uses of the small
bricks he affects so much. " Marshcourt," again, with its
interesting play of contrasting chalk and flint, shows Lutyens,
designing a house that would be Tudor in style and treatment
if it were not essentially modern and his own. Much of his
domestic work has been in the direction of the restoration of,
and adding to, old houses. The largest example of his powers in
this direction is the treatment of Lindisfarne Castle, Holy I.,
where he carried out, during upwards of nine years (1903-12),
a very complete and yet conservative restoration. Sir E.
Lutyens' civic work shows equally with his domestic design a
personal quality, in such buildings as that for the Country Life
offices in London, and for the British Sections at the Exhibitions
in Paris (1900) and in Rome (1911). The Garden Suburb at
Hampstead has important examples of his treatment of small
houses, as in the large Central Square, and of his method of
dealing with church design. His two churches in the centre of
the square, planned for use by supporters of differing schools
of religious thought, are neither of them on the conventional
lines of ecclesiastical design, but show in each case a charac-
teristic simplicity and culture.
It was, however, as principal architect of the New Delhi (see
DELHI) that the culmination of Sir E. Lutyens' professional
career was reached. In 1912 a committee, on which Sir Edwin
served, and which included Mr. H. Baker and Mr. Lanchester,
visited Delhi with a view to advising the Indian Government as
to the practical considerations involved in the scheme for the
new capital. The plan adopted was elaborated in detail and in
what may be described as " the Grand Manner " by Lutyens
and H. Baker. Another conspicuous success of a more popular
character was his design for the Cenotaph in Whitehall. The
nation's memorial to those who died in the World War, of which
Sir E. Lutyens had provided a temporary model for the Peace
celebration in 1919, was in 1920 perpetuated in stone as a lasting
monument. Its striking simplicity, dignity and proportion lift
it above the level of the host of memorials that followed the war.
Sir Edwin was elected an Associate of the Royal Academy in
1913 and a full Academician in 1920. The Royal Institute of
British Architects awarded him its gold medal in 1921. He
was knighted in 1918. In 1897 he had married Lady Emily
Lytton, daughter of the first Earl of Lytton.
LUXEMBURG, ROSA (1870-1919), German Socialist and
revolutionary agitator, was born a Jewess on Dec. 25 1870 in
Russian Poland. Her earliest political activities in her student
days were connected with the Socialist movement in the country
of her birth, but about 1895 she migrated to Germany. She
there went through the form of marriage with a German work-
man named Luxemburg with the object of acquiring German
nationality. In 1898 she edited for a short time the Saxon
Arbeiterzeitung, but soon afterwards became a member of the
staff of the Leipziger Volkszcitung. She took part in the Russian
revolutionary movement of 1905 in Russian Poland, but soon
returned to Germany in order to engage in extreme Communist
propaganda and founded together with Karl Liebknecht the
Spartacus League. In 1914, after the outbreak of war, she was
sentenced to a year's imprisonment for inciting to insubordina-
tion and remained throughout the war in preventive custody
(Schutzhaft). After the revolution she edited in conjunction
with Karl Liebknecht the Rote Fahne, the organ of the Sparta-
cist or Communist advocates of violent revolutionary methods.
After the Jan. (1919) street fighting in Berlin, of which she and
Liebknecht were the chief instigators, both agitators were for
some days in hiding, but were ultimately arrested and conveyed
to temporary military headquarters of the Government forces
at the Eden Hotel in the west end of Berlin, on the night of Jan.
16 1919. The mob and some of the soldiers became menacing
in their attitude towards the prisoners, so that it was deemed
advisable to convey them to one or other of the Berlin prisons.
Liebknecht was shot on his way to the Moabit prison, while Rosa
Luxemburg was brutally attacked on leaving the hotel and was
finally shot dead as she was being conveyed, insensible from her
injuries, in a motor-car under a military escort. Her body was
thrown into a neighbouring canal and was only recovered some
months later.
LUXEMBURG (see 17.145). The Grand Duchy as a whole is
a plateau 1,000 ft. above sea-level on the N. and N.W-, sloping
down to S.E. into the Moselle valley, a deep and winding
gorge which forms its frontier on this side.
The whole district is furrowed by deep river valleys, and falls
into two contrasted divisions, the Osling or northern portion and the
Gutland or southern. The Osling forms part of the Ardennes-Eifel
massif, a high and bleak plateau with a cold, swampy clay soil over-
lying Devonian and Silurian rocks. Here only the river valleys are
fertile or at all thickly inhabited; the plateau, which is over 1,300
ft. above sea-level, has little agriculture (oats, rye, potatoes; hay
in the valleys) and a thin population. The Gutland, so called on
account of its relative fertility, is a part of the Lorraine plateau,
geologically composed of Jurassic formations (mostly oolites and
marls) with some Triassic sandstones. Here the lower elevation and
the comparatively good calcareous soils, even apart from the
presence of iron ore, enable the country to support a denser popula-
tion. Even here the soil is not rich ; on the oolites it is thin and dry,
on the marls cold and heavy ; but a good deal of wheat is grown , some
barley, beets, peas and beans, and some lucerne.
The Luxemburg section of the Moselle valley, like its German
continuation north-eastwards, is warm and sheltered, and contains
extensive vineyards which, together with orchards, occupy the
greater part of the Moselle valley communes. The main centres of
wine-growing are Wormeldingen, Wellenstein, and Remerschen:
Grevenmacher is the chief market. A few vineyards may be found
in the lateral valleys, but never very far from the Moselle except up
the Sauer, where isolated examples occur even as far up as Vianden.
The total vineyards occupy I % of the cultivated area.
The amount of live stock kept is negligible except for pigs, which
are common everywhere.
The average density of the pop. is 246 per sq. m. for the whole
country. The valleys generally, the centre round the capital, and
the iron-working district of the extreme S.W., are somewhat densely
inhabited, especially the last named, which has a pop. of 1,000
3,000 per square mile. The main river valleys have a density of
200-400, rising in the neighbourhood of the towns: the Gutland
plateau an average of 150, and the Osling below loo. The rainfall
varies from rather over 30 in. in the extreme W. to 25 in the E.
The Grand Duchy possesses a small portion of the extreme N.
end of the famous minette iron-field of Lorraine. The ore occupies a
continuous stratum in the so-called Dogger beds of the Jurassic
oolite. Its importance is due to the great size and continuous char-
acter of the deposits, and to the special suitability of the pig-iron
produced for conversion into steel by the basic process. The Luxem-
burg portion of the field (14 sq. m., of which the unexhausted portion
was estimated in 1913 to contain 270,000,000 metric tons of ore)
yields 7,000,000 tons of ore per annum ; this is mostly smelted in the
Grand Duchy, apart from a certain amount exported to Belgium.
The output of iron and steel is declining; that of pig was 1,950,514
tons in 1916 as against 1,266,271 in 1918, while the output of steel
declined in the same period from 1,296,407 tons to 857,937.
Industries occupy over a quarter of the population. Of the total
industrial population one-third works in the mines and furnaces of
the iron district, which also contains mechanical construction,
electrical and other factories of similar kinds. The centre of the
country has a fair number of industrial establishments, including
foundries, potteries, textile works, saw-mills and quarries. In the
capital there are 4,000 industrial workers, especially engaged iri
the production of food-stuffs and hardware. The northern districts
have practically no industry, and the same is true of the east, which
lives chiefly by its wines and fruit.
The population is prevailingly Germanic in speech, but this has
only been the case since 1839, when the present western frontier
was drawn, whose claim to be a natural frontier rests on the fact
that it roughly corresponds with the linguistic frontier betweep
Teutonic and Romance dialects.
The entry of the Grand Duchy into the German Customs
Union (1842) marked the beginning of a close economic union
with Germany which was the chief cause of Luxemburg's
industrial development. Her railways, on the other hand,
were in 1857 taken over by the Eastern Railway Company of
France. After the Franco-German War Germany deprived the
French Eastern Co. of its rights and worked the Luxemburg
railways herself as part of the Reichsland system, pledging her-
self not to use them for the transport of troops or munitions in
time of war, a pledge which, however, was not taken into account
in the plans of the German general staff.
8l2
LUZZATTI LYAUTEY
On Aug. 2 1914 the capital and the chief railway bridges were
seized by German troops, which had already entered the country
on the previous day. The protests of the Grand Duchess Marie
Adelaide and the Government were ignored, and the country
remained in German hands for the remainder of the World
War. The native authorities were allowed to conduct the civil
administration, but there was a strict German censorship of
post, telegraphs and telephones, and for some time the German
Emperor resided in the Grand Duchy. There were no allega-
tions of German atrocities, but the openly Francophil attitude
of the inhabitants led to a good deal of friction and was probably
responsible for such events as the Cabinet crisis of 1915. The
American troops which entered the capital after the Armistice,
on Nov. 22 1918, were received with the greatest enthusiasm.
On the conclusion of the war it became necessary to recon-
sider both the position of the Grand Duchy as a member of the
German Zollverein and of the Grand Duchess, whose German
sympathies were in conflict with the general views of her sub-
jects. She accordingly abdicated in favour of her sister Charlotte
Adelgonde early in 1919, and a referendum was held later in
the year to decide the political and economic future of the
country. The Treaty of Versailles acquitted Luxemburg of her
obligations towards Germany, and it was known that the Peace
Conference would not permit the resumption of the old relation,
even if the Luxemburgers had wished it. Voters were therefore
asked to choose between economic union with France and with
Belgium, and between the existing Grand Duchess, a new ruler,
and a republic. They resolved by a large majority upon eco-
nomic union with France and on the retention of their con-
stitution and of the Grand Duchess Charlotte. (R. G. C.)
LUZZATTI, LUIGI (1841- ), Italian statesman and econ-
omist (see 17.148), was Minister of Agriculture in the second
Sonnino Cabinet (Dec. 2 igoo-March 21 1910), and on the
resignation of the latter was called upon to form a Cabinet him-
self. His administration, which lasted until March 18 1911,
was not very successful. Although a man of first-class financial
ability, great honesty and wide culture, he had not the strength
of character necessary to lead a Government; he showed lack
of energy in dealing with opposition and tried to avoid all
measures likely to make him unpopular. Furthermore he never
realized that with the Chamber, as it was then constituted, he
only held office at Giolitti's good pleasure. During the World
War he was consistently pro-Ally and strongly supported
Italian intervention, but his tone was on the whole pessimistic.
Although he did not take office while the war lasted, he was
always consulted on all financial matters, and his sound advice
was generally followed. He became Treasury Minister in the
second incarnation of the Nitti Cabinet (March i2-May 10 1920),
but did not resume office in the third. At the general elections
of May 1921 he decided not to stand for Parliament again, and
was made a senator. In spite of his great age, he continued to
write on economic and financial problems with his accustomed
lucidity and soundness of judgment, insisting on the necessity
for Italy to return to freedom of trade and to reduce Govern-
ment interference in business matters to a minimum.
LVOV, PRINCE GEORGE EUGENIEVICH (1861- ), Rus-
sian statesman, was born in 1861, and belonged to the old Rus-
sian nobility. After taking his degree in law in 1885, he spent
the greater part of his life in Zemstvo work. He was a member
of the executive board of the Tula Zemstvo from 1888 and presi-
dent of the same from 1902 to 1905. In 1905 he was elected
member of the first State Duma and joined the right wing of the
Constitutional-Democratic party; he also took part in the All-
Russian Assembly of Zemstvos. He refused to sign the Viborg
manifesto. In 1909 Lvov went to Canada to study the emigra-
tion question in that country.
During the Russo-Japanese War Lvov was the leader of the
Zemstvos' organization for the relief of wounded and disabled
soldiers. The Minister of the Interior, M. Plehve, tried to stop
the development of the Zemstvo work in this direction, because
he disapproved of its liberal tendencies. But Lvov contrived to
extend the activities of his organization in such a way that even
the Government were obliged to recognize the ability of its work
and on many occasions called upon it for assistance. From the
beginning of the World War Lvov took a leading part in the
organization of the All-Russian Union of Zemstvos and Towns
for the relief of sick and wounded soldiers, of which he was the
president. The activities of this organization were of the great-
est value to the army; the administrative incompetence of the
Government obliged the latter against its will to enlarge the
sphere of action of the Zemstvos' Union, which took a large
share in the supervision of production and distribution of muni-
tions and food supplies. In the conflicts which arose continually
between the Government and the Zemstvos, Lvov always
defended the independence of his organization. He also partici-
pated in the manifestations directed towards liberal reforms
during the last period of the old regime.
As one of the most popular public men of Russia he was elected
Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior of the first Russian
Provisional Government, on March 14 1917. Unfortunately he
did not possess the qualities needed to save Russia from the ap-
proaching catastrophe. His popularity diminished with amazing
rapidity and in a few weeks his Government proved a complete
failure. On May 19 Lvov addressed a letter to Rodzianko and
Tchkeidze, insisting on the creation of a Coalition Government.
The new Cabinet was formed on May 1 7, and Lvov again accepted
the leadership of the Cabinet and the portfolio of the Interior,
but he had no real influence in political life, and he resigned from
both offices on July 7, ceding the place to the first Kerensky
Government. Lvov was arrested and imprisoned in Ekaterin-
burg after the Bolshevist revolution, but he escaped to Siberia
and was sent to Japan as the head of a deputation of the anti-
Bolshevist Ufa Government. From Tokyo he proceeded to Eu-
rope by way of the United States. On his arrival in Paris Lvov
took an active part in the anti-Bolshevist agitation and joined
the so-called " Political Consultation " in Paris. Together with
some other Russian public men he protested against the pro-
posal of the Prinkipo Conference, and warned the Allies that no
treaty with the Soviet Government would be recognized by the
future Government of Russia. Lvov always advocated loyalty
to the Western Alliance and admitted of no compromise with the
Bolsheviks.
LYALL, SIR ALFRED COMYN (1835-1911), English writer
(see 17:148), died in the Isle of Wight April 10 1911.
LYALL, SIR CHARLES JAMES (1845-1920), English orien-
talist, was born in London March 9 1845 and educated at King's
College, London, and Balliol College, Oxford. He entered the
Bengal civil service in 1867 and had a distinguished career as
an administrator, becoming secretary to the Home Department
of the Government of India in 1889, chief commissioner of
Assam in 1894 and of the Central Provinces from 1895 to 1898,
whence he was transferred to the India Office at home as secre-
tary to the Judicial and Public Department, a post which he
held until his retirement in 1910. But his greatest claim to dis-
tinction lay in his studies in Arabic literature. He published
two volumes of translations of Arabic poetry (1885 and 1894),
a translation of two ancient Arabic Diwans (1913), as well as
articles on Hindustani and Arabic literature in the E.B. gth
and nth editions. He was made K. C.S.I, in 1897, and was
elected a fellow of the British Academy, and he received hon.
degrees from the universities of Oxford, Edinburgh and Strass-
burg. He died in London Sept. 2 1920.
LYAUTEY, LOUIS HUBERT GONZALVE (1854- ), French
marshal, was born at Nancy Nov. 17 1854. He entered St.
Cyr in 1873 and two years later was appointed a sub-lieutenant.
He was nominated to the old staff corps (Corps d'tat-Major),
but when that corps was abolished transferred to the cavalry,
with which he served chiefly in Algeria until 1894. He became
a lieutenant in 1878, a captain in 1882 and major in 1893. In
1894 he was made chief-of-staff to Gen. Gallieni, and took part
in the operations in the upper valley of the Song-Caw in 1895
and against the pirates of Upper Tonkin in 1896. In the latter
year he went with Gen. Galli6ni to Madagascar and took an im-
portant part in restoring French domination in that island. He
LYDEKKER LYS, BATTLE OF THE
813
was promoted lieutenant-colonel in 1898 and colonel in IQOO. He
returned from Madagascar to France in 1902 and was given com-
mand of the i4th Regt. of Hussars. On Oct. 9 1903 he was pro-
moted general of brigade and four years later (July 30 1907) was
made a substantive divisional general and placed in command of
theOran division. On April 28 1912 he was appointed resident
general and commissioner in Morocco an appointment which
he held continuously until Dec. 1916, when he relinquished it,
against his own wish, to become Minister for War under M.
Briand's premiership. He resigned his portfolio in March 1917
and thereby precipitated the fall of the Briand Cabinet. He
then returned to continue his work in Morocco. He was admit-
ted to the French Academy in 1912. He received the Grand
Cross of the Legion of Honour on Sept. 17 1913, and was made
a marshal of France in Feb. 1921 in reward for his great services
as a soldier-proconsul in that N. African empire which many
Frenchmen regard as the future basis of their national power.
LYDEKKER, RICHARD (1849-1915), English naturalist and
geologist, was born in London July 25 1849. He entered Trinity
College, Cambridge, where he took a first-class in the Natural
Science tripos (1871). He joined the staff of the geological sur-
vey of India in 1874, remaining in this post till 1882. He
became very widely known as a naturalist, and was elected a
fellow of the Royal Society in 1894. His works include Catalogues
(in 10 vols.) of the fossil mammals, reptiles and birds in the
British Museum (1891); A Manual of Palaeontology (with Prof.
H. A. Nicholson, 2 vols., 1889); Phases of Animal Life (1892);
The Royal Natural History (with Sir W. H. Fowler, 8 vols.,
1893-6); The Great and Small Game of India, Burma and Tibet
(1900). He died at Harpenden April 16 1915.
LYONS, SIR JOSEPH (1848-1917), British caterer, was born in
London Sept. 29 1848 and educated at the Borough Jewish
school. In early life he studied painting and exhibited at the
Royal Institute, but by 1886 he had turned to business enter-
prises, in conjunction with the brothers Isidore (d. 1920) and
Montagu Gluckstein. He began by catering at public exhibi-
tions. He next opened tea-shops in London, the first in 1894;
20 years later these numbered over 200 and provided cheap food
for the large class of clerical workers and junior members of pro-
fessions. Later he opened several restaurants of a more ambi-
tious nature, as well as hotels on the "no-tipping" principle.
He initiated the athletic side of the Territorial Army scheme,
and, for his services in this direction, was knighted in 1911.
He died in London June 22 1917.
See Mrs. Stuart Menzies, Modern Men of Mark (1920).
LYS, BATTLE OF THE (1918). In the great German offen-
sive of 1918 the idea of breaking through the British-Portuguese
front in French Flanders had from the first played a considerable
part in the scheme of attack considered by Rupprecht's group of
armies. Under the code name " George," this was originally
intended as the operation to force a decision, but it shrank later
as " Little George " (" Georgette ") to a diversion, and was
eventually dropped altogether in favour of the " Michael "
operation (see WESTERN FRONT CAMPAIGNS). Only the prepara-
tions for it were carried out, immediately before the main attack
in the Somme area, to mislead the opponent. Arrangements had
also been made to revert quickly to the attack in Flanders in
case the Somme offensive should come to a standstill.
When, on March 30, the great battle in France actually was
broken off, the German Supreme Command snatched at the
Flanders attack now " Georgette " which was limited in extent.
There the second blow was to be struck at the British army.
They could not expect to decide the war here, where the means
were considerably more scanty than in the March offensive, but
they hoped for a break-through in the direction of St. Omer-
Hazebrouck and considerable gains of ground towards the coast.
An extension of the break-through towards the S. was a secondary
consideration only.
The conditions were favourable to carrying out the operation.
The dry weather held out hopes that the Lys plain would prove
practicable. The Portuguese, put in S. of Armentieres, were
inferior as opponents, and the Flanders front had had an extraor-
dinarily weakening effect on the British. Everything depended
on whether the Lys depression, which was difficult to traverse
and impossible to reconnoitre, could be conquered so quickly as
to prevent renewed resistance on the river itself, and the use of
the rising ground beyond the Lys and the Lawe for the defence.
The maiii German attack was entrusted to the VI. Army
under von Quast, with the Corps Staffs II. B, XIX., LV. and IV.
For this purpose the Army was to put in 17 divisions in all. The
attack was to be led from the line Armentieres-La Bassee canal,
with its centre of gravity on Hazebrouck. The IV. Army under
Sixt von Armin, in the event of the VI. Army's attack having
sufficient success, was to advance with a strong left wing to the
W., passing N. of Armentieres, which in itself was to be left
untouched and made to fall by envelopment. Four divisions of
the IV. Army, under the Staffs of the X. and XVIII. Reserve
Corps, were to take part in the attack. The further development
of the attack was. to depend upon whether the heights S. of Po-
peringhe could be reached. If this were achieved the British and
Belgians would be threatened from the rear, and their evacuation
of the positions stretching northwards to Dixmude could be
counted upon, if the subsidiary attacks arranged for by the IV.
Army at this town and from the Houthoulst forest were carried
out. The destruction of the important mining and industrial
centre in the Bethune region might also be expected if the left
wing, in accordance with the progress of the centre, should wheel
in to the south-west. It was particularly important here, as in
the March offensive, to succeed in really surprising the enemy.
The successful crossing of the Lys especially depended on this.
Emphasis was therefore laid on the need for the utmost haste.
April 8 was the date desired for the attack, but in the end the
VI. Army's attack had to be postponed till the gth. The IV.
Army's attack was fixed for the loth.
The armies made their preparations with the greatest zeal and
with scrupulous care, guided by the same principles as in the
attack in the Somme area. By direction of the Supreme Army
Command the artillery programme was revised by Colonel
Bruchmuller. The order of battle gave the VI. Army nine divi-
sions in the first, five in the second, and three in the third line;
the IV. Army had three divisions in the first and one in the second
line. The first- and second-line divisions were placed under the
Corps Staffs, the third-line divisions under the Army Higher
Command. To reenforce the attack still further, 14 more divisions
were specially sent in the course of the battle, 9 by the army
group, s by the Supreme Army Command. On an average the
troops used were inferior to those in the March offensive. Quite
a number of them were not fitted out and trained as attack
divisions. But in spite of this both leaders and troops were full
of confidence.
The attack itself was prepared by the artillery in the same way
as that of March 21. Gas-shelling by the VI. Army began at
4:15 A.M., and, according to British reports, succeeded in poison-
ing the ground for miles behind the British front line. The
deployment of the infantry had been carried out without any
serious counter-measures on the part of the enemy. At 8:45 A.M.
the infantry passed to the assault, meeting with only slight
resistance, but found themselves, like the artillery, hindered by
the mist hanging over the Lys depression, which greatly ham-
pered their leading and the communication of information. In
spite of this all three lines of the first position had been passed
by 10 A.M. But now came thce great problem of crossing the area
under shell-fire with artillery and transport. The roads ran
unfavourably, and were almost all destroyed. The ground was
still soft in many places, and the shell-holes full of water. A few
downpours of rain shortly before the day of the attack had made
the condition of the ground worse. In spite of the immediate
sending forward of pioneers and engineers and of the devoted
zeal they put into their work it was only possible to effect a
gradual improvement and to make at least the more important
roads passable. On the first day only some few guns were got
up to the front, in immediate support of the attacking infantry.
This difficulty was distinctly felt when fresh resistance was
encountered on the Lys. Nevertheless the initial success was
814
LYS, BATTLE OF THE
considerable. The Portuguese divisions were as good as annihi-
lated. The II. Bavarian Corps turned in to the left and took Bois
Grenier and Fleurbois. The XIX. and LV. Corps pushed through
to the Lys. General Hoefer crossed the Lys at the lock E. of
Sailly on April 9, thus enabling the troops attacking in a westerly
direction to reach the opposite bank in the night of the loth. The
crisis which threatened to develop in the afternoon, owing to the
wearied German troops coming on fresh British reserves, was
thus overcome. Further S. the LV. Corps, commanded by von
Bernhardi, reached the La we at certain points. On the left wing
the IV. Army Corps took Richebourg 1'Avoue, but failed to
break the British resistance in the strongly fortified villages of
Festubert and Givenchy.
This result did not come up to the Supreme Army Com-
mand's expectations. All depended now upon whether the next
few days would bring a more rapid advance. With the VI. Army
this was not the case. The British machine-gun nests gave the
German infantry much trouble, as the guns necessary for destroy-
ing them could only be brought up with difficulty. An independ-
ent success was gained by the II. Bavarian Corps, which reached
La Chapelle d'Armentieres after more or less violent fighting.
These troops, having advanced across the Lys at Sailly, had at
first to repel some heavy British counter-attacks. They then
pushed forward after being reinforced to Steenwerk, and so
made the Lys crossing at Erquingham available. Further W.
there was some heavy fighting round Pont Mortier. Here, too,
some very lively British attacks were repelled. The XIX. Corps
took the town of Estaires by house-to-house fighting and opened
up the Lys crossing from La Gorgue. The LV. Corps managed
to cross the Lawe between Lestrem and Vieille Chapelle. Of the
IV. Corps only the right wing was able to advance with heavy
fighting. On the left it could do no more than defend itself
against heavy counter-attacks coming from Festubert. It was
plain that the British were concerned above all to prevent any
further rolling up of their front to the south.
Meanwhile the IV. Army had begun its attack. In the
night of April o-io its artillery prepared the attack by several
hours' gunfire, but without quite silencing the opponent's guns.
Under cover of darkness the left wing of the X. Reserve Corps
crossed the Lys, which flowed immediately in front of the oppos-
ing lines. At 5:15 A.M. came the infantry attack delivered from
Warneton and from either side of it. From the first it encoun-
tered violent resistance. But the XVIII. Reserve Corps succeeded
in enveloping and taking Meesen, and in holding it against heavy
counter-attacks. The Hollebeke Park was also taken, and the
attack carried to within 800 metres of Wytschaete. The X.
Reserve Corps pushed through to the eastern boundary of the
Ploegsteert Wood. Its left wing reached Ploegsteert village and
Le Bizet, and repelled some violent counter-attacks. Behind the
front the Lys was bridged at Deulemont and Frelinghien.
, For this army, too, the difficulties were considerable. The
completely ruined country of the Wytschaete battle-field (1917)
made it extremely difficult to move or to judge what position
had been reached. The superiority of the German artillery was
not sufficiently great. The time for preparation had had to be
cut very short; and the forces available were disproportionately
weak. The success gained was all the more noteworthy.
The British were again chiefly concerned with reenforcing their
wings which had held firm, and tried thereby to prevent the
operative development of the break-through and the rolling-up
of the adjoining fronts. A continuation of the German attack
still, however, offered fair prospects. The army group therefore
brought up further reinforcements on to the roads. The attack
itself was resumed on April n, with lively fighting. The XVIII.
Reserve Corps pushed its way into Wytschaete, and established
itself later E. of that place and in advance of the Wytschaete
Meesen road. The X. Reserve Corps took the Nightingale
height (between the Douve brook and the Ploegsteert Wood)
by envelopment from the Ploegsteert Wood, and its left wing
a new position at Romarin. Further S., the town of Armen-
tieres, with more than 3,000 men, 45 guns and ample stores, fell
into the hands of the Germans. The II. Bavarian Corps pushed
through Nieppe to the Steenwerk railway station. The XIX.
Corps succeeded by vigorous fighting in reaching Neuf Berquin
church. The LV. Corps took Merville and Lestrem.
On April 12 no particular progress was made by the Germans.
On the other hand, the counter-assaults to which the British had
now resorted were all repelled in each case. The VI. Army took
the northern portion of Calonne and the village of Lacon. An
order from the army group on April 1 2 arranged for the continua-
tion of the attacks by the inner wings of the two armies.
Besides this the VI. Army was to prepare for the continuance of
the attack on the left wing according to plan. It was still im-
portant for the Germans to force a way into the hilly country
N. of Bailleul, in order to relieve the position of the troops
still remaining on the plain, and to excercise a strategical influ-
ence on the Yser front. But the British resistance had been
greatly strengthened in the meantime, and the German attack
could only proceed spasmodically and in limited sectors.
The next effort, on April 13, was directed against the Nieuwe-
kerke-Bailleul range of hills. The 36th Reserve Div. succeeded,
though with heavy losses, in taking the high-standing Nieuwe-
kerke from across the exposed plain. The heights W. of that place
were also captured. The VI. Army made only slight progress.
The XIX. Army Corps took Merris. Some portions of the LV.
Corps, which had penetrated into the Nieppe Wood, had, how-
ever, soon to give ground again.
On April 15 the corps of the IV. Army, to which the Guard Re-
serve Corps had been added on the left wing, pushed on towards
the hill of Kemmel. The XVIII. Reserve Corps got beyond the
Wulverghem- Wytschaete road. The X. and the Guard Reserve
Corps climbed the heights W. of Wulverghem and E. of Bailleul
in the afternoon.
In spite of these advances at independent points the attack
had, substantially, come to a standstill. The army group
hoped to set it going again by a " Tannenberg " assault from the
Houthoulst forest. This was to be directed against the line
Merckem-Langemark, and was intended to force the British and
Belgians to evacuate the northern part of the Ypres salient.
But before the preparations were definitely arranged the Entente
armies in the night of April 15-16 evacuated their positions from
Poelkapelle to Hollebeke and retired to a position nearer Ypres.
By this they gave up the whole gain of the battle in Flanders in
1917. The IV. Army immediately decided to follow up their
advantage. After a short burst of fire the first-line troops ad-
vanced and, by evening, had reached the line Mangelaere-Lange-
mark-Veldhoek. The XVIII. Reserve Corps took Wytschaete
and the heights N.W. of Wulverghem; the Guard Reserve Corps
in conjunction with the VI. Army's right wing took Bailleul; and
the III. Bavarian Corps which had replaced the II. Bavarian
Corps took Meteren.
Here the battle of Armentieres ended. The IV. Army encoun-
tered strong British-Belgian resistance at the Steen brook and
gave up the projected attack there as hopeless. On the following
day a German division was even forced backwards a little by a
Belgian attack coming from Merckem. The attack, prepared
some days before, by the left wing of the VI. Army (the IV. Army
Corps and IX. Reserve Corps) against Bernenchon-Hinges and
Festubert-Givenchy had no success.
Everywhere the strengthening of the resistance on the British
front was evident, French divisions and batteries having been
brought up here in daily increasing numbers. Only an organized
attack, necessitating a great employment of force, would have
been capable of overthrowing them. The German Higher Com-
mand had no intention of attempting this, for in default of any
surprise the conduct of the attack, if resumed, would necessarily
have approximated to battles of material, favourable in their
nature to the other side, and only capable in any case of minor
results. The army group, therefore, made a proposal on
April 1 8 which was sanctioned by the Army Command on the
2oth, that the Georgette attack should be abandoned. Only
Mt. Kemmel, and, by order of the Higher Command, the much-
fought-over villages of Festubert and Givenchy, were still to be
taken in particular Mt. Kemmel, the possession of which was
LYTTELTON, ALFRED
815
necessary to safeguard the situation of the inner wings of the two
armies. But even so the battle of Armentieres had meant an
important success for German arms; 22,000 prisoners, 400 guns,
thousands of machine-guns and a mountain of stores fell into the
hands of the Germans. A considerable portion of the British
army and the whole Portuguese auxiliary corps would for a
certain period be unfit for fighting. Strong French forces had
been removed from their own front to assist the British, and
any possible plans the French Higher Command had formed for
an offensive must have been hindered. The creation of a new
salient was balanced by a shortening of the German lines oppo-
site Ypres. The captured heights, in particular those around
Wytschaete which commanded the whole of the Ypres depres-
sion, formed the given point from which new attacks could be
undertaken, especially in case Mt. Kemmel should still be cap-
tured. The fact that it was possible to take the Bethune mines
and the railway lines of Hazebrouck and Poperinghe under
artillery fire added considerably to the difficulties of the enemy.
Mt. Kemmel, the eastern spur of the Bailleul heights, com-
mands a wide view over the plain of Flanders to the S., E., and N.,
and provides an unrivalled observation point for those in pos-
session. Any troops lying in the low plain beneath it must be
prepared for intensive artillery action, and when, as in case of
the VI. Army, their flank and rear were exposed to the artillery
observers on the hill, the position was intolerable. The German
Higher Command entrusted the attack on Mt. Kemmel to the
XVIII. and X. Reserve Corps. April 25 was fixed as the date of
attack. By that time some fresh forces at least could be placed
in readiness. To make the attack easier the X. Reserve Corps
took the Vlengelhoek heights N. E. of Bailleul and held them
against sharp counter-attacks. On April 25 the attack troops
were to reach the line from St. Eloi-Groote Vierstraat (i km. N.
of the village of Kemmel and the hill) to the village of Dranouter.
The attack began at 3 :3o A.M. with a particularly powerful gas
attack. At about 6 A.M. this was followed by a bombardment,
and this in turn by the assault at 6:45. Simultaneously battle-
planes and bombing squadrons broke loose against the enemy
positions and the communication centres. The attack, well pre-
pared by the gas, was a complete success. The XVIII. Reserve
Corps took Kemmel village and, later on, St. Eloi. The Alpine
Corps stormed the hill and pushed forward its most advanced
sections to the so-called Scheipenberg. The left wing of the X.
Reserve Corps reached Dranouter and gained ground N. of Vlen-
gelhoek. The objective of the attack had, accordingly, not only
been reached but in part exceeded, although the German plans,
as was subsequently discovered, were known to the enemy, and
the element of surprise was consequently lacking. In consid-
eration of this rapid success the attack was to be resumed
on the 26th after renewed artillery preparation. The Entente,
however, forestalled this attack by a counter-attack on a large
scale, which came to grief. Mt. Kemmel remained in German
hands on that day and for nine days after. Other detachments
coming on behind took possession of Lokeren.
By April 27 the results of the Mt. Kemmel victory were evi-
dent. The British again gave up a wide strip of ground to the E.
and S.E. of Ypres.
An additional result was the capture by the Germans of 7,100
prisoners, 53 guns and 233 machine-guns. As a point of issue
for a renewed offensive in the future Mt. Kemmel was also of the
first importance. For the time being the offensive in Flanders
had reached its close with the victory of April 25-26.
(W. M. Lo.)
LYTTELTON, ALFRED (1837-1913), English politician, was
the youngest child and eighth son of the 4th Lord Lyttelton, a
brilliant scholar who had been senior classic at Cambridge.
His mother, daughter of Sir Stephen Glynne and sister of Mrs.
W. E. Gladstone, died six months after his birth. All the eight
boys were brought up to be keen cricketers, the cricket-ground
at Hagley, Worcs., their home, being close to the house; all went
to Eton, and six were in the Eton eleven. Many of them distin-
guished themselves in after life. The eldest, VISCOUNT COBHAM
(1842- ), became a land commissioner and a railway com-
missioner; GENERAL SIR NEVILLE LYTTELTON, G.C.B. (1845-
), an experienced soldier and governor of Chelsea hospital;
SPENCER LYTTELTON, C.B. (1847-1913), three times private
secretary to Gladstone when Prime Minister; the RIGHT REV.
ARTHUR LYTTELTON, D.D. (1852-1903), Bishop of Southampton;
and the REV. EDWARD LYTTELTON, D.D. (1854- ), head-
master, first of Haileybury and then of Eton. Alfred, the
youngest, was the most famous cricketer of them all. Indeed,
for nearly all ball games he had an extraordinary aptitude.
He excelled in football of three kinds, and in fives, racquets,
and especially tennis holding the amateur championship for
tennis from 1882 to 1896. Golf he did not take up till com-
paratively late in life; and, though he became keen on the game,
he never attained more than a moderate proficiency. At cricket
he was equally good as a bat and as a wicket-keeper. He was four
years, 1872-5, in the Eton eleven, and captain the last year;
four years, 1876-9, in the Cambridge eleven, and captain the
last year. Moreover, he played for England against Australia,
and for Gentlemen against Players; and for some years was a
notable member of the Middlesex eleven. The infectious joy-
ousness of his nature, his sterling character, his solid, if not
brilliant, intellect, and his prowess at games gave him an un-
disputed lead among his contemporaries. He was king of the
place before he left Eton; and when he went up to Trinity, Cam-
bridge, in 1875 he gained a similar ascendancy. Perhaps his
popularity and many-sidedness militated against his academical
success; at any rate he only obtained, to his chagrin, a second
class in the History Tripos. He chose the law as his profession,
and was called to the bar in 1881. Here his reputation stood
him in good stead, and he soon obtained a considerable practice
both in London and on the Oxford circuit. In 1883 he was
invited to assist in chambers the then Attorney-General, Sir
Henry James, and from this time his success was assured. He
was appointed recorder of Hereford in 1893 and of Oxford in
1894, and in due course took silk. His first wife was the brilliant
Laura Tennant, sister of Mrs. Asquith; but she died in 1886,
a year after the marriage, and her little boy lived only a couple
of years. He married again in 1892 Edith Sophy, daughter of
Archibald Balfour, who, with a son and daughter, survived
him. By family tradition and an idealistic outlook a Liberal,
Alfred Lyttelton had always taken a great interest in politics;
and he formed one of the party at Dalmeny, when his uncle
Gladstone carried his Midlothian campaign to a successful issue
in the general election of 1880. But the Home Rule departure
filled him with misgivings, and he declined the offer of a safe
Liberal seat in 1891. Nevertheless, so long as Gladstone was in
active politics he felt he could not publicly join a party in op-
position to an uncle whom he revered. After the great man's
retirement he entered Parliament as a Liberal Unionist at a by-
election in 1895 for Warwick and Leamington a seat which
he held till the Unionist downfall in 1906, returning, however,
to the House a few months after the general election as member
for St. George's, Hanover Square. It gave him great satis-
faction to serve his apprenticeship to politics under the leader-
ship of Mr. Arthur Balfour, to whom he was personally much
attached. He did not at first speak very often, though he
showed an active interest both in legal questions and in Chamber-
lain's schemes of social betterment and imperial unity. The
Boer War afforded him an opportunity to show his capacity.
He was appointed in 1900 chairman of a commission to inquire
into the various concessions which President Kruger and the
Rand had granted to companies and private individuals in the
Transvaal, and to report which should be maintained and which
annulled. In pursuance of the investigation he spent the autumn
of 1900 in S. Africa, and he so impressed Lord Milner by his qual-
ities that the High Commissioner hoped to secure him as his
successor. It was, however, destined that his S. African experi-
ence should be utilized in another way. When Chamberlain re-
signed in 1903 in order to carry on his Tariff Reform campaign
unhampered by office, Lyttelton was selected by Mr. Balfour,
after Lord Milner's refusal, for the vacant secretaryship for the
Colonies. His tenure of office lasted two years, and was marked
8i6
LYTTELTON, ALFRED
by the drafting of a temporary constitution which should give
representative institutions to the Transvaal until such time as
it should be safe to concede responsible government. This con-
stitution was never put in force, as Sir Henry Campbell-Banner-
man's Ministry determined that they would risk the grant of
responsible government at once. He incurred much ill-informed
odium by sanctioning the scheme of importing Chinese coolies
into Johannesburg, in order to remedy the shortness of native
labour and to restart the mines, and thereby the whole economic
machinery of S. Africa.
After the change of government the last years of his life were
spent in taking his due share in the vigorous opposition which
the Unionists offered to the Liberal Education bills the budget
of 1909, the Parliament bill, the Home Rule bill, and the Welsh
Disestablishment bill. Of this last bill he was one of the pro-
tagonists. A man of deep religious feeling and an earnest church-
man, he strongly resented a measure which was calculated, to
his mind, greatly to injure the cause of religion in Wales. He
was also, though he deplored the conduct of the militants, a
decided supporter of woman suffrage; and he took an active
interest in, and lent a helping hand to, many social movements,
the Working Men's College, Toynbee Hall, the Hampstead
Garden Suburb, Children's Country Holidays, the Shakespeare
National Memorial, as well as to a number of miscellaneous
church societies. His death came very unexpectedly, after an
injury in a local cricket match. An enormous attendance at the
funeral service at St. Margaret's testified to the warm place he
held in the hearts of people of all classes. Mr. Asquith, then
Prime Minister, spoke of him in the House of Commons as
having come nearest, of all men of his generation, to that ideal
of manhood to which every English father would wish to see
his son aspire.
See Edith Lyttelton, Alfred Lyttelton (London, 1917).
(G. E. B.)
MCADOO MACDONALD
817
McADOO, WILLIAM GIBBS (1863- ), American public
official, was born near Marietta, Ga., Oct. 31 1863.
He entered the university of Tennessee but did not
finish his course. In 1882 he became a clerk in the
U.S. Circuit Court of Chattanooga, read law, and three years
later was admitted to the bar. He at once began practice in
Chattanooga but in 1892 removed to New York City. There
he became interested in the problem of passenger transportation.
As early as 1874 a tunnel under the Hudson river from Hoboken
to New York had been started but abandoned because of seem-
ingly insuperable difficulties of construction. In 1002 he formed
a company which took ovet the abandoned tunnel and in March
1904 this tunnel was completed. Later the system was extended
to connect with the Erie and Pennsylvania terminals in Jersey
City, and in 1909 the tunnel under the Hudson river to down-
town New York was finished. In 1912 he was vice-chairman of
the Democratic National Committee and during most of the
campaign was acting chairman because of the illness of Chair-
man McCombs. He was a strong supporter of Woodrow Wilson
for president; and on the latter's election he was appointed, in
1913, Secretary of the Treasury. In this position he contributed
largely to the working-out of the new Federal Reserve Banks
system. He was chairman of the committee which divided
the country into 12 Federal Reserve districts and selected the
centres for the 12 banks; and was likewise chairman of the
Federal Reserve Board which had supervision over the system
inaugurated in Nov. 1914. He was also chairman ex officio of
the Federal Farm Loan Board. In 1915 he brought about the
meeting of the Pan-American Financial Congress in Washington
and the organization of the International High Commission, of
which he was chairman, for improving trade relations of the
United States with Central and S. America. At the outbreak
of the World War in Europe he favoured strict neutrality.
After America's entrance into the war he was called upon to
raise unprecedented sums of money. He was successful in
floating four Liberty Loans between May 1917 and Oct. 1918,
amounting in all to more than $16,000,000,000. He also secured
the creation of a Bureau of War Risk Insurance for shipping,
later extended to include life insurance for soldiers and sailors
in the World War. He was the first Secretary of the Treasury
to require national banks to pay interest on all Government
deposits. When the railways were taken over by the Federal
Government in 1917 he was appointed director-general. He
favoured the League of Nations and woman suffrage, and
likewise the prohibition amendment. He resigned the secre-
taryship of the Treasury in Dec. 1918 and the directorship of
railways the following January. He then resumed the practice
of law in New York City. In 1885 he was married to Miss
Sarah Fleming of Chattanooga, who died in 1912. In 1914 he
married Miss Eleanor Wilson, a daughter of the President.
MACARTHUR, MARY (1880-1921), British labour organizer,
was born at Ayr Aug. 13 1880, her father being the proprietor of
a drapery establishment. She was educated in Glasgow, and
afterwards studied for some time in Germany. About 1901 she
became interested in the Shop Assistants' Union, and her interest
in this union led to her work for the improvement of women's
labour conditions. She was active in furthering various strikes
of women against insufficient wages, and her work for the sweated
women chain-makers of Cradley Heath made her name very
well known. To her the foundation of the Women's Trade Union
League was chiefly due, and she was a prominent member of the
National Anti-Sweating League. One of her main objects was
the establishment of a minimum wage for women, and it was
largely through her efforts that this principle was carried out
in the Trade Boards Act of 1909. She herself became a member
of the chain-making trade board. She was secretary to the
Women's Trade Union League and to the National Federation
of Women Workers, and was a member of the National Insurance
advisory committee, while on the formation of the Central Com-
mittee on Women's Employment (1914) she became its hon.
secretary. Miss Macarthur married in 1911 William C. Anderson
(d. 1919), chairman of the executive committee of the Labour
party, who was from 1914 to 1918 member for the Attercliffe
division of Sheffield. She died at Golders Green Jan. i 1921.
MACBETH, ROBERT WALKER (1848-1910), British painter,
was born at Glasgow Sept. 30 1848. He studied art in the schools
of the Royal Scottish Academy, and in 1871 came to London,
where he was for some time on the staff of the Graphic. In 1874
he became an associate of the Royal Water Colour Society.
Both as painter and as etcher he was very popular. He died at
Golders Green Nov. i 1910. Among his best -known works are
" Dunster Castle " (1895), " The End of a Good Day " (1897)
and " Naval Manoeuvres " (1899).
McBRIDE, SIR RICHARD (1870-1917), Canadian statesman,
was born at New Westminster, B.C., Dec. 15 1870 and was
educated first in that city and later at Dalhousie University,
Halifax, N.S. He was called to the Canadian bar in 1892, and
entered the British Columbian Parliament as member for Dewd-
ney in 1898. In 1900 he became Minister of Mines and in 1902
leader of the Opposition. In June 1903 he was returned to office
as Prime Minister for the province and retained that position until
1916, when he became Agent-General for his province in London.
His most notable achievement was an active railway policy
fully endorsed by the electorate in Dec. 1909. He was created
K.C.M.G. in 1912 and died in London Aug. 6 1917.
M'CARTHY, JUSTIN (1830-1912), Irish politician and writer
(see 17.200*), died at Folkestone April 24 1912.
MACCOLL, DUGALD SUTHERLAND (1859- ), British art
critic, was born at Glasgow in 1859. He was educated at Glasgow
and later at University College, London, and Lincoln College,
Oxford, where he won the Newdigate prize. He studied art at the
Westminster school of art and the Slade school. He became art
critic of the Spectator and also of the Saturday Review, later
becoming editor of the Architectural Review. In 1906 he was
appointed keeper of the National Gallery of British Art, and in
1911 keeper of the Wallace Collection. In 1917 he became a
trustee of the National Gallery of British Art. He was prominent
in the foundation of the National Art Collections Fund and the
Contemporary Art Society. His published works include Greek
Vase Paintings (1894); Nineteenth Century Art (1902); The
Administration of the Chantrey Bequest (1904); and Rhythm in
English Verse, Prose and Speech (1914).
M:CORMICK, VANCE CRISWELL (1872- ), American poli-
tician, was born at Harrisburg, Pa., June 19 1872. He was edu-
cated at Yale (Ph.B. 1893). In 1900 he became a member of the
city council of Harrisburg, and from 1902 to 1905 was mayor. In
1914 he was an unsuccessful candidate for governor of Pennsyl-
vania. He was active in promoting President Wilson's reelection
in 1916 and was that year chairman of the National Democratic
Campaign Committee. From 1917 to 1919 he was chairman of
the War Trade Board which supervised exports to neutral
countries, after the entry of America into the World War.
Soon after his appointment he visited England and France on a
war mission. In Dec. 1918 he was invited to join President Wil-
son in Paris as adviser, and was a member of the American Com-
mission to Negotiate Peace the following year. In Feb. 1919
he was appointed a member of the Supreme Allied Blockade
Council and the Economic Council. Before his appointment as
chairman of the National Democratic Committee in 1916 he was
a director of the Federal Reserve Board.
MACCUNN, HAMISH (1868-1916), Scottish composer (see
17.209), died in London Aug. 2 1916.
MACDONALD, JAMES RAMSAY (1866- ), British politi-
cian, was born at Lossiemouth, and educated at a board school.
He early threw himself into the Socialist movement, and became
before long, as organizer and writer, an important personality
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
8i8
MACDONALD MACHINE-GUN
in it. He was appointed secretary of the Labour party in 1900
and held the position for n years; and editor of the " Socialist
Library " in 1905. He naturally turned to public life, and
served on the London County Council from 1901 to 1904.
In 1906 he was elected to Parliament as Labour member for
Leicester, and held the seat for a dozen years. It was as chairman
of the Independent Labour party the section led by Mr. Keir
Hardie that he entered the House of Commons; and he ex-
plained at the congress of the party in April 1907 that its object
was to mould society into the socialist State. He adapted him-
self early to parliamentary conditions. One of the points which
he constantly pressed, with eventual success, was that the terms
of Government employment should be as good as those offered
by the best private firms. In the controversy with the House of
Lords he openly proclaimed himself a Single-Chamber man. On
the National Insurance bill in 1911 he pointed out that a funda-
mental change of opinion had taken place, both parties now
accepting the principle that social welfare was the care of the
State. In that year he became the chairman of the Labour
party in Parliament. He brought the whole weight of his party
to bear in favour, first of the Parliament bill, and afterwards of
the Home Rule bill. But he was suspicious of Sir Edward
Grey's foreign policy, which he thought too slavish in its follow-
ing of Lord Lansdowne; and he opposed the naval increases of
the years before the World War, as the socialists in Berlin had
opposed the German increases which provoked British rejoinders.
His devotion, indeed, to the ideal of international socialism
caused him, at the outbreak of the World War, to lose touch
not only with British public feeling in general, but even with
the sentiment of the Labour party which he led. In response to
Sir Edward Grey's statement in the House of Commons on
Aug. 3 1914, he contended that no proof had been given that
the country was in danger; that the conflict could not be con-
fined to the neutrality of Belgium; that the action of Russia was
suspicious; that France could not be annihilated; and that, in
consequence, Great Britain should remain neutral. He found,
however, that the bulk of the Labour party were convinced by
the words of Sir Edward Grey and by the action of Germany;
and he resigned the leadership of his party, being succeeded by
Mr. Arthur Henderson. He remained a pacifist throughout the
war, and used his influence in this direction in the labour and
socialist movement, but he seldom spoke in Parliament, though
he associated himself with the occasional anti-war demonstra-
tions of Mr. Snowden and Mr. Arthur Ponsonby, and claimed
the right of public meeting and free speech for pacifists. He
endeavoured unsuccessfully to prevent the Labour Conference
in Jan. 1916, at the time of the first Military Service bill, from
pledging themselves to support the Government in the prosecu-
tion of the war; but he declared at the same time, to the general
surprise, that he and his friends were the most bitterly anti-
German section of the people. He was active in the summer of
1917 in promoting the participation of representatives of the
English Labour and Socialist parties in an International Social-
ist Conference at Stockholm, to which German representatives
were coming, and he went to Paris with Mr. Arthur Henderson
on a fruitless mission to secure the cooperation of French and
Belgian socialists. He himself did not get to Stockholm, as the
Sailors' and Firemen's Union, whose distrust of Germany was
based on practical knowledge of her crimes at sea, refused to
permit him to sail. His record as a pacifist cost him his seat at
Leicester at the general election of Dec. 1918; he received only
6,347 votes to the 20,570 polled for his opponent, Mr. J. F. Green,
a leading member of the National Democratic party.
Mr. Macdonald published several works on socialism and
labour, besides a couple of books on India, which he visited in
1913 as a member of the Public Services Commission. He also
wrote a memoir of his wife, Margaret Ethel, daughter of the
eminent chemist, Dr. J. H. Gladstone, a woman of much char-
acter and ability, who died in 1911, leaving two sons and
three daughters.
MACDONALD, SIR JOHN HAY ATHOLE (1836-1919), British
lawyer and judge, was born at Edinburgh Dec. 27 1836. He
was educated at Edinburgh and at Basel University, was called
to the Scottish bar in 1859, and rapidly made his name as an
advocate. From 1874 to 1876 he was sheriff for the counties of
Ross, Cromarty and Sutherland, and from 1876 to 1880 solicitor-
general for Scotland. In 1880 he became a Q.C. and sheriff
of Perth, and from 1882 to 1885 was dean of the Faculty of
Advocates. In 1885 he successfully contested Edinburgh and
St. Andrew's universities in the Conservative interest, and was
appointed lord-advocate by Lord Salisbury's Government, re-
suming this office when the Conservatives returned to power
in 1886. In 1888 he became lord justice clerk of Scotland and
president of the second division of the Court of Session, with
the courtesy title of Lord Kingsburgh, retiring in 1915. He was
made K.C.B. in 1900 and G.C.B. in 1916. He died at Edinburgh
May 9 1919. Macdonald was all his life a strong supporter of the
volunteer movement, for which he did much valuable work.
He published various books on the subject, the most important
being Fifty Years of It (1909).
MACDONELL, SIR JOHN (1846-1921), British jurist, was born
at Brechin, Forfarshire, Aug. n 1846, and was educated at the
universities of Aberdeen and Edinburgh. He was called to the
bar at the Middle Temple in 1873 and for some years was counsel
to the Board of Trade and the London Chamber of Commerce.
In 1889 he was made a Master of the Supreme Court and in 1912
was appointed King's Remembrancer. His knowledge of the
science of law, both ancient and modern, was wide and exhaus-
tive. He was Quain professor of comparative law in the univer-
sity of London (1901), president of the Society of Public Teachers
of Law (1912-3), a member of several royal commissions and
editor for many years of the Journal of Comparative Legislation
and International Law. In 1913 he was elected a fellow of the
British Academy and in 1914 was created K.C.B. Besides edit-
ing the State Trials (1887), The Civil Judicial Statistics (from
1894), the Criminal Judicial Statistics (from 1900) and Smith's
Mercantile Law, he published works on the subject of capture at
sea and the law of master and servant, and was the author of
many papers on questions of international law. He was also for
40 years an influential leader-writer for The Times. He died
in London March 17 1921.
MACH, ERNST (1838-1916), Austrian physicist and psycholo-
gist {see 17.232), died in 1916.
MACHINE-GUN (see 17.237). Prior to 1910 the standard
machine-guns of all nations were comparatively heavy and
unwieldy. The principal types in use were the Maxim and the
Hotchkiss, each of which weighed about 75 lb.; and, as they
were mounted on tripods of about the same weight, the combined
weight of the gun and tripod was approximately 150 pounds.
The bulky nature of these machine-guns was a serious handicap
to their usefulness, and the efforts of the inventors and designers
reflected a universal desire for a lighter automatic weapon.
The Benbt-Mercie. The desire for a lighter gun was met in France
by the production of a portable automatic weapon designed by the
Hotchkiss Company. This gun, which is known in Europe as the
Portable Hotchkiss, and in America as the Benet-Merci<5, weighs
less than 30 lb. complete. It has no tripod but is supported at the
muzzle by a pair of light folding legs and at the breech by an adjust-
able rest which telescopes into the butt-stock. By means of these
attachments the rifle is rested at the proper height for firing from the
prone position. The gun resembles the heavy Hotchkiss in mecha-
nism, and, like it, is air-cooled and fed by metallic feed strips or
charger bands holding 30 shots each. Following the developments of
the World War, this weapon would be classed, not as a machine-gun,
but as a machine-rifle, a type which has its own sphere of usefulness,
but which cannot fulfil the r&le of the machine-gun in modern tactics.
However, at the time when this weapon was first introduced, the
art of machine-gun design and manufacture had not advanced to the
point where the production of a diversity of different types forced a
tactical division of automatic weapons according to weight and fire
capacity. Consequently, the gun entered tests as the competitor of
heavy-type machine-guns. After extensive trials it was adopted by
the United States in 1909 as the service machine-gun, succeeding the
Maxim, which had been adopted in 1904. The several hundred
Maxims on hand were, however, continued in service. After its
adoption by the United States the Portable Hotchkiss was tried in
Great Britain, and a number were purchased for cavalry use. The
British also used this gun with great success for the arming of tanks
during the World War.
MACHINE-GUN
819
TJie Vickers Machine-Gun. A more conservative effort toward
the reduction of weight resulted in the production of the Vickers
light machine-gun (afterwards called the Vickers machine-gun) by
Vickers, Ltd., in 1910. The mechanism of this gun is essentially the
same as that of the Maxim, formerly produced by the same com-
pany, but the gun is considerably smaller, and the weight has been
reduced by one-half. This reduction in size and weight was accom-
plished without sacrifice, for the Vickers is superior to the old Maxim
not only in portability and ease of concealment but also in durability
and reliability, while its volume of fire and steadiness of mounting
are the same. The weight of the gun is 38 lb., and that of the tripod
is 35 pounds. The gun has a corrugated steel water-jacket holding
7j pt., and is fed from a belt holding 250 rounds of ammunition.
The Vickers gun became the standard of the British army, and, after
a series of trials, it was adopted by the United States in 1915 to
supersede the Benet-Mercie as the service gun. It was also adopted
by the Russians. During the World War the bulk of the machine-
guns in the British army were of the Vickers type, and many thou-
sands of Vickers guns were used by the American troops.
The Lewis Gun. The outbreak of the war in 1914 forced upon
Great Britain the necessity of rapidly supplementing the small stock
of machine-guns then on hand. In this emergency a portable air-
cooled machine-rifle, invented by Col. I. N. Lewis, a retired officer of
the U.S. army, was adopted and manufactured in quantity. In size
and weight the Lewis gun resembles the Benet-Mercid and, like it, is
gas-operated ; but it differs in the methods of feeding and cooling. The
cartridges are fed to the gun in flat disc-shaped magazines, each
holding 47 rounds. The characteristic method of cooling employed
on this gun is known as the positive air-cooling system. There is an
aluminium radiator surrounding the barrel, and encased in a sheet-
metal jacket which extends beyond the muzzle of the gun and is open
at both ends. During the firing of the piece, the blast of gases from
the muzzle induces a draft of air through the radiator casing. _ This
rapidly moving column of air passes over fins on the aluminium
radiator and cools the gun almost as effectively as a water-jacket
would. As the war progressed, the Lewis guns became extremely
popular, and were used in a very effective manner. Owing to their
portability and the absence of such encumbrances as tripods and
water-supply, it became possible to use them for direct fire in the
most advanced positions. However, it was soon recognized that their
limited fire capacity and lack of a steady mount rendered them
unsuitable for overhead supporting fire, indirect fire, and barrage
work, all of which functions were fulfilled admirably by the Vickers
guns from positions farther in the rear.
American Controversy. -In 1916 the United States, which had
become involved in a threatening situation on the Mexican border,
experienced a shortage of machine-guns. None of the Vickers guns
under manufacture had been delivered, so, in order to meet the
immediate need for guns on the border, several hundred Lewis guns,
chambered for the British cartridge, were purchased, together with a
supply of ammunition. About this time Congress made an appro-
priation of $12, 000,000 for the purchase of machine-guns. Imme-
diately afterwards a sharp controversy arose as to the relative merits
of the Lewis machine-gun and of the service automatic weapons
(Benet-Merci6 and Vickers). To settle this controversy the Secre-
tary of War appointed a board, consisting partly of army and navy
officials of high rank and partly of civilians, to go deeply into the
subject of the proper machine-gun policy. After extended sittings
this board rendered a report which for the first time in the United
States called attention to a fact which the machine-gun tactics
developed in the British army during two years of war should have
rendered plainly apparent long before. This was the fact that the
heavy machine-gun and the light machine-gun or machine-rifle
(Lewis gun) were not interchangeable in function, and that a certain
proportion of each type should be supplied. The board defined the
two types under consideration as (i) heavy type, relatively heavy,
with substantive tripod mount, effectively cooled for continuous fire,
fed from a belt ; and (2) light type, comparatively light weight, highly
portable, without tripod mount, air-cooled, fed from a magazine.
The board recommended that the relative proportion of these
weapons to be purchased should be two of the light type to one of
the heavy. It also reported that the Vickers machine-gun " fulfilled
to a high degree the requirements of the service for a machine-rifle
of the heavy type. The board is not able at this time to recommend
a machine-rifle that will fulfil the requirements of the military for a
machine-rifle of the light type." The board recommended the
immediate purchase of 4,600 Vickers machine-guns, and made
recommendations for a test to be held in May 1917. A notice was
published giving the date of the proposed test and inviting manu-
facturers and inventors to submit weapons for trial. Just before the
date set for the test the United States declared war on Germany,
and, as a result, emergency orders were placed for a large quantity
of Lewis guns, and for several thousand Colt guns made by the
Marlin-Rockwell Co. who were building these guns in large quanti-
ties for Russia. In May 1917 the Machine-Gun Board held the
official test that had been advertised some months before. The
Vickers and Lewis guns proved efficient, but the most marked
superiority was shown by a new gun introduced by Mr. John M.
Browning, the inventor of the Colt machine-gun and of many rifles
and automatic pistols. The standard endurance test was the firing
of 20,000 rounds. Mr. Browning fired this test without stopping to
clean his gun, and with so little trouble that he was ordered to
continue firing until some trouble developed. The gun fired over
39,000 rounds before the first breakage occurred. In order to verify
this phenomenal performance, the inventor was required to fire a
duplicate gun, which completed the 2q,ooo-round test in 48 minutes
and 12 seconds with only three stoppages, all of which were due to
defective ammunition. In size, weight, and general appearance the
Browning gun resembles the Vickers, but it has an entirely different
mechanism. An examination of the mechanical construction of this
gun revealed a remarkable simplicity from a manufacturing point of
view. This gun showed such promise that, before proceeding with
the trials of the remaining weapons before it, the Board rendered a
preliminary report recommending that the manufacture of the
Browning gun in quantities be undertaken at once. The recom-
mendations of the Board were followed, and several large arms
factories were started on the task of producing the new gun in the
shortest possible time. Thanks to the simplicity of the design, the
manufacturers who were entrusted with the task of producing
Browning guns were enabled to turn out enormous quantities of
them during the war.
The Browning Automatic Rifle. After the test of his heavy
machine-gun Mr. Browning submitted a weapon weighing only
15 lb., but at the same time capable of automatic fire from detach-
able magazines holding either 20 or 40 rounds. This rifle passed a
highly successful test and was ordered adopted. It was at once
recognized that this was a new and distinct type of gun, as its fire-
power was nearly equal to that of the machine-rifle type (Lewis and
Benet-Mercie), while its weight was but little more than half as great,
a fact which enabled it to be fired from the shoulder or hip with
ease. The success of this weapon led to the immediate elimination of
the intermediate type from the armament of the ground forces of
the United States, and the assignment of the Lewis guns to the air
service, to be stripped and mounted on aeroplanes as flexible guns.
As a result of the introduction of the light Browning machine-
rifle, as it was at first called, and of the Chauchat, a gun somewhat
similar in general type introduced by the French, it became desirable
to adopt terms to define more clearly the different classes of auto-
matic weapons. In order to accomplish this purpose, an order was
issued by the War Department assigning to the heavy type of auto-
matic weapon the designation " machine-gun "; to the intermediate
type (Lewis, Benet-Mercie), the designation " machine-rifle "; and
to the light type (Browning, etc.), the term " automatic rifle." The
term " semi-automatic rifle " was assigned to self-loading weapons
weighing 10 lb. or less, designed to take the place of the magazine-
rifle. During the remainder of this article the terminology given
will be adhered to, and as the lighter weapons are separately
described in the article on RIFLES AND LIGHT MACHINE-GUNS the
machine-gun only will be considered here.
Aircraft Machine-Gun. Early in the World War, the application
of machine-guns to aircraft began by the improvised mounting of
the regular ground-type guns on aeroplanes. Soon, however, the
increasing use of machine-guns in aerial warfare developed two
standard systems of mounting guns in aircraft. According to the
method of mounting them, aircraft guns are either " flexible " or
" fixed." In flexible mountings the guns are pivoted so that they
may be freely swung or pointed in any direction by the gunner.
Flexible guns are usually mounted in the rear cockpit, but in some
large bombing airplanes they have been mounted in the nose, or in
the fuselage to shoot through a shutter in the bottom. The standard
flexible gun in the Allied services was the Lewis, which, for aircraft
use, was stripped of the cooling system and was fitted with magazines
of extra capacity holding 97 shots. These guns were frequently
mounted in pairs, with the idea of shooting both guns at once and
thus increasing the volume of fire. " Fixed " aeroplane guns are
usually mounted either above or beside the engine, and are perma-
nently pointed in one direction, which is straight ahead. Conse-
quently, in order to aim the guns, it is necessary to turn the whole
aeroplane so that it is pointing at the enemy. For this reason these
guns are operated by the pilot. Because the guns fire straight ahead,
it is necessary for them to shoot through the arc swept by the pro-
peller blades. In order to avoid damage to the propeller, fixed guns
are synchronized so that the shots go between the blades. This
synchronization is accomplished by having the trigger of the
gun operated from a cam on the engine shaft. This cam and the
firing mechanism, which it operates, are so timed that the gun will
be fired only when the propeller blades are in such a position that
the shots will not strike them. The firing mechanism is so arranged
that it is inoperative except when it is thrown into gear by a lever
situated for convenient manipulation by the pilot. Synchronized
guns are generally of the type fed by a belt. Those used by the
Americans and the British usually employ link belts instead of
woven fabric belts. The metallic links are pinned together by the
cartridges themselves, and as the cartridges are pulled out of the
belt in being fed through the gun the belt disintegrates into a series
of separate links. This avoids the complications and dangers
incident to the use in aircraft guns of fabric belts which have to be
reeled up as they leave the gun in order to avoid having them trailing
in the wind and perhaps flying into the pilot's face or interfering with
the controls. Owing to the fact that the fleeting opportunities of
820
MACHINE-GUN
aerial combat do not allow many shots to be fired at a time, aircraft
guns do not suffer from overheating as ground guns do. In addition,
the rush of the aeroplane through the atmosphere is very effective in
cooling the guns. For this reason no cooling devices are employed in
aircraft guns. In the case of the Lewis guns the radiators are
removed; and when the Vickers or other water-jacketed guns are
used the water-jackets are cut open to allow a free circulation of air
and to reduce weight. On account of the very high speed of modern
aeroplanes, the relative n otion of passing machines is great enough to
leave a very large interval between machine-gun bullets fired from
one aeroplane at another. Inordertoreducethis interval and increase
the chances of a hit, most aircraft machine-guns are arranged to work
at a higher rate of fire than ground guns are. The Browning aircraft
gun fires over I, coo shots per minute.
Large-Calibre Machine-Guns. The desire for an increased incen-
diary effect against balloons led to the adoption by the Allied armies
of aircraft machine-guns of a larger calibre than that of the standard
service cartridge. The first guns of this type were Vickers guns
chambered for the old ll-mm. (-44 in.) French cartridge. These
cartridges were loaded with a tracer bullet in which the burning of
the tracer composition was sufficiently intense to give an incendiary
effect on impact with a balloon. A large number of the n-mm.
Vickers guns were used, but, owing to the fact that the velocity of the
cartridge was low (1,300 f. s.), a more powerful cartridge of about
this calibre was considered desirable. The result was that large-
calibre (-45 to -50 in.) machine-guns, intended to give a velocity of
about 2,500 f. s., were designed in both America and Great Britain
during the latter stages of the World War. These designs, however,
were not completed in time for any of the guns to be placed in service
before the Armistice.
Tank Machine-Guns. The introduction of the tank as a weapon
of warfare was followed by the adoption of the machine-gun as part
of its armament. This use of the machine-gun, like its use on air-
craft, is so different from its normal employment as to call for a spe-
cial type of gun or for a special adaptation of existing types. By
virtue of its heavy armour protection, the tank can approach very
close to hostile positions, and is consequently the target of an
extreme concentration of rifle and machine-gun fire. For this
reason, water-cooled machine-guns are unsuitable for the armament
of tanks, because the water-jacket, which must necessarily project
out through the armour, would soon be riddled. For the same
reason it is desirable to have for a tank machine-gun a weapon with
a barrel heavy enough to withstand rifle fire. For this purpose the
French used the Hotchkiss, and the British used the portable Hotch-
kiss, or Benet-Mercifi, which was admirably suited for this use. The
first tanks built in America were armed with the Marlin tank-gun,
which was the Marlin aircraft-gun with an aluminium radiator added.
Later a special Browning-type gun was designed for use in tanks.
This weapon, which is called the Browning tank-gun, is similar in its
mechanism to the Browning machine-gun, with the difference that
the water-jacket is omitted and the barrel is made very heavy, and
is only 1 8 in. long instead of 24. There is a special latch provided on
this gun to hold the mechanism open when the gun is not firing, and
thus prevent the heat of the barrel from exploding the cartridge.
FIG. i. U.S. Army Tripod.
Machine-Gun Mountings. The universal method of firing ground-
type machine-guns is from a tripod, which allows the gun either to
be controlled lor elevation by means of handwheels and clamps or
to be swung free. The British Mark IV. tripod is an excellent
example (see 17.246). This very simple and rugged device remained
standard in the British army during the World War, and was used
extensively by the American army. The three legs are each adjust-
able by means of clamps which allow their relative positions to be
changed to compensate for inequalities of the ground, or to alter the
height of the gun. Changes in elevation are obtained by means of
an elevating screw and hand-wheel. There is a friction clamp for
deflection. Small changes in azimuth are obtained by setting up the
deflection clamp lightly, and then " tapping " the gun with the hund
on one side or the other until the proper direction is obtained. It will
be noted that by throwing off the deflection clamp this gun can be
swung freely from side to side, which is important in meeting a rush
at close quarters, but there is no hand- wheel or other device for setting
off a given deflection from a known direction, which is often very
FIG. 2. German Machine-Gun Mounting.
desirable in indirect fire. It will also be noted that there is no
satisfactory way of allowing the gun to be swung freely in elevation,
which is important in shooting at aircraft. When this becomes
necessary, the elevation pin must be pulled out, and the gun must
be reversed in its cradle. These disadvantages have been overcome,
though at the expense of a considerable amount of mechanical
complication, in the U.S. army tripods, models of 1917 and of 1918
(see fig. I ), which have a slow-motion hand-wheel and index, and a
throw-off for both elevation and deflection. These devices allow the
gunner to make adjustments of known amounts in indirect fire, or to
swing the gun freely in any direction when this becomes desirable.
The French tripods have a hand-wheel for elevating, and a clamp for
traversing. The elevating screw is attached to the gun by a snap-
FlG. 3. Vickers Machine-Gun.
catch which can be quickly released to allow free elevation. Stops,
which can be set to limit the traverse to any desired amount, are
provided. The legs are provided with a quick adjustment to
allow the use of either a high or low gun position. The Germans
used tripods to some extent, but placed their main reliance on a
distinctive style of mount which can best be described by refer-
ring to the illustration (fig. 2). This device provides both for mount-
ing the gun and for transporting it. The gun is fastened into the
mount by means of trunnions on the water-jacket, which fit into
gimbals so that the gun may be pointed in any direction. There is a
slow-motion hand-wheel for elevating the gun, and a throw-off which
allows it to be swung free. The deflection is controlled by means of
a friction clamp. The mount is hinged in the middle so as to be
adjustable for height. When it is desired to transport the gun, the
MACHINE-GUN
821
mount is placed in its lowest position, so that it forms a litter with
the front and rear legs projecting for handles ; or the front legs may
be hinged back to the rear, when the mount becomes a sledge which
may be dragged by means of cords hooked into rings provided for
this purpose.
FIG. 4. Vickcrs Machine-Gun.
Transportation of Machine-Guns. The standard method of
transporting machine-guns and their equipment is by means of
animal-drawn transportation. For this purpose the British use
limbered wagons drawn by horses. The French use small carts or
voiturettes, which are drawn by one horse or dragged by men. Before
the VVorld War, pack outfits were the only transportation used for
machine-guns by the United States. During the World War, the
one-mule cart, patterned after the French design, became standard
for the transportation of both machine-guns and their ammunition,
though motor transportation was provided in the case of special
machine-gun battalions.
The Vickers Machine-Gun. The Vickers machine-gun is a Maxim
greatly lightened, and slightly changed as to details of the mecha-
nism. The description of the operation of the Maxim will serve
equally for the Vickers. The weight of the gun is 38 lb., including
7! pt. of water in the jacket. The ammunition belt used is the same
as for the Maxim. When the gun is used in aircraft, metallic link
belts are employed.
FIG. 5. Browning Machine-Gun.
The Browning Machine-Gun. In this gun, as in the Vickers, the
actuating force is the recoil of the barrel. The principal parts in the
mechanism are the barrel, which is mounted in a water-jacket and
arranged to have a sliding motion; a heavy rectangular breech-
block, or bolt; a strong piece screwed on to the barrel, called the
barrel extension, on which the bolt slides; a vertical lock in the
barrel extension, for locking the bolt against the rearward thrust of
the explosion; a short curved lever, called the accelerator, for
utilizing the recoiling energy of the barrel for throwing the bolt
rapidly to the rear; a firing pin and trigger mechanism; a belt-
feeding mechanism ; and the necessary springs and small parts. The
parts are enclosed in a rectangular breech casing consisting of side,
top, and bottom plates riveted together, with a hinged cover and a
sliding back plate. The relations of these parts in both the forward
and rearward positions can be seen in the illustration. When the
trigger is pulled, its forward end draws the sear downward, thus
releasing the firing pin, which flies forward and primes the cartridge.
The force of the explosion causes the barrel to recoil sharply to the
rear, carrying with it the barrel extension and the bolt. During the
backward motion, the projecting end of the breech-lock pin strikes
against cams on the forward extension of the lock frame. These
cams force the breech lock down, thus unlocking the bolt from the
barrel extension. At this instant the rear end of the barrel extension
in its backward motion comes into contact with the curved face of
the accelerator. The pressure of the barrel extension on the accelera-
tor causes it to rotate so that its point, which is in contact with a lip
EXTRACTOR
BACKWARD POSITION
TOP PLATE
TRIGGER
BACK PLATE
CARTRIOOE
BARREL
FIRING PIN
FORWARD POSITION \
BOTTOM PLATE
FIG. 6. Browning Machine-Gun.
on the breech block, swings away from the barrel. As the accelerator
rolls over, the curve on its face causes the point of contact with the
barrel extension to move closer to its pivot, which is the fulcrum of
its motion. This produces a rapid acceleration of the motion of the
bolt, with a corresponding increase of resistance to the rearward
motion of the barrel. The result is that the sharp backward motion
of the barrel is checked, and its momentum is transferred to the
bolt, which is thrown to the rear of the breech casing. During the
backward motion of the bolt the firing pin is cocked by the cocking
lever, and a live round is drawn from the belt by the extractor and
forced downward into guideways in the face of the bolt by means of
a cam in the cover plate which acts on the top of the extractor.
After the backward motion of the bolt is completed, the driving
spring pushes it forward. During the forward motion of the bolt a
cam in its upper surface acts through a lever to feed the be_lt along
so that a fresh cartridge is in place. At the same time a spring stud
in the side of the extractor engages in a cam groove cut in the side
plate. This cam first lowers the extractor, so as to bring the cartridge
in line with the chamber. After the cartridge is partly into the
chamber, the cam raises the extractor into a position to grasp the
fresh cartridge that is in the feedway. Just before the bolt com-
pletes its forward motion the lip on its under side strikes the tip of
the accelerator and rotates it forward. This motion of the accel-
erator, acting through the barrel extension, forces the barrel for-
ward. At the end of this movement, the breech lock is carried up the
inclined face of the breech-lock cam, which causes the breech lock to
rise and engage in its slot in the bolt, thus locking the bolt and barrel
extension together. After the locking is completed, the further
motion of the bolt brings the inclined faces on the sear into engage-
ment with the corresponding surfaces on the trigger; and if the
trigger is being held down the action of these surfaces forces the sear
down, releasing the firing pin and causing the cycle to be repeated.
This gun, when supplied to infantry, uses woven cartridge belts
holding 250 rounds each. An excellent feature of this belt is its
cheapness and ease of manufacture. It consists simply of a narrow
strip of cotton tape with cartridge pockets woven in it. There are
no metallic components to make the belt expensive or render its
manufacture difficult. A belt-filling machine is furnished for loading
cartridges rapidly into the belts. The weight of the Browning
machine-gun, with 7 pt. of water in the jacket, is 37 lb. The tripod
weighs 45 lb. The rate of fire is about 500 rounds per minute. In
the Browning aircraft machine-gun the water-jacket is replaced by
a light ventilated barrel casing, and a trigger mechanism capable of
being operated by a synchronizing device is substituted for the
regular trigger and sear. In order to cause the gun to operate at a
higher speed, the breech block is greatly lightened. The gun fires at
a speed of about 1,100 shots per minute. This gun uses disintegrating
belts formed of metallic links.
The Marlin Aircraft Machine-Gun. This gun is a development of
the Colt machine-gun (see 17.244). It is greatly lightened to fit it
for use in the air, and a reciprocating piston operating in a gas cylin-
der under the barrel is substituted for the swinging gas lever used in
the Colt gun. Except for minor changes, the breech action of this
gun is the same as that of the Colt. A special firing mechanism and
trigger motor is fitted to allow the gun to be fired through the
propeller by either a mechanical or a hydraulic synchronizing gear.
This gun uses the same disintegrating metallic belt as is furnished
for the Browning. The gun weighs 23! lb., and fires at the rate of
about 680 shots per minute.
The Lewis Aircraft Machine-Gun. The mechanism of this gun is
the same as that of the Lewis machine-rifle, described in the article
822
MACHINE-GUN
on RIFLES AND LIGHT MACHINE-GUNS. The gun differs from the
ground type in having the cooling system removed, in being supplied
with a "spade grip "instead of the butt stock, and in having special
air-craft sights fitted. The magazines used in the air differ from those
used on the ground in holding 97 rounds instead of 47, and in being
FIG. 7. Lewis Aircraft Machine-Gun.
fitted with a counter showing the number of cartridges remaining.
This gun is used as a flexible gun, and is mounted either singly or
in pairs in the rear cockpit of two-seated aeroplanes. The mounting
used for these guns, called, from the name of its inventor, the Scarff
mount, allows easily controlled universal pointing of the gun.
Theory of Machine-Gun Fire. Machine-gun fire is usually applied
in one of the following ways: (a) as direct fire, (6) as overhead
supporting fire, (c) as indirect fire. Machine-gun fire falls under the
classification of " direct fire " when the situation is such that the
objective is in plain sight and the gun is pointed directly at it by
means of the sights. Overhead fire occurs when the line of friendly
troops is supported by machine-guns located at positions in the rear.
If either the machine-guns or the enemy targets occupy a position
sufficiently elevated with reference to the friendly troops, the curve
of the trajectory allows the bullets to pass over the heads of the
supported troops and descend on the enemy. The height of the
trajectory is sufficient -at medium and long ranges to make it theo-
retically safe to execute overhead fire when the guns, the enemy, and
the supported toops are all on the same plane; but, in order to ensure
the safety of the friendly troops, fire of this nature is not usually
employed unless the target occupies a position relatively higher than
that of the supported troops. The established method of deter-
mining whether or not overhead fire may be safely executed is by
the use of an arbitrary " safety angle " which is the minimum angle
by which the line from the gun to the target must be above the line
from the gun to the heads of the friendly troops. In employing this
class of fire, careful control is necessary to ensure the safety of the
troops being supported, and it is of prime importance to know when
it is safe to begin firing over the heads of friendly troops, also
when to cease firing before theiradvance has proceeded far enough to
bring them into the danger zone. The practice in this regard varied
in different armies and at different times during the World War.
One British practice was to employ a safety angle of 30 min. for ranges
up to 1,000 yd., and a safety angle of 60 min. (l) for ranges from
1,000 yd. to 1,500 yd. These angles are found by holding a 24-in.
string to the eye and sighting past a card upon which are three lines.
The first and second are 0-21 in. apart, and the first and third are
0-42 in. apart. At 24 in. these distances correspond to 30 min. and 10
min. respectively. Another British method is as follows : ( I ) set the
sights for the true range and aim at the target; (2) without moving
the gun, raise the sight 400 yd. and locate a point by aiming. This
point is the danger point beyond which it is not safe for troops to
advance while overhead fire is being executed ; (3) when the friendly
troops reach this point, either cease firing or elevate the guns and fire
behind the enemy's lines to harass his retreat. Indirect fire is fire
aimed at some object other than the one it is desired to hit. One
of the simplest kinds of indirect fire is night firing. Suppose that it is
desired to control by machine-gun fire at any time during the night
some point, such as a crossroad, which is in plain sight during the day.
The gun is laid on the objective by means of the sights. Then,
without moving the gun, the sights are changed so as to bear on some
small object near at hand, called an aiming mark. As long as the
sights are kept pointing at this aiming mark, the gun will be point-
ing at its objective. For use as an aiming mark at night, a special
apparatus is furnished, consisting of a metallic box with an electric
battery and a small light. This is called the night-firing box. It has
several holes in one side through which the light can shine to form
aiming marks. In use, it is set up a short distance in front of the gun,
in such a position that the lighted spots can be seen only from the
gun position. The spots of light on the box are a measured distance
apart, so_ that known changes in deflection can be obtained by shift-
ing the aim from one spot to the next. Another case in which indirect
fire must be used is when the target is not visible from the gun
position. In this case the gun must be laid entirely by calculation.
Before this can be done, the following data must be obtained : (a)
the angle of elevation, which can be determined only when the range,
or horizontal distance to the target, and the difference in height
between the gun and the target are both known. When these
factors are known, the angle of departure corresponding to the
given range is determined from a range table, and then the angle of
elevation is obtained from it by adding or subtracting the angle of
site, which is the vertical angle between the horizontal plane and the
line from the gun to the target ; (6) the azimuth, or horizontal direc-
tion of the target from the gun position.
EVOLUTION OF MACHINE-GUN TACTICS
Before the outbreak of war in 1914, the British army author-
ities, with the exception of a small body of officers who possessed
expert knowledge of the weapon, had devoted little thought or
study to the development of machine-guns or machine-gun tac-
tics. At that time the army as a whole undoubtedly mistrusted
the machine-gun as a weapon. This mistrust was probably due
in great measure to the indifferent results achieved with the
Maxim gun during the S. African War (1899-1902), in which
the gun frequently " jammed " at a critical moment, not from
any fault in the mechanism, but from lack of knowledge amongst
the personnel as to how the gun should be handled. The gun
was not popular in the ranks, since its appearance was apt to
attract hostile artillery fire on to the firing line.
The Russo-Japanese War clearly demonstrated the value of
machine-guns both in attack and defence; and the Germans, as
a result of their study of the fighting in Manchuria, multi-
plied their machine-guns and organized them in companies.
On the outbreak of the World War, the machine-gun resources
of the British Expeditionary Force consisted of a " section "
of two machine-guns in each infantry battalion and cavalry
regiment. The infantry section was armed with the Maxim
303-in., the cavalry section with the Vickers -303-^. gun.
The war establishment of these sections was as follows: infantry
section, one officer, one sergeant and 16 rank and file; cavalry
section, one officer, one sergeant and 25 rank and file. By this
date the transport in use consisted of a G.S. limbered wagon
(two-horsed) which carried two guns and mountings with the
necessary accessories and first-line supply of ammunition. In
the cavalry section the gun detachments were mounted on
riding-horses and the cavalry section was, therefore, more mobile
than the infantry section. Pack-saddlery was carried to enable
the sections to be taken into action on pack animals when
necessary. A study of the British 1914 Training Manuals shows
that the accepted doctrine as regards machine-gun tactics at
that date was briefly as follows. The machine-gun was considered
to be essentially a direct-fire weapon; it was not considered
sufficiently reliable to carry out overhead or indirect fire. To
quote Infantry Training (1914): " Machine-guns are essentially
weapons of opportunity. The power of the gun is best used
to develop unexpected bursts of fire against favourable targets ";
and, again, " Owing to the liability of the mechanism to inter-
ruption and the expenditure of the ammunition involved, the
gun is not suited for sustained fire action." It was laid down
that the machine-gun section formed an integral part of the
battalion or regiment to which it belonged; but at the same time
the " brigading " of sections was legislated for, and a brigade
machine-gun officer was appointed in each brigade to command
the sections when brigaded. The advantages and disadvantages
of either leaving the sections with their battalions or of brigading
them were stated, but no indication was given as to which was to
be considered the normal method of employment, or as to the
circumstances under which either method would best be utilized.
Soon after taking the field in Aug. 1914 it became apparent
that the Germans were far ahead of the British in machine-gun
tactics and organization; and, moreover, that a very great
increase in the number of machine-guns in proportion to rifles
was necessary. In Great Britain, the first step to remedy the
deficiency was, towards the end of 1914, to increase the number
of guns in the section from two to four. But the need for any
alteration in methods of tactical handling was not yet realized
by the British army at large; and since the machine-gun was
considered to be solely a direct-fire weapon it was employed with
the most forward troops, and, in defence, was almost invariably
positioned in the front-line trench.
MACHINE-GUN
823
Early in 1915 the Lewis gun was first issued to battalions
in the field, and at the same time the -303-^. Vickers machine-
gun was issued to infantry machine-gun sections and entirely
superseded the Maxim gun. At this time, therefore, the two
weapons (i.e. the Vickers and Lewis guns) were used side by
side in the same unit, but little or no difference was made in
their tactical handling.
It is an accepted principle that the tactical handh'ng of a
weapon must be based on its characteristics, and it is necessary
to state briefly what is the difference between the characteristics
of the so-called " light " machine-guns, such as the Lewis and
the Hotchkiss guns, and the " heavy " machine-gun, i.e. the
Vickers gun in the British service, the modified Maxim in the
German and others, and the Browning Heavy in the U.S. army.
Owing to the fact that it is not fired from a stable mounting,
the Lewis gun cannot carry out overhead fire with safety and is
not adapted for indirect fire. Being an air-cooled weapon it
is not capable of sustained fire action and is limited to short
bursts of fire. It is sufficiently light and portable to accompany
and keep pace with the leading infantry. In the World War,
functions similar to those which came to be allotted to the Lewis
gun were performed by the Chauchat and others in the French
army; by the Chauchat and, later, the Browning Light in the
American; and by a somewhat lightened (finally an air-cooled)
pattern of the Maxim in the German army. Their characteristics
are dealt with under RIFLES AND LIGHT MACHINE-GUNS.
The Vickers gun is fired from a stable (tripod) mounting;
it is therefore capable of overhead and indirect fire with safety
to one's own troops. Being a water-cooled gun it is capable of
sustained fire action subject only to considerations of ammunition
supply. Neither the gun nor the mounting is sufficiently light
to enable machine-gunners when man-handling their loads to
accompany and keep pace with infantry in a rapid advance. It
is evident that the tactical handling of two weapons having
such widely different characteristics cannot be the same if the
best possible value is to be obtained from each weapon.
At the outbreak of the World War the higher command of
the British army did not appear to have realized the character-
istic difference between the various types of automatic small
arms in use (Vickers, Maxim, Lewis and Colt guns): all were
classified under the general heading of " machine-guns." This
lack of discrimination between the characteristics and conse-
quently between the true tactical roles of the weapons undoubt-
edly retarded the development of machine-gun tactics for up-
wards of two years. In the autumn of 1915, however, partly
owing to the very considerable increase in the output of Vickers
guns and partly to a realization of the need for differentiation in
methods of tactical handling, it was determined to form brigade
machine-gun companies, armed with Vickers guns, to be separate
from and independent of battalion machine-gun | sections, the
latter to be armed with Lewis guns. It was evident that the per-
sonnel to man these companies could not be found from and main-
tained by the infantry, and it was therefore decided to form "a
corps of machine-gunners." The large increase in machine-gun
resources, and the decision to form machine-gun companies,
led to the issue, in Oct. 1915, of a Royal Warrant for the forma-
i tion of the Machine-Gun Corps, to be divided into three
branches cavalry, infantry and motors. The machine-gun
company comprised a headquarters and four sections, each of
four guns. Unfortunately, the original establishment of these
companies was fixed at a very low figure, only four men per
gun being allowed for in the section; and this low establishment
seriously militated against the efficiency of the companies when
they took the field. It was finally decided that the Machine-
Gun Corps should be armed solely with the Vickers gun and
that the personnel should be trained in its use alone.
The year 1915 saw no change of doctrine in the British army
at large as to the tactical handling of the Vickers gun. Never-
theless, by the end of that year there existed a small body of
officers who had had experience of handling the gun in the
field, and who saw the possibilities of development in machine-
gun tactics if overhead and indirect fire were put into practice
These officers used every endeavour to prove the need for and
practicability of these methods of fire tactics, but a considerable
time elapsed before general recognition was afforded to the
principles they advocated. In March 1916 it was decided that,
as additional Vickers guns and personnel became available, a
fourth machine-gun company per division should be formed,
this company to be known as the divisional machine-gun
company and to be at the disposal of the divisional commander,
whilst the brigade machine-gun companies remained as an
integral portion of the brigades to which they were attached.
The summer of 1916 brought the long-drawn-out battle of
the Somme. By this time each infantry brigade had its
machine-gun company, which was entirely under the orders and
at the disposal of the brigade commander. Throughout the
period covered by this battle, it cannot be said that the new
brigade machine-gun companies proved to be of any greater
value than the former battalion machine-gun sections.
By this time, in the minds of officers of real experience, the
following principles had, however, been definitely established,
(i.) That the raison d'etre of machine-guns (i.e. Vickers guns)
was the support of the infantry in all phases of the battle, and
that this support was afforded by supplying covering fire of
which a very large proportion must necessarily be overhead
fire, (ii.) That the machine-gun was a weapon well adapted for
carrying out overhead fire and that this form of fire facilitated
disposition in depth, (iii.) That the movements of machine-gun
units would rarely synchronize with the movements of the
infantry they were supporting; in other words, that although
machine-guns fight for the infantry they do not necessarily
fight from the same positions as the infantry. In fact, as long
as the machine-gun bullets are falling in the right place at the
right time, it does not matter to the infantry where the guns are.
Throughout the battle of the Somme the low establishment
of the British machine-gun companies had militated seriously
against their efficiency. As a temporary measure to remedy
this shortage of personnel, the expedient of attaching from 8 to
12 infantrymen to each machine-gun section had been resorted
to. These men were mainly employed as ammunition carriers
and some attempt was made to train them as machine-gunners.
The arrangement was not, however, satisfactory to either the
Machine-Gun Corps or the infantry, and, owing to strong
representations on the subject from many quarters, approval
was given in Oct. 1916 to the addition of two men per gun to the
establishment of the machine-gun company. The gun detach-
ment then consisted of six men; but subsequent experience
showed that even this number was insufficient, and before the
end of the war the establishment was raised to eight men per
gun exclusive of headquarters and other details.
By the end of 1916 many of the British divisions in the field
had received their fourth (or divisional) machine-gun company.
The addition of this company pointed to the necessity for the
appointment of a divisional machine-gun commander to control
and coordinate machine-gun action within the division. The
suggestion that such an appointment should be created met with
considerable opposition, and eventually a divisional machine-gun
officer was appointed, his status being solely that of an adviser,
and he was appointed to command the fourth or divisional
company only. A corps machine-gun officer, whose status was
that of an adviser only, was also appointed in each army corps.
By the beginning of 1917 a distinct advance had been made
in the methods of tactical handling of machine-guns throughout
the army, due in great measure to the influence exerted by corps
and divisional machine-gun officers. There was not such a
general inclination to position machine-guns in the front-line
trench, and some attempt was made to effect disposition in
depth, although the dispositions adopted were entirely linear
and still in many cases by single guns. There was as yet little
or no realization of the offensive power available in machine-gun
fire, i.e. the power of the weapon to afford close support to
infantry in the attack. Neither had the infantry yet attained
much confidence in the overhead fire of machine-guns. In the
spring and summer of 1917, however, considerable advance in
824
MACHINE-GUN
the development of machine-gun tactics was made, for which the
Canadian Corps must be given full credit. The Canadians had
devoted much thought and care to their machine-gun organiza-
tion and. had determined to organize and employ their machine-
guns on a divisional basis. They also determined to make full
use of the offensive power available in machine-gun fire, for
which purpose their machine-gunners had perfected them-
selves in the use of overhead and indirect fire, and had ob-
tained the equipment necessary for carrying out the latter.
The highly successful machine-gun barrage arranged by the
Canadian Corps for the support of their infantry in the attack
on Vimy Ridge was the first example of the coordinate action
of a large number of machine-guns in the British attack. The
machine-gun arrangements made by the Canadian Corps were
enlarged on in the battle of Messines in June 1917, with highly
successful results. Subsequently machine-gun barrage fire,
coordinated with the artillery barrage, became a regular feature
in all the operations of the British army, whether offensive or
defensive, as long as the period of trench warfare continued.
The use of barrage fire led to considerable strides in the
development of machine-gun tactics. It proved beyond doubt
that the Vickers gun was fully capable of accurate long-range fire
and of carrying out overhead and indirect fire with safety, with
the result that most of the British infantry units would by this
time advance under the fire of their machine-guns with complete
confidence. The use of barrage fire also necessitated coordinated
action between machine-gun companies, and thus pointed the
way to the higher organization of the Machine-Gun Corps. By
this time it was realized that the value of the disposition of
machine-guns in depth, not only in defence but also in attack,
was enhanced by a combination of direct and indirect fire.
Consequently machine-guns were now divided into two main
categories forward guns and rear guns. In the attack the
forward guns were allotted the role of affording immediate
support to the leading troops and of assisting in the consolidation
of the final objective.
The rear guns supplied long-range covering fire, generally
organized in the form of barrage fire, from positions in rear.
It must be remembered that at this time the operations still
consisted entirely of trench-to-trench attacks with limited
objectives, and it was generally possible to site the rear guns so
that they could cover the advance of the infantry up to the final
objective without moving from their original gun positions.
In any case it was unusual for the rear guns to be obliged to
make more than one forward move during the operation.
In the defence the forward guns were allotted for the defence
of the outpost line of resistance, whilst the rear guns were
disposed in depth for the defence of the battle position. The
primary task of the rear guns was the defence of specific areas
by means of direct fire; but as a secondary task, subject to
limitations as to expenditure of available ammunition, as many
of these guns as possible were utilized to afford long-range fire
(either direct or indirect) for the assistance of the troops in
the more forward areas. No hard-and-fast rules were laid
down as to the proportion of forward guns to rear guns, but it
was realized that the number of the former must be kept to the
lowest possible minimum in ordar that there might be sufficient
depth in the machine-gun dispositions.
By the end of 1917 the following conclusions were also
drawn by those who had made a continuous study of machine-
gun tactics, (i.) That machine-guns are as valuable in offensive
as in defensive operations, (ii.) That, except at close ranges, the
fire of one machine-gun is of little tactical value. That the
section of four guns is the tactical unit for all purposes of fire
direction and control, (iii.) That the machine-gun is a dis-
tinctive weapon with tactics of its own, which are neither
those of the infantry nor of the artillery, but intermediate
between the two. (iv.) That adequate depth in machine-gun
dispositions can only be attained and maintained by means of
a suitable organization, enabling machine-gun resources to be
disposed according to tactical necessity.
Before the end of 1917 it had become apparent that the
British machine-gun organization was not suitable for puttirj
into practice the tactical principles enunciated above. Th
system of having a machine-gun company definitely and per-
manently attached to each infantry brigade had proved to
very wasteful. Eventually approval was given in Jan. 1918
to the formation of divisional machine-gun battalions. From ;
tactical point of view the following important results followed :-
(a) The principle that machine-guns should be allotted and
fought on a divisional basis was conceded, and (6) the divisional
machine-gun officer, who was merely an adviser, was replaced
by a commander who was also an adviser. At the same time
it was agreed that the Machine-Gun Corps should be granted
higher representation to the extent of the appointment of
inspector of machine-gun units (brigadier-general) at G.H.Q.
and of a deputy inspector (colonel) at each army headquarters.
The following brief statement of tactical principles, which
were put into practice during the closing stages of the 1918
campaign, indicates the final stage in the evolution of machine-
gun tactics during the World War. The section of four guns is
the tactical unit of machine-guns and should be kept intact
The maximum fire effect is obtained by the employment
collective fire from a number of guns operating under one
control. The use of individual machine-guns, operating alone,
results in loss of control, difficulty of supply and dissipation of
fire-power. Unity of control is essential if full use is to be made
of available resources; within reasonable limits, the larger the
number of machine-guns which can be placed under one directing
authority the less will be the overlapping of functions and
consequent waste of fire-power. Disposition in depth is essential
and must be a guiding principle in machine-gun tactics. It
enables flexibility of control to be maintained and automatically
affords protection to flanks. Unless there is a general pre-
arranged and comprehensive plan for the action of machine-guns,
machine-gun units will not be able to render that continuous
support during the attack which is necessary if fire superiority
is to be gained and if the demoralization of the enemy is to be
effected at each successive stage of the advance.
Cooperation is the foundation upon which successful machine-
gun tactics rest. To ensure it, the closest possible liaison must
be maintained between machine-gun units themselves, and
between machine-gun units and other arms. Sustained fire and
surprise effect are both dependent upon the skilful use of ground
and cover while the gun is being brought up to its position and
when it is in action. At close and medium ranges, enfilade fire
gives the best results with the minimum expenditure of ammuni-
tion. Normally, frontal fire at these ranges should not be used
unless an exceptional target presents itself, such as troops in mass.
In an offensive operation the fullest advantage must be taken
of the mobility conferred on machine-gun units by the use of
limbered wagons and pack transport. Resort must only be made
to man-handling when all other means of transport have been
found impossible. In the attack the first duty of machine-gun
units is to assist the advance of the infantry. They must carry
out this task by providing covering fire, both direct and indirect;
by dealing rapidly with serious hostile opposition, and by
producing the greatest fire effect at points where the progress
of the infantry is checked. Their other duties are to protect
the flanks of the infantry against counter-attacks during the
advance; to form pivots upon which the infantry can rally if
driven back; and to act as a reserve of fire-power in the hands
of commanders for offensive or defensive purposes as the situa-
tion may demand. It follows from the above that the disposition
of guns in depth must be maintained throughout. In the defence
the r61e of machine-guns is to assist the infantry in maintaining
their positions. For this purpose machine-guns must be. em-
ployed (i.) To assist the infantry in the outpost zone to check
and disorganize a hostile attack, (ii.) To assist in the defence
of the battle position, should the enemy succeed in crossing the
outpost zone, (iii.) To support the infantry and tanks in the
execution of counter-attacks.
The bulk of the machine-guns available with divisions in
front line must be disposed for the defence of the battle position,
MACHINE TOOLS
825
a proportion being retained as a mobile reserve in order to
support the action of the offensive reserves in the divisional
sectors of defence. Only a small proportion of the available
machine-guns should be allotted for the support of the troops
in the outpost zone. No attempt should be made to site machine-
guns so that every yard of ground is swept by their fire, which
should be reserved for protection on a larger scale, covering the
more important features and denying to the enemy the most
favourable routes of advance. Localities of tactical importance
must be strongly covered even though it becomes necessary to
leave gaps on parts of the front where an attack is considered
less probable. Guns must be sited primarily for the defence of
ground by direct fire, but, subject to limitations as regards
expenditure of available ammunition, the long-range fire of
guns in rearward positions should be utilized for the assistance
of troops in the more forward areas.
. Such were the tactical principles which were made possible
of application by the organization of machine-guns on a divisional
basis. Experience showed that a rigid battalion organization
on the model of the infantry battalion was not the most suitable
for machine-guns. The application of the tactical principles
enunciated above necessitated the organization of the divisional
machine-guns into groups of varying sizes. But as the machine-
gun company was not self-contained as regards train transport
and supply, the splitting-up of a company in order to organize
the required groups led to considerable administrative dif-
ficulties. The organization of a battalion by grouping together
the machine-gun companies already in the division was the
quickest and least expensive method of placing the machine-gun
organization on a divisional basis; but it was subsequently
realized that a more suitable organization would have been
attained by making each machine-gun company se.lf-contained
in all administrative matters in such a manner that sections
could be detached as and when required. (J. S. HA.)
MACHINE TOOLS (see 27.21). The decade 1910-20 saw a
noteworthy development in every branch of machine-tool engi-
neering. In no branch was the progress more marked than in
instruments for precise measurements. These include types em-
ploying both physical and optical means. Their perfection has
made possible the production of interchangeable parts in com-
mercial quantities. Without means of accurate gauging the
making of cheap automobiles in great numbers would be im-
possible. This is also true of rifles, typewriters, sewing-machines
and hundreds of other things made and used daily in great
numbers. For accuracy and almost universal application, the
gauge blocks shown on Plate I., fig. i, made by C. E. Johansson,
Eskilstuna, Sweden, stand high. The first combination set on his
system was made in 1897, but not until 1911 was Johansson able
to produce them in commercial quantities of a guaranteed quality.
Subsequently these blocks became so recognized as standard
that there is hardly a manufacturing plant in the world doing
accurate or interchangeable metal work that has not one or more
sets for reference purposes or actual use. They are also in con-
stant use at the National Physical Laboratory, London; the
National Bureau of Standards, Washington; the Bureau Inter-
national des Poids et Mesures, Paris, and similar institutions of
all the principal nations.
A full set consists of 81 blocks with surfaces flat and parallel within
one hundred-thousandth of an inch. A standard set is made up of
four series. The first series consists of nine blocks, the first o-iooi
in. wide, increasing by o-oooi in. each to the ninth, 0-1009 in- wide.
The second series consists of 49 blocks, the first o-ioi in. wide,
increasing by o-ooi in. each to the 49th, 0-149 in. wide. The third
series consists of 19 blocks from 0-050 in. to 0-950 in. wide, each
increasing by 0-050 in. The fourth series consists of four blocks
I, 2, 3 and 4 in. wide respectively. These blocks may be stacked or
" wrung " together to form an enormous number of very accurate
" blocks " practically equal to a similar solid block. For instance,
the blocks of the fourth series can be combined to give any size in
even inches from one to ten. The blocks of the third series can be
combined with those of the fourth so as to give any even multiple of
0-050 between 0-050 and 10 in. The second series furnishes means
of stacking the gauges to obtain dimensions varying by thousandths,
and the first series gives variations by ten-thousandths of an inch.
One stack of all the blocks wrung together gives accurate results.
That these blocks are held together by far more than atmospheric
pressure is proved by a demonstration given Nov. 10 1917 before the
Stockholm Technical Institute. Two blocks were wrung together.
The sizes of the two surfaces in contact were 0-49 sq. in. and they
sustained a weight of 220 Ib. The atmospheric pressure contributed
about 6-6 Ib., from which it will be seen that the adhesive power of
the blocks was more than 30 times atmospheric pressure. In spite of
this extraordinary adhesive power the blocks are easily separated by
a simple sliding movement, and they are as easily "wrung " together
in the same way if the surfaces are first wiped with the hand. The
great advantage given by these blocks is that they furnish a prac-
tically universal standard of gauging, since parts, gauges, templets
or tools, made in England and checked with reference to them, will
check the same with a set in America, France or Japan. The com-
position of these gauging blocks is such that they are long-wearing
and little affected by ordinary changes in temperature.
A gauge known as the Prestwich fluid micrometer is shown
on Plate I., fig. 2. This is the invention of John Alfred Prest-
wich, of the English firm of John A. Prestwich & Co., Ltd. It
was originally developed about 1910 for use in his own works,
but later was put on the market.
The gauge is shown with a piston ring between the gauging points.
The lower gauging point, or " anvil," is a stationary block of hard
steel set into the base of the instrument. The movable gauging
point is set directly above the anvil and is attached to the lower
side of a thin, springy diaphragm of metal which forms the bottom
of a fluid container about 2\ or 3 in. in diameter, and about J in.
thick. A small glass tube leads upward from this container and a
coloured liquid is put into the container and extends part way up
into the glass tube. Pressure on the movable gauging point presses
the diaphragm upward and causes the coloured liquid to rise higher
in the glass tube, where it is plainly visible. A graduated scale at one
side of the tube shows the amount of upward movement, and
pointers at the left of the scale may be set to show the limits for
various kinds of work. Owing to the size of the diaphragm and the
small hole in the tube, any movement of the gauging point is greatly
multiplied by the liquid in the tube, and in some of the instruments a
variation of one thousandth of an inch between the gauging points
will cause a difference of half an inch in the height of the liquid in the
glass tube. This instrument is especially valuable for quickly inspect-
ing machine products, as any variation is instantly visible.
During the World War considerable difficulty was experienced
in finding a satisfactory method of quickly inspecting screw
threads for size, shape and lead. This was solved in 1916 by the
National Physical Laboratory in England, under the direction
of Sir R. T. Glazebrook, by means of a projection lantern. The
general principle of this lantern is along the lines of the stereop-
ticon or the motion-picture machine, as the threaded (screwed)
piece to be inspected is placed in the path of a powerful beam
of light which projects a greatly enlarged image of the object
upon a screen. An accurate drawing of the screw is previously
imprinted on the screen, and the faithfulness with which the pro-
jected image conforms to the lines of the drawing instantly de-
termines the accuracy or inaccuracy of the screw or any part
of it. Building on this original idea, a number of concerns have
placed on the market " comparators," " projectoscopes," " pro-
jection lanterns " and similar instruments under various names.
A measuring machine sufficiently accurate for all ordinary
shop purposes is illustrated on Plate I., fig. 3. It consists of a bed
with a sliding work-table and a microscope mounted on a com-
pound slide. The latter is furnished with a large dial micrometer
reading to o-oooi in. In addition the microscope is fitted with
two hair-lines, one rotating with the eyepiece and one with the
outside tube. This is fitted with a dial reading to half degrees,
while the eyepiece carries a vernier reading to one minute.
The accuracy of measurements depends upon standard rods
inserted between blocks at the left-hand end, one block being on the
bed and the other on the work-table. The work-table is provided
with centres, one of which has cross adjustment for alignment. The
method of using this machine will be evident in the case of limit
gauges and the like, having plain length measurements, since the
selection of suitable measuring rods, the setting of the hair-lines and
the reading of the traversing micrometers present no difficulties.
With little additional trouble the machine may be used for contour
work, while the two hair-lines enable the operator to measure the
pitch and angle of screw threads as well as the depth. The table will
accommodate work 12 in. long and up to 3 in. in diameter. A lamp
and mirror are set as shown in the illustration to give clear projection.
For testing the flatness of a lapped steel surface of a gauge, or
other polished surface, the U.S. Bureau of Standards has developed
826
MACHINE TOOLS
a tool known as the " optical flat." This consists of a polished
piece of flat, clear glass, one surface of which is very accurately
flat. The principle is, that if a piece of clear glass with an optically
flat surface is laid on another more or less flat surface, and is
illumined by monochromatic light, dark and light bands will be
observed on the lower surface. If these bands are parallel and
equally spaced the surface under inspection is flat. If the bands
are curved, then the surface below the glass is curved, the reason
being that a difference in the thickness of the film of air between
the adjacent surfaces causes a variation in the direction and
spacing of the light bands. By observing certain conditions of
light and position, flatness to within one millionth of an inch may
be plainly observed with the naked eye.
The diagrams shown on Plate I., fig. 4, indicate how light bands,
or " interference fringes," look when an optical flat is laid on sur-
faces of different degrees of flatness. The optical flat may be used
for comparing the height of two pieces laid side by side. If one is
higher than the other the arrangement of the light bands will
instantly indicate it. Curved surfaces may also be as easily inspected
and the amount of error estimated. Complete apparatus for accu-
rately measuring with optical flats is made by H. L. Van Keuren,
Boston, Mass.
Among recent developments in the small-tool field, those of
importance in lathe and planer cutting tools have been slight,
apart from the research work of the late Frederick Taylor, of
Philadelphia, and the advances in steel making and treating
which make the tools more durable. Taylor spent many years
and much money investigating the proper shape, clearance and
cutting angles for lathe and planer tools. He also designed and
built for the market a machine for grinding these tools according
to the shapes outlined in his charts. He also did a share of the
work in evolving the Taylor-White process of hardening high-
speed steel, which made possible higher speeds and heavier cuts
than had previously been imagined. This discovery profoundly
affected machine design as well as production methods, since
it compelled the building of heavier, speedier and more powerful
machine tools to meet the severe demands placed upon them by
properly hardened high-speed steel. Except for this strengthen-
ing, standard lathes, planers and shapers have really advanced
but little. One feature, however, may be noted, and that is the
increasing use of air-operated chucks on turret lathes (monitors)
and chucking-machines.
An unusual type of single-purpose lathe was designed by Lucien I.
Yeomans, of the Amalgamated Machinery Co., Chicago, for which
he was awarded a medal by the Franklin Institute of Philadelphia.
This type of lathe was intended for making large shell of from 6 to
16 in. in diameter. The head-stock and body of the lathe were cast in
one solid piece, with holes cored out for the spindle and ways. The
ways were merely accurately ground lengths of round steel shafting
so placed that the ends projected through the cored holes in the bed!
They were properly located by means of huge master jigs, and then
type-metal was poured into the cored holes and around the ends of
the shafting. This held them securely in place. The carriage and
cross-slide guides were made and located in the same general way.
The lathe spindle turned in a machined bushing which was set into
the cored hole in the head and secured with type-metal. This method
of construction saved an immense amount of machining, as there was
no work put into its construction except such as could be turned or
bored. The makers were enabled to turn out a large number of
machines in an astonishingly short time, and they agreed to furnish
any order for such machines at the rate of 10% per day, beginning
with the confirmation of the order. The American Car and Foundry
Co. had 173 of these machines in one battery making shell, and other
large installations were placed. A number of large gun-boring lathes
were also made on the same plan, but the close of the World War put
an end to this work, as the machines were not suited to other pur-
poses. A wartime machine designed and built by Yeomans was a
' concrete planer " with a 93-ft. table and 185-11. bed, used for gun-
carriage work. All of the heavy parts, including the bed, table and
housings, were made of reinforced concrete with inserted metal ways
and facings. Five of these machines were made for Government war
work. At the time the Armistice was signed the bed for a planer 500
ft. long had actually been almost completed.
Closely allied to the lathes are the machines of the vertical
boring-mill type. Most of these are well known, but modern
manufacturing methods have induced the design of certain
advanced types, such as the duplex boring-mills made by two
English houses, Webster & Bennett, Ltd., of Coventry, and
G. Wilkinson & Sons, of Keighley (see Plate I., fig. 5).
Rapid production has also been responsible for what is known
as the vertical " station-type " of machine. These machines are
an outgrowth of the vertical boring-mill or " vertical turret lathe."
A typical example is the " Mult-Au-Matic " (Plate I., fig. 6) made
by the Bullard Machine Tool Co., Bridgeport, Conn. In this machine
there are six " stations " or chucks, though other holding devices
may be used. The chucks are mounted on a table which " indexes "
or makes J of a revolution at set periods, bringing the work under
different tools each time. Each chuck revolves or remains stationary
on its own centre, making it possible to do drilling, boring, facing,
turning and other work either simultaneously or successively. One
station is used for the insertion and removal of the work, and afver
the chucks have once been filled all round, a piece of work is removed
and another inserted at each indexing of the table. This machine is
mechanically operated throughout; but a similar machine, in which
all the feeding and indexing movements are hydraulically operated,
is made by Giddings & Lewis, Fond du Lac, Wis.
Drilling-machines of the station type are also made by several
concerns. One made by the Cincinnati Automatic Machine Co.,
Cincinnati, Ohio, is shown in Plate II., fig. 7. Both of these types
were foreshadowed by the five-spindle automatic screw machines
made by the National Acme Co., Cleveland, O., whose machines
have been on the market for over 25 years. The general principle is
the same, the main difference, as in the case of the lathe and the
boring-mill, being that one is horizontal and the other vertical, the
latter being of much later date in each case.
Apart from the station-type drilling-machines, others now
in common use include those of the " gang " and the " multiple
spindle " types. The gang types consist mainly of several in-
dividual drilling-machines of a like size bolted side by side, or
mounted on a single base. The multiple spindle type may have
a considerable number of spindles mounted on a single head,
the spindles being run by worms, gears or universal joints.
Gear-driven spindles lend themselves well to mounting in heads
which may be used in the spindle of ordinary single-spindle drilling-
machines. Holes of varied arrangement or " pattern " may be
simultaneously and quickly drilled in this way. The worm-driven
spindles are more conveniently used if mounted on a cross-rail,
making it possible to drill a large number of holes in a straight line,
although the spacing between the various holes may be varied. The
universal joint-driven spindles (Plate II., fig. 8) furnish the most
flexible means of arrangement of all, as they may be set to conform
to almost any arrangement or pattern of holes. The National
Automatic Machine Co., Richmond, Ind., and the Foote-Burt Co.,
Cleveland, O., have made many machines drilling up to 100 or more
holes at once. Some of their machines feed a large number of drills in
from several angles at once. For instance, one model simultaneously
drills from 5 to 20 holes in each of five sides of a cast-iron box.
Milling-machines form attractive subjects for tool designers,
and new forms are constantly being evolved. The more modern
forms include the continuous milling-machines, which are of two
principal types, the rotary and the reciprocating.
The reciprocating machine is simply a modification of the regular
type of milling-machine. It carries fixtures for holding the work at
opposite ends of the table. While the cutters are acting on the work
at one end of the table the fixtures at the other end are being emptied
and reloaded. The feed of the table is reversed as soon as the work is
milled, and the cutters immediately begin to cut on the work in the
other fixture. The operator then steps to the other end of the table,
removes the finished work and reloads the fixture, and so on.
The rotary continuous milling-machines may be of the horizontal-
table-vertical-spindle, or the vertical-table-horizontal-spindle, type.
On Plate II. are shown examples of the former, the mqre common
(fig. 9), another form, with work-holding fixtures in place (fig. 10),
and of the vertical-table, or " drum type " (fig. n). In all of these
shown in the last three cuts the table moves continuously, the
work being removed or inserted while in motion. A machine built
on a slightly different plan is shown on Plate III., fig. 12. In this
the table is tilted and the motion is not continuous. The table
movement more closely resembles that of a station-type ma-
chine in that it indexes and remains stationary as the cutter is fed
to the work by the sliding spindle head. Milling-machines of the
planer type shown on Plate III., fig. 13, are made in a variety of forms,
largely for automobile work. They may carry from one to a dozen
cutters placed on spindles at various angles. In some cases the
tables are made to reciprocate and one end of the table may be
emptied and reloaded while the cutters are at work at the other end,
after the manner of the lighter types previously referred to.
A highly developed type of milling-machine is shown on Plate
III., fig. 14. This is an automatic profiling-machine designed for the
sinking of forging dies and the like. In the illustration a model or
master-die is shown below and a finished forging die above. Any
number of dies may be made from the same pattern and they will
be all alike. A " finger " is automatically fed over the surfaces of
the model and as it moves a revolving cutter cuts corresponding
PLATE III.
MACHINE TOOLS
FIG. 12. ROTARY CONTINUOUS MILLING-MACHINE.
FIG. 13. MILLING-MACHINE PLANER TYPE.
FIG. 14. AUTOMATIC PROFILING-MACHINE.
FIG. 15. BROACHING-MACHINE, WITH WORK IN
PLACE.
FIG. 16. LANGELIER SWAGING-MACHINE.
MACKAY McKENNA
827
depressions in the die block above. After the die is cut it must be
smoothed by hand, as the milling cutter leaves a rather rough surface.
In grinding-machines there are several models made with
rotary tables, like those of the continuous milling-machines.
Magnetic chucks are largely used on this type, as well as on
others of the reciprocating-table and the horizontal-table types.
One of the principal developments has been the use of grinding
wheels, which are fed straight in to the work. These wheels are
wide enough to finish the surface desired, and the face is formed to
conform to the contour of the finished work. This shape of the
grinding wheel is obtained by means of a master form and diamond
truing tool. A form of machine, known as the " centreless grinder,"
makes use of a wide-faced wheel, the face of which is dressed bevel.
Small steel pins or rods fed across the face of this wheel by means of
a grooved guide are automatically ground to size without the necessity
of having centre holes drilled in them, as is necessary with the usual
type of cylindrical grinder.
Broaching-machines are largely a development of the auto-
motive industry. The La Pointes in the United States and Alfred
Herbert in England have built most of the machines of this kind.
A broach is a tool having a number of saw-like teeth so made that
they will finish or machine a hole or surface when moved through or
over it. As a rule, the teeth of a broach are made to increase a
thousandth of an inch or more in size until the last few, or finishing
teeth, are reached. These last teeth merely scrape so as to properly
size the work. A very common use for broaches is in the production
of keyways in gears or wheels. With a properly made broach a
keyway may be finished at one pass with no danger of spoiled work.
Broaches are either pushed through the work by means of a press
or are pulled through by means of a special machine, such as shown on
Plate III., fig. 15.
In the example shown the broach is used to finish the inside corner
of a type-chase, but almost any form of hole may be broached. In
many cases round broaches take the place of reamers for finishing
round holes. A round hole may be squared at one pass, or it may be
as easily made into a hexagon, splined or irregular shape. In the
special machines the broach is pulled through the work by means of
a screw in a majority of cases, though some machines are made with
a rack-and-pinion movement instead of a lead screw.
Swaging-machines for the cold hammering down of bars or rods are
made by the Langelier Manufacturing Co., Providence, R.I. One
such is shown on Plate III., fig. 16. A small rod is shown held in a
sliding holder. As this rod is pushed into the head of the machine it
is hit on opposite sides by hammers operating at a high rate of
speed. The rod will be reduced to a point, or to a smaller diameter,
according to the shape of the ends of the hammer-heads. Round
parts or reduced sections are easily produced almost instantly. A
familiar example of swaging can be seen in the reduced sections of
bicycle or wire automobile spokes. Sewing-machine needles and
other similar work are also reduced in machines of this type.
(E. Vi.)
MACKAY, CLARENCE HUNGERFORD (1874- ), American
capitalist, was born at San Francisco April 17 1874. He was a
son of John William Mackay (see 17.250), who had wide interests
in cable and telegraph lines. He received his education in
Europe, chiefly in England and France, and at the age of 20
entered his father's office in New York. In 1896 he was made
president of the Forcite Powder Manufacturing Co., and also a
director of the Commercial Cable Co. and the Postal Telegraph
Co., being made vice-president of both a little later. After his
father's death in 1902 he succeeded to the presidency of various
companies, including the Commercial Cable Co. and the Postal
Telegraph Cable Co. He was elected president of the Mackay
Companies, organized in 1903, and owning all the capital stock
of the Commercial Cable Co. and a majority of the stock of
various cable, telegraph and telephone companies in the United
States, Canada and Europe, including the Postal Telegraph
Cable Co. In 1921 the Mackay Companies operated some
350,000 m. of wires and 29,000 m. of cables, connecting with all
parts of the civilized world. At that time the Commercial Cable
Co. owned cables from Ireland to England and France, five
cables from America to Europe, cables along the North Atlantic
coast, a cable from New York to Cuba, a cable from Florida to
Cuba, and a Pacific cable from San Francisco via Honolulu,
Midway, Guam and Manila, to Shanghai, with an extension
to Japan. The Postal Telegraph Cable Co. owned a telegraph
system throughout the United States, and at the same time used
many thousand miles of the same wire for long-distance telephone.
Acting under authority of a joint resolution of Congress of July
16 1918, President Wilson took over the wires as from Aug. i 1918
and placed them under the control of Postmaster-General
Burleson. Mr. Mackay opposed many of the Postmaster-
General's policies on the ground that he was using war-time
control to bring about Government ownership of the wires. In
Dec. Mackay was removed from control of the Commercial
Cable Co., and all cables taken over by the Government were
placed under the president of the Western Union Telegraph
Co. In March 1919 he was also dismissed by order of the Post-
master-General from the presidency of the Postal Telegraph.
Cable Co., but was reinstated after the return of the wires to
their private owners in 1919.
MACKAYE, PERCY (1875- ), American poet and play-
wright, was born in New York City March 16 1875. He gradu-
ated from Harvard in 1897 and later was a student in the univer-
sity of Leipzig. From 1900 to 1904 he was a teacher in private
schools in New York, and in the latter year became a member of
the Cornish (N.H.) colony of artists and writers. He was made a
member of the National Institute of Arts and Letters in 1914.
His numerous works include The Canterbury Pilgrims (1903);
Fenris the Wolf (1905) ; Jeanne a' Arc (1906, played by E. H. Sothern
and Julia Marlowe); Sappho and Phaon (1907); The Scarecrow
(1908) ; The Playhouse and the Play (1908, essays) ; The Civic Theatre
(1912); Sanctuary (1913, a bird masque); A New Citizenship (1915,
a civic ritual); Caliban by the Yellow Sands (1916, a community
masque to commemorate the Shakespeare Tercentenary); Com-
munity Drama (1917, essay); Rip Van Winkle (1919, folk opera);
The Pilgrim and the Book (1920, a dramatic " Service " for cele-
brating the Pilgrim Centenary). In 1912 he edited with J. S. P.
Tatlock The Modern Reader's Chaucer.
McKENNA, REGINALD (1863- ), British politidan and
financier, was born in London July 6 1863, and educated at
King's College. He went up to Trinity Hall, Cambridge, as
a scholar and graduated as a senior optime in 1885, being elected
an hon. fellow of his college in 1916. He also gained distinction
as an oar, rowing bow in the university eight in 1887. He was
called to the bar in 1887, and practised till, after an unsuccessful
attempt at Clapham in 1892, he was elected Liberal member for
North Monmouthshire in 1895. He found his party in opposition,
but during the following ten years he established a reputation
as a vigilant and acute critic of ministerial proceedings, especially
in matters of education and finance. When his party returned to^
power in Dec. 1905 he became Financial Secretary to the Treas-
ury, and in 1907 was promoted to the presidency of the Board of
Education, but he was no better able than his predecessor, Mr.
Birrell, to draft a bill which would satisfy the Nonconformists
and yet pass the House of Lords. His tenure of the office was
brief, as, on Mr. Asquith's succeeding to the premiership in
the spring of 1908, he was transferred to the Admiralty.
He entered on his new duties at a time when the country was
profoundly stirred by the rapid increase of the German fleet,
and was in doubt whether the preparations of the Admiralty
were on a sufficiently extensive scale. At the same time a large
portion of the Liberal party was disposed to belittle the danger
and to call a halt to building-schemes in the interest of peace and
economy. Mr. McKenna, relying upon the advice of his First
Sea Lord, Lord Fisher, resisted the section of the Cabinet, repre-
sented by the powerful figures of Mr. Lloyd George and Mr.
Churchill, who took this last view; and, supported by the Prime
Minister and Sir Edward Grey, he persuaded his colleagues to
begin the building of four battleships of the " Dreadnought " type
in 1909, and to ask for power, if necessary, to prepare for the
construction of four more a year later. This programme dis-
gusted the Radical economists, but did not satisfy public opinion.
The Unionists and other friends of a big navy carried on an
agitation to the slogan, " We want eight, and we won't wait,"
and eventually, on July 26, Mr. McKenna announced that the
second four Dreadnoughts would definitely be ordered. The
estimates of 1909 had shown an increase of nearly 3,000,000;
those of 1910 showed a further increase of 5,500,000, mainly
due to new construction. A still further increase of 3,750,000 in
1911 made it clear that Mr. McKenna and the Admiralty were
in earnest in their determination to maintain " a fleet sufficient to
hold the seas against any reasonably probable combination."
In June 1911 he was able to make satisfactory arrangements at
828
MACKENSEN MACNAMARA
the Imperial Conference for complete unity of action in time of
War between Dominion fleets and those of the mother country.
He could feel, when in the autumn he passed from the Admiralty
to the Home Office, that he left behind him a much stronger fleet
than he had found. As Home Secretary he had charge of the
Welsh Church Disestablishment bill.
When war broke out in Aug. 1914 he had the arduous duty
of safeguarding the country against the machinations of spies
a task in which it was impossible to give entire satisfaction to a
sensitive public. When Mr. Asquith's Coalition Ministry was
formed in the summer of 1915 he was made Chancellor of the
Exchequer, and a still more difficult task was imposed on him
to find the money to carry on the war. By the 4! % War Loan a
subscription of nearly 600,000,000 was obtained. He also
raised a loan of 100,000,000 in the United States on the joint
credit of England and France. In the autumn he introduced a
supplementary war budget for the year, providing over 100,000,-
ooo by new taxation. Income-tax was raised 40%, and the
abatement and exemption limits lowered; the rates of super-tax
were seriously heightened; all the old duties on sugar, tea, to-
bacco, cacao, coffee, motor spirit and patent medicines were al-
most doubled; the import of luxuries such as motor-cars, cinema
films, clocks and musical instruments was restrained by an ad
valorem duty of 331%; and an excess profits tax of 50% was
imposed. Other methods of financing the war which he adopted
were War Savings Certificates, which realized over 40,000,000
in their first year; 5% Exchequer bonds, replaced after a year for
a short time by 6% Exchequer bonds; but for current expenses
he relied mainly on the sale of Treasury bills, of which at the end
of his period of office in Dec. 1916 there were over 1,000,000,000
outstanding. In his 1916 budget he raised taxation still further.
Income-tax was increased to 55. in the pound and excess profits
tax to 60%; there were further increases on sugar, cacao and
coffee; higher duties were imposed on motor vehicles; there were
new taxes on amusements, railway tickets, matches and mineral
waters. He calculated that the country was raising over 300,-
000,000 in the year by new taxation imposed since the war; and
he budgeted for a net revenue of 502,000,000 to meet an esti-
mated expenditure of 1,825,000,000. He enunciated the doc-
trine that Great Britain ought never again to be dependent for
supplies or many essential commodities on a nation like Germany
which in peace had plotted and prepared for war; and he said
that Government was prepared to assist the development of
British foreign trade.
Mr. McKenna went out of office with Mr. Asquith in Dec.
1916, and, along with other Liberal leaders who had refused to
serve under Mr. Lloyd George, lost his seat at the General Elec-
tion of Dec. 1918. He made no attempt to reenter the House,
but accepted the position of chairman of the London City & Mid-
land Bank in 1919. He speedily gained a position of financial
authority in the City. He married in 1908 Pamela, daughter of
Sir Herbert Jekyll, and had two sons. (G. E. B.)
MACKENSEN, AUGUST VON (1849- ), Prussian field-
marshal, was born Dec. 6 1849 at Hausleipnitz in the Prussian
province of Saxony. His career was in the cavalry, and he at one
time commanded at Danzig the well-known regiment of Hussars
who wore a silver skull and crossbones on their busbies. As the
commander of the XVII. Army Corps he was brought into close
touch with the German Crown Prince at a time when the heir to
the imperial dignity had been sent to Danzig in order to with-
draw him from the temptation of meddling with politics. In
1914, at the outbreak of the World War, Mackensen was appointed
to the command of the IX. Army on the eastern front, and
won victories over the Russians at Kutno, Lodz and Lowitz.
After April 1915 he led the German troops in western Galicia
and helped to break through the Russian line at Gorlice. On
June 20 of the same year he was made a field-marshal. In the
advance into Russia Mackensen took Litovsk on Aug. 26 and
Pinsk on Sept. 15 1915. Later in the autumn of the same year
he was in command of the army sent against Serbia, and in 1916
he commanded the expedition against Rumania. In Nov. 1918,
after the conclusion of the Armistice, when the German troops
were being brought home from the Balkans, he was detained by
the French and interned at Neusatz, where, in spite of many
protests from the German Government, he remained until he
was set at liberty at the beginning of Dec. 1919.
MACLAGAN, WILLIAM DALRYMPLE (1826-1910), Arch-
bishop of York, was born in Edinburgh June 18 1826. He began
life in the army, retiring as lieutenant in 1852 in order to go to
Cambridge to study for the Church. He became a London rector,
first at Newington and then at St. Mary Abbott's, Kensington,
and in 1878 was nominated by the Crown to the bishopric of
Lichfield. In 1891 he was made Archbishop of York. In 1899
he sat as assessor with Dr. Temple, Archbishop of Canterbury,
when the decision was given against the use of incense and other
ritualistic practices, and though himself a strong High Church-
man he loyally upheld the primate's " opinion." He resigned
his archbishopric in 1908, and died in London Sept. 19 1910.
M'MAHON, SIR ARTHUR HENRY (1862- ), British
soldier and administrator, was born Nov. 28 1862, the son of
Gen. C. A. M'Mahon, F.R.S. He was educated at Haileybury
and afterwards entered Sandhurst, where he obtained a sword
of honour in 1882. In 1883 he joined the army, and in 1885 was
appointed to the Indian Staff Corps and entered the Punjab
frontier force. In 1890 he joined the Indian Political Depart-
ment, and after acting as political agent in various small states
was in 1901 appointed revenue and judicial commissioner in
Baluchistan. From 1903 to 1905 he was commissioner in Seistan,
also acting as arbitrator on the boundary question between
Persia and Afghanistan in Seistan. In 1906 he received the
K.C.I. E. From 1905 to 1911 he was agent and chief commis-
sioner in Baluchistan, and from 1911 to 1914 Foreign Secretary
to the Government of India. He was appointed Master of Cere-
monies to King George V. during his visit to India (1912) and
in 1914 became first High Commissioner for Egypt under the
British Protectorate. He retired from this office in 1916 and was
created G.C.M.G.
MACNAGHTEN, EDWARD MACNAGHTEN, BARON (1830-
1913), British judge, was born in London Feb. 3 1830, the
son of Sir Edmund Macnaghten, 2nd bart., of Dundarave, co.
Antrim, whose baronetcy he succeeded to on the death of his
elder brother, the 3rd bart., in 191 1. He was educated at Queen's
College, Belfast, and Trinity College, Cambridge, where he was
bracketed senior classic in 1852. He was an enthusiastic oarsman,
winning the Colquhoun sculls at Cambridge (1851), and the
diamond sculls at Henley (1852). He was called to the bar in
1857, and became Q.C. in 1880, and a lord of appeal and life peer
in 1887, having previously refused a judgeship. He sat as Con-
servative member for co. Antrim from 1880-5, anc l f r co-
Antrim (northern division) from 1885-7. Among the many
important cases in which he came into prominence as a lord of
appeal were the Taff Vale case of 1900-1, the Osborne judgment
of 1909, both of these being concerned with points of trade-
union law, and the Scottish Church case of 1904. He was also
one of the arbitrators in the boundary dispute of 1899 between
Chile and Argentina. Lord Macnaghten died in London Feb. 1 7
1913. His life peerage became extinct, but he was succeeded as
5th bart. by his son Edward (1850-1914).
MACNAMARA, THOMAS JAMES (1861- ), British politi-
cian, was born at Montreal Aug. 23 1861. He was educated at
St. Thomas's school, Exeter, and was afterwards trained as an
elementary-school teacher at the Borough Road training college
for teachers. He taught in various schools until 1892, when he
became editor of the Schoolmaster. He was elected a member of
the London School Board in 1894; in 1895 he unsuccessfully
contested Deptford as a Radical, and in 1896 was elected presi-
dent of the National Union of Teachers. He was elected for
North Camberwell in 1900, and in 1907 entered the Government
as parliamentary secretary to the Local Government Board.
In 1908 he became parliamentary secretary to the Admiralty,
retaining this office until 1915, when he became financial secre-
tary to the Admiralty. He lost his seat in 1918, but the same
year was elected for North-West Camberwell. In 1920 he be-
came Minister of Labour in succession to Sir Robert Home.
MACNAUGHTAN MAGAZINES
829
MACNAUGHTAN, SARAH BROOM (1864-1916), British
novelist, was born at Particle, near Glasgow, Oct. 26 1864, the
sixth child of Peter Macnaughtan, secretary to the British Steam
Navigation Co. She was educated at home in Glasgow, and on
the death of her parents came to England, living first in Kent,
and then in London. Her first novel, Selah Harrison, appeared
in 1898, and it was followed by several others, the best known
being The Fortune of Christina M'Nab (1901); A Lame Dog's
Diary (1905) and The Expensive Miss Du Cane (1907). She
travelled a good deal, and had considerable experience in army
nursing, gained partly in South Africa. At the beginning of the
World War she joined Mrs. St. Clair Stobart's ambulance unit,
and was head orderly through the siege of Antwerp, afterwards
working under fire on the Belgian front. For this she received
the Order of Leopold. In 1915 she went to Russia, penetrating
as far as Persia, where illness overtook her. She returned to
England in May 1916 and died in London July 24.
She had published A Woman's Diary of the War (1915), and a
further account of her work, edited by her niece, Mrs. Lionel Salmon,
My War Experiences in Two Continents, appeared in 1919.
MACVEAGH, WAYNE (1833-1917), American lawyer and
diplomatist (see 17.269), died in Washington, D.C., Jan. n 1917.
After the outbreak of the World War he championed the cause
of the Allies in an article, " The Impassable Chasm," contributed
to the North American Review for July 1915. In his last article,
" Lusitania Day: May 7 1916," published in the same magazine
for June 1916, he assailed the slowness of the American Govern-
ment in asserting its rights against Germany.
MACWHIRTER, JOHN (1839-1911), British landscape painter,
was born at Slateford, near Edinburgh, March 27 1839. He
began his art training under Robert Scott Lauder, and was
elected a member of the Royal Scottish Academy in 1867, A.R.A.
in 1879 and R.A. in 1893. His " June in the Austrian Tyrol "
was bought in 1892 out of the Chantrey bequest. He died in
London Jan. 28 1911.
MADAGASCAR (see 17.270). The total pop. was estimated
in 1921 at 3,504,900, including 17,600 Europeans (of whom nine-
tenths were French), 5,300 Asiatics or Africans, and 3,482,000
natives of whose origin, because of their constant migrations,
little was known. The pop. of Tananarive (Antananarivo), the
capital, was about 75,000. Madagascar is divided for purposes
of administration into 23 provinces and 2 autonomous districts.
Colonization takes place under the system of Government land
concessions, limited to 10,000 hectares each and held under
grant from the governor-general either free or subject to certain
payments. The free concessions are reserved for French citizens,
but land and forests near the railway connecting Tananarivo
with the east coast can only be conceded by auction.
Tananarivo is connected with Tamatave, the chief port, by
a railway 230 m. long, and another railway 100 m. in length
runs from Tananarivo to Antisarabe, a watering-place.
Rice cultivation has greatly extended in consequence of improved
means of transport, which made possible the establishment of large
mills: the export in 1919 was 21,000 tons, valued at 1 2, 436,000 francs.
14,886 tons of manioc, valued at 8,608,000 fr., were exported, for
arrowroot. Mangrove bark, used for tanning, is obtained in the for-
ests, which cover ten to twelve million hectares. The frozen meat
industry developed considerably during the World War; the export
in 1919 amounted to 22,083 tons, valued at 66,131,000 francs.
There were in 1921 eight million head of cattle, of which 420,000
were destined for slaughter. Six factories had been installed and
the prospects of the industry were extremely favourable.
Coal occurs in four principal seams, one of which is 15 ft. thick.
Heavy oils are obtained at great depths. The exploitation of
graphite, which occurs in a stretch of country 750 m. in length,
developed rapidly during the war, 27,838 tons being produced in
1917. Uraniferous and other radioactive ores also occur.
The total commerce of Madagascar, which in 1896 was about
175 million fr., was in 1919 276,140,327 fr., of which imports repre-
sented 98,972,737 fr. and exports 177,167,590 fr. ; trade with France,
the United Kingdom and British colonies was as follows :
France .
United Kingdom
British Colonies
Imports
fr.
40,736,379
12,215,181
27,227,962
Exports
fr.
51,682,000
5,113,000
4.139,771
REUNION (see 23.206), although nominally a dependency of
Madagascar, is in effect a department of France. The cultivation of
sugar, which is the chief industry, continued to develop, the annual
export being between 30,000 and 40,000 tons, along with 35.000 to
40,000 hectolitres of rum. The production of vanilla also made
progress. The general trade in 1918 amounted to 60,582,000 fr. (of
which 16,592,000 were imports), showing an increase of 11,797,000
fr. over the previous year and an excess of 17,642,000 fr. over the
average for the five years 19137.
MADERO, FRANCISCO INDALEGIO (1873-1913), Mexican
president, was the son of Evaristo Madero, governor of Coahuila
under Diaz and a large property owner of Jewish extraction.
He was born on the family estate, Rosario, at Parras, Coahuila,
Oct. 18 1873. His youth was employed in managing the family
properties. During part of 1893 he attended the university of
California. By 1903 he was known for independent political
views, and in 1905 opposed the Diaz candidate for state governor.
In 1908 he began his opposition to the reelection of Diaz in 1910,
writing La sucesion presidential en 1910, which went to three
editions. In 1909 he headed the anti-reelectionist party as
candidate for the presidency. His vigorous campaign was ignored
by Diaz until June 1910, when he was arrested at Monterrey
for seditious utterances at San Luis Potosi and incarcerated until
after the election of Diaz. Being released on bail July 20, he
escaped Oct. 7 to San Antonio, Texas, where he issued the Plan
de San Luis Potosi, dated Oct. 5. It was then evident that the
Diaz election had been legally affirmed. The revolutionists in
San Antonio voted Nov. 6 to begin armed revolts simulta-
neously throughout Mexico. Disturbances began prematurely,
and Madero, threatened with arrest for violation of neutrality,
crossed into Chihuahua and headed the movement begun by
Pascual Orozco and others. The revolutionists took Ciudad
Juarez early in May, ending the prestige of Diaz, who resigned
under pressure May 25. Madero entered Mexico City in triumph
June 7. During the ad-interim presidency of Francisco de la
Barra he was elected President in Oct. and inaugurated Nov. 6
for a term to end Nov. 30 1916. His rule was marked by vision-
ary schemes which provoked party dissensions. Revolts caused
strained relations with the United States. The revolutionary
programme did not become law. Felix Diaz, nephew of Porfirio
Diaz, revolted, but was captured in Oct. 1912. General Bernardo
Reyes, ex-governor of Nuevo Leon, had previously been captured
in the United States and given over to Mexico. Both were
confined in the capital, but they were released Feb. 9 1913 by a
rising of military cadets. Government troops joined them, be-
sieging the national palace for 10 days. Then Huerta, command-
ing Madero's troops, deserted him, and forced the President and
vice-president, Jose Pino Suarez, to resign Feb. 18. Although
promised personal safety, they were killed on the night of Feb. 22
while being removed from the national palace to the Peniten-
ciaria. In Nov. 1920 Francisco Cardenas, the alleged assassin,
committed suicide in Guatemala while under arrest for extradi-
tion demanded by the Mexican Government for the crime.
MAETERLINCK, MAURICE (1862- ), Belgian dramatist
and poet (see 17.298), produced his most popular work, L'Oiseau
bleu, in 1911. It was first performed in Moscow, then in London
as The Blue Bird, and later in Paris and New York. Mary
Magdalene appeared in 1910, and in 1913 La Mart de Tintagiles
was acted in London. During the World War he published a
volume of essays, Les Debris de la Guerre (1916), and in 1919
appeared Les Sentiers dans la Montagne and two plays, Le
Miracle de St. Antoine and Le Bourgmeslre de Stilmonde. In 1921
his play The Betrothal, originally published in 1918, was produced
in London, with special settings designed by Charles Ricketts.
MAGAZINES: see NEWSPAPERS.
MAGAZINES AND SHELL STORES. In the following article
an account is given of the storage of explosive ammunition in
arsenal conditions, in fortresses, and in field warfare, from the
point of view of safety and condition. Administration and work-
ing are discussed under SUPPLY AND TRANSPORT, and questions
of site under BARRACKS AND HUTMENTS and TRAINING CAMPS.
A " magazine " is a building or buildings with passages lead-
ing thereto in which are stored explosives in bulk. A magazine
8 3 o
MAGAZINES AND SHELL STORES
must be under special " magazine " conditions with regard to
precautions against fire or explosion. An " explosive store " is a
building, standing apart from others, used for storage of explo-
sives which are not kept under magazine conditions. A filled
" shell store " is a store in which filled shells are kept.
Although in England the Explosives Act, 1875, expressly
exempts Government magazines from its provisions, the condi-
tions imposed by the Act apply generally to them.
The general principles that govern the arrangement for a
magazine in Great Britain are as follows.
Site. The site should be remote from dwelling houses, and from
embankments for preventing inundations, as well as from any prop-
erty which might be injured by an explosion. The distances away
from buildings in which fires are used vary according to the amount
of explosive to be stored, but 200 yd. may be generally assumed to
be sufficient. Public thoroughfares or buildings having chimneys
should not be permitted in the vicinity of a magazine; and such an
extent of land should be acquired round the magazine as would
preserve the isolation of the site. In this connexion two points have
to be considered : (a) the danger to the magazine arising from too
close proximity of other buildings; and (o) the danger to those
buildings from the effect of the explosion of the magazine. The best
protection is afforded by intervening heights of ground. Failing
that, much protection is afforded by massive traverses of earth ; and
close plantation of trees will reduce the effects of explosion.
Construction. The structural arrangements must be such that
when the magazine is closed it will be as airtight as possible. The
building should be substantially built, or excavated in solid rock,
earth or mine refuse not liable to ignition ; and be so made and closed
as to prevent unauthorized persons having access thereto and to
secure it from danger from without. Every magazine should have a
lightning conductor. The compartments inside a magazine must be
separated by partitions of such substance and character as will
effectively prevent explosion or fire in one communicating with
another. Protection must be provided against weather and damp-
ness, and ventilation cared for. Suitable and uniform temperatures
must be maintained. If a heating system is installed, it should be a
steam or hot-water apparatus, with the pipes detached from the
walls and clear of any timber work. In tropical climates cooling
apparatus may be necessary when the temperature is continuously
or for long periods above 70 F. In every magazine a chamber or
portion of the entrance passage must be set aside for the putting on
and taking off of magazine clothing and a barrier arranged between
it and the magazine. Metal working parts of every kind used inside
a magazine, such as locks, bolts, window fastenings, truck wheels,
rails, and working parts of lifting machinery, must be of copper or
copper alloy. This applies generally also to hand tools. For floors,
a suitable asphalt, devoid of grit, is well adapted, and a rendering of
" neat " cement for linings. Dados of glazed brick may be used to
prevent the cement being detached by packages knocking against the
walls. The interior of the building, and the benches, shelves and
fittings should be of non-inflammable material, or be so lined or
covered as to prevent the exposure of any iron or steel, or detaching
any grit in such manner as to come into contact with the explosives
in store. If the magazine be intended for storing cordite only, it
should be of as light a form of construction as possible.
Working Conditions. Lighting fires or smoking in or near a mag-
azine is, of course, absolutely prohibited. Due provision must be
made, by the use of suitable working clothes without pockets, suit-
able shoes, searching and otherwise, for preventing the introduction
of tobacco pipes, tobacco in any form, matches, grit in any form,
exposed iron or steel articles, or any substance or article likely to
cause explosion or fire. Operations of weighing and packing should
not be carried out in a magazine. Only lamps of special pattern must
be used, and these, when not in use, must be kept in the proper lamp
room. When electric light is installed, the distributing board must
be outside the barrier of the shifting lobby.
For explosive stores the regulations for magazines are modified as
regards the necessity for special clothing, but otherwise the regula-
tions for magazines should be strictly enforced.
For the purpose of storage, all British service explosives are classi-
fied as follows:
GROUP I. including generally all explosives in bulk, and cartridges
if not protected by metallic cases. The explosives in this group must
be stored in a magazine.
GROUP II. including percussion caps, detonators, fuzes, gaines,
igniters, primers, tubes and similar items. The explosives in this
group must be kept in an explosive store.
GROUP III. including inert fillings for shells and quick-firing car-
tridges. The explosives in this group may be stored in either a
magazine or explosive store.
GROUP IV. including various bombs and chemical shell. The
explosives in this group must be stored in a separate explosive store.
Each group is subdivided into divisions according to the charac-
teristics of the explosives, which must each be kept in a separate
compartment of the magazine or explosive store. Packages should
be securely stacked in the several bays, and a clear space left between
them and the walls to allow of free circulation of air and to prevent
injury from damp.
In fortresses and defensive works, magazines and stores, from
their position, must usually be more or less exposed to enemy
fire, and must therefore be of sufficiently strong construction to
keep out projectiles. Heavy traverses should be built round
them. The general regulations regarding safety in magazines
must be strictly adhered to, but as regards storage, variations
may be permitted so as to allow fuzes and tubes to be kept in
the shell stores adjoining the guns, provided that special shelves
are fixed for them. In fortresses, cartridges, shells, etc., are
always kept in batches according to date of manufacture and
filling, in order to obtain uniform effect in firing.
In a theatre of war such definite provision of magazines and
explosives stores cannot be made, except perhaps at the main
base; and the necessary arrangements have to be improvised at
base depdts and advanced dep6ts. Specific instructions cannot
be given to meet all the contingencies of varying- local condi-
tions, and adequate measures must depend upon local ingenuity
and constant supervision. The regulations for safety should
be observed, whatever building or shelter is used.
Wooden huts with corrugated iron roofs can be employed in
connexion with storage of explosives and ammunition; a height of
8 to 10 ft. from floor to eaves would be suitable, and such huts
can be made splinter-proof by layers of sand-bags. A large
storage hut may occupy a space 30 ft. wide by 300 ft. long, and
would be divided into compartments or bays by traverses
made of double walls of galvanized iron sheeting. A floor of
road metal, rammed hard, would suffice. When a building is
not available, a raised floor with tarpaulin supported on a frame-
work, so as to allow of ventilation, is readily inprovised. All
explosives should be kept in substantial cases or receptacles
where possible. All ammunition necessarily kept in the open
should be stored on battens and covered with tarpaulins, which
covering should be removed whenever conditions are favourable
in order to permit of ventilation and to prevent sweating. When
shells are piled in the open they should not be exposed to the
direct rays of the sun.
In the World War, ammunition was arranged in the British
service as follows
i. boxed ammunition;
ii. unboxed ammunition;
iii. trench-warfare ammunition;
iv. miscellaneous ammunition;
v. demolition explosives.
The stacks of ammunition require suitable disposition to
minimize risks of explosion by accident or from enemy fire.
For safety, distances of 400 yd. may be taken as adequate
between categories, and 30 yd. to looyd. between stacks of the
same category. At base clep6ts and advanced dep6ts arrange-
ments for storage of ammunition can be made on more or less
semi-permanent lines. From these dep6ts, ammunition passes
to ammunition parks and ammunition columns where the
arrangements have to be improvised as local conditions permit.
With mobile warfare the movement of parks and columns would
prevent any arrangements for storage, separate from the vehicles,
of more than a very temporary character, as the principal object
would be to deliver, as rapidly as possible, ammunition from the
dep&ts to the particular batteries where it might be most urgently
and immediately required.
For trench warfare, the system of " dumps " very naturally
came into being, in order that there should be at hand quite a
large supply for immediate use, irrespective of the quantity
held by an ammunition column. These dumps would be class-
ified according to the nature of the ammunition, and might take
the form merely of stacks in the open, separated from each other
by traverses of sand-bags and lying at convenient places. For
dumps in the rearward area, convenience of transport would
determine the locality; while for dumps near gun positions, local
circumstances would dictate as to whether the dumps might be
actually around the gun positions, or placed a few hundred yards
away. (F. M. R.)
MAGNETISM, TERRESTRIAL
831
MAGNETISM, TERRESTRIAL (see 17.353). During 1909-21
further developments occurred in various directions in the study
of terrestrial magnetism; and these are dealt with below.
Instruments. The intercomparison of the magnetic instruments
of different countries has long had a recognized importance, and a
good many comparisons have been effected since the early part of
the 20th century, especially by the Department of Terrestrial
Magnetism of the Carnegie Institution of Washington. A difficulty
increasingly realized is the uncertainty whether any magnetometer
can be considered invariable to the degree of accuracy ordinarily
aimed at, viz. lV(o-ooooi C. G. S.) in force and o'-i in direction.
Until this difficulty is surmounted the establishment of any inter-
national standard would probably be premature. The use of a coil
and an electrical current promises greater accuracy for force measure-
ments than the ordinary magnetometer, with less risk of undetected
change. Coil instruments for the measurement of H (horizontal
force) have accordingly been designed in various countries, including
Russia, Japan, Britain and America, but the accuracy attained
remains for investigation. An additional reason for the development
of an electrical method of measuring H is that the Q term in the
deflection formula 2wr~ a (i +Pr~ 2 +Qr~ < ) where m is the magnetic
moment, r the distance is not really negligible under ordinary
conditions. This complicates the observation by requiring three
deflection distances, and the apparent changes in P and 6 in some
instruments raise doubts as to the measure of success attained. An
instrument for the direct measurement of the vertical force would
possess advantages, especially in high magnetic latitudes.
Survey. Survey work on land and sea has gone on continuously
under the auspices of the Carnegie Institution, and many of the
results have been published. This work includes a survey of Aus-
tralia by E. Kidson, and surveys of numerous remote regions in
Asia, Africa and South America. Other recent surveys are those of
New Zealand by C. Coleridge Farr, Belgium by A. Hermant, and
Spain (preliminary) by U. de Azpiazu and R. Gil. There have been
re-surveys of the British Isles by G. W. Walker, and of Japan
under the general guidance of A. Tanakadate. A survey of India has
long been in progress.
Diurnal Inequality Potential. The derivation of the diurnal
variation from a potential suggested by A. Schuster has been fur-
ther considered. Assuming the derivation possible, W. van Bem-
melen and S. Chapman have found the part of the potential repre-
senting internal forces relatively larger than Schuster did.
A. van Vleuten, examining the hypothesis critically, especially as
applicable to quiet-day phenomena, has concluded that the balance
of evidence is against it. A difficulty in the way of any general theory
of the diurnal variation is the varied influence of disturbance. Not
merely is the influence different at different places. At the same place
it differs for the several elements, varies according to the season of
the year, and is not the same at the same season of different years.
Eclipse Phenomena^. Several attempts have been made to
ascertain how magnetic phenomena are affected by an eclipse of the
sun. No final conclusion has yet been reached, but it seems fairly
certain that if an eclipse effect exists, it is small, and probably
represents a slight retardation in the changes natural to the hour.
_ Sudden Commencements. Another inquiry depending on coopera-
tion has been into the simultaneity or non-simultaneity of the
so-called " sudden commencements " (S.C.s) of magnetic storms.
Several independent investigators have failed to find any certain
difference between the times of commencement at remote stations.
It has been found, however, that S.C.s differ markedly in type in
high and low latitudes, and their apparent duration may differ
considerably at different stations. The investigation is complicated
by the great difference in sensitiveness and m type exhibited by
magneto-graphs.
De Bill " Characters." The study of magnetic phenomena has
benefited from the international scheme which has had its head-
quarters since 1906 at De Bilt, Netherlands. Each cooperating
station assigns to every day a " character " figure, o, I or 2, accord-
ing as the day is quiet, moderately disturbed or highly disturbed.
The arithmetic means of the figures so assigned are given in the
annual De Bilt lists, so that all days have international " character "
figures^ ranging from o-o to 2>o. The intercomparison of the " char-
acters " assigned at different stations has confirmed the view that
disturbance is seldom, if ever, confined to one area.
Twenty-seven Day Period. The existence of an authoritative
international measure of disturbance for individual days has enabled
the reality of a " 27-day period " in magnetic disturbance to be
investigated without any possible prejudice. The phenomenon has
been found to exist for quiet as well as for disturbed days. A day
which follows a conspicuously disturbed (or quiet) day after an
interval of from 26 to 28 days has decidedly more than the average
chance of being itself a disturbed (or quiet) day.
Diurnal Variation. Again, comparisons have become possible
of the diurnal inequalities in days, undoubtedly representative of
quiet and of disturbed conditions. It has been found that in high
southern latitudes and presumably equally in high northern
latitudes the diurnal inequality is exceedingly sensitive to dis-
turbance, and more especially so in winter. For instance, at the
station of the Scott Antarctic Expedition in 1911-2 the diurnal
inequality derived from the five days of largest international " char-
acter " figure in each of the four midwinter months had in each of
the elements a range fully four times that of the inequality derived
from the international quiet days (five a month). The type of the
inequality was in this case but slightly affected by disturbance.
" Character " v. " Magnetic Activity." For these and similar
investigations the really important thing is to discriminate between
the magnetic conditions on days of the same month or season. For
this purpose the existing De Bilt scheme seems eminently satis-
factory. But it is otherwise when we wish to compare different years.
There is a natural tendency to vary the standard of " character "
according as the year is quiet or disturbed. " Character " i-o is apt
to mean decidedly less disturbance near sunspot minimum than near
sunspot maximum. To remove this difficulty, F. Bidlingmaier sug-
gested the use of " Magnetic Activity," defined as the mean value
throughout the day of ir (a'+^+y-) where a, /3, 7 represent the
departures of the 3 magnetic components from their normal values.
Apart from the difficulty of assigning normal values, the amount of
labour entailed appears prohibitive. An alternative, suggested by
C. Chree, to employ the square of the absolute daily range, or some
quantity based thereon, has been tried at Eskdalemuir and De Bilt.
It seems fairly workable, but entails sensibly more labour than the
" character " scheme.
Variation of Disturbance with Latitude. A comparison of the
disturbances recorded in 1911-2 at the Scott Antarctic station with
those at various other stations extending from Mauritius to Sitka
(Alaska) has shown a marked tendency for disturbance to be
simultaneously great in high northern and southern latitudes, and
to be less at intermediate stations, whether north or south of the
equator. Again, comparison of auroras with magnetic " character "
figures, got out for individual hours as, well as for individual days,
has confirmed the view that an intimate relation exists between
aurora and magnetic disturbance. This has long been accepted as
true of large magnetic storms and aurora in countries such as
England, where both phenomena are rare ; but it seems also true of
less extreme cases of the phenomena, which abound in high latitudes.
The two phenomena at a station in high latitudes do not perhaps as a
rule wax and wane together, but if we select a number of days (or
hours) when there is bright aurora, the mean magnetic " character "
of these days (or hours) is well above the average. It is doubtful
whether visible aurora is not the rule rather than the exception in
high latitudes. Faint aurora is undoubtedly sometimes seen on days
which magnetically are quieter than the average.
Theory. The various phenomena we have referred to the
synchronous occurrence of magnetic disturbance in different partg
of the earth, its special development in high latitudes, the en-
hancement of the regular diurnal variation during disturbance,
the association of disturbance with aurora, and the " 27-day period "
all accord in a general way with the theory pretty generally held
that magnetic disturbance and aurora are both due to the emission
from the sun of some species of electrical radiation. On the nature
of the radiation there is, however, a lack of agreement. Kr. Birke-
land, one of the earliest and most eminent supporters of the theory,
believed in /3 (negative) rays, possibly of greater velocity than any of
artificial origin. C. Stormer, another eminent Norwegian authority,
favours a (positive) rays. Difficulties in the way of either theory
undiluted have been discussed by A. Schuster, S. Chapman and F. A.
Lindemann. One of the chief difficulties is the scattering to be
expected from the mutual repulsion of ions all of one sign.
When approaching the earth, ions, whether positive or negative,
would naturally spiral round the lines of magnetic force, and so be
concentrated in high latitudes. This fits in with the special develop-
ment of aurora and disturbance in high latitudes, but leaves unex-
plained the occasional appearance of aurora in latitudes like those of
central and southern Europe. The presence of ions should increase
the electrical conductivity of the atmosphere, thus enhancing the
amplitude of the regular diurnal variation, supposing that due, as is
generally believed, to electrical currents in the upper atmosphere.
The fact that disturbance enhances the diurnal inequality relatively
more in winter than in summer would follow naturally from the
very probable hypothesis that ordinary solar radiation itself in-
creases the conductivity of the atmosphere. In high latitudes we may
suppose that in winter the electrical currents associated with aurora
play the part which in summer is largely played by direct solar
radiation.
In the simplified mathematical theory of aurora and magnetic dis-
turbance developed by C. Stormer the earth is treated as magnetized
as it would be if only the first order Gaussian harmonic existed.
Everything is then symmetrical round the axis of the first harmonic,
whose north end according to J. C. Adams was in 1880 at 78 24' N.
and 68 4' W., but moving west through about o -I per annum.
In a theory of magnetic storms S. Chapman also assumes sym-
metry round an axis regarded as magnetic latitude 90. He has
derived mean results from 40 storms recorded at 12 stations arranged
in 5 groups according to magnetic latitude. Confining himself to
storms having an S.C., he regards the " general storm " phenomena,
i.e. the phenomena not dependent on local time, as determined by
the " storm time," or time elapsed since the S.C. The phenomena
varying with local time he regards as composed of the ordinary
diurnal variation + a " local storm variation," determined like the
832
MAHAFFY MAINE
" general storm " phenomena by the magnetic latitude. He discusses
the electrical current systems supposed to " flow in more or less
horizontal strata in the upper atmosphere " to which the magnetic
changes he has arrived at may be ultimately ascribed. The
external currents will, of course, be accompanied by corresponding
induced currents within the earth which will modify their effects."
Taking what he considered an average storm, Chapman calculated
that it called for the expenditure of energy at the rate of about
2XIO 18 ergs per second for 15 hours.
To many minds theoretical researches of this kind are fascinating,
but deductions from them, until confirmed by direct observation,
are just as hypothetical as the theories themselves.
A statement of the respects in which there is a lack of uniformity or
symmetry in magnetic phenomena may thus be of service in more
ways than one. The complete Gaussian analysis indicates in reality
a considerable departure from symmetry round an axis. High
latitudes, moreover, were practically unrepresented in the data
used for calculating the Gaussian constants, while the asymmetry in
the positions of the north and south magnetic poles suggests that the
result of the analysis may depart most from reality in the very regions
where aurora and magnetic storms are most developed. Whatever
may be true of a hypothetical aurora or magnetic storm representing
the mean of a large number, the individual aurora or magnetic storm
shows no approach to symmetry round a magnetic axis. The
magnetic disturbance, though universally experienced, seems on a
given occasion developed to a very different extent at stations having
the same magnetic latitude. Even when there is a recognizable S.C.
the sequence of events is widely different at different places, and on
different occasions varies much at any one station. In low latitudes
the S.C. is a change mainly in H, almost invariably a rise. This
enhancement usually persists for a short time, and is then followed
by a fall, which brings H below its normal value. But even in low
latitudes an oscillation may often be seen in one or more of the
elements; while in higher latitudes the S.C. movement is usually
oscillatory in all the elements, the first and smaller change in H being
a fall. The duration of the enhanced value in H following the S.C.
is very variable. Sometimes it lasts five or six hours; sometimes,
especially in large storms, a reversal and large drop occur within a
minute or two. The superposition, following " storm time," of
disturbance curves, unless these be sorted out, may lead to no happier
results than the superposition of measurements taken from animals
varying promiscuously from a giraffe to a whale. The result may be
to give us a storm such as never existed. The average intensity even
of magnetic disturbance must depend on other things than the
magnetic latitude as defined by Chapman. According to this defini-
tion Agincourt (Toronto) and Kew are very similarly situated, but
during 1911-2 disturbance was almost invariably much larger at
Agincourt than at Kew. Again, the relative amplitude of magnetic
oscillations at stations so comparatively near together as Kew,
Stonyhurst and Eskdalemuir depends on the season of the year, and
is considerably different in different years. Chapman's estimate of
the energy of a magnetic storm depends fundamentally on several
assumptions, the degree of probability of which is at present entirely
a matter of opinion. But the estimate is at all events enormously less
improbable than that made in 1892 by Lord Kelvin, on the hypothe-
sis of direct magnetic action between the sun and the earth. Kelvin's
numerical figure is nearly the square of Chapman's. Before another
nears have elapsed magnetic phenomena may have been sufficient-
. ivestigated to admit of a really satisfactory comparison of theory
and observation, but at present that stage has not been reached.
REFERENCES. The journal Terrestrial Magnetism and Atmos-
pheric Electricity contains original papers and many references. See
also the following: Researches, vols. i., ii. and iii. (Carnegie Institu-
tion of Washington, Dept. of Terrestrial Magnetism) ; C. Chree,
Studies in Terrestrial Magnetism (1912); Daniel L. Hazard, Direc-
tions for Magnetic Measurements (1911); E. Merlin and O. Simyille,
Lisle des Observatoires Magnetiques et des Observatoires Seismologiques
(1910); A. ' Nipppldt, "Erdmagnetismus," in Muller-Pouillet's
Lehrbuch der Physik und Meteorologie, 4ter Band, stes Buch (1914);
A. Schmidt, " Erdmagnetismus," in Encyklopddie d. Math. Wiss.,
6ter Band (1917); The Scientific Papers of the Hon. Henry Cavendish,
vol. ii., Magnetic Work (1921). For surveys of different countries and
results of survey expeditions: A. Angot, Reseau Magnctique de la
France et de I'Afrique du Nord au I" Janvier ion (1911); C. Cole-
ridge Farr, Magnetic Survey of the Dominion of New Zealand and
some of the outlying islands for the epoch joth June 1903 (1916);
A. Hermant, Leve Magnetique de la Belgique au i" Janvier 1913
(1920); A Magnetic Survey of Japan for the epoch 1913 executed
by the Hydrographic Office, Bulletin of the Hydrographic Office,
Imperial Japanese Navy, vol. ii. (1918); G. W. Walker, The
Magnetic Resurvey of the British Isles for the epoch Jan. I 1915,
Roy. Soc. Phil. Trans. A, vol. ccxix. (1919). For expeditions see: Fr.
Bidlingmaier, Kurvensammlung von Erdmagnetischen Variationen beo-
bachtet 1902-03 auf der Gauss-Station im Sudlichen Eismeer (1912);
Kr. Birkeland, The Norwegian Aurora Polaris Expedition 1002-1003
(first section 1908, second section 1913); British (Terra Nova)
Antarctic Expedition 1910-1913, Terrestrial Magnetism (1921);
Kurt Molin, Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Schwedischen Siidpolar-
expedition 1901-1903, unter Leitung von Dr. Otto Nordenskjold:
Erdmagnetische Ergebnisse (1920). (C. CH.)
MAHAFFY, SIR JOHN PENTLAND (1830-1919), Irish classical
scholar (see 17.394). He became vice-provost of Trinity College,
Dublin, in 1913 and succeeded Dr. Traill as provost in 1914. His
provostship covered an eventful period in the history of Ireland
and of the college, and Dr. Mahaffy took an active part in the
questions which agitated the country. He was a vigorous supporter
of the cause of the Allies in the World War, and encouraged the
loyal effort of the college, which sent practically all its young men
who were eligible for service to the front. Though a strong
Unionist by conviction, he believed that the conditions after the
rebellion of 1916 necessitated compromise. At his invitation the
Irish Convention met in Trinity College in 1917, and Dr. Mahaf-
fy, who was one of the members nominated by the Government,
took an active part in the debates. He pressed for a solution of
the Irish question on the lines of Swiss federalism, and embodied
his views in a minority report which was signed also by Dr.
Crozier, Protestant Archbishop of Armagh. In recognition of the
services of the college during the war, Dr. Mahaffy was in 1918
made a G.B.E., the Lord Lieutenant, Visct. French, at the same
time giving him the accolade. Dr. Mahaffy was thus the first
Roman Catholic priest to be made a knight. Dr. Mahaffy held
many foreign and other distinctions; he was a D.C.L. of Ox-
ford, an LL.D. of St. Andrew's, a Ph.D. of Louvain and a Ph.D.
of Athens, as well as a corresponding member of several for-
eign learned societies. From 1911 to 1916 he was president of
the Royal Irish Academy. He died April 30 1919.
MAHAN, ALFRED THAYER (1840-1914), American naval
officer and historian (see 17.394), died in Washington, D.C.,
Dec. i 1914. His later works included The Interest of America
in International Conditions (1910); Naval Strategy Compared and
Contrasted with the Principles of Military Operations on Land
(1911, lectures delivered at the U.S. Naval War College, Newport,
R.I., between 1887 and 1911); Armaments and Arbitration
(1912) and The Major Operations of the Navies in the War of
American Independence (1913).
See C. Carlisle Taylor, The Life of Admiral Mahan (1921).
MAHOMMED V. (1844-1918), Sultan of Turkey, was born
at Topkapu Nov. 3 1844, a younger son of the Sultan 'Abdul
Mejid (1822-1861). He led a quiet and retired life, and suffered
at times considerably from the jealousy and suspicion of his elder
brother, the Sultan 'Abdul Hamid II. On the deposition of 'Abdul
Hamid he was invested as caliph (April 27 1909). He was for
the most part merely a tool in the hands of the Committee of
Union and Progress, and though he was supposed to dislike the
pro-German policy of Enver Pasha, he was unable to take any
effective steps to oppose him. He died at Yildiz July 3 1918, and
was succeeded by his brother Vahid-ed-Din (b. 1861), who took
the title of Mahommed VI.
MAINE (see 17.434). The pop. of the state in 1920 was
768,014, in 1910 742,371, an increase of only 3-5%, as compared
with 14-9% for the United States in the same period and 6-9%
for Maine in the previous decade. There was a significant in-
crease in urban population. The proportion living in places of
2,500 or more was 33-5% in 1900, 35-3% in 1910 and 39% in
1920. In 1910 the rural pop. was 480,123; in 1920, 468,445. The
only one of the 16 counties showing a marked increase in rural
pop. was Aroostook, which is one of the richest farming regions
of New England.
The principal cities of the state, with their pop. of 1920 and
rate of increase, were as follows:
City
1920
1910
Increase
percent.
Portland
Lewiston
Bangor
Biddeford
Auburn
Bath
69,272
3i,79i
25,978
18,008
16,985
i4,73i
14,114
i3,35i
58,571
26,247
24,803
17,079
15,064
9,396
13,211
11458
18-3
2I-I
4'7
5-4
12-8
56-8
6-8
16-5
Augusta
Waterville
Of these cities Bath showed the largest increase, 56-8%, due
to the shipbuilding activity in the World War period.
MALABARI MALARIA
833
Agriculture. According to the census of 1920 the number of
farms in Maine was 48.227 as compared with 60,016 in 1910 and
59.299 in 1900. In 1920 28-4% of the land area was in farms ascom-
pared with 32-9% in 1910. There was, however, a large increase in
the value of all farm property: $270,526,733 in 1920 as against
$199,271,998 in 1910. A large proportion of the farmers, 94-2%,
owned their farms. On Jan. I 1920 there were 226,997 cows and
heifers one year old and over as against 174,794 on April 15 1910.
The receipt from sales of dairy products increased from $6,722,779
in 1909 to $15,543,524, or 131-2%, in 1919. Hay still leads other
crops: 1,326,289 tons in 1919 as against 1,113,390 in 1909. Potatoes
showed a decrease of 10-6% in amount but the value increas2 1
4ll-9%from $10,224,714 in 1909 to $52,339,514 in 1919. Aroostook
county has been very prosperous.
Forests and Lumber. In 1909 an Act was passed by the Legislature
creating a Maine Forestry Division, and providing for protection
against forest fires therein. The area of this district is estimated at
9,500,000 acres. The forests outside the district contain about
4.500.000 acres. The average yearly cut along the Penobsoot alona
is more than 150,000,000 ft. b.m. Maine stands se:ond only to Ne v
York in the manufacture of pulp an.! paper, and was first in t'i2
year 1916. Two great industries flourish in Maine on account of i;s
rich possession of fine white birch -spool making and the wood
novelty business. The International Paper Co. has developed Ru.n-
ford Falls from a straggling village to a lively progressive town whose
pop. has increased from 3,770 in 1900 to 8,576 in 1920. Millinocket,
the centre of the Great Northern Paper Co., has also been made
among the most progressive of new towns.
Shipbuilding and Fisheries. The World War revived what was
once a great industry in Maine, shipbuilding. Up to 1900 more than
half the ocean vessels of the nation were built in Maine, but in 1916
only about 10,000 tons of merchant shipping was launched in the
state. In 1917 over 40,000 tons was completed and in 1918 over
80.000 tons. The revival of the industry made Bath a boom town
and also affected other coast towns, particularly Rockland, Camden,
Belfast and Stockton. Maine lost the first American ship sunk by
the Germans, the " William P. Frye," built and owned by Arthur
Sewell & Co., destroyed by the German cruiser " Prinz Eitel Fried-
rich " Jan. 28 1915. Maine in 1918 appropriated over $30,000 for the
protection and development of the fishing industry. The state
department maintains II fish hatcheries, chiefly for stocking the
inland waters of the state with salmon and trout. In 1909 the
Labour Bureau in a careful investigation estimated that 400,000
visitors from other states came to Maine annually to fish, hunt or
spend their vacations.
Manufactures. In 1920 there were 16 mills in the state devoted
to the manufacture of cotton goods. In 1917 the total value of the
product was $29,239,167. In the same year there were 58 woollen-
mills employing 8,440 workers. The cotton-mills occupy the large
sources of power on the main rivers, while the woollen-mills located
on the smaller streams are more scattered. In the 10 years ending
with 1920 there have been no unusual developments in manufac-
turing except for an increasing realization on the part of the people
of the value of water-power, and a go:>d deal of political and indus-
trial agitation has arisen on that question. The organization of the
state Chamber of Commerce and Agricultural League in 1919 is an
important landmark in the industrial history of the state.
Administration and Finance. Since 1910 there have been adopted
IO amendments to the state constitution. The most important of
these provide for the permanent establishment of Augusta as the
state capital; for the issuing of bonds for the building and mainte-
nance of state highways; for the issuing of bonds for a state pier and
for the limitation of the state debt. The bonded debt of the state
increased from only $698,000 in 1909 to $6,273,000 in 1917 and to
$8,902,300 on Dec. 31 1920. This increase was largely due to high-
way construction.
Education. Maine has enacted much progressive legislation for
education; but on account of her large area and scattered rural
population the problem of giving educational advantages to all the
children is one of unusual difficulty. Much progress has been made
by the abandonment of the small, weak school of less than eight
pupils and the centralization of schools by the transportation of the
children. But transportation in the rigorous winters and over the
country roads in the springtime is not easy. The state Department
of Education has endeavoured by a wise system of subsidies to build
up the rural schools and has provided for such teachers special induce-
ments. Maine had (1920) 228,489 inhabitants between the ages of
5 and 21; and of these 131,313 were enrolled in the elementary
schools and 23,291 in the secondary schools, high schools and
academies. The state has done much to advance vocational train-
ing through legislation that gives assistance to towns for courses in
manual training, domestic science and agriculture.
History. In Jan. 191 1 Frederick W. Plaisted was inaugurated
governor, the first Democrat to hold that office since 1880.
The same month Charles F. Johnson, of Waterville, a Demo-
crat, was chosen U.S. senator; and in Sept. another Democrat,
Obadiah Gardner, of Rockland, was appointed senator. This was
the first time since the Civil War that the Democrats had held
these three major offices. In Sept. 1911 the state voted on the
repeal of the prohibitory amendment to the constitution; in an
extraordinary vote the amendment was retained by 60,853
votes to 60,095. The surprisingly large vote for repeal was due
in large measure to the disgust of the voters at the lax enforce-
ment of the law. It is interesting to note that this large vote
against prohibition in the state of Neal Dow came only a few
years before the adoption of national prohibition. At the same
election a law which applied the direct primary to all candidates
for state and county office was passed. In the Nov. election of
1912 Woodrow Wilson won the electoral vote of Maine by
reason of the split in the Republican ranks between Taft and
Roosevelt. In 1916 the split was healed, and Maine has since
that time run true to form as a Republican state. In 1917 the
Legislature was much concerned with the question of water-
power, and under the leadership of Percival P. Baxter, of Port-
land (afterwards governor), refused to allow the transmission of
power outside of the state. In Sept. 1917 in a referendum woman
suffrage was overwhelmingly defeated, 38,838 voting " No "
and 20,604 voting "Yes."
Maine took an active part in the World War, being the first
in the Union in the number of volunteers in the army and navy
in proportion to population, and the second state to organize a
committee of public safety. Up to Dec. 31 1917 over 10,000 men
had volunteered. The first drafted man to reach a Federal camp
was from Princeton, Maine. Maine was throughout the struggle
distinguished for the unity and whole-heartedness of her support,
as in the few months after the war she was distinguished for
having no radical agitation and no arrests of Reds.
In Jan. 1921 Maine had three governors, CarlE. Milliken un-
til the inauguration of Frederic H. Parkhurst Jan. 6, who served
until his sudden death on Jan. 31, when he was automatically
and immediately succeeded by Percival P. Baxter, of Portland,
the president of the Senate. Governors since 1911: Frederick
W. Plaisted, Dem., 1911; William T. Haines, Rep., 1913; Oakley
C. Curtis, Dem., 1915; CarlE. Milliken, Rep., 1917; Frederic H.
Parkhurst, Rep., 1921; Percival P. Baxter (acting), Rep., 1921.
(K. C. M. S.)
MALABARI, BEHRAMJI (1853-1912), Indian journalist and
social reformer (see 17.453), died at Bandora, near Bombay,
July 12 1912. Up to the time of his death he continued to edit
the monthly periodical East and West, and he wielded remarkable
influence with a long succession of viceroys, governors and heads
of departments in India, as well as originating various philan-
thropic enterprises.
See biographies by Payaram Giduma (1891) and Sirdar Jogendra
Singh (1914).
MALARIA (see 17.461). The discovery that this disease
perhaps the most widely spread of all human diseases in warm
countries is carried from man to man by certain species of
mosquitoes was made in 1897-99, an ^ g av e a great stimulus to
the study of tropical diseases, both of men and of animals, in
general. Schools of tropical medicine were formed in conse-
quence, in most of the larger countries of the world, where medi-
cal men could obtain instruction regarding the new knowledge;
societies of tropical medicine and special journals were founded
everywhere; the British Colonial Office established a Tropical
Diseases Bureau and an Entomological Bureau which publish
frequent admirable abstracts of new literature on these subjects;
and the whole of tropical sanitation was powerfully affected
though perhaps not quite as decisively as it should have been.
Nevertheless, as regards malaria, it cannot be said that the results
have been so great as were hoped for. Except for the identifica-
tion, classification and study of mosquitoes (Culicidae) all over
the world based chiefly on F. V. Theobald's monumental book
on the subject and except for numerous local labours of veri-
fication, nothing of fundamental value has been added to the
knowledge which we possessed at the beginning of the present
century. The reason for this has been partly that the attention of
investigators was largely diverted to other diseases which had
not then been so minutely examined especially sleeping sickness,
834
MALARIA
yellow fever, Leishmaniasis, and various forms of relapsing
fever; but also partly due to absence of that persistent individual
effort which alone is capable of solving the difficult problems of
science. There has been no encouragement of such effort, and
even little coordination of the slighter researches which are
always being carried on in various countries. Many important
questions therefore still remain unanswered; and if it had not
been for the exigencies of the World War there would have been
little now to add to what was available up to 1910. Certainly
innumerable papers have been published; but in some cases the
writers are evidently unacquainted with more than a tithe of the
enormous literature; in others they mistake speculation for
proof; and in nearly all they discontinue their efforts before
reaching definite conclusions.
Similarly, the prevention of malaria on the large scale, which
was rendered possible or even easy (in many places) by the new
knowledge, has not been carried out as generally as was hoped at
the beginning of the century. The classical successes obtained
at Ismailia and in the Federated Malay States, in Italy, and
at Havana, Hong-Kong, Khartum, and elsewhere do not seem
to have encouraged the same kind of work in other localities
excepting the long-continued labour of M. Watson in the Feder-
ated Malay States and the brilliant sanitary victory of General
Gorgas and the Americans, over both malaria and yellow fever, at
Panama. The method of mosquito-reduction against malaria was
first suggested and tried by a band of volunteer British workers
in Freetown, Sierra Leone, in 1899, when full details of the
method were published by them; but the work at Panama was
on such a large scale and was so logically and thoroughly done
that it set an example which we can only regret has not been
more widely followed. The reasons for this are that local author-
ities always dislike spending money on sanitation and that local
sanitary officers seldom possess much influence or exercise it if
they do possess it. For a long time also such practical efforts
were much hampered by a school of writers who pleased the
authorities by arguing that mosquitoes are irreducible, and that it
is better to prevent malaria by quinine or by the use of mosquito-
nets, and so on the truth being that local conditions must always
determine the kind of prophylaxis which it is best to adopt. The
history and details of all this will be found in The Prevention
of Malaria (1911), by Sir Ronald Ross, with chapters by A.
Celli, W. C. Gorgas, M. Watson, A. Balfour, and others.
Until the war spread to the eastern fronts British armies suffered
little from tropical diseases; but then the Empire was compelled
to pay dearly indeed for its neglect of investigation of these
diseases in the past. In 1915 a terrible epidemic of dysentery,
both bacillary and amoebic, afflicted the forces in the Dardanelles
and contributed largely to the failure of that expedition. In the
summer of 1916 a similar epidemic of malaria occurred among the
troops on the Salonika front and continued until the end of the
war. Apart from the numerous ship-loads of men invalided to
Egypt, Malta, and Britain for these diseases, twenty-five thou-
sand men had to be repatriated from Salonika during the height
of the war for general disability caused by malaria. Both malaria
and dysentery caused havoc among the forces in German East
Africa and, perhaps to a less extent, among the forces in Meso-
potamia. Not only did this sickness cripple the armies during
the struggle, but it has left a legacy of relapses, both of malaria
and of dysentery, which are now being heavily paid for by the
British taxpayer in the form of pensions and medical treatment.
Towards the end of the earlier article it was remarked that " recent
discoveries have done little or nothing for treatment. Quinine still
remains the one specific." This was true in 1910, and it is this fact
which has cost the British taxpayer so much. But our ignorance was
deeper than is implied in the quotation; for, although we knew that
quinine is the specific for malaria, we did not know exactjy how it
should be used to the best advantage. Malaria is preeminently a
disease which continues to relapse for months and years after a single
infection by the mosquito, wherever the patient may be, however
he may live, and in spite of quinine treatment as it is usually given.
We knew that quinine in almost any doses from twenty to forty
grains daily, or even less than this, was generally sufficient to control
actual attacks of fever in two to four days, and to do so almost with
certainty; but we did not know what dosage to use for the purpose
of extirpating the infection, nor the nature of these relapses.
Numerous speculations had been advanced as to their nature.
Some thought that the parasites enter upon a resting-stage some-
where within the tissues during the fever-free intervals. F. Schau-
dinn proposed as a hypothesis that the sexual parasites, which
generally are not concerned with the patient's fever, suddenly begin
to produce spores asexually when a relapse occurs ; but the evidence
which he gave for this view did not bear careful examination. Sir
Ronald Ross, however, had always held that the parasites continue
to breed in the blood during the " rallies " just as they breed during
the " relapses," except that in the former their numbers are too
small to produce a febrile reaction. He had also long been much
concerned regarding the defects in our knowledge of how to treat
these relapses, and, in consequence, commenced researches on these
subjects in collaboration with D. Thomson at Liverpool. The result
was that, as he had anticipated, the parasites were found to be
present in the blood in very small numbers during the rallies and to
multiply greatly during the relapses. The number required to
produce an attack of fever was roughly about 250 millions (a man
contains about three million cubic millimetres of blood) ; but during
a rally the numbers fall to a very few per cubic millimetre, while
during a relapse the numbers may reach a total of many thousands of
millions or may even exceed one million millions. This suggested that
the proper way to extirpate the infection entirely was to give quinine
constantly over a long period until the last parasite had been de-
stroyed; but the material at Liverpool did not provide cases suitable
for trial of this thesis so that when the war broke out we were still
ignorant regarding it.
When the outbreak of malaria at Salonika occurred in 1916 Sir
Alfred Keogh, the director-general, Army Medical Services, at
once endeavoured to cope with the situation; and early in 1917 he
appointed a special malaria hospital in each Command in the United
Kingdom for the express purpose of investigating these questions,
of finding a permanent cure if possible, and of treating the thousands
of men who were being returned home sick with malaria from the
eastern fronts, Sir Ronald Ross being also appointed Consultant in
Malaria at the War Office. Many of the results will be found in the
War Office publication : Observations on Malaria by the Medical
Officers of the Army and Others (War Office, Dec. 1919). The fact,
mentioned above, that moderate doses of quinine will control actual
attacks within a few days was fully verified, and with very few
exceptions; but it was quite otherwise with the complete extirpation
of the infection which was so urgently required. Almost every form
of treatment that had ever been suggested enormous doses of
quinine reaching one hundred grains per diem, smaller doses con-
tinued for three weeks or more; additional medication with arsenic
and other drugs; continuous doses lasting for a month, and various
kinds of interrupted dosage all proved quite uncertain. Thirty
grains of quinine continued every day for three weeks proved a
bad failure. Intramuscular injections and even intravenous injec-
tions did no better; and the result was that men who were presumed
to be cured relapsed again in a month or two after returning to duty,
while those who remained apparently well even for some months
relapsed later on. That is to say, a large proportion of the men who
had once been infected with malaria became almost useless for
further service though certainly a few cases appeared to have been
finally cured. It should be added that numerous nostrums advocated
for malaria proved incapable not only of checking relapses but also
of influencing the number of parasites present during fever; the only
exceptions being one or two arsenical preparations, which, however,
certainly proved no better than ordinary quinine.
In all these attempts, be it noted, treatment had seldom been
continued for more than one month and seldom or never for more
than two months owing, of course, to military exigencies. But after
the Armistice, when we were called upon to deal with large numbers
of discharged soldiers, a longer period of treatment was decided
upon. In 1918 two whole divisions, full of malaria, had been brought
from Salonika to France and were there subjected to a longer course
of treatment preparatory to their being sent again into the firing-
line. The regiments arrived in an extremely baa condition, but were
ajl placed in camps in the Dieppe region, and the men were there
given 15 grains of quinine in solution once daily for a fortnight,
followed by 10 grains of quinine in solution daily for two and a half
months more. The course, which was designed by Col. J. Dalrymple,
was carried out most strictly under his supervision, and had marvel-
lous results, almost the whole of the two divisions being found fit for
the front at the end of the three months. About the same time large
malaria concentration-camps were established in England, where
cases were given similar treatment but for shorter periods; and it
was found generally that : (i) doses of less than 10 grains daily did
not suffice to prevent relapses even while they were being taken; (2)
doses of 10 grains daily did suffice to prevent relapses while the
doses were being taken, except in about 6% of the cases, most of
whom, however, relapsed during the first few days of the treatment;
(3) !5 grains a day reduced the relapses still further, but only to
about 4 % or 5 %.
The long-continued treatment of malaria had been advocated
previously; but it was now proved to be so satisfactory that the
authorities .decided to apply it to pensioners also. In Oct. 1919 the
Ministry of Pensions established large clinics for tropical diseases;
and the three-months' course was given as a routine to the malaria
MALAY STATES, FEDERATED
835
cases. In one London clinic alone nearly 30,000 pensioners have
been treated in this way. The results have been admirable, and
probably very few men who have taken the treatment properly have
returned. But the 10 grains of quinine must be taken religiously
every day. The explanation of this success is that each dose of
quinine makes a small reduction in the number of the parasites
present; and that this reduction occurs every day until finally none
of the Plasmodia are left. An easy calculation shows that the curve
of the fall in the number of Plasmodia must be a logarithmic curve
so that the treatment must be continued for a long time in order to
reduce to' none the vast numbers of the parasites found during the
attack. Empirically, three months appear to be enough, but in
obstinate cases or in very early ones four months might be better.
Many experiments were made during the war with a view to
ascertaining whether larger doses of quinine administered less fre-
quently would not be as satisfactory as the 10 grains administered
daily. Thirty grains given two days a week and 20 grains given
three days a week yielded good results, but any dosage under a total
of 60 grains a week proved insufficient ; and, in fact, the daily small
dose is more easily and therefore more certainly taken by patients
(out of hospital) than the larger occasional dose, which causes more
dyspepsia and headache and is therefore frequently postponed.
Other salts of quinine besides the sulphate were tried. The hydro-
chloride and bihydrochloride affect the digestion less and seem to be
as satisfactory; the tannate has been much used in Italy, especially
for prophylaxis among children ; and various other salts have been
commended from time to time. Cinchona bark contains many
alkaloids besides quinine and many of these were on trial for a long
time, especially at the malaria depot, Dagshai, India, where Maj.
H. W. Acton obtained the best results for the benign tertian parasite
with cinchonidine and quinidine and with the mixture called " cin-
chona febrifuge." But further investigations are still required.
The fact that relapses are banished or largely reduced while
quinine is actually being taken in sufficient amount is now seen to
account, at least partially, for the supposed good effect of " quinine
prophylaxis " clearly, if relapses are rendered less frequent, the
total number of attacks registered in the malaria returns will be
smaller. But this does not prove that persons cannot become
infected while they a/e taking, say, 10 grains of quinine daily
which is the true meaning of the term " quinine prophylaxis." In
Salonika it was frequently found that bodies of men who were given
as much as 30 grains daily as a prophylactic remained free from
attacks while they were taking the drug but " went down " with
malaria as soon as they stopped it showing that they had been in-
fected in spite of it. Much dissatisfaction was felt at these results;
but probably they would have been more successful if the medication
had been continued longer long enough to eradicate the infection
if acquired. Sir Ronald Ross has therefore always felt that, to be
effective, quinine prophylaxis should be continued in lo-grain doses
daily for three months after a subject has left the malarious locality.
There is also much to be said for the view that quinine prophylaxis
breaks the initial force of an infection when it does occur. But, from
the results obtained at the malaria centres and camps during the
war, any dosage under 10 grains daily for an adult is scarcely likely
to be useful (children can be given a larger proportion by body-weight
say twice as much). These conclusions have been strongly con-
firmed by the work of Ed. and Et. Sergent on the malaria of birds.
Many researches have been made regarding the absorption and
elimination of quinine. Before the war the chemists laid down that
it is absorbed less readily and not more readily as clinicians seemed
to think from intramuscular injections than when given by the
mouth; but this view was not supported by investigations carried
out during the war. Many clinicians, especially in Mesopotamia,
strongly advocated intravenous injections in serious cases, but
analysis of their arguments does not beget complete confidence in
their views. According to classical Italian work quinine destroys
only the young Plasmodia so that 48 hours or more may elapse
before its good effects become manifest. The impatient clinician is
therefore often tempted to think that the orally-administered quinine
has been a failure and to resort to an intravenous injection just at the
moment when the former begins to act and so, of course, attributes
the benefit to the injection. Injections must be given in certain
cases; but the very large experience obtained in the home hospitals
suggested that there is really very little difference in the values of
the various kinds of quinine-administration in ordinary cases.
There is also now reason for thinking that very large doses of
quinine are resisted by the blood and eliminated more quickly than
more moderate doses, and may therefore actually have less effect.
The prevention of malaria on the battle-front was always difficult
and sometimes impossible. Mosquito-reduction in the face of enemy
fire is impracticable; quinine prophylaxis was, as stated, disappoint-
ing; and the armies were obliged to fall back upon mosquito-nets and
mosquito-proof tents and bivouac shelters which were carefully
designed by the British War Office. Better results were obtained at
the bases of operations, especially in Palestine; and a very successful
campaign of mosquito-reduction was carried out by Col. J. C.
Robertson at Taranto in southern Italy. Apart from the war, the
American Rockefeller Foundation, various authorities in Italy,
South America, and elsewhere, and the planters in the Malay States
have done similar useful work.
Even long courses of treatment will not necessarily cure people
who are subject to re-infection while taking the courses; and it is
even possible that they are not so effective during the first six
months or the first year of infection as they are later. It must be
remembered that the results advocated above were obtained among
returned cases in Britain. In old cases the parasites are not easily
found in the blood except while a relapse is occurring; but it must
not be inferred that they are entirely absent in such cases simply
because they cannot be detected in the minute quantity of blood
usually examined by the pathologist; and the statement sometimes
made that cases which do not show the parasites in the blood are
no longer infected, may be for this reason quite untrue. Many
detailed investigations of the parasites themselves, of their presence
in various organs, and of the pathology of the disease have been made
during the last ten years, but have not given new results of any great
importance. The definite objective diagnosis of chronic malaria
among out-patients still remains difficult in spite of various methods
which have been advocated, especially by foreign observers. Lastly
it may be mentioned that the mathematical theory of the distribu-
tion both of mosquitoes in localities and of the occurrence of cases of
malaria from time to time has been worked out by Sir R. Ross and
by Prof. Karl Pearson. (R. Ro.)
MALAY STATES, FEDERATED (see 17.478). This territory
enjoyed a notable immunity from sufferings entailed by the
World War, and was able to make substantial contributions in
money and armaments toward the needs of the British Empire.
The pop. in 1919 was estimated at 1,315,700; the birth-rate was
24-57 a "d the death-rate 29-37 P er thousand. In 1918 the
influenza epidemic caused 5,643 deaths. Malaria is by far the
most deadly disease normally; the death-rate from this was 12-9
per thousand in 1919, but a slight reduction is apparent, and the
work of the special malaria bureau is extending.
The estimated pop. of the several states was: Perak, 622,403;
Selangor, 391,103; Negri Sembilan, 156,679; Pahang, 145,515. The
chief towns had populations as follows according to the census of
1911: Kuala Lumpor (Selangor), 46,718; Ipoh, 23,978; Taiping,
19,556; Kampar, 11,604 (all in Perak); Seremban (Negri Sembilan),
8,667; Kuala Kuantan (Pahang), 2,102. The pop. in 1911 included
the following nationalities: Europeans and Americans, 3,284;
Eurasians, 2,649; Chinese, 433,244; Malays, 420,840; Indians,
172,465; Japanese, 2,029. Out of the total number of labourers on
estates, 237,128 in 1919, 160,657 were Indians. Of these, 59,154
came from India on free passage during the year, out of a total of
71,000 Indian immigrants in all. Chinese immigrants numbered
25,816, and emigrants 26,033. The activities of a Chinese Bolshevist
society working from headquarters at Canton were revealed among
the trade guilds, and many labourers were induced to limit their
output. The Chinese Triad societies continued to cause trouble in
various directions of organized crime such as robbery and blackmail.
Serious crimes numbered 1,002 in 1919 and 821 in 1918; gang
robberies were especially numerous in Kinta (Perak) until two
powerful robber bands were broken up in 1919. In that year 469
persons were banished, 400 being Chinese. The police numbered
87 British and 3,479 Asiatics.
In 1919 important movements for the extension of education were
set on foot, despite difficulties encountered in increasing the number
of teachers and the improvement of the teaching standard. A new
training college for teachers was established at Tanjong Malim. A
temporary scholarship scheme for sending teachers to Hong-Kong
University was set on foot, to serve until more training colleges were
established and pending the opening of Raffles College, founded in
Singapore. In 1919 there were 533 schools, with an average attend-
ance of 27,325.
Revenue amounted in 1919 to $72,135,075 ($ = 2s. 4d.), the
principal sources being customs ($18,024,762), licences, etc. ($17,921,-
677) and railways ($14,957,460). Expenditure amounted to $70,676,-
961, the largest item being upon railways ($26,421,822). The ex-
penditure of the agricultural department was $558,156 and the
revenue $266,360. Important researches were made on the deteriora-
tion of rubber in storage, which was found to be due mainly to
surface oxidation, from which it is indicated that the slab form is
preferable to the crfiped form for storage. The mouldy rot disease
(in Negri Sembilan) and the brown bast disease were further investi-
gated. A Government experimental coco-nut plantation has been
started. The forest department had in 1919 a surplus of revenue
amounting to $490,877, and over 10 per cent of the total area of the
states is in reserved forest. The commercial timbers of the country
are in process of being scientifically investigated, and the distillation
of native woods has also been made a subject of research.
The mines of the territory employed 113,107 hands in 1919.
Revenues from mining, exclusive of special war taxes, amounted to
$10,489,185. Tin was exported to the amount of 620,518 piculs (of
I33i lb.), and the average price per picul was $120.68, as against
$150.62 in the preceding year. In the early part of 1919 tin was
unsalable locally, and the Government bought from the local mines
pending the reestablishment of the market, the subsequent sales
realizing nearly $1,000,000 profit. Other minerals were produced as
8 3 6
MALAY STATES, NON-FEDERATEDMALTA
follows: tungsten ores, 7,323 piculs (exported); coal, 191,293 tons;
gold, 16,402 oz., of which all but 1,096 oz. was from the Raub mine.
The total value of exports in 1919 was $279,135,105 (from Perak,
$124,733,232; Selangor, $100,848,202; Negri Sembilan, $42,289,333;
Pahang, $11,264,338), the principal articles, in addition to the
minerals already mentioned, being rubber and copra. Imports in the
same year were valued at $1 18,854,965. One thousand one hundred
and twenty-two merchant vessels, including 197 ocean-going
steamers, called at Port Swettenham, over 97 % being British. There
were 949 m. of railway with 212 stations open at the end of 1919.
Connexion was established between the Malayan and Siamese rail-
ways in 1918, and a service between Singapore and Bangkok was
inaugurated, the journey occupying four days. The length of
metalled roads in 1919 was 2,362 m. (Perak, 835; Selangor, 763;
Negri Sembilan, 420; Pahang, 344) ; of earth roads, 158 m. ; of paths
(other than the smallest), 1,791 m.
The telegraph and telephone system was extended by over 800 m.
of line between 1910 and 1919, and in the latter year amounted to
2,372 m., in addition to which the postal and telegraph department of
the Federated States had 121 m. of line in Johor. (O. J. R. H.)
MALAY STATES, NON-FEDERATED (see 17.482). (i) Johor
(see. 15.475). A British general adviser to the Sultan was lent by
the Federated Malay States Government in 1910, and other
officers of the same service were seconded to conduct Govern-
ment departments in Johor. In subsequent years the prosperity
of the state was greatly enhanced; the administration was im-
proved, roads and railways were extended, and a trigonometrical
survey was undertaken. Town boards were created in Johor
Bahru, the capital, Bandar Maharani, and Penggaram (Batu
Pahat) , and effected improvements in sanitation, etc.
With increased prosperity came a great increase in pop. ; the pop.
according to the census of 1911 was 180,412, but a conservative
estimate in 1919 put it at 300,000. In 1919 revenue amounted to
$11,002,777 ($=2s. 4d.) and expenditure to $8,223,862, the rev-
enue being almost exactly double, and the expenditure more than
double, that in 1915. Imports were valued in 1919 at $29,524,700,
and exports at $71,279,930. In 1915, 9,197 tons of rubber were
exported; in 1919, 27,890 tons, valued at $53,203,400. Copra,
areca nuts, tin, tapioca and gambier were the other chief exports.
The development of tin-mining dates almost wholly from 1911; it
is carried on principally in two fields, Merging and Kota Tinggi.
The new educational system of Johor, in which English is taught
concurrently with Malay, appears certain of success. In 1919 there
were 71 vernacular schools with an average attendance of 3,058,
and the attendance at English schools was 693, the chief being the
Bukit Zahara school at Johor Bahru, which has been reconstructed.
The state had in 1919 a military force numbering 590; a detach-
ment was employed in the defence of Singapore, 1915-9.
(2) Kelantan. Pop. (1911), 286,751. Revenue (1910), $1,141,-
444; expenditure, $1,065,012. Exports (1919), $5,467,424; im-
ports $3,876,679. Out of the total exports, rubber represented
a value of $3,577,127. The total value of direct trade, or trade
other than with the Straits Settlements and Malay States, was
$1,847,115, the export trade being almost wholly with the United
Kingdom ($641,515), while imports were from that country,
the Netherlands, India and Siam.
In 1912 the agreement between the Sultan and the Duff Develop-
ment Co. was determined, and the Government renewed the sover-
eign powers previously conceded to the company over nearly two-
thirrls of the area of the state. The company retained various
agricultural and mineral rights, but mining remained almost unde-
veloped down to 1920. In 1919, however, an agreement was made
with Chinese interests for the working of a mineral area in the
Nenggiri, and a little tin ore was exported from the Bukit Yong
concession in the Kamuning district.
A ferry service between Kota Bharu (capital of Kelantan) and
Plekbang was reopened in Sept. 1919.
(3) Trengganu. Pop. (1911), 146,920. In 1918-9, when there
was a serious shortage of rice and other food supplies, 3,000
persons were reported to have emigrated from northern Treng-
ganu to Kelantan, and many villages were abandoned.
After the suzerainty of this and other states was transferred to
Great Britain by Siam under treaty of 1909, the Sultan of Trengganu
only agreed to the appointment of a British agent with the functions
of a consular official. In May 1919, however, he agreed to receive a
British adviser and to act upon his advice in all matters of finance
and general administration, excepting such as touch the Mahom-
medan religion. The state remains in a backward condition, but
this important change of regime was willingly accepted, and presages
extensive developments and reform.
Revenue and expenditure in 1915 amounted to $183,723 and
$183,470 respectively; in 1919 to $762,455 and $756,977. Revenue
was formerly obtained almost wholly from monopolies, but these
were retained in 1919 only for gaming, spirits, pawnbroking, and
turtle-eggs. This last peculiar monopoly yielded between $5,000 and
$6,000. Other former monopolies, such as customs and opium,
which were farmed out, yielded greatly enhanced sums under direct
Government control.
Complete trade returns for the state are not kept, but imports
into the port of Kuala Trengganu were valued at $2,417,645 in
1919, and exports at $1,718,428. Figures for the Singapore-Treng-
ganu trade showed a value of $1,911,014 for imports into Trengganu,
and of $3,816,670 for exports. The chief exports were dried fish, tin
ore, wolfram ore, copra, Para rubber and silk sarongs. The export
of tin ore to Singapore was 10,194 piculs in 1918 and 10,580 in 1919;
of wolfram ore 10,368 and 9,408 piculs in the same years. The tin-
mining industry, in Kemaman district, is chiefly in European and
Chinese hands. Wolfram is worked in the same district and in Dun-
gun; considerable attention has recently been given to prospecting,
and extensive deposits of graphite and magnetite have been located.
Complaint was made, however, of the corrupt condition of the land
department, and the appointment of a European commissioner of
lands was urged. Rubber plantations are mainly in Danish hands;
the state is not self-supporting in the principal food crops; agricul-
tural development on commercial lines attracts mainly Europeans,
Chinese and Japanese; and the fish trade is held by Chinese agents
of firms in Singapore. The advance in commercial prosperity it may
be observed, has not been conspicuously reflected in improved condi-
tions for the peasantry.
(4) Kedah. Pop., 1911, 245,986; 1919 (est'd), 300,000. The
influenza epidemic of 1918-9 was exceptionally severe, notably
among Malays and Tamils, but less among the Chinese. Rev-
enue (1919), $4,941,484; expenditure, $4,282,038.
Complete trade returns are wanting, but the chief exports are
rubber, tapioca and sago, tin ore, live stock and poultry, and
normally rice. But the general shortage of rice in Malayan and
adjacent countries in 1918-9 led to such heavy export from Kedah
that in Feb. 1919 it was necessary to prohibit export of paddy, and
to control the home distribution and milling. The output of tin ore
in 1919 was 11,799 piculs, but this represents a decrease, and the
known tin-fields were becoming exhausted. "In the same year the
largest-yielding wolfram workings in the British Malay States, at
Sintok, North Kedah, were closed down owing to the fall in price of
tungsten. The yield of timber from forests under the forest depart-
ment was nearly 15,000 tons, but accessible timber was becoming
scarce and rising in price, and its want delayed many public works.
The export and import of cattle, pigs, sheep and goats continued
large though somewhat declining. Cattle and cattle-sales are licensed
and registered, and for a better control of the trade with Siam a
quarantine station was established for all the British Malay States
at Pedang Besar, Perils. Agricultural estates (of which there were
202 of loo ac. or more in 1919) employed 35,673 labourers; most of
these lands were under rubber cultivation.
The educational system of this state has notably advanced. Two
Government English schools were maintained in 1919, at Alor Star
and Sungei Patani, with 294 pupils, mostly Malays and Chinese.
There were 60 vernacular schools: average attendance 4,867.
The Public Works Department maintained 314 m. of streets,
metalled roads, earth roads, and bridlepaths, and 165 m. of canals
in North Kedah.
(5) Perils. Pop., 1911, 32,746; 1919 (est'd), 36,000. Revenue
(1919), $294,044; expenditure, $243,885. Copra, tin ore, fish,
live stock and paddy were chief exports.
Perlis has not, like other Malay states, neglected its native agricul-
tural pursuits in favour of those of greater commercial value, and it
escaped the food shortage common to neighbouring countries in
1918-9. The output of tin ore, 1,896 piculs in 1919, was declining;
stream tin appeared to be exhausted, and the revenue from royalties
on tin ore declined to $15,897 from $26,948 in 1918. The guano hills
had ceased to be worked for export. An outcrop of coal at Bukit
Arang has been prospected, but the signs of petroleum had not
been exploited in 1921. (O. J. R. H.)
MALTA (see 17.507). The constitution, as set forth in the
letters patent of June 3 1903, was amended Dec. 30 1909, when
two elected members of the Legislative Council were given scats
on the Executive Council. For some' time previous to 1919 a
scheme was being worked out for the further modification of
the terms of the constitution. In Sept. 1919 the Under-
secretary of State for the Colonies (Col. Amery) visited Malta
and discussed the various projects put forward. On June 12
1920 the governor (Field-Marshal Lord Plumer) communicated
the decision of His Majesty's Government to grant a constitu-
tion which provided for responsible control by the Maltese of
local affairs. The letters patent, promulgated on April 30 1021,
came into force on May 16 and provided for the creation of a
Senate of 16 members and a Legislative Council of 32-40, elected
MANCHESTER
837
on a proportional basis and controlling its own ministers. The
Ministry is to consist of not more than 7, representing the
Colonial Secretary's office, Justice, the Treasury, Public Works,
Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce. Judges are to be ap-
pointed by the Government in Council, and can only be removed
by a joint address of the Legislature.
Each House will make its own standing orders and rules and
define its privileges, such powers, however, not to exceed those of the
British House of Commons. Debates may be conducted in English,
Italian or Maltese, but all official entries must be in English only.
All persons inhabiting the colony are to have full religious liberty.
No person is to be subjected to any disability or exclusion from
office on the ground of religion. (A covering despatch suggested
that the Legislature, at its first sitting, should declare Roman
Catholicism the State religion.) English is to be the official language
of the colony, but English and Italian are to be recognized as
equal languages of culture, and Maltese is to be allowed in the
elementary schools. Italian is to be the official language of record
in the law courts, but not only English people but any person who
is not Maltese may claim to be tried in the English language.
By the new letters patent the power to make laws regarding
'reserved matters" including everything pertaining to de-
fence, the control of the naval, military and air forces, wireless,
territorial waters, imperial property and interests, external
trade, coinage, immigration, naturalization, treaties and rela-
tions with foreign states remains in the hands of the governor
and commander-in-chief assisted by a nominated council con-
sisting of the lieutenant-governor and a legal adviser as ex
cfficio members, and an officer of the navy, army and air force.
Legislation by order in council is abolished.
The civil pop. on April i 1920, including Gozo (see 12.305)
and Comino, was estimated at 224,859 as compared with 211,864
according to the census of April 2 1911. The death-rate in
1918-9, when influenza was rife, rose to 26-3 per 1,000 as against
an average of 22-9 during 1910-20. The more rigorous sanitary
measures imposed since 1910 and the enforced observation of
flocks -341 sheep and goats infected with undulant fever were
destroyed in 1919-20 have contributed to raising the general
standard of health.
Critical economic conditions manifested themselves after the
cessation of war activities. The number of unemployed was
swollen in 1919 by the discharge of about 15,000 men from the
naval and military establishments, and an emigration commit-
tee was perforce established to investigate the most suitable
outlets for Maltese labour and to assist emigration in every
possible way. The number of emigrants in 1919-20 reached the
high total of 5,600, of whom 700 secured employment on recon-
struction work in France, and over 2,000, chiefly skilled arti-
sans, attracted by high wages, went to the United States, and
1,268 were awaiting passports on March 31 1920. The distress
prevailing among the poorer classes compelled the authorities
to continue the bread subsidy in 1920, and a Grant in Aid of
250,000 was made by the Imperial Government to this end.
General want and discontent, however, led to serious disorders,
and in June 1920 considerable damage, including the burning
of a flour-mill, was done to property.
On Aug. 31 1919 the number of Government day schools was 121
(102 Malta and 19 Gozo), with a total of 20,291 scholars; pupils
attending secondary schools numbered 765. In Sept. 1919 the
minimum age for admission was fixed at the age of six years.
The total expenditure for the year on elementary education was
45.374-
During 1918-20 further archaeological investigation of the pre-
historic temple at Tarxien was pursued ; wall tombs of the Punic
and Roman periods were discovered near Rabat ; and a number of
prehistoric cart tracks were discovered and mapped in the north-
west of the island. Palaeontological investigations were also con-
tinued, and excavations at the cave of Ghar Dalam yielded impor-
tant results, among which were the discovery of human teeth
assigned to the Neanderthal period and remains of hippopotami and
elephants.
The revenue for 1910-20 was 650,489 and expenditure 632,233,
as against 463.002 and 410,389 in 1915-6. Expenditure in 1919-20
did not include 160,764 paid as bread subsidy, which was charged
to the grant from the Imperial exchequer. Customs dues are the
chief source of revenue (252,822 in 1918-19). The amount of
British Treasury paper currency notes in circulation on March 31
1920 was estimated at 880,000.
The total area of land under crops in 1919-20 was 42,860 ac., of
which 20,498 were under cereals, 10,569 green fodder, 2,752 potatoes,
2,295 beans and pulse, 920 onions, 630 cotton, and 206 cumin. The
existence of phylloxera in the vineyards of Gozo was discovered
during the year, and immediate measures were taken to deal with
the danger; American immune vines were obtained and nurseries
established in Malta.
The trade (inclusive of goods by parcel post, but exclusive of
bullion and goods in transit) was as follows:
Imports
Exports
I9I3-4
2,589,272
1.154,363
1919-20
4,261,743
918,588
Total 3.743.635 ^S. 1 80,333
Of imports in 1919-20, 54% were from the United Kingdom. The
number of British steamers calling (not including war-vessels and
transports) was 489 of aggregate tonnage 1,292,755, and of foreign
vessels 386 of 583,528 tonnage.
MANCHESTER, England (see 17.544). Pop. (1911) 714,333-
The most important changes in local government have been the
bringing of the city entirely under one Board of Guardians
(1915), and one Board of Overseers (1916). The area of the city
was slightly increased (1913) and a rearrangement of wards
(1919) somewhat reduced the representation of the central
business wards. Among the important schemes completed or in
progress are the completion .of the third pipe (1915), and com-
mencement of the fourth pipe, from the Thirlmere water-works;
the acquisition of Haweswater for additional water-supply (1921),
and the purchase of the North Cheshire Water Co.'s undertaking
(1921) ; the South Manchester town-planning scheme, giving new
outlets on the Cheshire side, and housing schemes involving a
total expenditure of 6,448,102; a main drainage scheme (1911-
21); the purchase of the Stretford gas-works (1921); the erection
of an electricity generating station at Barton-on-Irwell; the
purchase of the historic Free Trade hall (1921); the Town Hall
extension scheme (1921), which will include a new central
library; and work in connexion with Abergele sanatorium (1921)
to cost nearly 500,000.
Manchester's progress during 1911-21 was marked by the growth of
a new warehouse district in the neighbourhood of Whitworth Street ;
by the erection of numerous chemical and engineering works, many
of them in Trafford Park just beyond the city boundary; and by the
development of a university quarter, with the principal hospitals in
the neighbourhood. Two well-known buildings have been taken
down: the reference library (formerly the Town Hall), King Street,
replaced by Lloyd's Bank; and the Royal Infirmary, Piccadilly, the
site now being occupied by a flower garden and by the temporary
buildings of the public libraries. Important new buildings include
several hospitals in the vicinity of the Royal Infirmary, Oxford
Road, the Diocesan Church House with a hall seating 2,000 persons
(1911), the Y.M.C.A. (1911), the enlarged Royal Exchange (1921)
and two or three churches. In 1911 Mr. Andrew Carnegie promised
15,000 to the city towards the building of three branch libraries in
the Withington district, two of which were opened in 1915.
There have been many additions to the university equipment and
buildings, amongst them being the new chemical (1909), botanical
(1911) and physical laboratories (1912) and the Faculty of Arts
building (1919). To its original faculties of arts, science, law,
medicine and music were added faculties of theology (1904).
commerce and administration (1904), technology (1905) and
education (1914). An extension of the Manchester museum was
opened on Oct. 30 1912, providing accommodation for geological,
anthropological and Egyptian antiquarian collections.
The public libraries consisted in 1921 of a reference library,
housed in temporary buildings, Piccadilly; a commercial, a music,
and a foreign library; and 24 lending libraries, with a total of over
half a million volumes. The John Rylands Library, an endowed
library, containing the invaluable Althorp collection, has grown to
over 250,000 volumes, and had a new wing added in 1920.
The public parks and open spaces numbered over 70 in 1921.
Among recent additions are two bearing the names of their donors:
the Fletcher Moss Playing Fields, Didsbury (1913-20), and the
Broadhurst Park, Moston (1920).
As the seat of the Halle and other concerts and of the Royal
Manchester College of Music, Manchester takes a leading place in
the musical world. The Gentlemen's Concert Society, founded
nearly 200 years earlier, ceased to exist in 1920.
Though best known as the business and warehousing centre of the
cotton industry, Manchester has also become a great manufacturing
and distributing centre for chemicals and dyes, and some of the
greatest engineering workshops in the world are in the city or its
immediate neighbourhood. Motor-cars and commercial vehicles are
made, and rubber manufacture and the ready-made clothing trade
are extending. Manchester is also a great centre of the film trade.
838
MANCHURIA
The Manchester Ship Canal, on which the capital expended
has been 17,084,110, was not able to pay a dividend on ordinary
shares until 1915. The port was extended in 1912-3 at Trafford
Park and elsewhere on the canal, and seed-crushing was undertaken
at Partington.
During the World War Manchester's energies were devoted to
recruiting, war charities, war loan campaigns and not unprofitable
munitions work. At the general election (1918) Manchester, with
10 Parliamentary seats, for the first time in its history returned no
Liberal candidate. Subsequent to the war there were six months
of trade depression, followed by a boom period and a slump (1920).
Several serious trade disputes occurred, one of the most interesting
in its effects being the printers' strike (Aug.-Sept. 1920) during which
the local newspapers appeared as typewritten bulletins. In 1921
were celebrated the centenary of the Manchester Guardian and the
quincentenary of the Manchester cathedral. (E. A.*)
MANCHURIA (see 17.552). By the terms of the Treaty of
Portsmouth, which concluded the Russo-Japanese War (Sept. 5
1905), both the signatory Powers agreed to evacuate Manchuria
and to restore China's unfettered administration throughout its
three provinces, with the exception of the Liaotung peninsula,
the lease of which was transferred, with China's subsequent
consent, to Japan. Russia also ceded to Japan the southern
section of the Manchurian railway, from Dalny to Changchun
(514 m.), retaining the section from Changchun northwards to
Harbin. The sovereignty of China and the " open door " were
expressly recognized by this treaty.
With a view to the development of commerce and industry,
which Russia and Japan had pledged themselves not to obstruct,
the Chinese Government proceeded in 1908 to enlist the support
of British and American capital for the construction of railways in
Manchuria. After prolonged negotiations, a preliminary con-
tract was signed, in Oct. 1909, for the construction of a trunk
line from Chinchou to Aigun; but, in the meanwhile, Russia and
Japan had come to a definite understanding for the protection
and advancement of their respective " special interests " in
northern and southern Manchuria. The American State Depart-
ment's proposals for the " neutralization " of the Manchurian
railways (Nov. 1909) brought Russia and Japan more closely
together, and on July 4 1910 an agreement was concluded be-
tween them, which in its operation materially infringed China's
sovereign rights in Manchuria and Mongolia, and violated the
principle of the " open door." A joint protest against the con-
clusion of the Chinchou-Aigun railway agreement was addressed
to the Chinese Government by the Russian and Japanese minis-
ters at Peking, and the project, like that of the British loan
agreement for a line from Hsinmintun to Fakumen, was sub-
sequently abandoned. Later in 1910 an agreement concluded
by the " Four Nations " Consortium, to finance the development
of Manchuria, was blocked by Russia and Japan until their
participation therein had been conceded, under conditions which
secured to them continuance of their privileged position.
As early as Dec. 1905, the claims advanced by the Japanese
Government, in negotiating at Peking the treaty wherein China
perforce concurred in the arrangements of the Portsmouth Treaty,
had given evidence of an intention not only to insist upon the
reversion of all the undefined rights, privileges and concessions
formerly held by Russia in South Manchuria, but also to extend
the limits of Japan's " sphere of influence " in that region. By
this treaty, concluded with China in Dec. 1905, Japan obtained,
inter alia, the right to build and finance a railway from Mukden
to Antung on the Korean frontier, and to undertake the con-
struction of lines from Hsinmintun to Mukden and from Chang-
chun to Kirin. By the beginning of 1911, the " peaceful penetra-
tion " of Manchuria and Mongolia was proceeding steadily
and under conditions generally similar to those which had
characterized Russia's forward policy from 1898 to 1905.
In 1912 the railway from Changchun to Kirin was opened to
traffic. In May 1915, by the terms of a new treaty concluded by
China as the result of the Japanese ultimatum accompanying the
" 21 demands," the lease of the South Manchurian railway was
extended to 99 years (i.e. to 1997), and that of the Antung-Mukden
line to A.D. 2007. By the same treaty Japanese subjects became
entitled to lease land for trade, manufactures and agricultural
purposes, and to reside and travel freely in South Manchuria. In
1917 the whole of the railway system of Korea was linked up with
the South Manchurian railway and placed under its administration.
Under these conditions the activities and influence of the railway
rapidly became dominant factors in the economic life of Manchuria.
Controlling numerous branch lines, owning its own coal-mines and a
fleet of chartered steamers, possessing some 50,000 ac. of land adja-
cent to the railway line and independent powers of administration
within the territory of the railway zone, its business naturally
expanded with great rapidity. In 1913 the company carried
4,143,687 passengers and 5,782,161 tons of freight, as compared with
1,888,140 passengers and 2,609,036 tons of freight in 1908.
In Dec. 1915 a loan agreement was signed between the Chinese
and Japanese Governments for the construction of a railway from
Ssupingkai (120 m. N. of Mukden) to Liaoyuanchow in Mongolia;
this line was completed in Dec. 1917. In Oct. 1917 a revision of the
Changchun-Kirin loan agreement was concluded between the
Chinese Government and the South Manchurian Railway Co., the
result being a loan of 6^ million yen for a term of 30 years, during
which period the management of the line is vested m the South
Manchurian railway, on behalf of the Chinese Government. At the
same time a loan of 50 million yen was issued by the Industrial
Bank of Japan for four new railways in Manchuria and Mongolia.
The disorganization of the central Government in China and
the collapse of Russia after 1917 served to increase the economic,
financial and political ascendancy of Japan in Manchuria. As
the result of a special mission sent by the Japanese Government
to Washington in 1917, an exchange of Notes took place between
Secretary Lansing and Viscount Ishii, in which the United
States recognized that " Japan has special interests in China,
particularly in that part to which her possessions are contiguous."
The precise significance of the term " special interests " was unde-
fined. As the result, however, of the negotiations initiated by
the United States in July 1918, for the establishment of a four-
Power consortium to cooperate in Chinese finance, and of the
subsequent pourparlers between the British and Japanese Govern-
ments on the same subject, the latter finally agreed (May 10
1920) to withdraw the claims, previously put forward by the
Japanese bankers, to exclude from the scope of the Consortium
" all the rights and options held by Japan in the regions of
Manchuria and Mongolia where Japan has special interests."
The position adopted alike by the British, French and American
Governments in regard to this question was based on the ground
that Manchuria is an integral part of China, and on the desir-
ability of eliminating all spheres of influence together with their
special claims to industrial preference. The Japanese Govern-
ment, in modifying its general claims and withdrawing its par-
ticular reservation of certain railways from the scope of the
Consortium's operations, placed it on record that it did so because
of the British Government's repeated assurance that the Consor-
tium would not " direct any activities affecting the security of
the economic life and national defence of Japan, and that the
Japanese Government might firmly rely upon the good faith of
the Powers concerned to refuse to countenance any operations in-
imical to such interests." The whole question came up for further
inquiry at the Washington Conference at the close of 1921.
The economic progress achieved in Manchuria had been very
rapid since 1912, and much of the expansion of its trade and
industries must undoubtedly be ascribed to the enterprise
shown by the Japanese in the development of mines, forestry
and agriculture, and in the provision of improved transport,
communications and currency.
The accompanying figures not only show the rapid increase of
South Manchuria's trade, but they reflect the effects of the Russian
debacle upon the commerce of the northern province.
There are five Chinese Customs collecting stations m Northern
Manchuria, namely: Aigun, Sansing, Manchouli, Harbin and Sui-
fenho. In South Manchuria, there are six, namely: Hunchun,
Lungchingtsun, Tatungkow, Antung, Newchwang and Dairen
(Dalny). The greater part of the trade of the whole country passes
through the last named, which now ranks second only to Shanghai
in the list of China's maritime ports; in 1908 it occupied the 42nd
place. In 1918 56% of all Manchurian imports and 69% of all
exports were handled at Dalny ; it is also of interest to note that in
1917 Japan's share of the foreign trade of the four principal South
Manchurian ports amounted to 123 millions out of a total of 157
million taels. The Chinese Customs trade report for 1919, comment-
ing on Manchurian affairs, observes that America and Europe will
probably continue to purchase Chinese goods through Japan, owing
to the greater freight facilities afforded in that country and to the
fact that Japanese currency is less liable to fluctuation. In 1908 the
trade of Manchuria represented 11-5% of China's total; in 1918 the
proportion had risen to 16-8%. The chief source of the provinces'
MANGIN MANITOBA
839
Value of Manchurian Trade in Haikuan Tads.
North
Manchuria
South
Manchuria
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
41,458,786
37,275,644
56,546,644
41,524,836
27,446,586
150,283,237
164-437,705
161,036,624
209,464,759
289,757,015
increasing prosperity during this period lay in the cultivation and
export of the soya bean, the oil of which first found a market in
Europe in 1908. In 1917 nearly half the export trade of Manchuria
(70 million taels out of 153 millions) represented the value of beans,
beancake and bean oil. Coal-mining under Japanese direction also
gave a steadily increasing output. In 1917 the Fushun mines pro-
duced 2,275,905 tons as against 490,720 tons in 1908. The anarchical
conditions prevailing in Russia and Siberia after 1917 served to
increase Japan's economic and financial influence in Northern
Manchuria, the ruble note being replaced in many parts of the
country by the yen notes of the bank of Chosen, which in Jan. 1918
was given control of the treasury business of the Japanese Govern-
ment in Manchuria. At the end of 1918 this bank had 18 branches
operating in Manchuria (as against 10 in Korea), and notes in cir-
culation to the amount of 30 million yen.
According to the statistics compiled by the South Manchurian
railway, the population of Manchuria in 1916 was 20,112,100,
divided as follows:
Province.
Area in.
sq. m.
Population.
Population
per sq. m.
Mukden
Kirin ....
Amur (Heilungchiang)
Total
90,225
81,018
211,387
11,979,400
5,638,700
2,494,000
133
63
12
382,630
20,112,100
53
The above total includes the population of the leased territory of
Kwantung and the South Manchurian railway zone, amounting to
672,000, of whom 118,364 were Japanese and 376 foreigners.
After the revolution in China the administration of each of
the three provinces of Manchuria was vested in the dual con-
trol of a Tuchun (military governor) and a Shengchang (civil gov-
ernor) but since 1918 the two offices have been combined in one
person in the provinces of Mukden and Amur. Later, towards
the beginning of 1920, the Tuchun of Mukden, Chang Tso-lin,
became the most prominent figure in Chinese politics and exer-
cised almost dictatorial authority.
See Frederick Coleman, The Far East Unveiled (1918); J. O. P.
Bland, China, Japan and Korea (1921) ; The Bank of Chosen, Official
Report on the "Economic History of Manchuria" (1920); Corre-
spondence respecting the new financial consortium in China. Blue
Book, Miscellaneous No. 9 (1921). (J. O. P. B.)
MANGIN, CHARLES MARIE EMMANUEL (1866- ),
French general, was born at Sarrebourg (Meurthe) on July 6
1866. After six months' service in the ranks (with the 77th Inf.
Regt.) he entered the Ecole Speciale Militaire Oct. 30 1886 and
was appointed a sous-lieutenant on the completion of his two
years' course. The following year he went to Senegal and remained
there until June 1892. In Oct. 1893 he went to the French
Soudan, and spent most of the following six years either in that
country or in the Congo (Marchand Mission), being made a
captain in 1897. From 1901 to 1904 he was in Tonkin, and in
1905 was made lieutenant-colonel and posted to the 6th Regt.
of colonial infantry. From Nov. 1906 to Dec. 1908 he served
in W. Africa, returning there for six months in 1910, in which
year he was promoted colonel. From Feb. 1912 to July 1913 he
served both in W. Africa and Morocco and was made a general
of brigade on Aug. 8 1913.
At the outbreak of the World War he was in command of the
8th Inf. Bde., but on Sept. 2 1914 took over the 5th Inf. Division.
In June 1916 he was given temporary rank as a general of division
and placed at the head of the XI. Army Corps. His temporary
rank was made substantive in Oct. of the same year, just before
he carried out at Verdun (Oct. 24 1916) the brilliant attack
which resulted in the retaking of Fort Douaumont. On Dec. 19
1916 he assumed command of the VI. Army. This command
formed part of the group of armies under Gen. Michelet which
was designated to carry out the offensive on the Aisne in the
spring of 1917. Extravagant hopes of decisive victory were
cherished by his Government and the generalissimo Nivelle.
Victory indeed was won, but it was a Pyrrhic victory. Mangin,
involved in the bitter controversy which followed the disap-
pointment, was made one of the scapegoats and deprived of his
command. Later, however, he was exonerated from blame by a
commission of inquiry and placed by M. Clemenceau at the
head of the X. Army. While commanding this army he carried
out, in July 1918 and in conjunction with General Degoutte,
the great counter-offensive on the enemy's right flank which
resulted in the first of the final series of Allied victories. He
was given the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour on July 6
1919, and was made a member of the Superior War Council in
Jan. 1920. In 1921 he was sent on a special mission to South
America.
The incorporation of African troops in the French army on a
large scale, both before and especially during the war, was the
result chiefly of Mangin's persistent advocacy of the idea, which
had many opponents. His conception of a " plus grande France,"
based on political autonomy and military obligation for all
parts of the French Empire, is put forward in the concluding
chapters of his work Comment finit la Guerre (1920), which in
spite of its title is really a masterly review of the whole
war.
MANITOBA (see 17.584). By the Act of the Canadian Par-
liament passed in the session 1911-2 the E. boundary of the
province of Manitoba was extended N. to lat. 60 N. and N.E.
to the point where the meridian of 89 W. intersects the S. shore
of Hudson Bay. This gave the province possession of the two
ports on Hudson Bay Fort Churchill and Port Nelson reserv-
ing certain contingent privileges to the province of Ontario in
respect of access by railway. The effect of the change was to in-
crease the area of Manitoba from 73,732 to 251,832 sq. m., of
which 19,906 sq. m. are covered by water.
The province divides itself naturally into four distinct areas:
(i) the prairie region, (2) the lake region, (3) the archacan
axis or granitic area, and (4) the Hudsonian plateau. The
prairie region lies in the extreme S.W. and comprises some
30,000 sq. m. of ancient lacustrine sediments of immense agri-
cultural capabilities and value. The lake region forms a well-
watered zone N.E. of the prairie region, containing about
40,000 sq. m., with extensive fisheries, forest, and agricultural
products. The archaean axis or rugged region, of granitic and
gneissoid rocks, constituting the backbone of the province, is a
Lauren tian plateau area of about 150,000 sq. m., where forest
trees, minerals, fisheries, wild game, fur-bearing animals, and
water-power abound. The maritime or Hudsonian plateau
country, in the most easterly corner of the province, occupies
the lower portions of the Churchill, Owl, Nelson, Hayes, and
Shamattawa rivers, covering 25,000 sq. m. and containing forests,
fisheries and the varied resources of a maritime region.
The general physical character of northern Manitoba is
rough and broken, though it is not a mountainous region.
North of Saskatchewan river and Lake Winnipeg the nature
of the surface changes rapidly. The country rises and plains
and swamps give way to ridges and limestone ledges.
Farther north are countless lakes and streams, and the
country is generally thickly wooded except for grassy meadows
along the streams. The numerous waterfalls afford vast
potential supplies of water-power. According to the official
survey Manitoba has available water-power to the extent of
3,218,000 H.P. and is thus third in this respect among the
provinces. Only 76,172 H.P. had been developed in 1921.
Population. The pop. of Manitoba in 1916 was 553,860 (294,604
males and 259,256 females). The urban pop. was 241,014 and the
rural 312,846. There were 117,532 families in 104,656 dwellings,
with an average of 4-71 to a family. Compared with the result of
previous enumerations, the tendency is for the urban pop. to
increase in a greater ratio than the rural. The origins of the chief
elements of the pop. were: Canadian-born 332,146, English 90,894,
Scotch 63,452, Irish 50,300, French 28, 573, German 15,228, Austro-
Hungarian 18,001, Indian 13,894, Ukrainian 19,028. The immi-
grants born in the United States were 18,274; f these about 47%
were of British origin. There were about 10,000 Indian half-breeds.
Winnipeg, the capital city of the province, had in 1919 a pop. of
840
MANN MANGEL II.
186,000. Brandon, the second city of Manitoba (pop. 15,225), has
grain elevators, flour-mills, and various manufactures. It is the
seat of one of the Government normal schools, and near it is the
Dominion Experimental Farm. St. Boniface (pop. 11,021), oppo-
site Winnipeg on the Red river, is the centre of the Roman Catholic
interest in western Canada and the archiepiscopal seat. It is a
thriving manufacturing city, and may be regarded as a suburb of
Winnipeg. Selkirk, Dauphin, Waskada, Neepawa, Souris, and
Minnedosa are the most important of the railway towns from which
agricultural products are shipped.
Government. Manitoba is administered by a lieutenant-gov-
ernor appointed by the governor-general in council for a term of
five years, an Executive Council of 7 members chosen from the
Legislative Assembly, and a Legislative Assembly of 49 members
elected by the people. The province is represented in the Do-
minion Parliament by 15 members in the House of Commons and
6 senators. There are 163 organized municipalities, including
cities and towns. A considerable portion in the north and east
is as yet without municipal organization, but school districts
may be established wherever there are sufficient children.
Education. The single public-school system in Manitoba is free
to all reli-ious denominations and has nearly 4,000 teachers and
over 100,000 pupils enrolled. Collejiate institutes have been estab-
lished in Winnipeg, Brandon, Portage la Prairie, Virden, Souris and
Stonewall, and hi^h schools and continuation classes at various
smaller places. Higher education is provided by the university of
Manitoba at Winnipeg, which has affiliated with it colleges of the
Roman Catholic, Episcopalian, Presbyterian and Methodist denom-
inations, also medical and pharmaceutical schools. The medical
school of the university is recognized as one of the best in Canada.
The Manitoba Agricultural College, near Winnipeg, is supported
by the province. The number of schools and pupils enrolled has
doubled within 15 years. The cost of education increased from
$2,840,693 in 1907 to 56,285,878 in 1918.
Finance. Revenue and expenditure were respectively $5,788,070
and $5,314,849 in 1913; $5,524,911 and $5,698,059 in 1915; $6,692,-
985 and $6,860,353 in 1917; and $8,986,076 and $8,544,790 in 1919.
Agriculture. Ever since the opening of the country by railways
Manitoba has been famous as a wheat-trowing country (Manitoba
wheat, from its fiinty hardness and full kernel, is a specialty of the
Canadian north-west; it is famed as the Manitoba " No. I Hard ").
The enormous development in the growing of wheat is evident
from the fact that in 1883 the production was 5,686,355 bus.,
while in 1915 it was 69,274,000 bus. The corn belt is gradually
moving northward. Oats, barley and pease are also important crops.
From the richness and mellowness of the soil potatoes and all tap-
roots reach a {Teat size. Vec-etables of all kinds grow to perfection.
Flax, rye, potatoes and turnips are also grown in quantity.
The total value of field crops in 1919 was $162,462,200, produced
on an area of 6,344,318 acres. The values of farm crops were as
follows in that year: fall wheat $101,000; spring wheat $78,706,000;
oats $41,420,000; barley $20,137,000; rye $5,228,000; pease ii'joftoo;
mixed grains $1,063,000; flax $2,215,000; potatoes $4,266,000;
turnips $663,000; hay and clover $6,818,000; fodder corn $1,520,000,
and alfalfa $256,200. Wild forage plants of many kinds are ab'in-
dant, hence Manitoba produces live stock as well as grain. The
live-stock industry and dairy-farming are becoming more important
every year. In 1918 the total dairy production amounted to over
$11,000,000. Some 40 creameries were in operation producing
8,45.I3 2 'b. of butter, an increase in one year of over a million
pounds. From an importing province in respect of dairy products,
Manitoba within a few years has changed to one with abundant
surplus for export. Manitoba in 1919 had 227,872 milch cows and
a total head of cattle of 781,771. Of sheep there were 167,170 and
of swine 261,542. Hog-raising has been very profitable for the
same reason that all other branches of live stock are lucrative
the stock-yards are not in control of the packing-houses, so that
the Manitoba farmer has an open market. Sheep-raising is making
considerable progress, a large portion of the northern part being
especially adapted to that industry. Though not a fruit-growing
province, Manitoba has made some progress in that respect. Small
fruits grow in great abundance, and orchards of apples and plums
have been successfully cultivated. Bee-keeping is also developing
rapidly, the natural conditions being favourable.
Forests. --Northern Manitoba is forest-clad as far north as lat.
60 N. Birch, spruce, poplar, jack pine, aspen, balsam poplar, pine
and tamarac are the principal trees, and supply sawmills erected
at various points. The value of lumber in 1918 was $1,240,000.
Fishing and Game. Large quantities of fish are obtained from
Lakes Winnipeg and Manitoba, the principal catch being whitefish,
with which these waters are plentifully stocked, also sturgeon, pike
and pickerel. The fish are taken principally in winter, frozen on the
ice and shipped to the United States or distributed to local markets.
Many of the waters of the more northerly part of the province
abound in whitefish, pickerel and trout. The total value of fish
caught and marketed in 1919 was $1,008,000.
Prairie chickens are the principal native game birds, and once
existed in great numbers throughout the prairie country. Ducks
and wild geese are very plentiful on the lakes, rivers and ponds.
There are numbers of elk, moose and jumping deer, and in the forests
and hills the bear, wolf, lynx, fox , marten, beaver and other fur-
bearing animals have their haunts.
Mining. Considerable prospecting has been done in the north
and east and some important discoveries have been made. There
are three promising mineral belts the Pas, Rice Lake and Star
Lake areas. The Flin Flon district is rich in copper ore. The
" Mandy Mine," on which work commenced in 1906, was the first
to make commercial shipments; its ore (zinc blende and copper sul-
phide) was so rich that it paid to ship it to the smelting furnaces at
Trail in British Columbia. The Flin Flon district deposits are
described as extensive and rich, but requiring for development a
very large amount of capital and the extension of the railway for
40 miles. The ore is a complex admixture containing copper, lead,
silver and gold. To the north of Flin Flon lies a territory of great
promise for gold-prospecting, and these areas might possibly justify
the construction of the Hudson Bay railway for mineral traffic,
even if it should fail in its orijinal design as a grain route. Large
gypsum deposits occur north-east of Lake Manitoba. The raw
material is shipped to Winnipeg and converted into finished
gypsum products. Soft lignites occur in the Turtle Mountain
district in southern Manitoba, but have not yet been developed.
Experiments were being made in 1921 for the utilization of these
and other large beds by processes of carbonization and briquetting.
A very beautiful mottled-gray stone, of Ordovician age, is quar-
ried at Tyndall, east of Winnipeg. The entire interior of the new
Parliament buildings at Ottawa is finished with this stone.
Manufactures. Although Manitoba is essentially an agricultural
province the growth of manufactures has become quite marked.
Meat-packing is becoming a lar^e industry. The burning of lime
and the making of brick and tile are important. Other manufac-
tures are wire-fencing, leather goods, clothing, cigars and| biscuits.
In 1918 1,444 factories, with capital $105,983,000, gave employ-
ment to 22,808 persons, who received $23,031,000 in salaries and
wages and consumed $92,600,000 worth of materials in producing
goods valued at $145,030,000.
Communications. Three lines from the east of Canada converge
at Winnipeg and radiate thence to west, north-west and south.
There is connexion south with the United States and another out-
let is secured by transfer from rail at Fort William and Port Arthur
to the Great Lakes. The Great Northern, the Canadian Pacific
and the Canadian National railways gave the province in 1920 a
mileage of over 4,000 m., and each of these systems was actively
extending and constructing branch lines. The Dominion Govern-
ment undertook the construction of the Hudson Bay railway from
the Pas on the Saskatchewan river to Port Nelson (424 m.), which is
intended to give the grain-growing country an alternative short
ocean route to the British market by Hudson Bay usually safe for
navigation from July 15 to Nov. 15. Its claim to consideration is
that it will shorten the distance between Liverpool and the prairies
by upwards of 1,000 miles. (W. L. G.*)
MANN, TOM (1856- . ), British Labour politician, was born
at Foleshill, Coventry, Warwickshire, April 15 1856. He received
a very scanty education, and at the age of nine years started work
on a farm. At the age of ten he was working in a coal-mine,
which he left at the age of fourteen. He served seven years with
an engineer tool-maker in Birmingham, went to London at the
age of 21 and worked in a number of engineering firms. In 1883
he visited the United States and worked there. Returning to
England, he became a Socialist in 1884 and a member of the
Social Democratic Federation. He took an active part in many
trade disputes, notably the London dock strike of 1889. He
became president of the Dockers' Union, and first president of
the International Transport Workers' Federation, and was ex-
pelled both from France and Germany in connexion with his
activities as an agitator. He later became the general secretary
of the I.L.P., and worked with Keir Hardie in building it up.
In 1901 he went to New Zealand, and thence to Australia, where
he stayed for eight years, becoming an ardent advocate of Syn-
dicalism. In 1910 he visited South Africa, and in 1913 the
United States, where he made a lecture tour from Boston to San
Francisco. In 1914 he again visited South Africa to help carry
on the work of the trade-union deportees, and covered the whole
of South Africa in a six-month campaign of persistent propa-
ganda. He became secretary of the Amalgamated Society of
Engineers in 1919, and resigned (per rule) in 1921.
MANGEL II., ex-King of Portugal (1880- ), was born at
Lisbon Nov. 15 1889, the younger son of Carlos I. by his wife
Marie Amelie of Orleans. On the assassination of King Carlos
MAP
841
and of the crown prince Luis, Duke of Braganza, Feb. i 1908,
Dom Manoel succeeded to the throne of Portugal, but he only
retained it for a short time, as the revolution of Oct. 3 1910 forced
him to fly the country. He took refuge with his mother in
England, and finally settled at Fulwell Park, Twickenham. On
Sept. 4 1913 he was married at Sigmaringen to Princess Augusta
Victoria of Hohenzollern (b. Aug. 19 1890), daughter of Prince
Wilhelm of Hohenzollern. Dom Manoel supported the Portu-
guese royalist risings of 1911 and 1912, and in the latter year
met the pretender to the Portuguese throne, Dom Miguel, at
Dover in order to concert a common plan of action. On the
outbreak of the World War, however, he appealed to all classes
of his former subjects to lay aside political feelings and unite
against the common enemy.
MAP (see 17.629). Steady progress was made in all branches
of map construction until the outbreak of the World War, which
had the natural effect of stopping or hindering peace-time activ-
ities amongst the principal belligerent Powers. The war had
another effect, also, in that its special character on the western
front resulted in the demand for a type of map not hitherto
in general use in warlike operations. W T ith regard to normal
geographical and topographical maps, a useful landmark was the
publication in 1908 by the U.S. Geological Survey of an excellent
book on the Interpretation of Topographic Forms. As to the
historical and technical aspects of the subject there have been
some interesting contributions to the history of cartography and
to the study of map projections.
In connexion with the war two matters stand out as deserving
of particular attention: the revival and standardization of the
International Map of the World, and the striking progress made
in the few years immediately preceding the war with the mapping
of the British Empire. The recent history of the surveys of the
non-belligerent countries and of most of the belligerent Powers
prior to Aug. 1914 is chiefly a record of steady advance along
accepted lines (see SURVEY). It will, therefore, be sufficient to
deal here mainly with three matters: the International Map of
the World, war maps, and the mapping of the British Empire.
International Map of the World. The official title of this
international undertaking is " Carte du Monde au JMUionierr.e,"
and it is under this title that references to it will generally be
found. It owes its origin to the initiative of Prof. A. Penck,
who put forward the project of a map of the world on a uniform
scale at the Geographical Congress held at Berne in 1891. The
scale proposed was one-millionth of nature, equivalent to I km.
to i mm., or 15-78 m. to i in. The scheme and the scale were
accepted by the Congress, and an international, but unofficial,
committee was appointed for the purpose of prosecuting the idea.
This committee reported to successive Geographical Congresses
held in London in 1895, in Berlin in 1899, and in Washington in
1904, but not very much progress was made. An important step
was, however, taken at the Geographical Congress held at Geneva
in 1908. At this Congress the delegates of the United States
made a proposal for the definite standardization of the map and
for the drawing-up of fixed rules to govern its production. The
next step in its history is that the Geographical Section of the
British General Staff took up the subject, and a prorrise was
given at the Geneva Congress that, if possible, an official con-
ference should be assembled to deal with the matter. This promise
was carried into effect in the following year.
In Nov. 1909 an official conference assembled at the Foreign
Office in London, on the invitation of the British Government,
and was opened by Sir Charles Hardinge, the Undcr-Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs. The countries represented were, in
addition to Great Britain, Australia, Austria, Austria-Hungary,
Hungary, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Russia, the
United States, i.e. the British Empire and the other European
and American Great Powers. The Conference came to unani-
mous conclusions, and an account of it was published in a report
issued by the British Government.
The object of having an official, rather than a non-official,
or academic, conference was that experience had shown that
without the support of the official map-making bodies, such as
the great survey departments, little or nothing would be done in
the way of actually producing the international sheets. The
scale is somewhat too large for ordinary use in atlases, though it is
somewhat smaller than the survey departments had been in the
habit of printing.
One of the chief features of usefulness in the scale of i to 1,000,000
is that it enables the globe to be covered by a. reasonable number of
sheets, 2,084 sheets sufficing to represent the entire surface, land and
water. If the next largest ordinary metric scale had been chosen
(i 10500,00.1), no less than 8,336 sheets would have been required.
Another valuable feature is that the scale serves very well as a base
scale for atlas maps, which are generally somewhat smaller. Again,
it is not too small for the display of all the main natural and artificial
features of a country ; in fact, it is admirable for general official pur-
poses, so much so that the provisional editions of this map were used
at the Peace Conference at Paris in 1919 for the deciding of the
general lines of the new international frontiers. Its uses are many
and will grow as the man covers the earth. It will become the
geographer's standard reference map. The sheets put together
would cover the surface of a globe about 42 ft. in diameter.
At the Geographical Congress at Rome in the spring of 1913
the scheme as formulated in London was accepted generally,
but there was a feeling that a more comprehensive official con-
ference was needed in order to put the matter before those
countries not hitherto represented officially. Accordingly, after
some correspondence between the British and French Govern-
ments, it was agreed that the latter should issue invitations to an
official conference to be held in Paris in Dec. 1913. This con-
ference took place under the presidency of General Bourgeois;
thirty-four States sent representatives and a very thorough
examination was made of the London resolutions and of any
proposed modifications. In the main the London resolutions
were accepted, and the modifications made were not in matters
of principle but of detail. The scheme had in fact got into a
definite standard form, and the " Carte du Monde au ft'illio-
nieme " is now a world undertaking on lines accepted by prac-
tically all the countries of the world.
The authoritative version of the resolutions is to be found in a
printed report by the Service G'ographique de I'Armee (Paris 1914),
entitled Carte du Monde au Millionieme, Comptes Rendus des Seances
de la DeuxiPme Conf'rence Internationa' e, Paris, Decembre 1913, with
a supplementary volume containing illustrative plates.
The following are the principal resolutions in conformity with
whiqh the sheets of the International Map arc produced:
Each sheet of the map covers an area of four degrees in lat. by
six in long., except that north of lat. 63 it shall be permissible to join
two or more adjoining sheets of the same zone, so that the combined
sheet covers 12, 18, etc., degrees of long. Dut the ordinary sheet, as
stated above, will cover 24 " square degrees."
The meridian of Creenv. ich is the initial meridian and the limiting
meridians of the sheets are at successive intervals (reckoning from
Greenwich) of six degrees, and the limiting parallels (reckoning from
the Equator) are at intervals of four degrees.
Each sheet is describe.! by a letter N. or S., indicating northern or
southern hemisphere; another letter for the zone in which it is, the
zones being lettered from A to V extending from the Equator to 88 '
lat. ; and a number to indicate the sector, the sectors being numbered
from long. 180 E. or W. of Greenwich from I to 60, increasing in an
easterly direction. Thus the sheet which contains Paris is N.M. 31,
as shown on Plate I.
The map is plotted on a slightly modified polyconic projection,
each sheet being projected independently. The lettering is to be in
varieties of the Latin characters. An important resolution refers to
the spelling of place names. It reads thus: " In independent or self-
governing countries, in which the Latin alphabet is in habitual, or
alternative, use, the snelling of the place names shall follow author-
ize;! custom. The spelling ot place names in a colony, protectorate, or
possession shall be that of the authorized transliteration into Latin
characters in use in the governing country, provided that in the
latter the Latin alphabet is in habitual, or alternative, use."
The heights are shown by contours at vertical intervals of loo
metres reckoning from mean sea-level. When these would be too
crowded some may be omitted, but the 200, 500, 1,000, 1,500, 2,000,
3,000, etc., contours must always be shown. " The map shall be a
hypsometric map, i.e. the successive altitudes shall be indicated by a
system of colour tints. There may, however, be published other
editions without altitude tints. ..."
There are other technical regulations, such as those dealing with
the sizes of the lettering, the boundaries, scales (a scale of km. is
compulsory), sea-bed contours, all devised to ensure uniformity, and
there is a diagram of conventional signs to be followed.
The regulations appear to be admirably adapted for the purpose
in view, and in a few years' time it should be quite a natural thing
842
MAP
for a traveller or business man to ask for a sheet of the international
map of the region in which he intends to travel. For students of
geography or history this series, covering the world with maps on a
uniform plan, will be indispensable.
In the printing of sheets of the map, perhaps the most difficult
matter is to ensure that the hypsometric, 'or " layer," tints, which
show the successive altitudes of the terrain, shall be strictly in
accordance with the agreed system. To assist in this the resolutions
are accompanied by a detailed diagram in colour, which serves to
show the exact shade of each colour printing.
The Paris Conference, in addition to passing the very practi-
cal resolutions described above, took an important step in approv-
ing of the establishment of a " Bureau Permanent," comprising a
central office to be located at the headquarters of the Ordnance
Survey at Southampton, with a branch office in London. The
functions of the Bureau are: the publication of an annual report
on the progress of the scheme; the organization of a service of
exchange of information; and the criticism, when desired, of
proofs, drawings .or impressions. Of these functions the first
two are the most important. The branch, or auxiliary, office in
London is the Royal Geographical Society, where visitors to
London can obtain all information with regard to the Interna-
tional Map and its progress. The Director-General of the Ord-
nance Survey is ex-officio Director of the Bureau.
The Paris Conference came to an end on Dec. 18 1913, but
the Report of this Conference was not published when war broke
out early in Aug. 1914. The effect of the war on the scheme was
twofold. First, it resulted in the immediate cessation of all work
en the map so far as the belligerent countries were concerned;
but in the second place it led to a demand for maps on, or about,
the one-to-a-million scale, and so in England and France, particu-
larly the former, much official cartography was carried out on the
million scale, and a large series of maps was produced by the
initiative of the General Staff. The General Staff series of maps
was for the most part designed by a special staff of experts at
the Royal Geographical Society, and was fair-drawn and printed
by the Ordnance Survey. It adheres to the sheet lines and pro-
jection of the International Map and to a good many of the
conventions, but it is not hypsometrically coloured, and from
the nature of the case is somewhat roughly produced. It is,
however, an important series and comprises ninety maps extend-
ing from the Persian Gulf to the Arctic Ocean, and from the
western shores of Ireland to beyond the Caspian Sea. Covering
as it does so important a part of tile world's surface, it is of value
to geography on account of its uniformity and general accuracy.
A high compliment was paid to this series when its sheets were
selected by the Peace Conference for use in determining the
new European frontiers, and the Geographical Section of the
British General Staff is to be congratulated on its foresight in
arranging for its preparation. It differs from the regular inter-
national series, not only in small technical details, but also in
the fact that the sheets were produced by one country and not by
the countries represented; it is an essential element in the con-
struction of the regular series that each country produces its own
sheets, and where a sheet includes portions of two or more coun-
tries the sheet will be undertaken by one of them, after agree-
ment with the others.
The International Map, so rudely interrupted by the war, has
since been taken up again, and satisfactory progress has con-
tinued to be made.
At the cjose of 1920 maps were in hand, or had been published, by
the following countries: Brazil, Canada, Chile, Denmark, Egypt,
France, Great Britain, India, Italy, Japan, Portugal, Rumania,
Siam, Spain, Sweden, United States, Uruguay. Thirty-six sheets
had been printed and 102 were in various stages of preparation.
The main continents and islands would take about 800 sheets to
cover, so that a very substantial beginning amounting to about one-
sixth of the full total had been made. Of course there are many
parts of the world insufficiently explored for the exact information
required by the regular sheets of the series, but provisional editions
can be published of these sheets, and their very incompleteness will
give a stimulus to exploration. The most striking group of sheets
already available is that published by the Survey of India; but
important blocks of sheets were, at the opening of 1921, due for
early issue by the United States Geological Survey (which carries out
most of the official cartography of the United States), and by Brazil
and other States of South America.
War Maps. The trench warfare of 1914-8 in France and
Belgium created a demand for maps on a larger scale than had
hitherto been in general use by great armies. Before the war,
for instance, the French had been content with the black Carte de
I'etat major on the scale of i : 80,000, for the new map on the scale
of i : 50,000, of which very few sheets have been printed, was
evidently not taken very seriously as a military map. On the
outbreak of war, in Aug. 1914, the only map of N.E. France
available for the French and British armies was this i : 80,000
map, except that for certain areas round fortresses there existed
the so-called " plans directeurs " on the scale of i : 20,000. In
Belgium the cartographic situation was much better. Belgium
was covered by an excellent series of maps, based on field sur-
veys and original drawings on the scale of i: 10,000. The pub-
lished Belgian maps were on the scales of i : 20,000, i : 40,000,
i : 100,000 and i : 160,000. The Germans, however, also possessed
these maps, so that the Allied armies had no advantage in this
respect. An immediate effect of the rapid stabilizing of the
position on the Franco-Belgian front was that large-scale maps
became indispensable for the operations of trench warfare,
particularly in connexion with the use of artillery.
With regard to that portion of the line which passed through
N.E. France all that could at first be done was to enlarge the
i : 80,000 to i : 20,000. Of course such an enlargement made an
unreliable map, with errors of hundreds of metres, and, bit by bit,
these enlargements were corrected. But the mere correction of
inaccurate enlargements can never make a reliable map, and even-
tually all the maps of the western front were redrawn from
special surveys, air photographs and revised cadastral manu-
scripts. The methods are described in the article SURVEY. It is
sufficient to note here that the chief scales in use were those of
i : 20,000 and i : 40,000; that the former scale showed the enemy's
trench system in detail, and that all the maps were provided with
a system of " squares," or coordinates, which enabled any point
to be defined within a few metres. The use of " squares," or co-
ordinates, is typical of modern military maps. An example of a
typical trench map of the western front on the scale of i : 20,000
is shown on Plate II. The number of maps issued to the
troops was very large, greatly exceeding all previous anticipa-
tions. The Ordnance Survey alone printed 32 millions of trench
and other war maps during the four years and three months that
the war lasted, and to this must be added the maps printed by
the survey battalions in the field. Altogether the British armies
in France and Belgium used some forty million maps.
The Progress of Cartography. A very noticeable feature of all
modern topographical maps is the increasing use of colour.
The old, black, engraved maps are disappearing one by one. But
however beautiful these maps were as specimens of engraving,
they were never very easy to read, and in no case did they convey
so much, or such accurate, information as do the modern topo-
graphical maps printed in five or six colours. However artistic a
black, hachured map may be it is far less exact in the representa-
tion of hill forms than a coloured, contoured map. But it is
doubtful how long the modern coloured map will last ; the paper
is not nearly so durable as that which is used for the printing
of copper-engraved maps; and the colours are in some cases none
too permanent. Perhaps in some cases in which the maps are
kept in dry presses away from the light they may last for a
hundred years or so; but our remote descendants can hardly
be expected to see, in anything but a very decayed state, the
present triumphs of cartography. These remarks apply with
special force to the " layered " maps; changes in the tones of the
layers will greatly alter their character.
Topographical Maps. The following remarks are necessary to
bring up to date the account of topographical maps given in
17.649. Such progress as has been made since 1910 was made
chiefly before, or after, the war, and not during it.
United Kingdom. First in order of importance, the map on the
scale of one inch to one mile is now no longer published in small
sheets or in black with black hachures, or in brown with brown
hachures. The " popular edition " now in progress supersedes the
old " fully coloured " edition. This popular edition is printed in
colours with brown contours and no hachures. The contours are
w
9
MAP
PLATE II.
TYPICAL TRENCH MAP
Used by the British Army on the Western Front
Jany.4.1917
Scale-i: 20.000
Yards 5 9 , , , , 9 50 , IO P
Metr 5 9 ^ ^
INSTRUCTIONS AS TO THE USE OF THE SQUARES
1. The large rectangles on the map lettered A, B, C, etc., are divided into squares, loooyd.
side, which are numbered I, 2, 3, etc. Each of these squares is subdivided into 4 minor squares of
500 vd. side. These minor squares are considered as letters a, b, c, d (see square No. 6 in each
rectangle). A point may be thus described as lying within square B.6, M-5, b, etc.
2. To locate a point within a small square, consider the sides divided into tenths and define
the point by taking so many tenths from VV. to E. along southern side, and so many from S. to N.
along western side, the S.W. corner always being taken as the origin, and the distance along the
southern side being always given by the first figure. Thus the point Z would be 63 ; i.e. 6 divisions
east and 3 divisions north from origin.
3. When more accurate definition is wanted (on the 1 :2O,ooo or 1 : 10,000 scale) use exactly
the same method, but divide sides into 100 parts and use four figures instead of two. Thus 0847
denotes 08 parts east and 47 parts north of origin (see point X). Point Y is 6503.
4. Use o but not 10; use either two or four figures; do not use fractions (8j, 4!, etc.).
DIAGRAM
x
Z
&
The system of reference by squares shown on the map and described above was used through-
out the war by the British armies on the western front. Although clear and simple in practice it
was not ideal for gunnery purposes. For this reason it was decided shortly before the Armistice to
supersede it by another and more universally useful system (see article SURVEYING: Military).
CONVENTIONAL COLOURS AND SIGNS
Colours. The topography was represented in three colours. The detail including towns,
houses, railways, roads, woods and grid lines and numbers, was printed in grey, water in blue, and
contours in brown.
Military details such as trenches, battery positions, mine craters, obstacles, etc., were shown
in blue (British) and red (German). British trenches were not shown in extenso, but only for such
distance from the front line as might be assumed to be already well surveyed by the enemy.
Conventional Signs. The signs used for objects of military nature changed considerably
during the war as the result of alteration of types of defensive and offensive works.
MARCH MARCHESI
843
now spaced at intervals of 50 ft. from sea-level to the tops of the
highest mountains, instead of at intervals of 100 ft. to 1,000 ft. and
then by intervals of 250 ft. This is, without doubt, a great gain. In
place of the old, small-sheet, black, engraved, one-inch maps, there is
now issued (following on the publication of the popular edition) an
" outline edition " of the one-inch map. This map shows all detail
and water in black, but has, in addition, reddish-brown contours at
jo-ft. intervals. It is printed from zinc and not from copper, and its
form was settled after discussion with the principal representative
engineering bodies of Great Britain.
A new series of quarter-inch maps is being issued, and England
and Wales are nearly covered by it. This series is completely re-
drawn and is printed on the layer system with coloured roads and
water; 12 sheets cover England and Wales, and the series is to be
continued uniformly throughout Scotland, which requires 8 sheets.
The new half-inch engraved map of Ireland is completed and is
published in two forms, with brush-shaded hills, and on the layer
system.
Various special tourist maps in colours have been issued, and a
special series of coloured town maps on the six-inch scale is under
publication.
Canada. An important series of topographical maps on the scale
of I in. to I m. is being published by the Department of Militia and
Defence, Ottawa. These maps, which at the opening of 1921 were
confined to the provinces of Ontario and Quebec, have been in
progress since 1907. Each sheet covers about 25 by 17 m.,; more
than 70 sheets had been published by 1921, covering a total area of
about 30,000 sq. m. The sheets are beautifully printed in six
colours; the contours, in brown, are spaced at intervals of 50 ft.
South Africa. The finest topographical maps of South Africa are
those of the Orange Free State. The State was surveyed by the
Colonial Survey Section, and the maps are published on the scale of
1 : 125,000, or about half an inch to one mile. They are printed in
colours, cover the whole of the State (about 50,000 sq.m.), and are
excellent maps. The northern portion of the Cape of Good Hope is
covered by good reconnaissance maps, of a less accurate character,
but very well printed by the Geographical Section General Staff.
India. In recent years there has been a very marked improve-
ment in the execution and printing of the topographical maps of
India. Too often in former days the most painstaking and careful
work in the field was spoilt and rendered half illegible by poor re-
production. Up-to-date methods of colour-printing have now been
adopted with marked success, and the Survey of India maps take a
good position in the cartographical world. As examples of excellent
Indian work may be noted the half-inch series of the Central Prov-
inces and Central India, and the quarter-inch of the Punjab and
N.W. Frontier Province. But all over the Indian Empire there are
being produced the most admirable topographical maps worthy of
the reputation of that splendid department, the Survey of India.
British Crown Colonies and Protectorates. Since 1900 the most
marked feature of the geographical work of the British Crown
Colonies and Protectorates has been the attempt to systematize the
work and to accelerate the survey with the advice and encourage-
ment of the Colonial Survey Committee and the Geographical Sec-
tion General Staff. The new topographical map of Ceylon on the
scale of I in. to I m. is an excellent production in colour, providing a
great mass of useful information. The new one-inch map of the
Federated Malay States is also deserving of high praise. In British
Tropical Africa there is much progress to be recorded. Uganda and
British East Africa are covered, so far as the more important regions
are concerned, with excellent maps on the scale of 1 : 250,000, printed
in colour by the Geographical Section General Staff. Excellent
topographical surveys of Nigeria were being carried out at the out-
break of the war, and some sheets on the I : 125,000 scale have been
printed by W. and A. K. Johnston. Admirable surveys and maps
of similar series are in progress in the Gold Coast. Of course the war
put back all this work, but it has gradually been taken up again,
especially in the West African Protectorates. The Sudan Survey
Department publishes a useful series of reconnaissance sheets, on the
1 1250,000 scale, of that large area. The Peninsula of Sinai, north of
the Gulf of Akaba, has been topographically surveyed and a map in
colours published by the Geographical Section General Staff, 23
sheets on the 1 : 125,000 scale and 4 on the 1 : 250,000 scale.
It is not too much to say that there has been more to record in
the systematic mapping of the British Empire during the period
1900-20 than in any previous century.
Other Countries. The admirable and well-known series of maps
of the U.S. Geological Survey continues to be issued. The French
1 : 50,000 series in colour was, of course, completely stopped during
the war, and it is believed that it is not being taken up again ; only a
few sheets have been issued. The Italians are mapping Tripoli and
Italian Somaliland on the 1 : 100,000 and 1 : 50,000 scales. The map of
Spain on the 1:100,000 scale in colours, published by the Spanish
General Staff, is in progress. There is an excellent series of maps of
Denmark on the 1:40,000 scale, published in colours by the Danish
General Staff, and some fine maps have been issued by Norway.
AUTHORITIES. See the official annual reports of the Ordnance
Survey, the Survey of India, the Surveys of Egypt, of Ceylon, the
Federated Malay States, etc. A very useful publication is the
Catalogue of Maps published by the Geographical Section General
Staff; this is, in fact, indispensable for tpe study of the surveys of the
Empire. For the -topographical surveys of the United States refer-
ence should be made to the Annual Report of the U.S. Geological
Survey; for France, Algeria and Tunis to the Annual Report ofthe
Service Geographique de I'Armee. The official reports published by
the various countries provide the most reliable information on the
subject. (C. F. CL.)
MARCH, FRANCIS ANDREW (1825-1911), American philol-
ogist (see 17.688), died at Easton, Pa., Sept. 9 1911.
His son, PEYTON CONWAY MARCH (1864- ), American
soldier, was born at Easton, Pa., Dec. 27 1864. He graduated
from Lafayette College in 1884 and four years later from the
U.S. Military Academy, being commissioned second lieutenant.
In 1894 he was appointed first lieutenant. He graduated from
the Artillery school in 1898, and on the outbreak of the Spanish-
American War went to the Philippines as captain of volunteers,
in charge of the Astor battery. He remained there three years,
being promoted major of volunteers in 1899 and lieutenant-
colonel in 1900. After honourable discharge from volunteer
service in 1901 he was appointed captain of artillery in the regular
army. From 1903 to 1907 he was a member of the General Staff
and in 1904 during the Russo-Japanese War was with the Japan-
ese army in Russia as observer. He was promoted major in 1907,
lieutenant-colonel in 1912, and colonel in 1916. Soon after
America's entrance into the World War in 1917 he was made a
brigadier-general, regular army, and later major-general of the
national army, and in Sept. 1917 major-general of the regular
army. In 1917 he was with General Pershing in France in charge
of the American artillery forces. In March 1918 he was appointed
acting chief-of-staff, and the following May chief-of-staff with
the rank of general, U.S. army. The same year he was awarded
the D.S.M. He also received honours from many foreign powers.
In July 1920 his rank reverted to that of major-general and at his
own request he was retired from active service Oct. 31 1921.
MARCHAND, JEAN-BAPTISTE (1863- ), French general
and African explorer, was born at Thoissey (Ain) on Nov. 22
1863. After four years' service in the ranks, he was, in March
1887, appointed a sub-h'eutenant. In 1889 he was on active
service in Senegal, was twice wounded and made a chevalier of
the Legion of Honour. He was promoted lieutenant in Jan.
1890, captain in 1892, and commandant (chef de bataillon) in
1898. In the latter year he carried out his historic march on and
occupation of Fashoda (see 1.341), and for this he was promoted
to the high grade of commander in the Legion of Honour,
having been previously (July 1895) raised from the grade of
chevalier to that of officer. In Jan. 1900 he became lieutenant-
colonel, and was made colonel two years later. On the out-
break of war in Aug. 1914 he was serving on the staff of the gov-
ernor of Belfort; but in Sept. he was appointed to command the
Colonial Bde. of the XIV. Corps. He distinguished himself in
that capacity, was cited in army orders, and in Feb. 1915 was
promoted a temporary-general of brigade. The following May
he assumed command of the loth (Colonial) Division. He was
wounded in Sept. 1915, and was made a grand officer of the
Legion of Honour. On March 25 1916 he was made a substan-
tive-general of brigade. In the following Oct. he was again
wounded, and on March 17 1917 received a second mention for
distinguished service. On April 4 1917 he was promoted gen-
eral of division and confirmed in his appointment as commander
of the zoth Colonial Div. an appointment which he held
throughout the later campaigns on the western front. He re-
tired from the army in 1919 with a high reputation as a leader
of troops in battle. He was given the Grand Cross of the Legion
of Honour in 1920.
MARCHESI, MATHILDE (1826-1913), singer and teacher of
singing, was born at Frankfort-on-Main March 26 1826, her
father's name being Graumann. She made her debut as a singer
in 1844, but in 1849 began her career as a teacher, in which she
speedily earned a wide reputation, teaching at the conservatoires
of Vienna and Cologne, as well as in London and Paris. In 1852
she married Salvatore Marchesi, Cavaliere de Castrone (d. 1908),
himself a well-known singer and teacher. Among Madame
Marchesi's pupils were Emma Calv6, Emma Eames, Melba,
8 4 4
MARCONI MARINES
Emma Nevada, Gabrielle Kraus and Etelka Gerster. She pub-
lished various works on the technique of singing, and in 1897
a volume of reminiscences, Marchesi and Music. She died in
London Nov. 17 1913.
Her daughter, BLANCHE MARCHESI (b. 1863), also a famous
singer and teacher, made her debut as a singer very young.
She first appeared in opera at Prague in 1900, and subsequently
sang at Covent Garden in 1902 and 1903.
MARCONI, GUGLIELMO (1874- ), Italian electrical engi-
neer and inventor of the Marconi system of wireless teleg-
raphy, was born at Bologna April 25 1874. He was educated
at Leghorn and at Bologna University, and it was in the town
of his birth that he made the first wireless tests. In England his
earliest wireless messages were sent between Penarth and Weston-
super-Mare and on Salisbury Plain (1807). In r89Q he trans-
mitted messages across the English Channel, and in 1902 from
England to Canada and the United States. In 1904 he inaugu-
rated the first ocean daily newspaper, the Cunard Daily Bulletin,
on the R.M.S. " Campania." He was created hon. G.C.V.O. in
1914, was made an Italian senator, and was the recipient of many
foreign decorations and honours.
MARGUERITTE, PAUL (1860-1918), French novelist (see
17.706), died at Hosse jor, Landes, Dec. 30 1918. His later work,
written not in collaboration with his brother Victor, included La
Maison brMe (1913) and Jouir (1918).
MARINES (see 17.719). The employment of marine forces in
the World War was considerable, and, in the main, characteristic.
In some instances they constituted the whole or the main part
of forces told off for coastal descents, e.g. the British expedition
to Ostend in 1914 and the Zeebrugge enterprise of 1918. In
others they were called upon to undertake emergency land
operations for which no other military force was available, e.g.
in the case of the Royal Marine Bde. at Antwerp 1914; or again,
as in the case of the U.S. Marine Bde. in France 1917-8, and the
British 63rd (R.N.) Div., which included marine units, in
the composition of a land army in continuous operations. In
several instances the marines proper formed a soldier nucleus
for formations of which the principal part was made up of sailors,
this was the case not only with the British R.N. Div. but also,
and even more so, with the German Marine Corps. France,
having long ago converted all her marines into colonial troops,
used improvised battalions and brigades of sailors (Fusiliers-
Marins) in the same way, and a brigade of these under Rear-
Adml. Ronarc'h won undying glory by its defence of Dixmude
during the first Ypres-Yser battle.
The German Marine Corps, as constituted in the war, had a
peculiar organization. It was composed originally as a division
partly of marines and partly of sailors, who as usual in coun-
tries where recruiting is based on conscription were numerically
far in excess of naval requirements. As such it took part in the
siege of Antwerp and the advance through Flanders. When
stabilization came the division was raised to the strength of a
corps, and the corps commander (Adml. Schroder) was made
responsible not only for the Yser front but also for coast defence
between Nieuport and the Dutch frontier. Further, he became
responsible for purely naval operations based on the Belgian
coast, having both submarines, surface craft, and aircraft under
his command for the purpose. Finally, the German corps formed
a third mobile division which was sent to any point on the west-
ern front where reenforcements were needed. This organiza-
tion was probably unique in modern military history, and is
interesting as a real attempt to weld military and naval effort
at the point of junction.
The British Royal Marines, 1914-8. Just before the outbreak
of the World War the total strength (all ranks) of the British
Corps of Royal Marines was 18,000. During the war, however,
the strength of the corps increased steadily, until at the end
its numbers had been more than trebled. The expansion was
due to the formation of new units within the corps. Thus when
in 1914 the Royal Naval Div. was formed, various divisional
units of Royal Marines were raised for service with it: such as
engineers (transferred to the Royal Engineers in 1917), medical
units and transport. In 1915 another unit the Royal Marine
Submarine Miners for the mining defence of unprotected ports
in Great Britain and in France was raised. The Royal Marine
Labour Corps -for loading and unloading duties at French
ports and the Home Service Labour Corps were each raised
in 1917. The Royal Marine Engineers a unit 8,000 strong, for
special Admiralty constructional work in England, France and
Belgium was formed in 1918. The following special units for
service during the war were also provided separately, by the
Royal Marine Artillery and the Royal Marine Light Infantry:
a howitzer brigade R.M.A. (1915), an anti-aircraft brigade
(1915, disbanded 1916) and four battalions (Chatham, Ports-
mouth, Plymouth and Deal) of infantry (R. M.L.I.) raised in
1914 and absorbed into the ist and 2nd Royal Marine Batts.
in 1915 and into the ist Royal Marine Batt. in 1918. In addi-
tion, the following special units were furnished compositely by
the Royal Marine Artillery and the Royal Marine Light In-
fantry: A special service battalion for Ireland (1916); the 3rd
Royal Marine Batt. for service in the eastern Mediterranean
raised in 1916 and not disbanded until 1921; the 4th Royal
Marine Batt. for service at Zeebrugge (IQI'J); the 5th Royal
Marine Batt. for special anti-submarine and anti-aircraft work
in connexion with submarine barrages raised in 1918; the
6th Royal Marine Batt. for service in northern Russia (1919)
the 8th Royal Marine Batt. for service in Ireland (1920-1); 4-in.
and i2-pounder batteries for service in East Africa (1916 to
1918); and four siege batteries, R.G.A. (1918-9), containing a
proportion of R.M.A. or R. M.L.I.
During the war the services of the Royal Marines were shown
in widely different parts of the world. In all naval actions, of
course, and in naval patrol duties, the Royal Marine personnel
took a part. In the early days of the war personnel of the corps
were also employed with the armoured cars operating from
Dunkirk. A Royal Marine Bde. was landed at Ostend in 1914
and four battalions of the brigade took part in the defence of
Antwerp. Details from two R. M.L.I, battalions were involved
in the landing at Kum Kale and Sedd el Bahr (March 4 1915),
and Marine Artillery siege guns were used at Dunkirk. The
corps sent a battery to Egypt in 1916 for coast-defence duties.
Detachments of Royal Marines served also in Cameroon, in
the Persian Gulf, and with Adml. Troubridge in Serbia; and
personnel of the corps formed the nucleus of the heavy batteries
which were raised for service with Gen. Botha in South-West
Africa and with Gen. Smuts in East Africa. The corps also
furnished gun-crews for armed merchantmen, and garrisons for
such defended naval bases as Scapa, Cromarty and St. Helena,
and the improvised coast defences at the North Foreland, in the
West Indies, and elsewhere. (E. S. H.*)
UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS
In 1911 and again in 1912 unsettled conditions in the West
Indies and Mexico made it necessary to assemble a brigade of
marines at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. On Oct. 10 of the former
year the revolution which overthrew the Manchu dynasty
necessitated the reenforcing of the marine legation guard at
Peking and an expeditionary force of marines was dispatched to
China. In Nicaragua revolutionary conditions required a large
expedition to be sent to that country in 1912; there were en-
gagements in Coyotepe, Leon, Chichigalpa and Masaya. In
1913 conditions in the West Indies required that two expeditions
of marines be sent to Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, to act as a pacify-
ing influence. In Jan. 1914 marines from the battleships landed
in Haiti, in conjunction with forces of Great Britain, France and
Germany. In April, marines and blue-jackets occupied Vera
Cruz, Mexico, and the marines served as a part of the army in
Vera Cruz and vicinity until December. An expedition of
marines also served on the west coast of Mexico during these
same troubles. The last half of this year found the 5th Regi-
ment of Marines on board the U.S.S. " Hancock " in Haitian and
Dominican waters to stabilize conditions in these two republics.
In July 1915 marines landed in Haiti, and in May 1916 in the
Dominican Republic, and served continuously in these republics
MARKBY MARKETING
845
Upon the acquisition of the Virgin Islands in 1916 a garrison
of marines was established there.
When a state of war with Germany was declared to exist on
April 6 1917, the corps was composed of 511 officers and 13,214
enlisted men. Of these, 187 officers and 4,546 enlisted men were
on duty beyond the continental limits of the United States, and
49 officers and 2,187 enlisted men were serving on board the
cruising vessels of the navy. Only five weeks later, on June 14,
the 5th Regiment of Marines, consisting of approximately one-
sixth of the enlisted strength of the Marine Corps, sailed from the
United States, forming one-fifth of the first American troops
in France. It was soon joined by the 6th Regiment and the
6th Machine-Gun Battalion, and the 4th Brigade of Marines
was formed. This brigade as part of the 2nd Division fought
in the Verdun sector, the battle of Belleau Wood, Soissons,
Marbache sector, St. Mihiel offensive, battle of Blanc Mont
Ridge, and the Meuse-Argonne offensive; and later it served
in the Army of Occupation.
A total of 31,824 marines were sent overseas during the war.
They were represented in n different divisions in the A.E.F.
Approximately 2,500 marines were killed in battle and 8,600
wounded, and with deaths from other causes the casualties in
France were approximately 11,500.
The Marine Corps also maintained the 5th Brigade of Marines
in France; and it furnished a considerable number of officers
to command army units of the 2nd and other divisions.
In 1910 the Marine Corps was composed of 334 officers and
9,521 enlisted men. On Aug. 22 1912 the enlisted strength was
increased by 400, making the total 9,921. On March 3 1915 Con-
gress authorized a reduction of no privates and an increase of
no non-commissioned officers. On June 12 1916 Congress added
25 officers and 26 enlisted men. On Aug. 29 1916 Congress
brought the strength up to 597 officers and 14,981 enlisted men,
and established the Marine Corps Reserve, permitting the enrol-
ment of reserves without limit as to number, and on March 26
1917, the President, under Congressional authority, further in-
creased the corps to 693 officers and 17,400 enlisted men. On
May 22 1917 Congress authorized 1,323 officers and 30,000 en-
listed men. On July i 1918 this strength was increased to 3,341
officers and 75,500 enlisted men, which is the greatest strength
authorized for the Marine Corps during its history. On June 4
1920 Congress established the permanent strength at 1,254 offi-
cers and 27,400 enlisted men. Earlier, July n 1919, Congress
had reduced the Marine Corps to this strength, but of the total
number 10,000 had been temporary. (E. N. McC.)
MARKBY, SIR WILLIAM (1829-1914), Anglo-Indian jurist
(see 17.730*), died at Headington Hill, near Oxford, Oct. 15 1914.
MARKETING. In modern business, special emphasis rests
on the importance of proper arrangements for " marketing."
Marketing is essentially buying and selling. The central fact
is the sale. But to secure sales the goods must often be assembled
from the places where they were produced, graded when qualities
differ, sorted when there are different varieties, moved to market
and in many cases thence to the place of consumption. Hence
assembling, grading, sorting and transportation are to be considered
as parts of the general marketing function. Similarly financing,
that is, meeting the actual expenses of marketing including that
of holding the products until the demand is present, constitutes
a branch of market study. The risk of loss from destruction
may be covered by insurance. Finally there may also be sales
and purchases in advance of the appearance of the products on
the market or even in advance of production. Dealing in futures
and speculation are phases of marketing.
METHODS OF MARKETING. There are scores of methods of
marketing and hundreds of variations, but the principles in-
volved are few and may be made clear by examples.
(a) Producer Direct to Consumer. The simplest form of market-
ing and the most primitive is the sale by the producer directly to
the consumer. The village boy or girl who raises flowers and sells
th6m to passing tourists, the truck gardener near cities who
disposes of his vegetables and fruits by sale direct to consumers,
either from house to house or at a market-place frequented both
by producers and consumers, the dairyman who peddles or
delivers milk direct to consumers, are illustrations. In the ag-
gregate, sales made in this way run into immense volume, al-
though but a small part of the total of business. Modern business,
the development of large cities, an increasing division of labour
in industry, all tend to reduce this form of marketing. There are,
however, variations of selling direct from producer to consumer
in modern business which deserve notice. There is a considerable
amount of marketing of produce, particularly butter and eggs,
direct from farmers to consumers, by parcel post. Much more
was hoped for from this system some years ago than has actually
resulted. The development of marketing relations between small
producers and small consumers is a slow process that apparently
cannot be forced. Again, certain specialities, complicated
machines such as printing presses, power installations, made-to-
orcler devices, and machines requiring much attention and ser-
vice after the first sale, usually are sold direct by manufacturers
to consumers through the medium of speciality salesmen. The
salesman is the representative of the producer in the marketing
transaction. Similarly the publisher of books, maps or periodicals
who sells his product through canvassers or agents is selling
direct to the consumer. Again, if a retailing house does so large
a business that it can advantageously engage in manufacturing
some of the lines of goods- it sells, it may combine production
with distribution. One of the most important instances of this
method of direct dealing is the mail-order house of Sears, Roebuck
& Co., of Chicago, which manufactures in great quantities some
of the goods shoes for example which it sells.
(b) Through Wholesalers and Retailers. Most products of
common use such as foods, clothing, footwear, house furnishings,
lumber, fuel and so on are marketed through middlemen.
The manufacturer of men's clothing or of shoes usually sells
his product to retailers scattered over the country who in turn
sell to consumers. Manufactured food products, dry goods and
notions, drugs, hardware and house furnishings are generally
sold first to wholesalers, who in turn sell to retailers.
(c) Through Local Buyers, Wholesalers and Retailers. Farm-
ers' produce, fruits, vegetables, butter and eggs are commonly
marketed through local buyers, then to wholesalers or wholesale
distributors, then to retailers and lastly to consumers.
(d) Variations in Method. Variations are introduced into
marketing in many ways. For example, the actual sale may be
consummated through personal salesmanship either in the seller's
place of business or in the buyer's. If the seller carries a line of
goods he must have a store or shop, but even this may not keep
him to one location. The old-time pedlar carried his store on his
back. More recently grocery stores, meat shops, book and
periodical shops, and even dry goods and house furnishings
have been put on wheels, on automobile trucks, and sales routes
laid out to be covered periodically, making sales direct to house-
wives and consumers. Again, the sales may be effected through
retail institutions by mail. In the United States a gigantic busi-
ness has been built up by a few large mail-order houses such as
Sears, Roebuck & Co. and Montgomery Ward & Co., of Chicago,
and the National Cloak and Suit Co. of New York, which are
really stores or shops selling retail to consumers. Wholesale
concerns selling only to retail dealers, such as Butler Bros., of
Chicago, Charles Broadway Rouss, Inc., of New York, and the
Baltimore Bargain House, have likewise developed enormous
businesses founded on the mail-order method of selling. In
addition to these there is an unknown but certainly large amount
of business transacted by ordinary retail and wholesale stores
by mail, supplementing personal selling.
Commodities of common use and of well-known standards
require a minimum of demonstration and explanation. Sales
in large quantities of such goods can be and are made through
exchanges, organized meeting-places for those who buy and those
who sell. Accordingly exchanges are located in large wholesale
centres for the sale of such commodities as grain, cotton, wool,
farmers' produce, sugar, coffee, iron and steel, stocks and bonds.
At these exchanges, under established rules, wholesale trans-
actions are effected with a minimum of difficulty and risk. In
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
846
MARKETING
the case of highly perishable goods, such as fruits, where no time
may be lost in effecting sales in order that they may reach the
consumer before spoiling, the auction system is used. Wholesale
buyers and salesmen come together at a designated place at a
set time and clear their transactions. The auction is a much more
widely used mechanism of trade in England and in continental
Europe, where large quantities of nearly all kinds of goods are
thus sold, than in America. The auction system has seemed,
however, to be developing in recent years in America, particularly
in lines of known standard or quality, which are bought in whole-
sale quantities only at certain brief seasons of the year, such
as carpets, rugs, wool and furs.
Variation in marketing occurs through variations in ownership
of the goods to be marketed. To illustrate, producers or local
buyers usually sell outright to wholesalers all goods marketed
through the wholesaler-retailer channel of distribution; but in
highly perishable goods such as fruits, dressed poultry, live
poultry, etc., and also in cases where the value of the goods runs
very high in proportion to the value of the service rendered by
the wholesale middleman, as for example, finished textiles, real
estate, commercial paper and stocks and bonds, the wholesaler
(or dealer who takes his place) frequently, if not usually, merely
sells or buys as the agent of the owner and secures a commission
or brokerage instead of a profit for his services. This arrange-
ment in the case of perishable goods relieves the wholesale dealer
of the risk from loss, and, in the case of costly goods, of the burden
of carrying the financing of the goods. Such wholesalers are
known variously as commission dealers and brokers.
While goods are being gathered together in wholesale quantities
and made ready for distribution to the retail trade other factors in
marketing frequently enter in, factors of a speculative nature. Well-
standardized goods that are not readily perishable, such as grain,
cotton, wool, silk, provisions, coffee, sugar and so on, are likely to
be bought purely for speculative purposes. Thus a lot of grain or
cotton may be bought and sold several times before being moved to
consumption. It is but another step for these speculators to make
their ventures in hope of gain on what they think future prices will
be. Hence " selling futures " is a common occurrence on the great
exchanges that deal in the commodities named. Under this system
grain may be bought and sold long before it has been harvested or
grown, or even before it is planted. A flour-miller may quite legiti-
mately ensure his future supply of grain at a certain price by buying
" futures." But a great deal of opposition has been aroused at vari-
ous times by speculation in the necessities of life. It has been
charged that dealing in futures enables powerful speculators to
combine unjustly to secure success for their ventures, in some cases
tending to hold prices down and in others tending to hold prices up.
As a result both producers and consumers are suspicious of such
traders. The consensus of opinion among those who have studied
the course of speculation on exchanges seems, however, to be that if
manipulation of prices and monopoly can be kept out of the market,
and if the laws of supply and demand are allowed to operate freely,
the effect of speculation, particularly of dealing in futures, has a
healthful balancing effect on the market. Under such conditions
purchase and sale of commodities for future delivery tend to dis-
count and equilibrate all conditions of supply and demand, so that
changes of price are made much more gradually than they would be
if buying and selling of such commodities were confined solely to the
stock offered each day. Dealing in futures is an essential function of
marketing, but it needs careful regulation to prevent unfair practices.
OWNERSHIP or DISTRIBUTING CONCERNS. In the matter of
ownership of the various concerns which link distribution
there is most interesting variation. While the ownership of a
single retail or wholesale store resting in an individual, or in a
partnership composed of individuals who make this business
their means of livelihood, or in a group of investors in the form of
a corporation, may be considered the normal unit, gradual in-
tegration is going on both from the producers' and consumers'
ends of the distribution chain.
Numerous American manufacturers have established retail
store outlets of their own, such as the W. L. Douglas Shoe Co.,
which has now more than 100 stores of its own besides hundreds
of agencies scattered through the United States; the Singer
Sewing Machine Co., whose retail sales branches are found in
nearly every large city; and many others in such lines as hats,
baked goods, gasoline, typewriters, office furniture, phonographs,
sporting goods, paper novelties, corsets, gloves, etc. One of the
most notable recent American ventures into the retail field by a
manufacturer is that of the Winchester Repeating Arms Co.
now the Winchester Co., of New Haven, Conn. This concern
adopted the policy of establishing its own retail outlets in the
larger cities and of forming agency relations in other cities.
Practically all chains of stores maintained by manufacturers
seem to have originated, in part at least, because the producer
felt that his goods were not receiving proper attention from the
regular retail stores. Ownership of the retail outlets by the pro-
ducer makes it possible for the producer to sell his goods in just
the way that he desires. If the store is his own, he can make sure
that his goods are represented by a full line, he can dictate the
price at which they shall be sold and the service that shall be
given. Retailers have used cooperative methods in order to make
their relations with production more direct, through buying
clubs organized to accomplish specific purchases, through buying
organizations of a permanent character which rival jobbing
houses, through capital-ownership in wholesale houses, and in a
few cases through manufacturing institutions. The rapid devel-
opment of chain-store systems under single ownership and con-
trol is almost certain to accelerate the growth of this kind of co-
operation of retailers in their buying activities. From the other
end of the distributive chain efforts are being made to unite con-
sumers in the ownership and control of retailing and even whole-
saling establishments. Cooperative stores have had a most suc-
cessful development in Europe but have not done well in America.
In the United States there have been successive waves of interest
in cooperation. An early example was the effort of the Working-
men's Protective Union to establish cooperative stores, beginning
in 1844 and falling off at the time of the Civil War; later there
were the Patrons of Husbandry and their Grange stores in the
'seventies; still later the Knights of Labor; then the California
Rochdale Societies; then the Right Relationship League; and
more recently the cooperative movement undertaken as a part
of the policies of the Non-Partisan League, a political party with
a strong following in the Dakotas and other middle-western
states. All these movements, with the possible exception of the
last two, seem to have exhausted themselves. The reasons for the
failure of cooperation in retailing in the United States are gen-
erally said to be poor business management, unwise extension
of credit, poor accounting and general slump of interest in co-
operation. Cooperative stores usually claim to save customers
money by reducing advertising, by cutting down service, and
by locating in inexpensive places. In most instances, after a
period of success, their competitors, the privately owned stores,
defeat them just because they do advertise, offer the service
that people want, and locate at the most convenient places.
CONDITIONS AFFECTING METHODS OF MARKETING. The pre-
cise method of marketing and the channels of distribution to
be followed for any product under present conditions depend
upon a number of factors. A few of these may be enumerated.
(a) Location of Producers and Size of Output. If producers are
many and small and are located far apart, it is almost certain
that their products will have to be assembled by a local buyer
of some kind; whereas, if the producers are able to turn out large
quantities, they may be able to deal with wholesalers direct.
Producers who by ingenuity or special skill produce some article
of exceptional quality are usually able to sell direct to retailers
or even to consumers and thus save.
(b) Location of Consumers and Demand, If consumers use
small quantities or small lots of any product at one time, it is
almost certain that they must purchase from retailers. Foods,
clothing and other ordinary necessities of life fall into this classi-
fication. But a large consumer for example, a chair factory
using lumber would not think of buying lumber from an or-
dinary local lumber dealer. It would be able to buy more ad-
vantageously direct from some mill.
(c) Variability in Demand. Whether a product is wanted
regularly or only occasionally is another factor in determining
how it shall be marketed. Some articles cannot be sold mpre
than once or twice in a lifetime to a customer. If it also happens
that such articles require much demonstration and explanation,
then the producer is almost forced to sell direct to the consumer
MARKETING
847
or have his sales made by special representatives or agents.
Encyclopaedias, subscriptions to high-priced periodicals, adding
machines, life insurance and real estate are illustrations of goods
that need such specialized attention.
(d) Degree of Perishability. Perishable goods need methods of
marketing unlike those used for non-perishable goods. Straw-
berries sent through the same channels as textile piece goods or
hardware, or even the channels of most groceries, would never
reach the consumer in condition fit for the table. Time is a very
important element in the marketing of perishable goods. There
must be no delay and little time can be given to the sale of any
particular unit. Another illustration of a perishable article
(though in a different sense) is the daily paper, the weekly or
monthly magazine. Timeliness is the essence of their value.
This makes necessary a highly specialized marketing organiza-
tion to carry papers or magazines over the country and, in the
case of magazines, to place them on sale everywhere at the same
time. Such specialized handling calls for expense not incurred in
goods not perishable.
(e) Unit Price and Distributing Markets, The price of the
product to dealers and to consumers, whether high or low, con-
stitutes another factor governing the channels to be selected
in marketing. A low-priced article with a small margin of gross
profit to the seller cannot be sold in the same way as an article
that offers a wide margin. A 25-cent (or shilling) article, such
as a handkerchief, a magazine or a screwdriver, could scarcely
be sold direct. The margin above costs of production could not
possibly permit the article to be advertised and sold by itself
by the mail-order method. It must take its way to the consumer
through the channels of trade followed by thousands of similar
articles. The producer of such an article would have to sell to
wholesalers, to chain stores, to department stores, or to mail-
order houses doing a general business in which this particular
item would be but one of a great many.
(/) Competition. The competition in the sales field of any
article might readily determine the channel of distribution that is
taken. For example, a manufacturer of hardware selling direct
to the retail trade found that his strongest competitor's policy
was to sell to every dealer who would buy and to offer no exclu-
sive sales arrangements, while he himself made a success by
offering his goods only under exclusive sales agencies. Certain
manufacturers of soaps, perfumes, and toilet goods have found
it so difficult to place their products advantageously in drug
stores and similar retail outlets because of the number of compet-
ing lines that they have found it advisable to sell, especially
in country districts or small towns, direct to consumers by means
of agents and canvassers working on a commission basis. A
motor-car tire maker found it so difficult to break into the market
through automobile dealers and garages that he sold his product
to a mail-order house.
(g) Familiarity of Consumers with Product. A new product
must as a rule be sold through channels that may be abandoned
after the public has begun to know the article. Office devices
at first sold only by speciality men are gradually taken over by
stationery stores. Frequently orders for new food products must
first be secured by speciality men from customers before dealers
will stock them and offer them for sale. Sewing machines,
talking machines and musical instruments, formerly sold only
by agents directly in the employ of the manufacturers, are now
sold more and more through regular retail stores. As demand
becomes established specialized marketing systems can give
way to the more general methods.
(h) Changes in Marketing Methods. Occasionally a product
which is being sold through the regular or customary channels
and is having a large sale is 'withdrawn and sold through a more
specialized channel. Ivory Soap is a recent example; its manu-
facturers, after a long experience of selling to retailers through
wholesalers only, during which it built up the largest single soap
business in the United States, decided to eliminate the whole-
saler, July i 1920, and sell to the retailers direct. No reports on
the success of the policy were available in 1921, but it is to be
presumed that the sales will show some increase over the previous
year unless the general conditions of business interfere. The
real test in efficiency in this case will come in comparing the
costs of selling per unit. Examples of other large American con-
cerns which sell to retailers direct include the National Biscuit
Co., of New York, the H. J. Heinz Co., of Pittsburgh, and the
big packing companies. Many, if not most, other large food
manufacturing concerns distributing through the jobbers em-
ploy their own sales organizations that do " missionary work "
among the jobbers' customers.
INEFFICIENCY IN MARKETING. -Many criticisms of contempo-
rary marketing systems appeared during the decade 1910-20.
The cost of living had risen steadily for nearly 20 years, and
very rapidly during the period of the World War, but wages in
most lines had not risen in proportion. Hence the purchasing
power of the average family had, if anything, diminished. This
pressure on the family means of subsistence had caused bread-
winners and housekeepers, as well as students and public officials,
to listen readily to complaints of the shortcomings of distribution
and its probable share in high costs of commodities. Many in-
stances have been cited of the inadequacy of the marketing sys-
tem. Food-stuffs have been reported as lying on the ground de-
caying in agricultural districts, while city people were ready to
pay high prices for them could they but get them. Those engaged
in distribution have been charged not only with inefficiency but
also in Some instances with deliberate waste to keep up prices by
reducing the supply. This accusation is mentioned here, not
because it is general, but rather because it shows the temper of
the people towards distribution. In the main, however, the
greatest criticism levelled at distribution is that it costs too much
and that these costs must be paid by the consumer. It is as-
serted that there is a grocery store for every 80 families and that
there should not be more than one for every 200 families. In other
lines of merchandise, it is urged, there is the same oversupply
of dealers, needless duplication of stores, equipment, and need-
less sales and delivery people, all of which must be paid out of the
business. Criticism has become more pointed and perhaps more
constructive as information concerning distribution and its real
functions has accumulated. From such studies as have been
made it seems safe to state that for most goods the costs of market-
ing, including transportation, run higher than those of produc-
tion. This fact has been accepted by the public with some sur-
prise and a feeling that marketing should not cost so much.
REDUCTION OF MARKETING COSTS. One method of approach-
ing the problem is to propose some new or different method of
distribution. It may be urged that a more general introduction
of department stores or chain stores would give more economical
results. But what do the facts, so far as they are available, show?
(a) Comparison of Costs by Various Methods. Table I con-
tains figures compiled from actual records by the Harvard Bu-
reau of Business Research, Harvard University.
TABLE I. Comparison of Costs of Retailing Shoes 1918.
Net Sales 100 %.
Lowest
Highest
Usual
1918
Independent shoe stores
Low-priced shoes
13-3 %
32-33%
20-5%
High-priced shoes
23-43
32-85
28-8
Mail-order chain stores
9-85
57-60
24-6
Department stores
Shoe departments
19-0
33-4
23-5
1919
Independent shoe stores
13-62
35-63
24-0
It is clear that the statistics do not prove that in the case of
shoes either chain stores or department stores can be conducted
at less expense than independent stores. It is true that the
lowest figure for chain stores is considerably lower than any
other, but the chain stores also show the highest costs. The
average costs of selling in chain stores seem to run a little higher
than in independent low-priced shoe stores and in department
stores. But taking the 1919 figure for the independents (a figure
that includes both high- and low-priced shoes), department stores
have a little the best of it.
848
MARKETING
Table II, showing cost of marketing, 1 is compiled and adapted
from reports of the Harvard Bureau of Business Research, North-
western University Bureau of Business Research, several national
trades asociations, and from personal studies.
TABLE II. Marketing: Percentage on Sales.
Wholesale
Retail
Low High
Usual
Low
High
Usual
Clothing . . 12% 18%
16%
20%
28%
22%
Drugs . .12 20
15
2O
28
25
Dry goods .11 17
H
IS
30
23
Furniture . .
2O
3
25
Groceries . . 5 I 5
9
9
22
H
Hardware .13 21
18
ii
32
18
Jewellery . .15 20
18
24
32
26
Shoes . .12 17
IS
13
34
24
General merchandise
10
3
16
Department stores .
18
3
28
Chain stores (Shoes)
. .
10
57
24
Chain stores (5 & loc) .
. .
25
Chain stores (Groceries)
.
13
General mail-order houses
18
30
20
Costs of selling through mail-order houses are not officially
known. They are supposed to range from 18 to 30% of sales.
But the knowledge of a general figure of this kind for a large
mail-order house with many departments would be of little value
even if correct. Costs of selling vary from department to depart-
ment in mail-order houses just as in department stores. To be of
value in a comparison of selling expenses, the figures should show
the cost of selling shoes, for example, by mail. All things con-
sidered, the general costs of running a large mail-order house are
probably somewhat lower than those for a large department store
handling similar lines and classes of goods. The mail-order
establishment need not be in a shopping district, so that the rent
or investment represented by its site is comparatively small; the
employees who fill orders do so more rapidly and for less pay
than those who sell in a store; advertising is usually confined to the
less expensive publications, and in the case of the largest houses
the customers are much more numerous, running into millions.
Costs in the shoe department of a mail-order house should run
lower than in a department store or speciality shop, because
in the mail-order house there is no time and labour lost in fitting
shoes. This saving is counterbalanced somewhat by the number
of shoes which are probably returned. The lower costs of selling
in the mail-order house, however, are offset in part at least by
the costs of transportation and other expense incidental to the
customer's ordering by mail.
A part of the competitive battle for trade among these various
types of institutions consists in the utilization of large buying
power. The dealer who buys for the lowest price, other things
being equal, can sell for the least and yet make the same profit
as his competitors. Large chain-store systems, mail-order houses
and large department stores frequently purchase their goods
direct from producers and secure the prices usually given whole-
sale purchasers. In some cases a part of these differences may
be used in cutting the prices to consumers, but it would be a
mistake to assume that the consumer gets all the benefit from
purchases made at lower prices or that this entire difference is
gained for the dealers. Concerns that go direct to the producers,
and thereby eliminate the wholesalers, as a rule incur practically
all the usual expenses of wholesaling, such as interest on the
investment in the larger stock of goods, storage risks, buying
expense in dealing with numerous producers instead of a few
wholesalers, extra record-keeping, and in the case of chain stores,
reshipments to their various stores. The only real saving which
buying direct from producers insures is the eliminated profit
of the wholesaler, with a possible reduction of the expense for
salesmen whom wholesalers must employ. Competition in buy-
ing has forced the joint creation by small concerns of buying
organizations which, united, represent as large a buying power
as the chain or department stores. Cooperation in buying
certain classes of goods has strong advantages both for dealers
'Costs of retailing in other lines of merchandise, so far as the
figures are available, show about the same relationships. The
example presented may be taken as typical.
and consumers. Buying in group at one time may secure ad-
vantages, not only in price but also in transportation and hand-
ling, sufficient to cover the added expenses incurred in buying in
quantity. Thus farmers find it profitable to unite in buying
carload of fertilizers once a year. On the other hand it may
exceedingly unprofitable to buy other goods in carload lot
Large purchases would be practically out of the question
such goods as shoes, clothing and most other goods.
Comparing the various methods of retailing as exemplified in th,
ordinary independent stores, the department stores and the mail-
order house, from such facts as are available, it does not seem possible
to assert positively that any one method presents decided general
economic advantages over the rest. Each presents advantages in
point of service, but the differences in service appear to be fully com-
pensated in expense, that is, the public pays for what it gets and in
proportion to what it gets.
To illustrate : the modern department store gives more service in
connexion with its sales than any other retailing type. It offers the
purchaser the advantages of buying many kinds of merchandise
under one roof. The purchaser has the benefit of elevators, rest-
rooms, wash-rooms, free delivery, credit, large stocks from which to
choose, liberal policies as to examination and trial, pleasant sur-
roundings in which to shop, courteous attendants, and so on, but
department store expense of distribution includes the cost of main-
taining these services. The independent store probably comes
second in point of service, although there is the greatest variation in
this regard. Personal acquaintance and attention to customers'
wants are perhaps the most important factors of independent store
service. This type of store renders fewer services, and its expenses
are therefore apparently somewhat lower than those of the depart-
ment stores. Chain stores have had the greatest success when giving
a minimum of service. No credit, no deliyery and even a minimum
of packing and wrapping are common policies. The policy of mini-
mum service is in some cases carried to the extreme of having no
salesmen, so-called " self-service " stores. Because the chain store
gives less service it can obviously sell its goods at a lower expense.
The mail-order house offers to its customers a wide range of goods to
select from through a catalogue that may be studied at leisure in the
home, but the mail-order house gives less personal service and re-
quires in some ways more from the customer than any other system
so far devised. The customer must decide what he wants from the
study of a catalogue or other printed matter, he must make out a
written order and send it, with a remittance, by mail and await the
coming of the goods; he must pay transportation charges and he
must make such adjustments as are rendered necessary by the fact
that he did not see the goods before purchasing. With no need for
showrooms, expensive locations, salespeople and some other inci-
dental expenses, the cost of mail-order business should normally be
less than that of any other type. Under the most favourable condi-
tions it probably reaches this position. But the consumer, to some
extent at least, makes up the difference by supplying the service
that other retailing establishments offer him. The customer may
make a money saving by trading with the mail-order house, but he
does so by contributing his own time and labour to the transaction.
Another factor needs consideration in connexion with this brief
study of the mail-order business. Low costs of retailing by the mail-
order methods are based on successful mail-order management. But
there are really very few concerns in the United States or any other
country which have made a marked success of the mail-order busi-
ness, while there are scores of highly successful departn ent stores
and dozens of highly successful chain-store systems. There have been
numerous attempts in the mail-order field, but the failures have also
been many. One of the main drawbacks of the trail-order business is
the necessity to provide for the supply of merchandise, to draw up
sales plans, and to publish the catalogue or other printed matter
months in advance of sales. Changes in style, development of new
demands and price declines or advances cannot always be foreseen.
These conditions cause difficulty in the mail-order business. In a
period of consistently rising prices such as obtained during the 30
years ending in the middle of 1920, mail-order methods could be
safely employed on a large scale barring difficulties with styles and
eccentricities of demand. But if there should be a number of years of
price decline, mail-order financial managers will find their problems
more difficult than they have been in the past.
So far as the public is concerned it seems safe to say that there are
large classes who prefer and who will always continue to prefer to
trade in those retail establishments offering them the highest develop-
ments of service, the department stores and the independent
specialty shops. Other large classes prefer and will probably always
prefer to buy in stores offering less service and proportionally lower
prices. Undoubtedly there are many who find their greatest satis-
faction in purchasing in the stores of the self-service kind where they
may look about and pick up on their own initiative whatever they
may wish to buy. Institutions are built to serve people in the way
that they want to be served. There is room, therefore, in the retail
trade for many types of stores. Specialty shops, department stores,
chain stores, and mail-order houses will all continue to exist as long
MARKETING
849
as there are numbers of people who want the services each institution
offers. It seems impossible to believe that any one type will monop-
olize the retail business or crowd out all the others.
Any discussion of cooperation in distribution is purposely omitted
at this point, for, as has already been pointed out, cooperation does
not introduce any novelty in distribution method. It merely
changes the type of ownership and control from that of investor-
interest to consumer- or producer-interest, depending on whether the
cooperators are consumers or producers. Obviously, cooperative
ownership and control can be applied to specialty shops, depart-
ment s'ores, chain stores or mail-order houses. Any degree of service
now offered or refured by any type of store can be offered or
refused by cooperative institutions. Most of the savings pro-
posed under cooperative management, other than the profit
which the cooperators as owners of the business hope to secure in
the form of dividends or in lower prices, come definitely from
reduced service. Incidentally that has been the cause of the failure
of many cooperative enterprises. Their customers withdrew because
they desired more service and were willing to pay for it.
(b) Individual Expenses thai may be Reduced. There is another
method of attacking the problem of the high costs of distribution,
one that is not spectacular, nor revolutionary, nor necessarily
drastic, but which has already given promise of results propor-
tionate to efforts to be applied. This method is merely to apply
scientific methods to the improvement of the present systems of
distribution, step by step, detail by detail.
In the table already given showing costs of selling in wholesale
and retail stores, it may be noted that there is a wide range
between the low-cost and the high-cost stores. This range is due,
in part, to differences in lines of goods handbd and di Jerences in.
service; but a part of the range is due to differences in operating
efficiency. That some stores should be able to show a high
efficiency measured in low costs over other stores gives great
hope of cutting distribution costs generally, by extending to all
the methods now used by the best stores. The first step in a
scientific approach to reducing costs of distribution is to deter-
mine by survey, investigation and actual measurement what the
present difficulties are and what stands in the way of improve-
ment. Although considerable work has already been done in this
direction, much more must be undertaken, but it is possible
even at present to indicate roughly some of the details in the dis-
tribution system which may be profitably studied.
The following statements outline briefly a few of the details of
distribution which it scen.s certain must receive attention in order
to secure more ecor.on.ical distribution. No doubt many more could
be added. Poor roads greatly increase the costs of bringing the
farmers' crops and produce to market, costs that must be added to
the price that consun ers eventually pay. Inadequate railway
transportation is arother element that makes a considerable addi-
tion to the costs. Car shortages at crop-moving time, cars unsuited
to the products to be hauled, excessive delays in forwarding, at
terminals, on the way, and at transfer points, are common sources of
expense. Every day added to the time required for transportation
adds not only to the transportation charges but also directly to the
cost of the goods themselves in interest charges on the capital
invested in the goods, and in an additional burden of other overhead
expense due to lengthening of the period of turnover. Delay in trans-
portation as a factor of expense in distribution has not been given
the attention that it deserves. Poor location of terminals makes
a great deal of expensive cartage necessary. Congestion of trafllc
in city thoroughfares is a growing cause of increased costs in dis-
tributing goods. Inadequate, inefficient, poorly located storage
facilities cause huge losses. Inadequate, unauthoritative and
inaccurate collection and dissemination of market information such
as is needed by producers, distributors and consumers is responsible
for great wastes. Through lack of such information business in
many lines now passes constantly from glut to famine and back
again. Poor packing of merchandise, inefficient loading, rough
handling and uneconomical methods of handling are causes of waste
anj therefore of higher costs of distribution.
To refer more specifically to the activities of marketing through
wholesalers and retailers, there is a startling loss of the wholesale
salesman's time in finding customers, in making appointments, in
fruitless interviews. The time of both salesmen and buyers is lost.
Probably less than a sixth of a salesman's time, averaging salesmen
of all classes, is actually employed in selling or even in displaying
and describing merchandise. Anything that can be done to improve
this deplorable economic condition will increase efficiency and
decrease costs. No one can even begin to estimate the losses result-
ing from poorly trained salespeople, who fail to sell and who waste
the time of their purchasers through lack of knowledge of their goods,
their customers' wants, and their business, or through lack of
ability to use their knowledge properly. Another source of loss that
adds to the high level of sales expense is that the rank and file of
salespeople of most classes, but more particularly in retail stores,
lack interest in their work. The fundamental incentives of profit in
proportion to effort expended and of self-expression in management,
such as the owners or managers feel, is for the most part totally
lacking. For this reason most employees give but a fraction of their
ability to their work.
Advertising is or should be an invaluable aid to marketing. In the
Jist of expenses of distribution it occupies a prominent place. There
is certainly room for improvement in its administration. Much study
has been given in some organizations to such problems as the proper
selection of mediums and the right use of the space taken. No doubt
much greater progress can and will Le made in the future in these
directions, but the greatest loss in advertising seems to be in the
lack of faith of the public in the advertising. If people gave more
credence to advertising, much less of it would be needed to secure
the same result. The remedy, of course, lies in the direction of
raising the standards and shutting out the dishonest advertiser.
Duplication in delivery organizations by retail stores is a source of
economic waste. A beginning has been made towards eliminating
some of this waste through cooperative delivery and by utilization
of the parcels post. In a few cities a good share of all retail deliveries
was in 1921 being made through the post-office with a considerable
saving in money and no reduction in efficiency. Poor buying, im-
perfect realization of public demand, duplication of stocks of goods
in too many styles, brands and makes, tying up too much capital,
slowing up turnover and increasing overhead expense are causes of
hi^h costs of distribution chargeable to buyers of goods both in
wholesale and retail stores. There are many who think that there are
too many retail stores. Would goods be sold for less if there were
fewer? Probably not, because a larr;e part of the competitive losses
now occurring because of the number are borne by the dealers them-
selves in unpaid services. It may be argued that if their number
were reduced the rentals for the locations that would be eliminated
could be saved. This cannot be definitely checked by such experi-
ence as has been recorded in any public way. Concentration of
retailing seems invariably to result in increasing rents. In fact,
rents tend to increase faster than sales, so that the fewer the stores
the higher the share of the landlord. More studies are needed to
determine the exact effects of restriction of the number of stores on
costs of distribution.
There is another matter that needs consideration in connexion
with any attempt to reduce rents, and that is the fact that the store
plant is unused for a large part of the time. It seems impossible to
secure the high degree of use that may be had in a factory or shop
where, when there is plenty of work to be done, the plant can be
k?rt working both night and day by means of two or three labour
shifts. Store hours are by custom and legislation steadily growing
shorter. This means that the capital invested in stock and plant has
fewjr hours in which to produce.
Finally, there is undoubtedly an enormous loss due to unfairness
and dishonesty, a loss that is now carried in large part if not wholly
as an expense of distribution, being added to the price paid by the
consumer. Failure to return containers lent by distributors seerrs a
small item, but in such a business as milk distribution in large cities
the loss to rrilk distributors due to non-return of empty Lotties is
enormous. Uncollectalle debts and the cost of collecting delayed
payments are important items in the expenses of distribution.
Disregard of contracts in such matters as refusal of goods after
placing orders, failure to deliver goods after orders are placed, abuse
of the privilege to return goods, claims for adjustment, and irany
other sirr.ilar items make up large losses in money, time, labour and
thought that should be made available for the public good. Unfair
competition, efforts made not to increase legitimate business but to
impede or even to destroy competitors, comn ercial LriLery, " graft,"
and the exercise of monopoly, all burden distribution expense far too
much. A source of considerable loss is theft by employees, burglars
and shoplifters. Some retail establishments count upon a fixed
percentage on their sales representing losses due to this cause, a
percentage that is added to the gross expenses which form part of
the selling prices. Many of the losses of the distributive business,
including theft* breakage, fire, and so on, are covered by insurance.
In this way the individual distributor saves himself against excep-
tional loss, but the cost of the insurance is carried as an expense
against the distributing process. Hence the public must pay a
price for its goods that will cover these losses. Anything that can
be done to reduce them will by that much reduce the expenses of
distribution and the prices of goods.
EDUCATION IN MARKETING. The leaks and wastes enumerated
above are certainly responsible for at least a quarter of the pres-
ent costs of marketing. They may be responsible for a third or
even more. Here, then, is a great field for reducing costs by
improving present methods. The first general sfep towards such
improvement is education. Trained minds are the means through
which the improvements may be devised and trained workers
are needed to carry the improvements into effect. A beginning
has been made. Before 1860 the apprenticeship system was
850
MARKHAM
general in England and to some extent in America, in retail,
wholesale and importing houses. Young men came to their life's
work through a course of experience and training well calculated
to give an all-round view of the business. The apprenticeship
system gradually decreased about the middle of the ipth century,
and for years after no systematic training was provided for young
people other than the haphazard effect of their experience. The
first training of modern salesmen in America seems to have been
by the subscription book houses that flourished during the
'seventies and 'eighties. Their canvassers or book agents were
thoroughly drilled or schooled in the art of selling or in securing
orders. During the 'nineties sales managers in specialty manufac-
turing concerns, notably the National Cash Register Co., of Day-
ton, O., began training their men in special schools held at the
factory. Training salespeople for retail stores seems to have begun
in the 'nineties in such subjects as arithmetic, spelling and writing
and. in 1905, in sales methods, under the auspices of the Women's
Education and Industrial Union in Boston. Educational service
to salespeople and other workers is now commonly found in the
better classes of both wholesale and retail stores. A beginning
has been made also in education in distribution and marketing
in American colleges and public schools. Several colleges offer
courses in marketing, selling, sales management and advertising.
Many high schools give similar but somewhat more elementary
courses. The main drawback to a rapid development of public
education in marketing seems to be a shortage of teachers who
can conduct such courses rather than lack of public interest.
Considerable aid is being given to distribution through educa-
tional short courses, institutes, and conventions and extension
classes conducted by some of the state universities on systems
much like those adopted by the agricultural colleges in conduct-
ing educational work for farmers. Associations of dealers have
given to their annual meetings more and more of the spirit
of educational gatherings. Such an organization as the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce in its relation to distribution is largely
a clearing-house for information and educational ideas for its
members. One of the notable things in the progress made in
educational work for marketing is the growing conception of the
relation of the sciences of psychology and sociology when prac-
tically applied to the problems of marketing. In addition to
these sciences the college courses in marketing now established
include economics, statistics, geography and languages, in ad-
dition to more technical business subjects such as salesman-
ship, advertising, sales management and accounting.
GOVERNMENT AID AND REGULATION. The U.S. Government
has taken a growing interest in marketing, particularly of agri-
cultural products. In 1913 there was established in the U.S.
Department of Agriculture a Bureau of Markets to organize
and carry on studies in the marketing of agricultural products,
assist in working out grades for various commodities, attack
problems of transportation and storage as affecting farm products
and so on. The Bureau of Markets issues monthly a document
known as the Market Reporter. The Bureau of Crop Estimates,
another division of the Department of Agriculture, publishes
monthly the Crop Reporter, which collects and presents informa-
tion on the condition of production of agricultural products. The
International Agricultural Institute, located at Rome, and sup-
ported by the cooperative action of most of the Governments of
the world, collects and disseminates essential crop information
for all parts of the world, information invaluable to the proper
distribution of food products. Since the establishment of the
Federal Bureau of Markets there has been a strong tendency to
establish state and local marketing bureaus to act locally and to
cooperate with the national bureau. Up to Feb. 15 1921, 31
American states had started such bureaus, commissions or de-
partments. Proposals to establish similar organizations were
then before other states and were almost certain to pass. The
county agents, agricultural educational officers appointed by the
states to assist in the development of agriculture, working in
hundreds of counties scattered all over the United States, help
to organize buying and selling clubs and actually serve in many
cases as sales and purchasing agents for such goods as seed grains,
fertilizers and so on. In addition, the Federal Government shows
its interest in marketing through control of transportation,
weights and measures, storage plants and exchanges, and prevents
adulteration and mishandling of products entering into inter-
state trade. The U.S. Department of Commerce, through its
Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, collects and dis-
tributes information on export trade. The U.S. Geological Sur-
vey reports the production and distribution of minerals and
metals. The Forest Service reports the production of lumber and
other wood products. The Federal Trade Commission has made
intensive marketing studies of certain commodities and ha
drawn up outlines of accounting systems suited to retailers and
manufacturers. The chief function of the Commission, however,
is to act as a court of investigation and trial of unfair trade.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. A. B. Adams, "Marketing Perishable Farm Prod-
ucts," Columbia University Studies, vol. Ixxii., No. 3, 1916; " Reducing
the Cost of Food Distribution," Annals of the Amer. Acad. of Pol.
and Soc. Science, Nov. 1913; H. H. Brace, The Value of Organized
Speculation (1913); W. W. Cumberland, Cooperative Marketing
(1917); P. T. Cherington, The Elements of Marketing (1920); C. S.
Duncan, Marketing: Its Problems and Methods (1920); and Whole-
sale Marketing of Food (1920); E. P. Harris, Cooperation the Hope
of the Consumer (1918); A. Marshall, Industry and Trade (1920);
E. G. Nourse, The Chicago Produce Market (1918); P. H. Nystrom,
The Economics of Retailing (1920); W. Sammons, Keeping up with
Rising Costs (1915) and How to Run a Wholesale Business at a Profit
(1918); A. Sonnichsen, Consumers' Cooperation (1919) and L. D. H.
Weld, The Marketing of Farm Products (1915). (P. H. N.)
MARKHAM, SIR ALBERT HASTINGS (1841-1918), British
admiral and Arctic explorer, was born at Bagneres, France,
Nov. ii 1841, the son of a naval captain. Entering the Royal
Navy in 1856, he served during the next 16 years in the Far East
(where he took a prominent part in reprisals upon the Japanese
of Kagoshima for the murder of an Englishman) and on the
Mediterranean and Australian stations. In 1873 he shipped as
A.B. on a whaler for Davis Straits and Baffin Bay with a view
to investigating that route for polar research; he took an active
share in the work of the vessel, and wrote a fascinating narrative
of the voyage (A Whaling Cruise to Baffin's Bay). In 1875
and following years he commanded H.M.S. " Alert " on the
Arctic expedition under Nares, and at the head of a sledge-party
he reached the highest latitude attained up to that time (83
20' N.). Subsequently, after further service in the Pacific and as
captain of the " Vernon " torpedo school, he visited Novaya
Zemlya with Sir H. Gore-Booth, and also Hudson Strait and Bay,
upon which he reported to the Canadian Government as to their
suitability for a commercial route. In 1886 he was appointed to
command the training squadron; he was promoted rear-admiral
in 1891, and in 1892 became second-in-command of the Mediter-
ranean squadron under Sir George Tryon. His flagship was the
" Camperdown " when she was rammed and sunk by the " Vic-
toria "; he was acting under superior orders and was not censured.
Subsequently he was placed in command at the Nore. He was
created K.C.B. in 1003 and retired in 1906, devoting himself
thereafter to literary work (including a biography of his cousin
Sir Clements Markham), to the furtherance of polar exploration,
and, during the World War, to the mine-sweeping service. He
died in London on Oct. 28 1918.
MARKHAM, SIR ARTHUR BASIL, IST BART. (1866-
1916), English politician, was born at Brimington Hall, near
Chesterfield, Aug. 25 1866. He was educated at Rugby, and
later entered the Sherwood Foresters. In 1900 he was elected
Liberal member for the Mansfield division of Notts., where, as
a wealthy colliery-owner, he exercised considerable influence.
He became known as a highly independent but energetic member
of the House of Commons, and was created a baronet in 1911.
He died at Newstead Abbey, Mansfield, Aug. 5 igi6.
His sister, VIOLET ROSA MARKHAM, born at Brimington Hall
Oct. 3 1872, became well known as a traveller, making long
journeys in South Africa, and Siberia. In connexion with the
anti-suffrage movement she made a reputation as a speaker.
She was a member of the Central Committee on Women's Em-
ployment (1914), and in 1917 deputy director of the women's
section of the National Service Department. The same year
MARKHAM MARNE, BATTLE OF THE
851
she became a Companion of Honour, and in 1918 unsuccessfully
contested the Mansfield division of Notts, as a Liberal. In 1919
she became a member of the Industrial Court, and in 1920 was
appointed a J.P. She married in 1915 Maj. James Carruthers,
A.A.G. to the British army of the Rhine. Her published works
include South Africa Past and Present (1900); The New Era in
South Africa (1904); The South African Scene (1913) and A
Woman's Watch on the Rhine (1921).
MARKHAM, SIR CLEMENTS RORERT (1830-1916), English
geographer (see 17.734), died in London Jan. 30 1916 of shock
following an accidental fire. The principal work of his later years
was connected with the two Antarctic expeditions under Capt.
R. F. Scott, for whom he entertained a warm personal affection,
suffering a grievous blow at his loss. Markham's long-standing
interest in South American geography, history and affairs led
to his election as president of the International Congress of
Americanists in 1912. An important history of Arctic and Ant-
arctic exploration by Markham was completed posthumously by
Dr. F. H. H. Guillemard and published in 1921 under the title
of The Lands of Silence.
A Life, written by his cousin, Adral. Sir A. H. Markham, was
published in 1917.
MARLOWE, JULIA (1870- ), American actress (see 17.744),
first appeared in London in 1907 in Hauptmann's The Sunken
Bell, following this by successful interpretations of Shakespearean
heroines. In 1909 she played Cleopatra at the opening of the
New Theatre, New York, with E. H. Sothern, afterwards tour-
ing with him in Shakespearean plays and appearing again in New
York in 1910 as Lady Macbeth.
MARNE, BATTLE OF THE. Under this name is included the
connected series of actions fought in Sept. 1914 in the area
between Paris and Verdun, when the French and British armies,
which had been in full retreat from the frontier, turned at bay
and inflicted defeat on the Germans, driving them to the Aisne.
To understand the claim of the battle of the Marne to be
regarded as a decisive battle of the world, something more ihan
a mere tactical narrative is necessary. The circumstances in
which it was fought must be first considered. Tactically,
indeed, the result was somewhat of a disappointment. No part
of the German host was annihilated, or even immobilized for
any length of time; the number both of trophies and pris-
oners was inconsiderable; the Germans broke off the fight at
their own time; no great strategic pursuit such as had succeeded
Jena took place; and the Germans were enabled to retire, if not
unscathed, at any rate in fair order. Strategically, however,
the battle was of immense import. It marked for the Allies
the definite turn of the tide of defeat, while for the Germans it
signified no less the collapse of the plan with which they had
entered the war and on which their Great General Staff had been
prepared to hazard the fate of the empire.
In spite of the victories which had marked their entry into
France, the situation of the Germans by the end of Aug. 1914
was not without anxiety. The principle underlying their plan
of operations had been that France was to be brought to her
knees within six weeks; but when two-thirds of this period had
expired the French and British armies were still keeping their
opponents at arm's length. The German plan had laid down
that if the French were to form a great defensive flank resting
on Paris the capital was to be turned by forces pushed W. and
S. of it; Ersatz divisions were to be dropped for the investment;
and the five field armies pivoting on Thionville were to force the
whole of the Allied forces against the Swiss frontier. An opera-
tion of such a nature, involving the handling of immense masses
of men, demanded, however, a supreme direction of the highest
order accompanied by most detailed instructions for the front-
age of each army so that the general alignment might be pre-
served and overlapping prevented. These essentials were not
forthcoming. Supreme Headquarters were for a time over 100
m. in rear of the German right wing, and the only means of
communication were wireless telegraphy which worked incred-
ibly slowly and the transmission of orders by officers in motor-
cars. The inevitable result of indifferent communication was
that on the German right the absence of unity of control soon
showed itself to a serious extent. Further, the ever-lengthening
lines of communication were adding to the supply and transport
difficulties of the invaders, and slowly but surely sapping their
strength. Maubeuge, too, still held out, and the retention of
this fortress by the French denied to the invaders the use of a
valuable line of railway. The inevitable wastage involved by a
rapid advance in trying weather had made itself felt, and the
cavalry horses were in serious need of rest. Nor was there any
depth in the advance. From the I. Army two corps had been
left in Belgium to mask Antwerp; while from the II. Army the
VII. Reserve Corps was immobilized by the siege of Maubeuge.
Worse still, two corps had been sent off post-haste to E. Prussia,
and of these one had been subtracted from the German right
wing where every man was urgently required. Nor had the
right wing been drained merely to find troops for Belgium and
E. Prussia. Peremptory orders had been given to send off the
Ersatz divisions and 70 heavy batteries earmarked for the
investment of Paris to take part in an attack against the
Grand Couronne de Nancy.
On Aug. 28, when German Supreme Headquarters directed
that Gen. von Billow's II. Army with the I. Cavalry Corps
was to advance E. of the Oise on Paris, while the I. Army of
Gen. von Kluck, moving down the opposite bank of that river,
was to advance towards the Seine below the capital, it was
brought home to the Germans that they had not sufficient
troops to carry out their grandiose plan. They " had bitten off
more than they could chew "; and the net result of the extension
of their line was that the II. Army, in comparative isolation,
found itself committed to an advance direct against the great
fortress of Paris. So perturbed was Gen. von Bulow by his
situation that when the French V. Army attacked him on Aug.
29 at the battle of Guise he sent out urgent appeals by wireless
messages to the I. and III. Armies to close inwards to his aid.
Gen. von Billow's cries for assistance were destined to alter
the whole course of the war, for Gen. von Kluck, apparently
glad of an excuse to switch off from the elusive British army,
during the evening of Aug. 30 telegraphed to Supreme Head-
quarters to say that his army had wheeled round towards the
Oise and would advance on the 3ist by Compiegne and Noyon
" to exploit the success of the II. Army." This involved a
definite movement S. and S.E. by both these armies; but during
the night an answer came by wireless from Supreme Head-
quarters formally approving of this new operation. In a word,
an advance by the right wing against Paris was now postponed,
if not definitely written off. Trusting that the newly formed
French VI. Army, which had fallen back on Paris, would be
chained to the capital, and convinced that the British army
was incapable of any action other than licking its wounds, the
German General Staff now reduced the scope of their original
plan and decreed that the new objective was to be the flank of
the " main French forces " in front of the II. Army. Put briefly,
while envelopment by the German right wing was still the end
in view it was to be an envelopment not of all but of part of the
Allied forces. Success was still hoped for; but the colossal
Sedan originally aimed at was ruled out of court by the growing
difficulties of the strategic situation.
As for the French, the month of Aug. had been marked by
a succession of failures which might well have daunted a com-
mander of less resolution than Gen. Joffre. The offensive of
their I. and II. Armies S. of Metz had failed, and failed badly;
and the failure had necessitated a modification of Gen. Joffre's
plan. A new offensive farther N. had begun on the 22nd, but
here again failure had dogged the efforts of the French, for owing
to misunderstanding and lack of coordination the whole move-
ment collapsed, and the collapse had the effect of completely
isolating the V. and British armies in the zone Mons-Charleroi.
Even then the cup of failure had not been completely drained.
Gen. Joffre's fresh plan, of Aug. 25, of regrouping the Allied
forces and strengthening the left wing with a new French army
drawn from the E., so as to take the offensive from the general
line Verdun-Laon-La Fere-Bray, could not be carried out. On
852
MARNE, BATTLE OF THE
Aug. 31 Amiens fell; the British were definitely cut off from
their bases in the Channel ports; and the whole Allied line was
withdrawn, pivoting its right on the fortress of Verdun. Paris
was now in danger and the newly formed VI. Army, with Gen.
Sordet's cavalry corps, was sent back to the capital, where both
units were to come under the orders of Gen. Gallieni, the mili-
tary governor.
Gen. Joffre, however, never wavered in his intention to
assume the offensive at the first opportunity, and he decided
to continue his retirement merely until the protection of a
topographical obstacle would afford his troops a temporary
respite during which reorganization could tak3 place and wast-
age might be made good. The limits of the withdrawal were
laid down as the territory immediately S. of the rivers Seine,
Aube and Ornain. Tactically the barrier formed by the river
lines might reasonably be expected to afford the brief breathing-
time required by the Allied troops, but the project was open to
the objection that its adoption would mean the abandonment of
a further section of French soil and the isolation of the capital.
Meanwhile, inside Paris Gen. Gallieni was labouring with
feverish energy to make good the deficiencies of defence caused
by the apathy and neglect of successive French Governments.
Even in the critical situation of the last days of Aug. the Govern-
ment of the day was more alive to the danger of alarming the
populace than to the necessity of defence, and refused to sanction
some of the measures which Gen. Gallieni regarded as indispen-
sable. The actual garrison consisted of four and a half divisions
of the Territorial Army (i.e. men of the older classes), some
cavalry and field artillery, as well as 5,000 Fusiliers Marins
sent to reinforce the police of the capital; but on Sept. i the
newly formed French VI. Army, some 60,000 strong under the
command of Gen. Maunoury, was formally placed under the
orders of the military governor. In addition to the VI. Army
the cavalry corps of Gen. Sordet had been sent back to Paris,
and two other reserve divs., the 6ist and 62nd, were at
Pontoise; but these had been very roughly handled at St. Pol
and Arras and had lost most of whatever fighting efficiency they
had originally possessed. A far more valuable reinforcement
was the 4Sth Div. from N. Africa, which had just detrained in
Paris and was impounded by the military governor.
At six o'clock on the evening of Sept. i Gen. Gallieni issued
his first operation orders. In that document he laid down defi-
nitely that Paris was to form the point d'appui of the left of the
French armies which were retreating towards the south. Gen.
Maunoury, in his retirement on Paris, reinforced by the p2nd
Territorial Div. and other units, was to cover the entrenched
camp from the N. and E., and the cavalry corps of Gen. Sordet
was placed at his disposal as a protection to his left. The 45th
Div. was to be the general reserve under Gen. Gallieni 's own hand,
while the actual garrison of Paris itself was to consist of some
four territorial divisions. The IV. Corps (from the IV. Army)
had been promised by Gen. Joffre, but was not expected to
arrive from Verdun until Sept. 4. In touch with the Army of
Paris were the British, for the moment on the line Nanteuil-le-
Haudouin-Betz, but retreating part passu with the French
armies on its right.
Although for more than 48 hours the Germans had renounced
the advance on Paris, all through Sept. 2 it was believed in the
city that they were still marching straight on the capital. The
arrival of the enemy was, indeed, now thought to be but a matter
of hours. German agents had notified the U.S. embassy of the
forthcoming entry; the embassy had prepared notices to be
affixed as safeguards to the residences of American citizens;
and the ambassador came formally in person to request sanction
for their issue from the military governor. Gen. Gallieni
spent the afternoon in a final survey of the positions occupied by
the forces under his command, convinced that the morrow
would witness the opening of the battle which was to decide the
fate of the French capital. What he had seen of the troops on
whom the great duty of defending Paris was thrust had by no
means reassured him. The VI. Army largely made up of
reserve troops had not recovered from the disorganization
caused by its hurried retreat from the neighbourhood of Amiens.
The 45th Div. from Algiers, however, presented a more encour-
aging sight. Composed of seasoned soldiers, who had not been
exposed to the depressing experience of retreat, and admirably
equipped, its fort bel aspect gladdened the heart of the military
governor on that anxious day; but as for the gand Div. of Terri-
toriales its field entrenchments were but half finished, and its
personnel was hardly of the class which a commander could put
with confidence against first-line German troops. Gen. Gal-
lieni's actual instructions were to defend Paris a outrance so as
to save it from the invader; but his military instinct had led
him to aim at active defence so as not only to save the capital
but to make the fortress a strong support for the left flank of the
Allied armies in the field. The task was a formidable one, and
Gsn. Gallieni was under no illusions as to the gravity of the
outlook when he reached his headquarters in Paris in the
evening, and heard news which altered the whole situation.
The German glissemcnt towards the S.E. had begun on Aug.
31 and had actually been observed by a French cavalry patrol
about noon on that date from a point near St. Maur, but curi-
ously enough the information had never come to Gen. Gallieni's
ears. Even as late as the morning of Sept. 3 all the information
available had pointed to a German advance on Paris with the
Senlis-Paris road as the axis of movement. But by midday the
situation had completely changed. Intelligence transmitted by
aeroplanes and cavalry patrols showed that the German I.
Army had abandoned the march on Paris, and by evening it was
cbar that the main body of Gen. von Kluck's army was heading
S.E. towards the junction of the right of the British with the
left of the French V. Army.
Gen. Gallieni's first decision was to verify these reports so as
to eliminate all possibility of error. At dawn on the following
day all available aircraft ascended from the capital with express
instructions to report by 10 A.M. on these movements of the
Gsrman right wing. The information gathered completely
confirmed the intelligence of the evening before. The Senlis-
Paris road was free of Germans; Senlis and Creil were in flames;
and, with the exception of some cavalry patrols, the country W.
of the Senlis road was empty. So much was absolutely definite,
and a comparison of the various reports sent in led to the follow-
ing deduction as to the movements of the German I. Army. The
IV. Reserve Corps was acting as a flank guard and was march-
ing in two columns towards Lizy-sur-Ourcq and Meaux, flanked
by some cavalry towards Crouy. The II., III., IV. and IX.
Corps had crossed the Marne and were at 10 A.M. deploying
along the Petit Morin from La Ferte-sous-Jouarre to Orbais.
Gen. Gallieni could now turn his attention from the actual
defence of the capital to the far wider issue of the war as a whole.
The situation in which he now found himself required excep-
tional power of judgment to ensure a right decision. On the one
hand there was the German I. Army making a flank march
across the N.E. of Paris, actually inviting attack, and providing
a temptation almost impossible to resist; on the other hand
the,re was the fact that Gen. Joffre had prescribed a retirement
behind the Upper Seine and Aube as an essential preliminary
before any offensive could be attempted. Gen. Gallieni clearly
realized that combined action by the armies in the -field and the
army in Paris might effect immense results in the new state of
affairs; but he also saw that a mere sortie by the army of Paris
would be an extremely dangerous measure. He realized, in fact,
that Paris and the army in the field must sink or swim together.
If Gen. Joffre hoped to resume the offensive the time to do so
was while his left was still in touch with the capital, which would
form a point d'appui for that flank, and before the golden
opportunity of striking at the enemy's flank had passed away.
Anticipating the sanction of the commander-in-chief, which
he hoped to obtain, Gen. Gallieni at 9 A.M. ordered the com-
mander of the VI. Army to hold his troops in readiness for an
advance against the exposed flank of the German I. Army,
informing him at the same time that the 45th Div. was now at
his disposal. Gen. Gallieni's chief-of-staff then informed G.H.Q.
by telephone that the VI. Army had now received orders to
move out eastwards in the afternoon, but that it could be
directed to operate on the right or left bank of the Marne as
required. The next thing was to secure the cooperation of the
British, and accordingly at one o'clock Gen. Gallieni started for
the headquarters of Sir John French, which were at that time
fixed at Melun. The British commander was at the moment
with his troops some miles in front, and in his absence it was
not possible to arrive at a definite decision on a matter of such
importance as the project now suggested. On his return Gen.
Gallieni was shown a telegram which had come from Gen.
Joffre early in the afternoon. It was to the effect that, while
favouring the project of an early offensive in principle, Gen.
Joffre considered that the project of carrying the VI. Army to
the left bank of the Marne S. of Lagny held out the greatest
prospect of success. Gen. Joffre, Gen. Gallieni and Sir John
French were all equally desirous of assuming the offensive at
the first available opportunity, and any divergence of opinion
was but on matters of detail. Further telephonic communica-
tion removed from the mind of the commander-in-chief any
lingering doubts as to the advisability of adopting Gen. Gallieni's
original plan of using the VI. Army N. of the Marne. From all
the information gained Gen. Joffre had now realized that a
chance not often to be met with in war was offered him. He
determined to assume the offensive at the earliest moment, and
shortly before midnight he issued his directions in which he
stated that advantage was to be taken of the situation of the
German I. Army to concentrate against it the efforts of the
Allied armies of the extreme left. All necessary preparations
were to be carried out during the 5th, and the attack was to be
made on Sept. 6. The die was now cast, and it only remained for
the Franco-British armies to carry out to the full the tasks
assigned them by the French generalissimo.
In detail the orders of Gen. Joffre were as follows: (a) All the
available forces of the VI. Army N.E. of Meaux to be ready to
cross the Ourcq between Lizy and May-en-Multien, in the
general direction of Chateau-Thierry. The available portions
of the I. Cavalry Corps which are close at hand to be handed
over to Gen. Maunoury for this operation, (b) The British
army to establish itself on the line Changis-Coulommiers,
facing E., ready to attack in the general direction of Montmirail.
(c) The V. Army to close slightly on its left and take up the
general line Courtacon-Esternay-Sezanne, ready to attack,
generally speaking, south to north. The II. Cavalry Corps to
ensure connexion between the British army and the V. Army.
(d) The IX. Army to cover the right of the V. Army by holding
the southern outlets of the St. Gond marshes and by placing
part of its forces on the tableland N. of Sezanne.
In the orders issued by Gen. Joffre on the afternoon of the
4th only the VI., British, V. and IX. Armies had received
detailed instructions as to the task before them, but on the 5th
supplementary ordsrs were issued, carrying on the scope of
operations so as to include the French III. and IV. Armies.
These orders were received by the armies concerned at about
7 P.M. on the sth, and ran as follows:
IV. Army. To-morrow, Sept. 6, our left armies will attack the
German I. and II. Armies in front and flank. The IV. Army will
cease its southerly movement with that of the III. Army, which will
issue N. of Revigny and take the offensive towards the north-west.
III. Army. The III. Army, covering itself against attack from
the N.E., will debouch to the W. to attack the left flank of enemy
forces marching W. of the Argonne. It will coordinate its action with
that of the IV. Army, which has received orders to attack.
Working from W. to E., the disposition of the armies of
France and England between Paris and Verdun, as they stood
during Sept. 5, was as follows:
French VI. Army: Gen. Maunoury. VII. Corps (i4th Div.,
63rd Reserve Div.); IV. Corps (detraining at Cagny and vicinity;
considerable delay had been caused by a railway accident en route;
55th and 56th Res. Divs., Gen. Lamaze; 6ist and 62nd Res. Divs.,
Gen. Ebener; a Moroccan Brigade; I. Cavalry Corps, Gen.
Sordet, less the Provisional Cavalry Div., Gen. Cornulier-Luciniere).
(This army had endeavoured to effect its concentration at Amiens,
but had been forced to fall back on Paris and now stood on a line
covering the capital on the N. and north-east. The 45th Div. did
not actually come up until the evening of the 5th and was kept in
MARNE, BATTLE OF THE
853
reserve. The I. Cavalry Corps had fallen back S. of the Seine, very
exhausted.)
British Army: Field-Marshal Sir John French. I. Corps (ist and
2nd Divs.; Gen. Sir Douglas Haig) ; II. Corps (3rd and 5th Divs.;
pen. Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien) ; III. Corps (4th Div. plus igth Inf.
Bde. ; Gen. Pulteney) ; Cavalry Div. (5 cavalry brigades and horse
artillery; Gen. Allenby).
(This army lay behind the Grand Morin on the general line Bailly-
La Houssaye-Courpalay, in order, from left to right, III., II., I, and
covered by the cavalry.)
French V. Army: Gen. Franchet d'Espe"rey. I., III., X., XVIII.
Corps; 37th and 38th (Algerian) Divs.; 5lst, 53rd and 69th Reserve
Divs.; II. Cavalry Corps (Gen. Conneau).
(The front of this army extended from about CourtaQon on the
left to between Esternay and Sezanne on the right.)
French IX. Army: Gen. Foch. IX. Corps (included Moroccan
Div. vice i8th Div.); XI. Corps (included l8th Div.; strength 3
divs.) ; 42 Div. ; 52nd and 6oth Res. Divs. ; gth Cav. Div.
(This army occupied the front Sezanne-Camp-de-Mailly, near
Sompuis. The gth Cavalry Div. was on the right flank.)
French IV. Army: Gen. Langle de Gary. II. Corps; XII. Corps;
XVII. Corps; Colonial Corps.
(The IV. Army occupied a position from near Sompuis through
Humbauville, thence S. of Vitry-le-Francois, as far as Sermaize. It
was reinforced on Sept. 9 by the XXI. Corps from the I. Army.)
French III. Army: Gen. Sarrail. IV. Corps; sent to VI. Army
(IV. Corps); V. Corps; VI. Corps; one brigade of the 54th Div.;
6sth, 67th and 75th Res. Divs. ; 7th Cav. Div.
(This army was posted on the line Revigny-Souilly, and on its
right it joined up with the mobile garrison of the fortress of Verdun.
It was reinforced on Sept. 7 by the XXV. Corps from the II. Army.)
On the same date the German armies in France were thus
disposed :
I. Army: Gen. von Kluck. II., III., IV., IV. Res. and IX.
Corps; 2nd, 4th and gth Cav. Divs. under Gen. v. der Marwitz,
with three Landwehr brigades on lines of communication.
(The III. Res. Corps of this army had been left behind to watch
Antwerp, and the IX. Res. Corps, temporarily held in Germany
for the defence of the N.W. coast, was only just beginning its move-
ment to Belgium and France. The IV. Res. Corps was posted on a
line S. of Nanteuil and W. of the Ourcq to form a flank guard for the
new march of the German I. Army. The main body of that army had
its right about Crecy, and the line ran thence generally eastwards
through St. Augustine and Sancy to Esternay.)
//. Army: Gen. von Billow. Guard, VII., X. and X. Res. Corps;
Guard and 5th Cavalry Divs. (under Gen. von Richthofen).
(The headquarters cf the II. Army were at Montmirail, and its
line stretched thence, keeping N. of the marshes of St. Gond, through
Congy to Ecury-le-Repos. The VII. Corps was echeloned behind
the right rear, N.W. of Montmirail. The VII. Res. Corps of this
army had been detached to besiege Maubeuge.)
///. Army: Gen. von Hausen. XII., XII. Res., and XIX. Corps,
with one Landwehr brigade.
(This army consisted of Saxon troops, and was in position with its
right in touch with advanced troops of the II. Army about Ecury-le-
Repos. Its centre was opposite Sommesous and its left extended
towards Vitry-le-Frangois. Of the XII. Res. Corps one division
the 24th had been left investing Givet, and did not rejoin until
Sept. 7.)
IV. Army: Duke Albrecht of Wurttemberg. VIII., VIII. Res.,
XVIII., and XVIII. Res. Corps, with one Landwehr brigade.
(The line of this army ran from near Vitry-le-Francois to Ponthion
and thence by Possesse to Somme-Yevre.)
V. Army: German Crown Prince. V., V. Res., VI., VI. Res.,
XIII. and XVI. Corps; 33rd Res. Div., and Landwehr Div. with
additional brigades, five in all; 3rd and 6th Cavalry Divs.
(The Crown Prince's army lay in two portions. One part of it
the VI., XIII. and XVI. active corps faced the French III. Army
on the line Charmontoise-Triaucourt-Froidos. The two reserve
corps were to the N. of Verdun, the VI. Res. being on the left-hand
bank near Montfaucon and the V. Res. on the opposite bank about
Consenvoye. The active corps was E. of Verdun, and the 33rd Res.
Div. and the Landwehr formed a special force in Woevre and on
the Moselle based on Metz.)
The French, British and German armies thus enumerated
were those immediately concerned in the operations which are
now known as the battle of the Marne. Farther to the S.E.,
between the fortress of Toul and the Swiss frontier, the German
VI. (Rupprecht, Crown Prince of Bavaria) and VII. (Gen. von
Heeringen) Armies had been heavily engaged with the French
I. and II. Armies since the middle of August.
The area on which the battle was about to be contested forms
roughly a rectangle from E. to W. of 120 m., and as the distance
from the southern to the northern edge is 50 m. the battlefield
may be said to cover some 6,000 sq. m. of area. Save for the
854
MARNE, BATTLE OF THE
fortress of Verdun the actual battlefield contained no feature,
the capture or retention of which would have vitally affected
the battle, but it was of a very diversified nature. The western
strip is, generally speaking, a large cultivated plain, in which
the Marne, flowing through a well-marked valley, receives as
tributaries the Ourcq and the two Morins. Like the parent
river, the tributaries are slow-moving and unfordable, but well
provided with stone bridges and lined with woods and country
houses. This sector of the battlefield is fairly open; but an
exception must be made of the forests of Villers-Cotterets and
Compiegne, where the paths are intricate and blind, and where
a force losing direction might find itself in serious difficulties if
attacked. East of this sector is a strip bounded generally by
N. and S. lines through Soissons and Reims, and roughly bisected
by the course of the river Marne. Generally speaking, the
terrain here is a plateau cut by the well-marked river valley and
marked by copses and plantations which increase in size and
frequency towards the east. The eastern edge of the plateau,
running from the Montagne de Reims to the Aisne, and thence
to Laon and beyond, forms the line of heights known as Les
Falaises de Champagne. A tactical feature of some importance
is the marshland near Sezanne called Les Marais de Saint Gond,
formed by a pocket of clay and extending for about 10-12 m.
from E. to W., and 1-2 m. broad. The marshes have been to a
large extent reclaimed, and between the acres of grassland the
streams which unite to form the Petit Morin run in deep ditches.
In fine weather the ground is fairly dry, but in heavy rains the
slopes N. and S. drain down to the pocket, the canalized streams
overflow, and the clay soil becomes one vast quagmire. Some
narrow causeways have been constructed, but these can be
brought under artillery fire, particularly from a round-topped
hill at Mondement, which is a valuable tactical feature; and
since the causeways are neither engineered nor metalled they
are all likely in flood time to become as deep in mud as the
adjoining marshes. Passing eastward, the third strip of the
battlefield is the wide plain of Champagne Pouilleuse. Here
are long undulating ridges covered with heath and crowned on
top with small fir plantations, moorlands with patches of culti-
vation, and two large permanent training camps N. and S. of
Chalons, the whole forming a fine arena for a conventional
battle of the three arms.
East of this immense plain the woods become more frequent
and dense, meriting in many cases the larger designation of for-
ests. Chief among these is the Forest of Argonne, a long, densely
wooded low ridge running almost N. and S., traversed only by
a few paths and by two gaps, through which run two high roads
and the St. Menehould-Verdun railway. Between the ridge
and the valley of the Meuse lies an upland country, chiefly of
pasture-land intersected by numerous narrow ravines; and on
the right bank of the Meuse are the abrupt Hauts-de-Meuse
(or C6tes de la Meuse), looking down on the plain of the Woevre.
In this sector of the battlefield is situated the fortress of
Verdun, which, although it formed a very sharp salient in the
French line, yet by its projection served the useful purpose of
dividing the Crown Prince's army into two parts. Unlike Namur
and Liege, the fortress had been kept in readiness to resist a
sudden attack and contained an adequate garrison, including
mobile troops distinct from the field armies. Further, the forts
of the perimeter had been supplemented by a network of trenches
and outworks pushed well out, which greatly minimized the
chance of the fortress being quickly crushed by a concentrated
storm of heavy artillery fire. In spite of the great use which the
Germans made of mechanical transport, the retention of Verdun
in French hands was a serious handicap to the invaders, for it
prevented their making use of the main line of railway running
thence to Germany; and the difficulty of communication was
aggravated by the fact that when the battle began Maubeuge
was still untaken and the main line of railway from Cologne
through Liege and Namur was in consequence blocked. Prac-
tically the only line of rail available to supply the i j to i j million
Germans deployed along the general line of the Marne was that
which ran N. from Reims to Mezieres and thence by the valley
of the Meuse to Dinant and Namur. In lateral communications,
however, the Germans were admirably served, the Meaux-
Reims-Verdun and Meaux-Chalons-Verdun railways affording
them the means of transferring troops from one portion of the
battlefield to another at will. The suddenness and impetuosity
of the Allies' attack, however, was to render the advantage a
theoretical rather than an actual benefit.
The new " limited envelopment " scheme of the German Gen-
eral Staff held the field for just four days; and, to carry it out,
Supreme Headquarters sent out orders on Sept. 3 to the effect
that the I. Army was to follow in echelon behind the II. and to
be responsible for the protection of the right flank of the whole
German front. But at the moment when the orders were issued
the situation was far different from that envisaged by Supreme
Headquarters. So far from being echeloned behind the II.
Army, Gen. von Kluck's columns were hurrying over the Marne,
with the II. Army more than a day's march behind upon the
Aisne. It has been suggested that Gen. von Kluck was fired by
the recollection of Prince Frederick Charles at Mars-la-Tour,
in which battle the former had served as a young officer of artil-
lery. Be this as it may, in spite of the orders issued he con-
tinued his advance, and Supreme Headquarters quickly came
to the conclusion that even the limited envelopment, which had
been substituted for the original plan, must be curtailed.
It was during the evening of Sept. 4 that the new directive
was brought to the I. Army. The essential point in it was the
announcement that the attempt to force the whole French army
back in a south-easterly direction, towards the Swiss frontier,
was no longer practicable. Intelligence had reached the Germans
about movements of French troops westward from Toul and Bel-
fort, which pointed to a concentration on the French left; and
further, there was an ominous reference to a collection of troops
in the neighbourhood of Paris to threaten the right flank of the
German I. Army. How far the initiative had passed from the
Germans is revealed by a study of these orders of the evening of
Sept. 4. The whole German plan broke down, and the invaders
had to reshape their scheme to cope with that of Gen. Joffre.
The I. and II. Armies were now to face E. towards Paris, the
former between the Oise and the Marne and the latter between
the Marne and the Seine; on the left the IV. and V. Armies by
a determined advance S.E. were to open a passage across the
Moselle for the VI. and VII. Armies, in which region a pianissimo
Sedan might still take place, although Supreme Headquar-
ters cautiously stated that " success could not yet be fore-
seen." The III. Army in the centre was to push S. ready to help
either wing as required. Thus Gen. von Moltke was forced to
throw to the winds the hopes founded on the great massive
wheel of five armies pivoting on Thionville, and, instead, was
compelled hurriedly to assign to his armies three divergent
axes of march towards the W., S., and S.E.
Gen. von Kluck's contribution towards solving the difficult
problem with which Supreme Headquarters were confronted
was to disregard his orders. Instead of remaining between the
Oise and the Marne he continued to push on over the latter
river, increasing at every step his lead over the II. Army, behind
which he should have been following. As the French VI. Army
had orders to be in a position of readiness N.E. of Paris so as
to be able to cross the Ourcq between Lizy and May-en-Multien
in the general direction of Chateau-Thierry, early collision
between it and the flank guard of the German I. Army was now
but a matter of hours. Gen. Joffre had ordered that the offensive
was to be begun by the VI., British, and V. Armies on the morn-
ing of Sept. 6, but as a matter of fact the battle was brought on
earlier by the preliminary movements of the VI. Army.
In view of the forthcoming offensive the French VI. Army,
during Sept: 5, began to fill in to its right so as to deploy gener-
ally on the line St. Mesmes-Foret d'Ermonville facing north-east.
Opposite the right wing of this position and commanding all the
neighbouring terrain runs a well-marked ridge which, starting
from the high ground of Dammartin, is prolonged towards the
S.E. by the hill at Montge, and thence by a succession of isolated
knolls, of which the more pronounced are those of Monthyon
I
MARNE, BATTLE OF THE
855
and Penchard. The attempt by the divisions of Gen. Lamaze,
which formed the right wing of the VI. Army, to secure this
commanding ground brought on the battle of the Marne.
Almost exactly at noon, when a battalion of the S5th Div.
was settling down to its midday meal near the hamlet of Villeroy,
it was surprised by a storm of shells from some German batteries
beyond Monthyon and Penchard. Some very fierce fighting
ensued, and the French line gradually forced its way past
Plessis and Iverny towards the Montge-Penchard ridge, while
slightly to the S. Neufmontiers fell into the hands of the Moroc-
can Brigade. The French, however, were not able to hold their
gains against the resistance of the German IV. Reserve Corps
and during the evening their line in this position of the field was
withdrawn to Le Plessis-Iverny-Villeroy-Charny, while to the
N. St. Soupplets was held by the s6th Div. The left wing
formed by the VII. Corps meanwhile had taken up the line
Dammartin-Plailly without incident. Thus the VI. Army
after severe fighting in which heavy losses were incurred, had
secured but little advantage of ground, although, on the other
hand, the possession of St. Soupplets on the Senlis-Marne road
was of distinct value.
During the day Gen. von Kluck had drawn up a set of orders
in compliance with the instructions he had received from
Supreme Headquarters relative to his taking up a position
between the Oise and the Marne. This would imply a retro-
grade movement of the I. Army; but Gen. von Kluck was at the
time labouring under the delusion that there was as yet no great
danger threatening his right flank, and that a march back to
cover it could be carried out without interruption. Conse-
quently his orders fixed no definite time at which the with-
drawal across the Marne was to begin, and until late in the night
of Sept. 5-6 he seems to have believed that he could still emulate
the Red Prince of 1870. The reports which kept coming in,
however, eventually undeceived him, and an urgent order was
sent to the II. Corps to begin its retrograde movement early on
the 6th so as to be in a position to support the IV. Reserve
Corps if required, a movement which was to react upon the
offensive of the French army.
That army moved out to the attack with both flanks covered
by cavalry, on the right being a division under Gen. Cornulier-
Luciniere, while Gen. Sordet's cavalry corps was coming up on
the left. The bulk of the day's fighting took place opposite the
right wing, especially on the extreme right. The 56th Div.,
leaving St. Soupplets at daybreak, fought its way without much
difficulty to Marcilly, but farther S. the 55th Div. experienced
far greater difficulties. Barcy was taken and retaken three
times, but had finally to be abandoned, and Chambry was occu-
pied by a portion of the 54th Div. only after several attacks by
the 55th had been beaten back. It was now clear that the Ger-
man IV. Reserve Corps was being reinforced, and the same
impression was received on the VI. Army's left. No sooner had
the VII. Corps come into action than two enemy columns were
signalled as moving upon Vareddes and Lizy, and these were in
fact the 3rd and 4th Divs. of the German II. Corps. Thus by
the middle of the afternoon, while the divisions of Gen. Lamaze
were facing the high ground about Etrepilly and the VII.
Corps in the left wing had reached the line Villers St. Genest-
Bregy, the German resistance had considerably hardened.
Gen. von Kluck could, however, only reinforce his right flank
at the expense of his front, and, in consequence, opposite the
British there was a noticeable slackening in the advance of the
German I. Army. Put briefly, the relative situation of that
army had changed. What had been its right flank consisting
of the IV. Reserve Corps and a cavalry division was, by suc-
cessive reinforcements, to become the front; while the original
front, by a corresponding diminution, was transformed into the
left flank, and the army as a whole was to face W. instead of S.
The orders conveying to the British troops the news that their
long retreat was definitely ended were issued during the after-
noon of the sth, although many of the battalions did not know
when they left their billets on the morning of the 6th whether
or not they were to march southwards to the Atlantic. As
soon as the rank and file discovered that their route led north-
wards, roars of cheering burst forth with such enthusiasm as to
leave a lasting impression on those who shared in that memorable
day. The hesitation observable in the German advance was
soon followed by an unmistakable retrograde movement. The
British lost no time in seizing the heights on the Grand Morin S.
of Coulommiers, from which German heavy guns had during
the morning brought an effective fire to bear, and by evening
the British advance guard had reached Villiers-sur-Morin
and Crecy (III. Corps), Coulommiers (II. Corps) and Choisy
(I. Corps). Save for some fighting early in the morning about
Rozoy an action brought on by the Germans to cover their
retreat the British were not heavily engaged, though a few
prisoners and machine-guns were taken.
In the orders issued by Gen. Joffre on Sept. 4, the V. Army of
Gen. Franchet d'Espercy had been ordered to close slightly to
its left and to take up the general line Courtacon-Esternay-
Sezanne, so as to be ready to attack in a northerly direction.
Some progress had been made in accordance with these orders
on the 5th. On Sept. 6 the mission of the V. Army was to
attack, in the general direction of Montmirail, with its right
wing thrown forward, an operation designed to coincide with
the advance of the VI. Army on the Ourcq, and to aim at enclos-
ing the whole of the I. and portion of the II. Army of the Ger-
mans. Gen. Franchet d'Esperey sent forward his army at
dawn. It was disposed, from left to right, as follows: the XVIII.
Corps, III. Corps, I. Corps, X. Corps, with the reserve divs.
in second line. Immediately a violent battle developed all
along the line, due to the fact that the Germans had also re-
ceived orders to advance and thus precipitated an encounter.
In the fighting which ensued the French showed themselves
undoubted masters of the enemy. On the left the XVIII.
Corps seized Courtacon during the day. It was assisted by
Gen. Conneau's II. Cavalry Corps, which was operating on the
left flank and maintaining touch with the British army, a task
which it performed admirably, finally halting for the night on a
line E. and W. through Choisy. In the centre, after a particu-
larly fierce artillery preparation, the III. Corps seized the vil-
lages of Montceaux-les-Provins and Courgivaux. On the right
the I. Corps gained possession of Chatillon-sur-Morin, which
had defied their efforts for several hours, and after darkness had
set in they continued their efforts, eventually clearing the
Germans out of Esternay. From here the X. Corps carried on
the line, with its right thrown well forward, and that flank
gained touch with the 42nd and Moorish Divs. of the IX. Army
at Villeneuve-lez-Charleville.
The fighting round Sezanne had been long and bitter. The
Germans had placed many machine-guns in position, and they
thoroughly searched the wooded ridges, from which the French
attack was expected to develop, with artillery fire. The French
guns replied and an artillery duel went on for some hours, until
it seemed that the German guns had been silenced and that it
was time for the French infantry to go forward. Against the
green background the pantalons rouges of the attackers showed
up like scarlet waves as they moved on with the bayonet, and
with such a target the German machine-guns were able to do
great execution. The French fell " like corn before the sickle,"
and to complete their discomfiture many were killed by the fire
of their own artillery. The check to the French had, however,
only been temporary, and after a day of brilliant fighting the
front of the V. Army may be said to have been marked by the
line Courtagon-Esternay- Villeneuve-lez-Charleville.
The whole French countryside between Paris and Verdun
was now ablaze, five French and one British army contending
with the _ five German armies which had set out to pivot on
Thionville and roll up the Allied line. South, too, of the
fortress of Verdun the fighting round the Grand Couronne de
Nancy, though not actually forming part of the series of battles
included in the title of the Marne, nevertheless had a direct
bearing upon it. For the moment, however, the interest in the
struggle is confined to the fighting on the western flank within
the area roughly marked out by the towns Betz-Meaux-Cou-
8 5 6
MARNE, BATTLE OF THE
lommiers-Montmirail-Chateau-Thierry. In this great pocket
Gen. von Kluck's soldiers were fighting desperately to hold off
the converging attack of their opponents; while, on the side of
the Allies, the French VI. Army, the British army and the
French V. Army were struggling to nip the German I. Army
from the main body of the enemy.
The fighting on the Ourcq on Sept. 7 was, therefore, to be
hard and bitter. Each of the opposing commanders had special
reasons for vigorous attack. On the French side Gen. Maunoury
had rather overestimated the success, reported to him, of the V.
Army of Gen. Franchet d'Esperey, and was inclined, in conse-
quence, to believe that the Germans might fight merely a
delaying action on the Ourcq. As a matter of fact the exact
contrary was the case. Gen. von Kluck clearly realized that
not only his task of safeguarding the right of the whole German
advance but even the preservation of his own army depended on
hurling back the attack launched from the direction of Paris.
By an order issued at 5:30 P.M. on the 6th the IV. Corps was
withdrawn across the Marne and hurried on through the night to
reinforce the new front. Thus on the morning of Sept. 7 the
II. Corps, the IV. Reserve Corps (still minus a brigade left at
Brussels) and the IV. Corps stood between the Therouane and
the Gergogne (a tributary of the Ourcq), with their units inter-
mingled, and covered on the N. by the 4th Cavalry Div. The
original right flank had thus been strongly reinforced, but Gen.
von Kluck felt that it was no time for half measures. Even at
the cost of weakening himself elsewhere, even at the risk of
creating a gap between his own and the II. Army, every man
must be thrown upon the Ourcq. Merely to repulse the attack
from Paris would not be sufficient; the French VI. Army must
be defeated by an outflanking counter attack from the N., and
accordingly the IX. and III. Corps were ordered to march early
on the forenoon of the 7th in the direction of La Ferte-Milon-
Crouy. These corps had, only the night before, been lent to
Gen. von Billow, but the II. Army commander had now perforce
to send them off, though not without a protest. The effect of his
action was that a gap, soon to yawn into 30 m., was opened
between the I. and II. Armies, and into this gap the British
army and the left of the French V. Army were rapidly moving.
Gen. von Kluck now found himself committed to an isolated
battle on the Ourcq, facing W. and with his left and rear exposed.
Unless he could hold off Sir John French and Gen. Franchet
d'Esperey sufficiently long to enable him to crush the French
VI. Army and could then turn against the danger to his left
and rear he was a beaten general. The task, however, was
to prove too great. He had not the time necessary for the opera-
tion, and even if he had he had not the men for it.
So far as the actual fighting of the day is concerned the bulk
of it fell upon the French VI. Army. Gen. Maunoury's left
flank had been reinforced by Gen. Sordet's cavalry corps as
well as by the 6ist Reserve Div., which had been railed from
Paris. At dawn the army was set in motion, and at first some
progress was made, but gradually the weight of the reinforce-
ments reaching the Germans began to tell. The II. and IV.
Corps had now become available, and the various divisions had
been thrown into the fight as they arrived, without regard to
corps organization. Strong enemy columns debouched near
Etavigny and Acy-en-Multien, and at the latter village the
fighting was especially severe. As has so often happened on
French battlefields the cemetery was the scene of desper-
ate fighting, 500 dead being subsequently counted within an
area of little more than 200 sq. yd. Around the farm of Nogeon,
too about half-way between Vinoy and Bouoilancy the battle
raged with particular fierceness, and the buildings changed
hands several times throughout the day. Here a body of the
French 2p8th Regt. fell to the last man, preferring death to
surrender. Two companies of the same regiment after dark
avenged the loss of their comrades by a desperate hand-to-hand
attack, in which they captured a colour of the 38th Magdeburg
Fusiliers decorated with the Iron Cross. After a day of hard
fighting the French VI. Army had made some further progress,
and its front ran generally from Chambry through Barcy,
Marcilly, the high ground N.W. of Brunoy, Pusieux, Acy-en-
Multien to the hill W. of Etavigny. The moral of the French
facing the Ourcq at the close of Sept. 7 was high, and Gen.
Maunoury determined to outflank Gen. von Kluck's right wing
early next day with the I. Cavalry Corps and the 6ist Div. As
the German army commander was committed to a similar
attempt to outflank the VI. Army's left the centre of gravity
of the fighting in the western sector of the whole Marne battle
was now unmistakably shifting to the neighbourhood of Betz.
The reinforcements hurried off to strengthen the German line
upon the Ourcq had now left a comparatively small force to
withstand the British. The task of holding back the army of Sir
John French was now being carried out mainly by German cav-
alry, reinforced, as was the German custom, by Jager battalions.
In Gen. Joffre's initial orders for the battle the direction assigned
for the advance of the British army had been practically due E.,
but the course of the battle since its opening necessitated a
change in the original instructions. The French generalissimo
had apparently visualized either a continuation of the German
advance S. and S.E., or in the event of a suspension of that
operation a withdrawal of the German I. Army towards the
E.; but Gen. von Kluck had on the contrary shown every inten-
tion of pushing westwards so as to beat back the French VI.
Army. In these circumstances it was clear that a more northerly
advance would bring the British quickly on Gen. von Kluck's
communications, and the necessary change was decided upon by
the two Allied commanders. Orders were consequently issued
by Sir John French directing the march upon the Grand Morin
river, which was to be passed with all possible speed upon the 7th.
The British cavalry acted everywhere with great vigour,
particularly on the right of the line where the 2nd Caval-
ry Brigade was operating beyond Dagny. At Moncel a spir-
ited cavalry action took place, and a charge by a troop and a
half of the pth Lancers effectually dealt with a squadron of
Guard Dragoons, the fate of the latter being sealed by dis-
mounted-fire action of the i8th Hussars. Later a squadron of
the i8th, holding a position dismounted, was charged by a
German squadron, but by well-directed rifle fire the attackers
were almost annihilated. A few passed through the firing-line
but were accounted for by the horse-holders in rear. Thirty-two
dead and wounded Germans were counted on the ground in
front of the squadron, and of the 60 or 70 who charged not more
than a dozen escaped. By evening the bulk of the German
cavalry had fallen back to the Petit Morin, S.E. of La Ferte-
sous-Jouarre, and the British position was roughly as follows:
on the left was the III. Corps about La Haute Maison; the II.
Corps, in the centre, was round Aulnoy; and on the right flank
the I. Corps lay about Chailly and Jouy-sur-Morin.
The French V. Army, no less than the British, felt the relax-
ation of pressure on its front caused by the withdrawal of German,
troops across the Marne, and the task of its left and centre was
really one of pursuit, which was carried out in the general direc-
tion of Montmirail. The Germans held their ground stoutly,
but finally the XVIII. and III. Corps were able to reach the
general line La Ferte Gaucher-Trefols, which represented a
gain of some six miles of ground. Farther to the right the fight-
ing had been considerably more severe, for about noon Gen.
Franchet d'Esnerey had received word from Gen. Foch that the-
left of his (IX.) army was being violently attacked and was in
sore need of assistance. The I. and X. Corps were, therefore,
directed to go to the assistance of Gen. Foch.
By the evening of Sept. 7 the original orders of Gen. Joffre
" pour profiler de la situation avcnluree de la I. Armee allemande "
were three days old, but that army was still in being and fighting
tenaciously. Further, the geographical objectives alluded to
by the French generalissimo were far from having been reached.
The French VI. Army was to force the passage of the Ourcq and
then to advance en direction generate de Chateau-Thierry; while
the British army was to attack towards Montmirail. But by
the evening of the 7th the passage of the Ourcq had still to be
accomplished, and until that preliminary step had been taken
Chateau- Thierry and Montmirail were mere names. A some-
PLATE III.
MARNE, BATTLE OF THE
ENGLISH MILES
Reproduced by permission from the map o( France on the scale of i :2oo,coo, published by the Service Geographiquc de 1'Armee.
MARNE, BATTLE OF THE
857
what disquieting feature of the day, too, was the apparent
intention of the Germans to make another effort to turn the
Paris- Verdun line at Nancy and at Troyon, where a successful
thrust would very seriously discount the French efforts on the
Ourcq. Worse still, Maubeuge fell on the yth, and the invaders
not only gained another rail line of communication but had
now another corps available for operations in the field. "Against
these drawbacks, however, could be set the fact that the gap
between the German I. and II. Armies had considerably widened,
and into it the British army and the left of the French V. Army
were now advancing with speed.
During the night of the 7th-8th Gen. Gallieni took steps to
reinforce Gen. Maunoury's army for the struggle which was
expected after daybreak. The IV. Corps had been put at Gen.
Gallieni's disposal by Gen. Joffre. Of its two divisions one
the 8th had been acting as the liaison between the French VI.
and the British armies, and by the evening of the 7th was in
billets S. of Meaux. Orders were issued during the same evening
for the remainder of the corps to proceed from Gagny to Gen.
Maunoury's left wing, and the artillery and corps cavalry
marched by road while the 7th Div. was transported to the
neighbourhood of Nanteuil-le-Haudouin, one brigade by rail
and the other in taxicabs, of which Gen. Gallieni had collected
over a thousand.
Sept. 8 was remarkable for the violence of the German attacks
along the Ourcq. Gen. Maunoury's plan was to attack with
his right centre and left, while the VII. Corps in the centre was
ordered to hold its line at all costs. That corps was heavily
attacked early in the afternoon, and such was the severity of
the fighting that a week later the streets of Etrepilly and Trocy
were still blocked with the bodies of the slain. To the N. the
French outflanking movement was brought to a standstill,
while even the superb gallantry of the Zouaves of the 45th Div.
on the right centre failed to make any considerable impression
on the enemy. During the afternoon Gen. Gallieni visited the
commander of the VI. Army at his headquarters at St. Soupplets
and found Gen. Maunoury a prey to a certain depression of
spirit. The military governor of Paris reassured him some-
what by pointing out that the greater the resistance offered by
the Germans on the Ourcq the less opposition would the British
meet with in their advance. Nevertheless, Gen. Maunoury
considered it advisable to make arrangements for a possible
withdrawal on the following day, indicating as the limit of re-
tirement the line Le Plessis-Belleville-St. Soupplets-Monthyon.
Meanwhile, inexorably and methodically the British army
was discounting the efforts which Gen. von Kluck was making
W. of the Ourcq. After considering alternatives of action by
which assistance could be rendered to the VI. Army, Sir John
French decided that the best method implied the speedy passage
of the Petit Morin and Marne rivers, for after passing the latter
the British army would be facing N.W. and thus almost directly
threatening the line of retreat of the German I. Army. Orders
were accordingly issued for a general attack along the line of
the Petit Morin, to begin early on the 8th. At first the march
was undisturbed, but on reaching the Petit Morin it was soon
realized that the German cavalry would not yield without a
struggle, especially as the steep valley covered with small but
thick woods distinctly favoured the defence. Some severe
fighting ensued, but by evening the British had made good the
Petit Morin and were on the line La Noue-Viels Maisons, where
they joined up with the II. Cavalry Corps of the French V.
Army, the left corps of which extended through Marchais-en-
Brie to the southern outskirts of Montmirail.
Wednesday, Sept. 9 a day of high winds and drenching
rains was to witness Gen. von Kluck's last effort on the Ourcq.
His IX. Corps was now in position to initiate an enveloping
movement against the left of the French VI. Army. Gen. Mau-
noury's troops were at the end of their strength, and a determined
attack delivered by the Germans from Betz and Anthilly bore
down the French resistance. The 8th Div. of the IV. Corps had
been summoned from the Marne to reinforce the French left,
but it could not be brought effectively into action, and as the
6ist Res. and 7th Divs. and the VII. Corps failed to hold the
Germans Nanteuil and Villers St. Genest were lost; but later,
the 7th Div., in response to an urgent message from Gen.
Maunoury about 6 P.M., faced about and struggled northwards
towards Nanteuil, flanked by the I. Cavalry Corps. Gen. von
Kluck, however, had shot his bolt. During the day the British
army crossed the Marne, and on its right the XVIII. Corps of
the French V. Army gained possession of Chateau-Thierry.
Strangely enough the line of the Marne was not resolutely
defended by the Germans, apparently through an error of judg-
ment of the commander of a mixed detachment of the German
IX. Corps, specially allotted to reinforce the cavalry already
holding the crossings. Thus it came about that British columns
advancing at dawn on the pth found that not only were the
bridges to the W. of Chateau-Thierry intact but that the enemy
had made no attempt to hold this part of the Marne, and
reports brought in by airmen all through the afternoon made it
clear that the retreat of the German I. Army had begun.
So far this narrative of the battle of the Marne has dealt
exclusively with the western section of the struggle, which took
place, generally speaking, in the area bounded E. and W. by
meridians drawn through Chateau-Thierry and Paris respec-
tively. The story of the fighting must now be transferred to the
centre of the whole battle-front, to which N. and S. lines through
Chateau-Thierry and Chalons-sur-Marne form boundaries suf-
ficiently accurate for our purpose.
The German Supreme Headquarters had ordered the I. and
II. Armies to form front facing Paris, the former between Oise
and Marne and the latter between Marne and Seine, Chateau-
Thierry to be the point of junction of the two. armies. This
order had been disregarded by Gen. von Kluck, who had per-
sisted in his passage over the Marne and in maintaining his
position in front of the II. Army. Gen. von Billow, however,
endeavoured to comply with the orders of his superiors, and
did make are effort to wheel his army to the right with the
object of taking up the line Chateau-Thierry (exclusive)-
Marigny-le-Grand. The net result of compliance with orders
by one army commander and disregard of them by the other
was that the right corps of the II. Army was squeezed out of
the line by the left corps of the I. In other words, the two
armies were acting upon different plans; overlapping had arisen;
and the confusion inevitable in such circumstances began to
be revealed upon the evening of Sept. 5.
This factor alone was bound to hamper the II. Army, and
Gen. von Billow's task was not lightened by the subsequent
conduct of his neighbour. When Gen. von Kluck renounced
his plunge S.E. he did it with such thoroughness as to lead to
the transfer of practically his whole strength to the Ourcq. On
Sept. 7 he demanded back the III. and IX. Corps which he had
lent Gen. von Billow but the day before. The withdrawal of
these units to the Ourcq exposed Gen. von Billow's right flank;
a great gap was thus opened between the II. and I. Armies; and
Gen. von Kluck, who had on the 5th inconvenienced Gen. von
Billow by his undue proximity, was now seriously embarrassing
that commander by his aloofness.
This is, however, to anticipate matters somewhat. It is nec-
essary to go back to the initial stages of the battle in the centre
of the field, on Sept. 6. The substantial theatre of the struggle
to be described was the area between the marshes of St. Gond
and the Sezanne-Sommesous high road. The marshes had been
largely reclaimed and canalized since they figured in Napoleon's
great campaign exactly 100 years earlier; but in rainy weather
traffic is limited to the three or four good roads crossing them,
the chief of these leading from Epernay to Sezanne and Fere
Champenoise respectively. The former road is commanded by
Mondement and the latter by the high ground of Mont Aout.
Generally speaking, the task of the IX. Army of Gen. Foch for
Sept. 6 was to support the advance of the V. Army with its left
flank (which for this purpose had been pushed forward as far as
Talus), while maintaining a watching attitude along the rest
of its front. Gen. Foch, however, found himself quite unable to
carry out even the moderate programme he had drawn up.
8 5 8
MARNE, BATTLE OF THE
en. von Billow was endeavouring to wheel into position between
Marne and Seine, and on his left the III. Army's orders were
to push due south. As a result the French were attacked with
considerable vigour all along the line; and so far from the 42nd
and Moorish Divs. being able to gain ground on the left, they
were forced to abandon Talus to the X. Corps of the German II.
Army, and only managed to hold on to Villeneuve-lez-Charle-
ville with some difficulty. The advanced guards of the IX.
Corps fared no better against the left wing of the X. Corps and
the Guard Corps of the II. Army, for they were driven from
their line N. of the marshes and forced to fall back on the main
body of the Corps, which, however, by holding the exits was
able to maintain its position without difficulty. Farther to the
E. the XI. Corps was violently assailed by the XII. Saxon Corps
of the German III. Army, and had to swing back its left and
take up a position with that flank in the woods S. of Ecury-
le-Repos, while E. of Vatry the pth Cavalry Div. was engaged
throughout the day by Saxon cavalry. The close of the day's
fighting found the French IX. Army on the line Villeneuve-lez-
Charleville-southern edge of the marshes-Lenharee, in touch
with the Germans all along the line, except where the marshes
separated the two fronts.
Although the right of the German II. Army was becoming
exposed, Gen. von Billow on the 7th was still able to push on
with his centre and left, that flank working in conjunction with
the right of the III. Army. Gen. von Billow's left was formed
by the Prussian Guard Corps, and, as the III. Army consisted
entirely of Saxon troops, memories of the concerted action at
St. Privat on Aug. 18 1870 fired the German soldiers to press
the French IX. Army to the utmost of their powers. The latter
had in consequence to endure a series of very heavy attacks
throughout the day. The significance of these efforts was not,
however, lost on Gen. Foch, who shrewdly remarked that the
very fury of the German onslaught was tantamount to an admis-
sion that things could not be going well with them elsewhere on
their line. His own orders had contemplated the continuance of
the offensive of the day before with his left, and briefly summar-
ized they ran as follows: The 42nd and Moorish Divs. were to
preserve connexion with the X. Corps of the V. Army on their
left and were to endeavour to renew the offensive from Ville-
neuve-lez-Charleville towards the north-west. The IX. Corps
was to maintain its hold upon the southern edge of the marshes
of St. Gond, but was to be ready to advance without delay if
called upon. The XI. Corps was to hold the line to which it had
been forced back the evening before: but, like the IX. Corps,
it was to be ready to advance if required, in which case it would
be called upon to move round the eastern edge of the marshes;
a reserve division was to be left about Lenharee to protect the
right flank. The pth Cavalry Div. was to be generally S. of the
Sommesous-Vitry-le-Francois railway and was to keep touch
with the left of the IV. Army about Humbauville.
Early in the morning the Germans attacked all along the
line, and E. of the marshes German heavy artillery of the XII.
Corps of the III. Army came into action, to which the French
replied with similar pieces. E. of the marshes the outlying
villages of Morains and Aulnay, held by advanced units of the
IX. Corps, were taken by the Germans, the capture of the
villages striking at the junction of the French IX. and XI.
Corps, while on the left the 42nd and Moroccan Divs. were hard
put to it to stave off the weight of the attacks of the German X.
Corps. Here the chateau of Mondement, a two-story mansion
dating from the sixteenth century, was recognized by both
sides as a feature of outstanding tactical importance. Head-
quarters of the Moroccan Div. were shelled out of the building
early in the day, but towards evening a combined attack of the
42nd and Moroccan Divs., with the 77th Regt. of the IX. Corps,
restored the situation. Owing to this effect and thanks, too,
to the assistance afforded by the X. Corps of the V. Army
against Gen. von Billow's exposed right, no ground was lost.
So that, after a day of severe fighting, the Germans had made
no impression on the French IX. Army, other than to deny it
the possibility of making progress to the N. and W.
Before dawn on Sept. 8 from Mondement Hill the French
observed enemy troops advancing to the attack. These, belong-
ing to the X. and Guard Corps, were repulsed, and a counter-
attack which gained a considerable amount of ground was made
by the 42nd and Moroccan Divs., aided again by the 77th Regt.
of the IX. Corps. Owing, however, to the unfavourable situa-
tion developing on the right of the IX. Army it was impossible
to exploit this advantage, and a withdrawal was ordered. For,
although immediately to the right of this action the IX. Corps
still held the line of the southern edge of the St. Gond marshes,
beyond that a somewhat serious situation for the French devel-
oped during the day. Attacked by the left wing of the Guard
Corps of the German II. Army, and by two corps of the III.
Saxon Army, the French XI. Corps was driven back as far as
the line Cannantre-Corroy-Gourgancon, a circumstance which
involved the transfer of Gen. Foch's headquarters from Pleure
right back to Plancy on the Aube. Behind the stream La
Maurienne, which runs across the greater portion of the front
it had now taken up, the XI. Corps re-formed, and, aided by a
counter-attack made by one of the reserve divisions with the
IX. Army, it was enabled to advance and regain some high
ground N. of Oeuvy. The situation had, however, been dis-
tinctly disquieting, and to a chief possessed of less imperturba-
bility than Gen. Foch it might have seemed the prelude of
disaster. On the extreme right the gth Cavalry Div. about
Mailly had maintained its close connexion with the IV. Army,
and had supported an attack made by it near Sompuis.
In spite of the setback to his right during the 8th Gen. Foch
was able to review the situation without alarm. The news
which came in during the evening as to the progress of the battle
E. and W. of him was reassuring. He learnt that the VI. Army,
in spite of violent German counter-attacks, was holding its own
upon the Ourcq, that the V. Army was making steady progress
N.W. of the marshes of St. Gond, and that on his right the III.
and IV. Armies were gaining ground towards Vitry-le-Francois
and Chalons. His orders, issued shortly before midnight, pre-
scribed generally the offensive for the coming day. The X.
Corps, from the V. Army, was now definitely under his orders,
and this access of strength prompted him to withdraw the 42nd
Div. as a general reserve.
Once more was Mondement the scene of bitter fighting. It
was seized at daybreak by a sudden German attack, and some
hours later Mont Aout also fell. Nevertheless, in spite of the
disquieting events upon his left, Gen. Foch shortly after 10
A.M. directed the 42nd Div., which had now arrived on the line
Linthes-Pleurs, to move farther to the right, where it was to
take the offensive with the XI. Corps. The apparent audacity
displayed in withdrawing the general reserve of his army from
his shaken left to join in an attack from his right flank called forth
paeans of praise from critics of the battle. Gen. Foch, however,
realized that the danger to his left was more apparent than real.
The V. Army, beyond that flank, had reached the line Marchais-
en-Brie-Montmirail-right bank of the Petit Morin on the even-
ing of the 8th, and with the great gap which now existed between
the right of the German II. Army and Gen. von Kluck any
movement of the former S. of Mondement was exceedingly
unlikely. As a matter of fact Gen. von Billow's increasing
uneasiness as to the state of affairs had reached fever heat over
reports as to the forcing of the line of the Marne by British
troops during the pth. He came to the conclusion that retreat
was inevitable for Gen. von Kluck, and that, in these circum-
stances, his own II. Army must fall back at once if it were to
avoid envelopment on its right flank. With the object of gaining
time to get his long trains safely back over the Marne, the offen-
sive by his left and centre was carried out with vigour during the
morning, the French right being driven back to Salon; but early
in the afternoon the German II. Army and the right of the III.
Army were in full retreat, strong rearguards being left facing the
French. Gen. von Billow transferred his headquarters from
Montmort to Epernay; and by evening, from Betz to beyond
Fere Champenoise, the defeated German right and centre were
falling back before the victorious Allies.
MARNE, BATTLE OF THE
859
The operations of Gen. Foch's army in the centre of the battle
of the Marne have been garnished with an embroidery of legend
by which the real happenings in that portion of the field have
been considerably obscured. He has been represented as being
obsessed by an optimism so pronounced as to have led him to the
issue of orders which, had they really been so framed, would have
been unsoldierly bombast. The counter-attack which he con-
ceived during the forenoon of the pth has been written up as
the decisive factor of the whole battle, " a wedge driven into the
German centre " being the description of an operation which,
when carried out eventually on Sept. 10, encountered nothing
but the resistance of rearguards. And, for long, there persisted a
thrilling narrative of the engulfment of thousands of Prussian
Guards in the marshes of St. Gond. The operations of the
Allies' left, though free from such distortions of truth, have by
their dramatic decisiveness focussed upon themselves an im-
mense amount of attention, particularly in England where the
advance of the British over the Marne on Sept. 9 will rightly live
in history as one of the most decisive achievements by British
arms. Unfortunately, however, these results of the centre and
left have tended to obscure the lesser known events upon the
Allied right. The battle from Fere Champenoise to the Ourcq
has somewhat diminished the lustre of the operations of the
French armies from Vitry-le-Frangois to Verdun. And yet in
no quarter of the field was the fighting more severe. In no
sector of the battle did the position of the Allied line present
greater danger. Nowhere on the whole long front was the
tenacity of the French III. and IV. Armies surpassed.
After the shipwreck of the high hopes on which they had
entered France the German General Staff had yet one spar to
cling to. While the IV. and V. Armies were to press southeast-
wards the VI. and VII. were to take the offensive against the
line of the Moselle between Toul and Epinal, and these coordi-
nated movements might yet bring off a great, if restricted,
Sedan. The German idea was, therefore, to cut off Verdun on
either side; the Crown Prince with his V. Army was to proceed
round the entrenched camp by the W. ; the IV. Army with its
right passing through Vitry-le-Francois was to bear down across
the flatlands of Champagne; on the other side the VI. and VII.
Armies were to advance eastwards over the Moselle. Inside
this great converging movement the I., II., III., and IV. Armies
of the French might be herded together and destroyed. Had
these four French armies been able to unite their efforts to a
common end their position would have been less full of risk.
Such, however, was not the case. The action of Gen. Sarrail's
III. Army was to be coordinated rather with that of Gen.
Maunoury on the Ourcq than with that of the French II. Army
in front of Nancy. In the original orders for the battle of the
Marne Gen. Sarrail was to strike westward against the Crown
Prince's flank in a movement reciprocal to that by which Gen.
Maunoury struck against von Kluck; and this movement,
although it would assist in a double flanking movement against
the whole German mass between Paris and Verdun, had the
disadvantage that it ignored the danger to the III. Army's rear.
Behind Gen. Sarrail was the Meuse, held only by a chain of
semi-obsolete forts d'arret, and but a few miles farther E. was
the great fortress of Metz, within which very large forces might
be accumulating from all parts of Germany. The concealment
afforded by a large fortress is apt to have a disconcerting effect
upon an enemy operating in the vicinity. Paris had surprised
the Germans by emitting a strong field army at the critical
moment, and it was not impossible that Gen. Sarrail might find
himself exposed to a similar danger.
Fortunately for the French the German Crown Prince based
his advance upon a misconception. He considered that Verdun
would be left to its fate, and in his orders of the sth prescribed
the advance of his army on the following day to the line Revigny-
Bar le Due. Gen. Sarrail, however, all through the battle kept
hold of the fortress with his right; and, further, he arranged with
the fortress commander for the cooperation of the mobile gar-
rison with his army, with the result that the Crown Prince, far
from being in a position to plunge due S., found himself com-
pelled to face generally to the E., while his communications
now ran roughly parallel to his front, a disadvantage which
needs no comment.
When we come to the details of the struggle in this eastern
sector of the battle it must be remembered that the French IV.
Army had opposite to it the left of the enemy's III. and the
whole of the IV. Army under the Duke of Wiirttemberg. Each
side had been ordered to attack, and fighting of a particularly
severe nature ensued. On the eve of the battle the line of the
French IV. Army had run generally from the vicinity of Som-
puis on the left, S. of Vitry-le-Francois, to Sermaize upon the
right, and when retreat set in on the German side the French IV.
Army was practically on the same line as that from which it
had started the battle. That it was able to maintain its posi-
tion against the heavy attacks launched upon it was due to the
tenacity of its units, and also to the fact that, on the pth, it was
reinforced and its left strengthened by the XXI. Corps from the
I. Army on the extreme French right. When the battle opened
the IV. Army was not very favourably placed for assuming the
offensive, for, although it was in touch with the III. Army to the
right, there was a wide gap between its left and the right of
Gen. Foch's IX. Army at Lenharee, which was only imperfectly
filled by the gth Cavalry Div. This fact enabled the Germans to
reinforce their own left, with the result that Sermaize was taken
on the yth, and for a time there was a serious risk that the right
flank of the IV. Army might be rolled up. Gen. Langle de Gary
was compelled to call upon the III. Army for assistance. Through-
out the Sth the IV. Army was overlapped on either flank, but
eventually the arrival of the XXI. Corps from the Vosges
restored the situation, and upon the pth Gen, Langle de Gary
was able to reinforce his left centre by two more divisions. The
fighting had been hard and bitter, and even as late as nightfall
on Sept. 9 there was no indication of the Allied victory now
clearly revealed in the centre and west.
In Gen. Joffre's instructions of Sept. i the limit of the mouve-
ment de recul behind the Seine implied the march of the French
III. Army to the country N. of Bar-le-Duc, and on the following
day it was thought that the III. Army might possibly have to
fall back as far as Joinville. Gen. Sarrail was strongly opposed
to the isolation of the fortress of Verdun, which would result
from a complete obedience to the orders of the generalissimo,
and took it upon himself to maintain his right in touch with the
fortress while refusing his left, and thus bringing his front on'to
an alignment generally facing west. This attitude on the part
of Gen. Sarrail fitted in admirably with the resolution of Gen.
Joffre to suspend his retreat and to pass to the offensive. The
commander of the III. Army, having refused to separate his
right from Verdun, now resolved to issue a positive order to the
fortress commander (Gen. Coutanceau) to cooperate with his
garrison. The latter, although he might have stood upon his
rights as regards the troops allotted for the defence of the place
for which he was responsible, felt that his clear duty was to
comply. He moved out the yand Reserve Div. S.W. of the fort-
ress, and on Sept. 6 these troops attacked enemy trains and
parks and threw them into considerable confusion.
The orders to Gen. Sarrail of Sept. 5 directed him to attack
westwards, but reconnaissance having established the advance
of strong enemy forces E. of the Argonne the sense of the order
had to be reversed; for, to avoid exposing his own communica-
tions, Gen. Sarrail considered it advisable to attack in a northerly
direction with the bulk of his army while maintaining the
remainder on the defensive facing W. This led to some friction
with French General Headquarters, whose appreciation of the
situation led to what was tantamount to an order to assist the
IV. Army even at the expense of leaving Verdun to its resources.
Gen. Sarrail was thus in a position of having either to act against
his better judgment or to disobey formal orders; luckily the
arrival of the XV. Corps from the II. Army enabled him to
give satisfaction to Headquarters without having to quit his
hold upon Verdun.
In the midst of the difficulties caused by severe fighting with
the enemy and by the fettering orders of Headquarters Gen.
86o
MARNE, BATTLE OF THE
Sarrail was called upon to deal 'with a new peril. Early in the
afternoon of the 8th a message was received saying: " Fort
Troyon violently bombarded this morning by heavy guns of
large calibre." The despatch closed with the ominous state-
ment that the state of affairs was critical, and that 48 hours was
all the commandant expected to be able to hold out. The situa-
tion of Gen. Sarrail was now exceedingly serious. Very violent
attacks were in progress against his right and centre; his left was
in danger of being rolled up; and now this new peril threatened
his rear. Fort Troyon was a small work dating from 1879, of
practically obsolete design, the armament of which consisted of
four medium guns, twelve smaller, and a couple of mortars,
while the garrison numbered some 350 of all ranks. The bom-
bardment was to last for four days from the 8th to the izth
and was then succeeded by a thrust which created the well-
known St. Mihiel salient, destined to remain as a dent in the
French line until it was flattened out by the Americans four
years later. Here it is only necessary to say that the garrison of
Fort Troyon put up a stout resistance, and that the fortifications,
obsolete though they were, proved sufficient to keep the cas-
ualties of the defenders surprisingly low. On the loth the place
was relieved by the arrival of a French cavalry division from
Toul; and although upon the following day the Germans re-
newed their attacks upon it these had lost most of their signif-
icance. From Verdun to Paris the five German armies were in
full retreat in the centre, and on the right and on the left were
manoeuvring to conform to the retirement. The great battle
of the Marne had been fought and won.
So far in this narrative of the battle, beyond the mere mention
of the retirement of the German right and centre, no reference
has been made as to how, when and why the decision to break
off the fight was arrived at. For long the matter was one of
some perplexity, and rumours were circulated by the Germans
that the Saxon III. Army, in the centre of the line, had failed,
and by its failure had frustrated the efforts of the Prussians to
the E. and W. Recent German literature has dispelled this
unjust legend and has allowed the truth to be known. In the
German army, so far back as 1870, liaison officers were a dis-
tinctive feature of the Higher Command. These were not mere
messengers; they were expected to explain orders, and even,
within limits, to give orders in the name of the chief of the
General Staff. During the battle of the Marne Supreme Head-
quarters were over 100 m. in rear, and the slow working of the
wireless apparatus brought it about that by the 8th von Moltke
had completely lost his grip of the battle. In these circum-
stances a liaison officer Lt.-Col. Hentsch was directed to
visit the V., IV., III., II. and I. Armies, and to bring back a
clear idea of the situation. Should he find that a retrograde
movement had already been initiated on the right wing he was
instructed to issue such orders as would close the gap between the
II. and I. Armies. During the 8th Lt.-Col. Hentsch visited
headquarters of the V., IV., and III. Armies, and spent the
night at headquarters of the II. Army. During the forenoon of
the following day Gen. von Billow was considerably discon-
certed by the passage of British columns over the Marne, and
came to the conclusion that a retreat on the part of the I. Army
was now inevitable and that his own II. Army must also fall
back if its right flank were not to be enveloped. Lt.-Col. Hentsch
agreed with the conclusion, and proceeded then by motor-car
to the headquarters of the I. Army at Mareuil. Gen. von
Kluck was absent at the time, and it was his chief-of-staff, Gen.
von Kuhl, with whom the liaison officer conferred. His view
of the whole general situation was unfavourable, and he gave it
as his opinion that the I. Army must fall back. Gen. von Kuhl
pointed out the difficulty of breaking off the fight, and also
argued that there was still a fair prospect of defeating the
French troops on the Ourcq, but in face of the absolutely full
powers of Lt.-Col. Hentsch there was nothing to be done but to
break off the action and order the withdrawal of the I. Army
towards the north. Gen. von Billow had meanwhile telegraphed
to the III. Army on his left notifying his retirement, and that
army had no option but to comply with the general retrograde
movement. Thus, by the late afternoon of the gth, the whole
right and right centre of the German army was falling back.
Supreme Headquarters, in ignorance of the fact, had meanwhile
prepared instructions for a continuance of the offensive, but
events were too strong for them. It was found necessary to bow
to the inevitable, and orders were issued during the evening of
the loth for the retreat of all five armies behind the line of the
Aisne and Vesle. As to the necessity of renouncing the offensive
at this stage opinions are, and will possibly ever remain, at
variance. Historical unanimity will, however, probably be
reached on two factors the ineptitude of higher " staff work "
on the German side and the serious drawback caused by the
absence of a general reserve by which the situation might have
been restored upon Sept. 9.
The conduct of Gen. von Kluck had not apparently satisfied
Supreme Headquarters, and his army was placed " until further
orders " under the command of Gen. von Bulow. On the nth
some considerable anxiety was felt upon the German side over
the possibility of a French thrust against the centre, and a modi-
fication was made to the orders issued the previous day, by
which the line of the III., IV. and V. Armies was to be Thuizy-
Suippes-St. Menehould and E. of the latter place. A new VII.
Army was formed from the XV. Corps from the original army
of that number in Alsace and the VII. Reserve Corps set free
by the fall of Maubeuge. These units were due to reach the area
St. Quentin-Sissy about midday on the I2th, and this army was,
like the I., also placed under the orders of Gen. von Bulow.
The German right wing fell back in good order but in consider-
able haste, and on the i2th the J. Army was behind the Aisne
on the line Attichy-Soissons-Vailly. The French VI. Army,
following up through the forest of Compiegne, crossed the river
on the following day, while farther E. of this sector an advanced
guard of the British 4th Div. seized the bridge at Venizel and
moved forward to the crest of the plateau beyond. On the
following morning the battle of the Aisne opened for the British
army, and the river line was attacked all along the British front.
By nightfall all passages except that at Conde were secured and
held, and during the hours of darkness all three corps had con-
structed bridges, the crossing being completed in the face of
considerable opposition during Sept. 14.
The gap which had existed between the German I. and II.
Armies during the battle of the Marne was still unclosed when
the position behind the Aisne was taken up by the German right.
Once again the persistent British columns scared Gen. von
Bulow; but, luckily for him, reinforcements were available,
since the VII. Army was now coming to hand, and during the
night of the izth and i3th units of the VII. Reserve Corps were
hurried down from the neighbourhood of St. Quentin to fill the
gap, achieving their object by the narrowest possible margin of
time. This reinforcement, which had such an appreciable effect
upon the battle of the Aisne, deserves something more than
casual mention. On Sept. 9 the VII. Reserve Corps, leaving a
detachment at Maubeuge, was ordered N. against the English
reinforcements supposed to be advancing from the Flanders
coast against Brussels or Antwerp; later in the day a counter
order came for it to march S. towards La Fere, as the situation
on the Marne was more strained than even that in the north.
At 10 A.M. on the i2th, when near Guise, further orders came
for the corps to turn off towards Laon at once. The intelligence
that arrived from Gen. von Billow was so alarming that Gen.
von Zwehl, the corps commander, marched his divisions on all
through the night, rested from about 7 to 10 A.M. and then
pressed on again. Thus he managed to arrive on the Chemin
des Dames by 2.30 P.M. (British time), and little more than an
hour later the leading infantry brigade of the British I. Corps
was near Moulins, a mile short of the top of the ridge.
The Allied centre did not experience much opposition in the
advance, but on the right the German V. Army gave more
trouble. As the pivot of the great 'German wheel-back the r61e
of the Crown Prince was to mark time, and the duty was
carried out with some skill. By the i4th he was on his assigned
position. In the temporary deadlock now brought about by the
ENGLISH MILES
12345
Reproduced by permission from the map of France on the scale of i: 200,000, published by the Service Ge"ographique de I'Arme'e.
MARQUESTE MARSH
861
occupation, by the Germans, of a defensive position, each side
began the attempt of outflanking the other on the W., with the
result that the German front by Sept. 16 was thus traced out:
the neighbourhood of Noyon, the plateaus S. of Vic-sur-Aisne
and Soissons, the tableland of Laon, the heights N. and W. of
Reims, Ville-sur-Tourbe (N. of), Varennes, to the Meuse near
Forges Wood, N. of Verdun.
Mention has been made of German operations, after the bat-
tle of the Marne, S. of Verdun, and a brief narrative of them is
now required. The brilliant defence made by the French III.
Army about Verdun was followed a few days later by a mishap.
Thenceforward, until the American offensive in 1918, there
existed the " pocket of St. Mihiel," a salient jutting into the
French position which affected the course of operations through-
out the war in the Verdun-Epinal area.
Owing to the exhaustion of the corps of the French III. Army
the pursuit of the German V. Army after the battle of the
Marne was not pressed; the main body of the French III. Army
halted abreast and W. of Verdun, while its VI. Corps and Gen.
Durand's group (the 65th, 6yth and 75th Res. Divs.) passed
through Verdun and crossed to the right bank of the Meuse.
On the i6th the VI. Corps was to move N. towards Mangiennes,
while Gen. Durand's three divisions marched parallel and E.
of it from Etain towards Spincourt. Thus Gen. Sarrail had
divided his army into two parts, separated by the Meuse, and
while the right of the III. Army was advancing northwards on a
broad front E. of the Meuse by Mangiennes and Spincourt,
three German corps, the XIV., Bavarian III. and V. Reserve
were moving from W. and S.W. of Metz to attack westwards
behind it, in the general direction Toul-St. Mihiel.
The defence of the Hauts-de-Meuse was at this time changing
hands. The II. Army was in the process of entrainment on its
way to the western flank to extend the battle-front E. of Amiens.
The VIII. Corps, however, which had been transferred from the
I. to the II. Army on Sept. 15, and had taken over the defence
of part of the Hauts-de-Meuse, was at first left in position, but
on the i pth it was ordered by the French Higher Command to
entrain at once for St. Menehould, whence it was to be trans-
ported to join the VI. Army N. of Paris, thus creating a gap which
Gen. Sarrail could not fill.
In the meantime, the three reserve divisions were sent off to
hold the Hauts-de-Meuse on a broad front between Dieppe, E.
of Verdun, and Vigneulles, N.E. of St. Mihiel. The three
divisions were thus extended over a front of 20 m., with a wide
gap of six miles between Grimaucourt and Tresauvoux. With
the VI. Corps Gen. Sarrail intended to retake Etain, and did
not appear to suspect the danger approaching the Hauts-de-
Meuse farther S. ; behind the long screen of the reserve divisions
along the Hauts-de-Meuse he had no mass of manoeuvre in
reserve to meet the unexpected. The gap in the battle-front
created by th'e withdrawal of the VIII. Corps from in front of
St. Mihiel therefore remained unfilled.
The Bavarian III. Corps advancing westwards towards
Vigneulles and St. Mihiel, N. of the XIV. Corps, therefore
found the way practically open for it. On Sept. 20, at 8:30 A.M.,
Hattonchatel, Hattonville, and Vigneulles were bombarded,
and at 5 P.M. the Bavarians entered Vigneulles. During the
night Hattonchatel was taken without resistance being offered,
and the French retired in disorder on St. Mihiel, abandoning
the Hauts-de-Meuse to the Bavarian III. Corps, who were
astonished at such an easy victory. The enemy by the morning
of the 2ist held the entire sector of the Hauts-de-Meuse between
Combres and Heudi court, a front of 12 miles.
On the 2ist Gen. Sarrail issued orders for the recapture of the
lost sector of the Hauts-de-Meuse, but was unable to stop the
German offensive on the right bank of the Meuse from Vigneulles
on St. Mihiel. He was, however, more successful on the left
bank. On the 24th the 6sth Res. Div. was brought down by
rail from Verdun towards St. Mihiel. It had to detrain at
Woimbey, and thence marched to Rupt on the St. Mihiel-Bar-
le-Duc road. Here it was rejoined by the remnants of the 7$th
Div. from the right bank. These two divisions held up the
German advance along the Bar-le-Duc road and forced it back
on Chauvoncourt. The VI. Corps, with the 6sth Div., was
able to remain on the right bank of the Meuse, its front running
obliquely from Maizey to St. Remy. It was, however, unable
to cut the German communications between St. Mihiel and
Vigneulles; and the situation established on Sept. 24 1914
remained unchanged for over three years. (F. E. W.*)
MARQUESTE, LAURENT HONORS (1848-1920), French
sculptor, was born at Toulouse June 12 1848. He was a pupil
of Jouffroy and Falguiere, and won the Prix de Rome in 1871.
In 1893 he became a professor at the Ecole des Beaux Arts.
He became a member of the Institute in 1894, having received
the Legion of Honour in 1884, and being made officer in 1894,
and commander in 1903. His works include a large number of
statues which decorate the monuments and buildings of Paris,
including Victor Hugo for the Sorbonne (1901) and others for the
monumental Quai d'Orsay station, the College des Beaux Arts,
the Grand Palais, and the Hotel Dufayel in Paris, which was very
much criticised; as well as monuments for North and South
America. He is also the author of " La Cigale " (1900), statues
of Victor Hugo, Leo Delibes, Ferdinand Fabre, and many others,
besides " Galatea " (see 24.496; PL VII.) and a large output of
classical subjects. He gained the Grand Prix at the Universal
Exhibition of 1900. He died in Paris April 5 1920.
MARSCHALL VON BIEBERSTEIN, BARON ADOLF VON
(1842-1912), German diplomatist, was born at Carlsruhe Oct.
1 2 1842, his father Augustus, Baron Marschall von Bieberstein
being chamberlain to the Grand Duke of Baden, and his mother
before her marriage Baroness von Falkenstein. He was educated
at the Gymnasium of Frankfort-on-Main and at the universities
of Heidelberg and Berlin. He studied law and from 1871 to
1882 held various administrative offices in the Grand Duchy of
Baden. From 1875 to 1883 he sat in the Upper Chamber of the
Baden Diet. In 1883 he was sent to Berlin as minister for Baden
in the Federal Council and from 1884 to 1890 he represented the
Council in the Imperial Insurance Office. In 1890 he succeeded
Count Herbert Bismarck as Secretary for Foreign Affairs under
the Caprivi chancellorship and continued to hold that office under
Prince von Hohenlohe; but he had incurred the enmity of
Prince Bismarck by refusing his advice when he first assumed
office, and the result was a fierce press campaign against him
which finally obliged him to speak out when he appeared as a
witness at the trial of certain journalists in 1896 for lese-majesti.
He was also violently opposed by the Agrarians because he
advocated the reduction of corn duties, and in 1897 he resigned
office, and a few months later was appointed German ambassa-
dor in Constantinople. There he remained for nearly 15 years,
creating a commanding position for himself and a growing
ascendancy in Turkish affairs for his Government. To him
was largely due the promotion of the Bagdad railway. In general
European politics Baron Marschall had taken during his Foreign
Secretaryship a strongly imperialist attitude. After the Jameson
raid and the Emperor's telegram to President Kriiger, in the
drafting of which Baron Marschall, according to the later
testimony now available, bore a leading part, it was he who
declared in the Reichstag that the maintenance of the independ-
ence of the Boer republics was a " German interest." He was
also an advocate of a strong naval policy for Germany. In 1907
he was principal German delegate in the Hague Conference, and
was the exponent of Germany's resolute and successful opposi-
tion to any practical discussion of the question of restriction of
armaments. In May 1912 he was appointed to succeed Count
Wolff-Metternich as ambassador to Great Britain, but he had
only been in London a short time when his health finally broke
down. He died at Badenweiler Sept. 24 1912.
MARSH, CATHARINE (1818-1912), English philanthropic
worker, was born at Colchester Sept. 15 1918, being the child
of an evangelical clergyman, sometime rector of Beckenham.
In company with her father she did remarkable pioneer mission-
ary work amongst navvies. She wrote Memorials of Captain
Hedley Vicars (1856), an account of the officer-missionary who was
killed in the trenches before Sevastopol, and English Hearts
862
MARSHALL MARYLAND
and English Hands (1858), a description of her own work with
the navvies. She died in London Dec. 12 1912.
MARSHALL, ALFRED (1842- ), English economist (see
17.770), produced a memorandum for the Government on the
Fiscal Policy of International Trade in 1908. In 1919 he published
Industry and Trade (vol. i., 4th ed. 1921). All his work since
the publication of his first book in 1879 was done in conjunction
with his wife Mary, daughter of the Rev. Thomas Paley, whom he
married in 1877. She was one of the first women students at
Cambridge, and was highly commended for her work in the
Moral Sciences tripos in 1874. In 1875 she became resident
lecturer at Newnham Hall, when it was first opened under Miss
A. J. Clough, resigning this post on her marriage.
MARSHALL, THOMAS RILEY (1854- ), American politi-
cian, was born at North Manchester, Ind., March 14 1854.
He was educated at Wabash College (A.B. 1873; A.M. 1876)
and was admitted to the bar in 1875. From 1876 to 1909 he
practised law in Columbia City, Ind., and from 1909 to 1913 was
governor of Indiana. He was nominated for vice-president on
the ticket with Woodrow Wilson at the Democratic National
Convention in 1912 and was elected. He was again nominated
with President Wilson in 1916 and elected for the term 1917-21.
For almost two years after the outbreak of the World War he
urged strict neutrality, but in 1918 publicly expressed regret
for this attitude. In 1919 he welcomed the King and Queen of
Belgium on their visit to Washington during the illness of Presi-
dent Wilson. He was a strong advocate of the League of Nations,
but did not favour woman suffrage.
MARSHALL, SIR WILLIAM RAINE (1865- ), British
general, was born Oct. 29 1865, and entered the army in 1886.
He saw considerable service in the 1897-8 campaign on the N.W.
frontier of India and with mounted infantry in the S. African
War 1890-1902. He was promoted full colonel in 1908, and in
1912 he obtained command of a battalion in India. Returning
with his unit to England soon after the outbreak of the World
War he took it over to France, but he was almost immediately
recalled to take up command of the 86th Brigade of the 2gth
Division in England, and early in 1915 he proceeded with it to the
Dardanelles. It took part in the famous landing of April 25
at Helles and saw much hard fighting. Marshall was promoted
major-general for distinguished service in June; he was after-
wards in temporary command of different divisions in the Galli-
poli Peninsula, and at the evacuation of Suvla he was in charge
of the beach work. He was then transferred to the 27th Division
at Salonika and served there until Sept. 1915, when he was chosen
to command an army corps that was being organized in Meso-
potamia. In the memorable campaign conducted by Sir F. S.
Maude, by which Kut was recovered and Bagdad taken, his
corps gradually cleared the right bank of the Tigris to some
distance above Kut, and then forced a passage over the river
in defiance of the Turks. His troops led the advance to Bagdad,
and after its fall in March 1917 he inflicted a number of heavy
defeats upon the enemy to the north of the city. On Sir Stanley
Maude's death in Nov. 1917 Sir William Marshall who had been
given the K.C.B. for his services as a corps commander suc-
ceeded to the chief command. During the ensuing cold season he
considerably extended the area under the control of his troops,
and on favourable weather again setting in a portion of his army
virtually annihilated what was left of the Turkish field forces in
Mesopotamia at Kala Shergaat, thus bringing the campaign to
a triumphant close. In recognition of his great services Marshall
had been promoted lieutenant-general, and he now received the
G.C.M.G. At the end of 1919 he took up the command of the
Southern Army in India.
MARYLAND (see 17.827). The pop. in 1920 was 1,449,661,
as compared with 1,295,346 in 1910, an increase of 11-9% as
opposed to 9% in the previous decade. In 1920 the urban pop.
of Maryland (that is, residents of towns of 2,500 inhabitants or
more) was 869,422 while the rural pop. was 580,239, or 60%
urban instead of 50-8% in IQIO, the first year in which urban
exceeded rural. A part of this increase of urban population may
be accounted for by the annexation of portions of Baltimore and
Anne Arundel counties to Baltimore city in 1918 (see BALTIMORE)
by which the population of Baltimore received more than the
normal increase for the decade.
The population of those cities in Maryland having more than
11,000 inhabitants and the percentage of increase for the decade
was as follows:
Baltimore ....
Cumberland ....
Hagerstown ....
Annapolis ....
Frederick ....
1920
1910
I ncrease
per cent.
733, 26
29,837
28,066
11,214
1 1, 066
558,485
21,839
16,507
8,609
10,411
31-4
36-6
70-0
30-3
6-3
The greatest percentage of increase over the preceding census in
the case of any of these cities was the 70% (n,559 in number) of
Hagerstown, an important railway and manufacturing centre of the
Cumberland valley.
Agriculture. In 1910, 48,923 farms occupied 5,057,140 ac. or
79-5 % of the total land area of Maryland, of which acreage 3,354,767
or 66-3 % were improved lands. The slow transition of the state from
an agricultural to a manufacturing community is manifested in a
comparison of these figures with those for 1920, in which year there
were reported 47,908 farms, taking up 4,757,999 ac. or 74-8% of the
total land area, and showing 3,136,728 or 65-9% in improved lands.
There were 1,015 or 2-1% fewer farms in 1920 than in 1910, a
decrease of 5-9 % in total acreage and 6-5 % in the acreage of im-
proved land. In the same period in which this decrease in acreage
occurred (1910-20), the value of all farm property in the state rose
from $286,167,028 to $463,638,120; of the average value of a farm
from $5,849 to $9,678. The total farm value in 1920 comprised
$386,596,850 in lands and buildings, $28,970,020 in implements and
$48,071,250 in live stock. The average number of ac. per farm
decreased from 103-4 ' n J9 10 to 99-3 in 1920. The largest single
group in the classification by acreage was that of farms having from
100 to 174 ac. each, which represented 23-3 % of the whole number.
The average value per ac. of all farm property in 1920 was $97.44
instead of $56.59 as in 1910, and of land alone was $54.62 instead of
$32.32. Of the total number of farms, 41,699 were operated by
white farmers and 6,209 by coloured farmers, a decrease in the first
class of 2 %, in the second class of 2-6%.
Of domestic animals on Maryland farms in 1920, the total value
was $43,784,464; of poultry, $4,216,105. The number of horses,
141,341, was 5-5% smaller than in 1910, but the number of mules
reported, 32,621, showed an increase of 45-8 %. There were 283,377
cattle on the farms, an increase of 13-9%, and of these 188,537
were reported as dairy cows (including heifers one year old and
over), an increase of 21,678 or 13 %. The total farm value of Mary-
land dairy products in 1919, excluding products consumed on the
farms, was $13,407,526 as against $5,480,900 in 1909, an increase of
144-6%. In spite of the decrease in improved lands in 1919 as
compared with 1909, the crop acreage in the former year was
1, 988, 1 20 as opposed to 1,927,254 in the latter. The total value of all
crops in 1909 was $40,330,688, a figure which under the increased
production brought about by the World War rose to $122,368,000
in 1918 but fell to $109,811,164 in 1919. The leading products in
value in 1909 were cereals (Indian corn and wheat), hay and forage,
vegetables, fruits and nuts and tobacco. The corn acreage of Mary-
land fell from 647,012 in 1909 (value of crop $11,015,298) to 619,265
(value of crop $32,678,769) in 1919. In the same period the wheat
acreage rose from 589,893 (value of crop $9,876,480) to 664,295
(value of crop $21,357,568). The acreage of hay and forage showed
662,939 in 1919 as against 398,892 in 1909, while tobacco with an
acreage of 28,550 in 1919 as against 26,072 in 1909 showed an increase
in value of 292 -6% or the difference between $5,721,164 and $1,457,-
112. Oats, wheat and tobacco showed a decrease in their average
yield per ac., while corn, hay and Irish potatoes showed an increase.
The total vegetable acreage in 1919 was 165,106, of which 58,083 was
in tomatoes; the value of the vegetable crop was $25,371,723. The
total small fruit acreage fell from 16,595 in 1 99 ('4> 2 92 in straw-
berries) to 8,360 (7,096 in strawberries) in 1919; a less noticeable
decrease occurred in the orchard fruit crop.
Minerals and Manufactures. The value of the products of all
mines and quarries in Maryland in 1909 was $5,782,045, of which
amount $4,483,137, or 77-5 %, represented the value of the products
of bituminous coal-fields; $1,075,726 the product of stone-quarries;
the small remainder the product of iron-mines, clay-pits and various
other relatively unimportant sources. The total operating expense
of the mining industries in 1909 was only $775,888 less than the
value of the whole product, but the excess of value over cost in the
case of bituminous coal was $541,778. Granite, traprock, limestone
and slate, in the order named, came after bituminous coal in value of
their product. In 1910 there were mined in Maryland 4,658,147
long tons of bituminous coal, an output which declined steadily until
it reached 3,690,667 long tons in 1914, when it began to increase,
and in 1918 the output was 4,015,444 long tons, a slightly smaller
tonnage than in the previous year. The value of the stone-quarries,
excluding marble, in 1916 was $934,130 as opposed to $1,075,726 in
MARZIALS MASEFIELD
863
1909. The value of products manufactured from mines and quarries
in 1916 was, for brick and tile $1,908,537, lime and cement $2,332,-
846. The pig-iron production of Maryland furnaces rose from
290,073 tons in 1900 to 501,452 in 1916, and fell from this point to
244,002 in 1919.
The total value of Maryland manufactures in 1909 was $315,669,-
150 and in 1914 $377,749,078, a sum which placed the state I4th in
the Union in value of manufactured goods. Of the amount named
$215,171,530 was the product of Baltimore plants alone. In the
entire state there were in 1914 131,391 persons engaged in manu-
facturing industries, and $293,210,925 invested in capital. Baltimore
ranked as sixth city in the number of establishments in operation.
In the period 1909-14, the value of Maryland manufactures ad-
vanced 19-7 %, and in general the figures indicate an increasing
value in manufactured products, as contrasted with a less satis-
factory progress in the yield of natural resources. In both 1909 and
1914 the value of the following six industries exceeded $10,000,000
each :
Products
1914
1909
Men's clothing
Copper, tin and sheet-iron products
Canning and preserving .
Lumber and timber products .
Foundry and machine products
Slaughtering and meat-packing
$39,048,000
25,491,000
18,029,000
1 1 ,9 1 1 ,000
10,659,000
17,100,000
^36,921,000
16,909,000
13,709,000
12,134,000
11,978,000
13,683,000
By 1914 there had been added to this list: cars and general shop
construction and repairs, for steam railways, $13,229,000; fertilizers,
$13,987,000; printing and publishing, $11,263,000. Since 1914 there
has been a large increase in the number of manufacturing establish-
ments and in capital invested in manufactures in Baltimore, so that
the 57 %, which in that year was the contribution of that city to the
value of manufactures in the state, has been increased. Outside of
Baltimore, the chief manufacturing centres are the western Mary-
land cities, Cumberland and Hagerstown.
Fisheries. In 1908 the value of the Maryland fishery products
had fallen from the second place which it occupied in 1897 to fifth
place. Recognizing that the decreased output was due to the
unregulated stripping of the natural oyster beds, the state by an
Act of 1916 created a Conservation Commission charged with the
execution of all laws relating to oysters, fish, crabs and game, sup-
planting the Shell Fish Commission, the two Fish Commissioners
and the state Conservation Bureau, and assuming control and co-
ordination of all existing agencies for the furtherance of the fishing
industry and game protection of the state. The report of the Shell
Fish Commission in 1907 laid down the general principles of oyster
culture followed by the Conservation Commission in encouraging
the planting and gathering of oysters, the most valuable products of
the Maryland waters. The state had faced a steady decline in its
oyster industry since the year 1897, when 7,255,000 bus. were taken
from Maryland waters. In 1908 the catch had fallen to 6,232,000
bus., and in the season of 19167 to 4,120,819 bus. In the hard
winter of 1917-8 an even lower mark was reached, but exceptional
conditions account for the poor catch of that year. There is reason
to believe that the encouragement given to planting and the enforce-
ment of the " cull " law are beginning to have effect, for since the
extremely small catch of 1917-8 there has been a steady increase
until the highest figure for several years was attained in 1920-1
with a catch of 4,967,433 bus. (figures of April 15, before the close
of the season). An ambitious planting programme has been outlined
for all the fish products of the state by the Conservation Commission,
in addition to its regular scheme by which many millions of fry are
released into Maryland waters every year.
Communications. Beginning with the passage of the " Shoe-
maker, or State Aid " Act in 1904, the state entered upon a pro-
gramme of road construction, the prosecution of which has provided
it with one of the best road systems of any state. In 1908 the State
Roads Commission was created by the Legislature to construct all
state roads and state-aid roads, and as the result of its activities
there have been built of both classes 1,585 m. of macadam, concrete
and other surfaced roads on the foundations of the once privately
owned turnpikes and the connecting county roads.
Education and Religion. The period of 1910-20 was a notable one
in the development of the Johns Hopkins University, of Baltimore.
In 1920 the Legislature passed an Act merging the university of
Maryland (Baltimore) with its schools of law and medicine, and the
Maryland State College of Agriculture (College Park, Md.) under
the name of the university of Maryland and under the control of a
Board of Regents. In secondary education, the future betterment of
the school system throughout the state was provided for by the
reorganization of the State Board of Education by legislative en-
actment of 1916. Industrial and vocational training in the schools
have been the subjects of experimentation, but no definite policy
has been established with regard to their continuance.
All denominations in Maryland reported 602,587 members in
1916, an increase of 99,870 since 1906. In 1916 the church member-
ship was divided among 2,955 organizations, representing more than
60 denominations. The value of church property in the state was
$29,162,381. The Roman Catholic church membership (all baptized
persons including infants) numbered 219,530. Following in the
order named were the Methodist Episcopal (112,853), Protestant
Episcopal (38,469), General Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran
(33,555), National Baptist Convention, coloured, (29,405), Presby-
terian Church in the United States (19,603).
History. A series of Acts passed since 1910 indicate a pro-
gressive quality in the administration of the state. These Acts
created the Public Service Commission (1910), the State Indus-
trial Accident Commission (1914), the Conservation Commission,
(1916), the State Board of Prison Control (1916), the State Tax
Commission (1914), the State Roads Commission (1908), and
the reorganization of the State Board of Education (1916).
In 1916 the budget system was adopted and in 1920 a merit
system for state employees was put in operation. During the
World War, Maryland furnished the following volunteer organ-
izations: three regiments of infantry, one battalion of field
artillery, one troop of cavalry, four companies of coast artillery,
one field hospital, one ambulance company, two battalions of
naval militia and one company of negro infantry. With the
exception of the coast artillery companies and the coloured com-
pany these volunteer organizations became part of the 2gth Div.
and the infantry personnel, as the iisth Regt, saw active service
on the American front in France. The 3rd Coast Artillery
Company, and volunteers from the others, became the ii7th
Trench Mortar Battery, and as part of the Rainbow Div. was
actively engaged at the front in France for many months. By
the selective draft 34,000 men were sent from Maryland. Four
great military establishments were located in Maryland during
the war: the Aberdeen Proving Grounds, the Edgewood Arsenal,
Camp Meade and Camp Holabird. Because of their good loca-
tions and convenience to Washington, these establishments have
been retained for military purposes by the War Department.
Maryland subscribed to the five Liberty and Victory loans
$290,247,200, a sum which exceeded the total of its minimum
apportionment by nearly $43,000,000, and was $13,000,000
larger than the total of its maximum apportionment. Maryland
was the sixth state to ratify the Prohibition amendment but
never ratified the Suffrage amendment. Recent governors have
been Austin L. Crothers (Dem.), 1908-12; Phillips Lee Golds-
borough (Rep.), 191 2-6; Emerson C. Harrington (Dem.), 1916-20;
Albert C. Ritchie (Dem.), 1920- . The latter was elected by
only 165 votes over his Republican opponent, polling 112,240
votes to 112,075.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. U.S. Census Reports for 1910 and 1920 ; Maryland
Geological Survey, vol. x. (1918); Statistical Abstract of the U.S.
(1919); Maryland Manual, 1919-20; Synopsis of Laws Enacted by
the State of Maryland (3 parts, 1916, 1918, 1920, compiled by Horace
E. Flack, Dept. of Legislative Reference, Baltimore, Md.). Annual
Reports of the Conservation Commission of Maryland, 1916-20;
The Maryland Almanac for 1921. (L. C. W.)
MARZIALS, SIR FRANK THOMAS (1840-1912), British civil
servant and man of letters, was born at Lille in France Jan. 13
1840 and educated at a school kept by his father who was a
clergyman. He entered the War Office during the Crimean War
and became accountant-general in 1898, retiring in 1904. He
was knighted that year and became a member of the Patriotic
Fund Corporation. He was also vice-president of the London
Library. As one of the editors of the Great Writers series, he
contributed Lives of Dickens, Victor Hugo and Moliere (1904)
and also wrote Death's Disguises and other Sonnets (1889) and
translated the Chronicles of Villehardouin and Joinville. He
died, at Netting Hill, London, Feb. 14 1912.
MASCAGNI, PIETRO (1863- ), Italian composer (see
17.835). His later works include Isabeau (1911) and Parisina
(1913)-
MASEFIELD, JOHN (1875- ), English poet, playwright
and novelist, was born in 1875. His early poems were of the sea
(Salt-Water Ballads, 1902; Ballads, 1903, etc.). He also wrote
sketches of buccaneers, On the Spanish Main (1906), and two
stirring novels, Captain Margaret (1908) and Multitude and
Solitude (1909), as well as editing The Voyages of Captain William
Dampier. But narrative poetry and drama proved his natural
means of expression, as he showed in his poems The Everlasting
Mercy (1911); The Widow in the Bye-Street (1912); Dauber
864
MASON MASSACHUSETTS
(1913); The Da/odil Fields (1913); Lollingdon Downs (1917);
Reynard the Fox (1919); Right Royal (1920); Enslaved and other
Poems (1920); King Cole (1921); and in his sombre plays, The
Campden Wonder (1907); The Tragedy of Nan (1909); Pompey
the Great (1910); The Faithful (1915); and Good Friday (1916).
He also published some prose war sketches, Gallipoli (1916); The
Old Front Line (1918); St. George and the Dragon (1919).
MASON, ALFRED EDWARD WOODLEY (1865- ), English
novelist, playwright and politician, was born in Camberwell
May 7 1865 and was educated at Dulwich College and Trinity
College, Oxford. Whilst at Oxford he played Heracles in a pro-
duction by the O.U.D.S. of the Alcestis of Euripides, and when
he left the university he joined a theatrical company and toured
for a time in the provinces. He soon, however, abandoned acting
for literature. His first novel, A Romance of Wastdale, was pub-
lished in 1895. He followed it by the successful Courtship of Mor-
rice Buckler (also dramatized) in 1896 and Miranda of the Balcony
(dramatized in New York) in 1899. Amongst later novels
The Four Feathers (1902); The Broken Road (1907); Running
Water (1907) and The Turnstile (1912) are the most notable.
At the Villa Rose (1910), an experiment in the detective story,
was successfully dramatized and presented at the Strand theatre,
London, in July 1920. Besides the dramatization of his novels,
he wrote as original plays Colonel Smith (igogj, The Witness for
the Defence (1911) and Open Windows (1913). He sat as Liberal
member for Coventry in the House of Commons from 1906 to
1910. During the World War he held a commission in the Man-
chester regiment and later was on the general staff of the
R. M.L.I. He also went on missions to Spain and to Mexico
for the Intelligence Dept. of the Admiralty and utilized some of
his experiences in a novel The Summons (1920).
MASPERO, SIR GASTON CAMILLE CHARLES (1846-1916),
French Egyptologist (see 17.848), died in Paris June 30 1916.
During his second term of office as director-general of the Service
of Antiquities at Cairo he was made an hon. K.C.M.G. (1909).
He retired in 1914.
MASSACHUSETTS (see 17.850). The pop. in 1920 was
3,852,356, an increase of 485,940 or 14-4% since 1910, as against
20% in the preceding decade. Nearly one-third of the state's
inhabitants lived in metropolitan Boston. Less than 1-3%
were negroes; 27-9% were foreign born, of whom 24-4% came
from Canada. The average density of pop. was 479-2 per sq.m.,
as against 418-8 in 1910. The urban pop. (in 169 places of more
than 2,500) was 94-8% of the whole as against 92-8% in 1910.
The pop. of the 13 chief cities was:
1920
1910
Increase
per cent
Boston
Worcester
Springfield
New Bedford
Fall River
748,060
179,754
129,614
121,217
120,485
112,759
670,585
145,986
88,926
96,652
H9,295
106,294
n-6
23-1
45-8
25-4
I-O
6-1
Cambridge
Lynn
Lawrence .
Somerville
Brockton
Haverhill
Holyoke .
109,694
99,148
94, 2 7<>
93,091
66,254
53,884
60,203
104,839
89,336
85,892
77.236
56,878
44,"5
57.730
4-6
II-O
9-8
20-5
16-5
22-1
4-3
Agriculture. Farm property in 1920 was valued at $300,471,743,
including live stock valued at $33,524,157. The total value of farm
products in 1919 was $87,558,456 -crops representing 61 -3 % of this,
and animal products 38-7 per cent. The leading crops and their
percentages of the total crop value were: hay and forage 37-5%,
vegetables 28-5% and fruits 18-2 per cent. The production of the
chief cereals was as follows, in bushels:
1919
1909
Maize
Oats
1,921,607
1,515,933
23,238
2,402,738
2,029,381
32,926
Winter Wheat ....
21,337
1.7 1
11,916
6o.d
Barley
Rye
11,832
46,261
9,021
59,183
The yield of apples in 1909 was 2,550,259 bus.; in 1919, 3,187,210.
Two-thirds of the cranberry yield of the United States in 1920 was
raised in the bogs along the S.E. coast of the state. Of the animal
products 73 % were of the dairy and 26 % poultry and eggs.
Mineral Products. During the decade there was a large increase
in the production of building-stone, crushed rock for road and street
making, and sand. In 1913 the value of the products of mines and
quarries and their manufactured derivatives was $11,292,723. The
production of monuments and tombstones was: 1909, $2,852,650;
1918, $2,571,750. The value of clay-products of the state decreased
from $1,647, 362 in 1908 to $1,451,7 1 5 in 1918, of which latter amount
$1,230,711 was the value of common brick.
Manufactures. Massachusetts, with a limited local market for
its manufactured products, scanty resources in the form of raw
materials, and a declining trans-Atlantic commerce, has added little
to its railway and terminal facilities. Only four states are smaller in
area; yet in 1918 only four states exceeded it in the value of its
industrial output. Its advantage has lain in having a surplus of
capital, in its unsurpassed supply of skilled labour and in the supe-
rior organization of its factories. In its earlier development it
utilized its local water-power, of which it had a liberal supply. Then
it became largely dependent on coal for fuel, imported at increasingly
high cost. In 1910 the total value of manufactures was $1,490,527,-
386; in 1914, $1,641,373,047, and in 1918, $3,851,346,215, an increase
over 1900 of 324 per cent. While the increase in value is largely to
be accounted for by the increased prices, the state as a whole made
commendable industrial progress. In textiles (cottons, worsteds
and woollens), in boots and shoes, boot and shoe cut stock and find-
ings, rubber footwear, and in fine writing-paper, Massachusetts in
1919 was the foremost state.
The following table deals with the manufacture of leather
and shoes, cut stock and findings:
Boots and Shoes.
Estab's.
Reported
Employees
Value of
Products
1909 .
1914 .
1919 .
469
464
474
47-710
76,944
77,196
$187,045,767
200,529,858
361,090,261
Boot and Shoe Cut-Stock and Findings.
Estab's.
Reported
Employees
Value of
Products
1909 .
1914 .
1919 .
391
420
422
8,353
8,170
9,964
49,297,I48
54,658.155
118,310,617
The value of boots and shoes and cut stock in 1918 was 40% of the
country's output, New York ranking second with 13-4 per cent. In
1918 the textile industries employed 30 % of the manufacturing wage-
earners, the products being 30-9 % of the total industrial output and
being valued at $1,191,650,551. Nearly one-half of this was in
cotton goods and formed 28-9 % of the output of the whole country,
N. Carolina, the next largest producer of cotton goods, turning out
13-4% of the whole. The output of woollen and worsted goods in
1918 was more than 30% of that of the whole country, Pennsylvania
producing the next largest amount. The increase in value from 1900
to 1918 was 5-78% snowing a marked decrease in quantity when the
difference in prices is considered. The increase in the value of boots
and shoes and cut stock for the same period was 136% showing
small increase in quantity. Boston and Worcester were the principal
centres for foundry and machine-shop products, valued in 1918 at
$341,751,367. Other industrial products, in order of importance,
were: rubber goods, $120,757,575; tanned, curried and finished
leather, $81,462,273, in the manufacture of which Massachusetts
was second among the states; paper and wood pulp, $91,428,346;
slaughtering and meat-packing, $117,730,023; printing and publish-
ing, $73,267,130, of which $39,104,873 was the value of news-
papers and periodicals; electrical machinery, apparatus and supplies,
$83,742,359; cordage, twine and jute goods, $45,574,887, in which
the state was second only to New York; furniture, $17,058,360;
jewelry, $9,526,836, Massachusetts ranking second only to Rhode
Island; and confectionery $40,869,064, in which Massachusetts was
third among the states.
The state is also noted for its fishing industry, the fleets visiting
the Newfoundland Banks being very important, with Gloucester
and Boston as chief centres of the trade. The value of products in
1920 was $7,596,905. Cod were valued at $2,311,011; haddock,
$2,655,303; mackerel, $748,682; and halibut, $518,598.
Education. Several fundamental changes were made in the
organization of the educational enterprises of the state in 1919.
Among the most important were the consolidation into a new
department of education of several related activities, the abolition
of the Board of Education and the creation of the Advisory Board of
Education, consisting of six members and the Commissioner of
Education, who is ex-officio chairman. The passing of the Board
of Education, established in 1837, marks the close of an important
era in the development of a state policy of education. In vocational
MASSENET MASSEY
865
education rapid progress in the decade 1909-19 is shown by the
following statistics:
1919
1909
Schouio in which vocations were taught
Occupations in which instruction was given
Enrolment in vocational classes .
Cost of vocational training ....
107
50
2,500
$881,000
b
4
1,400
$5,000
Another significant development was in university extension. The
department has carried on its work by correspondence instruction,
class instruction, and Americanization classes. In the period Dec. I
1919 to Nov. 20 1920 6,188 students were receiving instruction by
correspondence, 15,520 were registered in adult immigrant classes
and 23,720 in other extension classes. In 1911 the Teachers' Regis-
tration Bureau was established, a free agency which has proved very
successful ; three years later a retirement system was put into opera-
tion, with membership compulsory, and provision for retirement at
60 years of age under certain conditions or by compulsion at 70.
In 1920 the salaries of superintendents in superintendency unions
(two or more towns employing one superintendent) was fixed at a
minimum of $2,250, with certain reimbursements by the state and
allowances for travelling. The Legislature of 1921 made several
notable changes, among which are the following: state aid to high
schools in towns of less than 500 families was increased from $500
per school to $250 per teacher. Transportation is compulsory from
towns where there is no high school, with provisions for state
reimbursement.
The State Department may now grant the degree of Bachelor of
Education to any person completing a four-year course in a state
normal school one school giving it in the commercial course only,
one in household arts, one in art and two in regular courses. In 1920
over $1,000,000 was spent for normal schools and teachers' training.
Pupils from 14 to 16 years of age must have completed the require-
ments of the sixth grade before being certified for employment.
Public-school teachers and superintendents have the right to a
hearing before the school committee, accompanied by a witness,
before dismissal from service. Every town with a valuation of over
$1,000,000 must employ a school nurse. Indoor and outdoor games
and athletic exercises are aho required. Regular public-school
teachers cannot be paid less than $750 a year. Reimbursements to
small towns and cities are provided, with special arrangements for
those of low valuation, enabling them to have good teachers.
Finance. The receipts of the state in 1909 were approximately
$14,700,000 and those in 1920 approximately $47,350,000, or more
than three times as much. These figures represent receipts for rev-
enue purposes only and do not include receipts from the issue of
bonds or notes. The payments in 1909 were about $17,100,000 and
in 1920 about $52,900,000. The-e represent governmental cost and
include no payments of money borrowed. In 1919 the funded debt
of the state was $126,555,662 and the total debt $129,404,091.
Road-building. During 1920 nearly 122 m. of highway was
constructed, as well as 22 m. commenced but not completed. Of
this, 39 m. was gravel, 38 m. of bituminous macadam, 16 m. of
cement concrete, 4 m. of sand and asphalt mixed, and 5 m. water-
bound macadam with bituminous surface treatment. Of state high-
way 27 m. was. surfaced, 14 m. widened and resurfaced. Some roads
were being constructed 20 ft. wide instead of 18 feet. Much was
under construction in 1921 with $6,000,000 more to be spent. The
total length of state highways at the end of 1919 was 1,311 m. and
the amount spent on roads in that year was about $1,610,200.
Banking. The resources in 1919 of the national banks within the
state were $1,003,945,000. There were 634 banking institutions and
agents under state law, with resources of $2,488,606,935, divided as
follows: 196 savings banks, $1,215,244,815; 105 trjst companies,
$1,076,214,436; 190 cooperative banks, $154,879,638; three savings
and loan associations, $2,399,791; Mass. Hospital Life Insurance
Co., $30,918,328; one foreign banking corporation, $1,838,749; 60
credit unions, $2,791,165; 77 steamship agents receiving deposits of
fe>!87,5o6; one state bank, $1,132,507.
History. During the decade 1910-20 the most important
laws enacted by the Legislature were the following: In 1912
a minimum-wage board was established with the right to deter-
mine wages of women and children. The inheritance law was
amended so that only the real estate of a deceased non-resident
is taxed, personal property taxes going to the state of residence.
A 1913 law provided for the establishment and maintenance of
continuation schools and instruction for working-children. A
number of pure-food laws were enacted; also, a law providing for
mothers' pensions. Laws relating to elections were so amended
that on application signed by 1,200 voters in any senatorial
district, or by 200 voters in any representative district, asking
for the submission to the voters of any question of instruction to
senators or representatives, the Secretary of the Commonwealth
shall determine if such a question is one of public policy, and, if so
determined, he shall place such question on the official ballot
to be used at the next state election. Women voters were given
the right of voting for candidates for school committees in 1881.
In 1914 a measure was passed submitting to the people a
constitutional amendment giving suffrage to women, suffrage
being finally granted June 25 1919. In 1916 the civil and criminal
jurisdiction of district or municipal courts was extended so that
their process runs throughout the state and makes them courts
of superior and general jurisdiction. An income tax was enacted.
A new law to prevent misstatements in advertising went into
effect May 25. An Act forbidding the sale of narcotic drugs,
except by prescriptions carefully regulated, was passed in 1917.
Massachusetts in 1918 ratified the Federal Prohibition amend-
ment, being the nth state to do this. That same year a budget
system was adopted, also commissions were created to investi-
gate the educational system of the state. The Legislature in 1919
made absentee-voting possible for those in military or naval
service and others who make proper arrangements. It also passed
a law making all Acts approved by the executive, unless subject
to referendum, take effect 30 days after formal enactment.
Emergency laws take effect upon passage. The maximum
amount of deposit in savings banks was raised to $4,000. Manu-
facturing corporations can provide for representation of their
employees upon the board of directors if more than half the
employees so decide by secret ballot. Industrial accident com-
pensation was increased. The income tax was revised. An Act
reorganizing the executive and administrative functions of the
state Government, approved July 23 1919, established many
new departments, and a metropolitan district commission was
authorized, with general supervision over the metropolitan area.
The Legislature of 1920 passed a law proviJing for a state con-
stabulary. Motion-pictures within the state were censored.
Women were allowed to hold office. Suits were permitted by and
against voluntary associations. Important " blue sky " legisla-
tion was enacted.
During the World War many emergency measures were passed
by the Legislature. The subscriptions to the Liberty Loans
were as follows: first, $177,236,400; second, $317,799,250; third,
$228,329,750; fourth, $405,257,500; and to the Victory Loan,
$252,767,450. Approximately 200,000 men were enlisted in the
service of the Federal Government.
The governors for the decade were: Eugene M. Foss (Dem.),
1911-4; David I. Walsh (Dem.), 1914-6; Samuel W. McCall
(Rep.), 1916-9; Calvin D.Coolidge (Rep.), 1910-20; and Chan-
ning H. Cox (Rep.), 1920- . The opening on July 29 1914 of a
canal across Cape Cod shortened by 70 m. the distance by water
from New York to Boston. (F. A. CL.)
MASSENET, JULES EMILE FREDERIC (1842-1912), French
composer (see 17.866), died in Paris Aug. 13 1912, having com-
pleted an opera, Panurge, just before his death.
MASSEY, WILLIAM FERGUSON (1856- ), New Zealand
statesman, was born at Limavady, co. Deny, Ireland, on March
26 1856, the son of John and Marian (nee Ferguson) Massey.
He was educated at the national school and secondary school
at Londonderry, and went to New Zealand in 1870 to join his
parents who were among the Nonconformist settlers of 1862.
Settling at Mangere, near Auckland, he became a farmer, and
after serving an apprenticeship in local government entered
Parliament as member for Waitemata in 1894. At the general
election of 1896 he was elected for Franklin, and he has held
that seat ever since. From 1895 to 1903 he served as Chief
Opposition Whip in the House of Representatives. During those
eight years Seddon was at the height of his power and the for-
tunes of the Opposition were at their lowest ebb. For about
half this period the party was without a leader, but the courage
and faith of the Chief Whip held the party together, and in 1903
he was elected leader. Mr. Massey's chance came after the gen-
eral election of 1911, which gave the Reform party, as it was now
called, a small majority. After serving for 18 years in the Oppo-
sition, and without holding any intermediate office, Mr. Massey
became Prime Minister on July 10 1912.
His first Cabinet held office for three years, the last of which
was the first year of the World War. In Aug. 1915, the general
866
MASTERS MASURIA, BATTLES IN
election held in Dec. 1914 having resulted in almost a dead heat
between the parties, a Reform-Liberal coalition was effected for
the purposes of the war, with Mr. Massey as Prime Minister and
Sir Joseph Ward, the Liberal leader, as Finance Minister. The
national Government thus formed lasted throughout the war,
and on its dissolution by the Liberals in Aug. 1919 Mr. Massey
formed a new Reform party Cabinet. At the general election
in the following Dec. he scored a decisive victory, due in a large
measure to the very difficult position forced upon him at short
notice by the dissolution of the Coalition. He was still in power
at the close of 1921.
The portfolios held by Mr. Massey in his first two administra-
tions as Prime Minister included those of Lands, Agriculture,
Labour, Industries and Commerce, and Imperial Government
Supplies. On Sir James Allen's retirement in 1920 he became
Minister of Finance, holding also the portfolio of Mines and
Railways. Besides enabling and encouraging the country to
throw its whole weight into the war, Mr. Massey rendered im-
portant service by representing it at the Imperial War Cabinet
and War Conference meetings of 1917 and 1918, at the Peace
Conference in 1919, and at the Imperial Conference of 1921. At
the Peace Conference he faithfully represented the sentiment of
New Zealand in pleading for the retention of German Samoa
in British hands, and in his uncompromising attitude on the
indemnities and reparations to be exacted from Germany.
The energy which he displayed in securing the Dominion a share
in the valuable phosphates of Nauru I. was also much appreciated.
Mr. Massey did valuable work as the second British representa-
tive on the Commission on Responsibilities for War and the
Enforcement of Penalties, and as president of the sub-committee
on Facts and chairman of the Drafting Committee.
He married in 1882 Christina (C.B.E. 1919), daughter of
Walter Paul of Auckland, and had three sons (of whom Maj.
F. G. Massey served in the war and won the M.C. and D.S.O.)
and two daughters. He became a Privy Councillor in 1913, a
freeman of London, Edinburgh and five other British cities, and
hon. LL.D. of Cambridge and Edinburgh universities.
(A. R. A.)
MASTERS, EDGAR LEE (1868- ), American writer, was
born at Garnett, Kan., Aug. 23 1868. At the age of 21 he entered
Knox College, 111., but left after one year to read law in his
father's office. He was admitted to the bar in 1891 and practised
thereafter in Chicago. For several years he was associated with
Clarence S. Darrow, known as counsel for labour leaders. He
was a member of the National Institute of Art and Letters.
The book that first brought him public notice was Spoon River
Anthology, published in 1915, an extraordinary collection of
epitaphs on members, in all walks of life, of a mid-western town.
Within three years 50,000 copies were sold. Like much of the
modern " realistic " literature it over-emphasizes pathological
accidents and ignores the sane and permanent essence of life.
His other works include: The New Star Chamber, and Other
Essays (1904) ; Blood of the Prophets (1905) ; Songs and Satires (1916) ;
The Great Valley (1916); Toward the Gulf (1918); Starved Rock
(1919); Domesday Book (1920) and Mitch Miller (1920); The Open
Sea (1921); besides several plays, Maximilian (1902); Althea
(1907); The Trifler (1908); The Locket (1910); and The Bread
of Idleness (1911).
MASURIA, BATTLES IN, 1914-5. The district of East
Prussia known as Masuria, which practically coincides with the
sickle-shaped region of lakes that rules the geography of the
province, was the scene of several great battles in 1914 and the
first half of 1915. For the reasons discussed under EASTERN
EUROPEAN FRONT CAMPAIGNS (Part I.), the lake region was not
so much a battle-ground itself as a barrier behind which the
Germans could either resist with inferior numbers or manoeuvre
for decisive battle at one or both extremities of it. In certain
circumstances, the barrier itself could not only passively but
actively contribute to the manceuvre, owing to its having sally-
ports at Lotzen and elsewhere. Simple resistance was the func-
tion of the barrier only in Oct. and Nov. 1914, when the Germans
in East Prussia had to gain time, by defence with minimum forces,
for a decision to be fought out in Poland. In other circumstances
it played its part in great offensive manoeuvres, and these
German offensives Tannenberg in Aug. 1914, the " Masurian
Lakes " in Sept. 1914, and the " Masurian Winter Battle "
in Feb. 1915 form the subject of the present article.
I. TANNENBERG
As narrated under EASTERN EUROPEAN FRONT CAMPAIGNS
(Part II.), the indecisive battle of Gumbinnen, N. of the lakes,
combined with the oncoming of the Russian II. Army W. of
them, led to a crisis in which the evacuation of the entire prov-
ince by the German VIII. Army was only prevented by the ap-
pointment of General-Oberst von Hindenburg, with Maj. -Gen.
Ludendorff as his chief of staff, to retrieve the compromised
situation by battle. The contemplated offensive had as its
object the defeat of the Russian II. Army of Samsonov at or
within the western extremity of the lakes, before the Russian
I. Army of Rennenkampf, only momentarily checked at Gumbin-
nen, could pass beyond their northern extremity, isolate
Konigsberg, and flood the interior of East Prussia, without
further regard to the defensive barrier. It ended in a success
that was all the more brilliant because of its unpromising
beginnings, and all the more inspiring to German patriotism as
the name and locality of the battle recalled the historic defeat of
the Teuton by the Slav in 1410 (see 21.905). Tfyus, it was
natural, not only that Hindenburg should become at once the
national hero of Germany, but also that a host of legends should
arise in connection with the battle.
The most picturesque and therefore most widespread of these
legends is that of the Russians being driven into the lakes which
Hindenburg had personally reconnoitred in peace-time, with a
view to such an operation, but though it is difficult to find the
seed of this legend in any incidents of the battle, the magnitude
of the success and the apparently perfect precision with which
the plan was carried into execution undoubtedly lent weight to
the idea that the scheme was long premeditated. In one sense
this was true. The idea of double envelopment had penetrated
throughout the German army since von Schlieffen had set up
" Cannae " as the model. The manceuvre on interior lines behind
the lake barrier was suggested, and even imposed, by geography.
And in one at least of the numerous " war-games " in which the
German general staff tried out the alternative types of defence
against Russian invasion from the S., the map operations ran a
course which was generally similar to that of the battle. It was
not surprising, therefore, that the idea occurred both to Luden-
dorff on his way from the western front and to the staff officers
on the spot before the new commander and chief of staff arrived.
At any rate, the proposal was at once made by the former and
accepted by the latter. But the difficulty lay in the execution,
and in reality, as will be seen, the battle was a series of changing
situations which demanded ever new dispositions on the part
of the Germans. These dispositions were throughout inspired
by the same idea " Cannae " and restricted by the same
unknown factor Rennenkampf.
On Aug. 23 General Samsonov's II. Army consisting of the
VI., XIII., XV., and XXIII. Corps, one rifle brigade and three
cavalry divisions, to which a few days later was added the I.
Corps was within Prussian territory at and near the line
Soldau-Neidenburg-Ortelsburg, with cavalry farther W. on
the Lautenburg and Strassburg routes. To the E., the II. Corps,
nominally of Samsonov's army, really 'acting in liaison with
Rennenkampf, was advancing from Bobr by Grajevo to face the
E. front of the lake barrier. Rennenkampf, for his part, was still
on the Gumbinnen battlefield expecting a new battle on the
line of the Angerapp and the northern lakes. Samsonov had
disposed his four (five) corps in order from right to left, VI.,
XIII., XV., XXIII. (I.), with the right echeloned forward on
Ortelsburg (in the hope of obtaining liaison with the II. Corps
of Rennenkampf 's command), and the left kept back (in the
face of a German offensive from the Vistula). His advance was
slow and methodical, averaging perhaps 5 m. a day, and at every
halt a position was entrenched, as national temperament and
the experiences of the Manchurian War dictated. Opposed to
MASURIA, BATTLES IN
867
the three central corps (XIII., XV., XXIII.) was General von
Scholtz with his XX. Corps and part of a force of Landwehr,
Ersatz and Landsturm, which had been taken out of the fortresses
of Graudenz and Thorn to watch the line of the frontier W. of
Soldau. Opposite the Russian VI. Corps on the Ortelsburg side,
and holding the lake barrier, there were other German forces of
the same kind.
The first efforts of the German command were directed to
forming an attack-mass on the basis of the XX. Corps. This
mass would have to be taken from the forces confronting
Rennenkampf, and released in succession according to the
activity displayed from day to day - by him. Meanwhile,
Scholtz's mission was to maintain an intact front on the wings of
which these other forces, of greater or less strength, would come
up for the enveloping effort. On the right or W. wing these
forces consisted of the I. Corps (von Francois), which, after
Gumbinnen, had been entrained for stations near the Vistula
but then had its transport switched to the region at and E. of
Deutsch Eylau, and of such Landwehr and Ersatz as could be
assembled at the E. end of the frontier cordon. On the other
flank, there were successively drawn off from Rennenkampf's
front the 3rd Res. Div., the I. Res. Corps (von Below), the
XVII. Corps (von Mackensen), and the 6th Landwehr Bde.
from the Lotzen area, the defence of Lb'tzen being left to its
Landsturm garrison, the defence of Konigsberg to its mobile
reserve posted on the Deime, and the observation of Ren-
nenkampf's army to two cavalry brigades. But between Aug.
23-6, the dates at which the offensive was to begin, the 3rd
Res. Div., part of the frontier Landwehr and Ersatz forces,
and even the first units of the I. Corps which entrained, were
involved in the fighting of the XX. Corps, which had to sustain
the weight of Samsonov's attack, particularly at Orlau and
Lahna on Aug. 23.
On the night of Aug. 25, Below (I. Res. Corps), after cross-
country movements imposed by the crowding of main roads
with refugees, had reached Seeburg; the 6th Landwehr Bde.,
Lautern ; Mackensen (in one long march) , Bischof stein. Von Scholtz
with his XX. Corps and attached formations held the line
Kosten Forest (exclusive)-Gilgenburg-Hohenstein (inclusive);
von Francois (I. Corps) was detraining at various stations around
Deutsch Eylau and forming up on the line Tuschau-Kielpin;
while Muhlmann's detachment of the Landwehr and Ersatz
forces had driven hostile cavalry out of Strassburg and Lauten-
burg, and was ready to cooperate from Lautenburg eastward.
In a day or two the catalogue of available German forces was
to be completed by the arrival at Allenstein of von der Goltz's
Landwehr div. from Schleswig-Holstein. On the Russian side,
while the I. Corps hung back, as ordered, in echelon on the left,
and the XXIII. and XV. swung up in pursuit of von Scholtz
from the E.-W. line facing Gilgenburg-Lahna to a N.N.E.-
S.S.W. line facing Gilg'enburg-Hohenstein, the XIII. Corps was
advancing northward on Allenstein, and the right echelon (VI.
Corps and 4th Cav. Div.) from Ortelsburg had reached Bischofs-
burg. Rennenkampf meanwhile reached the line Insterburg-
Angerburg and his left corps was approaching the eastern lake
barrier. But liaison between Rennenkampf and Samsonov, and
their common superior Zhilinsky, was already, as it remained to
the end, imperfect; and even within the II. Army itself the
various corps maintained only intermittent touch with head-
quarters by wireless (sent en clair), and casual communication
by motor-car and aircraft.
On the morning of Aug. 26 the battle opened at all points.
In the centre, the Russian XV. Corps drove the 3rd Res. Div.
into the woods to the W. of Hohenstein, but von Unger's
Landwehr and Ersatz were hurried up from the southern frontier
guard and, posted behind the barrier of the Drewenz at Mtihlen,
prevented a roll-up of the XX. Corps' left, while the 3rd Res.
Div. rallied under cover of the woods. Thus the XX. Corps was
enabled not only to hold on in front of Tannenberg against the
Russian XXIII. Corps and part of the I. Corps, but to open an
attack which brought its centre to Ganshorn and Thurau.
Farther S. the German I. Corps, the principal element on which
the projected " Cannae " depended, had not made the progress
expected by Hindenburg. Its detrainment was not complete,
and von Francois attempted to obtain a postponement of the
attack; after some discussion, Ludendorff insisted that the
corps should begin its attack at noon, and it did so at i P.M.
But at that time it was too late to capture the heights of Usdau-
Gross Tauersee as had been intended. Meantime Miihlmann,
holding Strassburg and Lautenburg against the Russian 6th
and i sth Cav. Divs., though he could not prevent an inroad,
between these points, on the rear of von Francois's assembly
area pulled out his main body eastward to Heinrichsdorf, the
capture of this point bringing him into line with von Francois.
In sum, the left of von Scholtz's forces was already bent back
(though in no wise enveloped) by the Russians, and the German
enveloping wing under von Francois was only at the beginning,
instead of in the middle, of its task. From the point of view of
Hindenburg's headquarters, this was not a satisfactory opening
to a battle fought against time. But events on his left wing on
Aug. 26 gave a new turn to affairs. The Russian XIII. Corps,
approaching Allenstein, met with no opposition, and the VI.
Corps, heading N. and seeking for liaison with Rennenkampf,
suffered disaster. The latter had pushed its leading division as
far N. as Gross Bossau, where it halted and entrenched. In
this position it was found and attacked by Mackensen's XVII.
Corps, while the 6th Landwehr Bde. and part of the 36th Res.
Div. of Below's I. Res. Corps, N. of Lake Lautern, came in upon
its rear. At .nightfall it was broken by a charge of the Landwehr,
and fled in disorder, seriously impairing the moral of the following
division. Meanwhile the remainder of the German I. Res. Corps
moved on Wartenburg. Thus, the Russians' extreme right was
in rapid retreat, while their centre was advancing northward,
and the Germans saw that the opportunity of double envelop-
ment was not gone by, but only maturing. Accordingly, on the
evening of Aug. 26, von Francois was ordered to attack the
Usdau-Gross Tauersee position at dawn with the utmost energy,
Miihlmann to push on from Heinrichsdorf on Borchersdorf.
This achieved, the I. Corps was to advance as rapidly as possible
on Neidenburg, flank-guarded to the S. by Miihlmann. Von
Scholtz was to continue the attack of his centre eastward so as
to cut off all Russian troops north of Gross Gardienen, while
his right intervened in the battle at Usdau and his left held on
at Miihlen and on the Drewenz. Mackensen was to pursue the
beaten Russians due S. on Ortelsburg, while the movements of
Below (whose ist Res. Div. was already due E. of Wartenburg)
and of von der Goltz (whose Landwehr Div. was to begin
detrainment Aug. 27, E. of Osterode) were apparently left to
their own discretion, since headquarters intended to trust
themselves on Aug. 27 entirely to von Francois and von Scholtz.
On Aug. 27 was fought the battle of Usdau. Here the German
I. Corps, well in hand and complete, and aided on its left by the
right of the XX. (Schmettau's detachment) and on its right
by Miihlmann, completely broke the Russian resistance. But
whether through tactical accidents, or a misinterpretation of
orders, or desire to obtain elbow-room to the southward, the I.
Corps, instead of driving due eastward from the captured line,
wheeled to its right, pushing the Russian I. Corps on to Soldau,
and itself reaching at nightfall the E.-W. line Heinrichsdorf-
Borchersdorf-Schonwiese. The XX. Corps (less Schmettau's
detachment) drove on in the centre, and reached a N.-S. line
from the E. end of the Miihlen See to Skottau, facing a new
Russian position at Waplitz, where their XXIII. Corps, and also
part of the force defeated at Usdau, rallied. Meantime there had
been critical fighting farther north. West of the line Hohenstein-
Paulsgut the Landwehr and Ersatz of Unger and the 3rd Res.
Div. were heavily attacked by the Russian XV. Corps, and
Allenstein, undefended, was occupied by the Russian XIII.
Corps. At the German headquarters it was rumoured that
Unger's line had been broken, and the 37th Div. was hurriedly
taken from von Scholtz's advancing line and put in on the
Drewenz, to prevent a break-through towards Osterode.
Such a break-through with the aid of the fresh XIII. Corps
from Allenstein (which could hardly be held up for long by von
868
MASURIA, BATTLES IN
der Goltz's half-detrained division at Biesselen) was eminently
possible, and could hardly fail to be disastrous to the Germans.
Meantime 4^ German divs., pursuing the relics of two Russian
divs. southward, had advanced to the region N. of Passenheim
and of Ortelsburg, so far separated from the main body of the
VIII. Army that liaison was maintained by aeroplane. It
seemed that they, like von Francois, were missing the moment
of wheeling-in for envelopment, and drawing off eccentrically.
And on this day news came that Rennenkampf was at last begin-
ning to advance from Insterburg-Angerburg. Already his
cavalry was ranging the country behind Mackensen and Below;
the Russian II. Corps from Angerburg was moving on Gerdanen,
with a detachment in advance, threatening Lotzen from the
rear; the IV. Corps on Friedland and Allenburg, and two
others on Konigsberg. Against such an advance as that of 4
cav. divs. and 4 inf. divs. to consider only the troops S. of the
Pregel the two cav. bdes. of the German ist Cav. Div. and the
Lotzen Landsturm could not be expected to offer more than a
trifling resistance. But if the situation of the Germans was
critical, there was still the possibility, and even the necessity, of
attempting the " Cannae " with the principal effort of encircle-
ment made by the corps in the N. instead of by von Francois.
The threatened westward movement of the Russian XIII. Corps
could itself be taken in rear by bringing in the I. Res. Corps,
while von Mackensen could close some, and von Francois, by an
eastward extension of his left, others, of the routes behind
Samsonov's XV. and XXIII. Corps. In any event some such
movements were necessary if the two separated parts of the VIII.
Army were to be got together, whether for offence or for defence.
The crux of the problem lay in the direction to be given to von
Mackensen whether he was to continue southward and join
hands with von Francois, forming the ring round the whole of
Samsonov's army, or to bear up north-westward, behind the
I. Res. Corps, and re-form N. or E. of Allenstein, ready either
to cooperate in Below's envelopment of part of the Russians or
to stave off Rennenkampf's advance on the Alle. In truth, this
problem was too difficult for a definitive solution, and thus
we find that Mackensen spent Aug. 28, first in marching from
Passenheim to E. of Allenstein, and then in marching back,
no doubt under successive instructions from headquarters.
The battle of Aug. 28, like that of Aug. 27, presented changing
situations. As the Germans expected, the Russian XIII. Corps
wheeled in from Allenstein, to cooperate with the XV. at
{lohenstein, but, having been for days out of touch with the
VI. Corps, and therefore ignorant of its rout, it assumed certain
troops (Below's) seen to the N. of Wartenburg to be that corps
moving on Allenstein. Thereupon, giving up the westerly direc-
tion to its supposed comrades, it turned sharp S.S.W. to assist
the XIII. Corps more directly. If any particular moment can
be fixed as the turning-point of the battle it is this, for it com-
pleted the confusion at Hohenstein. West of that point, on
the morning of Aug. 28, Morgen's 3rd Res. Div. had advanced
from the Jablonken Forest to the attack of the Russian XV.
Corps without waiting for support from the 37th Div. on its
left or Unger's men on the right. It had driven the defenders
into the W. side of Hohenstein at the same time as von der
Goltz's Landwehr Div., detrained on the previous day, entered
it from the north. To right and left of Morgen, the 37th Div.
and Unger were soon heavily engaged and advancing generally
eastward. To the S. of the Muhlen See the German 4ist Div.,
attacking alone on the front which had previously been that of
the whole XX. Corps, was repulsed by the Russians posted at
Waplitz and S. of it. The fight was already extremely involved
when on the rear of von der Goltz came the leading bds. of the
Russian XIII. Corps. But, while for the German command there
was nothing to do but to " wait for Below as Wellington waited
for Bliicher at Waterloo," as a German staff officer has put it,
the Russian/ leaders were in reality in the worse position. They
were out of touch with each other and with Samsonov. The
commander of the XIII. Corps would not promise his companion
of the XV. the arrival of his whole corps at Hohenstein in less
than 24 hours, and the advanced brigade above mentioned,
involved in fighting with the German 37th Div. as well as with
von der Goltz, lost its way in the woods, units opening fire upon
each other, and finally broke away in panic. In the evening, the
perplexed commander of the XIII. Corps found Below on his
flank and rear, and came to a standstill. The XV. Corps com-
mander had already, after the ruin of the XIII. Corps, decided
that he could not continue this offensive till the intervention of
the rest of that corps next day, and made up his mind to retreat
while his left was still protected by the Waplitz forces. And,
late in the evening, both the XIII. and XV. Corps received orders
from Samsonov to retreat at once. The German ring was now
rapidly forming itself. Not only had Mackensen, when drawing
off to the Alle as ordered, taken the precaution of leaving de-
tachments at Passenheim and S. of Mensguth, but, above all, the
German I. Corps had arrived at Neidenburg, and its advanced
troops were well on the way to Willenberg.
At the outset of the battle before Soldau which von Frangois
had projected for Aug. 28, the Germans realized that little
effort was necessary for the capture of that town ; and Schmettau's
detachment on the left of the southward-facing line was pushed
westward on Neidenburg, preceded by cavalry, which, passing
round Neidenburg by the S., made havoc amongst the trains
and convoys of the enemy on the Willenberg-Chorzele road.
Soldau was captured about 10 A.M., and leaving Miihlmann to
guard it von Francois pushed his ist Div. after Schmettau.
Shortly afterwards he received orders to move his 2nd Div. on
Rontzgen to relieve pressure on the retiring 4ist Div., and this
order was soon supplemented by one of general pursuit in the
Lahna direction. By evening the corps was beginning to reap a
great harvest of prisoners, guns and trains.
Before these events were fully known at the headquarters of
the VIII. Army, the German commander seems, for a moment,
to have given up hope of bringing about a great encirclement.
The Supreme Command was notified that the victory was won,
but that it was improbable that the "boxing-in" (Einkessdung)
of the two northern corps of the enemy would succeed, and army
orders for Aug. 29, issued at 5 :3O P.M. from Tannenberg, directed
a general pursuit eastward by the troops of the XX. Corps and
I. Corps, while Mackensen, instead of closing the avenues of
escape, was again to march off to the Alle, which he was to occupy
between Guttstadt and Allenstein. The 3rd Res. Div. and the
two bodies of Landwehr fighting in the Hohenstein area were to
fall out of the pursuit and assemble in readiness for other
employment. For Rennenkampf, heralded by his cavalry, was
at last really on the move. Later in the evening, however, it
became apparent that the two northerly Russian corps had not
yet made off. Below's divisions, swerving S.S.W. before reaching
Allenstein, came upon rear-guards of the XIII. Corps atZaszdrocz
and Thomsdorf, and enforced a stand. The opportunity of
boxing-in was seen to be still open; and, taking the risk of
ignoring Rennenkampf for yet another day, Hindenburg and
Ludendorff issued new instructions, bringing Mackensen's corps
back again to the eastern gates of the Russian lines of retreat,
and stimulating von Francois to a farther advance. Driving
inward, the I. Corps, on Jedwabno and Willenberg, and the
XVII., on Malga and Kannwiesen, were to attack both flanks of
whatever forces were retiring through the forests S. of Passen-
heim, and, if possible, to join hands and to close the ring.
Meantime the I. Res. and XX. Corps, von der Goltz, Morgen and
Unger were to continue the now concentric effort against the
Russians between Thomsdorf, Hohenstein, and Wuttrienen, and
especially to master the lake defiles E.S.E. of Hohenstein. These
orders did not reach their destinations till Aug. 29; but the corps
commanders were already in substance carrying them out, and,
in particular, Mackensen had not begun to draw away to the Alle.
In the battle of Aug. 29 the envelopment became definitely
tactical. On three sides German regiments and battalions pressed
the retreating and now greatly disordered XIII., XV. and XXIII.
Corps in the dense country lying between Hohenstein and
Passenheim. Von Francois posted part of his forces at the
forest outlets about Muschaken and pressed on his westernmost
troops towards Jedwabno and Willenberg. Mackensen barred
MASURIA, BATTLES IN
869
the lake intervals S.W. of Passenheim and pushed his left to
Malga. Meantime Ludendorff assembled all the German forces
which were successively crowded out by the concentric advance,
as the nucleus of a defence group to be posted along the lakes
behind the Alle, at Allenstein and at Passenheim. But the next
day severely tested the strength of the ring that had been formed
round the Russians. Already on Aug. 29 a part of von Francois's
Corps, which was barring the exit of the forest at Rettkowen,
was hard pressed by the weight of the opposing forces that were
seeking an outlet, and only the arrival of Mackensen's troops
from Malga enabled the gate to be closed again. On Aug. 30,
another gate, N. of Muschaken, was burst open from the inside,
and the Germans holding it were made prisoners. Reenforce-
ments, however, arrived on the German side, and the emerging
columns were pushed back again into the forest. Finally, in the
night of Aug. 30-1 , a desperate attempt was made to break out by
way of Kannwiesen and Puchalowken, but was repulsed. But
it was at all times doubtful whether the gates would hold firm, for
Mackensen had been ordered to keep the bulk of his forces about
Passenheim ready for action toward Allenstein if required, and
the southern and south-eastern parts of the ring were in some
places no more than a chain of posts. Moreover, on Aug. 30,
serious Russian threats were made from outside the ring. Not
only did Rennenkampf advance to the line Preuss.-Eylau-
Bartenstein-Bischofsburg, with cavalry raiding nearly to
Allenstein, and not only did attacks develop on Lotzen, but
Ortelsburg, now in rear of Mackensen's corps, was threatened
from the S.E. (no doubt, by a rallied portion of the Russian VI.
Corps), and, above all, the Russian I. Corps and part of the
XXIII., which had followed its retreat by Soldau, now resumed
the offensive from Mlawa on Neidenburg, with the aid of parts
of the newly arrived XVIII. Corps, while the Russian cavalry
division farther W. again broke in behind the German disposi-
tions. To meet this, von Frangois had to face S. with part of
his corps, while the rest, facing N., maintained the ring of invest-
ment against heavy attempts to break through from the inside;
and army headquarters had to place at von Francois's disposal
the forces that it was collecting for the defence of the lakes behind
Allenstein. In the event, the crisis was mastered by energetic
frontal attack on the head of the Russian I. Corps column,
combined with an audacious threat to its left by Muhlmann's
Landwehr and Ersatz from Soldau. In fact, the Russian counter-
advances were not pressed with any vigour. Rennenkampf
certainly, and the Mlawa force probably, had received instruc-
tions to withdraw after demonstrating in aid of Samsonov,
for the headquarters of the Russian "N.W. Front" (General
Zhilinsky) had been informed by Samsonov on Aug. 29 of his
decision to retreat, and was quite unaware of the fact that he
needed assistance to enable him to do so.
On Aug. 31, all crises being past, it remained only for the
Germans to complete the capture of what was left of the Russian
XIII. , XV., and XXIII. Corps. As on the two previous days,
the resistance of the Russians was stubborn, but there was no
common action or higher leadership. Entangled in the woods,
artillery and trains constantly blocked the way to the infantry,
which, after making its way past them, had to attack forces of
all arms unaided. Outside the forest, the Germans cut off at
their leisure the long columns of transport vehicles which had
headed the retiring movement. Hindenburg's victory, doubtful
even as late as the afternoon of Aug. 30, was complete by the
evening of Aug. 31. The Russian losses in killed and in evacuated
wounded are unknown, but 92,000 wounded and unwounded
prisoners, 300 guns and immense numbers of vehicles and stores
remained in the hands of the Germans. General Samsonov, after
wandering in the forest in search of a way of escape, broke up
his staff, and, left alone, shot himself.
II. BATTLE or THE MASURIAN LAKES, OR ANGERBURG
During the battle of Tannenberg the Russian I. Army had
advanced to within a menacingly close distance. On Aug. 28,
and again on Aug. 29, the German VIII. Army headquarters
had almost given up the effort of encirclement in order to form
a northward and north-eastward front against Rennenkampf;
and as soon as the victory was complete, no time was lost prepar-
ing to take the offensive, both with the strategical object of
gaining a free hand for a campaign into Poland in concert with
the Austrians, and with the political object of freeing East
Prussia from hostile occupation. Reenforced by two corps
(Guard Res. and XI.) and a cav. div. (8th Saxon) from the
western theatre, Ludendorff planned to attack Rennenkampf as
soon as the new corps had detrained and those engaged in the
ring of Tannenberg had been sorted out. This process took some
time. The defensive group that was being formed to face Rennen-
kampf on Aug. 29-30 had to be dissolved again so as to reenforce
von Francois against the counter-attacks on Aug. 30 from the S.,
and to secure Mackensen's rear, threatened on that day at
Ortelsburg. Thus, at the close of the battle of Tannenberg, the
VIII. Army had to be completely regrouped before any part of
it, except the I. Res. Corps, could engage Rennenkampf. But
even on Aug. 31, before the end of the battle, there were indica-
tions that Rennenkampf's forward movement had been given up.
The Russian general had, in fact, advanced half his army
against Konigsberg and only two corps and three cav. divs. into
the open country S.W. of Insterburg-Angerburg. One of these
corps (the IV.) had advanced on a comparatively narrow front
and reached Preuss.-Eylau and Bartenstein, while the other (the
II.) from Angerburg had made a feeble attack on Lotzen with
one brigade and advanced to the line Bartenstein-Bischofstein
with the other three. The XX. Corps, on the Deime, N. of
the Pregel, and the III. Corps on the lower Alle S. of it, had
allowed themselves to be imposed on by local activity of the
Konigsberg Landwehr and Ersatz forces. The three cav. divs.
working with the II. and IV. Corps had raided as far as Wormditt,
nearly to Allenstein, and to Sensburg, but without doing serious
damage to the road and railway system. Behind the front, res.
divs. were coming up to set free the XX. and III. Corps, from
the Konigsberg front, and eventually to besiege that fortress.
Other forces, both active and reserve, were assembEng at
Grajevo, and skirmishing was in progress between Russian light
forces in this region and a detachment of East Prussian Land-
sturm at Ruvezanny and Johannisburg under Col. Bacmeister,
which, like the Lotzen force, had remained in its own area undis-
turbed during the Gumbinnen and Tannenberg operations. On
Aug. 27 Rennenkampf was informed that troops hitherto in
front of him had been identified at Gelgenburg and Bischofsburg
and Soldau, and he was instructed to help Samsonov by pushing
his left wing as near to Bartenstein as possible, his cavalry
towards Bischofsburg and the II. Corps towards Passenheim.
On Aug. 29 he was ordered to send two corps to meet Samsonov,
who was heavily engaged (in reality, practically encircled), and
cavalry to' Allenstein. But almost immediately this last order
was cancelled, as the II. Army was understood at Zhilinsky's
headquarters to be retreating. Rennenkampf thereupon drew
back on Aug. 30-1 to the line Lower Alle-Allenburg-Gerdanen-
Drengfurt. After some discussion between the chiefs of staff of
the I. Army and of the N.W. front, Rennenkampf decided to
make a stand on the line Wehlau-Deime-Ottenburg-Gerdanen-
Nordenburg-Lake Mauer, so as not to enhance still further the
crushing moral effect of Tannenberg. But he had no intention
of allowing himself to be cut off in this position; and to secure
his left flank he ordered a considerable part of the II. Corps to
attack Lotzen. This order, executed in the usual tardy fashion,
led to nothing, but the forces thus gathered in front of Lotzen
proved, as will be seen, a fatal obstacle to the full realization of
the German plan.
This plan was, in sum, a strong frontal attack by the left
wing and centre of a long, deployed array, while the right wing
broke out through the Masurian lakes at Lotzen, Arys and
Johannisburg, against the left and rear of the Russians. The
newly arrived Guard Res. and XI. Corps, and the I. Res. Corps,
with the 6th Landwehr Bde., formed the left wing in the region
N. of Allenstein, the XX. Corps the centre about Allenstein,
the XVII. Corps and the I. Corps with the 3rd Res. Div. the
right at Passenheim and Willenberg. On the extreme left, the
8yo
MASURIA, BATTLES IN
Konigsberg mobile force was to Cooperate from the Deime line.
The ist and 8th Cav. Divs. grouped themselves in front of the
right centre. The Landwehr and Ersatz units which had fought
at Tannenberg were formed as a corps under von der Goltz
(Goltz's Division, the new 3Sth Res. Div. formed of Unger's and
Muhlmann's troops, and the 7oth Landwehr Bde.), with the
mission of capturing Mlawa (which was accomplished on Sept.
4), defending the southern frontier in positions in advance of
that point and of Willenberg, and prolonging the defence east-
ward as the battle progressed.
The German forces, inclusive of one division of von der Goltz's
corps, consisted, apart from cavalry, of about 16 divs.; those of
the Russians, including troops which came into action from
Grajevo, 14-16 divs. (II., III., IV., XX., XXII. Corps and 4-6
res. divs.). As usual, the Russian divs. were superior in infantry;
the German, in artillery strength.
The battle opened generally on Sept. 7. On that day and the
two following days the frontal attack of the Germans made only
sloV progress, the Guard Res. Corps approaching AUenburg, the
I. Res. Gerdanen, and the XX. Angerburg. One div. of the last
named, originally kept back as army reserve to add weight to
the decisive attack, had to be returned to the corps to enable it to
progress in the Mauer See region. Farther to the S., the XVII.
Corps, utilizing the gate of Lotzen, sought to debouch on
Kruglanken, but the Russians, having intended to attack Lotzen,
were in strength here, and the advance of this part of the
German enveloping wing was arrested. Army headquarters now
possessed no reserve, and to open the way for the XVII. Corps
there was no alternative but to swing the greater part of the I.
Corps sharply northward instead of northeastward. Thus delay
was imposed on the striking wing of the attack; and when, on the
night of Sept. 9-10, Rennenkampf decided to take down his
line from right to left and retired eastward on Wirballen, Suwalki
and Augustowo, it was already unlikely that the Germans would
be able to place any important forces across the enemy's lines
of retreat in time. Nevertheless, a great effort was made to
achieve this result. The German I. Corps had advanced in three
columns, the 2nd Div. by Nikolaiken on Arys, the ist Div. by
Johannisburgon Bialla, with the 3rd Res. Div. on its right moving
in the same direction. Von der Goltz, like Muhlmann in the
Tannenberg operations, drew out his troops eastward as the
3rd Res. Div. advanced, keeping a closed group on that side and
thinning the cordon at Mlawa and Willenberg. On Sept. 7 the
German 2nd Div., after passing the defile of Nikolaiken, had
become engaged at Gurra, N.E. of Lake Spirding, with a strong
force of the Russian II. Corps that was ranged in a semicircle,
facing W. and S. in the Arys defile. To enable the 2nd Div. to
debouch, the ist Div., leaving the combat in the Bialla direction
to the 3rd Res. Div., swung up to the N. to attack the S. face
of the Russian semicircle at Arys. On Sept. 8 the Russian
resistance was broken by the combined attack, and a brigade of
the ist Cav. Div. attached to the I. Corps struck out northeast-
ward to Klaussen. Meanwhile the 3rd Res. Div. had captured
Bialla on Sept. 7th and pushed on to Drygallen on the Lyck
road on Sept. 8, flankguarding towards Grajevo until the
arrival of troops of von der Goltz's command enabled it to
concentrate again.
On Sept. 9 the reunited I. Corps, master of the Arys defile,
and joined by the two cav. divs. of the army, continued its north-
ward movement so as to take the opponents of the XVII. Corps
in rear. These stood on the line Mauer See-Goldapgar See-
Soltmahner See-Gablick See, blocking the defiles between lake
and lake. The pressure of the I. Corps from the S. and the XVII.
Corps from the front, however, forced the evacuation of this
position in the evening, especially as the two German cav. divs.
were working out into the more open country towards Goldap.
The XVII. Corps was thus released, and the enveloping move-
ments of the German right wing began on Sept. 10. But the
frontal attacks had made little impression, and Rennenkampf's
XX., III. and IV. Corps were not effectively held in the Anger-
burg-Gerdanen-Wehlau positions. On the night of Sept. o-io
the order to take down the line was issued, and thereafter the
German frontal attack became a general pursuit, sometimes
interrupted by stubborn rearguard fighting. By Sept. n the
Guard Res. Corps had already fallen out of the scheme and was
being grouped N.E. of Wehlau in reserve. The Konigsberg
troops made for the E. side of Tilsit, to cut off the Russian force
that had established itself there. But for the I. Res. Corps,
the XI., the XX., and even for the XVII., the operation was a
simple follow-up on the respective axes Insterburg-Pillkallen-
Schirwindt; Nordenburg-Gumbinnen-Stalluponen; Angerburg-
Darkehmen-Walterkehmen-Stalluponen; and Possessezn-
Gawaiten-Wysztinice.
Ludendorff, while praising the achievement of the VIII. Army
in covering 60 m. in four days against an enemy expert in rear-
guard tactics, criticizes the pursuit in general as over-eager and
lacking in coordination of effort, especially on Sept. 1 1 when the
situation of the XL Corps led army headquarters to deflect the
pursuit of the XVII. and I. Corps northward during some
critical hours. Eventually, the XL, XX. and XVII. Corps all
converged on Stalluponen and Kibarty; while farther N. the
I. Res. Corps, moving in the last stages nearly E., came to a
standstill about Wladyslawow. From Sept. 9 the German effort
against Rennenkampf's left and rear was carried out entirely by
the I. Corps and the cav. divs., while the 3rd Res. Div. and von
der Goltz guarded the outer flank against intervention from
Osowiec and Augustowo or Suwalki. On this wing the record
of Sept. 10-3 is one of true manoeuvre.
According to the army orders for Sept. 10, the role of the I.
Corps was to flankguard the XVII. in its attempt to strike in on
Rennenkampf's rear E. of Angerburg, no general retreat of the
Russians from Angerburg-Wehlau having yet begun. Accord-
ingly, the two divs. of Francois's corps were directed on the line
Lissen-Pillacken ; while the 3rd. Res. Div., which had taken the
Lyck road on Sept. 9 instead of swinging up with the others,
was to drive in its Lyck opponents and then take the direction
Marggrabowa-Filipowo. The ist and 8th Cav. Divs., which had
reached Goldap over night, were to make for Gumbinnen. But
in the evening of Sept. 10 it became clear at the German head-
quarters that the Russian retirement was in progress, and the
positions of the German right wing just mentioned became the
starting-points of an attempt to reach the enemy's lines of retreat.
On Sept. ii the I. Corps was to advance with its right pushed
forward, to Goldap, and thence S. of the Rominten Heath on
Mariampol; the XVII. Corps along the N. side of Rominten
Heath, on Wistyniec; the cav. divs. in advance against the
Insterburg-Kovno routes. But at midday both corps were ordered
to swerve inwards owing to difficulties in which the XL Corps
was supposed to have become involved near Darkehmen. As
the right of the I. Corps was echeloned forward, this move in
effect crowded out the XVII. Corps, as well as diverting the I.
Von Francois, however, was unwilling to give up the attempted
encirclement, and only wheeled up one of his divs. from Goldap
on Gawaiten, while the other pushed N.E. along the N. side
of Rominten Heath to Tollmingkehmen the route originally
assigned to the XVII. Corps. Later in the day, the alarm at the
XI. Corps' front having proved to be baseless, the I. Corps was
again directed N.E. towards Pilluponen and Wilkowiszki. But
the amplitude of the army wheel had been diminished by a
corps front. Wilkowiszki, instead of being the objective of the
XVII. Corps, had become that of the I. Only the cav. divs.
were left to pursue the advance S. of Rominten Heath on
Mariampol. Meantime the 3rd Res. Div. moved from Lyck on
Marggrabowa, von der Goltz's Landwehr div. following on as a
right echelon against interventions from the S.E. or E.
During Sept. 12 the two parts of the I. Corps had heavy
fighting at Gawaiten, Tollmingkehmen and Baubeln with the
advanced and flank guards of various Russian columns which
were retreating through the country S. of Darkehmen and
Stalluponen. All these were checked and deflected northward,
but none was cut off, though by evening the right of the Germans
had extended up to Pilluponen. Von Franfois, under cover of
his ist Div.'s positions at Tollmingkehmen-Pilluponen, passed
the whole 2nd Div. through the Rominten Heath (having only
MASURIA, BATTLES IN
871
small forces at Goldap and near Gawaiten), and thus prepared
for a movement next day in force by Wistyniec and Pilluponen
on Wilkowiszki. On Sept. 13 the corps carried out this movement,
preceded and flanked by the 8th Cav. Div. which had passed
round the S. of Rominten Heath. The 3rd Res. Div. from
Marggrabowa was turned eastward on Suwalki and, correspond-
ingly, von der Goltz pushed forces up to Marggrabowa. On
Sept. 13, indeed, the German army headquarters still hoped
to cut off a considerable part of the Russian I. Army. But this
hope was disappointed. Pushing his forces onward as fast as
possible on Sept. 13, Francois was unable to do more than
cannonade Russian columns which from time to time passed
across his front. On Sept. 14 the Russians were found in force at
Wilkowiszki, and both divs. of the German I. Corps had to be
deployed to dislodge them. But they were a rear guard and not
a flank guard, and since the pursuit thus became a frontal one
for the I. Corps, as it already was for the rest, the battle of the
Masurian Lakes as such came to an end.
Whether the direct follow-up should be continued to the
Niemen or the operation closed down was a question of strategy,
not of tactics. The latter alternative was chosen. On the night
of Sept. 14 the German positions were: XI., XX. and XVII.
Corps in the area round Stalluponen and Kibarty; I. Res.
Corps at Wladislawow, with advanced forces to the N.E.;
I. Corps and the cavalry at Wilkowiszki, with advanced troops
at Mariampol and Pilwiszki; 3rd Res. Div. at Suwalki; the Guard
Res. Corps was in reserve probably between Insterburg and
Wehlau and the Konigsberg force had reoccupied Tilsit. The
protective forces under von der Goltz, to the right rear of the
3rd Res. Div. and along the southern front, extended from
Marggrabowa to the Vistula. The posts of this long, thin line
were advanced considerably to the southward by frequent
minor operations, of which the most important were a demonstra-
tion against, and bombardment of, the defences of Osowiec by
von der Goltz in the last ten days of Sept.; combats of the 35th
Res. Div. about Mlawa, Sonsk, Przasnysz, Chorzele and Janowo
(Sept. 12-21); and an expedition of the Thorn garrison, which
captured Wloclawek on Sept. 21.
The German gains in the battle of the Masurian Lakes,
although less than they had hoped for and not comparable with
those of Tannenberg, were considerable. Rennenkampf had
been beaten and forced back, if not in dissolution at any rate
in disorder, practically to the Niemen. Strategic freedom had
been secured to the Germans for a considerable time. East
Prussia was cleared of the invaders, 30,000 unwounded prison-
ers and 1 50 guns being added to the trophies of Tannenberg.
III. THE MASURIAN WINTER BATTLE
During Oct., Nov. and Dec. 1914, while the centre of gravity
of operations on the Eastern European Front had lain in Poland
and West Galicia, the German VIII. Army, much reduced, had
defended the E. front of East Prussia against the Russian X.
Army (Gen. Sievers), while the S. front had been held, in advance
of the political frontier, by bodies and posts of Landwehr,
Ersatz and Landsturm. In order to drive the Germans as far
away as possible from the sensitive region of Kovno Grodno
which they had approached in the battle of the Masurian Lakes,
Sievers took the offensive in Oct. and Nov., and drove back the
VIII. Army (commanded successively by von Schubert, von
Frangois, and Otto von Below) to the line of the lakes, the
Angerapp, and the Schoreller Forest, where the advance came to
an end and both sides stabilized their positions.
In Jan. 1915 the German Higher Command decided to ree'n-
force the E. front of East Prussia by the XXI. active and the
newly formed XXXVIII., XXXIX. and XL. Res. Corps, and
the S. front by various units drawn from Poland, in order to
undertake a great offensive against the Russian lines of com-
munication with Poland (of which the X. Army of Sievers was,
substantially, a flank guard), while defending the southern front
of E. Prussia against attack by the strong Russian XII. Army
on the lower Narew. The strategic objects of this offensive are
discussed under EASTERN EUROPEAN FRONT CAMPAIGNS; and
in the present article, which narrates the operations from the
tactical point of view, it is sufficient to note that the envelopment
of Sievers's right, combined with pressure on his front and the
driving of a wedge into his left, was the immediate tactical idea,
while the seizure of Osowiec and a bridgehead E. of the Bobr-
Narew line for ulterior operations was the strategic object,
which was to be attained in the act of driving this wedge, and
secured by the doubje envelopment and destruction of the
Russian X. Army. It was one of the most ambitious schemes
attempted during the World War, and all the more so as it was
to be carried out in midwinter.
The position of the Russian front line was as follows: Its
right rested on the Szeszupa at the point where that river meets
the frontier; thence it continued across the W. part of the
Schoreller Forest to Spullen, where it turned due S., and, passing
just E. of Gumbinnen and just W. of Goldap, followed thence a
sinuous line amongst the lakes to Arys. From Arys southward
it followed the E. edge of Lake Spirding and the line of the
river Pissek (or Pissa) to the region of Lomzha. But S. of Lake
Spirding, in advance of Johannisburg and Kolno, Russian light
forces occupied most of the Johannisburg Heath, with a front
E. of Rudczanny-Turoscheln-Friedrichshof, which, curving into
the E.-W. direction, made contact with the line of the Russian
forces facing the S. frontier. North of the right wing of the X.
Army, i.e. of the lower Niemen or Memel river, were only small
outposts of the minor Russian group based on Shavli.
In the last days of Jan. the German reenforcements assembled
behind the screen formed by the VIII. Army. This screen, from
right to left, consisted of Bacmeister's detachment (Landsturm)
and the 3rd Cav. Bde. in the Johannisburg Heath, the 2nd Div.
with 5th Inf. Bde., nth Landwehr Div., Lotzen garrison, ist
Landwehr Div., 3rd Res. Div., loth and Konigsberg Landwehr
Divs., and ist Cav. Div., with the 5th Guard Inf. Bde. as support.
Of the reenforcements, three corps assembled behind the ist
Cav. Div. screen, unobserved up to the last moment by the
Russians, while the XL. Res. Corps joined the 2nd Div. behind
Lake Spirding. The XX. Corps, brought from Poland to
Ortelsburg, was to be pushed gradually by Myszyniec to the
region between Johannisburg Heath and Lomzha, and so to
broaden the wedge that it was to be the duty of the XL. Res.
Corps and 2nd Div; to drive. In sum, a front line thinly and
uniformly manned was secretly to be thickened at two points,
on the right between Rudczanny and Kurwien, and on the
left astride the Tilsit-Stalluponen railway. On the right, the
" wedge " prepared behind the screen of Bacmeister's Landsturm
consisted of 35 (eventually 5 to 55) divs.; on the left, the envelop-
ing force prepared under cover of the ist Cav. Div. consisted
of 6 to 65 divisions. The allocation of 10 young and homogeneous
divisions, out of a total of 155 of all categories, to two attack
sectors which together covered only 35 m. out of a uo-m. front,
and the preparation of these masses behind a continuous line,
mark the forthcoming battle, as compared with that of the
Masurian Lakes, or even Lodz, as a first approximation to the
typical World- War battle.
The VIII. Army and its reenforcements were formed into two
armies, the VIII. (Otto von Below) having the front from the
right to the Insterburg-Eydtkiihnen railway (its left unit be-
ing the loth Landwehr Div.), and the X. (General-Oberst von
Eichhorn) from that railway to the extreme left. General-
Field-Marshal von Hindenburg and his chief of staff, Lt.-Gen.
Ludendorff, moved " General Headquarters, East " to Insterburg
so as to direct operations on the spot. The instructions given
to Below and Eichhorn in the directives of Jan. 28 and Feb. 5
indicated only the general tactical idea without (so far as known)
any allusion to the ultimate strategic objective, and left the
army commanders almost a free hand. This was, no doubt,
inevitable, owing, to the impossibility of regulating liaison in a
rapid winter advance, but that very fact made it all the more
desirable that the army commanders should be fully acquainted
with the Higher Command's intentions. The sequel suggests
that this was not the case. In sum, the directives laid it down
that Eichhorn's left wing (from left to right, XXL, XXXIX.
872
MASURIA, BATTLES IN
Res. and XXXVIII. Res. Corps) 'should be the enveloping force,
the right of its attack-mass of 6 divs. being directed on Kussen
and the left " making a wide turning movement on or N. of
the river Memel " with Wilkowiszki as its objective. Below's
right (XL. Res. Corps and reenforced 2nd Div.) was to attack
from Kurwien and Rudczanny, with Kolno and Johannisburg
as the first objectives. The intermediate forces (VIII. Army left,
X. Army right, viz. the 3rd Res. Div. aad the four Landwehr
formations) were to bind their opponents by frontal activity.
Below's attack was to begin on Feb. 7, Eichhorn's on the next
day. Ludendorff himself has admitted that he " found it difficult
to start the troops." Snowstorms blew from the E., deep snow
and ice covered the ground and obliterated landmarks. Wheeled
transport could scarcely move, yet the snow was often not firm
enough for sledges. Shelter was rarely found in the advance,
since the Russians burnt all villages and farms as they retired.
In the later stages, thaw and rain converted the ice-hard ground
into mud; the marshes which bordered the streams, great and
small, became impassable for guns and transport.
The offensive of the right wing on Feb. 7, beginning in
Johannisburg Heath, was delayed at first rather by the ground
than by the enemy, but it encountered solid opposition on the line
of the Pissek, and especially in front of Johannisburg itself,
attacked f rontally by the reenforced 2nd Div. But in the night
of Feb. 7-8, the left division (8oth Res.) of the XL. Res. Corps
forced a passage at Wrobeln, and next morning the right (79th
Res.) div. did so at Gehsen. Both almost immediately drew up
to the N.E. with the object of clearing the passage for the 2nd
Div. by threatening the Johannisburg defence in rear, the 7qth
Res. Div. meeting a Russian threat on its outer flank by putting
out a temporary flank guard towards Kolno. Thus, from the
outset, tactical incidents gave the offensive a north-eastward
direction on Bialla and left Kolno out of its sweep. On the
night of Feb. 8-9, after the stubborn defenders of Johannisburg
had been enveloped and overcome, the attack reached Bialla
and pushed out its 3rd Cav. Bde. northward to Drygallen. On
Feb. 9 another difficult march brought the three divisions up
to Drygallen (2nd Div.), Bialla (Soth Res.), S. of Rollken (ygth
Res.). Next day began a series of fierce combats about Lyck,
which, like those before Lotzen and Arys in the Sept. battle,
imposed a fatal delay upon the attempt to envelop the Russian
left. In this case, as has been noted above, such an attempt
really formed no part of Ludendorff's scheme, which intended
a break-through eastward for the furtherance of an ulterior
object, and the orders had indicated the role of Below as
" attack " (angreifen) in contradistinction to that given to
Eichhorn, "envelopment" (umfassen). But in default of any
expression in the directive of the intention of driving on to
Osowiec, tactical instinct and training led the commanders,
once they had found a flank, to wrap themselves round it.
On the northern flank, Eichhorn ignored the suggestion of a
wide turning movement N. of the Niemen (Memel river),
possibly because he distrusted the Russian roads, and massed his
six attack divisions in front of the Schoreller Forest. In the
days before the battle the Russian general seemed to have
suspected the impending blow, for the cavalry screen of the
Germans was several times tested by local attacks. But at the
last moment the attention of the defence was drawn off by
Below's attack; and when, on the morning of Feb. 8, the German
XXL, XXXIX. and XXXVIII. Corps passed through the out-
posts, they met at first with little resistance. The Schoreller
Forest was cleared on the first day. On Feb. 9 the Russian
defensive and the state of the ground compelled the attack in
general to slow up. But one bde. of the German XXI. Corps broke
through, and pushed on in one long march of 29 hours to Wladis-
lawow, which was carried by assault in the night of Feb. 9-10.
Thereupon, finding even its defensive echelon turned, the
Russian right wing fell back rapidly.
Sievers, in fact, followed the same general policy as Rennen-
kampf had done. His object in holding a forward line in East
Prussia (moral and political considerations apart) was, firstly, to
be in position to cooperate in the much larger offensive of the
XII. Army contemplated on the southern front, and, secondly,
to keep the Germans away from Kovno and Grodno. When,
therefore, Hindenburg seized the initiative a month before the
Russian XII. Army could be ready, Sievers began to take down
his line from right to left as soon as his opponent's purpose became
clear. This was on Feb. 9. Next day even the troops facing the
Arys-Lotzen-Angerapp front began to withdraw, pivoting on
the stubborn resistance of the III. Siberian Corps at Lyck.
Both retreat and advance were carried out with high speed, in
spite of the ground and the weather. The six divisions of the
German X. Army, soon joined on their right by the Konigsberg
Landwehr Div., pressed on, ahead of supplies and liaison. On
the night of Feb. 10-1 the XXXIX. Res. Corps surprised and
overran a Russian div. in Eydtkuhneh and Wirballen; the
XXI. Corps reached Wilkowiszki, and the XXXVIII. Res. Corps
Stalluponen and Deeden. Eichhorn's army was already at right
angles to Below's, and its right division (Konigsberg Landwehr)
was crowded out as early as Feb. 1 1 by the eastward advance of
the VIII. Army's left. On the outer flank of the XXI. Corps,
as it swung S. and intercepted the roads and railways leading to
Kovno, protection against interference from that direction was
provided, first by the ist Cav. Div. and its attached infantry
(Sth Guard Inf. Bde.), and then by this Landwehr division
sent across the rear of the line on Feb. 12-3. On the night of
Feb. 12, the general line of the German X. Army and of the
wheeling portion of the VIII. was: XXI. Corps, Ludwinow
and Kalwarja; XXXIX. Res. Corps, Lubowo; XXXVIII. Res.
Corps, Wizajny-Szittkehmen-Rominten Heath; loth Landwehr
Div. in Rominten Heath (facing E.) and at Plautzkehmen; 3rd
Res. Div., S.E. of Goldap; ist Landwehr Div., Altenbude. Half
of the last-named div. was withdrawn from the ever-contracting
line in readiness for service S. of Lake Spirding. Fighting on this
day was especially sharp about Rominten Heath and Lake
Wystiniec, where, at the angle of the line, the Russian forces had
to gain time for the withdrawal of their congested trains.
Meanwhile, at the pivot of this rapid wheel-back, the III.
Siberian Corps was still holding positions on both sides of Lyck
against the 45 divs. of Below's right and centre. On Feb. 10
the German reenforced 2nd Div. and advanced guard of the 8oth
Res. Div. came up against an advanced position of the defence
on the line of the villages of Karbowsken, Baitkowen and
Miechowen. It was known to the XL. Res. Corps staff that
Lyck would be stiffly defended, and the 79th Res. Div. had
continued north-northeastward from Rollken in order to reach
the left flank of the probable line of defence; and, to strengthen
the effect of this movement, the remainder of the Soth Res. Div.
was switched southward onto the same route as the 79th Res.
On Feb. n all attacks by the 2nd Div., 5th Inf. Bde. and
advanced guard Soth Res. Div. on the advanced position of
Baitkowen failed, and the right column (reenforced 7gth Res.
Div.) only reached Prostken on the Lyck-Grajevo road, while
on the other flank the nth Landwehr Div. (forming, with the
ist and icth Landwehr and the 3rd Res., a group under I.
Corps headquarters) was brought to a standstill in front of the
Russian positions along the northern half of a line of lakes which
leaves the main Masurian Lake system at Widminnen and joins
the Osowiec marshes at Rajgrod. On Feb. 12 a Russian counter-
attack on the left of the German 2nd Div. at Thalussen wa
only checked by diverting to that field part of the nth Landweh
Div., which was seeking to force the lake defiles farther N. at
Woszellen. But, fearing attack from Prostken, the Russians
that night drew back to the line Bartossen-Neuendorf nearer to
Lyck, still holding Woszellen with their right.
Feb. 13 was the critical day. The Germans pressed sharply
against the new front before Lyck and forced the defile of
Woszellen, while their S. column carried out a wide-ranging
manoeuvre from Prostken. The remainder of the Soth Res.
Div. was swung up N. astride the river Lyck, came into line
with its advance guard (which, as noted above, had been en-
eaged in the frontal battle of Feb. 10-2), and, passing on beyond
the flank of the defenders of Neuendorf, developed a threat on
the rear of Lyck itself. Meanwhile the 7pth Res. Div., with the
MASURIA, BATTLES IN
873
3rd Cav. Bde., pushed eastward in the hooe of seizing Rajgrod.
There lay the left flank of the lake line, the gate to Augustovvo,
and the edge of the Osowiec marshes, and it was stubbornly
defended. At this moment, when the ist Landwehr, 2nd and
8oth Res. Divs. were thoroughly involved in the Lyck battle,
ind the yoth Res. Div. was striving to break through at
Rajgrod, Russian counter-attacks developed from the south.
The eastward driving of a wedge, originally intended, had
become in fact a northward and northeastward attempt to
envelop, with mere picketing of the southward-leading roads.
Ludendorff, dissatisfied and anxious, had already begun to cut
out parts of the converging line of battle in order to obtain
forces which might even now provide a solid right face for a
wedge, but these were not available on the spot when the crisis
came. At first only the 4th Cav. Div., freshly detrained from
Poland, could be put in front of the Russians advancing from
Grajevo; and the situation was so serious that the Both Res. Div.,
already engaged in the flank of the defenders of Lyck, had to be
counter- marched to assist the cavalry. Thus when, late on Feb. 14,
the Russians finally gave up the defence of Lyck and fell back all
along the line it was only their rear guard, and not the whole
III. Siberian Corps, that was sacrificed. At that moment the
corps had successfully transferred the weight of its defence
to Rajgrod, where the German ygth Res. Div. was completely
held up. Moreover, the Soth Res. Div. and 4th Cav. Div. in
front ot Grajevo repulsed the counter-attack.
On this date, Feb. 14, the advance of Eichhorn and of the left
of the VIII. Army had progressed day by day the troops now
far ahead of supplies but living on captures till the right-
angled line of Fib. 12 had become almost a semicircle. Already
half of each of the ist Landwehr and 3rd Res. Divs., and the
5th Inf. Bde. which had been working with the 2nd Div., were
out of the line and available for other service, besides the
Konigsberg Landwehr Div. already transferred to the E. flank.
In the semicircle the ygth Res. Div. and 3rd Cav. Bde. (shortly
rejoined by the 8oth Res. Div. from Grajevo) were before
Rajgrod, the forces which had taken Lyck (2nd and parts of
the nth Landwehr Div.) at Sentken, the nth Landwehr Div.
at Kleszowen, half the ist Landwehr Div. at Willkassen, half
the 3rd Res. Div. and part of the roth Landwehr Div. at Raczki,
and the rest of the latter before Poddubowck; while of the X.
Army the XXXVIII. Res. Corps was before Suwalki, the
XXXIX. Res. Corps before Tatarak and Krasnopol, and the
XXI. Corps at Sejny and N. of Berzniki. In the later stages of
the drive stubborn resistance had been met, for, as the parts of
the Russian X. Army drew closer together and their trains
became congested, more time had to be gained by rearguard
fighting. But no real relief-attack had developed against
Eichhorn's outer flank, either from Kovno or from Olita, and
in spite of at least one favourable lake position (that of Kalwarja-
Simno-Sereje) there was no counterpart on this side to the
resistance offered at Lyck. Thus the eastward-running lines
of retreat had been successively lost, till only those leading to
Grodno, and to Lipok, Krasnyboz and Sztabin on the upper
Bobr, remained open; and the whole Russian X. Army (except
on its left, which held out at Rajgrod) was herded, with its guns
and transport, into the great forest of Augustowo.
Thenceforward the German operations, by force of circum-
stances, assumed the twofold form which the Higher Command
had originally intended the tactical encirclement of the Russian
X. Army and the strategic penetration of the Bobr barrier. But
for the latter it was already too late. Instead of being on the
river itself, the Russian forces were well in advance of it, at
Stowiski, at Grajevo and at Rajgrod, preventing a coup de main,
and the thaw had reduced the marshes of Osowiec to a condition
in which positions for siege artillery were not to be had. 1 Nor
was the tactical envelopment of the Russians in Augustowo Forest
achieved without an extremely hazardous manceuvre. Between
Feb. 15 and 18 the operations may be described as the battle of
Augustowo. Few battle-stories are more complicated.
1 Railway guns were in any case unavailable, owing to the break
of gauge at the frontier.
Having been joined by the Soth Res. Div. and the 4th Cav.
Div. the 7Qth Res. Div. renewed its attacks on Rajgrod on Feb.
15, this time successfully. The 3rd Cav. Bde. on its right had
already found its way round the S. side of Rajgrod and surprised
the passage of the Augustowski canal S. of Augustowo; hither
the 4th Cav. Div. followed, and the four brigades together
strove to reach and bar the roads running from Augustowo south-
ward and southeastward. On the opposite flank of the semicircle,
the 3 ist Div. of the XXI. Corps drove on southward from the
region E. of Sejny, although its outer flank almost skirted the
Niemen, and reached Sopockinie (Feb. 15), barring there the
most northerly of the routes leading from the forest into Grodno,
but exposing its own rear to any resolute sortie from that
fortress. These were the first movements towards converting
the semicircle into a ring, and both then and thereafter the ring
was exposed to attack from outside, against which it could
scarcely have stood. The other divisions of the XXI. Corps
and the XXXVIII. and XXXIX. Res. Corps meanwhile entered
the forest from the N., except the yyth Res. Div., which seems
to have been hastily detached to Sereje as a flank guard; for
the ist Cav. Div., sth Guard Inf. Bde. and Konigsberg Land-
wehr Div., already finding posts on the eastward routes at and
N. of Simno, could do no more.
On Feb. 16 the battle W. and N. of Augustowo began. Here
the Russians occupied a semicircular position between Bralo-
brzegi, on the canal to the S. of the town, and the village of
Szczebra, on the marshy Bilzna stream to the N. of it. Augus-
towo itself, the most important road-centre of the region,
lies in a defile formed by two E.-W. lake-chains. Behind the
town, the routes to the N.E. and E. traverse this defile, then
break with their respective directions over the lake-chains at
the villages of Studzieniczna and Sajenek respectively. The
position was attacked from the S.W. by the XL. Res. Corps
from Rajgrod, the 2nd Div. on the Lyck road, and what was left
of the 3rd Res. Div. and ist Landwehr Div. (the nth Landwehr
Div. being taken out of the line on Feb. 15) on the Raczki
road, while half of the loth Landwehr Div. approached
Szczebra from the N.W., and the other half, crossing the front
of the XXXVIII. Res. Corps of Eichhorn's army, came down
on the same point from the north. But already on the evening
of Feb. 15 a brigade of the XXI. Corps from the extreme left
of Eichhorn's line, after traversing the forest diagonally from
flank to flank, had reached Studzieniczna and Sajenek, and it
now stood there, barring the roads immediately behind
Augustowo but itself completely isolated.
This was the strangest of many strange episodes in the final
phase of the Masurian winter battle. When, on Feb. 14, General
von Eichhorn's army bordered the N. edge of the great forest,
Fritz von Below, the commander of the XXI. Corps, sent his
3ist Div., as already mentioned, to' the S., and his 42nd Div.
southeastward, into the heart of the forest. On his right the
XXXIX. Res. Corps, temporarily reduced to the y8th Res.
Div., barred, without advancing, the northern exits, while the
XXXVIII. Res. Corps at Suwalki (aided by part of the loth
Landwehr Div., VIII. Army) was forcing a way in from the
N.E. corner. The general intention was thus to envelop those
Russian forces remaining in the northern part of the forest.
But, finding no great opposition, the 6$th Bde. of the 42d Div.
the same brigade which had forced a way to Wladislawow six
days before pushed on ahead past Fronczi and Serskilas, and so
arrived behind Augustowo, while the brigade following it (sgth)
halted about Serskilas.
Next morning, when the fighting W. of Augustowo was just
beginning, the 6sth Bde. made an effort to thrust itself into the
human tide which flowed eastward from that town, and even
put a battalion over to the village of Sajenek to bar the last
exit. But the Russians were determined to keep open their line
of retreat, and while the main part of the intrusive force was
pinned to its ground at Studzieniczna, the detached battalion
was overrun and destroyed. Meantime the Russians in the
north part of the forest, who were now retiring, before Eichhorn's
frontal attack, in the direction of Grodno, came upon the 59th
874
MATHEMATICS
Bde. at Serskilas and Makarcze and forced it out of their path.
But at Fronczi this brigade rallied, and again advanced
against the flank of the Russian troops as they poured past,
while from N., N.N.W. and N.W. the columns of the y8th Res.
Div. (XXXIX. Res. Corps) and 76th Res. Div. (XXXIX. Res.
Corps) pressed on their rear. Desperate group-to-group and
man-to-man fighting went on throughout the afternoon of
Feb. 1 6 and the day of Feb. 17, but with heavy losses the
Russians succeeded in bringing a large part of their forces
through. Only their rear-guards remained to meet the final con-
centric effort of the Germans on Serskilas in the night of Feb.
17, and no more than 700 prisoners were here taken by the
attack. But the masses only escaped from the N.W. into the
S.E. part of the forest. There they were bet cr protected and
nearer to Grodno, but this did not save them.
By that time, fighting W. and N. of Augustowo was over.
The attacks of the VIII. Army had made little progress during
Feb. 16; from sheer determination, or perhaps in ignorance of
the presence of the German 6$th Bde. in their rear, the defenders
of Augustowo held out stolidly, to enable trains and troops to
withdraw. But on the morning of Feb. 17 a decision was reached.
Storming and rapidly bridging the Blizna, the half of the loth
Landwehr Div. on the Suwalki road forced a way into the town
from the N. and the defence collapsed. On that day also, the
3ist Div. of the XXI. Corps established itself solidly at Sopockinie
and farther S. at Holincze, barring roads and paths from the
northern forest towards Grodno, and securing itself only by
pickets against counter-attack from the E. and S.E. Lastly this
div. reached and barred the great road Augustowo-Grodno at
Lipsk, whither the 3rd Cav. Bde. from the extreme right of
Below's army made its way. On Feb. 18 the direct pursuit
of the 2nd Div. and XL. Res. Corps, which had fought the battle
W. of Augustowo, penetrated to this point, shouldering masses
of the Russians off the road into the S.E. part of the forest. On
Feb. 18, also, forces recovered from the now unnecessary flank
guards facing Kovno and Olita (ist Cav. Div., 5th Guard Inf.
Bde., 77th Res. Div.) came into the region of Sopockinie to
strengthen the now complete, but thin, ring formed round the
S.E. part of the forest, where four Russian divisions were penned.
Ignorant of details, but seeing clearly that the encirclement
of Sievers's army had practically succeeded, " General Head-
quarters, East " now exerted themselves to carry out that part
of the scheme which was concerned with the forcing of the Bobr.
The tactical denouement had taken place so far to the S. and
so close to Grodno that there still seemed to be a chance of
breaking through between Osowiec and Grodno, for the troops
engaged in the fighting in the Augustowo Forest were close at
hand, and a considerable number of units (nth Landwehr Div.,
half 3rd Res. Div., half ist Landwehr Div., 5th Inf. Bde.) were
already in reserve.
In the direct pursuit itself, the forces from Augustowo had
reached Lipsk, Krasnybor, and Sztabin, and driven Russian rear-
guards over the Bobr. The absence of any formidable counter-
attacks from Osowiec suggested that the forces there had
been weakened in order to support either the main battle or the
troops opposing the advance of the XX. Corps towards Lomzha,
or both. In spite of the time which had elapsed, therefore, it
was decided to make the attempt, and Otto von Below with the
VIII. Army headquarters was placed in charge of all troops
(including the XX. Corps) engaged or to be engaged facing the
Bobr, Eichhorn assuming control of the remainder. The
prospects of success were, however, so small, owing chiefly to the
prolonged resistance of the four Russian divs. in the forest,
which bound a considerable force for some days, that, after some
attempts to force the Bobr crossings, the project was given up.
When, on Feb. 18, the four Russian divs. (27th, 28th, 2gth
Inf. and 53rd Res. Divs.) were finally enclosed in that portion of
Augustowo Forest lying between the Augustowo-Grodno road,
the Augustowo-Niemen canal and the Wolkuschek stream, the
task of reducing them to surrender was given to six German
divisions. From the S. the 2nd Div. (protected in its rear by
the Bobr fighting), from the E. the 3ist and 77th Res. Div.
(protected against Grodno by their own posts only), from tli
N. the reunited 42nd Div. and from the west the 76th Re
Div. (both of which had followed up after the Serskilas fighting)
gradually pressed them onwards, till, after a last fierce counter-
attack (coinciding with a sortie from Grodno), they were fore
to surrender between Ljubinowo and the Wolkuschek, on Feb
21. Including these, the total prisoners captured by the German
in the Masurian winter battle were over 110,000, with some 200
guns. Strategically, the German victory was an isolated episode;
but tactically it was complete. It was won in the nick of time,
for in these last days the Russian XII. Army's offensive on the
Narew front was beginning.
This was the last great battle fought in Masuria, but from time
to time the German X. Army and the new Russian X. Army
(created almost as soon as the old was destroyed) manoeuvred
and fought to and fro in the country between the frontier
and the Niemen, till in Sept. 1915 the German general offensive
took the war over the Niemen, and far to the east. (C. F. A.)
MATHEMATICS (see 17.878). The progress of the 2oth
century has been accompanied by continued activity in math-
ematical research. Some of its branches (such as mathematical
logic, or the analytical theory of numbers) have actually been
created during this period; others (such as the theory of functions
of real variables) have been entirely reshaped. The following
notes on some of the more recent developments are to be regarded
as supplementing the earlier series of mathematical articles in
the nth Edition of this Encyclopaedia.
(i.) MATHEMATICAL LOGIC AND THE FOUNDATIONS OF
MATHEMATICS
Any branch of mathematics appears to consist of propositions
stating the properties of certain relations, such as being in a
straight line with, or being the sum of, holding between certain
entities, such as points or numbers. For example: " If a point c
is in a straight line with two other points a, b, and if a point d is
in a straight line with the two points b, c, then the point d
is also in a straight line with the points a, b"; or again: " The
number A which is the sum of the numbers B and C is unique."
The business of the mathematician, like that of any other
scientist, is: (a) to discover new properties; and (b) to reduce
all known properties to dependence upon the smallest possible
set (called the set of axioms). The mathematicians of the past
used to regard the simpler propositions of their science (and
in particular the axioms) as intuitively evident. On the other
hand, they made it a principle to accept no new propositions,
except those that could be deduced from the primitive axioms.
A mathematical treatise thus consists of a chain of deductions
from a small set- of initial premises, about which very little is
said. This character is an essential and permanent one, although
the interpretation given to it may have changed.
The " foundations " of mathematics are constituted by: (a)
the knowledge used in its deductions; and (b) its axioms.
Let us begin with (a). It might seem that, in order to under-
stand a mathematical demonstration, one should at least know
the meanings of the mathematical terms occurring in it; that
no one, for example, could either invent or judge a geometrical
demonstration without knowing what is meant by " point "
or by " being in a straight line with," or an arithmetical demon-
stration without knowing the meanings of " number " or of
" addition." But modern mathematics insists that this is not i
and appears almost to disown all acquaintance with the meaning
of the apparently mathematical terms it uses. An author wili
declare, for instance, that by " being in a straight line with,'
or by " being the sum of," he does not mean anything definite
but any relation whatsoever which happens to give a true mean-
ing to his axioms. " Points " and " numbers " become, ir
the same way, entirely indefinite and unknown sets of entities
Only logical, non-mathematical words and expressions, like
" all," " some," " if," " there is," etc., retain a relevant meaning;
axioms come to be taken as mere definitions of the mathemati-
cal terms occurring in them, and the whole work of mathematic
becomes purely formal.
MATHEMATICS
875
It may seem remarkable that this independence of demonstra-
tion from subject-matter, which is so fundamental that its
absence in a demonstration can mean nothing but a flaw or an
omission, should have taken so long to assert itself in mathe-
matics; but the reason is simple. The older mathematics is full
of unanalyzed assumptions. It is only very recently that mathe-
maticians have succeeded in making their hypotheses explicit,
though they have been trying to do so since the time of Euclid.
Their ultimate success has naturally initiated most important
reactions in philosophy. For (a), all proof is formal, and the
philosopher may therefore abandon the hopeless task of con-
structing a theory of " non-formal " proof. And (b), the modern
mathematician separates the mathematical matter from the
logical form, and requires logic to give an analysis of the latter.
This has inevitably brought about a complete " renaissance " of
logical studies, as the Aristotelian logic was entirely unequal
to the task, on account both of its unsoundness on many points
and of its total omission of relations.
Mathematics thus comes to appear as a beautiful logical exer-
cise, which consists in developing the implications of various
sets of formal premises (i.e. premises where the terms, other
than logical, are variable, or symbols without assigned meanings).
It may be pointed out that the motive for the choice of these
premises, as well as for drawing certain consequences prefera-
bly to others, must lie in the region of possible meanings which
mathematics itself ignores. Yet there is also a sense of what is
formally important and interesting, quite apart from any sub-
ject-matter; and this sense, akin to the aesthetic sense, is often
what suggests lines of development, and even modifications of
the sets of axioms hitherto adopted. Thus Weierstrass says
truly that the mathematician is a kind of poet.
But it is clear that some of the possible and indefinite mean-
ings of the mathematical terms and axioms, namely their ordi-
nary meanings, are of fundamental importance in the fabric
of the world. What are these meanings, and how do we know
that they satisfy this or that set of axioms? Not even the
" pure " mathematician can wholly ignore this question; for the
compatibility (or independence) of two given formal premises
can be proved only by discovering some meaning which makes
both premises true (or one true, and the other false).
Modern research has brought to light a fact, the possibility
of which ha'd escaped all previous philosophy, namely, that the
ordinary meanings of geometry and arithmetic are of totally
different natures, the forme/ being as entirely empirical as
dynamics, while the latter is a priori. We shall say nothing here
of the ordinary spatial meaning of geometry, as this meaning
belongs to physics, and owes no part of its substance to pure rea-
son. 1 But we may note that an arithmetical translation, or rather
a variety of such translations, can be found for geometrical axioms.
Thus all questions as to the compatibility and independence of
these axioms can be treated in a purely arithmetical form.
We now pass to the ordinary meanings of the symbols of arith-
metic (see 2.523). Negative, fractional, irrational, and com-
plex numbers are often regarded as entities whose existence is
postulated in order that certain problems should not remain
insoluble. But it is possible to point out certain logical combi-
nations of integers which possess all the advantages of these
hypothetical entities.
Thus, n can be the relation of x to x-\-n, while +re is the con-
verse relation. Again, the rational m/n can be the relation of x to y
which holds when nx=my. Take now all such rationals arranged
in a series by order of magnitude (which is easily denned), and
cut this series in two parts, any term of the lower part being inferi-
or to any term of the higher part: then the lower parts of all pos-
sible cuts or sections can be taken as the real numbers. Irrational
numbers correspond to those " sections " in which neither part has
either a first or a last term. Finally, a complex number may be
regarded as an ordered couple of real numbers. It is important to
realize that the integer n,+n, n/l, the real n and n+o.i are entities
of different structures, and that addition and multiplication, applied
'See on this subject the philosophical works of Henri Poincare;
Our Knowledge of the External World, by B. Russell (ch. iv.) ; The
Principles of Natural Knowledge and The Concept of Nature, by A. N.
Whitehead.
to different sets of entities, are different operations. The problem
is to define these operations for each " extension " of number in
such a way that the special properties of the new numbers result
from the definitions, and that, at the same time, those among the
new numbers which correspond to the old numbers (as, e.g., n/l to )
retain all the properties of the latter.
All arithmetic thus reduces itself to the arithmetic of the
natural integers; and this has been shown by G. Peano to be
deducible from five premises, in which " number " means
" natural integer." These are: (i) o is a number; (2) the suc-
cessor of any number is a number; (3) no two numbers have the
same successor; (4) o is not the successor of any number; (5) any
property which belongs to o, and also to the successor of any
number which has the property, belongs to all numbers. Three
non-logical expressions occur in these premises, namely, num-
ber, o, and successor. It was discovered independently by
G. Frege and B. Russell that the ordinary meanings of all three
expressions can be defined in terms of those very logical notions
which are the constituents of all proof. There is no need to
insist upon the importance of this reduction of number to logic.
It required an elaborate analysis of the fundamental concepts of
logic; it had to meet considerable technical difficulties; and the
chain of definitions which lead from logic- to arithmetic is in
consequence very complex. We can give but a rough sketch.
It may perhaps first be noted that the logical nature of the
fundamental notions of arithmetic need not come to us as a
complete surprise. For it is clear that, since each concept has
a determinate number of instances, numbers are as universal as
concepts. Then the connexion between the number o and the
logical notion of negation is obvious; and that between the num-
ber r and the logical notion of identity hardly less so. Finally,
the fundamental arithmetic operation of addition might well
have as its kernel the logical operation and. But let us pass to
the actual definitions of the logical theory of number I-
DEFINITION i : A relation is said to be one-one when, if x has the
relation in question to y, no other term x' has the same relation to y,
and x does not have the same relation to any term y' other than y.
DEFINITION 2 : One class is said to be SIMILAR to, OR TO HAVE THE
SAME NUMBER AS, another, when there is a one-one relation of which the
one class is the domain, while the other is the converse domain (the
domain of a relation being the class of those terms that have the
relation to some term or other, its converse domain the class of those
terms to which some term or other has the relation).
Now we think of a number as of a common property of a group
of similar classes. But it is not clear that there is such a property,
over and above the relation of similarity running through the
group, just as it is not clear that there is a property of direction
common to all the members of a group of parallels, over and
above the relation of parallelism. A given direction need be
nothing more than the group of all parallels to a given line;
similarly, a given number need be nothing more than the class
of all classes which have that number that is to say, which are
similar to any one member of the class. We accordingly adopt:
DEFINITION 3 : A number is the class of all those classes that are
similar to (or have the same number as) a given class.
This definition is sufficient, at any rate, for all arithmetic
purposes. But it will be noticed that it renders necessary to
postulate the existence of instances of every number, in order
to obtain an orderly arithmetic. This postulate is " the axiom
of infinity."
The number of Definition 3 applies to all classes, i.e. to all
concepts; it includes both finite and infinite integers. To
obtain the special properties of the finite integers, we must
restrict the definition to them; and to do that, we need a logical
definition of finitude. A " finite " number is a number of which
the " principle of mathematical induction " is true. More strictly,
if we adopt I-
DEFINITION 4 : ois the number consisting of those classes that have
no members;
and (roughly) :
DEFINITION 5 : The successor of the number of a class a is the num-
ber of the class consisting of a together with x where x is any term not
belonging to a ;
then we say:
876
MATHEMATICS
DEFINITION 6: A finite number is a number which possesses any
property which belongs to o, and also to the successor of any number
which has the property.
We can now prove all five of Peano's axioms, i.e. all the ordi-
nary arithmetic of the finite integers, and so all the arithmetic
of real and complex numbers, without assuming anything beyond
the laws of logic and the axiom of infinity. Both geometry and
arithmetic are purely formal, or logical, in their method of
deduction. But the ordinary meaning of geometry makes it a
branch of physics, while the ordinary meaning of arithmetic
makes it the development of logic itself.
For the detailed development of arithmetic on a logical basis see
G. Peano, Formulaire de mathematiques (1908) ; G. Frege, Die
Grundlagen der A rithmetik (1884) and Grundgesetze der Arithmetik
(1893, 1903); B. Russell, The Principles of Mathematics (1903) and
Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy (1919-); A. N. Whitehead
and B. Russell, Principia Mathematica (1910, 1911, 1913).
(J- N.)
(2.) THEORY or NUMBERS
In the article " Number " (19.847) an excellent summary is
given of the classical theory. Modern mathematics has seen
the rise of a new theory, the " analytic " theory, which has
developed with astonishing rapidity, and has almost monopo-
lized the attention of arithmeticians.
(a) Theory of Primes. The modern developments of the
theory of numbers depend in the main on the application to
the theory of the ideas of the theory of functions of a complex
variable (see 11.301). It was in the theory of the distribution
of primes that these ideas first bore fruit.
It is usual to write ir(x) for the number of primes less than x.
It has been known since Euclid that the number of primes is infinite,
that is to say that TT(X) tends to infinity with x. The central problem
of the theory has been the determination of the order of magnitude
of ir(x) when x is large, and its solution is embodied in the Prim-
zahlsatz, or " prime number theorem," expressed by the formula
-r
log*
where the symbol ' > expresses the fact that the ratio of the two
functions tends to unity. This theorem, conjectured by A. M.
Legendre (1798) and C. F. Gauss (about 1792), was first proved by
J. Hadamard and Ch. J. de la Vallee Poussin in 1896. The real
founder of the modern theory, however, was B. Riemann, who, in
a famous memoir published in 1859, first indicated the road along
which subsequent research has progressed. Riemann did not prove
the prime number theorem; strangely enough, he did not mention
it, his object being to obtain, not an asymptotic formula for v(x)
but an exact expression in the form of an infinite series. Nor did
Riemann attain the goal at which he aimed, his analysis, profound
and beautiful as it is, being altogether incomplete and inconclusive.
But it was Riemann who first recognized where the key to the solu-
tion lay, viz. in the study of the " Riemann zeta-f unction "
(where n = i, 2, 3, . . . and p runs through the series of primes),
considered as a function of the complex variable 5. Riemann estab-
lished some, and conjectured others, of the properties of f(s); one
famous conjecture, that all the complex zeros of $(s) lie on the
line a = J, remains unsettled to this day.
Riemann's memoir bore no fruit for over 30 years, when the way
was cleared by the researches of Hadamard in the theory of analytic
functions (see FUNCTION, 1 1 .301 seq.). These researches led Hadamard
himself, de la Vallee Poussin, and other writers, to a proof not only
of the prime number theorem but of very much more. Thus de la
Vallee Poussin proved that the logarithm integral Li*= I : -
represents ir(x) with an error of lower order than x(log *)"*, where
k is any number however large. He also investigated the distribu-
tion of primes of a linear form am+b or a quadratic form am>+bm
+c, where a, b, c are integers without common factor, showing, for
example, that the primes are, on the average, equally distributed
between the various arithmetical progressions am + i, am+2,
... ., as had been conjectured long before by P. G. Lejeune
Dirichlet. There is a corresponding theory for the " prime ideals "
of the " corpus " associated with any algebraic number. The ana-
logue of Riemann's zeta-function was discovered by R. Dedekind,
but it is only recently that, in the hands of E. Hecke and E. Landau,
the development of the theory has been pushed to a point corre-
sponding with that of the ordinary theory.
The outstanding unsolved problem of the theory is that of the
determination of the order of the difference ir(x) Lix. This problem
is bound up essentially with Riemann's unproved hypothesis con-
cerning the zeros of f(s). If Riemann's hypothesis is true, the max-
imum order of the difference differs from that of V* by logarithmic
factors only. In any case the difference assumes values of either
sign which tend to infinity with x. This theorem, proved by J. E.
Littlewood in 1914, disposes of the old conjecture of Gauss and B.
Goldschmidt that ir(x) is always less than Li(x).
Apart from applications to the theory of primes, there is a large
literature connected with the pure theory of f(s). It has been shown
by H. Bohr, E. Landau and F. Carlson that (to put it roughly)
nearly all the zeros lie very near the critical line; by G. H. Hardy
and J. E. Littlewood that (equally roughly) a considerable propor-
tion lie actually on it. But the hypothesis itself remains unproved.
(b) Additive Theory. The "additive" theory of numbers in-
cludes Combinatory Analysis (see 6.752), Partitions (see 19.865),
the theory of the representation of numbers by sums of squares,
cubes, or higher powers, and so forth.
The central problem is that of determining (exactly or approx-
imately) the number of representations of an arbitrary positive
integer n in the form 01+02+ . . . +o a , where the o's are num-
bers of some special type (e.g. squares), and i may be fixed or un-
restricted, according to the particular problem envisaged. There is a
fundamental difference between the ' additive " theory and what
may be called the " multiplicative " theory, in which the central
idea is that of the resolution of a number into prime factors. Analyti-
cally, this difference expresses itself as follows: the multiplicative
theory depends on the theory of " Dirichlet's series " of the type
2on~', the additive theory on that of power series Son*". A great
deal of the additive theory is purely algebraic, and is intimately
bound up with the theory of elliptic functions. This side of the theory
(founded by L. Euler) has been developed to a high pitch by English
mathematicians, notably A. Cayley, J. J. Sylvester, and P. A. Mac-
Mahon, while more recently the methods of complex function theory
have been applied to the theory and an " analytic additive " theory
has been founded. Among many curious results we may mention the
theorem of S. Ramanujan, that the numbers of the unrestricted
partitions of numbers of the forms 5771+4, 7i+5 and nm+6 are
divisible by 5, 7 and II respectively.
One of the most remarkable problems of the additive theory is
" Waring's Problem." It was asserted by E. Waring (1782) that any
number re is the sum of at most 4 squares, 9 positive cubes, 19 fourth
powers, and, generally, g(k) powers, where g(k) is a number de-
pending on k alone and not on n. This problem (in so far as it simply
asserts the existence of some such number g(k}, was solved by D.
Hilbert in 1909. J. L. Lagrange (1774) proved that g(2)=4 (any
number is the sum of 4 squares, and some numbers not of less),
and E. Wieferich (1909) that g(3)=9 and g(4) ^ 37. Only a finite
number of numbers (probably only 23 and 239) require more cubes
than 8 (E. Landau, 1908), while an infinite number require 4 at least ;
and only a finite number of numbers require more than 21 fourth
powers (G. H. Hardy and J. E. Littlewood, 1921), while an infinite
number require 1 6 at least ; and asymptotic formulae for the number
of representations have been found; but our knowledge of this
field is still extremely incomplete.
The " empirical theorem " of Chr. Goldbach, that every even
number is the sum of two primes, has also received a considerable
amount of attention, but is still unproved. Among other unsolved
problems of the same character may be mentioned that of proving
the existence of an infinity of primes of the form n 2 + l or (more
generally) om 2 +&w+c. This problem is not to be confused with the
problem of primes am 2 -\-bmn -\-cri*, solved by de la Vallee Poussin.
(c) Miscellaneous Investigations. The work of Dirichlet and
L. Kronecher on the approximation of irrational numbers by
rationals has led to extensive investigations lying on the border
line between arithmetic and analysis, developed above all by
H. Minkowski under the titles of Diophantische Approximation
and Geometrie der Zahlen. The central idea in this theory is
that of the lattice (Ciller).
A lattice point (Gitterpunkt) in space of any number of dimensions
is a point with integral coordinates, and most difficult and fascinating
problems arise when we consider the number of lattice points which
lie within a volume of specified form in w-dimensional space. Thus
Minkowski proved that any convex figure in space of two dimensions
with symmetry about a centre, its centre at a lattice point, and of
area 4, includes other lattice points besides its centre; with a whole
series of corresponding theorems concerning more general configura-
tions. Another class of lattice-point problems is exemplified by the
" circle " problem of Gauss and W. Sierpinski, that of determining
approximately the number of lattice points inside the circle x 2 +y 2 = n
when n is large. A first approximation is naturally given by irn, the
area of the circle, but the estimation of the error is a problem of
exceptional difficulty. This problem and the analogous problem for
the hyperbola xy = n (Dirichlet's divisor problem) were connected
with the theory of f(s) [see (a) supra] by Landau. These problems
also are susceptible of manifold generalization. And in all these
problems, we observe the dominating and irresistible tendency of
modern higher arithmetic, the tendency to abandon its ancient tradi-
tion of isolation and assimilate itself so far as possible to the theory
MATHEMATICS
877
of functions, in order to utilize the immensely powerful weapons
which the latter theory alone can provide.
There is one famous problem in which no such reduction of
arithmetic to analysis has been effected. " Fermat's last theorem
asserts that there is no integral solution of x n -\-y n =z n (other than
the trivial solution x = z, y = o) for any value of n greater than 2.
It was the attempt to prove this theorem that led to the whole
development of the theory of algebraic numbers; but, in spite of the
widespread attention which it has excited, and the extreme impor-
tanceof the general theories of which it has been the starting point,
the theorem itself remains unproved, though important additions
have been made recently to our knowledge by A. Wieferich, D. Miri-
manov, L. E. Dickson, and H. S. Vandiver. Thus Wieferich proved
that the theorem holds for odd prime values of n, and values of x,
y, z, not divisible by n, unless 2"~ l I is a multiple of n'.
One old conjecture has been definitely disposed of. Mersenne
asserted that 2" I, where n is a prime not exceeding 257, is prime
when, and only when, n = I, 2, 3, 5, 7, 13, 17, 19, 31, 67, 127, 257.
This statement contains at least four errors, relating to the values
61, 67, 89, 107; and it need no longer be taken seriously.
AUTHORITIES. An indispensable work for the serious student of
higher arithmetic (on any of its sides) is L. E. Dickson, History of
the Theory of Numbers, 1920-1. This work is not, however, specially
concerned with the analytic theory.
For general accounts of the theory of primes see Encycl. des Sc.
Math. i. 17 (" Propositions transcendantes de la theorie des nom-
bres," by J. Hadamard and E. Maillet: the article by P. Bachmann
in the first German edition is inadequate, but the third edition, in
preparation in 1921, was to include an account of the theory, as it
stands to-day, by H. Cramer) ; E. Landau, Handbuch der Lehre von
der Verteilung der Primzahlen (1909), and Einfiihrung in die elemen-
tare und analytische Theorie der algebraischen Zahlen (1918)..
For the additive theory see P. A. MacMahon, Combinatory
Analysis (1915-6), and An Introduction to Combinatory Analysis
(1921); P. Bachmann, Niedere Zahlenlheorie, II. (Additive Zah-
lentheorie) (1910) ; G. H. Hardy, Some Famous Problems of the Theory
of Numbers (1920).
For Fermat's last problem see P. Bachmann, Das Fermatproblem
(1917); L. J. Mordell, Four Lectures on Fermat' s Last Problem (1921).
Comparatively little of recent work is accessible in a connected
form, and the study of the original memoirs is indispensable.
(G. H. H.)
(3.) THEORY or SERIES
The most striking modern developments in the theory of
series (see 24.668; 10.753; I2 -956) have also been suggested by
the development of the theory of functions.
The theory of functions of a real variable has been revolu-
tionized by the ideas of E. Borel and H. Lebesgue, and this
revolution has inspired a corresponding revolution in the theory
of Fourier's series and " series of orthogonal functions " generally.
A system of 'functions <j> m (x~) (m = i , 2, 3, . . . ) is said to be
orthogonal \i \ a <t> m (x)4> n (x}dx = o(mri) . . . (i).
The simplest examples are obtained by taking <t> m (x) to be cos mx
or sin mx and the interval (a, i) to be (o, 211-) ; or <t> m (x) to be Legen-
dre's polynomial P m (x) and (a, 6) to be ( 1, i). There is then a
simple procedure by which we may endeavour to expand an ar-
bitrary function f (x) in the form of a series 2a m < m (x), viz. by mul-
tiplying this series by $, (x) and integrating over the interval (a, 6) :
the formula thus suggested is
A more accurate analysis of this procedure raises a multitude of
profoundly interesting and difficult questions. On the one hand we
may start from a series with arbitrary coefficients a m , and inquire
whether there exists a function which stands to it in the relation
expressed by the equation (2). In particular, given a trigonometrical
series 2a m cos mx or 26 m sin mx or, more generally, 2(a m cos
mx+b m sin mx), with arbitrary coefficients, we may ask whether it is a
Fourier's series, that is to say, whether there is a function f(x) such
that a m and b m are given by Fourier's integral formulae. On the
other hand, we may start not from an arbitrary series but from an
arbitrary function f(x), form the coefficients (a m or 6 m ) by Fourier's
formulae or the more general formulae (2), and then inquire whether
the formal development thus obtained is convergent, and whether, if
convergent, it represents the function/(x) and so forth.
The problems thus raised are among the most difficult of modern
mathematics; and a very cursory examination of them is enough to
show that the methods of the older analysis are not sufficiently
powerful for their solution. It is essential that we should enlarge our
conceptions, on the one hand, by taking account of the modern gener-
alizations of the notion of an integral, and, on the other, by adopting a
broader view as to what is meant by the " sum " of an infinite series.
The modern theory of functions of a complex variable (see
1 1 . 301 ) points to the same conclusion. A function f(z) of the complex
variable z, regular forz = zo, is defined throughout a certain circle
whose centre is ZD by a power-series 2o (z zo) n ; but the region of
existence of the function is very generally more extensive than the
circle of convergence of the series; and this fact has led, during the
last generation, to a mass of work on the problem of "analytic
continuation." This problem is that of discovering analytic repre-
sentations of the function, whether by integrals, or by continued
fractions, or by series of a different form, which are valid throughout
a wider region than that in which it is represented by the original
power series. Here also we are confronted by the need for a scientific
theory of divergent series.
There are passages in the older analysts (e.g. in L. Euler), which
suggest a half-conscious anticipation of modern ideas. But it is
roughly true to say that they did not concern themselves with the
precise meaning of the infinite series of which they made such effec-
tive use. A. L. Cauchy and N. H. Abel were the first to give a
precise definition of the "sum" of a series ao+ai+Oj-f-. . . or
2o, viz. as the limit of i n = ao+ai+ +a when n tends to
infinity (>). Such a series as I I, I . . . has then no sum,
for s n is alternately I and o; and it was the tendency, for many
years after Cauchy and Abel, to banish such series from analysis
entirely. A school of mathematicians survived, among whom one
may cite A. de Morgan, who viewed this tendency with obvious
discontent, but there was no escape from the conclusion that the
followers of Cauchy and Abel were right. It is impossible to say
" the sum of So is so-and-so " except after framing an accurate
definition of " sum " ; the definition of Cauchy and Abel was the only
definition; and, until some new and wider definition was offered,
that was the end of the matter:
We may define the meaning of a mathematical word or symbol as
we please, provided only that the definition is free from contradiction.
Given a sequence of numbers ai, 02, . . . we may associate with the
sequence a number J in any manner that we please, and we may say,
if we like, that s is the " sum " of the series. We might say, for in-
stance, that the " sum " of every infinite series is, by definition, zero.
This definition would be perfectly legitimate; but futile, because it
would reduce all equations involving infinite series to the trivial
form = 0; and confusing, because it would conflict with Cauchy 's
definition. Cauchy's definition is only one among many, but it is
admittedly the most important, and a new definition is only likely
to be of value if it is consistent with the standard definition. It
must satisfy what is called the condition of consistency; it must apply
to all convergent series, and give a " sum " equal to their sum in the
ordinary sense. Its value for analysis will then be measured by the
extent and importance of the class of non-convergent series to which
it attributes a " sum."
The simplest and most important of the definitions which have
been given is that of the " first arithmetic mean." Suppose that
Sn = ao+ai + _. . . +0n and <rn = (st>+Si + . . . -Hn)(n+i),
the arithmetic mean of the first n-\-l values of s n . If s n tends to a
limit, a n tends to a limit also, and the two limits are the same; but
a n may tend to a limit when s n does not. For example, if a n = ( 1),
s 2n i and s 271+ i = o, and s n does not tend to a limit; but <r n tends
to the limit j. If now we agree to call the limit of <r n , whenever it
exists, the " sum " of the series 2a n , our new definition is in perfect
accord with Cauchy's definition, but is applicable to an extensive
class of series for which Cauchy's definition fails. It therefore fulfils
the conditions required for a theory of divergent series.
The most striking illustration of the importance of these ideas is
to be found in the theory of Fourier's series (see 10.753). The
Fourier's series of a continuous function f(x) is not necessarily con-
vergent ; further conditions on/(x), of a much more artificial charac-
ter, are required to insure convergence. It was, however, shown
by L. Feier that the Fourier series of any continuous function is
" summable " by the procedure indicated above; that is to say, that
the arithmetic mean a n tends to a limit equal to the value of the
function ; and this fundamental result has been the starting point of a
mass of modern research.
Another important definition attributes to the series as " sum "
the value of the limit of the power series 2a n x" when x tends to I
through positive values less than I. A third (of particular importance
in complex function theory) was advanced by Borel; and all of these
definitions have given birth to a multitude of still more general
definitions.
AUTHORITIES. For the general theory of divergent series see
E. Borel, Lemons sur les series divergentes (1901) ; T. J. I' A. Bromwich,
Introduction to the Theory of Infinite Series, ch. x. (1908) ;G. H. Hardy
and M. Riesz, The General Theory of Dirichlet's Series (1915). For
the theory of Fourier's series, H. Lebesgue, Lemons sur les series
trigonometriques (1912); Ch. J. de la Vallee-Poussin, Cours d'analyse
infinitesimals, 2nd ed., vol. ii. (1916); E. H. Hobson, The Theory^ of
Functions of a Real Variable (1907, 2nd ed. in course of publication
in 1921). The general theory of series of orthogonal functions is,
for the most part, still only to be read in the original memoirs, or in
works on the theory of integral equations. (G. H. H.)
(4.) THEORY or FUNCTIONS
The theory of functions (see 11.301, 14.53) h & S two great
branches, the real and the complex theories. Recent advances
in the complex theory, important as they are, have been of too
878
MATHEMATICS
technical a character for rapid summary. The* real theory, on
the other hand, has been remodelled from its foundations. The
older form of the theory was cumbrous and unattractive. The
modern theory has the aesthetic character required of a first-
rate mathematical science, and its development has been per-
haps the most striking achievement of modern analysis.
1. Sets of Points. The theory of functions of a real variable is
based upon the theory of aggregates (see 19.847-850) and in particu-
lar the theory of " sets of points." A set of points f is an aggregate
of real numbers DC, such as the aggregate of rational numbers, or of
irrational numbers, in the interval (o, l). A number is said to be a
" limit point " (Hdufungstelle) of f if every " neighbourhood " of ,
that is to say every interval ( e, +e) including , contains points
of f other than itself. A limit point of f may or may not belong
itself to f. Thus-every number of (o, l), rational or irrational, is a
limit point of the set f of rationals of (p, l). If every limit point of f
belongs to f, f is closed. If every point of f is a limit point, f is
compact or dense. A set which is both closed and compact is perfect.
In particular, the continuum, the aggregate of all real numbers, is
perfect: this is the first and most striking stage in G. Cantor's
mathematical analysis of the continuum.
An idea of dominating importance in the theory of functions is
that of the content or measure of a set of points. Suppose, for sim-
plicity, that the set f in question is contained in (o, l). Then Cantor
defined the content of fas follows: Divide (o, i) in any manner into a
finite number of intervals 5, and these intervals d into two classes S t
and 8 2 , according as they do or do not include points of f ; and let
c(&) be the sum of the lengths of the intervals 81. Then the content
of f is the limit of c(5) when the intervals 5 tend to zero, if this limit
should exist.
There is a striking defect in this definition, the full implications
of which were first perceived by E. Borel. The content of the sum of
two sets is not generally the sum of their contents. Thus the rationals of
(o, i) have content I (since every 8 is obviously a Si), and likewise the
irrationals. The sum of the contents is 2, whereas the content of the
sum is I. The rationals of (0,1) cannot be included in a finite set of
intervals whose aggregate length is less than I. If we abandon the
restriction that the set of intervals must be finite, the situation is
completely changed. Thus Borel observed that we may include the
rational p/q in the interval ( -4, +Ji) > an d that the sum of all
these intervals may be made as small as we please by choice of ;
and this simple remark has revolutionized the theory of functions.
The first step was to frame a satisfactory definition of measure,
and this concept, which has entirely superseded Cantor's " content,"
is now defined as follows. We consider sets f included in (o, i). Let
f be enclosed, in any manner whatsoever, in a system of <r of intervals
4; let m(a) be the sum of the intervals of CT; and let m, be the lower
bound (or " inferior limit ") of the aggregate of values of m(<r).
Then m e is the exterior measure of f. The interior measure mi is
I m',, where m' e is the exterior measure of f , the set complemen-
tary to f, i.e. the set of points of (0,1) which do not belong to f. If
m e = nti, the set f is measurable, and its measure is m, the common
value of m, and mi. This definition (due to H. Lebesgue) is of ex-
treme generality, and no example of a non-measurable set is known.
Measure, thus defined, has the properties which measure ought to
have, but which Cantor's content lacked. In particular the sum of
two mutually exclusive and measurable sets is measurable, and its
measure is the sum of the measures of the component sets. The
measure of any enumerable set, and in particular of the rationals,
is zero. The definition may be extended to sets in space of any num-
ber of dimensions.
2. Integration. The new theory of measure has led to new
theories of integration, in the light of which the older theories are of
historical or didactic interest only. The most important of these
theories are due to H. Lebesgue and W. H. Young.
(o) Lebesgue's definition of an integral is as follows. A function
f(x), defined in an interval (a,b), is measurable if the set of points
S (A) for which/> A ismeasurable for every A. All known functions
are measurable. We now suppose that / is bounded, so that (say)
h </<H, and we divide up the interval (h, H) into a finite number of
intervals (/,-, U+i or 81. It is this subdivision of the range of variation
of /(*). instead of (as in the older theory) that of x, that is charac-
teristic of Lebesgue's procedure. The set of points for which (/(^
f<li+i) is measurable. If we denote its measure by ,-, write J =
2/,-m,- and suppose that the intervals 81 tend to zero, then J tends
to a limit I, and we write:
1 =
The integral so defined is a bona-fide generalization of the integral
of Riemann, for it exists whenever Riemann's integral exists and
agrees with it in value. But it is far more general : thus the function
f(x) which is unity when x is a rational of (0,1), and zero otherwise,
has no. Riemann integral, but has a Lebesgue integral equal to zero.
The definition is capable of many-sided generalization, to unbounded
functions, and functions of many variables; it throws entirely new
light on the relations between integration and differentiation; and
it has proved itself adapted for a mass of analytical applications of
the most far-reaching importance, in particular in the theory of
Fourier's series and the theory of integral equations.
(b) A different definition was proposed by W. H. Young. He ad-
heres to a subdivision of the range of variation (a, b) of the independ-
ent variable; but, instead of dividing it into a finite number of inter-
vals, divides it into a finite or infinite number of measurable sets.
This procedure leads to results roughly equivalent to those of
Lebesgue's theory; but it is somewhat more general; and is cer-
tainly a more natural development of the older theory of measure.
3. Geometrical Applications. Those new theories have led in-
evitably to a searching reexamination of the concepts of " curve,"
" surface," " length," " area," and so forth, which were generally
accepted without question by the older analysts on the supposed
evidence of geometrical intuition. This unreflective attitude has now
been abandoned, and it is recognized that analysis is in no sense
dependent upon geometry. The notion of a curve was first made
precise by C. Jordan. A curve is a set of points (x,y), that is an
aggregate of pairs of real numbers x, y where x and y are functions of
a single variable /, subject to appropriate restrictions. A simple
closed continuous curve is a curve for which (i) x = x(t) and y = y(t)
are continuous for /i^i^fe, (2) x(h)=x(t\) and y(h) =y(h) and (3)
it is false that x(t') =x(t") and y(t) = y(/") for any pair of values t',
t" other than h, h. 'A fundamental theorem, duein substance to Jor-
dan, asserts that such a curve C divides the plane into two " regions "
D and D' separated by the curve. Two points which lie in the same
region can be connected by a continuous curve which has no point
in common with C; but points which lie in different regions cannot
be thus connected. We thus define the inside and outside of a closed
curve in strictly analytical terms. A similar account has been given
of the concepts of area and length. In particular the simple closed
continuous curve C has both an area and a length if x(t) and y(t)
are functions of bounded (or limited) variation.
AUTHORITIES. More or less complete accounts of the modern
theories will be found in : E. W. Hobson, The Theory of Functions of a
Real Variable (ed. 2, vol. i., 1921) ; Ch. J. de la Vallee Poussin, Cours
d'analyse infinitesimale (1909, 1912) and Integrales de Lebesgue, etc.
(1916). See also E. Borel, Lemons sur la theorie des fonctions (ed. 2,
1914), and Lemons sur les fonctions de variables reelles (1905); H.
Lebesgue, Lemons sur V integration (1904) and Lemons sur les series
trigonometriques (1906) ; C. Caratheodory, Vorlesungen uber reelle
Funktionen (1918) ; H. Hahn, Theorie der reellen Funktionen (1921).
4. Integral Equations. Among the remaining developments of
modern analysis, perhaps the most remarkable are in the theory ol
integral equations. The typical integral equation is
f(x) =
-d)
where f(x) and K(x,t) are given and the unknown function <t>(t\
is to be determined. This equation is called an integral equation ol
the first kind ; but it has been found that equations of the form
known as equations of the second kind, are better adapted for the
foundation of a general theory. It was shown by I. Fredholm that,
if /and K satisfy certain conditions, there is in general one and only
one continuous solution <j>(t); the exceptions arise when X is a zero
of a certain transcendental function D(X). When X has one of these
exceptional values, the equation
has a continuous solution other than the obvious solution 0(0 =o
otherwise this is the only solution. The theory has been widely
developed by Fredholm, D. Hilbert, V. Volterra and other writers.
See M. Bdcher, An Introduction to the Study of Integral Equations
(1909); T. Lalesco, Introduction a la theorie des equations integrate*
(1912); H. B. Heywood and M. Frechet, L'fiqtialion de Fredholm
et ses applications a la physique mathcmatique (1912) ; V. Volterra,
Lemons sur les equations integrates (1913); D. Hilbert, Crundziige
einer allgemeinen Theorie der linearen Integralgleichungen (1912);
A. Kneser, Die Integralgleichungen und Hire Anwendungen in der
Mathematischen Physik (1911); and the third volume of E. Goursat's
Cours d 'Analyse (ed. 2, 1915). (G. H. H.)
(5.) GEOMETRY
General remarks will be offered here in regard to two aspects
of geometry (see 11.675) which may be held to be of contempo-
rary interest, under the headings (a) Foundations of geometry;
(b) Theory of classes of surfaces. Under the former heading it
is not intended to discuss in detail the so-called Axioms of Geom-
etry, for which the reader may be referred to the article with that
title (see 11.730), but only to advert in general terms to quest-
ions which have indirectly been much in evidence of late in
connexion with Einstein's theory of Relativity (see RELATIVITY).
Under the second heading is included a quite technical theory,
which now has great importance and a developing character.
MATHEMATICS
879
(a) Foundations of Geometry. The usual history of the develop-
ment of the ideas of a student of geometry to-day is somewhat as
follows. After a more or less prolonged (and highly desirable) course
of experimental geometry, very largely (and undesirably) limited to a
plane, in which a line is a mark made on paper, and a straight line is a
mark which agrees with a physical object (a'ruler), the student passes
through a course in which he is shown that there is a logical connex-
ion between the geometrical conceptions his experience may have led
him to form. At first, and for a long time, often permanently, lines
and circles are regarded as objects of perception and, for instance,
there is no hesitation in accepting the idea of two lines being in the
same direction, and it appears intuitive that two points must have a
certain distance, a result of familiarity with the rigid bodies which
the student has had put before him. This teaching, after a certain
knowledge has been obtained of the detailed relations of circles and
lines, often painfully acquired and difficult to remember, is continued,
on the same plan, for the so-called geometrical properties of conic
sections, though these are apt to appear at first as much less concrete
than circles. After this, as soon as some facility with algebraical
computation is acquired, the student learns that a straight line has
an equation, and that, e.g. the co.nmon points of two circles depend
on the solution of a quadratic equation, while the common points
of two conies depend on a quartic equation. If his instruction is
pursued far enough, he learns, with tne expenditure of much time
and energy, a vast number of algebraical devices, and is now, if apt
in using them, capable of proving algebraically al.nost any question
that his usual examinations are likely to require of him. For his
further efficiency to this end he is probably taught towards the end
of his career something about har.nonic relations, about homography ,
and about projections. In particular, for exa nple, he may be taught
that the equations which give the foci of a conic are obtainable by
applying the analytical conditions for a circle to the equation of the
pair of tangents to the conic fro.n any point. If he is fortunate it
may be pointed out to hi.n, near the end of his laborious drilling in
detail, that a circle behaves as if it were a conic with two definite
(albeit imaginary) points; and if he must in any case know the
properties of conies he may, for econony of memory, seize hold of
this remark, and come also to a geometrical description of the
property of foci just referred to and pursuing this course, if cir-
cumstances allow, he may finally reach a framework of hypothetical
constructions including the so-called circular points and the circle
at infinity, from which, looking back, as fro n a hill-top, he sees the
whole country of geometrical fact, with which he has so laboriously
become acquainted, shrink into a landscape dominated by very
few main routes. He may now be at the stage of the third year
university student. With continued consideration he may be led
finally, even if only with the purpose of summarizing his geometrical
outlook in the fewest possible ideas, to regard as working hypotheses
such as the following: (a) there is no funda nental di.Terence between
points at infinity and those not at infinity ; (6) there is no difference in
reality between real and imaginary points; (c) there is no gain but
great loss in refusing to consider space of more than three dimen-
sions; (d) distance, as a fundamental conception, is unnecessary-
And with these will come a recognition that the so-called non-Eu-
clidian geometries are, logically, prior to the Euclidian geometry.
Leaving aside now the tempting pedagogic question of whether
he has been justly treated in being so long denied the synthesis
which, if he could have appreciated it, would so much have lightened
his task of becoming familiar with the details, we re:tiark that he
finally works with a conceptual scheme, which includes the perceptual
experiences by which it has been suggested but discards many ideas
which at earlier stages his perceptions see.ned to suggest as necessary.
For instance, the points of a line are not now in (linear) order, and
lines have lost their straightness, the lines of threefold space being
for many purposes better regarded as points of a quaclric in five
dimensions. Questions then arise such as: Isgeonetry unique in thus
replacing the first crude ideas of physical experience by a concep-
tual scheme of entities, whose properties are determined logically,
not from a set of definitions which tell us what these entities are,
but from a set of fundamental propositions or statements of rela-
tions between them? And connected there .vith, are the ideal entities
of such a conceptual scheme less real than those, for example, which the
physicist employs, say the aether, or electrons, to explain his con-
ceptions? May the statement that distance is not necessary as a
fundamental conception be fairly replaced by the statement that
distance in the abstract is an illusion? It would seem that the
difference is one only of the degree of abstractness of the conceptual
scheme employed. We may in geometry itself have different levels
of abstractness; for example, we may in the first instance regard the
points of a line as conforming to our idea of an abstract order of
such a kind that the so-called Dedekind's axiom is applicable,
although finally, when we allow the so-called imaginary points, we
discard this notion of order and use the word line in a still more
abstract sense. It would seem that every science as it advances in
comprehensiveness must similarly evolve for itself a conceptual
scheme of ideal entities; and that even in strict logic, no proposition
can be asserted to be true or false except in reference to entities
whose fundamental relations are made explicit.
Such questions as these arise when it is assumed that it ought to be
possible to ascertain by observation whether the world is finite, or
still more whether space (in the abstract) is Euclidian or non-Eu-
clidian. If the attitude which has been suggested is sound, the most
that can be done is to inquire what would be the modifications in our
statements of perceptual regularity which would follow if we adopted
a particular fecheme of conceptions in regard to the extent of the
world, or the character of space.
Of such conceptions, those which have reference to a method of
measurement are of fundamental importance. And if measurement
is possible at all, it must presumably be based upon a scheme for
assigning identification numbers to the points of bodies which are
to be measured. This is not the same as assigning numbers to points
of space, nor even if this could be done would the method of measure-
ment be determined uniquely thereby. A way of assigning identi-
fication numbers to the points of a figure must be conditioned (a) by
the fundamental theorems of incidence of the elements of the figure
(as that a line is determined by two points, or that two planes meet
in a line) ; (6) by the nature of the numbers to be used (whether they
allow commutative multiplication for example) ; (c) by the freedom
of the assignment, that is the number of points of the figure for which
the corresponding numbers may be assigned arbitrarily, the numbers
belonging to any other point being then determinate; (d) which is in
fact included under (a), by the character of the " infinity " of the
figure (as whether the space of the figure is open or closed) ; and even
then (e) it appears to be necessary to assume one or more definite
limiting theorems of incidence. In the way which has been studied
most in detail, as being that which is most naturally suggested by the
Euclidian scheme in which geometrical thought has developed, the
numbers being taken to be those of ordinary arithmetic, it is possible
to assume arbitrarily the numbers for three points of a line, so long
as this is considered by itself, the numbers of four points of a plane
regarded as isolated, and the numbers of five points of a three-dimen-
sional space; this space is regarded as closed, the numbers belonging
to a point are regarded as ratios of numbers, and infinite values of
numbers are thereby excluded from consideration and the assump-
tion is made that four lines of which no two intersect have two com-
mon transversals. It is shown that the introduction of this assump-
tion is equivalent (other things being equal) to assuming that the
numbers used are commutative in multiplication. The number space
of Descartes, in which each point is represented by three ordinary
numbers, one or more of which may be infinite, may be regarded as a
particular case of the so-called projective space thus described.
In his famous Habilitationsschrift (1854), when 28 years old, B.
Riemann considered a Cartesian space in which each point is specified
not by three but by n numbers or coordinates, and proposed to
measure the distance between two neighbouring points by means of a
quadratic function of the small differences of their corresponding
coordinates. He remarked then that such a space has not necessarily
any rigid bodies capable of movement without change of linear
dimensions. For this to be possible it is necessary and sufficient that
certain functions of the coefficients in the quadratic form and their
differerttial coefficients should be constant. The number of these
functions isVijM 2 (n 2 i) ; for instance for n = 2, this number is I, and
for n = 3, it is 6. When these conditions are satisfied the space is
said to be of constant curvature. But it is to be remarked that a
Cartesian space of n dimensions, such as that considered by Riemann,
is in reversible, point-to-point correspondence with a quadratic
manifold (also of n dimensions), in a projective space of w + l dimen-
sions. In such a space of n + i dimensions, as was first remarked
by Cayley, we can set up a measurement of distance between any
two points by taking, quite arbitrarily, a quadric manifold of ref-
erence. It is then the case that Riemann's definition of distance,
when his space is of constant curvature, and allow srigid bodies capa-
ble of movement, is so obtainable, after Cayley's manner.
These details appear to bring out very clearly that even when the
difficult step has been made of passing from the descriptive proper-
tics of a geometrical figure to the assignment of coordinates, it is a
further step of much artificiality to introduce a measure of the dis-
tance between any two points.
In recent years, under the stimulus of A. Einstein, H. Minkowski,
H. Weyl and others, Riemann's dearest dream of a uniform formula-'
tion of all phenomena of physics, has, it would seem, been brought
appreciably nearer to realization, in what is known as a Theory of
Relativity. An event, occurring in a definite place at a definite time,
is regarded as depending on three coordinates for its position, ami
one for its time, and these four together are spoken of as its coordi-
nates in a Cartesian space of four dimensions. As formulated by
Einstein, there is an interval between two neighbouring events, given
by a quadratic in the differences of their corresponding coordinates;
this quadratic will then have ten coefficients. It can be shown that
there exist functions of these coefficients and of their derivatives in
regard to the point coordinates, which are unchanged in value if
calculated for the quadratic form into which the given one is trans-
formed by any transformation of the coordinates; for instance, the
20 functions which, as has been stated, arise in the consideration of
what is called the curvature, are such functions. It is clear that the
vanishing of such an invariantive function expresses a fact which is
not altered by any simplification that may be possible in the form of
the quadratic expression; for instance if the 20 functions above re-
ferred to all vanish the quadratic expression has a form the same as in
Cartesian Euclidian geometry; and if they are all equal to the same
88o
MATHEWS MATTER, CONSTITUTION OF
quantity independent of coordinates; the quadratic expression has the
form considered by Riemann. In Riemann's theory, following Gauss,
account is taken of curves, called geodesies, which satisfy the condi-
tion that the integral Jds, taken along with such a curve, shall be
stationary according to the ordinary rules of Lagrange's Calculus
of Variations, where ds is the square root of the quadratic expression
referred to. Einstein's suggestion is that the path of a particle under
the influence of what we call gravitating masses may be represented
as such a geodesic, provided the coefficients in the quadratic form
are chosen to depend suitably upon these masses; and this has proved
capable of verification in the case of the planet Mercury, and in the
case of a ray of light passing near to the Sun. An analogous sugges-
tion has led Weyl not only to the equations belonging to the theory
of gravitation, but also to those which express the phenomena of
electromagnetism (and light). And it is very interesting from our
present point of view to see the character of the modifications which
Weyl has been led to make in Einstein's mathematical formulation in
order to attain this end. For our present purpose we may state this
in a twofold manner without entering into the logical connexions.
In the first place, in Weyl's theory, instead of the quadratic form
ds 2 being regarded as definite for two specified neighbouring events,
a product e<s 2 is regarded as definite, where <f> is a function variable
from point to point, whose derivatives in regard to the coordinates
are utilized to represent electromagnetic phenomena. As Weyl
writes (Math. Zeitschrift, II. p. 397, 1918), " Riemann machte die . . .
Annahme, dass sich Linienelemente nicht nur an derselben Stelle,
sondern auch an zwei endlich entfernten Stellen ihrer Liinge nach
miteinander vergleichen lassen. Die Moglichkeit einer solchen
ferngeometrischen Vergleichung kann aber . . . nicht zugestanden
werden." This is precisely in the spirit which has moved geometers
increasingly since the publication of G. K. C. von Staudt's Geo-
metric der Laee (1847). It introduces however evidently a wide ar-
bitrariness, which Weyl limits by adopting as a datum the possibility
of the translation of a vector given at one point to ancther neigh-
bouring point without change of direction. This conception, adopted
from T. Levi-Civita (see Levi-Civita, Palermo Rendiconti, XLII.,
I 9 I 7. PP- I 73~2O5. ar >d F. Severi, ibid., p. 254), is as follows: The
two elements of direction defined by (a) the vector at the first point
P and (b) the displacement from P to the neighbouring point P',
define a family of geodesic directions through P, forming a surface;
the parallel vector at P' is that whose direction on this surface makes
with the direction PP' the same angle as that made by the vector at
P. Evidently the assumption of the possibility of this determination
of unchanged direction is fraught with large consequences or condi-
tions. A suggestion subsequent to Weyl's (A. S. Eddingtpn, Proc.
Roy. Soc. XCIX., 1921, pp. 104-122), begins with Levi-Civita's
differential equations for parallel displacement of a vector, but work-
ing backwards towards the quadratic differential form leads to a
generalization of Weyl's formulation.
So much of detail in regard to these remarkable contemporary
speculations seems necessary in order to compare the gconictrical
aspects with those of older conceptions. In the so-called space of
Einstein, still less in Weyl's space, there exist neither bodies, nor
movement; and what are the fundamental geometrical conditions
assumed prior to the establishment of the system of coordinates is as
yet undetermined. The latter fact, which is equally true of any
Cartesian space, may provisionally be evaded by regarding the space
as being in point to point correspondence with a quadric manifold in
a projective space of five dimensions; the former fact, which relates
to the consideration of a quadratic differential expression, is most
probably, if it proves finally to be possible to put the phenomena of
physics into exact correspondence with geometrical considerations,
suggestive of a physical theory which, given some fundamental
relations of experience, shall be developed not by computation, but
by descriptive methods. For the aim of geometry, towards which
since von Staudt's time, much progress has been made, is such
a descriptive conception of the relations of figures in space as may
render computation unnecessary.
(b) General Theory of Surfaces. The older theory of circles and
conies, or of rational curves in general, as also the theory of quadric
surfaces, of cubic surfaces or of rational surfaces in general, can be
placed in (l, correspondence with the geometry of lines, or of the
planes, respectively; it deals ultimately with linear equations when
viewed analytically. A consideration of cubic curves on a plane, or
of the curve of intersection of two quadric surfaces, soon shows that
these do not depend upon linear equations ultimately or more
precisely that the points of a plane cubic curve cannot be put into
( I, I) correspondence with the points of a line. And it further appears
that a quartic curve in a plane is again of a higher category, and
cannot be put into (i, i) correspondence with a cubic curve. This
fact first emerges clearly in Abel's great paper on the integrals of
algebraic functions. The general theory of the so-called Higher
Curves was then historically subsequent to the theory of algebraic
functions and the integrals of these; though, when this theory had
received a sufficient development, it proved possible to elaborate a
descriptive theory of these curves embodying the results obtained
by the earlier analytical methods. In geometry, entities which can be
put into exact (1,1) correspondence are equivalent for geometrical
purposes, and conversely, for purposes of a general theory, it is vital
to know whether two entities have this equivalence or not. It is one
of the most important recent developments of geometry to have made
it clear that criteria can be given by which to determine whether two
surfaces have this (1,1) correspondence. And it is interesting to
remark that historically the development in this case has been on
similar lines to that by which the corresponding result was obtained
for curves; in the first place, over many years, Picard developed the
theory of algebraic integrals associated with surfaces on lines as far
as possible analogous to those which had been followed in the case
of curves, therein in part carrying out a suggestion due to Clebsch
and Noether, though the integrals which have proved most effective
hitherto were not those suggested by Clebsch ; after this the geomet-
rical aspect of the matter was investigated by Italian geometers,
more especially Enriques, Castelnuovo and Severi, who have suc-
ceeded in surpassing, in beauty and generality, even the distinguished
contributions of their own countrymen to the theory of curves. It
is impossible indeed to convey to a nongeometrical reader any idea
of the interval which separates the development of geometry in Italy
to-day from the development reached in England.
The new theory is under the disadvantage that an appreciation of
it is impossible without sympathy and acquaintance with the theory
of algebraic functions and their integrals, and it may be some time
before detailed applications of it become the common property of
mathematicians. But it offers a limitless scope for new work, its
importance cannot be doubted, and its permanence is assured.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. For the questions suggested by the Einstein-
Minkowski work, ample material arises in attempting to sift into
logical coherence many of the current writings on Relativity. An
ample bibliography of these concludes the work of Hermann Weyl,
Raum-Zeit-Materie, Vierte erweiterte Auflage, Berlin, igzi. The
English reader will find much stimulus to geometrical consideration
in Eddington's volume, Space, Time and Gravitation (Cambridge,
1920); and should consult E. Cunningham's two fundamental
volumes on Relativity, and A. A. Robb, A Theory of Time and Space
(Cambridge, 1914).
Emile Picard's work is summarized in his book Theorie des
fonctions algebriques de deux variables independentes (Paris, 1897-
1906), which concludes with a summary by MM. Castelnuovo et
Enriques (t. II., pp. 485-522) of the results obtained by the Italian
geometers up to 1906. Subsequent progress is recorded (and scat-
tered) in the various mathematical journals, mainly of Italy.
(H. F. BA.)
MATHEWS, SIR CHARLES WILLIE (1850-1920), English
lawyer, was born in New York Oct. 16 1850, the son of the actress
Mrs. Davenport, who became irr 1857 the second wife of the
comedian Charles James Mathews (see 17.887). The boy took
his stepfather's name, and was sent to England to be educated at
Eton. In 1868 he entered the chambers of Montagu Williams,
the well-known criminal lawyer, as a pupil, and in 1872 was
called to the bar. His rise was rapid, and he soon built up a wide
connexion and became known as an extremely skilful cross-exam-
iner. In 1886 he was made counsel to the Treasury, from 1893 to
1908 was recorder of Salisbury, and in 1908, on the retirement
of Lord Desart, became director of public prosecutions. Mathews,
who was knighted in 1907 and received the K.C.B. in 1911, was
concerned in most of the important criminal cases and causes
celebres of his time, among them being the Colin Campbell
divorce suit ( 1 886) , the trial of the Jameson raiders ( 1 896) , and the
prosecution of Lynch for high treason (1903). He was also well
known in the theatrical world, being a constant attendant at
first nights, and was besides an excellent after-dinner speaker
and all-round sportsman. He died in London June 6 1920.
MATTEI, TITO (1841-1914), Italian musician and composer,
was born at Campobasso, near Naples, May 24 1841. He became
at an early age a professor at the Santa Cecilia academy of music
at Rome, and subsequently had several successful European
tours as a pianist. In 1863 he finally settled in London, where he
remained for the rest of his life. He composed several hundred
songs and pianoforte pieces, many of which became very popular.
He died in London March 30 1914.
MATTER, CONSTITUTION OF (see 17.891). In the decade
1910-20 many important advances were made which gave much
more definiteness and precision to our knowledge of the constitu-
tion of matter. The atomic theory of matter, which for long
appeared to be of necessity unverifiable by direct experiment on
account of the minuteness of the atom, received almost direct
proof in a number of ways. Methods have been developed, for
example, to detect the electrical effect of a single a particle from
radium, and a single swift electron (see GASES, ELECTRICAL PROP-
ERTIES OF).
The a particle has been shown to be a charged atom of helium
MATTER, CONSTITUTION OF
881
projected with high velocity; the number of a particles from a
given quantity of radium have been counted, and the volume of
helium which they produce has been measured. In this direct
way it has been shown that about 2-7 Xio 19 particles or atoms of
helium are required to form one cubic centimetre of helium gas
at normal pressure and temperature. Not only is it feasible to
detect the effect of a single atom of matter in special circumstances
but also to show the path of a swift a particle or electron through
a gas. This has been made possible by the discovery of C.T. R.
Wilson that under suitable conditions the charged ions produced
in gases by a or ft rays become centres for the condensation of
water vapours, and are thus rendered visible as the nuclei of
visible drops of water. The photographs of these droplets show
in a most striking way the track of the particle through the
gas, and illustrate with extraordinary detail the main effects
produced by the passage of ionizing radiations through gases.
The essential correctness of the kinetic theory of matter, which
assumes that the molecules of matter are in vigorous but ir-
regular motion, has been clearly demonstrated by the experi-
ments of Perrin and others on the motion and equilibrium of
small spheres of matter in suspension in fluids which show the
Brownian movement. At the same time the atomic or discrete
nature of electricity, which had been implicitly assumed in many
theories, has received complete experimental verification, and the
magnitude of this fundamental unit of charge has been measured
with precision. The most accurate experiments on this subject
have been made by Millikan by measuring the electric field
required to support a small, charged droplet of oil or mercury.
The charge on the drop was varied by ionizing the gas in its
neighbourhood. In this way he has been able to show that the
charge always varies by integral multiples of a fundamental unit.
The charge given to a drop by friction or any other method is
always an integral multiple of this unit charge. This fundamental
unit is the same both for positive and negative electricity, and is
numerically equal to the charge carried by the negative electron,
the positive and negative ions produced in a gas by X rays,
and also to the positive charge carried by the hydrogen atom
in the electrolysis of water. The magnitude of this unit charge,
combined with electrochemical data, gives a most reliable method
of measuring a number of important and molecular magnitudes.
The value of the fundamental unit of charge and thus the mass of
the individual atoms of matter are now known with an accuracy
of certainly within one per cent and possibly within one-tenth
of one per cent. The data found by Millikan are given in the
following table :
Fundamental unit of charge . e = 4'774Xlo~'el2ctrostatb units
The AvogaJro Constant, i.e. the
number of molecules in one
gramme molecule . . . JV = 6-o52Xio 23
The number of molecules perc.c.
ofanygasato C. and 760 mms. n =2-7O-,Xi3 ia
Mass of hydrogen atom in grammes m = i -662 X lo" 24
From these data the number of atoms in one gramme of any
element can be determined. While the average distance apart
of the atoms or molecules can at once be deduced, the actual
dimensions of the molecules or sphere of action of the molecules
can only be approximately estimated with the aid of other and
much less precise data.
Structure of the Atom. Since the proof that the negative
electron of small mass is a constituent of all atoms of matter,
there has been a vigorous attack on the fundamental problem of
the structure of the atom. After passing through a number of
phases the general ideas on this subject have crystallized into a
fairly definite form, and it is now generally believed that the
atom is composed of a massive positively charged nucleus of
minute dimensions surrounded at a distance by a compensating
distribution of negative electricity in the form of negative elec-
trons. Since electricity is atomic the resultant positive charge
on the nucleus must be an integral multiple N of the fundamental
unit of charge e and is given by Ne. In order for the atom to be
electrically neutral it must be surrounded by a distribution of N
negative electrons. The value of N for each of the atoms is a
fundamental constant, for on it depends the magnitude of the
electric field surrounding the nucleus and the arrangement of the
external electrons which in turn determine the main physical and
chemical properties of the atom. The idea of the nuclear struc-
ture of atoms arose initially from a study of the scattering of
a particles in their passage through matter. On account of its
great energy of motion the charged a particle penetrates the
structure of some of the atoms and comes under the influence of
the intense repulsive field of the nucleus. Assuming that the law
of force is that of the inverse square the a particle describes a
hyperbolic path, and the angle of deflexion depends on the near-
ness of approach to the nucleus. From a close study of the scat-
tering of a rays by Geiger and Marsden it was concluded that
the number of a particles scattered through different angles was
in close accord with the idea of the nucleus atom, while the
actual number scattered through a given angle gave information
on the magnitude of the charge carried by the nucleus. The pre-
liminary experiments indicated that for the heavier atoms the
value of N was about half the atomic weight in terms of hydro-
gen. A notable advance was made by the fundamental experi-
ments of Moseley on the X-ray spectra of the elements. He
found that the X-ray spectrum was similar for all elements,
and that the frequency of vibration of corresponding lines in the
spectrum was proportional to the square of a number which
varied by unity in passing from one element to the next. He
concluded that the nuclear charge in fundamental units was equal
to the atomic or ordinal number of the elements when arranged
in increasing order of their atomic weights. On this view the
lightest element, hydrogen, has a nuclear charge i, helium 2,
lithium 3, and so on up to the heaviest element, uranium, of
ordinal number 92. This is a generalization of great importance
and simplicity which has guided all subsequent work on the
structure of atoms. The essential correctness of Moseley's con-
clusion has been directly verified in the case of a few representa-
tive elements by Chadwick by accurate measurement of the
nuclear charge based on the scatteringof a rays. Moseley showed
that with few exceptions all values of the nuclear charge between
i and 92 were represented by known elements. The missing
elements were of ordinal numbers 43, 61 and 75, corresponding to
positions in the Periodic Table where the existence of additional
elements had been suspected. Moreover, when the atomic weight
of the element in Mendelecf's classification was replaced by its
ordinal number certain irregularities were removed. For example,
the positions of ar^on and potassium, cobalt and nickel, iodine
and tellurium were interchanged a result in complete accord
with their chemical properties (see CHEMISTRY).
It thus follows that the main physical and chemical properties
of an element arc defined by a whole number which represents
both its nuclear charge in fundamental units and the number of
external electrons. The atomic weight of an element is in a sense
a secondary property, for, as we shall see, elements can exist
of the same nuclear charge but of different atomic weights. The
number and position of the external electrons, on which the or-
dinary chemical and physical properties of an atom depend, are
defined by the nuclear charge. The mass of the atom which
resides mainly in the nucleus exercises a subordinate effect on
the external arrangement of the electrons.
Isotopes. On Moseley's classification only 92 elements of
ordinal numbers i to 92 are possible, assuming that uranium (92)
is the last of the elements. We shall now briefly discuss some
recent advances which clearly show that in some cases several
elements can exist with the same nuclear charge but of different
atomic masses. Information on this point was first obtained
from a study of the radioactive bodies. It was early observed
that a number of products which showed different radioactive
properties were inseparable from one another by ordinary physi-
cal and chemical methods. For example, ionium and thorium,
radium and mesothorium, radium D and lead cannot be separated
from each other, and appear to be identical in chemical proper-
ties. Elements so closely alike in chemical properties were called
" isotopes " by Soddy, since they appeared to occupy the same
position in the periodic arrangement of the elements. Viewed
from the standpoint of the nuclear theory isotopes are elements
882
MATTER, CONSTITUTION OF
of the same nuclear charge but of' different atomic masses. As
we have seen, the nuclear charge controls the ordinary physical
and chemical properties of the atom, and the mass which resides
almost entirely in the nucleus has only a second-order effect.
On the other hand, the property of radioactivity depends on the
structure and stability of the nucleus, which may be very dif-
ferent for atoms of the same resultant nuclear charge.
In the article on RADIOACTIVITY attention is drawn to the
remarkably simple relation which exists between the chemical
properties and radiations of the series of radioactive elements.
With the aid of this relation we can at once write down the ordinal
numbers and masses of the long series of elements which arise
from the transformation of uranium, thorium and actinium, and
can follow the origin of the numerous isotopes which arise. One
of the most striking results of this generalization was the predic-
tion that the end product of the uranium and thorium series
should be an element of the same ordinal number as lead but of
atomic masses 206 and 208 respectively, instead of the mass 207
found for ordinary lead. This result has been directly confirmed
by atomic weight determinations of uranium-lead and thorium-
lead, and was the first definite proof of the existence of isotopes
of a non-radioactive element.
It seemed probable that in a similar way many of the ordinary
elements might consist of a mixture of isotopes, i.e. elements with
the same nuclear charge but different atomic masses. This has
been confirmed in a number of cases chiefly by the work of Aston.
The masses of the positively charged atoms present in the electric
discharge in a vacuum tube are examined by bending the rays
in a combined magnetic and electric field. In this way it was
found that neon consisted of two isotopes of masses 20 and 22
and chlorine of isotopes of masses 35 and 37. The relative pro-
portions of the two isotopes in chlorine was in good accord with
that to be expected from the ordinary atomic weight of the
mixture of isotopes, viz. 35.45.
This new method of analysis had, up to 1921, been employed
only for a small number of the elements, but had yielded re-
sults of great interest. Some of the elements, like carbon, nitro-
gen and oxygen, give no isotopes, and are thus to be regarded as
" pure " elements where the atoms have all the same mass and
nuclear charge. Others, like chlorine, argon, krypton, and mer-
cury, are composed of a mixture of two or more isotopes. In
cases like krypton and mercury as many as six well-defined
isotopes have been detected. As far as observation has gone
the masses of all the isotopes are expressed by a whole number in
terms of O= 16 with an accuracy of about i in 1,000. For example,
the isotopes of neon are 20.00 and 22.00. This important con-
clusion, which has been verified in a number of cases, affords a
strong indication that the masses of the parts composing the
nucleus have a mass either of one or a multiple of one, and are not
direct multiples of the mass of the hydrogen atom which is 1.008
where O = 16. The reason of this will be discussed later.
While the ordinary physical and chemical properties of iso-
topes are closely similar, it is to be expected that they should
differ in all qualities which involve directly the mass of the atom,
e.g. the coefficients of diffusion and specific heats. In a similar
way second-order effect is to be expected in the rate of vibration
of the external electrons, i.e. in the light spectrum of the element,
and a small effect has been observed in several cases. The most
obvious method of partial separation of isotopes is by the process
of diffusion or evaporation. In this way a partial separation into
light and heavy fractions has been shown in the case of neon,
mercury, and chlorine. No evidence of the separation of isotopes
in nature has been so far observed except in the case of uranium-
lead and thorium-lead already referred to. It will be of great
interest to test, for example, whether chlorine obtained from
widely different sources shows any difference in the relative
proportions of its component isotopes.
Distribution of Electrons. We have seen that the atom is to be
regarded as an electrical structure in which a positively charged
nucleus is surrounded by a number of electrons. The magnitude
of the nuclear charge and the number of the external electrons are
known for each of the elements. In considering the distribution
of the external electrons round the nucleus, we are at the outset
faced by the great difficulty that no possible arrangement can be
permanently stable on the basis of the classical dynamics. For
example, an electron in motion round the nucleus must on the
classical theory radiate energy and fall into the nucleus. To
overcome this fundamental difficulty Bohr has introduced a
conception based on the quantum theory, in which radiation
only occurs in definite quanta. In this way it is possible to
postulate the position of the electrons in the simpler atoms and to
calculate their frequency of vibration. The theory of Bohr
developed by Sommerfeld and others has achieved remarkable
success in explaining many of the details of the spectra of hydro-
gen and helium both in electric and magnetic fields. Owing, how-
ever, to the great complexity of the possible modes of motion
when three or more electrons are present, it is difficult to calcu-
late the distribution of the electrons and their modes of vibration
in the case of the more complex atoms.
A number of suggestions have been made as to the grouping of
the electrons in the atom, notably by Kossel, Lewis, Langmuir
and Sir J. J. Thomson, which have had a certain measure of
success in offering an explanation of the periodic variation in the
properties of the elements with atomic number and the methods
of combination to form molecules. These theories, however,
are for the most part descriptive and not quantitative in charac-
ter. The whole problem of the distribution and motion of the
electrons in a complex atom is a very difficult one. While def-
inite progress had been made by 1921, much still remained to
be done before we could hope to define with any certainty the
position, motion and modes of vibration of the electrons for even
the lighter and less complex elements.
Structure of the Nucleus. While it is difficult to estimate the
dimensions of atomic nuclei, the general evidence indicates that
the nucleus of a heavy atom like uranium, if assumed spherical,
has a radius of less than io~ u cm. or less than i/iooo of the
radius of the external atom. No doubt the dimensions of a nucleus
depend on its complexity and are much smaller for the lighter
atoms. From experiments on the passage of a particles through
hydrogen, it has been calculated that the dimensions of the
helium nucleus of mass 4 is of the order io~ 12 cm.
The most direct evidence on the constitution of the nucleus is
derived from the study of the radioactive transformations. The
disintegration of an atom is accompanied either by the expulsion
of an a particle, i.e. in helium nucleus, or the release of a swift
electron from the nucleus. This shows that the nucleus of the
radioactive atoms contains both positively charged masses and
negative electrons, and that the nuclear charge represents the
resultant charge. It is natural to conclude that the helium nu-
cleus of mass 4 is one of the secondary units which make up the
structure of a complex nucleus. This is supported by the ob-
servation that the atomic mass of many atoms is expressed by
4 where n is a whole number. It is clear, however, from the
work of Aston on isotopes that, in addition to the helium nucleus,
an element of mass i or integral multiple of i enters into the
structure of all nuclei. This fundamental unit of structure has
been named " proton," and its atomic mass is i or very nearly
i in terms of O= 16. On this view the nuclei of all elements are
made up of positively charged protons and electrons. The mass
of the atom measures the number of protons in the nucleus.
This is in a sense a return to the famous hypothesis of Prout in
which all the atoms are supposed to be built up of hydrogen as
the fundamental unit.
It seems clear that if a proton could be removed from an
atomic nucleus it would prove to be the hydrogen nucleus carry-
ing a unit positive charge. In fact, Rutherford and Chadwick
have shown that the hydrogen nucleus can be liberated from
certain atoms like nitrogen and aluminium by bombardment
with swift a particles. It remains, however, to explain why the
proton in a nucleus has a different mass from the free hydrogen
nucleus. The latter has a mass 1.008 in terms of O= 16 while the
proton in the nucleus has a mass unity, or nearly unity.
While the negative unit of electricity exists in the form of the
electron of very small mass, no evidence has been obtained that
MAUBEUGE, SIEGE OF
883
its counterpart, the positive electron of very small mass, exists.
The unit of positive electricity has never been found to be as-
sociated with a mass less than that of the hydrogen atom. This
has led to the view that the hydrogen nucleus is the positive
electron, and that its mass is about 1,845 times that of the nega-
tive electron. This difference in mass between the units of
positive and negative electricity appears to be fundamental, and
offers an explanation of the asymmetrical distribution of positive
and negative electricity in the structure of atoms.
Since the helium nucleus has a mass 4 and charge 2, it should
be composed of four hydrogen nuclei and two electrons. Its
mass, however, is less than that of four free hydrogen nuclei.
Such a change of mass in the very close combinations of positive
and negative nuclei is to be expected. According to the theory
of relativity energy has mass, and the loss of mass TO of a system
is numerically given by E=mc z where E is the energy liberated
and c the velocity of light. On this view the combination of the
positive and negative electrons to form the helium nucleus is
accompanied by a large release of energy. From the difference
between the mass of the helium nucleus and that of four hydro-
gen nuclei, it can readily be calculated that the helium nucleus
is such a stable combination that an amount of energy corre-
sponding to four or five a particles from radium would be required
to dissociate it. The difference between the masses of the pro-
tons in the nucleus and free hydrogen nuclei is thus to be ascribed
in general to the close packing of the positive and negative units
composing the nucleus.
On the views outlined above the number of electrons in any
nucleus can at once be calculated. For example, oxygen of
nuclear charge 8 should be made up of 16 positive units and 8
electrons. For such a nucleus to hold together it seems clear that
the forces between the charged units at such small distances
must be different from that of the inverse square. While it has
been experimentally shown that the law of the inverse square
holds at any rate approximately close to the nucleus of a heavy
atom like gold, this law breaks down in very close collisions of
light atoms where the nuclei approach very close to each other.
For example, it has been found that the number of hydrogen
atoms which are set in swift motion when a particles pass through
hydrogen is very different from that to be expected if the nuclei
behave as point charges repelling each other according to the law
of the inverse square. The experimental information at present
available is too indefinite to hazard more than a guess as to the
nature and magnitude of the forces that come into play when
nuclei approach very close to one another, as they must do in the
structure of the nucleus of a heavy atom.
Stability of Atoms. Apart from the heavy radioactive elements
which belong to a class by themselves, and two other elements
potassium and rubidium which spontaneously emit swift
electrons, the atoms of the ordinary, elements appear to be very
stable structures which cannot be broken up by ordinary chem-
ical and physical agencies. Some experiments have suggested
that possibly helium and hydrogen may be liberated by the
passage of an electric discharge through gases, but on account
of the presence of these elements in many materials it is difficult
to prove definitely that they arise from artificial transformation.
In considering the possibility of the disintegration of elements it
should be borne in mind that the loss of one or more electrons
from the outer electronic system has no permanent effect on the
atom, for other electrons ultimately fall into the atom to fill their
place. In order to produce a permanent transformation of the
atom it appears necessary to remove a positively charged particle
or an electron from the nucleus of the atom. This can only be
effected by agencies which are able to penetrate the nucleus or to
pass very close to its structure.
The a particle expelled from radium is one of the most con-
centrated sources of energy known to us, and on account of its
speed should be able to penetrate the structure of the nuclei of
many of the lighter atoms and still retain sufficient energy to
disrupt the bonds that hold the parts of the nucleus together.
In the case of an atom of high nuclear charge the a particle may
lose so much of its energy in approaching the nucleus that it may
be unable to effect its disintegration. It has been found that
when o particles pass through hydrogen or any material con-
taining combined hydrogen some of the particles pass so close to
the hydrogen nucleus that they set it in swift motion. These
swift hydrogen atoms can be detected by the scintillations they
produce on a zinc-sulphide screen. This is purely a case of
collisions of atomic nuclei, and the speed of the " H " atom set
in motion can be calculated by the ordinary laws of mechanics.
The maximum range or distance of penetration of such a particle
is about four times that of the incident a particle.
In a similar way other nuclei must be set in swift motion by
their collision with a particles, but it can be calculated that in
most cases such nuclei are unable to travel as far as the a particle,
and thus remain undetected amid the great number of incident
a particles.
When a strong beam of a rays passes through oxygen or carbon
dioxide only a few H atoms are observed, and these appear to
come from the radioactive source. When, however, the rays pass
through dry nitrogen a much greater number of penetrating
particles is observed. Rutherford has shown by the action of a
magnetic field that these particles are not atoms of nitrogen but
probably charged atoms of hydrogen. Rutherford and Chadwick
have tested a number of elements in this way and have found
that, in addition to nitrogen, boron, fluorine, sodium and phos-
phorus show a similar property. As far as observation has gone
it seems probable that these expelled particles are H atoms which
are released by the disintegration of the nucleus. The velocity of
expulsion of such H atoms is greater than that of an H atom in a
direct collision with an a particle. For example, using a particles
of range 7-0 cm. in air, ordinary H atoms travel 29 cm. in air while
the atoms from nitrogen go 40 cm., and those from aluminium not
less than 80 cm. It thus seems clear that the effects observed in
nitrogen and aluminium cannot be ascribed to ordinary hydrogen
as an impurity. It is of interest to note that if the particle from
aluminium is an if atom it is released with more energy than that
of the incident a particle. Elements like carbon, oxygen, and
sulphur, whose atomic mass is given by 4 where n is a whole
number, do not give rise to H atoms, but only those elements
whose mass is giv^n by 4^+2 or 471+3. It thus seems clear that a
disintegration of certain atoms can be produced by the intense
collisions with the a particle in which an H atom is released with
great velocity. General evidence indicates that not only H atoms
but possibly also atoms of mass 3 or 4 may be liberated in a
similar way, but the experimental evidence was in 1921 too
indefinite for any certain conclusion.
It should be borne in mind that the disintegration observed
in this way is on an exceedingly small scale. Not more than one
. particle in a million gets sufficiently close to a nucleus to release
an H atom. It seems clear, however, that while the ordinary
atom is undoubtedly very stable, its disintegration can be brought
about by the aid of sufficiently powerful agencies which are able
to penetrate its structure. As already pointed out, there are
strong reasons for believing that the helium nucleus is a very
stable structure which cannot be broken up even by the swift-
est a particle at our disposal.
While it is reasonable to suppose that all the elements have
been built up by combinations of protons and electrons, there
was in 1921 no experimental evidence to throw light on the
conditions necessary to lead to the formation of complex nuclei.
No doubt, however, this process of aggregation has gone on in
the past, and may still be in progress under favourable conditions,
if not on this earth at any rate on some of the stars. (E. Ru.)
MAUBEUGE, SIEGE OF (1914). The fortress of Maubeuge,
which in oldtime wars played an important role as commanding
the routes leading from the Spanish or Austrian Netherlands
to the Oise valley, was reconstructed as a ring fortress of the
modern type between 1878 and 1896, under the defence scheme
of Gen. Sere de Rivieres. Its function, like that of Besancon
on the other flank of the French eastern front, was in substance
to absorb the forces of a German army which should seek to
turn the flank of the Lorraine-Meuse defence. The great devel-
opment of communications of all sorts in north-eastern France
884
MAUBEUGE, SIEGE OF
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and Belgium had robbed the place of its former significance
as a road centre and river crossing, but on the other hand it was
the junction of several lines of railway, and the control of these
by fortifications was justified, if not absolutely essential. By
1914 however, conditions had altered considerably. Progress in
siege artillery equipment had made Sere de Rivieres' designs
obsolete, and French mobilization plans had been so far per-
fected that it was thought possible to initiate operations by an
offensive from the eastern front towards the Saar. In these
circumstances the French General Staff was confronted with
the choice between spending large sums of money on modern-
izing Maubeuge, or else treating it as a place of subordinate
importance; and thus the door was opened for differences of
opinion which resulted in the place being neither modernized nor
demilitarized. The question of reconstruction was put aside as
of " no immediate interest until work on the eastern fortresses has
been completed." In 1910, the governor was officially informed
that he was not expected to hold out more than a few days
if attacked, and that "the hypothesis of an isolated defence
against regular siege need not be considered." On the verge of
hostilities Joffre told General Fournier, the recently appointed
governor, that he would probably employ him and his 30,000
war garrison to besiege Metz.
The ring of forts and internal works had an average diameter
of about 4 miles. In the main, the fortifications were high-
command works of earth and masonry, but some of the newer
works had concrete shelters, two of the eastern forts (Cerfontaine
and Boussois) possessed each'an old type cupola, and Forts Haut-
mont and Le Bourvian on the slope south of the town and Fort
des Sarts north of it were modernized about 1910. In the first
days of mobilization the intervals were converted as usual with
artillery positions into infantry redoubts, trenches and wire
in front of them, and in some cases the forts themselves were
treated as the nuclei of groups of field works.
But already in the mobilization period local difficulties, un-
certainties as to the real role of the place, lastly, reports of the
Germans passing to the left of the Meuse at Huy, had brought
about a crisis. The Minister of War, M. Messimy, alarmed by
the governor's reports, published a decree dismissing him from
his post and, moreover (according to General Pau's evidence
before the subsequent court-martial), sent Pau to Maubeuge
with instructions to have him shot. Pau, however, was satis-
fied with what he saw and the decree was cancelled. Thus
the defence was morally disorganized from the start, and
the collapse of Liege and Namur, both fortresses of concrete and
armour, before the 42-011. and 30-5-011. howitzers of the enemy,
made it evident that resistance could not be maintained for long
even before a German patrol had appeared. Finally, the retreat
of the French V. Army on the right of the place and of the
British forces on the left of it, left Maubeuge exposed to the
MAUDE
885
very form of attack which, officially, it was not expected to meet
investment and regular siege. Owing to its control of rail
communications, however, it was important to hold Maubeuge
for as long as possible, and the Government gave no instructions
relieving the fortress commander of his legal liabilities.
On their side, the Germans, as they pressed on in pursuit of
the French and British field forces, at first gave little attention
to Maubeuge. A slender cordon of investment was put round it
by the first troops which came up, but responsibility for this
investment was passed from hand to hand for several days till
finally Gen. von Zwehl, with half his VII. Res. Corps (i4th
Res. Div.) and a brigade of the VII. Active Corps, was left in
charge of the operation. It was estimated that the French
garrison numbered 7,000; in reality its strength was 40,000 to
45,000. For their part the French seemed to have been equally
ignorant of the strength of the investing force, which at first
was not more than 10,000.
The plan of attack, proposed by the artillery general who had
reduced Liege and Namur, and adopted by von Zwehl, was a
main attack on the north-east point (Salemagne Work-Fort
Boussois) and a succeeding attack south of the Sambre on
Rocq Work and Fort Cerfontaine. The method was that of
pure bombardment accompanied by a careful advance of the
infantry as close to the objective as possible and followed by
assault after the ruin of the defences. But its application was
in this instance limited by two factors, the numerical weakness
of the besiegers and the shortage of ammunition for the siege
artillery, and during the progress of the siege there were several
differences of opinion as to procedure between the commander,
the artillery general and the engineer general concerned. Thus
the record of this siege, as compared with those of Liege and
Namur where ammunition could be poured out, is one of slow,
careful and somewhat hesitating advance, and it was this princi-
pally which enabled the place, in spite of its technical weaknesses,
to hold out longer than either of the Belgian fortresses.
The loose investment which had begun on Aug. 25 was first
regularized, but the forces available only allowed of the west
front being watched by a few squadrons of cavalry in the Autnois
region, and the line of defence in front of the siege artillery
emplacements scarcely extended far enough north to give
adequate protection to the most important of the batteries, viz.
the 42-cm., placed near Givry. But, as it turned out, no coup was
attempted by the garrison, and the siege artillery was gradually
put in position east of the fortress during Aug. 28-31, batter-
ies opening fire successively. It formed two main groups north
of the Sambre and a scattered group south of it. The 42-cm.
battery and two German 3o-5-cm. batteries and one battery of
medium guns were S.E. of Givry; two Austrian 3O-5-cm. batter-
ies, one (afterwards two) of 2i-cm. howitzers, and three of medi-
um guns and howitzers, between Erquelinnes, Peissant, Merbes-
en-Chateau; and two 2i-cm. batteries (afterwards one) and one
of medium guns in the wooded valleys south of the Sambre.
Owing to shortage of ammunition, these siege batteries fired
only slowly during Aug. 30, while the French from other forts and
interval-batteries fired now heavily, now not at all, with the
purpose of confusing the ideas of the attack and perhaps entic-
ing the Germans into a premature assault; in this object they
very nearly succeeded on Aug. 31 when the German artillery
general urged von Zwehl to storm at once. In the end however,
von Zwehl declined the proposal. The second division of his
VII. Res. Corps (the I3th Res.), hitherto detained at Liege
against the contingency of insurrections, only began to arrive
piecemeal on Aug. 31 and it had to be used chiefly to complete
the investment on the west side. Moreover, he was continually
being pressed to give up the brigade borrowed from the II.
Army, notably at the time of the battle of Guise when that army
was in difficulties. Including this brigade, and all forces of the
1 3th Res. Div. which had arrived before the end of the siege, the
final infantry strength of the siege force was no more than 27
battalions, which were distributed (unequally, of course) over
A perimeter of some 60 kilometres.
The bold policy of Namur was obviously impossible here,
and the guns were allowed to continue their slow bombardment
till the works should be reported as beyond question " storm-
ripe." Till the arrival of two aeroplanes on Sept. 2, no definite
idea was obtained either of the damage caused by the bombard-
ment or of the internal dispositions of the enemy whose sorties, on
Sept. i, though repulsed, were an additional incentive to caution
in the attack procedure. Even on Sept. 3, when it had become
known from air observation that Fort Boussois and Salemagne
Work were badly damaged, no drastic action was taken.
On Sept. 4, however, the siege entered on a new phase.
Calls from the II. Army on the Marne for the return of the
borrowed brigade and, even more, reports of the landing of a
great army of Russians at Ostend the latter so convincing
that at one time it was under consideration to give up the
siege altogether showed von Zwehl that he must force the
issue. Accordingly, on Sept. 5 the German infantry was
launched to the assault of Bersillies and Salemagne works, which
were carried, and pushed close up to Fort Boussois, in front of
which heavy trench mortars were emplaced during the night of
Sept. 5-6. A secondary attack on Rocq Work, south of the
Sambre, was repulsed. Next day, Sept. 6, Fort Boussois and
Rocq Work were stormed, and a general advance was begun from
the front Bersillies-Rocq toward Maubeuge while the siege
artillery changed positions forward. The resistance of the re-
tiring French infantry however was stubborn, and von Zwehl
suspended further penetration till the forts on either side of the
breach should have been reduced, viz. Les Sarts, Heronfontaine
and Leveau on the N. and N.E. fronts and Cerfontaine on the
south-west. Thanks to the arrival of a second battery of 42-cm.
guns (on railway mountings) from Mons, and to the expenditure
of almost the last rounds of the 42-cm. and 3o-s-cm. at Givry
(the 2i-cm. ammunition was already exhausted), all these works
were in the hands of the Germans in the early afternoon of
Sept. 7. Thereupon Fournier, the moral of whose troops had been
completely broken down by a week's bombardment, surrendered
with some 40,000 men, plus 377 guns, just as von Zwehl received
a peremptory order from von Biilow to send the 2pth Infantry
Brigade south at once.
The resistance of Maubeuge had lasted for 9 days (counting
from the opening of the bombardment), longer than that of Liege
or Namur and nearly as long as that of Antwerp, and had
kept five brigades of active and reserve infantry occupied during
the critical days of the battle of the Marne. If the duration of
the defence was due largely to the weakness of the attack, and
notably to the shortage of siege ammunition, it must not be
forgotten on the other hand that the majority of the forts were
completely antiquated, and that the troops of the mobile de-
fence consisted in the main of men of the older and oldest classes,
unsuited to field service. General Fournier, after being sub-
jected to bitter persecution, was brought to trial by a court-
martial early in 1920 and cormletely exonerated.
After the surrender, the Germans decided not to retain
Maubeuge as a point d'appui, and blew up all the works.
(C. F. A.)
MAUDE, CYRIL (1862- ), English actor (see 17.904*),
produced Rip Van Winkle at the Playhouse, London, in 1911,
and The Headmaster in 1913. "Between 1911 and 1919 he acted,
largely in America, where he played in 'Rip Van Winkle, Grumpy,
The Headmaster, Lord Richard in the Pantry and other modern
comedies. He returned to London in 1919 and established him-
self at the Criterion theatre.
MAUDE, SIR (FREDERICK) STANLEY (1864-1917), British
general, son of Gen. Sir Frederick Maude, V.C., was born
at Gibraltar June 24 1864. Educated at Eton, he entered the
Coldstream Guards in 1884, and early in the following year pro-
ceeded with his battalion to Suakin and took part in the opera-
tions undertaken in connexion with the contemplated Suakin-
Berber railway. He was battalion adjutant from 1888 to 1892,
married Cecil, daughter of The Rt. Hon. Col. T. E. Taylor in
1893, and joined the Staff College in 1895. On completion of the
course he became brigade-major in the Home District, which
post he held till the end of 1899, when he was sent out to South
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
886
MAUDSLEY MAURITIUS
Africa. As brigade-major of the Guards Brigade there he took
part in Lord Roberts' advance from Cape Colony to Bloemfon-
tein, in the advance to Pretoria, and in the subsequent advance
by Belfast to Komati Poort. The brigade moved to the Orange
river in the latter part of 1900, and Maude was for some time
on the staff in that region before proceeding, early in 1901, to
Canada as military secretary to the governor-general. For his
services in South Africa he was given the D.S.O. He remained in
Canada till 1895, receiving the C.M.G., and then returned to
regimental and staff service at home. He took an active part
as a lieutenant-colonel on the staff, in the development of the
organization and training of the new Territorial Force. He was
appointed to the War Office in 1909 as a full colonel, and was
transferred to the staff of the 3rd Division at the Curragh in
1912, but was recalled to the War Office early in 1914 and, on
mobilization in Aug., was posted to the staff of the III. Army
Corps. He served with his corps on the Aisne and during its
transfer north to Flanders, and then commanded the I4th Brigade
with signal success until June 1915, having been wounded and
given the C.B. in April. Promoted major-general for distin-
guished service, he was hurried out to the Dardanelles in Aug.
to take up command of the I3th Division. There he played a
conspicuous part in the successful evacuations of Suvla and of
Helles, and on its being decided early in 1916 to dispatch a
British division from Egypt to Mesopotamia to aid in the relief
of Kut, his was chosen. They arrived in time to bear a share in
the final desperate endeavours to save the doomed stronghold
but the effort came to naught and after the surrender of Kut,
Maude and his division remained facing the Turks on the Tigris.
He had shown himself to be a skilful and resolute leader of men
and was in July appointed commander of the army corps consti-
tuting the forces at the front, to be advanced in Sept. to the
position of army-commander in Mesopotamia.
Realizing that victory in this theatre of war must hinge on
effective organization and adequate preparation, Maude, who
had been given the K.C.B., spent three months at Basrah, en-
suring that when the time came his field army should be capable
of acting with vigour and decision. Then, when all was ready
early in Dec., he suddenly pushed forward and within a few
weeks had driven the Turks in confusion out of their entrenched
camp around Kut. Moving relentlessly on and making great
captures he occupied Bagdad March n. This memorable
achievement he followed up by trenchant operations, which
rapidly secured him a considerable area around the city and in-
flicted a succession of damaging strokes against the enemy, so
that by May his forces could settle down in security for the hot
weather. He was rewarded by promotion to lieutenant-general.
His genius for administration and grasp of military require-
ments were constantly in evidence during the ensuing summer.
While interesting himself closely in the welfare of his troops and
assuring his communications with the Persian Gulf, he was fram-
ing plans for a fresh offensive as soon as the season should be-
come suitable. This had, however, only just made a promising
commencement when, to the consternation of his army, over
which he had gained a remarkable personal ascendancy* he was
struck down by cholera and died at Bagdad Nov. 18 1917.
His record since 1914 had been that of a great soldier. As a
brigadier and divisional c&mmander he had won to an unusual
extent the confidence of superiors and subordinates. As an
army commander, operating in a region that offered extraor-
dinary difficulties to the conduct of warfare on a great scale,
he had made strategy and administration move hand in hand
and had framed and carried into execution plans of campaign
at once comprehensive, judicious and bold. His conquest of
Mesopotamia and his transformation of a depressing situation
into one of signal triumph ranks as one of the finest feats in
modern military history.
See Life by Maj.-Gen. Sir C. E. Callwell (1920).
MAUDSLEY, HENRY (i835- I9 i8), English physiologist, was
born at Thorne, near Settle, Yorks., Feb. 5 1835- He was educated
at Giggleswick and at University College hospital, London,
taking his M.D. degree in 1857. From 1862 to 1878 he edited
the Journal of Mental Science, and from 1869 to 1879 he was
professor of medical jurisprudence in University College, Lon-
don. Amongst his published works were Responsibility in
Mental Disease (1874); Physiology of Mind (1876); Pathology of
Mind (1879); Body and Will (1883); Life in Mind and Conduct
(1902) ; Organic to Human (1916). The views expressed in all his
writings were those of medical materialism. In 1908 he gave a
sum of 30,000 to the London County Council Asylums Com-
mittee to be devoted to the study of mental science. He died
at Bushey Heath, Herts., Jan. 23 1918.
MAUNOURY, MICHEL JOSEPH (1847- French general,
was born at Maintenon (Eure-et-Loir) Dec. n 1847. His family,
long established on the soil, is said to have given devoted
assistance to Pasteur in his researches on animal chemistry.
Entering the Ecole Polytechnique in 1867, and commissioned
to the artillery in 1869, he took part in the war of 1870, and at
the battle of Champigny he won the Legion of Honour. In 1874
he became captain, in 1881 he entered the staff college, and in
1883 was appointed to the staff of St. Cyr. In 1897 he became
colonel, in 1901 general of brigade and in 1906 general of division.
His career had been unusually varied; in addition to regimental
service in all ranks of the artillery, both field and fortress, he
had served on the technical artillery committee, the powders
committee, and the military education commission, and had
been deputy chief of the general staff at the War Office and
director of the Ecole de Guerre. Lastly, as a corps commander
he had been placed at the head of the famous frontier corps, the
XX., stationed at Nancy. He retired in 1912 on reaching the
age limit, his last appointment being as military governor of
Paris and a member of the Conseil Superieur de la Guerre, formed
of generals designated for army commands in war.
Shortly after mobilization in Aug. 1914 he was recalled to
the active list, and appointed, practically on the field of battle,
to command the improvised " Army of Lorraine," with which
he won the battle of Aug. 25 on the Othain line a remarkable
success in the midst of disaster. But his pursuit of the Germans
was stopped by the break-up of his army on the evening of
victory. Maunoury himself and certain of his units, reinforced
by others, were dispatched to the region of Montdidier-Amiens,
and became the VI. Army, which, remaining outside the sweep
of the German advance, found itself on Sept. 4 in the positions
N.E. of Paris from which it was launched against the flank of
von Kluck's I. Army. In the battle of the Marne the duel of
Maunoury and von Kluck was the turning-point. Maunoury
continued to command the army during the development of
the Aisne line of battle towards the sea, and in the first phases
of trench warfare. But on March 15 1915 he was severely
wounded, and subsequently had no active command. From
Nov. 1915 to March 1916 he was governor of Paris.
MAURITIUS (see 17.912). At the 1911 census the pop.
(exclusive of the dependencies of the colony) was 370,393, of
whom 222,361 were Indo-Mauritians, that is descendants of
Indian immigrants. There were 35,526 other Indians and 3,662
Chinese. The " general population," i.e. persons of European,
African or mixed descent, numbered 108,844. There was a
decrease of 2,232 inhabitants compared with the 1901 census,
the first decrease recorded since the 1841 census. In Jan. 1920
the estimated pop. was 364,493. This was a decrease of 12,320
compared with the previous year, a result largely attributed to
an epidemic of influenza in May-July 1919, which caused the
death of over 11,000 persons. Port Louis, the capital, had
50,060 inhabitants in 1911.
The period 1910-20 was one of marked prosperity in Mauri-
tius, and also of continued dependence on one crop sugar.
The official report for 1911 recorded that the sugar crop of
1909-10 was the largest and most valuable, and .the revenue
higher than in any previous year; the official report for 1919
again recorded an increase in the volume of trade unprecedented
in the history of the colony and a revenue also in excess of that
received in any previous year.
The following figures give particulars of trade, revenue and
shipping for 1910, 1915 and 1919. The currency is in rupees.
Value of external trade: 1910, exports 37,109,000 Rs., imports
37,545,000 Rs. ; 1915, exports 56,220,000 Rs., imports 48,063,000 Rs. ;
1919, exports 127,806,000 Rs., imports 47,037,000 Rs.
Revenue and expenditure (the financial year ends June 30) : 1910,
revenue 10,799,000 Rs., expenditure 9,449,000 Rs. ; 1915, revenue
12,113,000 Rs., expenditure 12,136,000 Rs. ; 1919, revenue 13,813,000
Rs., expenditure 14,711,000 Rs.
Shipping: Tonnage entered and cleared 1910, British 763,000, total
986,000; 1915, British 564,000, total 763,000; 1919, British 509,000,
total 648,000.
In normal years before the World War the bulk of the sugar crop
went to Indian markets, though when there was a failure of the
beet-sugar crop large quantities of Mauritius sugar were diverted to
Europe. Thus in 1910 France took 51 tons of sugar from the island,
but in 1911 the quantity rose to 19,500 tons. Exports to Australia,
formerly about a third of the total crop, had fallen in 1911 to 1,500
tons owing to Queensland becoming a sugar-producing country.
The development of the Natal sugar estates had also, by 1914,
deprived Mauritius of the South African market. On the outbreak
of the World War the British Government purchased the bulk of
the island's sugar, and this purchase was repeated in the four
succeeding years. The high state of efficiency of the industry,
largely the result of the exertions for many years of Mr. P. Bouame,
director of the agricultural station at Le Reduit, enabled the British
Government to obtain the supplies required, both in quality and
quantity. As to quantity, the sugar crop in 1910-1 had been 214,000
metric tons, in 1918-9 it was 252,000 tons. In 1919 the high-water
mark of production was recorded to have been reached. Practically
the whole area, some 180,000 ac., suitable for cane-growing was
under cultivation. Over a third of the sugar estates are held by
small planters, of whom the great majority are of Indian origin.
The British Government purchased the sugar at the world's
ruling prices and during the war the planters grew very rich. The
value of the crops in the period 1915-9 was nearly double its pre-war
price. Many planters invested their profits in the development of
new plantations in Natal, Reunion and Madagascar. A cooperative
scheme was also launched with the object of enabling planters to sell
their produce in the best market instead of having, as before the
war, to depend mainly on the Indian markets. The Government
for its part devoted 20,000,000 Rs. to improvements of the
harbour of Port Louis and in irrigation and sanitation works.
Mauritius suffered but slightly from the general economic depression
ol 1920-1. Socially there was progress in well-being; labour troubles
were unknown, and education increased. Many of the European
planters sent their sons to England to be educated. Some progress
too was made in developing subsidiary industries, though nothing
great had been achieved by 1921, and Mauritius remained almost
entirely dependent on imports for food. The imports came mainly
from India (rice, flour, etc.), the United Kingdom (textiles and
machinery), and from South Africa (coal, wine, maize). The share of
foreign countries in the external trade was about 25 per cent.
Politically the period 1910-21 was marked by cordial cooper-
ation between the people and the administration. Sir Cavendish
Boyle was succeeded as governor in Nov. 1911 by Major (after-
wards Sir) John R. Chancellor (b. 1870), who had served with
distinction in the Tirah expedition (1897-8), and in other cam-
paigns and had been secretary to the Imperial Defence Com-
mittee. Sir John Chancellor paid particular attention to local
feeling, as did his successor, Sir Hesketh Bell, who became
governor in May 1916 on Sir John Chancellor's transference to
Trinidad. The influence of leading Mauritians such as Dr.
Eugene Laurent (n years in succession mayor of Port Louis),
Sir Henry Leclezio and Sir Celicourt Antelme, as well as that of
the leaders of the Indians, was successfully directed to the
improvement of social and economic conditions. The island
helped liberally both in men and money in the World War and
as late as 1921 a Mauritian Volunteer Battalion was on active
service in Mesopotamia.
During the Peace Conference in Paris (1919) a small section
of the Creole population (that is, the Europeans of French
descent) started an agitation for the retrocession of the island
to France. They had not the sympathy of the majority of the
French-speaking inhabitants and opposition to the movement
was organized under the leadership of Dr. Laurent and Mr. A.
Duclos. At the elections to the Legislative Council held in Feb.
1921 all the candidates who advocated the retention of the
British connexion were returned by large majorities.
See the annual reports issued by the Colonial Office, London ; the
Mauritius Almanac; A. Macmillan, Mauritius Illustrated (1914);
D. E. Anderson, The Epidemics of Mauritius, with a descriptive and
historical account of the Island (1918); P. Carie, " L'ile Maurice "
La Ceog. vol. Hi., (1919) ; R. E. Hart, Les Volontaires Mauriciens aux
MAX
887
armees (1919), and the report of the Mauritius Royal Commission
(Cd. 5186) issued in 1910, a valuable guide to the economic condi-
tion of the island. (F. R. C.)
MAX (OF BADEN), PRINCE (1867- ), was born on June
10 1867 at Baden-Baden, the son of Prince William of Baden.
As the nearest agnate to the reigning Grand Duke, of whom he
was a cousin twice removed, he was heir presumptive to the
grand-ducal throne. He studied law and then entered the army,
in which he attained the rank of lieutenant-general on quitting
the service in 1911. On the outbreak of the World War he was
promoted to the honorary rank of general of the cavalry. From
1907 to 1918 he was president of the First Chamber of the Baden
Diet. His family had always had English friends, and during
the war Prince Max played a useful part behind the scenes in
helping to improve conditions for English prisoners in Germany.
He played a similar part on behalf of German prisoners, espe-
cially in Russia, where he was able to obtain some amelioration
of their treatment. On Oct. 3 1918, when the old regime was
already tottering to its fall and the German armies in France
were being driven back towards the frontier, he was appointed
Imperial Chancellor, partly no doubt because of the moderating
role he had adopted earlier in the war when the probability of
peace was being discussed. It fell to his lot to initiate the negotia-
tions for the Armistice, and also to carry through in hot haste
those alterations in the old constitution which had long been
demanded by the Liberals and the Socialists, but which now
came too late to avert the fate of the empire and the Prussian
Monarchy. It also became his duty to put pressure upon the
Emperor in order to induce him to abdicate. As the Imperial
decision was delayed from day to day and the revolution became
imminent, he had to take it upon himself to declare, on Nov. 9
1918, the abdication of William II. as German Emperor and as
King of Prussia. For a moment it seemed as if he were about to
assume the regency, perhaps on behalf of the Crown Prince's
eldest son, a young boy, but the hopelessness of such an expe-
dient having become apparent he handed over the control of the
Government (Nov. 10) to the majority Socialist leader Ebert,
who became the president of the German Reich. The sincerity
of Prince Max's liberalism came into question after a private
letter full of anti-democratic sentiments, which during the war
he had addressed to his cousin Prince Alexander Hohenlohe, had
been published by the latter in the Swiss press. He continued
after the revolution to publish occasional articles dealing with
the situation in Germany before the revolution, and in particular
with Ludendorff's action in urging the Government on Oct. 11918
to ask for an immediate armistice, and then eight days later,
after they had acted in that sense, endeavouring to persuade
them that the matter was no longer urgent. He continued,
a*fter the abdication of the Grand Duke, to reside at Karlsruhe.
MAX, ADOLPHE (1860- ), burgomaster of Brussels at the
outbreak of the World War, was born at Brussels Dec. 31 1869,
and was educated at the university of his native city. He entered
the legal profession, also doing journalistic work, and at the age
of 25 was appointed provincial counsel for Brabant, becoming
communal counsel in 1903. After serving as magistrate, he was
elected burgomaster of Brussels Dec. 6 1909, and distinguished
himself by his administrative qualities. In Aug. 1914 M. Max
showed the greatest coolness and did his best to calm the populace.
On Aug. 20 he met the German army as it approached Brussels,
and protested against the conditions imposed by the conquerors
on the city. He succeeded in inducing the Germans to abandon
that clause of the terms by which the burgomaster, the communal
counsel and one hundred citizens were required to surrender
themselves as hostages. He refused to sign a convention requir-
ing that he should perform his duties only under the authority
of the military governor of Brussels, and reserved to himself the
rights of a free agent. The same day he charged his fellow-citizens
to keep the national flag flying on their houses. Some of his
public announcements became famous, notably that of Aug. 30,
in which he gave a formal denial to a false statement of the
German governor of Liege, and that of Sept. 16, in which he
attempted to calm those of the inhabitants who had been ordered
888
MAXIM MEATH
to remove the national flag from their houses. The latter ended
with the words " Attendons patiemment 1'heure de la reparation."
The same evening he was arrested, and though soon released,
was again arrested on Sept. 26 owing to a difference with the
German authorities as to the amount of the war levy to be paid
by the city of Brussels. He was sent to Namur, thence to Cologne
and various other towns, being finally sent to Berlin (Oct. 1916),
where he was closely confined. On Oct. 30 1918 he was interned
at Goslar, whence he escaped on Nov. 13. He was received at
Brussels with extraordinary enthusiasm; he was appointed a
minister of state, named in a national order of the day, and was
elected a member of the Academic Royale de Belgique and vice-
president of the Conseil Superieur du Congo. In 1919 he was
elected to the Chamber of Representatives.
MAXIM, SIR HIRAM STEVENS (1841-1916), Anglo-American
engineer and inventor (see 17.918), died in London Nov.24 1916.
His younger brother, HUDSON MAXIM (1853- ), was born
Feb. 3 1853 and educated at the Maine Wesleyan Seminary
at Kent's Hill, Me. He began life in a printing and publishing
business, but in 1888 took up the ordnance and explosives work
in which his brother was interested, and invented a smokeless
powder called " maximite, " the formula of which he sold to the
U.S. Government in 1901. He afterwards produced " stabillite,"
another smokeless powder, as well as " motorite," a self-com-
bustive material for driving automobile torpedoes, and a special
form of torpedo-ram. In Sept. 1915 he was made a member of the
Naval Consulting Board. He published The Science of Poetry
and the Philosophy of Language (1910); Defenseless America
(1915) and Dynamite Stories (1916).
MAXWELL, SIR JOHN GRENFELL (1859- ), British
general, was born July n 1859. He joined the army in 1879.
He served in Egypt in 1882 and in the Nile expedition of 1884-5
and was then seconded to serve with the Egyptian army, with
which he spent many years, taking part in all its successive
campaigns against the forces of the Mahdi, and finally com-
manding a brigade during the advances up the Nile (1896-8)
which closed with the reoccupation of Khartum; this gave him
the rank of full colonel in the British army. He served on the
staff during the S. African War and was given the K.C.B. and
C.M.G. for his services. He subsequently filled important staff
appointments, was promoted major-general in 1906, and was in
command of the British troops in Egypt from 1908 to 1912.
A lieutenant-general on the outbreak of the World War, he
acted for a few weeks as liaison officer with the French headquarters
and was then sent out to take charge of the forces which were
arriving in Egypt from the United Kingdom, India and Australasia .
Egypt during the months following represented at once a vast
depot and training centre, a base for the army in the Gallipoli
Peninsula, and a theatre of war in itself, seeing that the Turk's
threatened the country from the east and the Senussi from the
west. His responsibilities were wide and varied, and, in so far
as the security of the Nile Delta was concerned, his defensive
measures were most successful, as the one serious advance which
the Turks attempted was beaten off decisively. He was given
the K. C.M.G. for his services and returned to England in March
1916. The Irish rebellion broke out a few weeks later, and Max-
well was thereupon entrusted with the command of the troops
in Ireland. He remained there until the autumn, and then was
given command of the Northern District in England, which he
held for two years. He was promoted full general in 1919.
MAYBRICK, MICHAEL (1841-1913), English singer and com-
poser, was born at Liverpool Jan. 31 1841. He was educated at
Liverpool, and studied singing in Italy and Germany, subse-
quently appearing with great success as a baritone singer in
England. It was as a composer of popular songs, however, under
the nom-de- plume of " Stephen Adams, " that he became best
known, his most popular works being Nancy Lee, The Star of
Bethlehem, The Holy City, A Warrior Bold, Long Live the King,
etc. He died at Buxton Aug. 26 1913.
MAYO, HENRY THOMAS (1856- ), American naval
officer, was born at Burlington, Vt., Dec. 8 1856. He graduated
from the U.S. Naval Academy in 1876 and after passing through
the usual stages of promotion became captain in 1908. From
1911 to 1913 he was commandant of the Mare Island navy yard
and in the latter year was promoted to rear-admiral. In 1915
he was given the rank of vice-admiral and was in command of the
squadrons of the Atlantic Fleet. The fpllowing year he was pro-
moted to admiral and made commander-in-chief of the Atlantic
Fleet, which position he held during America's participation in
the World War. In 1918 he visited England, France and Italy
on a tour of inspection. In 1919 his rank reverted to that of
rear-admiral.
MAYO, WILLIAM JAMES (1861- ), American surgeon,
was born at Le Sueur, Minn., June 29 1861. His father, William
Worrall Mayo, migrated when a boy from England to America,
studied medicine, and served as surgeon at several army posts
before settling at Rochester, Minnesota. Here the son, after
graduating in medicine from the university of Michigan in 1883,
began the practice of surgery. A small hospital was organized
under the local branch of the Sisters of St. Francis, the out-
growth of which was St. Mary's hospital. Here he and his
younger brother, Charles Horace, developed the Mayo Clinic
(organized 1889), which became famous throughout the world
for the number and success of operations performed. The elder
brother was elected president of the Minnesota State Medical
Society in 1895, and in 1907 was appointed a regent of the univer-
sity of Minnesota. He was elected president of the Society for
Clinical Surgery in 1911 and the following year president of the
American Surgical Association. On America's entrance into the
World War he was appointed colonel in the Medical Corps,
U.S. army, and chief consultant for surgical service. In 1919
he was awarded the D.S.M.
CHARLES HORACE MAYO (1865- ), American surgeon, was
born at Rochester, Minn., July 19 1865. After studying at
Northwestern University and the Chicago Medical College
(M.D. 1888), he began the practice of surgery at Rochester,
Minn., and with his brother became surgeon at the Mayo Clinic.
He was elected president of the Minnesota State Medical Society
in 1905, president of the surgical section of the International
Tuberculosis Congress in 1908, and president of the American
Medical Association in 1916. He was appointed Mayo Founda-
tion professor of surgery in 1915. During 1917-8 he was presi-
dent of the examining board of applicants for commissions in the
Medical Corps, having supervision over several states, including
Minnesota. In 1918 he was appointed colonel in the Medical
Corps and for a year was associate chief consultant for surgical
service. Beginning with 1912, graduate courses in medicine were
offered at the Mayo Clinic in Rochester. Early in 1915 the
Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research was
incorporated, and to it the brothers gave $1,500,000. In June
of the same year, by mutual agreement, the funds and resources
of the Foundation were placed under the direction of the regents
of the university of Minnesota for promoting " graduate work
in medicine and research in this field." On Sept. 13 1917 the
Foundation, with its fully-equipped staff, laboratories and
clinics in Rochester, became a department of the university.
MAYOR, JOHN EYTON BICKERSTETH (1825-1910), English
classical scholar {see 17.937), died at Cambridge Dec. i 1910.
His brother, JOSEPH BICKERSTETH MAYOR (1828-1916), died
at Kingston Hill, Surrey, Nov. 29 1916.
MEATH, REGINALD BRABAZON, I2TH EARL or (1841- ),
British philanthropist, was born July 31 1841 in London. He
was educated at Eton and in Germany, and in 1863 became a
clerk in the Foreign Office. In 1868 he entered the diplomatic
service and was sent to Berlin, leaving Germany for The Hague
in 1870. From 1871 to 1873 he was in Paris after the conclusion
of the Franco-Prussian War. Subsequently he devoted himself
to various philanthropic and municipal undertakings in Ireland
and London. In 1879 he became the first chairman of the Young
Men's Friendly Society; he also became chairman of the Metro-
politan Public Gardens Assn., and was founder of the Empire
Day movement. His publications include Social Arrows (1886);
Social Aims (1893); Great Britain in Europe (1901); Great
Britain in Asia (1905); Imperial and Social Subjects (1906).
MECCA MEDALS AND DECORATIONS
889
MECCA (see 17-95), the great Holy City of Islam and capital
of the Hejaz, had a resident pop. in 1916 estimated at about
70,000, including some 12,000 Indians. The annual pilgrimage
brings normally at least 200,000 visitors to the city, of whom
pilgrims from British India and the Malay States number as
many as 25,000. Pilgrims from Egypt, by way of the quarantine
station of Tor, numbered 14,500 in 1913, decreasing to 84 in 1914.
During the early stages of the Arab revolt in 1916 the pilgrimages
practically ceased from all parts; on their partial resumption in
1916-7 about 58,000 pilgrims arrived, mostly by way of Jidda,
the Hejaz railway at that time being held by the Turks and the
caravan roads across the peninsula by way of Jebel Shammar
being unsafe. Communication between Mecca and Medina was
interrupted from June 1916 until Jan. 1919 (when the Turks
surrendered Medina), so that the visit to the Haram of the latter
city not strictly forming part of the pilgrimage could not be
performed during that period. On the capture of Mecca at the
outbreak of the Arab revolt in 1916, the Turks opened fire with
their artillery on the Great Mosque, and Sherif Husein indicted
them, in his proclamation dated 25 Sha'ban 1334 A.H., with
having done material damage to the kiswa and Ka'ba.
The geographical position of Mecca was observed during war
operations but was not fixed precisely, some further adjustments
being necessary. The general aspect of the city had changed but
little, though some modern buildings had sprung up; there were a
number of stately residences, including the new king's palace of six
storeys, and there is a considerable display of wealth. The sanitation
of the city had made progress under the insistence of the King, and
the water-supply, previously in a deplorable condition, hacf been
improved. Much more strict hygienic precautions were reported to
have been taken during pilgrimages. Some improvement had been
effected in the Meccan postal and telegraphic arrangements, the
Hejaz having become a member of the International Postal Union
with its own issue of stamps, printed (1920) in Cairo. There was
telegraphic communication between Mecca and Jidda, and between
Mecca and Taif, the summer residence of the King 75 m. S.E.
Before the war a weekly paper, El Hejaz, was published in
Turkish and Arabic; a new weekly, El Kibla, was founded as the
organ of the Government after the declaration of independence
(1916), and a Hejaz agency was established at Cairo.
MECHNIKOV, ILYA [ELIAS] (1845-1916), Russian biologist,
was born in the province of Kharkov May 15 1845. His father
was an officer of the Imperial Guard and his mother was a Jewess.
At the age of 1 7 he entered the Kharkov University and two years
later went to Germany for further biological training. In 1867
he returned to Russia and took his degree in zoology both at
Odessa and Petrograd, becoming professor ordinarius of zoology
and comparative anatomy at Odessa. In 1882 he went to Mes-
sina and there began his studies into the nature and habits of
microbes. Henceforth he devoted himself to pathological study
and in 1888 went to Pasteur in Paris, who encouraged him and
gave him a laboratory in the Ecole Normale. By 1892 his
views on the essential importance of phagocytosis were firmly es-
tablished. In that year he published The Comparative Pathology
of Inflammation, followed in 1901 by his chief work, Immunity
in Infectious Diseases, and a more popular treatise, The Nature
of Man (1903). In later years he made a special study of the
bacteria infesting the alimentary canal of man, and recommended
a diet of sour milk. He was an hon. D.Sc. of Cambridge and
Copley medallist of the Royal Society, a member of the Institute
of France and of the Academy of Sciences of Petrograd, and in
1908 was awarded the Nobel prize for the benefits his researches
had conferred upon humanity. He died in Paris July 161916.
See Life by his wife, Olga Mechnikov (1920), trans, by Mrs. R. L.
Devonshire (1921).
MEDALS AND DECORATIONS (see 18.2; 15.860). In the
present article an account is given of British, American and
other war medals and decorations created between 1910 and
1921, of new orders of knighthood considered as service decora-
tions, and of changes in the insignia and the eligibility conditions
of orders, decorations and medals existing in 1910.
I. BRITISH WAR MEDALS OF THE PERIOD 1910-4
Before the war several new medals, as well as new issues of,
and new clasps to, existing medals were authorized.
A new issue of the African general service medal was authorized in
1916 under Army Order ,89 of 1916, bearing the effigy and titular
legend of King George V. on the obverse. The conditions of award
were similar to the old medal. Clasps: " East Africa 1913," " East
Africa 1913-14," " East Africa 1914," " Shimber Berris 1914-15,"
" Nyasaland 1915," " Jubaland 1917-18," " East Africa 1918,"
1 Somaliland 1920." Those already in possession of King Edward
VI I. 's medal received the bars only.
A new issue of the India general service medal of 1908 with the
effigy of King George V. on the obverse, was made for later Indian
frontier services. The clasp " Abor 1911-12 " was authorized for the
troops who took part in the Abor expedition of 1911-2 and the
clasp " Afghanistan N.W. Frontier 1919 " for service in the Afghan
War of 1919.
The Natal 1906 silver medal was granted by the Natal Govern-
ment in 1908 to all those who took part in suppressing the native
revolt of 1906. Obverse: bust of King Edward VII. Reverse: an
erect female figure representing Natal' with the sword of justice in
her right hand and a palm branch in the left, standing on a heap of
native arms and supported by Britannia who holds the orb of
empire in her left hand. In the background a group of natives with
the sun bursting forth from behind the clouds. A clasp inscribed
" 1906 " was issued with the medal. Ribbon: red with black edges.
___ clasp " Antarctic 1910-
(3) the Mawson expedition 1912 with clasp "Antarctic
1912 "; (4) Sir Ernest Shackleton's Imperial trans-Antarctic expedi-
tion of 1914-6 with clasp " Antarctic 1914-1916." The medal in
bronze was granted to the crews of various relief ships at different
dates, and is a separate decoration, which can be held in addition to
the silver medal.
In 1915 a naval general service medal was awarded by King George
V. for service in minor naval operations, whether in the nature of
belligerency or police, of sufficient importance to justify the award
of a medal where no other medal would be appropriate. Obverse:
the head of King George V. in naval uniform. Reverse: a representa-
tion of Britannia and two sea-horses travelling through the sea. A
clasp, " Persian Gulf 1909-1914," was authorized when this medal
was established, for issue to officers and men of His Majesty's ships
engaged in the suppression of arms traffic in the Persian Gulf.
Ribbon : white with crimson borders and two crimson stripes.
A new Khedive's Sudan medal, having effect from 1910, was
awarded by the Khedive in 1911. Obverse: the cypher of the Khe-
dive and the date in Arabic. Reverse: a lion with forepaws resting
upon a panel bearing the word " Sudan." Below, an oval native
shield and spears. In the background the river Nile with palm trees
and the rising sun. Clasps: " Atwot," " S. Kordofan 1910," " Sudan
1912," " Zeraf 1913-14," " Mongalla 1915-16," " Darfur 1916,"
" Fasher," " Lau-Nuer," " Atwot 1918." The medal without bar
was given to troops engaged in operations in the Matong Mts.,
Mongalla, in 1916; and at various times the medal in bronze without
the bar was awarded to certain classes of civilianjbllowers.
II. BRITISH WORLD WAR MEDALS
The issue of medals commemorating service in the World
War is naturally the widest ever recorded. The long duration
of the war, the fact that almost every part of the civilized world
was involved in it, the great numbers of men and women taken
into war service in different capacities, and to some extent popular
feeling at different periods during and after the war, resulted in
somewhat different principles from those of the past being
observed in rewarding war service, all the more so as the con-
ventional idea of " campaign " and " battle " ceased in a
great measure to afford a guide in laying down regulations. Thus,
in addition to the British general services war medal common to
all who served in a theatre of war, the Allied and Associated
Powers agreed upon a common medal to commemorate the
united effort, and, within the British forces, the characteristic
services of the original Expeditionary Force, of the men of the
Territorial Force who had undertaken obligations and training
in peace, of the war volunteers who formed the new armies of
1914-5 and of the mercantile marine were each recognized by
the grant, under certain conditions, of a particular star or medal.
The stars and medals awarded and the general conditions
qualifying for award are as follows:
(l) 1914 Star. Awarded by King George V. under Army Order
350 of 1917. This decoration is a four-pointed star in bright bronze
on which are superimposed two crossed swords and a laurel wreath.
In the centre a scroll with the inscription " Aug. 1914 Nov." Rib-
bon: red, white and blue, shaded and watered. Granted to all
officers, warrant officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the
British and Indian forces, including civilian medical practitioners,
nursing sisters, nurses and others employed with military hospitals,
890
MEDALS AND DECORATIONS
who actually served in France or Belgium, on the establishment of a
unit of the British Expeditionary Force, between Aug. 5 1914 and
midnight of Nov. 22-23 I9 ! 4-
The star was also granted to officers and men of the Royal Navy,
Royal Marines, Royal Naval Air Service, Royal Naval Reserve and
Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve who actually served in France or
Belgium on the establishment of a unit landed for service on shore
between the same dates. By Army Order 361 of 1919, a clasp to the
star was authorized for issue to personnel of the naval and military
forces who were actually present on duty within range of the enemy's
mobile artillery and who were borne on the strength of certain
specified units. The clasp is of bronze and bears the inscription
" 5th Aug.-22nd Nov. 1914." When only the ribbon of this star is
worn in service or undress uniform, the possession of the bar is de-
noted by a small silver rose affixed to the centre of the ribbon.
(2) 1914-5 Star. Awarded by King George V. under Army Order
20 of 1919. This decoration is a bronze star, similar in shape and
general design to the 1914 star, except that the inscription on the
scroll is 1914-15, the words Aug. and Nov. being omitted. Ribbon:
identical with that of the 1914 star. Granted to all personnel of
the British, Dominion, Colonial and Indian forces, including civilian
medical practitioners, nursing sisters, nurses and others employed
with military hospitals who actually served on the establishment
of a unit of the military forces in certain specified theatres of war
between Aug. 5 1914 and Dec. 31 1915. These theatres of war com-
prised every locality in which troops of the British Empire were
engaged against Germany and her allies during the period in ques-
tion, with the exception that France and Belgium did not con-
stitute a theatre of war for the award of this star till subsequent to
midnight Nov. 22-23 I9H- Individuals who earned the 1914 star
are not eligible for the 1914-15 star.
The star was also granted to (a) all officers and men of the Royal
Navy, Royal Marines, Royal Naval Air Service, Royal Naval
Reserve, Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, Royal Indian Marine
and Dominion Naval Forces, who were mobilized and served at sea,
or on shore within the specified theatres of military operations; (i)
trained pilots and observers and men of the Royal Naval Air Service
employed in flying from naval air-stations on overseas patrols;
(c) mercantile marine officers and men serving under special naval
engagements; (d) canteen staffs who served in a ship of war at sea.
(3) British War Medal 1914-1918. Awarded by King George V.
under Army Order 266 of 1919. Obverse: the effigy of the King.
Reverse: a representation of St. George on horseback trampling
underfoot the eagle shield of the Central Powers. A skull and cross-
bones in the foreground. Above, the rising sun of victory. The rib-
bon has an orange watered centre with stripes of white and black at
each side and with borders of royal blue. Granted to record the
bringing of the war to a successful conclusion and in recognition of
the arduous services rendered by H.M. forces.
The medal in silver was awarded to the following classes who
either entered a theatre of war on duty, or who left their places of
residence and rendered approved service overseas, other than the
waters dividing the different parts of the United Kingdom, between
Aug. 5 1914 and Nov. n 1918, both dates inclusive, (a) Officers,
warrant officers, attested non-commissioned officers and men of the
British, Dominion, Colonial and Indian military forces. (6) Mem-
bers of women's formations, who were enrolled under a direct con-
tract of service for service with H.M. Imperial Forces, (c) All who
served on staffs of military hospitals and all members of recognized
organizations who actually handled sick and wounded, (d) Members
of duly recognized and authorized organizations, (e) Enrolled and
attested followers on the establishment of units of the Indian army.
The medal in bronze was granted to all British subjects who were
enrolled in native labour corps and who served in theatres of war.
The medal was granted to the R.A.F. under similar conditions and
also to personnel of the force who (i.) were actively engaged in the
air against the enemy whilst borne on the strength of an operational
unit in Great Britain; (ii.) were employed in flying new aircraft to
France; (iii.) were on an aircraft-carrying ship.
The navy also participated in the grant of this medal, but the
main condition of award differed in that it was given to all naval
personnel who performed 28 days' mobilized service, or lost their
lives in active operations before completing that period, between
Aug. 5 1914 and Nov. n 1918. The medal was also granted to
personnel of the mercantile marine who served at sea for not less
than six months between Aug. 4 1914 and Nov. n 1918.
(4) Victory Medal. This medal was the outcome of a meeting
between the Allied and Associated Powers in Paris in March 1919,
when it was agreed that in order to obviate the interchange of com-
memorative war medals, a medal should be instituted, called the
Victory Medal, which should be of similar design for all the Allied
and Associated countries, but that the conditions of award should
be laid down by each Government. It was arranged that the obverse
should represent a winged figure of Victory, full length in the middle
of the medal, and full face; on the reverse an inscription " The Great
War for Civilization " translated into different languages. The rib-
bon is identical for all countries and is red in the centre, with yellow,
green and violet on either side shaded to form two rainbows.
The British issue authorized under Army Order 301 of 1919 con-
forms to the lines laid down at the Paris meeting and is of light
bronze attached to the ribbon by a ring. When first manufactured,
the medal was of dull bronze which proved unsatisfactory and the
few which had already been distributed were recalled as far as pos-
sible, though doubtless a few still remain in private hands. It was
granted to (i) the usual classes of military personnel who actually
served on the establishment of a unit in certain specified theatres of
war; (2) naval personnel who were mobilized or rendered approved
service either at sea between midnight Aug. 4-5 1914 and midnight
Nov. 11-12 1918, or on the establishment of a unit within a theatre
of military operations; (3) personnel of the R.A.F. under similar
conditions to the army and with the same additions as already
specified for the British War Medal. No clasps were issued with this
medal but a small bronze oak leaf is worn on the ribbon by personnel
of the naval, military and air forces, who were mentioned in des-
patches by a commander in the field.
(5) Territorial Force War Medal. Awarded by King George V.
under Army Order 143 of 1920: granted to members of the Terri-
torial Force or Territorial Force Nursing Service who volunteered
for service overseas on or before Sept. 30 1914 and who, having been
passed as physically fit for service overseas between Aug. 4 and
Sept. 30 1914, rendered such service during the war 1914-8, provide
that (a) they were serving with the Territorial Force before Aug.
1914, or (b) had completed a period of not less than four year
service with the Territorial Force before Aug. 4 1914 and rejoined
that force on or before Sept. 30 1914. Members of the force who
qualified for the award of the 1914 or 1914-5 stars were not eligibl
for this medal. Ribbon : broad yellow centre flanked on each side
a narrow green stripe ; yellow edges.
(6) Mercantile Marine War Medal. Awarded in 1919 by Kin
George V. The medal is of bronze. Obverse : effigy of King Georj
V. Reverse: a merchant steamer in a rough sea with a sailing-sh
and a sinking submarine in the background. Ribbon: red and gret
with a central stripe of white ; granted to personnel of the mercantil
marine who qualified for the British War Medal, and who, in additioi
served at sea on at least one voyage through a danger zone ; also
those who, whilst serving at sea, were captured by the enemy
lost their lives through enemy action or were precluded by disabl
ment through enemy action from further service at sea, before bei
able to complete their qualifying service for one of the medals.
III. WAR MEDALS OF THE UNITED STATES, FRANCE,
ITALY AND JAPAN
The war medals issued by the United States prior to 1910 i
described at 18.18. The part played by the United States
the war against Germany in 1917-8 is commemorated by tb
American issue of the Victory Medal, which is granted
military personnel who served on active duty in the army of the
United States at any time between April 6 1917 and Nov. n
1918. The medal is also given to those who served in Siberia or
European Russia subsequent to Nov. n 1918. It is interesting
to note that a series of battle clasps has been awarded for
wearing on the ribbon of this medal, the United States being
the only country which in 1921 sanctioned the issue of batt
clasps. They are divided into two classes: (i) those given fo
certain major operations, and (2) those given for the occupation
of a defensive sector; only one of the latter class is given to any
one individual. A small bronze star is worn on the ribbon
service dress uniform for each major operation clasp. For eac
citation of an officer or man for gallantry in action not warrant-
ing the award of a Medal of Honor or a Distinguished Servic
Cross, a small silver star is worn on the ribbon.
In the number of commemorative war medals France come
second to Great Britain. They are as follows:
(1) St. Helena Medal. A bronze medal granted in 1857 to all
survivors of the soldiers and sailors who took part in the wars
lasting from 1792 to 1815. Obverse: effigy of Napoleon 1
Reverse: the inscription " Campagnes de 1792 a 1815. A ses co
pagnons de gloire, sa dernidre pensee. Sainte Helene, 5 Mai 1821."
Ribbon: green with narrow red stripes.
(2) Medal for Italy, 1859. A silver medal granted in 1859 to ;
who took part in the war against Austria in Italy in that ye
Obverse: effigy of Napoleon III. Reverse: the names of th
following battles: " Montebello," " Palestro," " Turbigo," " Mag
enta," Marignan," " Solferino," and the words " Campag-
d' Italic, 1859." Ribbon: red with narrow white stripes.
(3) China Medal 1861. A silver medal granted in 1861 to the
who took part in the China expedition of 1860. Obverse: effigy <
Napoleon III. Reverse: the names " Ta-kon," " Chang Kia Wan,"
" Pa-li-Kao," " Pe-King " and the legend " Expedition de Chine
1860." Ribbon: yellow, with an inscription in Chinese characters.
(4) Mexico Medal 1862-3. A silver medal awarded in 1863
those who took part in the expedition to Mexico in 18623. Obvers
effigy of Napoleon III. Reverse: the names " Cumbres," " Cerro
Borrego," " San Lorenzo," " Puebla," " Mexico " and the lege
MEDALS AND DECORATIONS
" Expedition du Mexique, 1862-3." Ribbon: white with two diag-
onal stripes of red and green. In the centre a brown eagle and a
green snake.
(5) Tonkin Medal 1883-93. Instituted in 1885 and granted to
all those who took part in operations in French China and neigh-
bouring states between 1883-93. Obverse: female head of the
Republic. Reverse: the legend "Tonkin, Chine, Annam, 1883-
1885 " and an inscription " Santay," " Bac-Ninh," " Fou-Tcheou,"
" Formose," " Tuyen-Quan," " Pescadores." The naval medal
also bears the inscription " Cau-Giai " in addition. Ribbon: yellow,
with broad green stripes.
(6) Madagascar Medal. A silver medal first granted in 1886
to those who took part in the Madagascar campaign of 1885.
Obverse: female head of the Republic. Reverse: the words " Mada-
gascar 1885-1886." A second medal, similar in design but with the
date 1895 on the reverse, was given for the campaign of 1894-5.
Those in possession of the first medal were granted a bar only with
the date. Ribbon: pale blue and green horizontal stripes.
(7) Dahomey^ Medal. A silver medal granted in 1892 to those
who took part in the Dahomey and Sudan campaigns in previous
vears. Obverse : female head of the Republic. Reverse : the word
Dahomey." Ribbon: yellow with four broad maroon stripes.
(8) Colonial Medal /Spj. A silver medal instituted in 1893 and
granted to all who tpok part in operations in French colonies and
protectorates. It is the counterpart of the British general service
medals. Obverse: female head of the Republic. Reverse: the
terrestrial^ globe on a trophy of flags with the words " Medaille
Coloniale." A bar is always worn on the ribbon supporting the
-medal, showing the service for which it was awarded. Four gold and
numerous silver bars have been issued. Ribbon: pale blue with a
broad white stripe in the centre and a narrow one at each end.
(9) Morocco Medal 1909. A silver medal granted in 1909 as a
general service medal for operations in Morocco. Obverse: female
hea'd of the Republic. Reverse: a military design with the word
Maroc." Numerous bars have been awarded. Ribbon : green with
a broad white stripe in the centre and a narrow one at each end.
(10) Medal for War of 1870-71. A bronze medal awarded in
1911 to all survivors of the war 1870-1. Obverse: the usual head of
the Republic. Reverse : a trophy of arms surmounted by a standard ;
on a plaque the words " AUK Defenseurs de la Patrie." At the top the
date 1870-1871. Volunteers who served with the army and navy
during the war received in addition a silver bar inscribed "Engage
Volontaire." Ribbon: dark green with four black stripes.
(11) The World War of 1914-8 was commemorated by the issue
of the Victory Medal previously described. The conditions of
award differ somewhat to-those of other countries, it being granted
only to various grades of military personnel, nursing sisters and
others who served for a minimum period of three months at the front.
Naval personnel are also eligible for this medal.
Italy has issued various war medals to commemorate her cam-
paigns, chief among which may be mentioned the Garibaldi Medal of
i860, the Africa War Medal of 1894, the China Medal of 1900-1 and
the Libyan War Medal of 1911. The World War is commemorated
by the Italian issue of the Victory Medal.
Japan. The principal commemorative medals are: (i) Medal
for Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5. This medal is of light bronze.
Obverse: crossed naval and military flags with the Imperial cypher
between them. On the reverse a wreath. (2) Medal for war
against Germany 1914-8. This medal is of almost black bronze and
the design is very similar to that of the previous medal. Ribbon :
dark blue with a broad white stripe in the centre. It is awarded to all
naval and military personnel who served during the war. (3) The
Japanese Victory Medal; also awarded for the war 1914-8 but
confined to naval and military personnel who actually took part in
active operations against the enemy.
IV. BRITISH PERSONAL DECORATIONS
Although all war medals are awarded in a sense individually
and personally, it is convenient to regard as personal in a more
limited sense an award to an individual either of a " decoration "
or of membership of an order, for special acts of gallantry or
devotion, and for distinguished and meritorious services per-
formed by him or her.
In 15.851 the principal British orders of knighthood are
treated as such. In their other aspect, as rewards for service,
they are here assimilated to " decorations," which are awards
which do not imply membership of an association. This is
because, in fact, the majority of orders are now constituted on
a service basis; that is, membership is limited to those who have
acquired a claim to it by service, and is itself the reward of that
service. Its badges and distinctions are de facto decorations.
In the World War, appointments to the orders of the Bath,
St. Michael and St. George, the Indian Empire, and the Star
of India, which had long been essentially service orders, were
made in all classes on an enlarged scale, corresponding to the
891
wide extension which State service, both military and civil,
assumed. The same applies to the Distinguished Service Order.'
During the war itself two new orders were founded, that of
the Companions of Honour, and that of the British Empire.
Between 1910 and 1914 the following decorations were founded:
The Indian Distinguished Service Medal, 1907. Instituted in
1907 for rewarding distinguished service in the field of Indian com-
missioned and non-commissioned officers and men of the Indian
regular forces, the reserve of the Indian army, border militia and
levies, military police and imperial service troops employed under
the Indian Government. In 1917 the grant of the medal was
extended to Indian non-combatants engaged on field service and the
issue of clasps authorized. Obverse: the effigy of the reigning
sovereign. Reverse: a laurel wreath with the words " For Distin-
guished Service." Ribbon: blue with a maroon centre.
The Egyptian Medal for Bravery, 1913. A silver medal established
in 1913 by the Khedive. Awarded to non-commissioned officers and
men of the Egyptian army who distinguish themselves in action. It
is equivalent to the British Distinguished Conduct Medal. Obverse:
the cypher of the Khedive. Reverse: the words " For Bravery " in
English and Arabic. Ribbon : light blue unwatered.
It is convenient here to state the changes which took place
after 1910 in decorations already existing.
The Victoria Cross. Native officers and men of the Indian army
were made eligible for the award of the V.C. in 1912. Previously
they had only been eligible for the Indian Order of Merit for gallant
deeds in action. In 1918 the blue ribbon of the naval V.C. was
abolished and the red ribbon made universal for the navy, army,
and R.A.F. ; and in undress and service dress uniform a miniature
of the decoration was authorized to be worn on the ribbon.
A gratuity of 20 on discharge or an addition to pension of 6d. per
diem is now given to N.C.O.'s and men who have been awarded the
Distinguished Conduct Medal.
In Oct. 1914, the name of the Conspicuous Service Cross was
altered to the Distinguished Service Cross, and its award was extended
to all naval and marine officers below the relative rank of lieutenant-
commander, for meritorious or distinguished services which may not
be sufficient to warrant the appointment of such officers to the
Distinguished Service Order. Bars were also awarded.
In 1915, a second class of the order of the Royal Red Cross was
instituted, and the award of both classes was restricted to those who
were actually engaged in nursing duties. The award of a bar to the
first class was authorized in 1917. The cross of the first class is of
gold, pattee convexed, enamelled red, edged with gold, having on the
arms the words Faith, Hope, Charity, and the date 1883. In the
centre, in relief, is the royal effigy. Reverse: the royal and imperial
crown and cypher. The cross of the second class is of the same shape
and size, but is of frosted silver and has superimposed upon it a
Maltese cross enamelled red, of about half the size of the cross itself ;
in the centre, in relief, the royal effigy.
The Territorial Officers' Decoration is awarded to officers of the
Territorial Force who have completed 20 years' commissioned service
in that force, or in its predecessor, the Volunteer Force, and are
recommended for the award. It is an oval wreath of silver having in
its centre the royal cypher in silver-gilt. The ribbon is green with a
broad yellow centre. The period of war service is, under certain con-
ditions, credited as double for the award. The Territorial Force
Efficiency Medal was established as a reward for efficient service
for other ranks ; it is the equivalent of the former volunteer long-serv-
ice medal, the higher efficiency requirements of the Territorial
Force being recognized by a reduction in the period of qualifying
service from 20 years to 12. The ribbon of this medal, originally
similar to that of the T.D. but narrower, was later altered to one of
green with yellow edges.
The ribbons of the Long Service and Good Conduct (Army) medal
and the Meritorious Service Medal^ were in 1916 changed to crimson
with white edges, in order to distinguish them from that of the
Victoria Cross. A further change in 1918 was the addition of a central
white stripe to the Meritorious Service Medal to distinguish it from
the Long Service Medal. In 1916 the award of the Meritorious
Service Medal was extended to all ranks below sergeant.
In 1917 the designations of the Albert medals (sea and land) of
the first and second class were altered respectively to " The Albert
Medal in Gold " and " The Albert Medal."
The orders and decorations newly founded in the World War
period are as follows:
The Order of the Companions of Honour was instituted in Tune 1917
and consists of the sovereign and one class of members. Not more
than 50 persons, men or women who have rendered distinguished
service of national importance, are admitted. The badge of the order
is oval-shaped, consisting of a gold medallion with an oak tree;
hanging from one branch is a shield of the royal arms, and on the
right an armed knight in full armour, mounted on a horse. The
badge has a blue border with the motto " In action faithful and in
honour clear " in gold letters and is surmounted by the imperial
crown. The ribbon is carmine with borders of gold thread.
892
MEDALS AND DECORATIONS
The Most Excellent Order of the British Empire was instituted in
June 1917 to reward war services in all capacities, military and civil.
In 1918, in order to mark the distinction between awards for civilian
and military services, a military division of the order was created.
Broadly speaking, it may be said that the military division is con-
ferred on military personnel for distinguished service other than
gallantry in action during war. The order is divided into five classes.
The badge of the first, second, third and fourth classes consists of a
silver-gilt cross, that of the fifth class being executed in silver. Mem-
bers of the first and second classes wear a star on the left breast in
addition. A silver medal of the order can also be awarded to those
persons, not being members of the order, whose services to the
Empire warrant such recognition. The ribbon is plain purple, that
of the military division being distinguished by a narrow red line
down the centre.
The Distinguished Service Medal. Established in Oct. 1914 by
King George V. Obverse: the effigy of King George V. in naval
uniform. Reverse: the words " For Distinguished Service," sur-
mounted by a crown and encircled by a wreath of laurel. Ribbon :
blue with two broad white stripes in the centre. Awarded to petty
officers and men of the Royal Navy, and non-commissioned officers
and men of the Royal Marines and all other persons holding corre-
sponding positions in the naval forces who may at any time show
themselves to the fore in action and set an example of bravery and
resource under fire, but without performing acts of such preeminent
bravery as would render them eligible for the Conspicuous Gallantry
Medal. Bars are awarded for further services.
The Military Cross. Instituted in Dec. 1914 by royal warrant.
It consists of an ornamental silver cross, on each arm of which is an
imperial crown with the imperial cypher " G.R.I." in the centre.
Bars are awarded for further services. It is awarded to military
officers below the rank of major and to warrant officers in the army,
Indian army, or Colonial forces. During the first two years after its
institution, this decoration was not confined to service in action, but
was also given in recognition of distinguished service at the base or
with the administrative branches of the army in theatres of war.
After 1916, however, it was confined to those whose services were
thought worthy of recognition while under the fire of the enemy.
Ribbon : white watered silk with a purple centre.
The Military Medal. Instituted in March 1916 for award to non-
commissioned officers and men of the army for individual or asso-
ciated acts of bravery in the field. The medal is of silver. Obverse:
the royal effigy. Reverse: the words " For bravery in the Field "
encircled by a wreath and surmounted by the royal cypher and
crown. Ribbon: dark blue having in the centre three white and two
crimson stripes alternating. Bars are awarded for further acts of
bravery in action. The award was subsequently extended to warrant
officers and to women, the qualification for the last named being
" For bravery and devotion under fire."
The Distinguished Flying Cross. Instituted in 1918 for award to
officers and warrant officers of the R.A.F. for acts of valour, courage,
or devotion to duty performed while flying in active operations
against the enemy. The cross is of silver, terminated in the hori-
zontal and base bars with bombs, the upper bar terminating with a
rose, surmounted by another cross composed of aeroplane propellers,
charged in the centre with a roundel within a wreath of laurels a rose
winged ensigned by an imperial crown, thereon the letters R.A.F.
On the reverse the royal cypher above the date 1918, the whole
attached to the clasp and ribbon by two stripes one-eighth of an
inch wide running at an angle of 45 from left to right. Bars are
awarded for further services.
The Distinguished Flying Medal. Instituted in 1918 for award
under similar conditions to the Distinguished Flying Cross, to non-
commissioned officers and men of the R.A.F. The medal is of silver,
oval-shaped, bearing on the obverse the royal effigy and on the
reverse, within a wreath of laurel, a representation of Athena, Nike
seated on an aeroplane, a hawk rising from her right arm above the
words " For Courage." The whole ensigned by a bomb attached to
the clasp and ribbon by two wings. Ribbon : violet and white in
alternate diagonal stripes one-sixteenth of an inch wide running at
an angle of 45 from left to right. Bars are also awarded.
The Air Force Cross. Instituted in 1918 for award to officers and
warrant officers of the R.A.F. for acts of valour, courage or devo-
tion to duty whilst flying, though not in active operations against the
enemy, and also to individuals not belonging to the R.A.F. (whether
naval, military or civil) who render distinguished service to aviation
in actual flying. The cross is of silver and consists of a thunderbolt
in the form of a cross, the arms conjoined by wings, the base bar
terminating with a bomb, surmounted by another cross composed
of aeroplane propellers, the four ends enscribed with the letters
G. V.R.I. In the centre a roundel, thereon a representation of
Hermes mounted on a hawk in flight bestowing a wreath. Reverse:
the royal cypher above the date 1918. The whole ensigned by an
imperial crown attached to the clasp and ribbon by two sprigs of
laurel. Ribbon: red and white in alternate diagonal stripes one-
eighth of an inch wide, running at an angle of 45 from left to right.
Bars are awarded for further services.
_ The Air Force Medal. Instituted in 1918 for award, under
similar conditions to the Air Force Cross, to non-commissioned
officers and men of the R.A.F. and to individuals not belonging to
that force (whether naval, military or civil) who render distinguishe_
service to aviation in actual flying. The medal is of silver, oval-
shaped. Obverse: the royal effigy. Reverse: within a wreath of
laurel a representation of Hermes mounted on a hawk in flight
bestowing a wreath. The whole ensigned by a bomb attached to the
clasp and ribbon by two wings. Ribbon : red and white in alternate
diagonal stripes one-sixteenth of an inch wide running at an angle
of 45 from left to right. Bars are awarded for further services.
The Military Star of the Sultan Fouad. Instituted in 1919 for
award to officers of the Egyptian army who are mentioned in
despatches for merit or for distinguished services on the field of
battle or before the enemy. It consists of a five-rayed star sus-
pended from a straight clasp. The obverse is enamelled white,
bordered gilt, with a gilt fillet in the centre of each ray. The centre
is enamelled red and blue, upon which appears a garland of laurel,
surrounding two crossed swords, and surmounted by the Sultan's
crown, all in relief and gilt. The reverse is similar, but has in the
centre a blue circle surrounded by a gold chaplet bearing in Arabic
the inscription " The Military Star of the Sultan Fouad." Bars are
awarded for further services. The ribbon is of five equal stripes of
blue, chamois, black, chamois, blue.
V. AMERICAN AND FRENCH PERSONAL DECORATIONS
The World War of 1917-8 caused the institution in the
United States of four new service decorations in addition to
the Congressional Medal of Honor reserved for acts of the
highest bravery.
(1) Distinguished Service Cross. Army. Instituted on Jan. 12
1918 for award to military personnel, including women, who dis-
tinguish themselves by extraordinary heroism in connexion with
military operations against an armed enemy of the United States
under circ imstances which do not justify the award of the Medal of
Honor. The cross is of bronze surcharged with the American spread
eagle, and hangs from a blue ribbon with narrow white and red
stripes at either edge. Beneath the eagle is a scroll bearing the
words " For Valor." A bronze oak leaf is worn on the ribbon to
denote a second award.
(2) Distinguished Service Medal. Army. Instituted on Jan. 12
1918 for award to military personnel, including women, for excep-
tionally meritorious service to the Government in duty of great
responsibility in time of war, or in connexion with military opera-
tions against an armed enemy of the United States. The medal is of
bronze and bears on the obverse the coat-of-arms of the United
States surrounded by a circular ribbon of blue enamel bearing the
words " For Distinguished Service " and the date " MCMXVIII."
Ribbon: scarlet, in the centre a broad stripe of white, with a narrow
stripe of dark blue on each side of it. Further acts of bravery are
denoted by a bronze oak leaf worn on the ribbon.
(3) Distinguished Service Medal. Navy. Awarded to naval
personnel who, since April 6 1917, distinguished themselves by
exceptionally meritorious service to the Government in a duty of
great responsibility. The medal is of bronze. Obverse : a foul anchor,
placed perpendicularly; on the right a sprig of laurel. The words
Distinguished Service " in raised letters round the top circum-
ference; in the background a squadron of ships with the sun rising
over the horizon. Reverse: a plaque for the name of the recipient
superimposed upon a sprig of laurel. The clasp for suspension from
the ribbon shows the American eagle standing upon a scroll with the
date " 1917-18." Ribbon: blue with a central stripe of yellow. An
emblem is worn on the ribbon to denote a second award. Enlisted
or enrolled personnel who receive the medal are granted a monthly
increase in pay of two dollars.
(4) Navy Cross. Awarded to naval personnel for extraordinary
heroism or distinguished service since April 6 1917 in cases not
justifying the award of either the Medal of Honor or the Dis-
tinguished Service Medal. The decoration is a bronze cross patee
convexed with points of laurel at the junction of the limbs. In the
centre are crossed foul anchors and the letters " U.S.N." Ribbon:
blue with a central narrow stripe of white. An emblem is worn on the
ribbon to denote a second award. Enlisted or enrolled personnel who
receive the cross are granted $2 a month increase in pay.
The principal personal decorations in France are as follows :
The Medaille Militaire. Established in 1852. It is only awarded
to general officers in command of armies and to non-commissioned
officers and men of the army and navy who specially distinguished
themselves in action. The decoration is of rather complicated de-
sign. In the centre of the obverse is the gilt female head of the
Republic on a roughened gilt ground, surrounded by a narrow band
of blue enamel bearing the words " Republique Franfaise 1870 " in
pit letters. On the reverse " Valeur et Discipline." Above the medal
is a trophy of arms. Ribbon : orange with green edges.
The Legion of Honour is dealt with in 15.863.
The Croix de Guerre. Established in 1915 to commemorate
individual mentions in despatches during the war 1914-8. The
cross was awarded to soldiers or sailors of all ranks, including
officers, who were mentioned in orders of the day for an individual
Feat of arms. The different classes of orders (regimental, divisional,
MEDICAL EDUCATION
893
etc.) for which the cross was awarded are denoted by a bronze laurel
branch or different kinds of stars attached to the ribbon, which is
green with narrow red stripes.
VI. PERSONAL DECORATIONS OF OTHER COUNTRIES
The revolution in Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary
closed the history of many of the older orders; but both those
still existing and those which have ceased to exist were given
largely for war services during the World War, and they are
hcjre briefly dealt with as decorations.
Italy. The most important of the Italian service orders and deco-
rations are as follows:
(1) Medals for military valour. These medals are awarded for
special individual acts of bravery to both officers and men of the
army and navy. The medals are of three classes, gold, silver and
bronze, but the first is rare.
(2) Cross for merit in war. A bronze cross bearing on one side
the words " Merita di Guerra " surmounted by the royal crown and
initials. Reverse: a star surrounded by rays. Awarded to those
whose conduct has been meritorious for some considerable period
d'jring war, but who have not performed some exceptionally gallant
action deserving of the medals for military valour.
(3) Military Order of Savoy. Instituted in 1815, consisting of
five classes. Awarded for specially distinguished services in war and
for exceptional services in times of peace. The decoration consists of
i cross resting on a wreath of laurel.
(4) Order of the Crown of Italy. Established in 1868 to com-
memorate the annexation of Venetia and the unity of Italy. There
are five classes. The badge consists of a gold cross patee convexed
enamelled white, edged gold, with gold love knots between the limbs.
In the centre on a blue enamelled plaque, edged gold, is a golden
representation of the Iron Crown.
(5) Order of Saint Maurice and Saint Lazarus. Founded in 1434.
There are five classes. The badge consists of a Maltese cross, placed
saltirevvise, vert edged gold, with gold knobs on the points for
St. Lazarus; surmounted by a cross botonei enamelled white, edged
gold, for St. Maurice. The badge of the first four classes has the
royal crown above it.
Russia. (i) The Order of St. George, probably the best-known
of all Russian decorations, was founded in 1769 by the Empress
Catherine II. for rewarding distinguished bravery in action. It
consists of a gold, white enamelled cross, patee, with, in the centre, a
representation of St. George fighting the dragon. There are four
different grades and the ribbon is orange and black. (2) Order of
St. Anne (three classes and various medals); the cross is of crimson
enamel and the ribbon carmine with narrow gold edges. (3) Order
of St. Stanislas (three classes) ; cross, ribbon red and white. (4)
St. Vladimir (four classes) ; cross, black enamel, ribbon red and black.
Serbia. (i) Order of the White Eagle. Instituted in 1883, con-
sisting of five classes: knight grand cross, grand officer, commander,
officer and companion. The badge consists of a gold double-headed
eagle surmounted by a crown. (2) Order of St. Sava. Instituted in
1883, consisting of five classes. Awarded principally in recognition
of valuable sanitary and medical services with the army. (3)
Medals for bravery. These are in gold and silver according to class.
Greece. (i) Order of the Redeemer. Instituted in 1829, consisting
of five classes: e;rand cross, grand officer, commander, officer and
knight. (2) Military Cross. This is the highest award for services
in the field. It was instituted in 1917 and consists of three classes.
Rumania. (i) Order of the Star of Rumania. Instituted in 1877
to commemorate the participation of Rumania in the Russo-
Turkish War. There are five classes: knights grand cross, knights
commanders, commanders, officers and chevaliers. (2) Order of the
Crown. Instituted in 1881. There are five classes as above.
Belgium. (i) Order of the Crown of Belgium. Instituted in 1897
for honouring those who distinguish themselves in artistic, literary
or scientific work; in industrial or commercial activity or by their
devotion in works of African civilization. There are five classes of
the order and a medal. (2) Order of Leopold. Instituted in 1832,
consisting of five classes. This order is sometimes conferred upon
military officers for service in the field. (3) Croix de Guerre. Insti-
tuted in 1915 for award to those who are mentioned in despatches
and for acts of courage, devotion and valour on the field of battle.
Japan. The principal Japanese military decoration is The
Order of the Golden Kite, instituted in 1891 and awarded solely for
acts of very distinguished bravery performed in action by officers
and men of the army and navy. There are seven classes. It'consists
of an eight-pointed star edged with gold or silver according to class,
upon which is placed a species of St. Andrew's cross in blue enamel.
On the top of the decoration is a golden kite with wings spread.
Ribbon : green, with a white stripe at each edge. The chief remain-
ing decorations are The Order of the Rising Sun and The Order of
the Sacred Treasure (women), but these are not confined to naval
and military persons.
Germany. While the orders of the various states (which were
numerous) were conferred on individuals for war service, the
principal decorations were, with one exception, Prussian decorations
conferred by the emperor, in his capacity as king of Prussia, upon
Germans of all federal states. These Prussian decorations which
became in effect German were: the order Pour le Merits and the
Iron Cross. The ribbon of both is black with white edging (the
Prussian colours). The Iron Cross of the higher class was worn with-
out a ribbon. One award was made of the Iron Cross with gold star,
perhaps the rarest of all military decorations. This was to Field-
Marshal von Hindenburg, and the only previous recipient had been
Prince Bliicher. Awards of the Iron Cross of 1914 were not made
to those who held the Iron Cross of 1870, who received a bar instead.
A decoration given for auxiliary war services, both to military and
to civil personnel, was the Verdienstkreuz fiir Kriegshilfe. This,
which though Prussian was regarded from the outset as purely a
German decoration, is a cross in silver-grey metal with a ribbon of
the German national colours silver, with narrow black stripes and
red and black edges. (R. E. F.)
MEDICAL EDUCATION (see 18.23). To the reformer's zeal
an impetus was lent by the World War in various fields, and in
the domain of medical education it was still by no means easy in
192 1 to estimate how far the changes that had been effected in
the few preceding years had the quality of permanence. Of those
changes two overshadow the rest, namely the introduction in
1920 of the Clinical Unit system into England, and the admis-
sion of women students to a number of London medical schools,
which in that respect came into line with the practice of the
great majority of provincial universities. Though these events
were actually the outcome of many years of preparation, yet
they partook more of the nature of tentative experiments than
changes effected and wearing an air of finality. There was a
desire to test in practice views long rooted in theory.
Great Britain. The decision of some of the London schools
to admit women students was largely in the nature of an emer-
gency measure planned to meet the exigencies of the moment.
These schools, deprived by the war of most of their male stu-
dents, were led to look elsewhere for recruits. The experiment
was first tried in a very tentative way by St. George's hospital,
but early in 1916 St. Mary's hospital was thrown open to both
sexes. In 1921 the London hospital, St. Mary's, University
College hospital, King's College hospital, Charing Cross hos-
pital, Westminster hospital and St. George's hospital all ad-
mitted women students. Some of these schools regarded this
innovation as an experiment while others were committed to
the policy of coeducation.
The Clinical Unit organization undoubtedly constitutes a
fundamental modification of the system of medical education,
which, arising out of the apprenticeship system, had come to be
accepted as a sound and practical course of instruction. In the
early days of the medical schools all the teaching, including
chemistry, physics and biology, was carried out by the medical
and surgical staff. The first subject to break away was chem-
istry, and in 187080 many of the schools engaged chemists to
train their students in this subject. Later physics, and later still
biology, followed suit. During 1900-20 the same change oc-
curred in the teaching of physiology and anatomy, so that by
1921 the preliminary and intermediate subjects of the curric-
ulum were taught by workers who devoted all their time to
that purpose. This change has spread to the later subjects of
the medical course, in response to the growing demands which
developments in knowledge and technique make upon the
time and equipment of teachers. In these proposals to create
units there is therefore no rude break with tradition, but rather
a step forward in the evolution of medical education forming a
logical outcome of the whole trend of contemporary medical
teaching and an inevitable sequel to the advances that have
taken place in medicine and the allied sciences.
In 1908 grants in aid of medical education were made for the
first time by the Board of Education, and with their general
acceptance the autonomy of the schools, based on their financial
independence, disappeared. It was clear from the first that
schools which received a grant must submit to the policy of the
Board of Education, and it was on that bedrock fact that the
Royal Commission on University Education in London built.
The report, published in 1913, indorsed the views of Mr. Abraham
Flexner, set forth in his survey of " Medical Education in Eu-
rope " (1912), and was in substance, so far as it concerned
medical education, an argument for the creation of clinical
8 9 4
MEDICAL EDUCATION
units. In England, in the provinces, and in Scotland the uni-
versities had had for many years the germ and often the essen-
tials of clinical units, but in London, with its various medical
schools loosely bound to a central university, this was not the
case. But though the Board of Education were now in a posi-
tion to carry out their policy, no further steps were taken,
owing to the outbreak of war, until 1920. In that year clinical
units in medicine and surgery were created at St. Bartholomew's
hospital, St. Thomas' hospital, the London hospital and Uni-
versity College hospital. The Board of Education undertook,
through the University Grants Committee, to defray three-
quarters of the cost, the medical school furnishing the other
quarter. At two of these schools the directors of the units
were expected to devote all their time to the duties of their office
and were debarred from private practice. Early in 1921 the
London School of Medicine for Women applied for and secured
recognition of a unit in gynaecology and obstetrics, the first
appointment to be made in that branch of the curriculum,
while a little later units in medicine and surgery were created
and recognized at St. Mary's hospital, under the same condi-
tions and financial clauses that governed the grants in aid of
the first four schools. Subsequently the appointment of the
directors was vested in the Senate of the London University,
who became not only responsible for the selection of the pro-
fessoriat, but required to be satisfied that he has an adequate
number of assistants, a proper and effective out-patient depart-
ment, that he is allotted the control of a sufficient number of
beds, and that the laboratory accommodation allocated to the
unit for research and pathological work is satisfactory.
The unit system is designed to secure that the latest advances
in science affecting medicine should be continually brought to
the teaching of the clinical subjects. To achieve that end the
teachers must themselves actively engage in scientific research,
and should be provided with proper equipment, an adequate
number of assistants and sufficient leisure *o prosecute re-
searches. It is hoped to link up laboratory workers and
clinicians and generally to introduce organization into clinical
teaching, so that in the issue the defects of the older regime may
be removed while its obvious merits are preserved.
A hopeful feature in the story of British medical education during
1910-20 was to be found in the provision of additional facilities for
research, for which the Clinical Unit system and the Medical Re-
search Council were jointly responsible. Together they have pro-
vided paid posts for the best of the younger men, in which during
the waiting years the more hopeful may find opportunities of re-
search and scientific activity. Apart from the higher standard that
may reasonably be expected of candidates who are elected to hospital
appointments after such opportunities, research and all that comes of
it should benefit by a constant stream of recruits drawn from the
more promising elements of each year.
The possibilities of clinical instruction that lie latent in the Poor
Law infirmaries have long been known, but the difficulties in the way
of throwing their wards open to students had proved insuperable
until early in 1920 they were overcome by St. Mary's hospital.
This hospital entered into an agreement with the Paddington Board
of Guardians under the terms of which students belonging to that
medical school are allowed to work in the wards of the infirmary.
The hospital furnishes bacteriological and pathological services, and
a consulting staff who visit the infirmary on appointed days every
week, and who hold regular classes in the wards. The significance of
such a step becomes plain since there are in London approximately
three infirmary beds to every bed in voluntary hospitals with
teaching schools attached. In this connexion the Voluntary Hos-
pitals Committee, appointed in Jan. 1921, issued in June a report
in which they put on record that they deemed it unfortunate that
these institutions should hardly be used at all in the training of
medical students, and recommended the extension of the arrange-
ments existing between St. Mary's hospital and Paddington infirm-
ary to other hospitals and infirmaries. If this were carried out, not
only would the clinical material available for the purposes of under-
graduate instruction be greatly increased, but a class of case would
be seen by students at these institutions that is not admitted to the
voluntary hospitals, so that a gap that had hitherto existed in the
student's education would be filled.
With a search for new facilities for clinical study has gone a grow-
ing desire to remove from the student's path obstacles that appear to
interfere at present with the true educational purpose of his training.
Dissatisfaction with the existing examination system, which is never
altogether absent, came to a head early in 1921 when a motion was
brought before the Faculty of Medicine of the university of London
asking for permission to hold internal examinations at certain me_
ical schools, and that one of the two examiners should be the stu-
dents' teacher. While there was point in many of the criticisms of the
existing system, the feeling of the Faculty was that examinations
should not be abolished, nor so modified that they no longer pro-
vided adequate tests for granting a qualification which carries with
it the right to practice, before an efficient substitute had been found
for them, and the motion before the Faculty was accordingly de-
feated by a large majority. It was felt however that this was not
the last word, and many held that a reform of the present examina-
tion system was overdue, that in its present condition that system
exercised a baneful influence on the true educational purposes
underlying the curriculum. On the other hand it appeared probable
that many of the disadvantages laid at the door of the examination
system were in fact due to the overcrowding of the curriculum.
Subjects continue to be added to this, while much that is out of
date or of little educational value is allowed to remain in the syllabus.
While no sustained attempt has been made to unload the unwieldy
vehicle which at present contains what the student is expected to
carry away with him, there has been a growing tendency to consider
and pave the way for ultimate reform, and these matters were in
1921 engaging the attention of the General Medical Council.
With regard to postgraduate instruction, the defects of the exist-
ing arrangements had been exposed and opinion was ripe for action
There was a consensus of opinion that undergraduate and post-
graduate instruction cannot be combined at the same school, and
that the facilities provided by hospitals in London not attache!
to medical schools were totally inadequate. The way had therefor
been prepared for the report of the Committee on Postgraduat
Instruction, of which Lord Athlone was chairman. In substanc
that report (June 1921) recommended that one of the London gener
hospitals, with at least 300 beds and proper modern equipment
should be set aside as a postgraduate centre. (C. M. Wi.)
United States. In 1910 there were in existence in Americ
approximately 150 medical schools, mostly in fact, if not
form, private ventures; even the few schools of high grade
sessed meagre endowment and inadequate facilities. By a pr
cess of natural selection, the number of schools was rapidlv
reduced, having fallen in 1920 to approximately 85, and ther
were grounds for the belief that this number would in the near
future be still further reduced. The organization, endowment
and facilities for instruction showed a notable advance. In
1910 few medical schools actually controlled the hospitals in
which their teaching was done. Subsequently there was a
distinct tendency to give the university medical schools exclu-
sive and adequate control of hospital facilities for clinical teach-
ing and research. Harvard, Yale, Washington, and other uni-
versities thus came into much more intimate relations with
the hospitals in which the clinical staff teaches. The city of
Cincinnati built one of the finest public hospitals in the United
States, and amended the city charter so as to give the univer-
sity of Cincinnati (a municipal institution) complete control of
the hospital for the purposes of its medical school.
On the financial side public opinion was brought to realize
that the university school of medicine is an expensive enterprise,
for which large investments must be made by the public in both
facilities and endowment. Mr. John D. Rockefeller gave the
General Education Board approximately $35,000,000 to be used
primarily for the purpose of cooperating with institutions in
raising larger sums for the development of their medical schools,
and the late Mr. Joseph R. DeLamar gave $5,000,000 each to
the medical departments of Harvard, Columbia, and Johns
Hopkins. Upwards of $10,000,000 was raised for the establish-
ment of a new medical department at the university of Rochester,
Rochester, N.Y., and $8,000,000 for the reorganization of the
medical department of Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Ten-
nessee. Many other endowed institutions also procured consider-
able sums for improved laboratory and teaching facilities. The
current.budgets of the state universities were similarly increased
so as to enable the institutions to go forward in developing their
medical schools correspondingly.
In respect to organization the main change in the decade was
the introduction of the full-time plan corresponding to the
English unit system in the teaching of the clinical subjects. The
aim and purpose of this movement are the same in both coun-
tries, but in neither had sufficient time elapsed up to 1921 to
allow a final verdict to be passed on the merits of the system.
The complete satisfaction of the Johns Hopkins Medical Schc
MEDICAL ENTOMOLOGY
895
in the working of this plan is shown by the fact that the system,
which originally included medicine, surgery, and pediatrics,
was in 1920 extended so as to take in gynaecology and obstetrics.
The system was also adopted in the main clinical branches. by
the medical departments of Washington University (St. Louis),
Yale University, Vanderbilt University, university of Chicago,
and the university of Rochester.
China. Through a subsidiary board (the China Medical Board)
the Rockefeller Foundation of New York has established in China a
modern medical school. The Rockefeller Foundation has furnished
funds amounting to 8,000,000 to build and equip the Pekin Union
Medical College, and in addition it was in 1921 supporting the
institution on the basis of a budget for the year amounting to
$500,000. The institution furnishes two years of pre-medical work,
and intended to develop a four-year medical course. In addition to
the undergraduate training of Chinese physicians, it will provide
graduate training, offers short courses for physicians in the field,
and endeavours to extend in the Orient a popular knowledge of
medicine and public health. The China Medical Board also aids
four other medical schools in China carried on by other organizations.
Belgium. The university of Brussels had in 1921 planned a com-
plete reorganization of its medical department. The city, the State,
and the university cooperated in maturing plans for a modern teach-
ing hospital, and new, well-equipped laboratories on a single site.
Approximately 100,000,000 francs was needed to finance the enter-
prise, of which 40, 000,000 was pledged by the Rockefeller Foundation.
(A. Fx.)
Canada. There were in Canada eight medical colleges in 1921
giving a complete course leading to the degree in medicine. In
every case the college forms a part of a university, and most of them
are to be found in the eastern provinces. In the West only one
university (Manitoba) gives a complete medical course, though the
university of Alberta offers the first three years of a six-year course,
her students as a rule finishing their work in one of the eastern
universities. During the years 1910-21 there was a steady advance
in standards in the medical curriculum. The four-year course,
which followed a minimum entrance requirement of Junior matric-
ulation, was first increased to five years and later to six years in
most of the schools. The five-year course was planned partly to
meet the demand for increased instruction in the so-called pre-
medical sciences and partly to give more time for the clinical
branches. Where this course is in force the first year is devoted to
biology, chemistry and physics, the second and third years to
anatomy, physiology, histology and embryology, physiological
chemistry, pharmacology, pathology and bacteriology, the fourth
and fifth years practically to the clinical subjects, namely, medicine,
surgery, obstetrics and gynaecology with their various special
branches. The increase to six years gives more time to the clinical
subjects, and in addition enables the Faculties of at least some of the
schools to offer certain electives or options. This latter plan gives to
the better-class student an opportunity to graduate with more than
the minimum requirements for the degree of M.D. The six-year
course is given in certain of the schools entirely within the medical
department, although the curriculum includes certain courses to be
taken in the other Faculties. Other schools plan to require two years
as a pre-medical requirement to the four-year course. These two
years may be taken in any of the standard universities and must
include biology, chemistry and physics. At least one school was in
1921 planning to add to the four-year course a hospital year, which
must be taken before graduation. In most of the medical schools
the regular course in medicine leads to the degree of M.D. or to the
degree of M.D.-C.M. One school gives the degree of M.B. at the
close of the regular course, with the M.D. one year later on presenta-
tion of a satisfactory thesis. The combined degrees of B.A.-M.D. or
B.Sc.-M.D. may be obtained in practically all the schools in seven
or eight years. A special degree of B.Sc. (Med.) may be obtained in
t*o of the schools by a year of special work at any time after the
third year of the regular course in medicine. (G. W. S.)
MEDICAL ENTOMOLOGY. What used to be called com-
prehensively " economic " entomology is now more conveniently
divided into two distinct branches economic (see ECONOMIC
ENTOMOLOGY) and medical. In its medical bearings the scope
of entomology comprehends not insects only but arthropoda
of every kind directly hurtful to health. Until about 1880 the
fact that many arthropoda can bite and sting, and that some
are troublesome parasites of man, was not thought important
enough in medical practice to require special attention in their
entomological aspect; but when in the last quarter of the igth
century the startling announcement was made that one of the
commonest diseases of the tropics is propagated by a bloodsuck-
ing insect it was soon realized that light might be thrown on
many obscure problems in the causation of infective disease by a
precise knowledge of the arthropoda that come into contact with
man. This illuminating doctrine was first opened out in 1879,
when Sir Patrick Manson, at that time a plain medical practi-
tioner in China, published the essential parts of an experimental
proof that the parasitic worm which causes the disfiguring febrile
and subfebrile diseases known collectively as filariasis is com-
municated from man to man by a common house-haunting
mosquito. It is true that long before 1879 seasonal fevers in
several parts of the world had been ascribed, not only in popular
tradition but also by plausible argument, to the bites of insects,
but these vague glimmerings of the truth had not been regarded
very seriously, and Manson was the first to demonstrate, by
verifiable experiment, that in such cases the insect plays an
indispensable triple part, namely, (i) after infecting itself with
parasites responsible for the fever by imbibing the blood of a
human being infected with them, (2) to provide in its own organs
and tissues the appropriate medium for the growth and develop-
ment of the parasites so absorbed and finally (3) to carry the
parasites so fostered to fresh human victims. The precise manner
in which the filariated mosquito passes on its acquired infection
was not settled by Manson, but his wonderful discovery originated
that new branch of study where a full and exact knowledge of
ah 1 the arthropoda that touch man in his person, his dwellings,
and his food and drink, finds, as Medical Entomology, a rational
application in the control of disease.
Subject-matter. In dealing with the subject-matter of Medical
Entomology it is convenient rather than severely logical to
group the arthropoda inimical to health in five categories, accord-
ing to the nature, the direct effects and the after consequences
of their results, namely as (i) simply parasitic, (2) simply pre-
daceous, (3) specifically infective, (4) contaminative and (5)
venomous, the third and fourth being far the most important.
Simple Parasites. Here are included all those arthropod parasites
that are hurtful solely by their presence on or in the body and not by
any subsequently disclosed effects. Such are the itch-mites (Sar-
coptes) specific to man, and the numerous food-mites, animal-mites,
bird-mites, insect-mites, harvest-mites, etc., which in certain cir-
cumstances or at particular seasons may attack man, though not
normally parasitic on him or in every case parasitic at all in normal
habit. Though they usually attack the epidermis these mites may
get into the bowel, or the lung, or the bladder. Such also are those
muscoid flies which in their maggot stage are constantly and entirely
dependent on warm-blooded animals for their existence : two such
species of maggots are notorious subcutaneous parasites of man,
namely the " macaw worm " (Dermatobia hominis) in tropical
America, and the " tumbu " (Cordylobia anthropophaga) in tropical
Africa. Bluebottles, flesh-flies and other domestic flies, which
normally deposit their eggs or larval progeny in decomposing meat
and carrion, may be attracted for this purpose to foul and neglected
wounds, or to the eyes, nostrils and other natural orifices of un-
clean or incapable humanity, with dire results: the " screw-worm "
flies (Cochliomyia in America and Chrysomyia in India) are said to
be particularly prone to this deplorably mistaken instinct. Living
maggots of many species of flies may find a congenial abode in the
human bowel, as also may larvae of other orders of insects. Other
simple parasites of man are the " Chigger " flea (Dermatophilus
penetrans) common in certain parts of tropical America and Africa,
the pregnant female of which embeds herself in the skin; and
the " Congo floor-maggot " (Auchmeromyia) of tropical Africa, a
maggot which infests native huts like a bedbug and sucks the blood
of sleeping people, though the parent fly is harmless. An abnormal
and misdirected parasite that, in places where Jarge snakes are
numerous, may get encysted in the human viscera, is the larva of the
extraordinary wormlike arthropod Porocephalus, the adult of which
is a bloodthirsty inhabitant of the lungs of snakes.
Predaceous Arthropoda. To this category may be relegated a
miscellany of blood-sucking insects, etc., the bite of which may be
painful or may even cause severe inflammation, but is not known to
be followed by any specific infection apart from a chance of ordinary
septic contamination as a result of scratching. Though t)iere are
times and places when these insects may be an intolerable burden to
travellers or to country folk, they have no preference for human blood
and no particular affection for houses. They cannot therefore be
regarded as a standing menace to the public health, although they
may be treated with a reasonable amount of suspicion, because
some of them are known to spread specific infections among domestic
stock, and also because they may be chance mechanical carriers of
some individual contamination, or may have parasites proper to
themselves which might possibly under certain circumstances be
transferred to man. This suspicious assemblage includes many
species of mosquitos and gadflies, a lot of midges (Simulium,
Psychoda, Culicoides, etc.), and numerous species of muscoid flies
(Stomoxys, Haematobia, Lyperosia, etc.) that usually feed on cattle;
also various flies (Leplidae, Asilidae, etc.) that normally feed on
896
MEDICAL ENTOMOLOGY
other insects; and some kinds of plant bugs and leaf hoppers in
which the thirst for blood is an aberration.
Specifically Infective Arthropoda. The parasitic and predaceous
forms so far enumerated are for the most part obnoxious rather than
greatly dangerous, and the trouble they cause does not linger after
their disappearance ; but we have now to deal with an assortment of
parasitic and predaceous arthropoda, which, by propagating micro-
parasites pathogenic to man, cause ill effects that outweigh and out-
Fast any direct damage that they themselves can inflict. Such ar-
thropoda, having severally a definite biological association with a
particular disease, and being specific " nurses " or intermediary
hosts of the parasite actually causing the disease, are known as
" carriers " or " vectors." Their function is beautifully exemplified
in Sir Ronald Ross's great discovery of the way by which the
parasites of malarial fevers are maintained and disseminated
a discovery which must here have precedence, not that it was his-
torically the first of its kind, but because it was originally presented
in a complete form and best illustrates the emergence of Medical
Entomology as a distinct study.
Independently of Ross's investigations, it was known that the
parasites multiplied periodically by non-sexual fission (schizogony)
in the blood of malaria patients, and that they also gave issue to
prospectively sexual bodies (gametocytes) , male and female, which
did not become ripe until after the blood had been withdrawn from
the blood vessels; and it had been discovered by MacCallum that
when the ripe sexual elements (gametes') did become revealed in the
drawn blood the males and females paired together to form united
couples or zygotes; it was known, in short, that while the parasites
multiply non-sexually in the blood of the individual human sufferer,
the process, by which they are maintained as specific parasites of the
human race must take place, somehow, outside the individual human
host. Manson inferred, from his own earlier investigations of the
filaria parasite, that it must be in the interior of some blood-sucking
arthropod, probably a mosquito, and the arduous proof of this
hypothesis was unravelled by Ross. Ross followed the parasites
from the vertebrate host into the stomach of the mosquito, and
thence into the insect's stomach wall, where the zygotes encyst
and establish themselves as parasitic oocysts. Under favourable
conditions the oocysts increase in size by the internal proliferation
of their contents, and in about ten days ripen into sporocysts, full
of minute spore elements or sporozoites. By the rupture of the
sporocysts the sporozoites escape into the body cavity of the mos-
quito and accumulate considerably in its salivary glands, which
also lie in the body cavity, so that when the now infective insect
bites a healthy person the sporozoites are injected with its saliva
into that person's blood, where they grow and multiply non-sexually,
and after a definite interval usually reveal their presence in a par-
oxysm of malarial fever.
The mosquito thus is the medium for the necessary sexual re-
production of the malaria parasites; eventually the insect not only
becomes a kind of supersporocyst at whose expense the actual
sporocysts and their sporozoites are developed and nourished, but
also acts as the locomotor instrument for distributing the sporozoites
and planting them in their future sphere of action.
So far as is known, the only mosquitos that serve as nurses for
the malaria parasites of man are mosquitos of the genus Anopheles.
It can hardly be supposed that these parasites originated at the
outset either in man or in Anopheles mosquitos. Kindred parasites
inhabit the blood of other mammals as well as of birds and reptiles
and are distributed by other kinds of blood-sucking insects, and it is
reasonable to believe that all may have had a common origin and,
up to a certain point, a common line of evolution, and that the
species now adapted to man were derived, through the inter-
mediation of Anopheles mosquitos, from forms whose evolution had
been hammered out quite independently of the human race. Not
every one of the many species of Anopheles is susceptible to infec-
tion, nor of the susceptible species are all equally so, or indifferently
so under all conditions. Again, not all species of Anopheles are dis-
posed to attack man, or to shelter in houses. Furthermore, although
under favourable conditions the sexual development of the parasites
in the mosquito is completed in about ten days, and although under
ordinary circumstances the sporozoites would be discharged from
the salivary glands of the infected insect in the course of a few bites,
yet the sexual development may be much delayed by cold and other
unfavourable conditions, and the salivary glands might remain in-
fective for a long time if the insect remained inactive or torpid.
Ross's great work, which was experimentally elucidated with a
common malaria parasite of birds, was the outcome of Manson's
illuminative discovery of the necessary intermediation of mosquitos
in propagating lymphatic filariasis, a disease, common in most
tropical countries, caused by the invasion of the lymphatic system
by the parasitic worm Filaria bancrofti. In certain phases of this
disease the female worm gives issue to swarms of minute embryos, or
microfilariae, which are carried into the patient's blood and are usually
found in the superficial blood-vessels at night. Manson, in 1878,
persuaded a Chinaman with microfilariae in his blood to suffer him-
self to be bitten by some common house mcsquitcs during sleep,
and on examining the replete insects at intervals during a number of
days following their infective repast he traced the ingested micro-
filariae through definite stages of larval development in the insects'
stomach and muscles. Subsequent observers, of whom Dr. G. C.
Low was the first to publish his investigations, discovered that the
larval filariae find their way into the proboscis of the mosquito,
whence on occasion offered they escape into the skin of a fresh
human victim. More than a dozen species of mosquitos are now
known to be capable of acting as intermediary host to the larvae of
the worm of lymphatic filariasis.
Yellow fever is another disease which, so far as is known, is com-
municated from man to man exclusively by mosquitos of one
species, namely, the notorious Stegomyia fasciata. The connexion
between this characteristically house-haunting insect and the
disease was inferred by Dr. Finlay of Havana in 1881, and was
experimentally demonstrated by the U.S. Commission under Dr.
Walter Reed in 1900. Here again, as in malaria and filariasis, the
specific parasite of the disease must undergo a definite development
within the insect, since the insect can become infected only if it
feeds on a patient during the first three days of fever, and does not
become infective until at least 12 days after so feeding.
Another disease spread in this way by mosquitoes is dengue fever.
The actual virus of the disease has not yet been demonstrated, but
there is good proof that it is transmitted from sick to healthy per-
sons by two of the commonest house-haunting species of the tropics,
namely Stegomyia fasciata and Cu'.ex fatigans.
Mosquitos may, possibly, spread other infections mechanically.
Indeed they are known to be one of several kinds of flies that
mechanically transport the eggs of the " macaw worm " (Derma-
tobia hominis) to its host. But such mechanical work is something
different from the constant and indispensable biological accommoda-
tion which mosquitos alone provide for the parasites of filariasis,
malarial fevers, and yellow fever, outside the human body.
Almost as notorious in recent history as the Stegomyia and Anoph-
eles that at one time threatened to stop the construction of the
Panama Canal are the tsetse flies, which, as intermediary hosts of
the trypanosome parasites of sleeping-sickness, have depopulated
certain parts of tropical Africa. These bloodthirsty insects, which
constitute the genus Glossina, are akin to the stable-fly (Stomoxys),
the house-fly, and the blow-fly, all being included in the great
family of Muscidae. Except for one species, Glossina tachinoides,
which ranges into the extreme south-western corner of Arabia, the
entire genus Glossina is restricted to the torrid regions of the African
continent. The trypanosome animalcules, which, so far as the
species that cause disease in man and domestic animals in Africa
are concerned, are associated mainly with tsetse flies, occur in the
state of nature in the blood of all classes of vertebrate animals in
most parts of the world; many, if not all, of the trypanosomes living
naturally in the blood of wil J animals appear to be harmless to their
hosts, and it is perhaps because the trypanosomes that get into
man and domestic animals, by the agency mainly of biting insects,
are trypanosomes out of their proper place, that they are hurtful.
Recent investigations, beginning with the discovery made by Sir
David Bruce in 1895 that the destructive " tsetse-fly disease " of
domestic animals is due to a trypanosome parasite in the blood,
have established the facts that there are two varieties of the human
trypanosome disease known as sleeping-sickness, one predominant
in equatorial Africa and transmitted mainly by Glossina palpalis,
the other predominant in south-eastern tropical Africa and trans-
mitted mainly by Glossina morsitans; that in both cases the re-
spective trypanosome undergoes definite stages of development in
the fly's gut and at last settlas itself and continues to proliferate in
the fly's salivary glands; and that a fly once infected remains infec-
tive by its saliva for the rest of its life. Thus in a general way the
part taken by tsetse flies in spreading sleeping-sickness is similar to
that taken by Anopheles in spreading malaria. But there is this
difference: first, that the development of the trypanosome parasite
in the tsetse fly is not actually known to have any sexual interpreta-
tion; and secondly, that although in epidemics of sleeping-sickness
the fly derives its infection from human sufferers, yet in other
circumstances it may possibly become infected from a wild animal,
since trypanosomes morphologically indistinguishable from those
that cause disease in man in Africa have been observed living naturally
in some of the big game animals and also in the wild tsetse flies.
The existence of these natural foci of possible though not demon-
strated infection must enormously increase the difficulty of con-
trolling sleeping-sickness. On the other hand, the laboratory ex-
periments of Bruce and others have shown that only a small per-
centage of tsetse flies fed on infected blood take the infection.
Finally it should be mentioned that there are some who still believe
that in certain circumstances a tsetse fly may transfer infection from
man to man mechanically on its proboscis.
In the instances reviewed so far a blood-sucking insect mos-
quito or tsetse fly acquires a specific infection while feeding, in-
cubates it for a definite term during which infectivity is latent, and
then at length transmits it, in the act of feeding, to another sus-
ceptible host. In this manner also Conorhinus megistus and other
Reduviid bugs have been shown to transmit the trypanosome of
Chagas's disease in South America, and in like manner the midge
Phlebotomus papatasii is believed to transmit the virus of phlebot-
omus fever. In the same way, probably, as Manson suggested, the
Tabanid flies Chryspps dimidiata and salacea in West Africa foster
and transmit a filarial worm, Filaria loa, that is troublesome to man
MEDICAL ENTOMOLOGY
897
there. It is possible, too, that the Leishmania parasite of kala-
azar is communicated from man to man in India, as W. S. Patton
thinks, by the bedbug, and in the Mediterranean region, as others
suppose, by fleas.
A specific infection acquired by a blood-sucking arthropod in
feeding is not always passed on by means of the infected saliva:
it may be communicated in its juices and excreta. It is in this way,
as numerous observers have ascertained, that body lice infected by
imbibing the blood of sufferers from typhus fever, relapsing fever,
and trench fever usually transmit the respective virus to a fresh
host who, in seeking relief from their presence by scratching, may
crush them or rub their infected excrement into his broken skin ; in
the case of typhus the insect is said to transmit infection by its bite
also. The part played by the fleas of rats and other rodents in
epidemics of bubonic plague is similar, except that the original foci
of infection are infected rodents. From these the fleas absorb the
plague bacillus, which, as shown by the Indian Plague Commission,
multiplies in their stomach and is voided with undiminished viru-
lence in their excreta. Bacot and Martin have also shown that a flea
may sometimes get its stomach so stuffed with the prolific bacilli that
it may regurgitate some of them when biting a fresh victim.
A specific infection acquired by a bloodsucking arthropod is not
always terminated in the individual : it may be bequeathed to the
offspring. This has been shown by Dutton and Todd to be the course
of events with the tick Ornithodorus moubata, which propagates the
spirillum of the African variety of relapsing fever. Hereditary
transmission of an acquired infection is said by Nicolle and other
authorities to take place in lice with the spirillum of relapsing fever.
Another aspect of the same phenomenon occurs in the case of
the tick, Dermatocentor venustus, that serves as intermediary for
the virus of the typhus-like disease known as Rocky Mountain
spotted fever. Here, according to Ricketts, it is the minute lar-
val tick that becomes infected, perhaps from natural foci of the
infection in ground squirrels and various other local rodents, per-
haps by inheritance. The larva, however, has to undergo many vicis-
situdes before it is transformed into an adult; accommodation has
to be found on three different hosts, and in the case of Dermatocen-
tor venustus these vicissitudes may be spun out for two years before
the larva reaches the adult stage in which the virus subsisting in it
can become infective to man. These inherited and postponed in-
fections render preventive measures correspondingly tedious and
difficult, even when there are no natural foci of infection to be reck-
oned with. The noxa of the exanthematous disease known as Japa-
nese river fever, attributed to the bite of the " harvest-mite " larva of
a velvet mite, is thought to be inherited by that larva.
Finally, a specific infection can be transmitted from man to man
by the intermediation of an arthropod that is neither parasitic nor
predaceous. This was shown by Fedshenko to be the case with the
guinea-worm (Dracunculus medinensis) , a subcutaneous parasite of
man (and other animals) in certain warm parts of the globe. The
embryos of the worm after being set free are ingested by and undergo
a definite larval development in fresh-water copepod Crustacea of
the genus Cyclops, and man is infected by swallowing the infected
Cyclops in unfiltered water. The ribbon-worm (Dibothriocephalus
latus) is also thus fostered and disseminated by copepod Crustacea,
as has recently been explained by Janicki and Rosen; only in this
case the infected copepods are first swallowed by a fresh-water fish
in which the larval ribbon-worms develop still further before they
get to man. In the Far East several species of fresh-water crabs
harbour the cercaria stage of the lung fluke.
Contaminative Arthropoda. It is necessary to discriminate be-
tween insects which, like Anopheles and Glossina, supply the in-
dispensable frame for a particular pathogenic microorganism, and
insects which, like house-flies, are casual but not necessary agents in
the promiscuous dispersal of microbes of many kinds. Among in-
sects of the latter sort, indiscriminately pollutive but not specifically
infective, all common house pests, such as cockroaches, crickets,
ants, domestic beetles and flies, must be included. By far the most
dangerous of them perhaps the most insidiously dangerous of all
the insects that come into the medical purview is the common
house-fly, Musca domestica, by reason of its ubiquity, its fecundity,
its persistent activity, and, above all, by the profane impartiality
with which it distributes its attentions, now upon the purgamenta
and faeculenta of the community, and now upon the kitchen, the
larder and the refreshment-table. A house-fly may carry contamina-
tion on its feet, and so is said to spread purulent ophthalmia, an-
thrax and perhaps other infections. Or, after feeding upon infected
excrement it may void the contents of its crop or its intestine into
food or drink, and in this way house-flies have played their part in
outbreaks of epidemic diarrhcea, typhoid fevers, bacillary dysentery
and, perhaps, cholera, and may also disseminate eggs of intestinal
worms and cysts of intestinal protozoa. It must not, however, be
supposed that house-flies are always common carriers of all the germs
they may pick up: much, fortunately, depends upon coexistent
circumstances, and all germs cannot stand such rough and pre-
carious transport.
It is possible that the beetles, moths, mites, etc., which in all
parts of the world infest grain, meal, biscuit and dried provisions
of all kinds, may at times so befoul and vitiate those commodities
as to make them harmful as food though not actually spoiling them
for certain markets. Beyond the fact that larvae of the meal moth
and the meal beetle may be infected with the larvae of a tapeworm,
nothing very definite is known at present on this point.
Venomous Arthropoda. Some of the insects and ticks mentioned
on other grounds might be included here also. The bite of ticks in
particular is notoriously venomous, and may cause fever and
temporary paralysis by the toxic properties of the saliva ; so also may
that of some of the gadflies, particularly those of the genus Chrysops.
Scorpions, bees, wasps, etc., all have special venom glands, the
secretion of which is variously neurotoxic and haemolytic like that of
snakes, and have special organs for injecting the secretion. The
venom of some spiders is known to be seriously toxic even to man :
that of Lathrodectes is particularly so, and that of the South American
" Podadora " (Glyptocranium gastracanthoides) is said by Escomel
to be sometimes fatal to man. In West Africa the larva (known
locally as " Fura ") of a tiger-beetle is said by Pollard to inflict a
bite having effects almost as severe as the sting of a scorpion. Many
species of lepidopterous caterpillars are liberally provided with
spines or finely barbed hairs having venomous properties, and numer-
ous kinds of insects, besides the well-known blister beetles, can eject
irritant and vesicant secretions. But from the entomological stand-
point these venomous arthropoda are not important.
Process of Research. Having surveyed the field, it remains to
consider the economic aspects of medical entomology.
It is plain that the actual discovery of the pathogenic capa-
bilities of any particular arthropod is most likely to be made by
the medical or pathological specialist the history of the subject
entirely confirms this assumption. The treatment of pathological
effects is even more plainly and exclusively a medical matter.
But, once the pathogenetic significance of a species has been
established, it becomes the first concern of medical entomology to
unravel the biological history of that species in every detail,
however apparently trivial, and to investigate every circumstance
that may be supposed to influence its noxious powers, with the
object of circumventing its activity or of restricting its existence
in propinquity to man.
Where the harmful species is a specific parasite of man, or
like the yellow-fever mosquito constantly haunts domiciles,
its biology is usually easy to follow, and its control, in an educated
and convinced community, should not be difficult. But where it
is a free ranger, like the tsetse fly and many species of Anopheles,
the investigation of its biology may be extremely difficult.
An entomological investigation must comprehend every stage
of the creature's existence, from the egg to the procreant adult.
It must include not only its natural affinities, specific characters
and anatomical structure, but also its distribution and seasonal
prevalence, HO habits, hiding-places and hours of work and rest;
its powers and usual range of locomotion, and its propensity
to extend its range at any season; its fecundity, sexual instincts
and manner of reproduction; its times and places of breeding,
method of dispensing its eggs and providing for its larvae;
and its length of life in every stage of its existence. It must also
follow up, in each 'separate stage, the general conditions of exist-
ence, such as food preferences, meteorological requirements and
means of withstanding vicissitudes of season and climate, adapta-
tions for transport and dispersal, and all the circumstances of
the organic environment natural shelters, direct and indirect
help-givers in the struggle for existence, parasites, enemies and
rivals; for, as Darwin explained so well, the species of a fauna
do not stand alone in nature, but all hang together in most com-
plicated interdependence. Furthermore, the investigation must
embrace the varying circumstances meteorological, seasonal,
etc. which in the case of a specifically infective species influence
its reception and retention of infection.
With some assured knowledge of the bionomy of a harmful
species, it becomes the practical work of medical entomology
to consider how its harmful activities can be forestalled or it
itself entirely banished from the vicinity of man whether by
clearing off everything that can shelter the adult ; or by abolishing
or restricting or periodically devastating its breeding-places; or
by cultivating its parasites and natural enemies; or by depriving
it of its ultimate food resources; or by direct attack with insecti-
cides and other destructive appliances; or by screens and de-
fensive apparatus; or by educational propaganda. All these
principles have their application, which must be decided with
regard to local conditions and resources.
898
MEDICINE AND SURGERY
As a general proposition it may be maintained that, although
there are many occasions when systematic attack with de-
structive appliances is advisable, and several instances where
it has been eminently successful the Herculean cleansing of
the yellow-fever and malaria stricken Panama Canal Zone from
infective mosquitos by Gen. Gorgas and his staff being the
crown and garland of them all yet the only permanently success-
ful procedure against a harmful arthropod is to upset its environ-
ment by steady perseverance in the ordinary principles of hygiene.
The truth of this proposition is illustrated by the history of
malaria in England. Not so very long ago malarial fevers were
quite common in many parts of that country: in 1657 John
Evelyn's son Richard died at Deptford " after six fits of a quartan
ague ": in Shakespeare's time ague must have been an every-day
affair, for it is a familiar word in the mouth of his people, from
homely persons like Mistress Quickly to great personages like
Hotspur and Richard II. : Sir John Falstaff died of a " burning
quotidian tertian," old John of Gaunt expired in an ague fit with
" frozen admonitions " on his lips, and Sir Andrew Aguecheek
is a catch-name for a shivering coward. Yet, except in a few
water-logged spots where it may still linger, ague quietly dis-
appeared from England ere ever any connexion with Anopheles
mosquitos was dreamt of, or ever any malaria parasite had been
discovered by a Laveran, although the species of Anopheles
that used to spread it in England are still familiar British insects
to those who know where to look for them. Anopheles mosquitos
prefer to shelter in dark damp habitations, and they do not fly
far from the waters where they are bred; and what seems to have
happened in England is that, in the general improvement of
drainage and sanitation, conditions have changed so completely
that the population no longer lives among the breeding-haunts of
Anopheles in houses that offer any attraction to those insects,
and that thus the old communion between man and Anopheles,
by which malaria was fostered, has gradually been dissolved.
Something of the same sort has happened in the well-kept
European quarters of some of the large towns of India.
It follows that medical entomology is really a branch of hy-
giene a branch that finds its fullest application not so much
in settled countries where man has long since set a bound to
organic nature, as in those vast imperfectly developed tropical
territories where sanitary arrangements are crude or non-exist-
ent and man is struggling with his organic environment.
As a branch of hygiene medical entomology oiiould also be
concerned with questions of the unwitting dissemination of
pathogenic arthropoda in the intercourse of trade and travel,
and in the special circumstances of war; and also with difficult
problems relating to the destruction of such elements of the
fauna of a particular territory as are believed to foster some local
noxious arthropod, and to the introduction of such exotic species
and parasites as are thought likely to destroy some local noxious
arthropod, as sanitary measures; for such measures, if lightly
undertaken, may start new mischiefs without mitigating those
they are intended to check. (A. A.)
MEDICINE AND SURGERY (see 18.41 and 26.125). By the
year 1910 medical thought had reached one of its turning points,
though this fact was not immediately evident. The great age
of bacteriology had so vastly enriched our knowledge of disease
that other aspects of work had been somewhat neglected. The
belief prevailed that every disease was due to the presence of
some microorganism, and that patient effort was bound, sooner
or later, to find the specific microorganism in each case and en-
able a great work of prevention to be undertaken. In consequence
bacteriology attracted the best brains in medicine, and enormous
labour was expended in the search for organisms and in the
study of their methods of growth. The fruits of this labour look
smaller in the retrospect than the hopes concerning them which
were entertained. A few new organisms have, it is true, been
discovered, for example the spirochaete of infective jaundice
(Weil's disease), the so-called filter-passers, and the still rather
dubious rickettsia bodies supposed to be associated with typhus
fever, trench fever and other conditions. Some differentiation,
too, has been made between various "strains" of bacteria,
notably in connexion with cerebro-spinal meningitis and bacillary
dysentery (see BACTERIOLOGY). But an impression has gradually
arisen and is growing that the greatest conquests in this field
belong to the past. The trend of modern ideas is rather towards
the application and elaboration of the knowledge newly obtained,
and its absorption into the general body of medical thought.
I. GENERAL PROGRESS IN MEDICINE, 1910-21
In any review of recent progress the above considerations must
be borne steadily in mind. The mere circumstance that many
common diseases for example measles, scarlet fever, rheumatic
fever are still unrelated to a specific causative organism is
much less significant than the fact that the after-effects of these
complaints have been intensively studied and that the applica-
tion of the laws of bacteriological invasion and growth has saved
many victims who in other days would have perished.
One of the first results of the new orientation was a conception
of disease as a process dependent on another parallel process
the course of an infection. The human body reacts in variour,
ways to various assailants. This reaction is expressed in symp-
toms which tell us of the struggle going on, and may enable us,
if we understand their mechanism, to arrive at conclusions about
the nature of the attacking force and the strength of the defences.
The researches of the laboratory are available here as an addi-
tional source of enlightenment, and so fall into their place in
the general scheme of clinical medicine.
Importance of Prognosis. When the World War broke out
in 1914 this was the point which had been reached. Sir James
Mackenzie and other thinkers, whose outlook was primarily
clinical, were recalling attention to the lack of knowledge of
symptoms and the lack of understanding of their importance.
Medicine, they declared, was concerned too much with the
gross signs of disease, too little with its earlier manifestations.
The post-mortem room had too great an influence on opinion,
and even the laboratory had failed to perceive that a vast body of
truth lay beyond its reach. The positive side of this teachingwas
the setting-up of certain functional tests to replace the physical
ones then in vogue. It was argued that, no matter what devia-
tions from the normal form an organ or system might show, if
it remained functionally efficient it could not, on account of such
deviations, be condemned out of hand.
T his doctrine was really a challenge. It demanded a restate-
ment in the name of prognosis. The physician must be able
to interpret symptoms and laboratory findings in terms of life.
He must be in a position to tell his patient what a particular
sign betokened, how it would affect him, and how its cause
might be removed or rendered harmless. In short, the physician
must draw upon all the sources of information available, yet
must not abrogate his place as interpreter.
The position taken up was assailed from several quarters.
But the outbreak of war served almost immediately to reveal its
strength. When that event took place the medical profession
was called on suddenly to examine a vast number of men and
express views as to their fitness for field service. These views
were stated with the knowledge that they would be put to the
test immediately and that if they were erroneous the fact would
soon be discovered. A test of this kind constitutes a great event
in medicine. It will certainly be seen in the retrospect as one of
the turning-points of the science. For it brought the whole body
of knowledge to trial; it brought the exponents of every theory
to account. More than this, it revealed the key to the problem
of future progress prognosis. The doctor was asked to say
what the patient could do; it was not enough merely to recount
symptoms or signs. Looked at in this way every medical board
paper was a kind of forecast.
Almost at once the deficiencies in knowledge began to be
apparent. It was found by experience that the organic view
was not equal to the strain imposed on it. Those who had been
content to recognize a sign and give a name to it perceived that
this was not nearly enough. It was not enough even to find a
particular germ in a laboratory, nor to discover by the use of
X rays some abnormal condition. The laboratory, with all its
MEDICINE AND SURGERY
899
intricate and beautiful machines, was unable to answer the great
new question: " What effect will this symptom or sign exercise
on the field of battle?"
The whole weakness of the purely laboratory point of view
was exposed in a flash. As a means of diagnosis this branch of
medicine was of enormous value; as a means of arriving at a
prognosis its value was much less. The new task of medicine
was to interpret the findings of the laboratory and of the senses
in terms of active life.
At the beginning there were many failures, and an outcry
against the medical boards arose. Instances were cited of men
who had broken down badly, though they had been passed " fit,"
and these made a considerable effect on the public mind. Nor
did the retort that medicine had failed to find any sign of disease
avail much. The layman replied that it was the doctor's duty
to make a reasonable prognosis.
Clinical Medicine. This difficulty led with great rapidity
to a new orientation. Clinical medicine the study of abnormal
functioning at the bedside of the patient became really im-
portant again; and the clinical revival which began at that time
spread with amazing rapidity. Within a few years workers in
every school of thought were adopting what are spoken of as
" functional " standards. 1
Heart Disease. In no direction was progress so rapid as in
the study of heart disease. This disease had escaped to some
extent the bacteriological obsession. It remained a clinical
problem because no definite infective agent had been found.
In consequence old ideas prevailed and the shadow of the post-
mortem room lay over every sign and symptom.
Popular apprehension of heart disease caused physicians,
moreover, to stickle at sending any patient with a " murmur "
to the fighting line. Happily, the British army medical authori-
ties took a firm line, called to their help the leaders of what was
then spoken of as the New Cardiology, who boldly applied their
functional tests, and on the strength of them formed conclusions
as to fitness for service. In spite of some anxious protests the
views expressed were carried into effect, and men sent to fight
who, in peace time, might possibly have been sent to bed. The
result fully justified the method. Heart diseases, instead of
proving the bugbear they had been in the early days of the war,
1 There was founded in 1920 by Sir James Mackenzie in the
town of St. Andrews, Scotland, an Institute for Clinical Research
which had hitherto no counterpart in the world. The reasons for
taking this step were twofold: (i) While the signs of organic
disease are well known and more or less easily recognizable, those
of disease before organ damage occurs are almost entirely unknown.
Disease before organic breakdown is thus an uncharted country.
(2) I n order to chart it, it is necessary to study carefully and extensively
the so-called " trivial " symptoms. Only by such an investigation
can light be obtained on the real meaning of those symptoms. The
town of St. Andrews was chosen for the site of the work because it is
small and self-contained. It was felt that, if the history of any given
symptom was to be followed up, and its progress into the future
the only final proof of its seriousness or triviality to be determined,
a resident and non-shifting population must be studied. Moreover,
the work must be carried out by general practitioners because they
alone are consulted by sufferers from trivial ailments, and so alone
see the earliest manifestations of disease.
Sir James Mackenzie gathered around him the local medical
men at St. Andrews, and they all became research workers in the
institute. The methods employed are those of the bedside amplified
and extended. Every symptom of which a patient complains is
carefully observed and noted down and the records are filed, in-
dexed and classified. Any laboratory examination which may be
necessary can be carried out in the institution, but for the most part
such instruments as the X rays are inapplicable, there being no ob-
jective signs of disease. Periodically a particular symptom is studied
intensively, for example exhaustion. By 1921, several important
papers had come from the research workers. Their work revealed
the fact that all symptoms depend for their production on disturb-
ances of the normal reflexes of the body, another way of saying that
they are exaggerations of physiological events. As most reflexes
depend on the presence of a stimulating agent, a nervous mechanism
and an organ or region stimulated, it is evident that a new pathway
to the study of disease had been suggested. Thus, a morbid condi-
tion may fall under the heading of one or other of the three factors
mentioned : it may be an excessive or extraordinary stimulus (a
stone in the ureter), or an agent acting in the nervous mechanism
(the toxin of a disease) or actual involvement of organic structure.
ceased to give much trouble. This news spread rapidly, and a new
era in the medical study of the heart began. Incidentally it was
found that exercise greatly helped many sufferers from so-called
heart affections, and later still many of those affections were
traced back to bacterial diseases. Thus the so-called toxic
theory of heart disease was strengthened. It came to be under-
stood that with the advent of an infection disturbances take
place in the mechanism of the heart and result in a depreciation
of functional efficiency. This can be restored by two methods:
destruction of the invading germ (e.g. in syphilis) or increase in
the human resisting power (e.g. exercise).
Thus modern medicine achieved its two great principles
the understanding of the meaning of signs and symptoms in
terms of active life, and the necessity of conserving and buiHing
up natural resistance against the enemies of the body. These
principles, it will be seen, are complementary to one another.
For prognosis must always vary with treatment. In the days
before antidiphtheria serum was discovered the prognosis in
diphtheria was very bad. Since the use of serum has become
general it is, on the whole, good.
General Immunity. The early days of the bacteriological
period had seen a movement away from drugs whose uses are
directed to restoring the patient's strength. Instead, great
search was made for substances capable of killing bacteria in the
human body, and antiseptics and specifics of many kinds were
introduced e.g. salvarsan, new combinations of quinine, sera.
Later still the extension of methods of vaccination, for increasing
specific natural immunity, occupied the forefront of research.
Now general immunity, health in the broad sense, commanded
attention. There was a revival of physical culture, and this was
applied to the diseased as well as to the healthy.
Inevitably such a movement brought the study of physiology
into new prominence and this indeed is another of the land-
marks in a very interesting period. One of the applications was
the work of Sir Almroth Wright and his assistants in war wounds.
When the war began, surgery had passed back again from anti-
septicism to asepticism. It had been found that the technique
introduced and used by Lister was not necessary, that antiseptics
were troublesome, and that absolute cleanliness secured all the
advantages which these bacterial and protoplasmic poisons
had gained for us.
Treatment of Wounds. The treatment of wounds made by a
surgeon in a modern hospital and the treatment of wounds made
by shells on the battlefields of France were two very different
things. Asepsis was no use when sepsis was already present. As
a consequence the cry " Back to Lister " was raised, and the
wounds of war were deluged with strong solutions of carbolic
acid, iodine and other substances. This procedure naturally
resulted in some trouble, and at length Almroth Wright was
commissioned to make an investigation of the whole subject.
His conclusions were that antiseptics are largely useless be-
cause they fail to kill the germs of septic poisoning but do injure
and weaken the tissues in which these germs are embedded.
They thus interfere with a physiological process of repair and
cleansing. Wright conducted some most delicate experiments,
the object of which was to determine how wounds tend to heal
and how deleterious matter is got rid of. He studied the lymph,
or natural fluid, which flows out when a wound is made, and
came to the conclusion that this, so long as it is fresh and un-
contaminated, is an agent capable of destroying bacteria. If,
however, the flow of lymph is dammed up, the fluid becomes
corrupted and then forms an excellent pabulum for bacteria.
The case against antiseptics was that they tended to cause
coagulation of the lymph and so produced " crusts " which
dammed up the lymph flow. Thus more harm than good resulted.
Wright, on the contrary, used salt solutions of various strengths,
which increase lymph flow, and was able by this means to make
wounds cleanse themselves. His views were received with im-
mense interest, and were soon under discussion in every theatre
of war and indeed in every civilized country. By some they were
hotly contested, but they served effectually to put an end to the
rash and indiscriminate use of antiseptics. Meanwhile, however,
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MEDICINE AND SURGERY
another worker, the Franco-American surgeon Alexis Carrel,
had introduced with Prof. H. D. Dakin an antiseptic not formerly
much employed. This was a hypochlorite solution which had
been christened " ensol " or " Dakin's solution." The technique
employed was more important than the antiseptic, and to some
extent justified the views of Wright. It was a continuous drain-
age secured by the use of cans and rubber tubes. The wound was
thus kept flushed and all its discharges were washed away.
This system found many supporters but was attacked by Wright.
Finally a third school dealt with the problem and brought to its
solution the methods of the great German biochemist Paul
Ehrlich. Ehrlich's idea was that a drug possessing a specific
effect on specific forms of protoplasm might be found in connexion
with any bacterium. He proved his case with his own discovery
" salvarsan " or " 606," which possesses a special destructive
power where the spirochaetes of syphilis are concerned.
In the case of the bacterial poisons of wounds another sub-
stance, flavine, was brought forward. This preparation belonged
to the same group as salvarsan; it was used in the first instance
by Prof. C. H. Browning. Very good reports of its efficacy were
received. But again Wright and his followers attacked it on the
ground that it failed of its object, the destruction of bacteria,
and interfered with the physiological processes of nature.
It canno't be said that any permanent settlement of this dis-
pute has as yet been reached, but it does seem clear that the
foundations of Wright's work physiological study will be
hard to shake. Indeed he has here an advantage over all his
critics, the nature of which they did not seem at first to realize.
Vaccine Methods. To Wright indeed belongs the credit of
having brought the laboratory to the bedside. He saw that no
method can succeed unless it is based on practice. Practice in
this sense means physiological principle. It was recognition of
this fact which inspired his antiseptic studies. Further, though
this has not been sufficiently appreciated, it was recognition
of it which enabled him and those who worked with him to bring
the anti-typhoid vaccination to the high pitch of perfection it
had reached when war broke out.
Typhoid. Of the single facts of medical history during the war
period the success of this anti-typhoid vaccination is certainly
the most conspicuous. Such a success was indeed undreamed
of, for of all the enemies of the soldier typhoid fever ranked first.
A study of earlier campaigns reveals the fact that this scourge
usually swept away large proportions of the armies engaged in
European warfare, and in some cases the casualties by bacilli
chiefly typhoid stood to the casualties by bullets in the pro-
portion of 80 to 20. Thanks largely to the preventive inoculation
against typhoid this condition of affairs was reversed in the
World War, the proportion being gun-shot wounds (including
all forms made by all manner of missiles) 80 and disease 20.
The credit for this result is due largely to Sir Almroth Wright
and Sir Wm. Leishman, who devoted endless trouble to the work
of perfecting this brilliant application of bacteriological and
physiological principles to preventive medicine.
Tetanus. Not less striking, though less dramatic, was the
success achieved in the prevention of tetanus or lockjaw. This
dreaded disease began to manifest itself almost at the beginning
of the campaign. Before the battle of the Marne was fought it
was relatively prevalent and was causing great consternation, for
it was recognized that the intensively cultivated soil of Europe
was impregnated with tetanus bacilli, and that thus every wound
was dangerous. Moreover, up till this time the treatment of
tetanus had proved singularly ineffective, so much so indeed
that the patient was regarded as doomed.
As the tetanus bacillus presents many features in common
with the diphtheria bacillus, and as the antidiphtheria serum
had proved a very great success, it was thought that a serum
prepared in the same manner might solve the tetanus problem.
This hope had not been realized in practice at the time of the
outbreak of war. Nevertheless, there was some reason to think
that, though the serum failed when given after the disease had
declared itself, it might not fail if administered at the time of
actual wounding.
Tetanus, as is well known, takes several days to incubate.
In consequence, there is available a period in which measures
for its suppression can be carried out. This fact was the basis
of the antitetanus inoculation which was begun experimentally
in 1914. From the outset the experiment succeeded beyond the
expectation of those who had planned it. Tetanus became a rare
disease, thanks to the fact that every wound, no matter how
trivial, was regarded as a possible source of danger. It was an
order that as soon as a soldier got even a scratch of the skin
he must report to his medical officer. A prophylactic dose of
serum was then administered.
At a late period the War Office set up a Tetanus Committee
under the chairmanship of Sir David Bruce. This committee
investigated cases of so-called " delayed " tetanus, and also
those cases in which tetanus made its appearance at long periods
after the initial wounding when surgical measures had been car-
ried out on the wound. The view which was formed was that
the bacilli in such cases were walled in and rendered innocuous;
but manipulations of the wound were apt to break down the
walls and so release the toxins.
Shell Shock. Meanwhile the circumstances of war were
directing attention to a series of new disease conditions which the
peace-time physician had not encountered in so severe a form.
Chief perhaps among these was the nervous disturbance caused
by high explosive shells. At first a number of wild statements
were made and believed, but presently, and thanks in no small
measure to the common sense of Sir Frederick Mott and other
distinguished neurologists, some light on the darkness was ob-
tained. Mott pointed out that among the large group of cases
classed as shell-shock patients there were a number who had
suffered actual physical injury of the brain as a result of ex-
plosives. If these people died, punctiform haemorrhages were
found in the brain substance.
These cases were not psychopathic, they were organic lesions
cases of injury. After elimination of this group there remained a
large group of individuals, considerable numbers of whom had
not received any injury. These cases were often very severe, but
they differed in no material respect from the neurasthenics and
victims of functional neuroses well known in civil life. The ques-
tion was asked why these patients should break down whereas
other men could be severely wounded and yet show no sign of
nervous disturbance.
Various answers were given to this question, and probably all
of them contained a germ of truth. Thus it was pointed out
that hereditary influences played a part in some of the cases.
The men came from mentally unstable families; they themselves
had only just managed to support the conditions of ordinary life.
The conditions of life in the trenches broke them down. Again,
many of these patients were clearly the victims of chronic in-
fections such as rheumatism, which exercise an irritant effect
on the nervous system. Thus the men were more easily stimu-
lated than in normal cases, and so more easily fell victim to the
excessive stimulation of war.
Thus new recognition was given to relationship existing be-
tween disease and temperament, between the nervous system and
the functional activity of the body. It was seen with a clearness
not before achieved that the mental case may be the case
of disease, slight, unrecognized, yet perpetually active. The
treatment of these cases occupied a large number of distinguished
workers. Little by little a process was evolved whereby disease
elements were eliminated so far as possible before mental con-
ditions as such were pronounced upon. Thus the patient's
general health was made the subject of careful study, while at
the same time his mind was being dealt with.
Psycho-analysis. The purely mental aspect of the subject
forms one of the fascinating chapters of modern medicine.
Never before was so vast a material presented to scientific work-
ers. This material, too, came at an hour when a great upheaval in
mental medicine was in process. The writings of Sigmund Freud
of Vienna had just begun to find adherents among British psy-
chiatrists. They were the subject of hot dispute; but the first
wave of incredulity was spending its force. Thus Freud's methods
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901
were applied to many cases of shell shock and their value put to
immediate test.
These psychic methods were founded on recognition of a
mental field operating below consciousness and charged with
various " repressions." A repression is a desire which for one
reason or another cannot be fulfilled and so is forgotten. It does
not again enter consciousness; but it nevertheless remains active
and unsatisfied, and under various disguises attaches itself
to desires which are permitted to become conscious and greatly
intensifies those. Thus the patient shows abnormal reactions to
certain stimuli and evinces abnormal likes and hatreds which
cannot be explained in terms of his evident circumstances. This
man has an unbalanced mental outlook, and, given circumstances
such as warfare, will evince symptoms of nervous breakdown.
The method of treatment suggested by Freud was to analyze
his mental state, discover the repressed wish, and bring it into
consciousness. Once the patient knows it and realizes it, it is
said to lose its power over him.
The method is called psycho-analysis, and in some hands has
yielded important results. It is now being widely practised.
Unhappily, while in some directions perversely applied by Freud
himself, it lends itself also to the uses of unqualified persons and
also of mere charlatans. On this account it has to some extent
fallen into evil repute. That it is, when properly applied, a
great contribution to the study of the mind is nevertheless
evident. Its application to shell shock did much to convince the
medical profession of the necessity of seeing its work as a whole
and not in little bits. It also helped to convince physicians of
the importance of the " imponderabilia " in every case.
Mental Hygiene. It had another effect not less far-reaching.
There sprang into being a body of physicians who declared that
mental effects of warfare could be prevented to a great extent
if a kind of mental hygiene was instituted for the soldier. So far
as possible the causes operating to lower his physical and mental
vitality must be found and removed. Well-being must become
a study. Effects of this theory were the rest camps, the con-
valescent depots, the insistence on games, on baths, on lectures,
on medical supervision. Other effects included the care taken
to show the soldier that if he fell ill or if he was wounded every
sort of effort would be made for his safety and comfort. Thus
while the enemy on the one hand was doing all in his power to
break the soldier's moral, physicians of the new school were
steadily and tirelessly building it up. In a large view of this
work we are entitled to include every one of the schemes which
had as their object the comfort of the soldiers we are entitled
also to include such appliances as steel helmets and gas masks.
These were more than defensive armaments; they were expres-
sions of preventive medicine as applied to the human mind in
time of great stress.
That the success which attended these labours has left an
indelible impression on modern medicine goes without saying.
Circumstances and environment are now receiving a measure of
attention never before accorded to them. The demand for play-
ing-fields for the nation's youth, for swimming-baths, for holiday
camps, is a part of this campaign. So is the interest which all
doctors are exhibiting in food values, in housing, in ventilation,
in industrial welfare. Indeed, the science of industrial welfare
is largely a war product.
Welfare Work. This science has made an immense progress
in the last few years. Employers of labour have been aroused
to the fact that their human machinery is as important, is indeed
more important, than their working plant. In consequence,
physicians have been called in to act as expert advisers to many
great industrial undertakings. Attempts are being made to
select suitable candidates for the vacancies in industrial life,
and it is becoming a working maxim that to employ unfit persons
is both unjust and uneconomic. The study of what is called
"welfare" is progressing, and money is being laid out on good
ventilation, on rest-rooms, on workers' canteens, on bathing
facilities and other amenities. All this expenditure is found to
return a profit both to employer and employed.
Moreover, the study of industrial fatigue has shown that it is in
the highest degree wasteful to keep men at work after they have
become exhausted. Thus, shorter hours of labour have been
instituted on medical advice and have increased instead of low-
ered output. The method known as motion study has helped
to eliminate wasteful movement in particular operations and so
has added to the profit of them while reducing their cost. Further
investigations have been carried out into the circumstances of
what are known as " lost workers," i.e. persons who learn a trade
only to leave it, and into those of industrial misfits.
The effects, too, of environment on industry have been studied
from a new angle. The whole science of ventilation has been
reviewed and restated. Thanks to the work of Dr. Leonard Hill,
it is now accepted that ventilation is no mere question of cubic
feet of air but is a large and difficult problem involving a study
of air movement, humidity and temperature. Stimulation of the
skin by moving currents of air is of as great or greater importance
as the amount of oxygen available. Moreover, the drying quality
of the air depends on its movements, and so the degree of evapo-
ration of sweat on which cooling of the body largely depends.
In this work Dr. Hill has employed an instrument of his own,
known as the kata-thermometer, a thermometer the bulb of
which is enclosed in a glove finger and kept moist. It records
rate of temperature-loss in any given room. It is significant
that changes in ventilation effected on the advice of Dr. Hill
have resulted in a marked increase of output.
Another vastly important series of observations of this kind
are those of Dr. John Scott Haldane of Oxford on dust phthisis.
He has conclusively demonstrated that silica dust is the real
agent of destruction. Coal dust is actually beneficial. Why
this should be so is not known, but it would seem that the coal
dust excites responses in the body which result in a cleansing of
the lungs; silica or rock dust, on the other hand, excites no such
response, and the gritty particles in consequence tear the lung
tissue and prepare a nidus for the tubercle bacillus. An outcome
of the work is the clever method of sprinkling coal dust in rock-
dust mines. By this means the rock dust is rendered harmless.
The mining industry has further benefited by the work of
Dr. Thomas Lister Llewelyn, who has traced miners' nystagmus
or blindness to its cause bad lighting. He has placed this
subject on a sure foundation and made it possible to say that if
certain changes in lighting are introduced this most costly and
disabling disease will be abolished. (See INDUSTRIAL MEDICINE.)
Orthopaedic Surgery. The immense strides recorded in this
branch of medicine are paralleled by the brilliant advances in
another. (See ORTHOPAEDIC SURGERY.) If the war influenced
industrial medicine only indirectly, it actually revolutionized
orthopaedic surgery. This study had rather languished in England
owing to the relatively small number of cripples. In America,
where infantile paralysis is rife, it had advanced farther. English
practice, however, was well represented at the Liverpool school,
at the head of which was Sir Robert Jones. The War Office called
on Sir Robert Jones, and he became the organizer of a rest sal-
vage corps, the duty of which was to mend the broken soldier.
The subject soon divided itself up into branches; there was the
work for the limbless at Roehampton, from which has come the
modern light artificial leg. This appliance almost, if not com-
pletely, restores lost function; it is a permanent boon to human-
ity. Again, there was the astounding development of so-called
" plastic " surgery, the result of which has been to render any
disfigurement capable of great improvement if not of complete
cure. The treatment of severe fractures, too, and especially frac-
tures of the thigh was studied as a new problem and undertaken
on new lines. These results are now a permanent gain to surgery.
General orthopaedics evolved from a method to a science.
The study of muscle groups and their antagonistic action led
to the formulation of new ideas and so to the application of new
lines of treatment. Every case was considered on its merits and
regarded as a separate problem; yet it was found that the same
general laws could be applied to all. We are perhaps entitled to
include in this progress the surgery of the heart, which was
undertaken on a large scale in the war. As a result a remarkable
diminution in death-rate from heart wounds was achieved both
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MEDICINE AND SURGERY
in England and France. Further, the advances made in the
treatment of surgical tuberculosis are really of an orthopaedic
nature. They do not belong to war surgery, but they owe some-
thing to the conservative spirit which war surgery inspired.
They consist, briefly, in preserving the integrity of the skin in
all cases of tuberculous invasion of bones or joints. It has been
found that if this is maintained the patient outgrows his disease
provided that he has good food and healthy surroundings. If,
on the other hand, operative measures are carried out and so the
skin broken, other bacilli and cocci enter the tissues, which, being
weakened, form a suitable medium for growth. The severe septic
cases are those which have been surgically treated. These new
methods owe their origin to Sir Harry Gauvain, working at the
Sir William Treloar's Cripple Home at Alton.
Trench Fever. In the realm of medicine proper the war
exerted an influence which must endure. Incidentally several
diseases were encountered the existence of which had passed
unrecognized before. One of these was trench fever, a condition
closely resembling the muscular rheumatism of peace time,
but characterized by bouts of fever, severe pain in the shins and
great chronicity. This disease was investigated by a committee
presided over by Sir David Bruce. Col. Wm. Bryan conducted
the investigations. Thanks to the fact that volunteers offered
themselves for research purposes it was proved that the disease
is carried by lice, and that the infective agent is found in the
excreta of these insects. The louse does not become infective
until some 8-12 days after it has bitten a trench-fever patient.
Thereafter it appears to remain infective indefinitely. Its
excreta if scratched into the skin produce the disease after a
period of incubation lasting about eight days. The disease spread
with great rapidity owing to the conditions of trench warfare.
It is calculated that some 500,000 persons were affected. Every
effort was made to discover a cure, but in spite of this no success
was achieved. The disease seems to run a chronic course and
relapses are frequent. It is attended by nervous symptoms and
also by some cardiac disturbances. As a consequence many
people are now labelled " heart disease " and " neurasthenia "
who are in reality sufferers from chronic trench fever.
Another disease of this kind came to be known as trench
nephritis. It is a true acute nephritis of short duration but
showing a tendency to relapse. The evidence, so far as it is
available, points to an infection carried by lice. So far no specific
organism has been discovered for either condition, but there is
some reason to think that the rickettsia bodies which Arkwright
found in, infected lice are the causative agent. This view is
supported by the entomologist Arthur William Bacot, who
contracted the disease himself in Poland and found rickettsia
bodies in the lice which had been on his person. These diseases
accounted between them for a large proportion of the total war
morbidity. Had not the work of disinfestation been very well
carried on they must have proved a serious menace.
Wound Shock. Another condition which received careful
and intensive study during the war years was surgical or wound
shock. A number of eminent physiologists and pharmacologists
took part in this work, the names of Prof. Wm. Maddock Bayliss
and Dr. H. H. Dale being noteworthy. Wound shock, it was
found, is a complicated condition depending on a dilatation and
permeability of the capillary circulation. A stasis or stagnation
of blood results, mainly in the abdominal area (see INTESTINAL
STASIS). The blood fluids tend to pass out of the circulation.
Bayliss suggested that this condition might be treated by
injections of a viscid fluid which would increase the volume of
fluid in circulation and at the same time be retained in the per-
meable vessels. His choice fell on solutions of gum arable, which
he accordingly introduced. The idea proved eminently successful,
and it was found possible by the use of the gum arabic to restore
patients who must otherwise have died.
A most interesting feature of this work was the discovery by
Dale of a substance, histamine, having the power, when injected,
of producing an artificial state of shock with fall of blood-pressure
and symptoms of collapse. Dale's work was carried on side by
side with that of Bayliss, and thanks to the combined effort a
new physiological conception of the capillary circulation was
arrived at. The subject nevertheless remains to some extent
obscure and still engages the attention of many workers.
Anoxaemia. Two other advances in medicine remain to be
mentioned the treatment of gas-poisoning and the testing of
flying men. To some extent these matters overlap one another
because they both gave impetus to a new study of respiration.
From the work on poison-gas came Haldane's method of intensive
oxygen administration in pneumonia and other conditions.
From the necessities of the air was evolved the theory of " oxy-
gen want." The term " anoxaemia " has now been added to
medical nomenclature. It signifies not so much impurity of the
blood as lack of purity a negative rather than a positive quality.
The chief sign of anoxaemia is cyanosis. The condition is of a
most serious character. Arising out of this work came the idea
of Haldane and his co-workers that the living membrane of the
lungs is able to seize hold of oxygen and actively take possession
of it. This quality of oxygen-reception is, it was suggested,
capable of cultivation, so that a man might, as it were, develop it
in himself to a high degree. More recent work, that of Bancroft,
has, however, cast some doubt on the idea.
The medicine of the air (see AEROTHERAPEUTICS) is still in its
infancy, but already it is clear that candidates for pilots' certifi-
cates must possess what is known as a rapid reaction time if they
are to prove successful airmen. In other words, action must
follow stimulus to action with great speed. This consideration
has opened up new vistas in the physiology of nervous response.
(R. M. Wi.)
II. MEDICAL WAR ORGANIZATION
When the World War broke out the British Army Medical
Corps was a small body with a personnel amounting to about
1,000 medical officers. At the end of the war its personnel num-
bered over 12,000 medical officers, a vast number of orderlies and
stretcher-bearers, nurses and laboratory attendants, constituting
collectively the most efficient medical service ever created.
The deficiencies of the existing corps were seen within a week
of the beginning of hostilities. Indeed, the extreme heroism
displayed by the officers and men during the retreat from Mons
only served to accentuate their ill-equipped condition. There
was not a single motor ambulance; there were no hospital trains
in the modern sense; the supply of surgical requisites was de-
ficient. It is true that the frequent changes of base, from Boulogne
to Havre and again to St. Nazaire and then back again to Bou-
logne, made it difficult to obtain supplies. Yet the condition of
affairs aroused a great deal of anxiety, and those who saw the
earliest ambulance trains mere collections of wagons set to
work to improve matters.
In the late autumn of 1914 Sir Alfred Keogh, an ex-director-
general of the Army Medical Service, was recalled to the head
of the service and began the work of reorganization which was to
prove so successful. At that time the first battle of Ypres was in
progress, and the stream of wounded men which flowed down to
Boulogne was overwhelming. It was a case for emergency
measures. A large number of officers was hurried to the scene
and within about 10 days order was brought out of chaos. The
Casino and a large number of hotels were taken over, fitted with
beds, equipped and filled. A few motor ambulances were got
work, and as many men as possible transferred to England by the
hospital ships which, happily, were available. In this way the
beds at Boulogne were kept for the very severe cases which could
not at once bear a sea voyage.
This arrangement, formed out of the necessities of the cas
became the basework of the whole organization. All through th
war the medical service had three main areas of work -the front
the base and home. The idea was always to use the base fo
two purposes: the treatment of cases too ill to be taken acros
the English Channel immediately, and the treatment of cas
which might be expected to recover within a short space of time.
Thus evacuation to England was used for the most part in cas
where immediate recovery was improbable, yet where the natur
of the injury or disease was not such as to preclude a voyage.
MEDICINE AND SURGERY
903
This basework remained, but was subject to some important
modifications as the campaign progressed. One of these was the
tendency to move the operating surgeon nearer and nearer to the
front. It was a recognition of the fact that in war-wounds every
hour of delay prejudices the chances of recovery. A few experi-
ments carried out at first tentatively showed, for example, that
the mortality from abdominal wounds was greatly reduced when
these were operated on within a few hours instead of within a
few days. The success of these experiments led to the develop-
ment of the field hospitals, situated close behind the lines. Thus,
after a wounded man had been brought from the first-aid post
to the casualty clearing-station, he was " sorted out " by a medi-
cal officer, and, if he seemed to require immediate attendance by
an experienced surgeon, was sent direct to the field hospital,
which might adjoin the clearing-station. Cases not so urgently
requiring operation went by ambulance to the railhead and
from there, by train, to the base.
Another modification was found in the introduction of con-
valescent camps. Experience showed that if a man was to make
a good recovery he must be followed through all the stages of his
convalescence. If he was allowed the freedom of the base town
he often did himself hurt and always found it a great strain to
get ready again for the life of the trenches. If, on the contrary,
he was " kept in the machine," taken from hospital to what was
a great military camp equipped with every conceivable means of
healthful amusement, he recovered much more rapidly and never
fell out of the army spirit.
These convalescent camps were therefore established in the
near neighbourhood of the base hospitals. They combined sport
and pastime with a certain measure of physical culture. Dis-
cipline was fully maintained. On coming to the camp a convales-
cent man found himself in the company of hundreds of other men
all in process of recovering and all making ready for the fighting
ahead. He lived in the war atmosphere. He trained for war.
At the same time he was able to enjoy many different kinds of
entertainments and to play any games he chose. He might also
engage in gardening or less strenuous pursuits while strength was
returning. At all periods of his stay he was under careful medical
scrutiny. The camps relieved the burden on the hospital ships
and also on the base hospitals themselves. They prevented an
undue loss of fighting material, and, moreover, gave to the active
forces the sense of being well cared for in the event of wounding,
which is an important moral support.
Yet a third modification was the introduction of special
methods of treatment in the field. An illustration is furnished
by the camps for cases of soldiers' heart or nervous heart. This
condition was investigated at the request of the War Office by a
group of specialists in England who declared that it was not
heart disease and that it could be benefited by a course of grad-
uated exercise. Instructors were therefore obtained and trained
in the application of the special exercises and were then sent out
to France to work under the direction of highly qualified medical
officers. Heart cases of all kinds were forwarded at once from
the hospitals to the heart centres. Here they were sorted out
into serious and non-serious types. The first class were sent to
England forthwith to be discharged from the service as perma-
nently-unfit; the second class began at once the course of treat-
ment training. By this means an immense relief was afforded to
hospital accommodation there were vast numbers of these
cases and a large number of useful soldiers were retained in the
active force.
In the meanwhile Sir Alfred Keogh inaugurated, in conjunc-
tion with the Medical Research Committee, his famous system
of team-work research on war diseases. He called to his assist-
ance all the best British brains in medicine and he made it easy
for any physician or surgeon with an idea to approach him.
Very early in the day anti-typhoid vaccination was enforced
throughout the whole army and every recruit received his dose
of the vaccine as a matter of routine. Then came the Gallipoli
campaign and with it the discovery that, while the vaccination
protected against the typhoid bacillus, it did not protect against
its prototypes, the paratyphoid bacilli A and B. This discovery
was made the basis of an immediate inquiry, and the result was
the introduction of a new vaccine giving protection against all
the typhoid group of organisms. After this the typhoid fevers
steadily declined and became a minor problem.
Another routine which was instituted was the administration
to every wounded man, no matter how slight his wound might be,
of a dose of anti-tetanic serum. This measure soon made tetanus
a negligible factor. Methods of dealing with the infections of
wounds also engaged attention and resulted in much greater care
being bestowed on the cleansing and treatment of wounds near
the front line. Teams of workers were also set to solve the prob-
lems of cerebro-spinal meningitis, which broke out severely in
various camps, trench fever, trench nephritis, wound shock, gas
gangrene, the treatment of fractures and so on.
In almost every instance valuable knowledge was acquired.
So perfect had the organization become that it was possible to
apply this knowledge forthwith. Thus a better spacing of sleep-
ing accommodation reduced the incidence of cerebro-spinal
fever, while the preparation of a serum having powers against
all the four strains of meningo-cocci present reduced the mortal-
ity by some 30 per cent. As soon as it became known how great
a part lice were playing in the spread of trench fever a campaign
of disinfestation was started. The services of distinguished
entomologists were secured, and these were commissioned and
sent out to France to examine and report. The result was an
added care of the bathing facilities for men behind the lines and a
very perfect system of disinfestation of clothing by heat. In this
way enormous numbers of lice and nits were disposed of and the
incidence of the disease restricted. Sleeping-quarters were also
taken under expert care, and blankets and night attire subjected
to careful and continuous scrutiny.
The entomologist indeed became a part of army organization
and had plenary powers which were undreamed-of in earlier
campaigns. Acting in conjunction with the sanitary corps, he
stood between the soldier and the deadly pest which threatened
him. Large fly-destruction campaigns were inaugurated and
every measure calculated to prevent the breeding of flies in or
around camps was put into force. The results were exceedingly
good, more especially in the East, where flies constituted a serious
menace. In the same way, in the Struma valley, pools containing
the larvae of mosquitos were drained or treated with paraffin
and the troops thus protected against malaria. In Egypt, too,
Col. Leiper was set to solve the riddle of that troublesome disease
bilharziosis, and was so successful in his quest that within three
months he had located the intermediate host of the parasite, a
water snail, and suggested means for its destruction.
Indeed, the organization of preventive medicine in the war
was as good in every way as the organization of curative meas-
ures. The sanitary corps developed to a state of efficiency which
has probably never been equalled. Methods of chlorination of
water were brought to high perfection, so that if the men obeyed
the instructions issued to them and most of them did all
danger from imbibing contaminations was eliminated. Cholera
threatened, but it never became serious; even dysentery, though
it claimed enormous numbers of victims at GallipoH and else-
where, was brought under a great measure of control. Nor was
food inspection less successful. The army ate well throughout
the whole war; it ate safely, thanks to the unremitting vigilance
of this most capable body of officers and men.
An organization of this kind was ever ready to seize on and
apply new methods. Thus the use of steel helmets was early
suggested by surgeons in France and was finally enforced by
the demands of the R.A.M.C. These helmets represent a very
good example of preventive surgery, since head wounds, before
they were introduced, had claimed great numbers of victims.
The reduction in the number of those wounds after the helmets
were obtained was a complete justification of everything urged
in their favour. The small cuts and scratches, the scalp wounds,
the bruises, which before had killed many useful soldiers, be-
came things of the past.
Nor was the work accomplished in connexion with poison-gas
less triumphantly successful. It is difficult to realize the immense
904
MEDICINE AND SURGERY
confusion occasioned in the ranks of the medical corps by the
introduction of this method of warfare. The problem presented
was new and terrible. Men who had been exposed to the fumes
were brought in hundreds to physicians who had small idea of
how to help them. Yet within a space of some three days meas-
ures had been devised. The medical authorities in England had
obtained respirators and sent them out. The doctors in the
field had learned to use them. Moreover, a body of expert
chemists and physiologists were at once set to work to devise
better protection and also to seek for efficient means of treatment.
The extraordinary elasticity of the organization is shown by the
way in which, within a very few weeks, anti-gas measures had
been perfected and the treatment of gassed patients reduced
to a routine. In this connexion the work of J. S. Haldane, of
Oxford, must be mentioned. He introduced his intensive method
of administration of oxygen, thanks to which the sufferings of
gassed patients were greatly alleviated.
The organization was concerned at first wholly with the task
of getting men back to the front. In course of time, however, it
was seen that this policy would require to be extended in order
to deal with the broken soldier. The reason was that the army
had absorbed so many doctors and surgeons that outside of it
means were lacking of giving adequate assistance.
The War Office was at first reluctant to add to its labours the
care of many hundreds of thousands of disabled and sick men,
but in the end consented. Thereafter the rule was that no man
should be discharged from the service so long as it was possible
to do anything further to help him. In this way there sprang
up an immense " repairing " organization collectively described
as orthopaedic surgery. It was divided into many sections.
There was the central orthopaedic work concerned with prob-
lems of restoration of a non-special kind. There was, further,
the work of facial reformation known as plastic surgery. This
work achieved a series of triumphs which are among the brightest
episodes of the war period. No disfigurement was regarded as
hopeless, and by a series of carefully planned manoeuvres results
were achieved which had seemed beyond the scope of possibility.
This department of restoration included surgeons, nurses, artists,
sculptors and various workers in plastic materials who planned
the " new faces " which it was the doctor's duty to create.
Another great department of this work was founded at Roe-
hampton, where limbless men were dealt with. The problem here
was the production of a suitable limb at a reasonable price, its
accurate fitting and its subsequent care. At first very many dif-
ficulties were encountered, for no one possessed the necessary
experience. The early limbs were much too heavy and were
found by wearers to put a great strain on their energies. More-
over, all kinds of technical troubles arose. Finally, however, a
light limb was devised and, under the Ministry of Pensions,
standardized. This limb has the great advantage of being cap-
able of manipulation by the muscles of the stump; shoulder
action in lifting it is eliminated.
These various branches of orthopaedic surgery necessitated
the employment of a great number of masseurs and of attendants.
They also necessitated the training of surgeons and nurses in the
special methods employed. It speaks for the success of the or-
ganization that at the end of the war there were expert staffs
in every region of England. Moreover, the so-called manual
curative workshops were conducted as a part of the orthopaedic
surgery method. The idea was that a man who required to
exercise a stiff limb might do this and at the same time learn a
trade, e.g. by swinging a hammer instead of a club. So great
was the success achieved that a curative workshop was soon to
be found in proximity to each orthopaedic hospital. This, was
first suggested by ex-King Manoel of Portugal.
Equally important was the branch of restoration which gained
the name of " medical orthopaedics " the work on behalf of
the soldier with broken nerves. The War Office took this matter
in hand at a very early period and called to its help noted psychol-
ogists and psychotherapists. The result was a reexamination of
functional nervous disorders and the formation of a great depart-
ment of army medicine. Instead of being branded as a coward
the nerve-broken soldier was cared for and treated, and so
many cases saved from the loss of his reason. Here again the
method employed was to take advantage of all the available
knowledge and attempt to increase it by research work. There
were practising side by side, in the military hospitals set apart
for nerve cases, physicians of different schools of thought and
even of opposite views. Yet so elastic was the organization that
no difficulties arose. On the contrary, an immense stimulus to
new work was afforded.
This vast organization of British army medical work grew
up under the hands of Sir Alfred Keogh. His methods were
simple but, as the event prqved, invariably effective. He be-
lieved that the more complete the organization of the medical
corps became the better was the effect exercised on the moral
of the common soldier. Thus, not only was every effort made
to secure personal health and protection against disease and
injury, but even personal comfort and happiness became the
doctor's business both in the line, in hospital and at the con-
valescent camps. The soldier, too, knew that if he was broken
in mind or body all the resources of medicine would be exhausted
over years to save him.
This great effort could never have been achieved had not
Sir Alfred Keogh called to his aid the leaders of every branch
of medicine and surgery and given them, so far as possible, a free
hand. Nor could he have achieved what he did without the
assistance of the Medical Research Committee. He saw that
research work is as urgent in war as in peace; and he reaped great
rewards for this foresight. Indeed, his organization was as strong
on its constructive as on its executive side. (R. M. Wi.)
III. DISEASES IN THE WORLD WAR
The medical diseases of the World War fall into two main
groups. In the first are the neuroses or nervous disorders which
resulted from the stress of active service, and in the second are
the diseases which resulted from infection with disease-producing
organisms. Whereas the former were infinitely more common
than in any previous war, owing to the far greater strain to
which the soldier was subjected as a result of modern methods
of warfare, the latter were unexpectedly rare owing to the won-
derful improvements in military hygiene, resulting from medical
research in the comparatively short period of thirteen years
which had elapsed between the conclusion of the South African
War and the outbreak of the World War in Aug. 1914. While
the neuroses opened up new and perplexing problems to the
neurologist, the relative frequency of the various infectione
differed greatly from that of previous campaigns and presented
many subjects for research, which were studied with great
enthusiasm and success, especially by the large body of British
civilian medical officers who were called in to assist the regular
R.A.M.C., whose hands were generally fully occupied with
administrative details.
(A.) War Neuroses. The frequency of neuroses in soldiers during
the war compared with their comparative rarity in men in civil life
was due to the exhaustion and emotional strain inseparable from
active service. The exhaustion caused by long days of forced
marching and strenuous fighting, followed by nights with little rr
no sleep, combined in some cases with insufficient food, and, especially
in eastern campaigns, with a great variety of infections and exposure
to extreme heat, naturally led to a more profound condition of
nervous exhaustion or neurasthenia than is commonly seen in civil
life. It was not, however, as frequent as might have been expected,
as exhaustion was largely prevented by the intervals of rest and
opportunities for relaxation, which became increasingly common as
the war progressed and the need of adapting conditions to fit in with
the psychology of the soldier was more fully understood by those in
authority. At the same time the supply of food was almost invar-
iably admirable, and there was a remarkable freedom from epidemic
infections on a large scale, especially in France, owing to the excel-
lence of the sanitary arrangements. More important perhaps than
the actual production of neurasthenia was the increased liability to
the development of hysteria and psychasthenia and the aggravation
of incipient organic diseases, such as locomotor ataxia, general
paralysis, and epilepsy.
Though a few fortunate individuals are born with a temperami
which does not allow them to know what fear means, the va;
majority, including many of the bravest, were terrified when they
first approached the front line. Many men became accustomed to it
::
'ast
MEDICINE AND SURGERY
905
in time, though never to the horrors of a heavy bombardment, but
sooner or later the exhaustion of active service often resulted in a
gradual failure of the adaptation, so that not only the constitu-
tionally timid the martial misfits but also some who had faced
the life cheerfully for months or years broke down from the long-
continued emotional strain.
The emotion of fear acted in three ways. In the martial misfit,
who is by nature very suggestible, it gave rise at once to such
physical symptoms as tremor, inability to speak and inability to
move, which might be perpetuated by auto-suggestion as hysterical
tremor, mutism and paralysis, the three together constituting one
form of the condition often called shell-shock, though it rarely had
anything to do with actual shell concussion. In other cases it
resulted in a man passing into a dazed condition or stupor, which
might lead him to wander from his post of duty and run risk of being
court-martialled as a deserter. Finally, it might result in such a
disturbance of the suprarenal and thyroid glands that a condition of
continuous over-activity, with symptoms not unlike those of
Graves's diseases (exophthalmic goitre), might follow.
The acute emotion caused by a single exceptionally terrifying
experience sometimes led to such a change in an individual that he
became for a time extremely liable to develop hysterical symptoms
by suggestion, especially if the experience led to actual physical
results. Thus, when a man was gassed he became temporarily unable
to see or to speak owing to irritation of his eyes and his larynx, and
he often vomited owing to irritation of his stomach. Any of these
symptoms might be perpetuated by suggestion hysterical blindness,
inability to make any sound at all or more commonly inability to
speak above a whisper, and vomiting being the respective sequels.
If a man was blown up or buried, the loss of memory, headache,
paralysis, deafness and convulsions which might result from the
concussion of his brain were often perpetuated as hysterical symp-
toms long after the actual changes in the nervous system had so
greatly diminished that the symptoms should have completely
disappeared. After much study of the problems presented by these
hysterical symptoms, which became increasingly frequent as the
war progressed, psychotherapeutic methods, consisting of explana-
tion, followed by persuasion and reeducation, were devised, which
resulted in extraordinarily rapid recovery, the majority of cases,
even after the symptoms had persisted for many months, being
cured at a single sitting.
An exhausted officer, who was constitutionally unsuited to the
life of a soldier, was more likely to develop psychasthenic symptoms
than his men owing to his greater responsibility. He found it increas-
ingly difficult to decide between two possible lines of action, and, when
at last he had adopted one, he was full of doubt as to whether he had
decided rightly. His power of concentration became deficient owing
to his mental energy being largely taken up, without his fully
realizing it, in repressing painful thoughts and conflicts, which he
kept in the background of his mind in order to avoid distress. He
consequently showed want of confidence in his actions, and became
terrified that he would be unable to perform his duties in an emer-
gency. His sense of duty urged him to carry on, but this was in
acute conflict with his instinct of self-preservation, which urged him
to get away from his hateful surroundings. In the daytime he
might become suddenly overwhelmed with apparently causeless
dread or terror, and he often found it difficult to fall asleep at night
owing to the need of active thought to keep his distressing memories
and conflicts buried. When at last he fell asleep and the controlling
influence over his thoughts was relaxed, they came into conscious-
ness in a distorted form as nightmares, with the result that he would
wake in a condition of terror. The disturbed nights increased his
exhaustion, until it was no longer possible for him to carry on with
his duties. In early cases improvement rapidly followed a change to
more favourable surroundings, especially if, instead of receiving the
old-fashioned advice to forget his worries and occupy his mind with
more pleasant matters, which it was totally impossible for him to do,
he fell into the hands of an understanding medical officer, who,, after
gaining his confidence, helped him to solve his difficulties by freely
discussing the thoughts he had been attempting to repress, however
painful they might be. It was remarkable how rapidly persistent
war nightmares, long-standing phobias and obsessions, and hitherto
inexplicable emotional crises disappeared directly the patient under-
stood the mental processes which had given rise to them.
(B.) Infective Diseases: (a) Typhoid and Paratyphoid. In the
South African War of 1899-1902, 60,000 cases of typhoid fever
with 8,227 deaths occurred in the British army. In the far larger
British army in France and Flanders only 4,571 cases of typhoid
and paratyphoid fever occurred between Aug. 1914 and Nov. 1916,
and the incidence of these diseases steadily diminished after the first
few months of the war in spite of the steadily increasing size of the
armies. This was almost entirely due to,the remarkable success of
the prophylactic inoculation with typhoid and, later on, with mixed
typhoid and paratyphoid vaccines.
Paratyphoid fever was throughout much more common than
typhoid fever both in France and in the East. There were probably
6,000 cases of paratyphoid fever among the 300,000 troops who were
at Gallipoli, but the disease was comparatively rare in all other
theatres of the war owing to more thorough protective inoculation
after the end of 1915. The mortality in France was only 1-3%; in
Gallipoli and Mesopotamia it was higher, but much below that of
typhoid fever in the South African War.
(b) Cerebro-spinal Fever. -An outbreak of cerebro-spinal fever
occurred among the Canadian troops on Salisbury Plain in 1915.
A wide-spread and very fatal epidemic followed in many home-
camps, and shortly afterwards the disease appeared in France. By
the end of the year a number of cases developed on the eastern
fronts. Investigation showed that the disease was caused by differ-
ent types of the same bacteria, and when sera were introduced which
were specific for each of these types, the very high initial mortality
was greatly reduced, particularly when the disease was diagnosed
early and serum given without delay.
(c) Trench Fever. In the early summer of 1915 a form of fever
was observed in the British army in France, in which two or more
periods of raised temperature were separated by normal intervals
of a few days. Similar cases were recognized with increasing fre-
quency, and the disease soon became widely known as trench fever.
Thousands of cases occurred in France and Flanders between April
and Oct. 1915 ; it was comparatively rare in the winter, but increased
again each spring. Trench fever did not occur in Gallipoli, but
was introduced into Salonika by troops arriving from France in
Dec. 1915. It was first recognized in the French army in May 1916
and in the Italian army in Oct. 1917, and it was common both in
Germany and Austria from 1916 until the end of the war. The
characteristic fever and painful shins of trench fever appear to con-
stitute a disease which had never before been described, but it is
conceivably identical with a disease mentioned by Hippocrates,
Galen and Avicenna, in which relapses occurred at five-day intervals.
The organism which causes trench fever was never isolated, but it was
E roved that the disease was spread solely by means of lice, which had
:d on the blood of patients suffering from the disease and had then
bitten other men. The frequency of trench fever thus varied with
the prevalence of lice, and if they could be exterminated in an army,
the disease would disappear as surely as the lice-borne typhus fever
disappeared from the Serbian army when it was freed from lice in
1915. The disease had nothing to do with the trenches beyond the
tendency for men to become lousy when herded closely together.
It appears to have died out completely since the Armistice. Trench
fever was never fatal, but it caused an enormous amount of sickness;
it was indeed the only infection which gained any hold on the
British army in France and Flanders, except for the wide-spread and
very fatal influenza epidemic in the summer of 1918.
(d) Dysentery. Amoebic dysentery, though common in tropical
and sub-tropical countries, had never occurred in epidemic form
in Europe until the summer of 1915. when nearly every soldier in
the British army at Gallipoli suffered from it, and a large proportion
of the thousand sick men who were daily removed from the penin-
sula during Aug. and Sept. had amoebic dysentery. It was less
common in Oct., and the cold and rain in the great gale at the end of
Nov. were quickly followed by the disappearance of the epidemic.
But no sooner had amoebic dysentery abated than bacillary dysen-
tery became increasingly frequent. Amoebic dysentery was prob-
ably conveyed to Gallipoli by troops coming from Egypt, where 13 %
of healthy natives harbour the amoeba of dysentery in their intes-
tines and where large numbers of cases occurred among British
soldiers. Amoebic dysentery was also very common in the army in
Mesopotamia. A few cases occurred in France after the autumn of
1915 owing to the arrival from India, Morocco and Senegal, and later
from Gallipoli, of men infested with the amoeba, though not actually
suffering from dysentery. The disease was spread mainly by flies
which swarmed in enormous numbers wherever there was any food
and in every latrine. As flies always defecate each time they feed,
amoebic cysts are deposited on jam and any other human food upon
which they settle within twenty-four hours of feeding on the stools of
dysenteric patients. During the hottest months in Mesopotamia
flies were uncommon and dysentery very rare; when flies were
present in enormous numbers in the spring and autumn dysen-
tery became epidemic. As soon as it became recognized that the
predominant form of dysentery on the Gallipoli peninsula was
amoebic and men were treated with emetine from the moment of
onset, the symptoms rapidly disappeared, but reinfection was com-
mon. It was the universal sickness caused by dysentery rather than
the occasional death that mattered at Gallipoli, and it can be truly
said that dysentery was one of the deciding factors in the failure of
the campaign. Cases of inflammation and abscess of the liver due to
the amoeba of dysentery continued to occur even three and four
years after infection in men who had not been adequately treated.
The dysentery which has been common in armies on active
service since the Peloponnesian War has probably always been of the
bacillary variety. Out of 30,000 British troops who fought in the
Crimea, 7,883 suffered from dysentery, and of these 2,143 died ; in the
South African War there were 38,103 cases with 1,342 deaths.
Bacillary dysentery made its first appearance in the early weeks
of the World War in East Prussia and Galicia and was brought to
France by von Kluck's ill-fed and tired soldiers on their march on
Paris. It was present on every front whenever the weather was hot,
and caused, an enormous amount of illness in Salonika, Mesopotamia
and Palestine as well as in Gallipoli. The disease was spread by flies
in the same way as amoebic dysentery.
The chief means of combating both forms of dysentery is to
906
MEDICINE AND SURGERY
destroy flies and to destroy or disinfect infective faeces directly they
are passed. Anti-dysenteric serum was shown to be as valuable in the
treatment of bacillary dysentery as emetine was for the amoebic
form, but unfortunately the supplies of serum were totally inade-
quate, and in none of the eastern theatres was there any central
bureau of information which could inform the scattered medical
officers about recent advances in the treatment of the diseases they
were called upon to fight. It is probable that in the future an anti-
dysenteric vaccine will be produced which will have as powerful a
protective action against bacillary dysentery as anti-typhoid vaccine
has against typhoid fever, but very little satisfactory vaccine was
available for use during the war.
(e) Epidemic Jaundice. A mild form of jaundice was very com-
mon in the Gallipoli campaign between Aug. and Dec. 1915, and in
Mesopotamia during the hot weather of 1916 and 1917. The symp-
toms were similar to those of the catarrhal jaundice, which occurs
sporadically among civilians in peace-time, and the condition appears
to have been of the same nature as the epidemics in the American
Civil, Franco-Prussian and South African wars. It appears to have
been due to infection with an organism allied to the bacillus of para-
typhoid fever, and numerous investigations failed to reveal the
presence of a spirochaete. The mortality was so low as to be almost
negligible; many men continued on duty though jaundiced, especially
at Gallipoli, but the majority were not fit until six or eight weeks
had elapsed from the date of onset.
From the spring of 1916 until the end of the war an entirely differ-
ent form of infective jaundice occurred among the troops of all the
armies engaged in France and Flanders. It was caused by infection
with a spirochaete, and was identical in nature with a disease which
every year attacks between 3,000 and 4,000 miners in Japan. It is
best described as spirochaetal jaundice rather than by the older
name of Weil's disease, as it was accurately observed amongst French
soldiers by Larrey at Cairo during Napoleon's Egyptian campaign in
1800, and by numerous other French physicians before Weil's paper
appeared in 1886. The spirochaete was discovered in rats caught in
trenches in which the disease had occurred ; the infection in rats is
chronic, the organism being excreted in the urine, which is probably
the source of infection in man. The disease could be prevented if
adequate steps were taken to drain trenches and exterminate rats.
The symptoms were much more severe than those of the bacillary
jaundice of Gallipoli and Mesopotamia; the mortality, however, was
only about 4% in the British army, though it was 13% in the
German army and is about 30% in Japan.
(/) Malaria. Malaria had the same effect on the operations in
Macedonia that dysentery had in Gallipoli. Few men in the Saloni-
kan army failed to become infected with malaria during the summer
of 1916, and there is no doubt that throughout the campaign the
mosquito was a far more formidable enemy than the Bulgar. Pro-
phylaxis by means of quinine completely failed and it was found
quite impossible to reduce the numbers of malaria-carrying moSqui-
tos to any appreciable extent. The conscientious use of mosquito
nets was, however, very effective. The disease was of a particularly
virulent form, the mortality being exceptionally high. Even after
the Armistice it proved a matter of great difficulty to exterminate
malaria in men who were infected in the Struma valley.
The Mesopotamian army also suffered greatly from malaria but
not quite to the same extent as the army in Macedonia. The disease
was very common and very severe in the army in Persia. The num-
ber of cases in France was quite trivial, most cases being due to
relapses in men who had been in one of the eastern theatres of war.
(g) Infective Nephritis. Acute nephritis, or inflammation of the
kidneys, is a comparatively rare disease in civil life. It does not
appear to have been common in any previous campaign except the
American Civil War, in which over 14,000 soldiers of the Northern
armies were invalided for nephritis, and to a less extent in the Franco-
Prussian War. A considerable number of cases occurred among
British troops in France throughout the World War, and a slighter
outbreak occurred in Gallipoli and Salonika. It appears to have been
less prevalent among the French and still less among the Belgians.
It was very common among the German and Austrian soldiers on
every front, though not a single case was observed by German
medical officers among the Turks. It was very rare among officers
of all nationalities, and was never sufficiently common among the
men to be of any real importance to the strength of the army, the
maximum incidence (in Dec. 1916) being only 104 cases per 100,000.
All attempts to discover the cause of the disease failed, but there
appeared to be something about the conditions of life of the soldier,
as distinct from those of the civilian, which made him specially
liable to develop nephritis, as it never occurred among the civilian
population or refugees of Belgium and France, who lived in the
midst of soldiers and with many soldiers billeted on them. This was
in striking contrast to the parallel incidences of most of the epidemic
diseases among civilians and soldiers.
The mortality of the infective nephritis of soldiers is much lower
than that of the ordinary nephritis of civil life, being approximately
I % in the early stages, though a few additional deaths probably
occurred in relapses some months after apparent recovery. Most
patients got well within a month, but the complete disappearance of
symptoms was sometimes delayed for a year or even longer.
(C.) Soldier's Heart. Soldiers not infrequently suffer from symp-
toms due to functional circulatory disturbances during their i
of training and still more often whilst on active service. In neithe
case do the symptoms differ from those which may occur among
civilians, but their relative frequency has led to the adoption of the
term " soldier's heart." The effect of active service on the heart was
first studied during the American Civil War, and a great many
valuable investigations were carried out during the World War.
Already by the end of May 1916, 2,503 out of the 33,919 soldier
(7-4%) invalided from the service since the beginning of the wa
had been discharged on account of " heart disease," and this propor-
tion was maintained until the end.
Soldier's heart was most commonly caused by over-exertion, often
associated with prolonged mental strain and insufficient sleep, acting
on a heart and nervous system which were already weak before the
war or which had become weakened on active service as a result of an
infection or other form of poisoning. Some men are born with a
circulation sufficient for ordinary purposes, but with insufficient
reserve power for increased strain. They generally know their
limitations, adopt a sedentary occupation in civil life, and do not
indulge in out-of-door sports. Many of them break down during
training, but even if they develop into efficient soldiers they are
likely to develop cardiac symptoms on active service. Thus nearly
60 % of men suffering from soldier's heart were recruited from
sedentary occupations.
In most cases the symptoms developed during convalescence from
some acute infection, such as typhoid and paratyphoid fever, epi-
demic bacillary dysentery as well as non-specific chronic diarrhoea,
malaria and influenza. Excessive smoking was undoubtedly a con-
tributory cause in many cases, and gassing was frequently followed
by cardiac symptoms. In a small proportion of cases the excessive
activity of the thyroid and suprarenal glands which results from
prolonged mental strain was a further factor.
Over-exertion is a relative term. A well-trained man can do work
which would be impossible in the early stages of his training and
which again becomes impossible if his heart and nervous system are
damaged by the poisons produced by an infection, excessive smoking
or incursive activity of the thyroid gland. But in the absence of
these factors a trained soldier rarely develops cardiac symptoms.
In addition to the effect of nerve-strain on the circulation through
its influence on the thyroid and suprarenal glands, the nervous
exhaustion or neurasthenia, which results from the combined effect of
physical fatigue, mental strain and infection, gives rise to a condition
of nervous irritability, which causes slight circulatory disturbances
to produce palpitation and discomfort and pain in the region of the
heart, although the actual condition is such that subjective symp-
toms would not occur in a man with a normal nervous system.
The commonly accepted official diagnosis of " D.A.H." or " dis-
ordered action of the heart " for soldier's heart is most undesirable,
as it at once makes the patient believe that he has " heart disease."
Some indifferent diagnosis such as " debility " would be preferable.
Treatment by graduated exercise instead of prolonged rest in bed
was almost invariably followed by rapid improvement if under-
taken at a sufficiently early stage, and whenever the comparatively
innocuous nature of the condition was widely recognized by medical
officers most men suffering from " soldier's heart " were able to
return to duty after a few weeks in special training camps. When,
however, it was regarded as if it were due to a serious disease of the
heart and treated for long periods in hospital, the outlook was much
less hopeful, and many men were invalided from the service and
became chronic invalids as a result.
(D.) Heat-Stroke. Heat-stroke occurred very frequently among
the British troops in Mesopotamia during the hot summer months.
It did not in any way differ from the heat-stroke which sometimes
occurs in India. In Mesopotamia it was, however, more common
owing to the less favourable conditions of life.
During the earlier years of the campaign heat-stroke was very
nearly always fatal, mainly owing to the lack of facilities for treat-
ment; By 1917, however, great progress had been made both in
prevention and! treatment, and the proportion of recoveries was
much increased. The most important precautions for avoiding heat-
stroke were the provision of large quantities of cool drinking-water
and of suitable clothing and equipment. Men suffering from other
illnesses, such as malaria, sand-fly fever and gastro-intestinal dis-
orders, were specially liable to fall victims to heat-stroke.
The disease was always dramatically sudden in onset, and usually
within an hour the patient was completely unconscious and in con-
vulsions. In untreated cases death occurred within a few hours with
a body temperature of 1 10 or over. The one essential for treatment
was found to be an ample supply of ice. The establishment of special
heat-stroke stations in all camps and depots proved most effective in
reducing mortality. Those who recovered, however, were seldom fit
for further service in Mesopotamia and in most cases were eventually
invalided to England. (A. F. Hu.)
IV. SURGERY DURING THE WAR
Military surgery during the progress of the World War
reached unexampled levels of efficiency and width of scope, and
the general results attained exceeded any limits which had
been anticipated. Yet this consummation was not arrived at
MEDICINE AND SURGERY
907
by a smooth and easy path, neither were the full fruits rapidly
gathered. Experience indeed was but a repetition of that
gained in all previous campaigns. In Aug. 1914 time had been
allowed for collation and digestion of the observations made in the
more recent wars, while in civil life progress in surgery had been
continuous and considerable. Hence the military surgeon entered
upon his duties with confidence in the methods at his disposal
and with fair hope of eliminating more or less completely many
of the mischances from which his predecessors had suffered.
These anticipations were not promptly realized; in spite of the
perfected technique which was considered to have been acquired
in the general treatment of wounds, and the accurate knowledge
which had accumulated as to the characters of the injuries
inflicted by modern rifle bullets, it soon became evident that this
war, like all its predecessors, would have to teach its own lessons.
This experience depended chiefly upon two factors: (i) bullet
wounds did not form the preponderating element, but were less
frequent than those produced by fragments of shells and bombs,
which latter were of a severity and extent scarcely conceived
beforehand; (2) the forms of infection met with were more
varied and virulent than those commonly dealt with.
Thus in the earlier stages of the war the entire field of surgery
was necessarily dominated by the elementary but fundamental
question of appropriate treatment of the mere wound, to an
extent which materially prejudiced advance in the management
of individual injuries. The actual starting-point of real advance
was relegated almost to the pre-Listerian period, and a vast
amount of past experience required to be repeated and controlled
before a firm foundation for progress was established.
When definite principles had been laid down to guide the
routine treatment of infected wounds, a second great question
still demanded settlement: At what stage in relation to the
fighting-line should the definite treatment of gunshot injuries be
undertaken? The result of all previous experience had been to
the effect that field hospitals were unsuitable for any but
temporary measures except in the case of great urgency. The
casualty clearing-stations, a recent introduction into the British
establishment, were originally intended to act mainly as sorting
and distributing centres, and it was laid down that the great
bulk of the wounded men should be transferred to the stationary
and general hospitals on the lines of communication.
A short time sufficed to prove this arrangement to be defective,
since, in spite of the efficient means of transport which had been
rapidly developed, it became evident that the primary treatment
of the wound needed to be more radical than had been antici-
pated; when only provisional measures were adopted the
patients were in little better condition for the procedure on their
arrival at the stationary and general hospitals than if treatment
had been entirely omitted. The progress of the infections, in
fact, was far more rapid than any means of transport, and such
preliminary steps as had been taken required to be repeated
upon wounds already increased in extent, with very definite
disadvantage to the patient. At this stage the settling-down of
the form of warfare to a stationary character allowed for the
development of the casualty clearing-station into a potential
stationary hospital, while in addition it was found practicable
to establish small advanced operating units still nearer to the
front to deal with injuries to the abdomen, head, etc. To this
development, and in great measure as a result of the bravery
and efficiency of the bearers who brought in the wounded men,
the whole of the advance in the primary treatment of gunshot
injuries is referable. Such conditions may not often recur, but
one result of the work done must remain and exert a permanent
influence on military surgery. The efforts and firm convictions
of a band of enthusiastic and capable surgeons demonstrated for
all time that results of equal excellence can be obtained by the
military as by the civil surgeon if only sufficient initiative, care
and resolution be maintained. The bugbear of " the exigencies
of warfare " has been in fact displaced from the commanding
position which it has held heretofore.
The Treatment of Wounds. At the outbreak of war it was
generally held that the treatment of gunshot wounds should
approximate itself in procedure to the methods in use in civil
practice, purely aseptic measures being supplemented by the
addition of some antiseptic medium in the case of open wounds
fouled by contact with the clothing, the missile or the soil. It
was believed that this addition should suffice at the primary
dressing to check the progress of the initial infection. This view
was founded upon experience gained in recent wars, in which the
great majority of the injuries were inflicted by bullets of small
calibre. It had been observed that many of these healed well
even in the absence of any surgical aid, while the great majority
closed without any serious accidents when protected by an
occlusive dressing adjusted either by a bandage or some sort of
adhesive such as collodion or mastisol. Too little attention
indeed was given to the further observation that the compara-
tively rare shell wounds always suppurated even under the
favourable conditions which attended the S. African War of
1899-1902. In the early days it was assumed that the ravages
induced by infection were to be explained by the conditions then
existing, such as the long distances the patients had to travel,
the impossibility of sufficiently frequent changes of dressing,
and the want of proper rest. The pernicious influence of these
conditions is obvious, but it was rapidly grasped that they should
not be held to be an insurmountable element of failure. An
attempt was at once made to combat the primary infection more
efficiently by mechanical procedures, consisting of free excision
of bruised, soiled or devitalized tissue by the knife or the scissors,
followed by drainage of all recesses of the wound by india-rub-
ber tubes and a completely " open " method of treatment.
At this period two principles concerning the management of
an open infected wound were freely debated. By Almroth
Wright and his school it was maintained that the extinction of
infection was most rapidly effected by attempting to increase the
activity of the normal factors in the process of healing. The
method adopted was called the " physiological or phylacogogic,"
and an endeavour to accomplish the desired aim was made by
flooding the wound with a saline solution of a higher specific
gravity than that of the fluids permeating the body tissues and
thus to " draw " an abundant flow of lymph towards the free
surface. By this means also the tissues were "lavaged" by a
stream of lymph, the current of which flowed in a direction
opposed to the spread of infection inwards. Later the " hyper-
tonic " solution, while accomplishing this end, was found to
check the migration of leucocytes to which Wright eventually
ascribed the chief place in subduing the infection; hence at a
certain stage in the course of healing an isotonic was substituted
for the hypertonic solution.
The second school, influenced by the early work of Lister,
retained allegiance to the use of antiseptic media of varying kinds.
By many the hope was cherished that an agent might be dis-
covered that would not only cleanse and disinfect the exposed
surface of the wound, but would also penetrate the underlying
infected tissue and thus hasten the natural process. This dream,
emanating from an imperfect appreciation of the " preventive "
nature of Lister's work, was not fulfilled. Nevertheless, the
supporters of the antiseptic theory played a highly important
part during the period of argument and uncertainty both as to
principle and practice. The most important of the media em-
ployed consisted in perfected solutions of the hypochlorites, and
certain anilin dyes, particularly flavine and brilliant green. It
may fairly be stated that the application of an antiseptic to the
wound, or in the dressing, in itself played a minor part, the real
advance which followed depending not upon the antiseptic which
was employed but upon the development of an efficient system.
In the Carrel-Dakin system, although great importance was
attributed to the hypochlorite solution, yet the success, which it
attained was really due to exact observation of the nature and
course of the infection concerned, careful initial preparation of
the wound, meticulous precaution against stagnation of infective
material in recesses in the cavity, and the prevention of rein-
fection of the surface. It was the experience gained from the
practice of this method in the treatment of compound fractures
of the bones that clearly demonstrated the possibility of the
908
MEDICINE AND SURGERY
routine secondary closure of the accompanying open wound, an
achievement only second to that of Lister in his early treatment
of similar injuries. This result attained, the practicability of
resort to secondary suture in most wounds was established.
Subsequent advance proved the practicability, under favour-
able conditions and environment, of primary closure of the com-
pound fracture without the aid of any antiseptic medium. This
ideal was reached by a rational extirpation of the infected tissue
by mechanical means, followed by a sufficient period of rest to
the patient and to the injured part.
The net result, therefore, of a period of strenuous work and
argument was to reaffirm the principles with which surgeons
were already acquainted at the commencement of the war: (i)
that sterilization of living tissue can only be effected by the
natural vital process; (2) that no chemical agent is known ca-
pable of penetrating the tissues of the body and destroying
microorganisms which is not at the same time deleterious to the
tissue itself, and that the sole means of procuring abortion in an
infected portion of the body is radically to remove the infected
tissue. Again, no novelty in principle was introduced by the
practice of either the primary or secondary closure of compound
fractures, or of wounds in general; the triumph consisted in the
translation of these occasionally used methods within the limits
of routine practice. It may be added that the method of
secondary suture is to be regarded as the more valuable of the
two, since it is but rarely that conditions will not allow its
adoption, while in military surgery it is generally difficult to
ensure the requirements essential to the success of primary
suture. Paradoxical as these conclusions may appear, success
was only gained after strenuous effort and the development of a
technique and degree of judgment equal to those required for the
most exacting operations in the entire realm of surgery.
Nature of the Infections. It can hardly be said that any novel
form of wound infection was discovered, but knowledge was extended
in many directions. The hourly progress of mixed infections was
investigated, and the vital tenacity of the different organisms
determined, while a still more fruitful series of observations was
made in the effort to determine the moment at which a wound with
a fouled surface became an actually infected one. The result of the
latter investigation allowed a general assumption to be made that
during an interval of from four to eight hours the multiplication of
organisms in their new environment was slow and penetration of the
living tissues by them unlikely. Thus a definite time-limit was
assigned, beyond which primary closure should not as a rule be
attempted. It was shown that only the staphylococci and strepto-
cocci as a rule remained present in the terminal infection, and that
of these the streptococcus was the more undesirable occupant of the
wound. Further, the power of haemolysis possessed by some forms
of streptococcus marked them out as the more dangerous to the
progress of the wound and to the life of the patient.
The unusual frequency of anaerobic infections afforded oppor-
tunity for an extensive investigation of the microorganisms con-
cerned, the special characters of the changes produced by each, also
of the importance of symbiosis in these phenomena, thus accen-
tuating the importance of suppuration in the development of such
diseases as tetanus, or in the causation of gangrenous cellulitis.
Although acute traumatic gangrene was well known in civil prac-
tice, yet it seems doubtful whether it has played such a prominent
part in any previous war. There is good evidence that it was rare
in the American Revolutionary War, and in the S. African War it was
certainly but very rarely met with. One very distinct advance was
made in the treatment of the condition. It was observed that the
spread of the infection tended to be limited by the fascial envelopes
of the muscles, particularly in the case of B, perfringens (the organ-
ism which specially attacks the muscle fibres), and that, if the vitality
of the muscle was lowered by cutting off its blood-supply, the entire
muscle rarely escaped destruction. Hence the practice of complete
excision of a muscle from within its sheath was introduced, and
proved most successful in limiting the spread of the gangrene in the
limb, especially when the long muscles were affected.
Little success attended any but the mechanical treatment of
anaerobic gangrene, but the treatment of tetanus afforded one of the
great triumphs of preventive medicine in fact, the result attained
must be placed upon a level with that reached in the preventive
treatment of enteric fever. It was recognized at an early date that
every breach of surface with which the intensively cultured soil of
northern France had come in contact was potentially infected with
B. tetanus. Hence it was laid down that in the case of every serious
wound the man was to receive an injection of tetanus anti-toxin, and
this rule was shortly extended to every wound, and even to chilled
feet, especially when vesication had occurred.
Further, since the protection afforded by this measure is known
to disappear rapidly, a second injection was given at the end of
seven days, and in severe injuries at similar intervals for the suc-
ceeding two or three weeks. Again, in view of the known fact that
B. tetanus may lie latent in a healed wound for indefinite periods, a
prophylactic injection was administered to many of the patients in
whom late secondary operations became necessary.
In the curative treatment of tetanus it cannot be claimed that any
very important advance was made. The chief variation in method
consisted in the administration of greatly increased doses of anti-
toxin. While it remains doubtful whether much advantage was
gained by this procedure, it was demonstrated that in some instances
the dosage had previously been insufficient. In base hospitals in
England, as a result of mainly intra-thecal injections, the average
mortality of the disease was reduced from 57-7 % to 19 %. In France,
where a more acute series of cases had to be dealt with, the reduction
only reached equivalents of from 78-2 % to 67-4%.
With regard to the route for the injections, many surgeons con-
sidered the spinal intra-thecal the best, but clinical observation does
not appear to give strong support to this view, although experimen-
tal evidence from animals is adduced in its favour. Intra-muscular
injections probably gave the most consistent results, while sub-
cutaneous injections proved sufficient for prophylactic purposes.
In connexion with the prophylactic treatment, mention should be
made of the fact that, if it failed to prevent, it was still capable of
modifying the disease, and local phenomena were much more com-
mon than would otherwise have been the case. Except in the
splanchnic form, although the local might be only the commence-
ment of a general attack, the prognosis was much better.
Shock and Haemorrhage. The circumstances attendant on active
warfare, such as anxiety, heated and ill-controlled emotions, fatigue,
want of sleep, hunger and thirst, exposure to cold and wet and,
lastly, severe injury, often combined with loss of blood and pain,
afford every condition with which we are accustomed to associate
the occurrence of shock. In spite of the arduous investigations
undertaken it can hardly be said that the actual explanation of the
phenomena has been unveiled. Observations, however, tended to
negative certain theories, such as those of acapnia, acidosis, supra-
renal incompetence, exhaustion of the vasomotor centres or
cardiac weakness, as a primary factor. Hence we must still be con-
tent vaguely to regard the phenomena of shock as nervous in origin.
In one particular a definite advance was made in the realization that
the fall in blood-pressure, which is so prominent a feature in the
condition of shock, is strictly comparable to the fall attendant on
haemorrhage, the volume of blood within the arterial system being
reduced not by external escape from the open vessels but as a result
of stagnation in the capillaries. The older theory of stagnation in
the visceral veins of the thorax and abdomen was not only exploded
by experimental observation, but its error was also demonstrated by
the appearances observed during the performance of numerous
operations for visceral injuries during the period in which the state
of shock was in some degree persisting.
The condition known as " secondary shock," in which the phe-
nomena develop hours or even days after the initial injury, perhaps
after primary shock has already been recovered from, had since the
Listerian era been regarded as an evidence of toxaemia. The
similarity was well illustrated in the cases of acute toxaemia in con-
nexion with anaerobic infections, with which the war made every-
body familiar. The experimental work of Dale and others on
the action of histamine when introduced into the circulation of
animals led to an investigation which seems to prove that the phe-
nomena of shock may be produced by absorption of the metabolic
products resulting from the mechanical destruction of muscle fibre,
a common result of gunshot injuries.
The outcome of the observations made was to show that the first
principle in combating shock is to attack the most prominent of its
phenomena, i.e. lowered blood-pressure. The effect of infusions of
normal saline solution for this object was known to be evanescent,
and successful attempts to prolong the effect and at the same time
to diminish the volume of fluid required were made by adding a
colloid constituent to the solution. In order to place the patients
under the most favourable conditions possible, a heating-system was
added to the ambulances, and special resuscitation wards were
equipped, so that the more simple means, such as the application of
warmth, the administration of fluids by the mouth or per rectum,
and the ensurance of absolute rest, were facilitated. When^ neces-
sary, these methods were supplemented by infusion of the " gum-
saline " fluid of Bayliss. This solution contained sufficient of the
colloid (6 %) to increase its viscosity and endow it with an osmotic
pressure comparable to that depending upon the colloid constituent
of normal blood. The saline constituent (1-5 to 2 %) of bicarbonate
of sodium was introduced to counteract the decreased alkalinity of
the blood occurring in shock and to prevent haemolysis.
The same solution was employed in the treatment of the slighter
cases of haemorrhage. Serious cases were dealt with by the replace-
ment of whole blood. The indication for the latter method was
sought for in persistence of a blood-pressure as low as 80 mm. of
mercury. In primary haemorrhage estimation of the haemoglobin
content of the blood was considered too elaborate a method and
unsuitable for use from want of time.
MEDICINE, INTERNATIONAL
909
Transfusion became common in consequence of the ease with
which donors of blood could be secured from amongst the soldiers.
The older method of direct transfusion was found inconvenient
from an operative point of view, and unsatisfactory from the fact
that it is difficult to estimate the amount of blood which has actu-
ally passed from donor to recipient. Hence blood was more com-
monly collected from the donor into a glass vessel coated with
paraffin to prevent coagulation (Kimpton's tube), and thence trans-
ferred to the recipient. To meet difficulties resulting from prema-
ture coagulation, the blood was sometimes drawn into a vessel con-
taining a solution of citrate of sodium, since it had been found that
the addition of 0-5 % of this salt to the blood had no deleterious
action. In the later stages of the war it was found practicable, in
view of the possibility of haying to transfuse a large number of men
in an emergency, to substitute a fluid containing preserved red
blood-corpuscles suspended in a sufficient volume of a 2-5 % solution
of gelatine to bring the total volume into consonance with that of the
whole blood originally drawn from the veins of the donor.
To meet the well-known difficulty that individuals fall into
definite classes in regard to their capacity to receive the blood of
others with safety, a simple classification was arrived at by means of
agglutination tests. Thus suitable donors were previously selected
and were always available. Four groups were differentiated, of
which it was determined that those belonging to the first (8 %) could
take blood from either of the remaining three groups. Of the other
three, the second group (40%), the third group (12%); and the
fourth group (40 %) could receive blood only from individuals be-
longing either to their own group or to the fourth group.
Special Surgery. One great principle that in the past has governed
the application of a ligature to the great arteries of the limbs received
considerable modification. It had always been held that, when a
main artery was tied, the conservation of the accompanying vein
was of the utmost importance for the preservation of the vitality of
the limb affected. Experience gained from observation of a long
series of cases, in which both vessels were implicated, demonstrated
that not only was the integrity of the vein of no vital importance,
but that the immediate results were more favourable when both
vessels were occluded simultaneously and a better balance main-
tained between the capacity of the modified arterial and venous
systems. Experimental investigation supported this clinical experi-
ence, since it was shown that the blood-pressure in the affected
portion of the limb was maintained at a higher level.
The substitution of local repair of the wounded walls of arteries
for complete obliteration of the vessel by ligature made little progress
until the general methods of wound treatment allowed such opera-
tions to be made without fear of subsequent infection. In the later
years of the war steady progress was made in this direction, and it
was shown that ideal results might be obtained, and further that
even should the local patency of the vessel not be maintained, yet
the result was at any rate in no way inferior to that following success-
ful ligature of the vessel.
The general treatment of compound fractures has been already
alluded to, but beyond improvement in the management of the
wound, considerable modification took place in the nature of the
means adopted to ensure good position of the bones. The change
depended on the general introduction of the metal wire splints of
Hugh Owen Thomas. These were found capable of adaptation to the
great majority of all fractures of the limbs, and also equally suitable
for employment in the front line and in base hospitals. It is of
interest to note that one of the main principles of their originator was
found capable of modification, as well as variations in construction.
Fixed extension did not prove convenient or easy of application in
military practice, and the substitution of weight-and-pulley exten-
sion, or the employment of the weight of the patient's body as a
means of counter-extension, was widely and successfully resorted to.
In no department of surgery was more initiative and ingenuity shown
than in the numerous devices designed to meet the needs of individ-
ual cases or different regions of the body.
Infected wounds involving the articulations maintained the
reputation of this form of injury as a source of difficulty and anxiety.
One heterodox principle was propounded. Absolute rest to the joint
has always been regarded as the surest means of checking the spread
of infection, but success attended resort to a method in which active
movements of an open articulation were commenced from the out-
set. It was claimed, and with some justice, that this method favoured
the escape of infective exudation from the cavity of the articulation,
and that the formation of adhesions and ultimate restriction of the
normal movements were minimized. It is perhaps too early to give
a definite opinion on this subject.
As regards injuries to the nervous system, it suffices here to say
that the advances made in the more accurate knowledge of localiza-
tion of function in the different parts of the brain and the spinal cord,
and increased knowledge of the mode and progress of regeneration in
wounded peripheral nerves, took a more important place than those
in technical treatment of the injuries.
The book of knowledge concerning the possibilities of thoracic
surgery (see HEART AND LUNG SURGERY) may be said to have been
opened up by the experience of the war. It was proved upon an
extensive scale that the mere laying-open of the great serous sacs of
the chest was not the dangerous procedure that had been widely
assumed, and that, as Sir W. MacEwen had already demonstrated,
no special artificial arrangements are necessary to maintain the
normal intra-thoracic pressure during operations. Appreciation of
this fundamental fact opened the way to free primary treatment of a
large number of thoracic injuries which had formerly proved rapidly
fatal not from the hopelessness of the actual injury but from the
results of the infection which commonly followed it in consequence
of insufficiency in boldness of surgical attack. Thus the way was
cleared for dealing with intra-thoracic haemorrhage and its complica-
tions, wounds of the lung, retained fragments of infected foreign
bodies, and even for dealing on rational lines with wounds of the
heart. Of scarcely less consequence than these visceral operations
were those rendered possible for removal of foreign bodies from the
mediastina, a fruitful source of immediate danger, and of intractable
fistula-formation at a later date. It is impossible to estimate how
widely this new field of surgery may be exploited in the civil practice
of the future.
The technique of the surgery of abdominal injuries had been
already so highly developed as to call only for judgment and. initiative
to elevate military practice to the same level that had been reached
in civil life. The difficulties which required to be surmounted were
partly administrative, depending on the all-important element of
time and the ensurance of as near an approximation as possible to
the golden interval of six hours between injury and operation ; partly
dependent upon the severity of the injuries themselves. Both were
overcome, and perhaps the most satisfactory feature of the result is
seen in the increased tendency to conservancy in the extent of the
operations the effort to repair rather than to excise the injured part.
The most striking in a series of successes was that attained in the
treatment of severe abdomino-thoracic injuries, which had previously
been regarded as beyond legitimate surgical intervention.
The experience gained during the war is likely to influence the
future of surgical practice mainly in two directions. In the first
place, the intimate personal association of workers in the branches
of pure science ancillary to the practice of the art of medicine
with the practical application of the principles laid down by
them demonstrated the fruitfulness of this combination and its
capacity to lead to rapid advance in elucidation of the problems
constantly confronting the medical practitioner. Secondly, the
assemblage of vast numbers of crippled men brought forcibly
before the medical profession and the public the waste in national
power which results from impairment or defect in physical
capacity amongst a whole population, and accentuated the fact
that in civil life circumstances had not been favourable for follow-
ing up continuously the history and results of many common
injuries. Hence surgeons who in the past had busied themselves
particularly in the treatment of acquired defects and deformities
extended the scope of their activities to preventive effort, and
as a consequence greatly increased facilities have been provided
for continuous treatment. (G. H. M.)
MEDICINE, INTERNATIONAL. A decision of considerable
importance in matters pertaining to international health was
taken by the Assembly of the League of Nations at its first meet-
ing held at Geneva in December 1920, when the following resolu-
tion was adopted:
" In pursuance of Articles 23 (/), 24 and 25 of the Covenant of the
League of Nations, and in order to facilitate the discharge by the
League of Nations of the responsibilities which may be placed upon
it by provisions of the various Treaties of Peace, the Assembly of the
League of Nations resolves as follows :
" That a permanent International Health Organization be estab-
lished as part of the organization of the League of Nations."
Article 23 (/) of the Covenant of the League of Nations,
embodied in the Treaty of Versailles, contains these words:
" Subject to, and in accordance with, the provisions of inter-
national conventions at present existing, or hereafter to be agreed
upon, the members of the League will endeavour to take steps in
matters of international concern for the prevention and control of
disease."
Articles 24 and 25 of the Covenant refer to the necessity of
arrangements being made for carrying out the above principle
in so far as it affects existing international health bureaux and
voluntary international Red Cross societies.
The functions of the organization are as follows:
(a) To advise the League of Nations in matters affecting health.
(6) To bring administrative health authorities in different coun-
tries into closer relationship with each other.
(c) To organize means of more rapid interchange of information
on matters where immediate precautions against disease may be
required (e.g. epidemics) and to simplify methods for acting rapidly
on such information where it affects more than one country.
9io
MEDINA MEHTA
(d) To furnish a ready organization for securing or revising neces-
sary international agreements for administrative action in matters
of health and more particularly for examining those subjects which
it is proposed to bring before the Standing and General Committees,
with a view to international conventions.
(e) In regard to measures for the protection of the worker against
sickness, disease, and injury arising out of his employment, which
falls within the province of the International Labour Organization,
the International Health Organization will cooperate with and assist
the International Labour Organization, it being understood that the
International Labour Organization will on its side act in consultation
with the International Health Organization in regard to all health
matters.
(f) To confer and cooperate with international Red Cross societies
and other similar societies.
(g) To advise, when requested, other voluntary organizations in
health matters of international concern.
(h) To organize missions in connexion with matters of health at
the request of the League of Nations with the concurrence of the
countries affected.
Underlying the various functions, as detailed, is the important
principle that this newly created international health organiza-
tion will " deal with such matters as affect individual countries
only in their relation to other countries." This las't phrase clearly
indicates and defines the international aspect as opposed to any
interference with the internal health organization of any individ-
ual nation. These functions were in their main outline drafted in
London in April 1920, at an international health conference
convened by the British Minister of Health, and subsequently
submitted to the Council of the League of Nations for approval;
such approval was granted by the Council at the meeting held
at San Sebastian.
The machinery so far outlined for the new health organization
consists of the following three departments: a general committee,
a standing or executive committee, and an international health
office or secretariat. The general committee was to consist of:
(a) the delegates or their successors appointed to the Office
International d'Hygiene Publique by the various signatory
Powers to the international agreement drawn up at Rome in
1907; (b) other delegates appointed by countries not included in
the Rome agreement, but who had become members of the
League of Nations; (c) the medical secretary. This committee
was to meet at least once a year at its headquarters in Paris,
namely the Office International d'Hygiene Publique; it would
appoint its own president and sub-committees and draw up its
own constitution. Any member of the committee was empowered
to call in the assistance of technical advisers, with no power to
vote except when acting as deputy in the absence of the delegate
he represents and only after due notice of the change has been
sent to the president in writing. The main function of this
committee was to receive full reports of the standing or executive
committee and of all sub-committees.
The standing or executive committee was to consist of: (a)
delegates of the States permanently represented on the Council
of the League of Nations; (b) the president and five members
of the general committee; (c) a representative of the League of
Red Cross Societies; (d) a representative chosen by the govern-
ing body of the Labour Conference. This committee was to
elect its own chairman and sub-committees, and meet not less
than four times a year, and oftener as occasion required; the
members were to be elected for a period of three years, and then
be eligible for reelection. The committee was empowered to
draw up new conventions and revise old ones and render all its
reports to the general committee. The International Health
Bureau, the headquarters of the League of Nations, was to in-
clude the medical secretary, appointed by the standing com-
mittee, and directly responsible to it for such duties as it might
assign. The medical secretary is entitled to attend all com-
mittees 3r sub-committees and to have the right of direct
access to the secretary-general of the League and to communicate
with the various national health organizations. The personnel
of the bureau was to consist as far as possible of persons of dif-
ferent nationalities, all appointed by the standing committee
on the nomination of the medical secretary. The medical secre-
tary was to prepare in advance an annual budget for the approval
of the standing committee and be responsible to the secretary-
general of the League for all expenditure he might incur. The
League of Nations was to provide all approved expenditure.
It will readily be agreed that the organization above outlined
indicates great possibilities for the advancement of international
public health; such machinery as is proposed should be capable
of effecting a much-needed coordination among the individual
nations, especially in such matters as shipping hygiene, port
sanitation, etc., but how far the new organization will prove an
advance on the work carried out by the various international
health congresses held periodically at different centres will depend
in some measure on the capabilities of the personnel to be ap-
pointed for the control of the new machine. It is greatly
desired that the health organization of the League of Nations
shall prove to be something more than an international bureau
for the collecting and transmitting of health statistics.
Important as is the consideration of the various points of
contact among individual nations in matters pertaining to
general sanitation, yet there lies before the League of Nations
the larger function of influencing the health of the people in the
various countries in matters pertaining to the prevention of
disease. Popular educational propaganda for the dissemination
of knowledge in hygiene is likely to be more effective in raising
the general standard of health of a people than the more
tedious method of " patchy " and intermittent legislation.
The " will to health " has to be quickened in the individual
citizen by means of education, and one of the most hopeful
elements in the new organization is the proposal to work in
cooperation with voluntary organizations, which are more likely
to be effective in carrying out educational health propaganda
than when such is attempted by an official state organization.
One other aspect of the new organization that is suggestive of
great possibilities is the fact that International Labour is to be
represented on the standing or executive committee. The whole
question of industrial hygiene as it affects the health and welfare
of the worker is thus likely to receive that degree of attention
which is so much needed. (N. B.)
MEDINA (see 18.64). Before the World War, Medina was less
known to Europeans than Mecca, although it was described by
the earlier travellers, Burckhardt and Burton, and by Wavell
(who visited it in 1908) as late as 1912. Much new information
regarding existing conditions in the city was obtained as a result
of the war operations.
A Turkish staff map of the environs of Medina, on the 1 :5o,ooo
scale, captured after the surrender, the first map available since
Burton's sketch made about 70 years ago, shows the plan and dis-
position of the city, and photographs seized from the Turks revealed
for the first time the nature and character of some of its buildings.
The dimensions of the city were overestimated by earlier writers,
the walls actually measuring' not more than ij m. in circumference,
with the longest diameter a little over i m. E. and W. The Hejaz
railway has its terminal station outside the city walls at the Bab el
'Ambari, the gate on the S.W. through which runs the road to
Yambo'. During the war a branch was carried from the main line,
through a breach in the walls on the N.W. side, to the outskirts of
the Haram, or Great Mosque, which was used as a munition store
and intended to serve as an inner citadel in case of siege.
At the outbreak of the revolt in June 1916 the Arabs, unable to
take the city by assault, withdrew and began a blockade which as
they were unwilling to bombard the city for fear of damage to the
holy places and refused to cut the water-supply conduit lasted
until the Turks surrendered the city in Jan. 1919. In 1917 Fakhri
Pasha, commander of the garrison, devised a scheme for the rebuild-
ing and modernization of Medina, but all that happened was the
destruction of a great number of houses for the sake of the beams and
woodwork to feed the railway locomotives. Extensive palm planta-
tions outside the walls, E. and N.E., were also ravaged for the same
purpose. Large palm-gardens which formerly occupied much space
within the walls were, in great part, built over, and the Barr el
Manakha, or central open space, was encroached upon.
Before the World War the normal resident population was
estimated at 40,000, of whom a large proportion were aliens who had
settled after pilgrimage. The Turks deported about three-quarters
of the inhabitants during the blockade, and, allowing for further
decrease by disease, the population in 1920 was well under 10,000.
For plan, see ARABIA.
MEHTA, SIR PHEROZESHAH MERWANJI (1845-1915), In-
dian Moderate leader and municipal reformer, was the son of a
Bombay merchant. Educated at the Elphinstone College, he
MEIGHEN MENDELISM
911
was the first Parsi M.A. of Bombay University, and coming to
London to read at Lincoln's Inn was also the first Parsi to be
called (1868) to the bar. With Dadabhai Naoroji he founded the
organization which grew into the present East India Association.
Returning to Bombay he rapidly made a name as an advocate
and built up a fortune at the bar. Appointed in 1869 as Justice
of the Peace, to participate in municipal affairs, he eagerly pro-
moted the reform of civic administration begun in 1872, from
which date he served on the new Bombay Corporation till his
death. Through these 43 years he exercised wisely an extraor-
dinary personal ascendency in that body and was four times
president. He was also the dominant non-official figure in the
Bombay Legislature, where he served for over 30 years. He
represented its non-official members on the Supreme Legislature
for three triennial terms to 1902, when he made way for G. K.
Gokhale. One of the founders of the Indian National Congress,
he presided at the Calcutta session of 1890. A stout opponent of
violent methods, he did perhaps more than anyone else to stave
off the complete triumph the extreme section in the Congress
secured soon after his death. Most influential in the affairs of
the Bombay University, he was in the last few months of his life
vice-chancellor. A great orator, with remarkable gifts for man-
aging men, his steadfast devotion to local and provincial reform
and progress, while not irresponsive to wider calls, had a most val-
uable influence in moulding nascent Indian public life. Created
a C.I.E. in 1894, he was advanced to the knighthood of the Or-
der 10 years later. In the last year of his life, in spite of declining
health, he threw his great influence strongly on the side of full
Indian cooperation with the rest of the Empire in the World War.
He died in Bombay Nov. 5 1915.
See the political biography by H. P. Mody (2 vols. 1921). Much
light is thrown on Mehta's services to his native city in Rise and
Growth of Bombay Municipal Government (1913), by his most intimate
friend and co-worker, Sir Dinshaw Wacha. (F. H. BR.)
MEIGHEN, ARTHUR (1874- ), Canadian statesman, was
born June 16 1874 at Anderson, Perth co., Ontario. After
studying law, he practised for some years in Portage la Prairie,
Manitoba. He was elected to the Canadian House of Commons
in the general election of 1908, and was reflected in 1911 and
1917. In 1913 he was appointed Solicitor-General in the Borden
administration and in 1915 was sworn of the Privy Council for
Canada. He became Secretary of State and Minister of Mines
in 1917, and the same year was made Minister of the Interior
and Superintendent-General for Indian Affairs. In 1918 he went
to England with the Prime Minister, Sir Robert Borden, to
attend the Imperial Conference. Following the retirement of
Sir Robert Borden in 1919 he was chosen to succeed him as
leader of the Union Government. He became Prime Minister
and Secretary of State for External Affairs July 10 1920, and
was appointed a member of the King's Privy Council in October
of the same year. He attended the conference of Prime Ministers
in London in June 1921. But he resigned office on the heavy
defeat of his party at the elections in December.
MELBA, MADAME [NELLIE PORTER ARMSTRONG] (1850- ),
British singer (see 18.90), was the organizer of many charitable
efforts during the World War, and collected considerable sums
for war charities. In 1918 she was created D.B.E.
MELDOLA, RAPHAEL (1849-1913), British chemist, was born
at Islington July 19 1849. Educated at the Royal School of
Mines, he became a lecturer at the Royal College of Science,
South Kensington, and subsequently professor of chemistry at
Finsbury Technical College in 1885, and did valuable work in
connexion with the manufacture of coal-tar dyes (see 3.82 and
19.168). He was also interested in biological questions, such as
the colouring of butterflies and animals (see 6.733). He died in
London Nov. 16 1915.
See Raphael Meldola: Reminiscences of his worth and work by
those mho knew him. Edited by James Marchant (1916).
MELLON, ANDREW WILLIAM (1855- ), American banker
and public official, was born in Pittsburgh, Pa., March 24 1853.
After graduating from the university of Pittsburgh he entered
the banking house of Thomas Mellon & Sons and later became a
partner. The business developed into three strong institutions,
the Mellon National Bank, the Union Trust Company, and the
Union Savings Bank, all of Pittsburgh. Mr. Mellon was elected
president of the first mentioned in 1902, and was vice-president
of the other two. In the 'eighties he was interested in the
development of the coal, coke and iron industry of Western
Pennsylvania and was often associated in various enterprises
with Henry C. Frick. He founded the town of Donora, Pa., and
established a large steel mill there. He built the first independent
pipe line, in competition with the Standard Oil Co., through
Pennsylvania. He was a director in numerous corporations, and
was a conservative Republican, opposing the League of Nations.
In 1921 he was appointed Secretary of the Treasury in the
Cabinet of President Harding.
MENDELISM (see 18.115). The progress in physiological
science made possible by Mendelian methods is described in the
articles GENETICS and SEX. In the present article the influence
of those discoveries on the development of biological thought and
their application to the practice of breeding are considered.
(1) Analysis. Modern genetics introduces into biology a
factorial or analytical conception of organisms, which are now
recognized as largely possessing attributes behaving as units
and as such capable of being detached and transferred to any
other type with which cross-breeding can be effected. The limits
governing this principle of segregation and recombination are
still undetermined.
(2) Phcnotype and Genotype. In former considerations of
biological problems no account was taken of the consequences of
the fact that each of the higher organisms is, in modern language,
diploid, that is to say, a double structure containing factorial
contributions derived respectively from the haploid or simple
male and female cells which in fertilization united to produce it.
Since some of these factors inhibit the effect of others, and since
some give no sign of their presence in the organism unless other
complementary elements are also present, the appearance of an
organism is an imperfect guide to its genetic potentialities. We
have thus to distinguish the organism as it outwardly appears
to be from that which it actually is by genetic composition, a
distinction which Johannsen has conveniently expressed by the
use of the terms phcnolype for the former and genotype for the
latter. Systematic or classificatory works, both zoological and
botanical, abound with errors arising from want of appreciation
of this fundamental distinction, which must constantly be
remembered, especially, for instance, whenever the significance
of varietal or intermediate forms has to be estimated.
(3) Variability. Evidence formerly regarded as proof of
abundant contemporary variability in the species of animals
and plants must be submitted to searching tests before it can be
so accepted. Observations of variability once deemed adequate
are now seen to be capable of quite different constructions.
Proof that an observed departure from type is a contemporary
genetic variation can only be obtained in exceptional cases which
have been critically observed under experimental conditions.
Putative variation is commonly nothing but the recurrence of a
recessive form, or the emergence of some other segregant, from a
stock genetically impure; more often still the direct product of a
cross. The existence, therefore, of a multitude of varietal forms,
so far from simply providing a convenient basis upon which a
theory of the evolution of species can be erected, becomes itself
an antecedent problem; and instead of asking, as they used to do,
how the species have been built up out of the varieties, biologists
are rather concerned to discover whence and by what process
these variations have come to exist. The belief that substantial
genetic change commonly accrues by summation of impalpable
differences has been generally abandoned as devoid of evidential
foundation. Such differences are mostly fluctuational, largely
dependent on circumstance rather than on genetical units, and
hence not transmissible. Summation, when a genuine phenome-
non, is a consequence of purification or the attainment of homo-
zygosis. The idea that a characteristic could in any other way
increase as a result of selection is out of place in an exact or even
a logical science.
912
MENDELISM
(4) Variation by Loss and by Addition. Whether the evidences
of authentic variation remaining after the deduction of spurious
testimony has been made suffice as a basis of evolutionary theory
has been questioned by competent naturalists. Lotsy, for ex-
ample, maintains that we have no proof of contemporary varia-
tion arising otherwise than as a consequence of crossing; and
apart from such extreme pronouncements it is noticeable that as
regards varieties of animals and plants anciently domesticated,
modern authorities usually incline to ascribe a multiple origin
even for forms like wheat, the fowls, pigeons, sheep, horses, etc.,
which used formerly to pass for derivatives from single types, a
belief which is now felt to be inconsistent with what is known of
the limits of variability. Distinction must be made between
recessive and dominant variations, arising respectively by loss
and by addition. As regards recessive variations arising by loss
of elements few will doubt the adequacy of the records (e.g. in
the sweet pea, Primula sinensis, etc.). As regards the de novo
appearance of dominant characters the evidence is less abundant.
Morgan and the American geneticists have made prominent
several instances of this kind in Drosophila (fruit fly), of which
the spontaneous origin of " eosin " (a new and peculiar pink)
eyes in a white-eyed strain may be cited. Admitting provision-
ally these examples as free from objection they are nevertheless
extraordinary events and not common occurrences. Were the
dominant in question one already familiar we should hesitate
to believe in its spontaneous origin. That a pea genetically
vvTinkled, having the characteristic starch of the wrinkled
varieties, should without crossing produce a variety with " round "
starch-grains would in modern lights appear not much less im-
probable than the spontaneous generation of life.
But, as explained in the article GENETICS, nothing absolutely
forbids us from inverting the representation of positive and
negative factors by extension of the conception of inhibitors of
which many are familiarly known; so that we may express the
apparent addition of a new element as a loss of one which when
present had repressed the new attribute. This symbolism, though
admittedly objectionable when dominance is complete, does
without strain apply to all cases in which the heterozygote is
intermediate, and a large range of alleged new dominants can be
covered. In so far as this conception applies, evolution is con-
ceived of as a process of unpacking, a progress consisting in the
loss of component elements.
(5) Mutation. The term mutation introduced by de Vries is
now generally accepted to denote definite genetical variations
which are sensibly discontinuous. Though contemporary ex-
amples which satisfy all tests are not abundant, there is no
question that they occur and have occurred in most of the
forms of life. They are indeed part of the occasional experience
of most breeders of animals and plants. The special example,
the Oenotheras, on which de Vries mainly founded his own theory
was singularly unfortunate, and must, as explained in the article
GENETICS, be now discarded as inapplicable. Mendclian analysis
was only lately made known and the group of discoveries com-
prised in the term genetics were in an incipient stage; nor had
the criteria of genetic purity, which must be applied to a parental
form before the production of new types from it can be accepted
as proof of original mutation, been clearly established. The
Oenotheras which produce the presumed mutations are now
proved to be no pure genotypes, and the suggestion that they
were in a " period of mutation " arose from a misunderstanding
of the nature and consequences of heterozygosis.
(6) Inter-specific Sterility. The new forms whose productions
we witness are never new species. In Primula sinensis about 20
pairs of factorial differences have been determined, which in
their several combinations present an amazing polymorphism.
A systematist, if he met these forms in nature, might and probably
would quite justifiably take many of them for distinct species.
But interbred, they and their products are perfectly fertile.
Polymorphism like this is, even in a state of nature, far more
abundant and far greater than the evolutionists of the last
century imagined, yet it avails us little as material out of which
true specific differences can be supposed to develop. The con-
spicuous defect in the evidence for the origin of species by com-
mon descent remains. Though much is known as to the incidence
of variation, not rarely of a magnitude which might naturally
be claimed as constituting specific difference, no one has yet
raised types from a common origin which when interbred pro-
duce sterility of the kind and degree which is one of the common-
est attributes of crosses between natural species. By whatever
concatenation of arguments theories of evolution have been
constructed, that most essential link has never been supplied.
The lapse of time is occasionally invoked in the hope of rectifying
this and similar evidential defects, a strain which has been main-
tained distinct for a long period being thought more likely to
show interracial sterility when crossed with its progenitor than
one newly separated. Reasoning of this kind, plausible enough
in scholastic days, is not acceptable in an age of chemistry, nor
may we suppose that that which is never begun will be attained
by mere effluxion of time. The more genetical experience extends,
the more serious does this hiatus in the evidence become.
(7) Evolution. In allusion to this and other difficulties, which
genetic research has forced into prominence, the question is
sometimes asked whether the theory of evolution holds its place
so firmly as it did, or, more crudely put, whether Mendelian
discovery has not "upset Darwinism." It should therefore be
stated explicitly that in spite of all the objections with which
the doctrine of the origin of species by descent is now seen to be
beset objections of which the strength is far more clearly
known than before and though as to the manner by which new
species have come into existence geneticists adopt for the most
part an agnostic attitude, yet all agree that the lines of argument
converging to support the theory of common origin are so forcible
and so many that no alternative can be entertained. The geolog-
ical record is conclusive. To take one most cogent instance:
if Angiosperms had existed in the carboniferous age their remains
must have been preserved; therefore Angiosperms have arisen
since that time, and we cannot conceive whence they came if not
by descent from the preexisting plants. Common descent,
though rarely if ever a proposition demonstrable in any detail,
ranks as an axiom. For Darwin and any other evolutionist before
or after him this is a concession of the main claim. Parts of the
apparatus by which the validity of that claim was enhanced have
fallen into desuetude. In particular the modern geneticist assigns
to natural selection a subordinate and inconsiderable role. Or-
ganisms are to be considered as coordinated systems. That each
particular structure or instinct comprised in the system, which
shows permanence or definiteness, makes a contribution to the
success of the system equivalent to the cost of its production is_
recognized as a fallacy. We are also reluctant to apply to the
interrelations of the collective properties of organisms argu-
ments which would be out of place in similar considerations of the
attributes of unorganized substances. We no more look for
utility in the details of a peacock's feather than in the iridescence
of a Roman bottle or in the regularity of basaltic prisms.
(8) Adaptation. It is not merely in regard to the mode by
which species have arisen that agnosticism has prevailed. While
unwilling to accept adaptation, with Darwin, as a summation of
happy accidents, we have no alternative to offer, nor is there in
the recent attempts of various experimenters to find that organ-
isms transmit to their posterity structural emendations in re-
sponse to parental experience anything which sensibly alleviates
the difficulty. Most of these claims are obviously faulty and few
require serious notice.
Each step in the progress of this branch of science has rather
compelled the recognition of genetic determinism; and the hope
that by change in the conditions of life or by any external in-
fluences significant alteration can be induced in succeeding
generations, whether of organisms amenable to experiment or of
the human population, must be abandoned.
(9) Classification. The full implications of factorial analysis
in relation to biological classification are not yet appreciated.
The fundamental idea of the systematist, that animals and plants
can be grouped into species, and that the distinctions between
species are of a different order from those characteristic of van-
MENENDEZ Y PELAYO MERCIER
eties, is now scarcely open to question. Nevertheless the belief
held very widely by systematists, that certain classes of differences
are important as being more fixed, and others trivial as being
more liable to variation, is scarcely consistent with genetiqal
knowledge. The frequency and amplitude of variation and the
perfection of segregation must be empirically determined for
the various organisms and for the various characters. No general
rules can be predicated. Anthropologists, for example, are
accustomed to regard special features of anatomy as comparative-
ly sure guides to racial origin. Knowing what we now do of seg-
regation and recombination we suspect that no characteristic
is incapable of segregation and so of transference to another race:
given the possibility of cross-breeding, the shape of the skull or
other bodily peculiarity may be transferred in its entirety to
individuals descending by another parent from a different race,
and hence to a resulting population, more slowly but not less
completely than a language or a custom.
The classificatory dichotomies in common use in the systematic
arrangement of animals and plants have no prerogative signif-
icance except for mnemonic or demonstrative purposes; for the
number of the dichotomies is merely an enumeration of the pairs
of factorial differences, and the order in which they are taken
into account, though often treated as a matter of cardinal im-
portance, is purely arbitrary. Peas, for instance, are divided
first into tall varieties and dwarf varieties, then into round and
wrinkled, yellow and green, etc., but it would be logically as sound
and physiologically as justifiable to divide them first into yellow
and green, then into early and late, and so on. If the races of men
could be crossed under experimental conditions we should find
the same principles governing their distinctions.
(10) Applications. The applicability of genetic discoveries
to the betterment of the human race is discussed in the article
EUGENICS, but a few words as to the progress in the art of breed-
ing animals and plants made possible by the development of
Mendelism may be given here. The use and consequences of
crossing in the search for new forms of economic value are now
apparent. The reasons for preserving the first generation (Fi)
though it may present no valuable feature and the desirability
of raising from it as many individuals (F 2 ) as space will ac-
commodate, are obvious. The breeder now knows what he is
about and is able to interpret countless phenomena previously
meaningless. Granting that the chief breeds of animals now
in the keeping of civilized man are not capable of much ameliora-
tion, experience has shown that enormous improvements can be
made by applying accurate knowledge to the breeding of even
such old-established crops as' wheat, oats, tobacco, etc. If this
is true of the crops which have for ages been the object of un-
remitting care, it will be understood that the cultivated plants
of tropical regions offer limitless possibilities. The breeding of
coconut, rubber, jute, cacao and many more has scarcely begun.
These are all still raised from seed gathered almost promiscuously,
the result of uncontrolled fertilization, and the produce is what
we should see if our orchards were raised from seeds and those
seeds gathered at random from garden varieties and from wildings
in the hedgerows. At first, selection and fertilization under con-
trol will suffice to make great progress. Even at that stage some
genetic knowledge will be of value, but when the more difficult
task of making genetic recombinations of desirable qualities is
begun the breeder will require skill in the management and in-
terpretation of the generations and the various terms in the
series of forms which only accurate knowledge of principle can
supply. Genetic science shows primarily what can be expected,
providing the breeder with an aim, and also indicates how it
may be attained. For example, a crop of sugar beet often con-
tains 4% sometimes many more of plants which " bolt " or
flower in the first year making no "bulb," and so worthless.
This state of things has long been accepted as inevitable. But
when the geneticist finds that the annual habit is a recessive,
he suspects that the plants which produce the bolters are hetero-
zygous in that respect, and that if he can raise plants homozy-
gous in the biennial habit he will have eliminated bolting. The
breeder, whether scientific or practical, ignorant of genetics,
would never suspect the nature of the fault, still less could he
devise a cure. Common sense in the art of seed-raising is an im-
perfect guide. Apart from any question of making new races,
the purification of existing varieties and their maintenance in
a state of purity are exacting tasks. What has been done in these
several phases of the industry, in ignorance of principle, is re-
markable, but we may confidently foresee that the application
of scientific method will in the case of the breeder's art effect
a change in magnitude no less than that which has been witnessed
in the other industries.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. W. Bateson, Materials for the Study of Variation
(1894) ; Problems of Genetics (ed. 2, 1916) ; Presidential Address to Brit.
Assn., Australia (1914); W. E. Castle, Genetics and Eugenics (1916);
N. Heribert-Nilsson, " Variabilitat, Spaltung, Artbildung und
Evolution in der Gattung Salix," Festskr. Lunds Universitet 200
Arsjubileum (1918); W. Johannsen, Elemente der exakten Erblich-
keitslehre (ed. 2, 1913); J. P. Lotsy, Evolution by Means of Hybridiza-
tion (1916); T. H. Morgan, A Critique of the Theory of Evolution
(1916); The Mechanism of Mendelian Heredity (1915); O. Renner,
" Versuche iib. d. gametische Konstitution d. Onotheren," Zts. fur
indukt. Abstamms. u. Vererbungslehre (xviii., 1917); H. de Vnes,
Die Mutationstheorie (1901-3). (W. BN.)
MENENDEZ Y PELAYO, MARCELINO (1856-1912), Spanish
scholar and critic (see 18.128), was at the time of his death
working at the second edition of his Historia de los heterodoxos
espanoles. He died at Santander May 19 1912, and bequeathed
his valuable Library of 40,000 volumes to that town.
See A. Donoso, Menendez y Pelayo y sit Obra (1913) ; Bonilla y San
Martin, Menendez y Pelayo, 1856-1912 (1914) ; and A. G. de Amezua
y Mayo, Nota bibliografica de Menendez y Pelayo (1918).
MENSDORFF-POUILLY-DIETRICHSTEIN, ALBERT, COUNT
VON (1861- ), Austro-Hungarian diplomatist, was born at
Lemberg Sept. 5 1861. He was the second son of Alexander
von Mensdorff-Pouilly, Prince Dietrichstein von Nicolsburg,
and Alexandrine, born Countess Dietrichstein-Proskau and
Leslie. Entering the diplomatic service at an early age, he
was assigned in 1886 to the Paris embassy and in 1889 trans-
ferred to London, where with short intervals he was ambassador
from 1904 to Aug. 13 1914. He used his family relations with
the English court, derived through the marriage of Count
Emmanuel Mensdorff-Pouilly (1777-1862) with Queen Vic-
toria's aunt, Princess Sophia of Saxe-Coburg, his friendship
with Edward VII. and George V., and his popularity in English
aristocratic circles, to establish and secure friendly relations
between the Cabinets of Vienna and London. In the critical
negotiations before the outbreak of the World War he supported
every attempt to avert the danger. During the war he was
repeatedly entrusted with missions directed towards the restora-
tion of peace. He met Gen. Smuts in Switzerland in Dec. 1917,
but these negotiations proved as fruitless as those which he
conducted with the Entente representatives in the last days of
the Habsburg Monarchy. At the end of 1920 he represented the
Austrian Republic on the occasion of its reception into the
League of Nations.
MERCIE, MARIUS JEAN ANTONIN (1845-1916), French
sculptor and painter (see 18.152), died in Paris Sept. 12 1916.
MERCIER, DESIRE (1851- ), Cardinal Archbishop of
Malines, Belgium, was born Nov. 21 1851 at Broine 1'Allemt,
in the Walloon portion of Brabant, of a bourgeois family.
After finishing his course at the college of St. Rombaut at Malines,
he entered the larger seminary of that town, and on April 5 1874
was ordained priest. He continued his theological studies at
Louvain, and in 1877 was appointed professor of philosophy at
the lesser seminary of Malines. In 1882 he was appointed to the
recently created chair of Thomist philosophy at Louvain, and
during the ensuing years was active in the scheme for founding
the Institut Superieur de Philosophic at Louvain, which was
finally opened in 1894.
In Feb. 1906 Monsignor Mercier was appointed Archbishop of
Malines in succession to Archbishop Goossens, and in 1907 he
was created a cardinal. Soon after the outbreak of war in I9T4
he was summoned to Rome to attend the funeral of Pope Pius X.
and the election of his successor, and it was therefore not until
his return to Belgium that he became fully aware of the incidents
914
MERRIMAN MERSEY
of the German invasion. He personally inquired into many of
the allegations against the invading army, and as a result issued
his famous pastoral letter " Patriotism and Endurance." In
this he strongly protested against the cruelties which had been
inflicted on the Belgian population, at the same time recom-
mending submission to the authorities in everything that was
just. This pastoral was widely read, in spite of all the efforts of
the German authorities, and the cardinal declined in any way to
retract his words. Henceforth, during the four years of the
German occupation, he did not cease to protest against viola-
tions of right and justice by the Germans, and was often in
conflict with the military authorities, as his correspondence with
the German governor shows. Some of his protests were success-
ful and on Oct. 17 1918 Baron von der Lancken, head of the
political department at Brussels, announced to him the impend-
ing liberation of political prisoners. The dignity and courage of
the cardinal's conduct were universally recognized.
Cardinal Mercier's published works include Cours de philosophic
(in four vols., I. Logique, II. Mi'taphysique generate, III. Psychologie,
IV. Criteriologie generate, 1892) and also A mes seminaristes (1907);
La Vie interieure (1918); Retraite pastorale and five vols. of (Eitvres
pastorales. See also Correspondance de S.E. le Cardinal Mercier avec
Le gouvernant general allemand pendant I' occupation. (F. M.)
MERRIMAN, JOHN XAVIER (1841- ), South African
statesman, was born on March 15 1841 at Street, Som., England.
He was a son of Nathaniel James Merriman (1810-82) who
in 1841 had become vicar of Street, and was afterwards arch-
deacon of Grahamstown, dean of Cape Town and, from 1871,
Bishop of Grahamstown. The family removed to South Africa
in 1849. John Xavier was educated at the Diocesan College,
Rondesbosch, and later at Radley College, England. He re-
turned to South Africa in 1861 and became a farmer.
Merriman began his political career in 1869, when Cape
Colony was in the transition stage of representative government.
In temperament and outlook an aristocrat of the Whig school
his subtle mind brought him in turn into cooperation with
opposing parlies, but he was always a champion of personal
liberty and an advocate of native rights. In 1872, despite his
opposition, the Cape obtained self-government, and in 1875
Merriman joined the Molteno Ministry as commissioner of
public works. He was already distinguished for his energy and
capacity, and when in 1877 war with the Galeka Kaffirs broke
out Merriman became virtually Secretary for War in the
Cabinet. In this work he came into collision with the governor,
Sir Bartle Frere, who complained of Merriman's " insane
attempt to ape Gambetta," and insisted that he (Frere) alone
had the right to direct the war. Molteno supported Merriman;
in the result Frere dismissed the Cabinet, Feb. 1878.
Merriman came into office again in the Scanlen Ministry
(1881-4), and again as commissioner of public works. It was a
period of great difficulty following the Majuba campaign and
the retrocession of the Transvaal. In the Cape the Afrikander
Bond had been formed, and its more than dubious attitude to
the British connexion alienated Merriman from the Dutch
extremists. " My quarrel with the Bond," he said in a speech
at Grahamstown in 1885, " is that it stirs up race differences.
Its main object is to make the South African Republic (the
Transvaal) the paramount power in South Africa." The Bond
had caused the fall of the Scanlen administration because the
Ministry opposed the attempt of the Transvaal Boers to seize
Bechuanaland. In the last few weeks of its existence Merriman
and Cecil Rhodes had been colleagues and when Rhodes formed
a Ministry in 1890 Merriman joined it as treasurer-general.
Meanwhile the Bond, under the guidance of Jan Hofmeyr, had
adopted a constitutional programme, and 1890 saw a drawing-
together of the Dutch and British elements at the Cape. But the
uitlander troubles in the Transvaal became acute, and in 1893
Merriman resigned. In Dec. 1895 came the Jameson Raid.
Merriman, who was chairman of the Cape parliamentary
committee which inquired into the raid, and drew up its report,
desired reforms in the Transvaal, not its absorption into the
British Empire. " The greatest danger to the future," he
declared in a letter to President Steyn (dated March n 1898),
" lies in the attitude of President Kruger and his vain hope of
building up a State on a narrow, unenlightened minority."
The general election in Cape Colony in the latter half of 1898
gave the Bond a very narrow victory, and P. W. Schreiner be-
came Prime Minister, with Merriman (treasurer-general again)
and J. W. Sauer as his chief colleagues, though none of them
was members of the Bond. This was the Ministry in office
when the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902 broke out (see 5.244).
Merriman was among the ministers who in 1900 opposed the
measure to disfranchise the Cape rebels; this opposition led
Schreiner to tender the resignation of the Cabinet. Later
Merriman and Sauer came to England to plead for the restoration
of the independence of the Boer republics. At the general
election of 1904 Merriman was defeated, but was return
shortly afterwards at a by-election. He led the oppositioi
during the Ministry of Dr. Jameson and in Jan. 1908 succeeded
him as Prime Minister and treasurer-general (see 5.247).
Merriman lent the weight of his great authority to the movi
ment for unification and was a member of the national conventio:
which hammered out the new constitution. He was one of t
delegates who came to London in connexion with the passing
of the South Africa Act as well as a delegate to the imperial
conference on naval and military defence of 1909, on which
occasion he was made privy councillor. When on the establish-
ment of the Union in 1910 the Cape Parliament ceased to
exist he did not join the Union Ministry under Botha (see
article SOUTH AFRICA, section History). He remained a some-
what detached member of the South African party and a not
infrequent critic of ministers. Holding that as an equal member
of the British commonwealth South Africa had found it;
proper place, he opposed the disruptive policy of Hertzog
strongly as he had formerly supported the independence of t
Boer republics. He married, in 1874, Agnes, daughter
Mr. L. Vintcent, a member of the Cape Legislative Council.
(F. R. C.
MERRITT, WESLEY (1836-1910), American soldier (s>
18.173), died at Natural Bridge, Va., Dec. 3 1910.
MERRY, WILLIAM WALTER (1835-1918), English classical
scholar, was born at Evesham Sept. 6 1835. Educated at Chel-
tenham and Balliol College, Oxford, he became fellow and
lecturer of Lincoln College, Oxford, in 1859 and rector of the
college in 1884. A witty and fluent speaker both in Latin and in
English, he acquired a great reputation as public orator to the
university, a post he held from 1880 down to the time of his death.
He published editions of many of the plays of Aristophani
(1879-1900), as well as an edition of Homer's Odyssey (1870-8^
and Selected Fragments of Roman Poetry (1891). He died at
Oxford March 5 1918.
MERSEY, JOHN CHARLES BIGHAM, IST VISCOUNT (1840-
), English judge, was born at Liverpool, Aug. 3 1840, and
was educated at the Liverpool Institute and later at Berlin and
Paris. He was called to the bar in 1870, was made a Q.C.
1883, and became leader of the northern circuit. He entered the
House of Commons in 1895 as Unionist member for the Ex
change division of Liverpool, but lost his seat in 1897. In t
same year he was raised to the bench and knighted. In 1902
was president of the Royal Commission for the revision of t
South African martial law sentences, and from 1904 to i
president' of the railway and canal commission. From 1904 t
1910 he was chief judge in bankruptcy, and in 1909 becam<
president of the Probate, Divorce and Admiralty division of thi
High Court, and was made a privy councillor. In 1910 he w;
raised to the peerage. He was recognized as one of the high
authorities on Admiralty and shipping questions, and in 191
became wreck commissioner, being the same year president o:
the commission which investigated the loss of the " Titanic."
He presided in 1913 over the conference on the safety of life at
sea, and in 1914 over the commission of inquiry into the loss
the " Empress of Ireland." On the outbreak of the World Wa
Lord Mersey's wide experience and knowledge were recognize
by his appointment as head of the Admiralty transport arbi
tration board, and in 1915 he investigated the circumstano
MERTHYR MESOPOTAMIA
attending the losses of the " Falaba " and the " Lusitania."
In 1916 he was created a viscount.
MERTHYR, WILLIAM THOMAS LEWIS, isx BARON (1837-
1014), British engineer, was born at Merthyr-Tydvil Aug. 5
1837. He was trained as a civil engineer and in 1864 married
Anne Rees, daughter of a S. Wales coal-owner. Thenceforth he
was a large employer of labour in the S. Wales collieries and
effected many improvements both in the machinery of the mines
and the condition of the miners. He was the originator of the
sliding scale of wages introduced into the district in 1873, and
also of a miners' provident fund. He was called in to settle the
serious Taff Vale railway strike in 1900, and was an active work-
er for industrial peace. He was a member of several Royal
Commissions, was knighted in 1885, created a baronet in 1896
and raised to the peerage in 1911. He was made K.C.V.O. in
1907 and G.C.V.O. in 1912. He died at Newbury, Berks., Aug.
27 1914.
MESDAG, HENDRIK WILLEM (1831-1915), Dutch marine
painter, was born at Groningen Feb. 23 1831. He adopted a
business career, entering the family banking firm of Mesdag, but
about 1866 he came under the influence of Josef Israels, with the
result that he took up the study of art. His sea pieces became
famous, and earned him the gold medal of the Paris Salon,
among them being " Effet du soir a Scheveningen " (1872);
" Apres 1'Orage " (1895); " Rentree des bateaux de peche "
(1900) and " Une soiree sur la plage de Scheveningen " (1911).
He also made a fine collection of pictures and objets d'art, which
he presented to the nation, and they are housed in the Mesdag
museum at The Hague. He died at The Hague July 7 1915.
MESOPOTAMIA (see 18.179). In the classical sense " Meso-
potamia " is the country from Mosul and Tikrit on the Tigris to
the borders of Syria. In the earlier article it was this area which
was described under the heading of MESOPOTAMIA. It was then
said concerning the name itself that " in modern times it is
often used for the whole Euphrates country. That would pro-
vide a useful name for an important geographical unit, but it is
too misleading." The point has, however, now been settled,
for when the Indian Expeditionary Force landed at the head of
the Persian Gulf in 1914 the public decided that it was Meso-
potamia which was in question, and the name is now applied,
under the sanction of international treaties, to the country
stretching from the head of the Persian Gulf as far up the Tigris
and the Euphrates as the direct responsibilities of the British
Government extend. The area coincides, except for a slight
variation in the northern boundary, with the Turkish vilayets
of Basra, Bagdad and Mosul. The Arab name for what is now
called Mesopotamia is Iraq a term (sometimes Englished as
Irak) formerly covering only the alluvial plain from about Tikrit
southwards, but now commonly and even officially used for the
whole area governed from Bagdad.
The boundaries of Mesopotamia are: N., a line running roughly
E. and W. through a point on the Tigris rather nearer to Jeziret ibn
"Umar than to Mosul. S., territory of the Sheikh of Mohammerah
(Persia), the Persian Gulf and Kuwait. E., the Turco-Persian fron-
tier (this boundary was the subject of a Turco-Persian commission
assisted by British and Russian representatives in 1913-14; the
commission completed its labours just before the war began, but
its report was never ratified). W., the Arabian and Syrian deserts.
Southern Mesopotamia consists of an alluvial plain which stretches
from the Persian Gulf a distance of some 400 m. to the north. This
plain passes into rolling downs S. of Mosul; and beyond Mosul, to
the N. and E., it rises into the limestone mountains of Kurdistan,
where some peaks attain a height of 1 1 ,000 feet.
Climate. The climate of Mesopotamia is continental sub-tropi-
cal. The main features are large daily and annual ranges of tempera-
ture, lack of moisture and scanty rainfall. The annual rainfall totals
recorded at the three largest towns are:
Place
Number of years
Annual average rain-
fall in inches
Basra .
Bagdad
Mosul .
18
29
4
6-68
6-64
16-71
All the rain falls during the winter months; there is a long rainless
summer lasting from April or May to Oct. or November. The tem-
perature in summer is as high as that of any place in the world;
I2OF. in the shade is not uncommon at Bagdad and Basra and
in 1921 i28F.intheshadewasrecordedat Basra. On the other hand
severe frost is often experienced in winter. At Mosul temperatures
of over 30 F. below freezing-point have been registered, and the
absolute minimum on record runs from oF. at Mosul to 19 F. at
Bagdad and 24 F. at Basra. The heat of summer is tempered by the
excessive dryness of the atmosphere and by the prevailing wind,
the shamal, which blows from the north. (A. T. W.)
Medical Conditions. The Tigris and Euphrates and the Shatt al
Arab river formed by their junction overflow their banks in the
spring and early summer months owing to the water derived from
the melting snows of the mountains near their source. As a result
of this, the lower portions of Mesopotamia contain large marshy
districts near the banks of these great rivers which have a great
influence on the hygienic conditions prevailing. The hot months of
the year are from May to Oct., the hottest being July and Aug., but
fortunately even in these months the nights are relatively cool.
Just as in the case of the Persian Gulf, the intense heat is rendered
much more dangerous to human life by the high relative humidity
of the atmosphere caused by the moisture derived from the rivers
and marshy districts adjoining.
The dangers from heat exposure experienced in the Persian Gulf
exist equally in the lower parts of Mesopotamia, such as Basra,
Mohammerah, Gurna and as far up the Tigris as Ezra's Tomb, and
similarly the lower reaches of the Euphrates up to Nasiriya are
subject to like climatic conditions. In these districts, owing to the
ample opportunities provided by the marshy areas, mosquitoes flour-
ish abundantly and the malaria-carrying anopheles varieties are
prevalent. Malaria is consequently a disease which is very common,
and it is usually of the type known as benign tertian. In these
regions the greatest care is necessary to avoid infection and the con-
stant use of mosquito-nets is essential. The taking of quinine, 5 gr.
per diem, has been recommended as a prophylactic measure during
the months when mosquitoes abound, but the mosquito-net is the
surer safeguard. The other parts of Mesopotamia are subject to
equally high temperatures but the air is drier and the dangers from
heat-stroke are much less. Malaria is less prevalent, though it
occurs in the neighbourhood of the marshy districts.
Dysentery is prevalent throughout Mesopotamia. The form of
dysentery caused by the Amoeba dysenteries occurs all the year
round and it may be complicated by inflammation of the liver and
liver abscess. The other variety of dysentery known as bacillary
dysentery is common and is apt to occur in epidemic form, especially
in the autumn months. Both varieties of dysentery are conveyed
by impure water, so that the drinking of water which has not been
boiled or chlorinated, or the eating of salads, etc., which may have
been washed in contaminated water, must be carefully avoided.
Enteric fever, which includes typhoid fever and the fevers of
paratyphoid A and B organisms, is a water-borne disease and is
common in Mesopotamia. A valuable protection against them is
afforded by prophylactic inoculation with T.A.B. vaccine, which
protects against the three enteric-group fevers. Every resident
should obtain the valuable protection afforded by a yearly inocula-
tion with T.A.B. vaccine.
Cholera occurs in Mesopotamia and is a wate.r-borne disease.
It is frequently also introduced into Basra by infected persons
arriving on ships from India and elsewhere. Prophylactic inocula-
tion against cholera has been recommended, but the immunity con-
ferred is of short duration, only lasting a few months, and it is not
recommended as a protection for white residents unless a serious
epidemic is prevalent.
" Carriers " of disease are persons who are apparently in good
health but whose excreta contain the organisms of an infectious
disease. " Carriers " of the water-borne diseases above mentioned,
dysentery, enteric-group disease and cholera, are frequently found
in tropical countries; and not uncommonly cooks and servants or
persons who handle food and drink, when "carriers" of these diseases,
cause infection to others. Such persons suspected of being " car-
riers " of disease should be submitted to a bacteriological examina-
tion which would detect the presence of the disease-producing organ-
isms in their excreta.
Sand-fly fever is exceedingly common ; it is an acute and painful
fever of about three days' duration which is caused by the bite of
an infected sand-fly (PUebotomus Papatasii). This pest is so small
that it can readily find its way through an ordinary mosquito-net,
and in order to protect oneself against sand-fly fever it is necessary
to sleep under a net of sufficiently fine mesh to prevent its entry.
Sand-fly nets are commonly used in the tropics and are preferable
to ordinary mosquito-nets, since they keep out both sand-flies and
mosquitoes. Insect repellants, such as oil of citronella, eucalyptus,
paraffin, vermijelli, turpentine, etc., may be smeared on exposed
parts of the body to prevent the bites of sand-flies and mosquitoes
at times when one is not protected by a net.
Plague is not common in Mesopotamia, though in former years
serious epidemics have been recorded. At the present day plague
is generally introduced from India by cargoes landed in the Mesopo-
tamian ports, and sporadic cases frequently occur in Basra amongst
seafaring people. The disease is spread by rats, which are readily
infected with the Bacillus pestis, the organism being carried from
the rat to man by the flea. Prophylactic inoculation is of value
916
MESOPOTAMIA
when an epidemic is prevalent, and in 1919 it was a valuable means
of arresting an epidemic of plague amongst the native populations
of Basra, 'Amara and Bagdad.
Oriental sore (Bagdad boil) is very common in Mesopotamia,
and few of the native population escape infection. It is a chronic
ulcer caused by inoculation of a protozoal organism known as
Leishmania tropica by means of an insect bite, probably the sand-
fly. The latent period may be several months. It is a slowly healing
sore, lasting often a year or more, and leaves a scar. Usually exposed
parts of the body are affected and the scars are known as date-marks.
Eye diseases such as conjunctivitis, trachoma, etc., are exceedingly
common amongst the natives of Mesopotamia and cause a great
amount of blindness. They are spread by dust, dirt, flies and infec-
tion from one person to another. There is an immense field of much-
needed work open to specialists in eye diseases in Mesopotamia,
since most of these are preventable and many curable.
Tuberculosis in all its forms is a fairly common disease amongst
the native population. Leprosy is also fairly common and no at-
tempts have been made in the past to isolate affected persons.
Smallpox is of frequent occurrence and every resident should be
protected by repeated vaccination. Typhus fever is also of fre-
quent occurrence in Bagdad and the northern areas of Mesopotamia.
It is a disease carried by infected lice, and is introduced into the
country annually by lice-infected persons along the caravan routes
from the cooler countries adjoining, viz. Persia and Asia Minor.
Typhus is of rare occurrence in the southern parts of Mesopotamia,
the intense heat destroying lice. Venereal diseases, such as syphilis
and gonorrhoea, are common amongst the native population.
Diarrhoeal diseases are very common, and are due to infection of
food and drink by dust, flies, and contaminated water. The Arab
children are severely affected, and infantile mortality is high.
Deficiency diseases, such as scurvy and beri-beri, were prevalent
to a great extent during the early part of the \Yorld War amongst
the British troops in Mesopotamia. This was due to the difficulty
of transport of fresh vegetables and fruit on account of their perisha-
bility owing to the intense heat. These diseases are not likely to
occur during peace conditions and they do not appear to occur
amongst the native population, who can obtain fresh and whole-
some food, dates, vegetables, corn and meat, etc., in abundance.
Though this account of the diseases occurring in Mesopotamia
may appear somewhat alarming to those contemplating residence
there, nearly all of the diseases are preventable by simple precau-
tions, such as care of food and drink, protection at night from insect
bites, avoidance of unnecessary exposure to heat, and the ordinary
habits of personal cleanliness. Under proper precautions Mesopo-
tamia is a healthy country, especially north of 'Amara and Nasiriya,
and for 8 months in the year the climate is perfect. There is no
reason why white races resident there should not experience excellent
health, but it is advisable that residence in a cool climate during
July and Aug. should be arranged for as often as possible.
(W. H. W.)
Population. According to a census taken in 1920 the pop. of
Mesopotamia is nearly three millions. The figures, according to
religions, are given in Table I.
The population is Arab, with the following exceptions: (l) A
strong Turkish element in a string of towns stretching N. from
Mandali near the Persian border, through Kifri and Kirkuk to Altun
Koprii and Erbil. Tall Afar, some 40 m. W. of Mosul, is a Turkish
town, and there are Turkish villages in the plain of Mosul. These
Turks are not Osmanlis but descendants of earlier Turkish invasions
and of mercenaries brought in by the Abbasid caliphs to guard
the borders of their realm. (2) The Kurds, who inhabit, to the
almost complete exclusion of other races, the country E. of the line
of Turkish towns. (3) The Jews, most of whom live in Bagdad,
Basra and Mosul. They are supposed to be descended from those
Jews of the Babylonian captivity who disregarded Nehemiah's
summons to return to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. (4) The
Christians, who are confined to the big towns, except in the Mosul
area where there are several thriving Christian villages which live
by agriculture. Most of the Christian population are Chaldeans
(i.e. Nestorians who have become Roman Catholics), but there are
some Syrian Catholics and a few Jacobites (or old Syrians) and
Armenians; and during the war thousands of Nestorians drifted to
Mesopotamia as refugees from the country between Lake Van and
Lake Urumia, and some of these have settled in villages to the \.E.
and E. of Mosul. (5) A considerable Persian population living in
the Shiah towns of Najaf (Nejef), Karbala and Kadhimain, and
in Bagdad. (6) The Yezidis (the so-called devil-worshippers), who
inhabit the Sinjar and also certain villages E. of Mosul. (7) The
Sabeans (Mendaites), a curious people, now reduced to a handful,
who live in Lower Mesopotamia, mainly at Qal at Salih and Suq ash
Shuyukh. They hold John the Baptist in great reverence and there
are traces of star-worship in their cult.
The Arabs, who by reason of their numerical predominance give
the character to the country, range from the partly Europeanized
' notables " of Bagdad to the almost Bedouin population of desert
"ports" such as Zobeir and Kubaisa; from sections of ancient
tribes, famous in pre-Mahommedan verse, such as Bani Tamin and
Khasraj, to the wild " Marsh Arabs " of Lower Mesopotamia, who
are hardly recognized as Arabs by the rest of the population ; from
sheep-rearing tribes, nomad or semi-nomad, to men who have culti-
vated the same date-gardens for generations and have long lost all
their tribal characteristics.
Religion. Except for the insignificant proportion which is com-
posed of Jews, Christians, Yezidis and Sabeans, the people of Meso-
potamia are all Mahommedans. They are, however, split into
Shiahs and Sunnis. South of a line drawn roughly from W. to E.
through Bagdad, the population, except for the big towns, is almost
exclusively Shiah (Shi'ah) while N. of it few Shiahs are found. All
the Turks, and with very few exceptions all the Kurds, are Sunnis.
Language. The Turks of the Erbil-Kirkuk-Mandali line talk a
tongue that is akin to Azerbaijani rather than to Ottoman Turkish.
The Kurds and the Yezidis talk Kurdish, which is closely allied to
Persian and, indeed, is maintained by some to be only a Persian dia-
lect. It may be said, however, that south and west of the Turkish
towns only Arabic is spoken. There are considerable variations in
vocabulary and pronunciation. Everywhere there is found an ad-
mixture of Turkish, Persian and in the south English words, but
the Arabic of Mesopotamia is generally pure and homogeneous.
Agriculture. The most important occupation is agriculture.
The winter crops are wheat and barley, barley predominant in the
Bagdad and Basra areas, wheat in the Mosul area. In the north
the winter crops are grown on the rain ; but in the south, where the
rainfall is less than seven inches, no crops are grown (except, occa-
sionally, scanty catch crops) without assistance from irrigation.
For summer crops, even in the north, irrigation is required. The
chief summer crop is rice, which is grown chiefly in the marsh lands
of the middle and lower reaches of the Tigris and the Euphrates.
Most of this rice is red rice of common quality. Better kinds, but in
very small quantities, are grown in the Kurdish hills. Millet also is
grown, and a little maize. In the Kurdish hills large quantities of
cigarette tobacco are produced, and the coarse tobacco used for
water-pipes (tumbak) is grown on a small scale in the Hilla area.
Before the war cotton was grown in very small quantities for local
use. The silk industry had been started, but on a small scale.
A very important product is the date. It is grown mainly in the
tidal stretches of the Shatt al "Arab. From Fao to Qurna, a dis-
tance of about a hundred miles, there is an almost continuous grove
TABLE i. Population.
Division
Sunni
Shiah
Jewish
Christian
Other Religions
Total
Bagdad
Samarra
Diyala
Kut . . . .
Diwaniya
Shamiya
Hilla
Dulaim
130,000
66,455
. 54.953
8,578
1,000
445
15-983
247,000
54,000
14-215
46,097
98,712
192,300
189,000
155,897
200
50,000
300
1,689
381
6,OOO
530
1,065
2,600
15,000
397
127
5,000
20
27
200
1,000
900
200
5
28
250,000
80,970
104,036
107,798
204,500
190,000
173,000
250,000
Total vilayet of Bagdad
524.414
750,421
62,565
20,771
2,133
1,360,304
Basra
'Amara
Muntafiq
24,408
7,000
11,150
130,494
284,700
306,220
6,928
3,000
1 60
2,221
300
30
1,549
5,000
2,440
165,600
300,000
320,000
Total vilayet of Basra .
42,558
721,414
10,088
2,551
8,989
785,600
Mosul
Erbil
Kirkuk _
Sulaimani
244.713
96,100
85,000
153,900
17,180
5,000
7,635
4,800
1,400
1,000
50,670
4.IOO
6OO
IOO
30,180
1,000
350,378
106,000
92,000
155,000
579.713
22,180
14.835
55,470
31,180
703,378
Grand Total
1.146,685
1.494,015
87,488
78.792
42.302
2,849,282
MESOPOTAMIA
917
of date-palms on each side of the river. But every town as far north
as Samarra on the Tigris and 'Ana on the Euphrates has its date-
groves. Large flocks of sheep are raised, particularly in the Mosul
and Kurdistan areas ; their wool and skins are important articles of
export.
Industries. The industries of the country dyeing, tanning,
leather- working, silk-spinning and weaving are for the local market
only. The large towns, especially Bagdad, live on the distributing
trade of Mesopotamia and Persia. On account of the competition
of the Caucasus routes Bagdad was declining in importance during
the decade before the World War.
POLITICAL HISTORY, 1910-21
The Constantinople revolution of 1908 brought to Mesopota-
mia as to other parts of the Turkish Empire such advantages as
freedom to travel, but the population outside the big towns was
scarcely affected. The strong centralizing influence of the
Committee of Union and Progress was represented by branches
in the large towns, and the decentralization (Adem-i-Merkeziyet)
party seems to have had little open support, though the tribal
Arab continued to resist centralization as represented by attempts
to collect taxes, and in Basra a local notable, Saiyid Talib, was
able to raise himself to a position of influence from which no
efforts of the Turkish Government could oust him. In the matter
of education Syria was half a century ahead and that perhaps
accounts for the greater strength of the Arab movement in Syria.
Even in the use of their mother tongue the inhabitants of Mes-
opotamia seem to have been lukewarm, and the concession re-
garding the teaching of Arabic and its use in official documents,
wrung from the Turks mainly by disturbances in the Yemen, was
little appreciated if indeed adopted in Mesopotamia. The most
important posts, e.g. the governorships of Bagdad and Mosul,
continued to be filled by Turks, and such posts of influence as
were given to Mesopotamians went, with very few exceptions,
to the local Turks of Kirkuk, Erbil, etc. Attempts to encourage
education were, however, made, and the largest school in Bagdad
owes its construction to a subscription not perhaps always
voluntary raised by the Committee of Union and Progress.
The " Young Turks " also paid some attention to the possibility
of developing Mesopotamia. They engaged the distinguished
engineer Sir William Willcocks to draw up an irrigation scheme
for the country and, by acting on his report to the extent of
getting a British firm to build the Hindiya Barrage, whereby
the Euphrates could at will be turned down the left arm of the
river, past Hilla and Diwaniya, they restored to prosperity an
area which had fallen into destitution and been largely depopu-
lated. The claim that this policy was due to real foresight on
the part of the " Young Turks " is discounted to some extent by
the manner in which they treated the Crown lands which had
formerly belonged to Sultan 'Abdul Hamid and had been con-
fiscated when he was deposed. 'Abdul Hamid had been a model
landlord to the cultivators of these estates, giving advances of
seed on easy terms and granting remissions of revenue in bad
years; but the Turkish Government concerned itself with
nothing but squeezing out the maximum revenue, and the
estates had deteriorated considerably by the time the war began.
One real concession, however, was made to provincial opinion
in Turkey, and Mesopotamia profited by this. Certain minor
heads of revenue were allocated to objects of public utility, e.g.
education and medical work, in each province and the control of
the expenditure was given to the provincial council.
Law and order were no better, though perhaps no worse, than
in 'Abdul Hamid's time. Nearly every summer, when the crops
had been harvested, there was trouble somewhere. Travel on
the Hai and the Euphrates was often unsafe; there were several
serious acts of piracy on the Shatt al 'Arab at Basra; the inhabi-
tants of Diwaniya cut off the head of their governor; and in the
spring of 1914 Turkish forces were defeated in a pitched battle
at Shatra and lost guns and many men.
An important and disagreeable feature of the period was the
anti-British attitude of the Turkish authorities in Mesopotamia.
Partly as a result of a quite legitimate desire to throw off all
foreign control, as represented especially by the judicial and
other privileges of foreigners (usually known as the " Capitula-
tions "), and partly as a consequence of an inflated conceit, the
" Young Turk " was inclined to be hostile to foreigners in
Turkey, and in Mesopotamia there were few other foreigners to
share this hostility with the British. Her long connexion with
the Persian Gulf, the proximity of Basra to India, the importance
attached by the Indian Government to Mesopotamia as a
market and as the goal of thousands of Indian pilgrims, and the
importance of British trade in the country, combined to give
Great Britain a predominant position in Mesopotamia, and that
predominance was emphasized by certain privileges consecrated
by concession or custom, notably the right of the British Consu-
late-General at Bagdad to have a sepoy guard at the consulate
and an armed Royal Indian Marine ship in the river, and the
right of Messrs. Lynch to run boats on the Tigris and to fly the
British flag on them. There is no doubt that the hostility of the
Turks was fostered by the Germans, who had begun to build, a
section of the Bagdad railway northwards from Bagdad and
had started several German firms in Mesopotamia. Meanwhile
British interests were increasing in importance, owing to the
relations with the neighbouring sheikhs of Kuwait and Moham-
merah, to the growth of the oil interests just over the Persian
border, and to the now urgent necessity of ensuring that no
European Power should establish itself at the head of the Persian
Gulf. Negotiations which had for their object the settlement of
all outstanding questions in Mesopotamia were in progress
when the World War broke out. It is said that, under an agree-
ment which had been initialed but not ratified, the British
Government were to participate in the last section Bagdad to
Basra of the Bagdad railway, and were to have a controlling
interest in the port of Basra.
The outbreak of the World War, however, in Aug. 1914 put
an end to this. It speedily became evident that the attitude of
Turkey towards the Allies would at best be that of malevolent
neutrality, and in Mesopotamia this attitude was particularly
marked. Before the end of Aug. the Basra authorities were
making badly concealed preparations for blocking the Shatt al
"Arab, with the result that only two British vessels ventured up
to Basra during the next two months, and those at the masters'
own risk and peril. In defiance of ancient treaties the Turks,
believing that Europe was too busy to resent any affront, how-
ever gross, issued decrees declaring that as from Oct. i 1914 the
Capitulations would cease to be recognized, the foreign post-
offices in Turkey would be closed, and the customs dues would
be raised from 11% to 15% ad valorem. The predominance of
British over all other foreign interests in Basra and Bagdad
made it seem to the local population as though these measures
were directed almost exclusively against England, and anti-
British feeling was created and fostered by the dissemination of
propaganda derived mainly from German sources. Not content
with action within their own borders, the Turks threatened the
sheikh of Mohammerah and the independent sheikh of Kuwait
with hostile action unless they adopted a policy of active coopera-
tion with the Turks.
With the outbreak of war consequent on the Turkish bom-
bardment of Odessa the Turkish officials' policy of pin-pricks
changed to active hostility. British and British-Indian subjects
were arrested and British goods of all kinds seized; and at the
British Consulate-General at Bagdad the floors of the cellars
were pulled up in a vain search for the stores of arms and ammu-
nition and the hoards of gold which were supposed to be hid-
den there to be used in a British attempt to seize Mesopotamia.
The hostile attitude of the Turkish Government, their threats
to the friends of Great Britain in the Persian Gulf, and the
menace to the oil industry in Persia had already compelled the
British Government to take precautionary measures. In Oct.
a force of all arms was sent from India to Bahrein to await
developments. When the Turks forced war on the Allies by
attacking Russia, this force moved up the Gulf and occupied
Fao and, after some resistance, Basra. The military campaign,
from the occupation of Basra with one division till the time of
the Armistice, when British and Indian troops the advance-
guard of a great host were at Mosul, threw a great strain
9i8
MESOPOTAMIA
on British resources, and on the personal courage and endur-
ance of the men employed. There were no battles on the scale
of those in France; but the qualities of the British and Indian
troops in Europe can be matched by those shown by their
comrades in arms in Mesopotamia in such operations as the
capture of Nasiriya in the middle of the hot weather, in the
defence of Kut, in the gallant attempts to relieve Kut, and in
the stoical endurance by British and Indian prisoners of the cal-
culated barbarities of the prisoner-of-war camps.
Whether to attack the Turks in Mesopotamia was wise or
not has been the subject of much discussion. Why the expedi-
tionary force went to Basra is clear enough. The Turks were
threatening the friends of Great Britain in the Persian Gulf;
and there was good ground for the belief that the supply of oil
from the Persian oil fields essential for the navy might be
cut off by the Turks on some pretext or other. But was there
any necessity to go farther than Basra? Was the occupation
conducted as part of a carefully thought-out policy, or was it
carried out, as the British Empire is said to have been built up,
in a fit of absence of mind? It is claimed that the successive
advances were forced on the British Government in the first
place by military necessity. The battle at Shu'aiba, only 12
m. from the British base at Basra, and the successful raid (insti-
gated by the Turks) on the oil pipe-line in Persia, showed that
it was essential to push the Turks farther back. Once Basra and
the pipe-line were secured by the capture of ' Amara and Nasiriya,
it might have been thought sufficient to consolidate the position;
but as often as Turkish armies re-formed it was necessary,
according to the military authorities, to go forward and destroy
them, and, having destroyed them, the British forces stayed in
the area captured.
There were not wanting critics who attributed the campaign
in Mesopotamia to a desire to control the oil supplies of the
country, but such critics ignore the considerations set forth in
the preceding paragraph and the whole history of British rela-
tions with the Persian Gulf. Moreover, the oil supplies of
Mesopotamia were already in British hands.
It was repeatedly announced, in the course of the campaign,
that Great Britain had come to fight the Turk, not the Arab,
and on the whole the Arabs (and the non-Arab inhabitants, too,
Kurds and even Turks) reciprocated by not fighting against the
British. The Turkish authorities in Mesopotamia got little
help from the local people. Of those called up for military
service many fled, and those who were actually brought into
the fighting line fought without heart. Large bodies of Arab
and Kurdish tribesmen came down with the Turks early in 1915
to fight at Shu'aiba, but they held aloof during the battle and
after the defeat of the Turks they scattered, never to re-form.
It is true that the most prominent member of the Sa'dun family,
'Ajaimi, joined the Turks (after negotiating unsuccessfully with
the British authorities) and remained their ally until the end
of the war, but he never once joined battle with the British
forces, or, indeed, did anything else to earn the monthly subsidy
the Turks paid him.
But it must not be thought, because they gave the Turks no
help, that the Arabs eschewed violence. They hung on the
skirts of both armies, and after a battle murdered the wounded
and stragglers and robbed living and dead on both sides. The
beaten side suffered most, and it was fortunate that it was usually
the Turks who were beaten. Nevertheless, once an area was
definitely occupied, the country usually became quiet enough.
The sheikhs maintained order among their tribes, and native
police were formed to help keep the peace in the towns and
along the lines of communication.
It is a proof of the strength of the Turkish hold over Mesopo-
tamia that when the Turks withdrew the whole administration
collapsed. The mere departure of the Turkish officials was
enough to ensure this, for they held nearly all the highest execu-
tive positions; but to make doubly sure the Turks sometimes
compelled the few Arab officials occupying posts of importance
to go with them, and they always, if there was time, carried
away or destroyed the official records, in order to embarrass the
invader and it would appear to spite the Arabs for the luke-
warmness of their support.
Thus it happened that the occupying forces found that the
whole framework of civil government had fallen to pieces, and
the political officers accompanying the troops had no easy task
to put it together. The task would have been impossible but
for the retention and extension of the system of using tribal
sheikhs as if one may use the expression sub-contractors in
the work of government. The sheikh was made responsible for
law and order in his own tribal area, and was often used as the
medium for revenue collection. The defect of this system is
that it puts wealth and power into the hands of sheikhs who may
at any time use them against the Government which has made
them a defect which the Turks remedied by setting one sheikh
against another and by various other devices which could not be
copied by a British administration. But, good or bad, the sys-
tem was inevitable during the occupation.
With each successive advance the task of the administration
became more difficult, not merely because of the difficulty of
finding officials of experience to take over an area constantly
growing, but also because, as the war went on, the country in the
Turks' hands fell into greater destitution. Thousands of people
at Khaniqin were found to have died of starvation; and at Kifri,
when the British forces entered the town, starving women and
children the men had nearly all fled to avoid conscription
were eating grass, and the only food in the whole of the bazaar
was a few handfuls of dates. For the last eighteen months of the
war, almost the first work of a political officer in a newly occupied
district was to get food from Bagdad for the civil population.
The country, however, showed great vitality: in a few weeks the
bazaar would be. busy, in a few months more busy than ever.
On the whole the Turkish system of administration was con-
tinued with little change. To effect economy the work of col-
lecting the taxes allotted to the Public Debt and the Tobacco
Regie was handed over to the Government revenue officials,
and the appointment of British officials as heads of districts
made it possible to abolish the clumsy division of executive and
revenue functions which provided the Turks with a necessary
counter-check on corruption. In the sphere of law two conces-
sions were made to local requirements. The first was the officia
recognition of the impossibility of treating wild tribesmen by the
ordinary processes of law, and the introduction of a regulation,
adapted from a regulation in force on the Indian Frontier, pro-
viding that civil and criminal cases in which a tribesman was
concerned might be settled according to tribal custom.
The second was the institution of recognized Shiah Qadhis
to deal with questions of personal status, inheritance, etc.,
among Shiahs, so that Shiahs might not be forced, as they were
under the Turkish regime, either to accept the ruling of a Sunni
Qadhi, or to settle their difficulties by private arrangements
which might afterwards be questioned in a court of law.
Apart from a few changes of which these are perhaps the
most important, the British administration rests its claim to
superiority over the Turkish mainly on the greater care and
honesty shown in working the existing system. The Depart-
ment of Waqf (Pious Endowments), for instance, was penniless,
the mosque employees were paid ludicrously small stipends, and
the mosques and religious schools were tumbling into ruin; yet
every year considerable sums were remitted to Constantinople,
where they were absorbed to a very large extent in overhead
charges. Now salaries were raised in some cases hundreds per
cent, a large number of Waqf buildings were repaired, and i
substantial balance was built up. Then, whereas the Crov
lands were being rapidly bled to death before the occupation
a system of agricultural loans, combined with irrigation work
and skilled advice, and applied to private as well as to Govern-
ment lands, contributed greatly to the prosperity of the country.
And so on in each department of Government activity.
The inquiry is naturally made: Why was it, if the British
administration studied the interests of the local population more
than the Turkish, and the Arabs showed no hostility to the
British during the war, that a widespread rising broke out when
MESOPOTAMIA
919
the war was over? Some regard the rising as the result of a
pure passion for liberty, of an exalted spirit such as led to the
liberation of Italy; others consider it a mere ebullition of turbu-
lence such as had swept over Mesopotamia every few years
since the Arabs imposed themselves on the Persians in the
7th and 8th centuries. It is worth while setting down the most
important of the causes to which the rising was attributed by
various authorities.
1. Arab nationalist sentiment. (This is of sufficient importance
to be considered separately, below.)
2. The natural turbulence of the Mesopotamian tribes. Many
of these tribes particularly those on the Euphrates never have
submitted to authority for long. They were constantly in revolt
against the Turks; and the enforced tranquillity of two or three
years under the British peace, made the outbreak, when it did come,
still more violent.
3. The increase in the number of modern weapons in the hands
of the local population. Before the war the Arab of Mesopotamia
was lucky if he owned an old Martini ; now, as a result of war condi-
tions in the Near and Middle East, nearly every able-bodied man has
a Mauser or other magazine-loader, and the temptation to a primi-
tive man to shoot just because he has the means to shoot effectually
is very great.
4. The reduction of the British garrison in Mesopotamia. This
gave rise to the belief carefully fostered by interested parties
that the British were leaving the country. The prospect of loot and
of hitting an enemy who appeared to be down must have been
alluring to the Arab.
5. The talk of " self-determination." This principle, in the form
in which it reached minds reared in the rather primitive conditions
of tribal Arab life, was often taken to mean the right to throw off
all authority, to rob any weaker neighbour of his property or his
women folk, to levy tolls on all traffic passing by, and, of course, to
refuse payment of taxes.
6. The influence of the Shiah mujtahids. The history of Meso-
potamia since the Arab conquest shows clearly that the Shiah towns
have constantly rebelled against whatever authority there happened
to be. The mujtahid is only carrying Out the will of God in rebelling
against secular authority and trying to establish a theocratic state
in which he will be the sole interpreter of God's will in all matters.
Besides, mujtahids receive good fees for settling disputes which in
a well-ordered state would be dealt with far less expensively in the
regular courts. Then most of the chief mujtahids are of Persian
origin, and all are in constant communication with the priesthood of
Persia, which has long been anti-British.
7. The delay in the peace negotiations. The Arab is extremely
impatient. Many of the officials who have had to do with the settle-
ment of disputes in Mesopotamia maintain that the Arab would
sooner have an adverse decision at once than linger in doubt even
with the possibility of success in the end, and the uncertainty as to
the fate of the occupied portions of the Ottoman Empire was cer-
tainly a cause of unrest.
8. The increase in the power and wealth of the sheikhs. It was
an ironical result of the British policy of working through the sheikhs
that that policy of itself created enemies to the British authorities.
Some of the leaders of the revolt on the Euphrates were men who
had been raised from nothing to positions of wealth and power by
the support of the British administration.
9. By adopting an attitude of sympathy towards the tribal
cultivators against their absentee town landlords who wanted to
enforce at their face value title-deeds which in many cases had
been unenforceable under the Turks, the British authorities lost the
support of many of such landowners. On the other hand, the tribes
were too much in the hands of the sheikhs to be able to evince any
gratitude they may have felt towards the Government which had
defended their interests.
10. The increase in prices, and certain restrictions necessitated
by the exigencies of the military campaign.
u. The demands for labour on flood-banks. It is true that the
Turks used to call up cultivators for this purpose (the right of Gov-
ernment to call up labour is not disputed), and that the flood-banks
are to protect the cultivators' own crops; but the British authorities
perhaps set too high a standard for the Arab, and exceptionally
high floods increased the difficulty. To the Arab a flood is an act of
God against which repining would be impious as well as useless;
but if Government tries to make him mend a flood-bank to protect
his crops why, there is a remedy.
12. The extension of orderly government, preventing crime and
collecting taxes, to areas which had lived almost untouched by
the Turkish administration. Land taxation was not heavier than
in Turkish times; on the contrary, the rate was lowered in many
districts, and the 2 J % cesses imposed by the Turks have never been
collected since the occupation. But taxes have been collected more
regularly, and collected from some areas which had usually escaped
payment ; and it was not to be expected that the obvious fact that
he was, on the whole, far richer and had raised his standard of living,
would weigh with the wild Arab " whose sense is in his eye " and
who thought he could get all the benefits that flowed from Govern-
ment enterprise and the maintenance of order without the expense
of contributing to the upkeep of the Government.
Above are enumerated the most important of the causes of the
1920 rising, which, it must be remembered, by no means affected
the whole country. The great Muntafik confederation did not
rise, nor did the Albu Mohammed and other tribes on the Tigris,
so turbulent in Turkish times. What weight Arab nationalist
propaganda had with the tribes which took part in the rising
it is impossible to determine. Some Shiah mujtahids preached
a holy war and used. the religious argument, while clever Sunni
leaders promised a reduction in taxation; and some tribes con-
cerned were frankly after loot and nothing else. Yet it cannot
be doubted that the rising must be attributed to some extent
to the influence of the idea of an independent Arab state an
idea which was almost non-existent in Mesopotamia before the
war. Since the Turkish conquest of the i3th century the Arabs
of Mesopotamia have always been under foreign domination,
and during the first two or three years of the British occupation
the only political question which occupied the inhabitants
was whether a British amurath would succeed the Turkish or
whether after the war the Turk would return; and their attitude
towards the invader depended on their decision as to the respec-
tive chances of the Allies and the Central Powers. But the
alliance between the Allies and the Sherif of Mecca (now recog-
nized as King of the Hejaz), the departure of many Mesopotam-
ians formerly in the Turkish army to fight with the Hejaz
Arabs against the Turks, and the talk of Arab independence
could not fail to affect Mesopotamia. There is a striking con-
trast between the speech of Lord Hardinge at Basra, in Feb.
1915, and the proclamation issued by Gen. Maude, on instruc-
tions from H.M. Government after the capture of Bagdad, little
more than two years later. All that Lord Hardinge could say
was that " we might be permitted to indulge in the confident
assurance that thenceforth a more benign administration would
bring back to Mesopotamia that prosperity to which her rich
potentialities entitled her." Gen. Maude's proclamation struck
a very definite note. It announced that the British forces had
come not as conquerors but as liberators, and pointed out that
a long trade connexion had existed between Bagdad and Great
Britain, and that the British Government could not remain
indifferent to what took place in Mesopotamia, and was deter-
mined not to permit again that which had been done in Bagdad by
the Turks and Germans. The proclamation continued:
" But you, the people of Bagdad, whose commercial professions
and whose safety from oppression and invasion must ever be a matter
of the closest concern to the British Government, are not to under-
stand that it is the wish of the British Government to impose upon
you alien institutions. It is the hope of the British Government that
the aspirations of your philosophers and writers shall be realized once
again. The people of Bagdad shall flourish and enjoy their wealth
and substance under institutions which are in consonance with their
sacred laws and their racial ideal. In the Hejaz the Arabs have
expelled the Turks and Germans who oppressed them and have pro-
claimed Sherif Husain as their king and His Lordship rules in inde-
pendence and freedom and is the ally of the nations who are fighting
against the power of Turkey and Germany. So, indeed, are the
noble Arabs, the Lords of Najd, Kuwait and Asir. Many noble
Arabs have perished in the cause of freedom at the hands of those
alien rulers, the Turks, who oppressed them. It is the determina-
tion of the Government of Great Britain and the Great Powers
allied to Great Britain that these noble Arabs shall not have suffered
in vain. It is the desire and hope of the British people and the
nations in alliance with them that the Arab race may rise once more
to greatness and renown amongst the peoples of the earth and
that it shall bind itself to this end in unity and concord. O, people
of Bagdad! Remember that for 26 generations you have suffered
under strange tyrants who have ever endeavoured to set one Arab
house against another in order that they might profit by your dis-
sensions. Therefore, I am commanded to invite you, through your
nobles and elders and representatives, to participate in the manage-
ment of your civil affairs, in collaboration with the political repre-
sentatives of Great Britain who accompany the British army, so
that you may unite with your kinsmen in the north, east, south and
west in realizing the aspirations of your race."
This rather flamboyant proclamation attracted little attention
in Bagdad at the time, but it was destined to be quoted later.
But it must not be thought, as some harassed officials in Meso-
92O
MESOPOTAMIA
potamia may well have thought, that the proclamation was a
wanton and quite uncalled-for attempt to thrust on the country
a form of government for which it was totally unfitted: it was
part of the Allies' general Middle Eastern policy, a policy which
was defined, in the Anglo-French Declaration of Nov. 8 1918,
as having for its object " the complete and definite liberation of
the peoples so long oppressed by the Turks and the establish-
ment of National Governments and Administrations drawing
their authority from the initiative and free choice of the indige-
nous populations." Unhappily, it is not easy, in an oriental
country, to find out what the people do want. Early in 1919
an attempt was made by the British Government through the
British political officers in Mesopotamia to find out what public
opinion in Mesopotamia was on three questions of importance:
(i) Should Mosul be included in Mesopotamia? (2) Should
Mesopotamia be ruled by an Arab emir? (3) Who should be
emir, if an emir was wanted?
The opinions, taken at their face value, showed that Mesopo-
tamia insisted on the union of Mosul with Bagdad and Basra,
and on the whole did not want an emir, at any rate for a few
years, though a few individuals or groups asked that one of the
sons of the Sherif of Mecca should be made emir. It is impos-
sible to say how far the answers were influenced by the uni-
versal desire of the East to give the reply which it is believed the
questioner wants; nor can any reply, except a denial and a refer-
ence to the conduct of British officials in the East in general, be
given to critics who say the " plebiscite " was rigged by the
political officers. On the other hand, it is easy to see the diffi-
culty of introducing Western electoral systems among tribal
Arabs who regard registration for whatsoever purpose as a
certain preliminary to taxation or military service.
Prospects for Mesopotamia. The political future of Meso-
potamia was not easy to forecast in 1921. The mandate for
that country had been conferred on the Government of His
Britannic Majesty by the principal Allied Powers, and a draft
mandate was submitted by Mr. Balfour on Dec. 7 1920 to the
Secretariat-General of the League of Nations for the approval
of the Council of the League of Nations.
The idea of a mandate the issue of a sort of power of attorney
by a group of states to one of their number for the administra-
tion of a given country was new, and the novelty was empha-
sized by the nature of the draft mandate. While entrusted
with the control of the foreign relations of Mesopotamia (Article
3) and authorized to maintain troops in the country (Article 2),
the mandatory is bound to facilitate the progressive develop-
ment of Mesopotamia as an independent state (Article i) : to see
that no Mesopotamian territory shall pass under the control of
the Government of any foreign Power (Article 4); to ensure
freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of wor-
ship, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals
(Article 8); to see that there is no discrimination in Mesopotamia
against the nationals of any State, member of the League of
Nations, as compared with the nationals of the mandatory or of
any foreign State, in matters concerning taxation, commerce or
navigation, the exercise of industries or professions, or in the
treatment of ships or aircraft (Article n); and to secure the
enactment within a year of a law of antiquities which shall
ensure equality of treatment in the matter of archaeological
research to the nationals of all States, members of the League of
Nations (Article 14). The immunities and privileges of foreign-
ers, including the benefits of consular jurisdiction and protection
as formerly enjoyed by Capitulation or usage in the Ottoman
Empire, are definitely abrogated in Mesopotamia (Article 5);
but the mandatory is responsible for seeing that the judicial
system established in Mesopotamia shall safeguard the interests
of foreigners (Article 6). To safeguard the mandatory from
financial loss in the execution of the terms of the mandate
Article 20 declares that, " in the event of the termination of the
mandate . . . the Council of the League of Nations shall
make . . . arrangements ... for securing, under the guaran-
tee of the League, that the Mesopotamian Government will
fully honour the financial obligations legally incurred by the
mandatory during the period of the mandate, including the
rights of public servants or gratuities."
The Anglo-French Declaration of Nov. 8 1918 stated that it
was the aim of His Majesty's Government to establish in Meso-
potamia a national government and administration deriving
their authority from the initiative and free choice of the indige-
nous populations; and Mesopotamia has been treated by the
Allied Powers as one of those " Communities formerly belong-
ing to the Turkish Empire " which " have reached a stage of
development where their existence as independent nations can
be provisionally recognized, subject to the rendering of adminis-
trative advice and assistance by a mandatory Power until such
time as they are able to stand alone " (Treaty of Versailles).
In 1921, pending the election of a constituent assembly, Meso-
potamia was being governed by the High Commisioner and a
provisional Arab Government over which the Naqib of Bagdad
presided. There had been much discussion, both in Mesopo-
tamia and in the English press, of the question of the selection
of an emir for Mesopotamia. The idea, which did not appear
to have been generally approved by the people of Mesopotamia
early in 1919, seemed to be widely accepted by them in 1921,
though there was much discussion as to the person to be chosen.
Owing to the prominent part taken by the sons of the King of
the Hejaz during the war, two of them, 'Abdalla and Faisal,
were the favourite candidates for the Mesopotamian throne.
Eventually, at the invitation of some of his supporters in Meso-
potamia, Faisal came forward definitely as a candidate, and
went to Mesopotamia to press his suit, and his brother 'Abdalla
resigned his claim. On his arrival Faisal was given a warm
reception by the people of Mesopotamia, such other candidates
as there were withdrew, and the Arab Council of State, on the
motion of the president (the_ Naqib of Bagdad) , passed a resolu-
tion declaring that Faisal should be regarded as having been
chosen ruler of Iraq by acclamation provided that he would
consent to rule as a constitutional, democratic sovereign. It
had been intended to submit the question of the rulership to an
assembly elected under a system based on the Ottoman electoral
law, but, as this would have taken some months and the matter
was pressing, a referendum was carried out. The result was
overwhelmingly in favour of the Emir Faisal. A few extremists
in Bagdad made their approval conditional on his being free
from foreign influence, while the Basra people, on the contrary,
promised their support only for so long as he should maintain
the connexion with Great Britain; but on the whole the approval
was unanimous and unconditional, and Faisal was accordingly
crowned King of Iraq at Bagdad on Aug. 23 1921.
In the course of a speech made at the accession ceremony
King Faisal expressed his gratitude to the British nation for its
aid in the cause of Arab liberation and independence, and
declared that it was from the British nation alone that they
should seek help in order to reach their goal. He added: " My
first task will be to proceed with the elections and the convoca-
tion of the Constituent Assembly. The nation should understand
that it is this Congress that will, in consultation with me, draw
up the constitution of its independence, on the basis of demo-
cratic government, and define the fundamental principles of
political and social life. Finally it will confirm the Treaty which
I shall lay before it in regard to the relations which are to exist
between our Government and the great British Government."
In this fashion was inaugurated the policy described by the
British Secretary of State for the Colonies, Mr. Winston
Churchill, in his speech in the House of Commons on June 14
1921, as having for its object " to reduce our commitments and
extricate ourselves from our burdens, while at the same time
discharging our obligations and building up an effective Arab
Government which would always be the friend of Britain."
Concurrently with the political development of the Arab State,
Mr. Churchill explained, there would be created and developed
local military forces which would gradually replace most of the
British troops. By the end of the financial year 1921-2 the
British forces would be reduced to about 1 2 battalions of infantry,
but there would also be the nucleus of an Arab army, maintained
MESOPOTAMIA
921
by the Mesopotamian treasury, and certain frontier levies, con-
sisting partly of Kurds and partly of Assyrians enlisted from
among the refugees. In addition there were arrangements for
maintaining public security by means of a powerful air force.
The Kurdish portion of the mandated territory was (1921)
in a special position. Article 62 of the Treaty of Sevres pro-
vided for the elaboration of a scheme of autonomy for that
part of Kurdistan which lies north of Mesopotamia, east of the
Euphrates and south of Armenia; and Article 64 provided that
if the Kurds in that area asked for autonomy within a year of
the signature of peace with Turkey, " the Kurds inhabiting that
part of Kurdistan which has hitherto been included in the Mosul
vilayet " might declare their voluntary adhesion to that autono-
mous state. Article 16 of the final draft of the mandate for
Mesopotamia is in harmony with this. It declares that " noth-
ing in this mandate shall prevent the mandatory from estab-
lishing a system of local autonomy for predominantly Kurdish
areas in Mesopotamia as he may consider suitable."
It may be convenient to summarize the arguments advanced on
both sides in the discussion in 1921 as to the stability of the Meso-
potamian state. The sceptical pointed to the following difficulties:
1. Lack of unity among the people of Mesopotamia. The Arabs
never have agreed and never will. The Shiahs, who were formerly
in a minority and repressed by the Sunni Turks and their Sunni
Arab adherents, are now in the majority, and will not tolerate gov-
ernment by Sunnis, while all the men with secular education and
experience sufficient to qualify them for high office are Sunnis.
Moreover, the Shiahs are under the influence of their mujtahids.
2. Lack of security. The Turks were not able to keep order in
Mesopotamia. Can an Arab Government do what was beyond the
powers of the Turks, especially now that every tribesman possesses
a modern rifle?
3. Lack of funds. An Arab Government will lack the authority
to collect the revenue necessary to pay the Government officials
particularly the forces of law and order.
4. Possible trouble on the border, instigated or exacerbated by
propaganda from outside.
To these arguments it was replied:
1. The establishment of an Arab Government and the accession
of an emir will draw the Arabs of Mesopotamia together.
2. It is not proved that an Arab Government cannot maintain
security, and if it were, why should an Arab Government insist on
the degree of security which British officials demand? And finally,
if an Arab Government can keep order not less well than the Turks
did (not a high standard) they must be held to have succeeded.
3. Being content with a simpler organization than would be
expected under a British administration, the Arab Government will
not require a large income, and they can afford to tax lightly where
as, for example, in the case of land revenue heavier taxation
might rouse opposition. Probably they will depend in the main on
customs dues, which provide more than half the local revenue, are
relatively easy to collect, and are not resented by the taxpayer.
4. The mandatory and the people of Mesopotamia must be pre-
pared for predatory raids by Kurdish tribes from over the border
and Arab tribes from the desert, but with the conclusion of the out-
standing treaties of peace and the gradual settling down of the world
after the war little foreign intrigue is to be apprehended.
LINES or ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Contradictory views as to the possibility of agricultural and
other economic development in Mesopotamia are held by author-
ities. Some maintain that Mesopotamia was formerly and
could be again " the granary of the world "; others that the
numerous population of Babylon in the time of Herodotus lived
mainly by trade and not by agriculture, and that in any case
there is too little water or too much salt in the ground or too
sparse a population for any considerable extension of agriculture.
There are, however, some definite facts which bear upon the
conclusion to be reached on this point.
Agriculture. Any considerable extension of agriculture depends
on the fulfilment of one or more of the following requirements:
I. Increase of population. Before the British occupation the
rate of increase was retarded by heavy child mortality, high death-
rate from epidemics, and the deaths resulting from blood feuds and
tribal fighting. How far these causes will operate in future depends
on the ability of the Government to maintain order, to improve sani-
tary conditions, and to provide medical aid. The settlement of
nomads or semi-nomads is always going on, but this is an almost
imperceptible process, and in any case it must be remembered that
the nomad is also a source of wealth in that he breeds camels and
sheep: consequently the settlement of nomads is not a net gain to
the country. There may be a slight influx of Kurds from the north,
but the experience of the Erbil area during the last few decades
leads one to believe that the result of such influx would merely be
the displacement of the less industrious Arab cultivator. Immigra-
tion from overseas is not likely to attain large proportions. The
climate precludes the pursuit of agriculture by European settlers,
while the immigration of Asiatics would probably be regarded with
some distrust and fear by the Arabs.
2. Improvement in methods of cultivation. Much has already
(1921) been done to introduce better implements of a simple kind,
e.g. ploughs, to improve field drainage, to study local diseases of
plants, and to secure clean barley and wheat seed. Moreover,
tractors and mechanical implements have been introduced, and
their work, under the auspices of the Agricultural Department, is
being watched with interest by many landowners.
3. Extension of irrigation. In order to increase local food supplies
and thus to economize in money and shipping, the British military
authorities in 1917 formed a small Irrigation Department. It was
not possible to take up large schemes, but the Hindiya barrage was
kept working, miles of flood-banks were built, a canal taking off
just above the barrage, which had been begun before the war, was
completed and its sister canal dug; the Saqlawiya canal, which used
to flood the country west of Bagdad, was brought under control
by the construction of a regulator, and many old canals were cleared
and made serviceable. Perhaps the most important work has been
the construction of regulators at the head of some of the largest of
the Tigris canals. The effect of this is not merely to save water
which would be wasted in the marshes, but, by throwing more
water down the river, to scour out its bed and thus facilitate navi-
gation and prevent flooding.
It seemed probable in 1921 that no large schemes would be under-
taken for the present, and that the limited funds available would
be used mainly in carrying out a comprehensive survey which would
serve as a basis for extensive irrigation schemes later.
Experiments have been made with products previously not grown
at all, or grown without scientific attention. In the first category
are ground-nuts and sugar-beet, in the latter cotton. It is too soon
to dogmatize about Mesopotamian cotton, but the experiments of
1918-21 tend to show that it has a fairly long staple and should fetch
a good price in the world market.
Mineral Wealth. Of minerals, oil occupies the attention of the
world. The signs of oil in many places, from Mandali in the latitude
of Bagdad to Zakho north of Mosul, and the existence of profitable
wells in Persia not far from the Mesopotamian frontier, have induced
in the mind of the public the belief that Mesopotamia is another
Mexico for petroleum, but in 1921 there was no certain knowledge
that petroleum existed in Mesopotamia in quantities to repay the
cost of exploitation. Near Kifri there is a so-called coal-mine, which
was worked by the Turks during the war when they had no other
fuel for their steamers, but the " coal " has been pronounced by
experts to be only inspissated petroleum, and has been proved in
practice to be of little or no value. Bitumen is found at several
places, notably Hit on the Euphrates, but it is doubtful whether
the supply is more than sufficient for local needs.
Currency. The Indian currency is now in use everywhere in
Mesopotamia. On account of the close trade connexions with India
the rupee was well known in Basra before the war, and passed in the
bazaar on equal terms with Turkish money and the Persian kran.
The payment of large bills in Indian currency by the British forces
caused Turkish silver and copper to disappear rapidly before the
silver rupee and the Indian note. This process was repeated in every
town occupied : there was a short period of hesitation, and then the
replacement of the old currency by the new was effected in a few
days. In the more remote parts of Mesopotamia Indian notes have
usually been at a small premium, owing to the convenience of car-
riage. The Turkish gold lira is still used in the bazaar sometimes
for large transactions.
Banks. Before the war the only bank operating in Mesopotamia
was the Imperial Ottoman Bank. In addition there are now branches
of the Imperial Bank of Persia and the Eastern Bank.
Trade. Table 2 shows in sterling, calculated on the basis of 15
rupees to the pound, the total value of imports and exports for the
port of Basra for each year during the periods 1910-2 and 1917-9.
TABLE 2. Trade.
Imports
Exports
1910
1911
1912
1917
1918
1919
2,633,000
2,853,000
2,653,000
4,033,000
7,400,000
9,326,000
1,666,000
2,526,000
3,246,000
820,000
900,000
2,406,000
In addition, the figures for Bagdad, both for sea-borne trade and
for trade by land, for 1919, were: Imports, 2,940,000; exports,
4,940,000.
The principal imports and exports (figures for Bagdad and Basra
combined) are shown in Tables 3 and 4. In some cases figures for
1912 also are given.
922
MESSEL METALLURGY
TABLE 3. Imports.
1912
1919
Textiles .
1,320,000
6,380,000
Sugar . . . .
293,000
1,453,000
Tea
433,ooo
Grain and Flour.
433,ooo
Tobacco . . . " .
426,000
Carpets ....
280,000
Liqueurs . .
.
193,000
Cigarette-papers and smok-
ers' requisites .
175,000
Metals and Ores.
733.ooo
166,000
Soap
153,000
TABLE 4. Exports.
1912
1919
Dates
466,000
1,470,000
Piece Goods
3,540,000
f Barley
1,120,000 1
Grain : \ Wheat
240,000 [
190,000
[ Paddy
326,000 J
Wool
300,000
160,000
Carpets ....
240,000
Sugar
530,000
Tea .....
225,000
Nearly the whole of the piece goods, sugar and tea shown in the
exports for 1919 were destined for Persia.
Deductions based on these figures have to be made with caution.
The figures give total values, not quantities; consequently the rise
in prices between 1912 and 1919 has to be taken into account. More-
over, several abnormal causes contributed to bring about an increase
in imports into Mesopotamia. The closing of the Caucasus route
diverted to Mesopotamia trade which would ordinarily have gone
to Persia via Batum, Baku and the Caspian; the large purchases in
Mesopotamia, both by the army authorities and by the troops, gave
increased purchasing power to the country; the depletion of stocks
during the war led to a rush of trade the moment shipping became
available; and the rise in the value of the rupee, considerable during
the war and very marked in 1919-20, led to abnormally large pur-
chases. Nevertheless it may be taken for granted that a greater
volume of trade will flow into and through Mesopotamia than before
the war, if only because: (i) the Caucasus ipute is not likely to be
safe, expeditious and cheap for some time; (2) the Mesopotamian
railway system favours the Bagdad route to Persia; (3) the standard
of living in Mesopotamia has been raised considerably during the
war; and (4) the economic development begun during the war is
certain to encourage enterprise.
Communications. The exigencies of the campaign compelled the
British military authorities to maintain a large fleet of river steamers
on the Tigris, and this involved the adoption of measures to facilitate
navigation. The whole course of the navigable channel has been
marked by buoys or by signs erected on the banks, and efforts have
been made with considerable success to improve the bed of the
river. At Basra a modern port has been constructed ; whereas before
the war cargo had to be unloaded from steamers into lighters in
mid-stream, ocean-going steamers can now come alongside and dis-
charge cargo on to the wharves or railway trucks.
A dictum attributed to Sir William Willcocks, that it would pay
Mesopotamia to use all the water from the Tigris and the Euphrates
for irrigation and to rely on railways for transport, is not likely to
be regarded as practical politics for a very long while. In 1921 there
was far more traffic on the Tigris than before the war. The Turkish
Government fleet had disappeared as an organization; but, on the
other hand, the successors of Messrs. Lynch were no longer restricted
to three boats, and in addition many other companies and individuals
ran boats purchased from the British military authorities when the
river war fleet was reduced. The bed of the Tigris has been improved
on the most difficult stretch, and the control of the canals should
effect further improvements.
In 1914 Mesopotamia had only 70 m. of railway a standard-
gauge line running from Bagdad northwards to Samarra. This was
intended to be linked up with the Bagdad railway, the main portion
of which ran from Constantinople through Konia and Aleppo to
Nisibin (1917), about 100 m. north-west of Mosul. By 1920 there
was a network of railways in Mesopotamia: in metre gauge, Basra
to Bagdad (about 354 m.), Bagdad to the Persian frontier (about
130 m.), with extension to Kifri (about 50 m.), and Bagdad to Kut
(about 104 m.) ; in standard gauge, Bagdad via Samarra to Sherghat
(about 186 m.). There was also a narrow-gauge line from Bagdad
to Falluja, on the Euphrates a distance of about 30 miles. All these
railways, the standard-gauge line excepted, were built by the British
military authorities as part of the plan of campaign.
Basra and Bagdad are connected by railway, but it was not yet
possible in 1921 to travel from one end of Mesopotamia to the other
by rail. The section of the Bagdad railway built by the Germans
from Bagdad to Samarra was extended for war purposes as far as
Sherghat, which is only about 70 m. south of Mosul; but as it passes
through desert for a great part of its length it is unprofitable as a
commercial undertaking, and it may be decided to take up the
Samarra-Sherghat extension and to establish communication with
Mosul by continuing the line from Kifri through the wheat-growing
country and the considerable towns of Kirkuk, Altun Koprii and
Erbil. No official decision as to military communication with the
Mediterranean had yet been published in 1921. Some authorities
desired to see the Mesopotamian system connected with the Bagdad
railway, which has reached Nisibin, about 100 m. north of Mosul;
others would prefer a line across to some port in Palestine. The pil-
grim traffic from Persia would, it is believed, justify the construc-
tion of a line to connect the Shiah towns of Najaf and Karbala with
the existing lines.
The port of Basra is large enough, and sufficiently well supplied
with facilities for unloading, to deal with the trade of Mesopotamia
for some years to come. It can deal with larger ships than the Fao
bar at the mouth of the Shatt al 'Arab will allow to pass, but plans
for the dredging of this bar were being made.
Archaeology. All systematic archaeological research was sus-
pended by the war. The antiquities of Mesopotamia were protected
by a Proclamation issued by the General Officer Commanding in
Chief in 1917. Article 14 of the draft mandate is of importance to
archaeologists. It says:
"The mandatory will secure the enactment within twelve months
from the coming into force of this mandate, and will ensure the execu-
tion of a Law of Antiquities, based on the contents of Article 421
of Part XIII. of the Treaty of Peace with Turkey. This law shall
replace the former Ottoman Law of Antiquities, and shall ensure
equality of treatment in the matter of archaeological research to
the nationals of all States, members of the League of Nations."
Some of the Sherghat antiquities, which were being sent to Ber-
lin by the German archaeologists who carried out the excavations,
were captured by the Portuguese on the outbreak of war and were
declared lawful prize by the Portuguese Government. Certain cases
of antiquities collected by a German mission in Samarra before the
war were found in Mesopotamia. Having neither the staff nor the
facilities for dealing with such treasures, and fearing that they
would deteriorate, the Mesopotamian authorities sent the cases to
the British Museum to be examined and catalogued.
See also E. B. Soane, To Mesopotamia and Kurdistan in Dis-
guise (1912) ; G. E. Hubbard, From the Gulf to Ararat (1916) ; Official
Report on Mesopotamia, White Paper, Dec. 1920; Jas. Saumarez
Mann, An Administration in the Making (1921) ; Major Hay, Two
Years in Kurdistan (1921). (A. T. W.)
MESSEL, RUDOLPH (1848-1920), Anglo-German chemist, was
born at Darmstadt Jan. 14 1848, and educated at the univer-
sities of Zurich, Heidelberg and Tubingen. He came to England
in 1870 and acted as assistant to J. C. Calvert and later to Sir
Henry Roscoe at Manchester. He then took up industrial
chemistry and made notable experiments, especially in connex-
ion with processes for obtaining sulphuric acid (see 26.68) for
use in alizarin manufacture. He died in London April 18 1920.
METALLURGY (see 18.203). The progress in metallurgy
after 1911 was profoundly affected by the incidence of the
World War. Modern warfare is so entirely dependent upon the
products of metallurgy that the effort to secure military factory
to some extent resolved itself into struggle for supremacy
in metallurgical output by the opposing nations. This applied
most directly, perhaps, to steel products such as guns and shells,
ship-plates and armour plates, etc., but it also applied to copper
and its alloys, to zinc, to lead and antimony, and, in a special
degree, to aluminium. During the war period, therefore, the
progress of metallurgy became mainly a relentless struggle for
output in which, in some directions, quality was ruthlessly
sacrificed and heavy " war risks " were cheerfully taken. After
the termination of the war, industrial conditions became ex-
tremely unsettled and difficult; for a time there was still a great
shortage of ships; then followed acute industrial disturbances,
particularly in England, while the war-scarred Continental
nations only slowly resumed their normal activities, which were
gravely hindered on all sides by the direct and indirect economic
consequences of the Treaty of Versailles.
The whole period under review (1910-21), therefore, falls into
two main divisions prior to Aug. 1914 and the period of the
war and after. During the former period there was a steady
development both of metallurgical science and practice, but
both were rudely deflected by the war. None the less, the stress
of war conditions has produced a large amount of important
progress, but in many directions full knowledge of what had
been attained is only now reaching publicity. We were still in
1921 too near the World War to be able to appreciate its real
METALLURGY
923
permanent influence on metallurgy, and only tentative views
can be put forward. One result, however, stands out very
clearly. This is, the effort which several nations had made to
become self-supporting in regard to all essential supplies, and
particularly in regard to metals. This applies particularly to
England and France, but the more distant dominions, such
as Australia and S. Africa, have displayed the same tendency
while there is a strong effort to develop metallurgical industries
in India. Some of these efforts, which had been stimulated
either by urgent necessity or by the lure of exceptionally high
prices resulting from the difficulties of import, were not likely
to lead to permanent results. Thus the efforts to introduce a
zinc-smelting industry on a large scale into England, or to re-
open the tin-production of Cornwall, or the copper mines of
Alderley Edge, were apparently destined to collapse on the
return of more normal prices, and on the withdrawal of financial
support from the State. In England particularly, a very strong
reactionary tendency had set in, strictly limiting, if not entirely
abolishing, State assistance for any but a very few " key " indus-
tries, which were still looked upon as vital from the military
point of view. In other countries also there was a marked ten-
dency for the excision of the less profitable ventures which high
war-time prices had either revived or brought into being. While
this was likely to prove a healthy tendency in the long run, it inevi-
tably led to difficulty and confusion for the time. This was fur-
ther increased by the world-wide " slump," resulting in 1920-1
partly from wide-spread economic exhaustion and partly from
the excessively high cost of production arising from inflation of
various charges chiefly wages beyond the reasonable eco-
nomic limit. One consequence, for example, was that there were
in July 1921 not more than two copper refineries at work in the
whole of America.
IRON AND STEEL. Prior to 1914, iron and steel metallurgy
showed a definite tendency towards the development of very
large plants and larger individual units, both in regard to fur-
naces and rolling-mill equipment. The tendency towards in-
creased size made itself felt in the blast furnace, particularly
in American practice; progress, however, also included the de-
velopment of practice in the direction of furnaces with thin
walls and external water-cooling, such furnaces being driven
very hard.
Pre-war Progress. In the period prior to 1914, considerable atten-
tion was given to the importance of drying the blast, and it seemed
at one time that this would become universal practice. Under war
conditions development in that direction seems to have been checked
at all events in England, and it has not been resumed with any degree
of vigour since 1918. On the other hand, increased attention has been
given to the utilization and cleaning of the blast furnace gases. This
became particularly important in England during the war on account
of the shortage of potash, a substantial recovery of this material
being obtainable from the flue-gases of furnaces in which the charge
included potash-felspar bearing material. At the same time it has
been found that satisfactory cleaning of the gas very much increases
the efficiency of its application in stoves and under boilers, owing to
the absence of fouling with dust. On the other hand, a degree of
cleaning which will render the gas fit for direct use in gas-engines is
a much more expensive matter and not so obviously economical.
The cleaning processes adopted are mainly of two kinds; one of these
depends upon the electro-static deposition of the dust by the method
first developed by Lodge and latterly exploited in America by Cot-
trell. The other method depends upon mechanical filtration of the
gas through fabric bags which are kept in a state of agitation, as in
the Halberg-Beth system. Although, under normal conditions, pot-
ash recovered from flue-dust could not hope to compete with the
pro 1 net of Continental mines, yet cleaning of blast-furnace gas will
doubtless be continued. There is the further possibility that the
dust itself may be utilized for the recovery of the iron contained in it.
This has actually been done successfully by briquetting the dust by a
mo<lification of the Schumacher process, in which a weak solution of
ferrous sulphate is used as binder. A further proposal is to concen-
trate the iron-content by some adaptation of the flotation process.
The actual application of flotation processes (see below) tt> finely
divided iron-ores has not yet been found necessary or practicable,
but methods dealing with finely divided ores (both ferrous and non-
ferrous) have been considerably developed. In addition to the
Schumacher process already mentioned, reference must be made to
the Dwight-Lloyd process, in which the ore is mixed with a small
proportion of finely divided carbon and pressed into briquettes, which
are then heated to a moderate temperature. A partial reduction of
the ore takes place, leading to a sintering of the briquette, which
thus acquires the necessary strength.
In the production of steel, the open-hearth furnace has made very
great progress and at one time appeared likely to displace the Bes-
semer converter entirely. More recently, however, the converter
appears to be holding its own to a certain extent, although the steady
increase in the application of basic open-hearth steel tends to give
the large open-hearth furnace, particularly when working one of the
continuous processes, a very great advantage.
War Period. The effect of war conditions on metallurgical prac-
tice in the iron and steel industry has been profound. In the first
place it became necessary, particularly in England, to make use of
ores and other materials very different from those for which partic-
ular furnace plants had been designed, while the supply of operative
labour became very difficult. In consequence of these and other dif-
ficulties, relaxation of quality became inevitable, particularly in
regard to those grades of steel which were required in eaormous
quantities. Thus specifications which, at the outset, demanded sul-
phur and phosphorus contents of less than 0-035 % were gradually
relaxed until, in the case of shell steel, the limits were raised to 0-08 %
and similar concessions were made in regard to railway material
and other grades of steel. This, of course, rendered available large
bodies of ore which could not otherwise have been used by the acid
process. At the same time, material made by the basic process began
to be admitted for many uses for which acid steel had formerly been
exclusively specified.
While these relaxations were undoubtedly justified and, on the
whole, eminently successful for war purposes, the question has since
arisen whether there should or should not be a return to the former
more stringent specifications now that war conditions have ceased
to exist. It is contended on one side that there have been no serious
cases of failure resulting from the wider specifications and that, at
the same time, the after-effects of war still make it practicably im-
possible for British steel-makers to comply with the specifications of
pre-war stringency. On the other hand, it is urged that the experience
of the war is far too brief to justify full confidence in the steels of
lower purity and that much longer experience is embodied in the
older specifications. Finally, the British Engineering Standards
Assn. has adopted a compromise, leaving the new limits for sulphur
and phosphorus for most of the better grades of steel (particularly
railway material) at 0-050 per cent.
Apart from the demand for enormous supplies of steels of the more
ordinary grades, war conditions also brought with them unprece-
dented demands for steels of the highest possible quality for special
purposes. The production of guns was one of these, and much
difficulty was encountered both in England and America with defects
known as " snow flakes " or " gun measles " occurring partic-
ularly in nickel-chrome steels. Reversion to the use of a simple
nickel-steel for such purposes followed, but it must be admitted that
this entailed a serious disadvantage, if only on account of the greater
difficulty experienced in securing satisfactory heat-treatment. This
difficulty was also encountered in connexion with the gearing used
for the propelling machinery of turbine-driven ships. High-quality
steels, mainly alloy steels, were also required in relatively very large
quantities for purposes of air-craft construction, principally for the
working parts of aero-engines. This demand led to a very great
development in the production and treatment of alloy steels. Here,
and generally in the production of the better grades of steel, the
electric furnace played a remarkable part. A large number of fur-
naces, mostly of the arc-resistance type, were installed, particularly
in Sheffield. Their great value lay in the super-refining of steel, some-
times produced in a basic open-hearth furnace, sometimes obtained
by the direct remelting of alloy-steel scrap. Probably the power of
the electric steel furnace to deal satisfactorily with such scrap, even
when in the form of workshop swarf, constituted its greatest value
during the war. Since the end of the war, however, the demand for
such steel has almost disappeared, with the result that the greater
number of the electric furnaces, both in England and America, are
now idle. None the less, there can now be no doubt that there must
be, in the future, a definite use and function for a certain number of
electric furnaces in steel metallurgy.
Alloy Steels. In regard to alloy steels, while nickel-chrome and
nickel steels have found by far the widest application, particularly
for war purposes, other alloy steels have also assumed importance.
Nickel-chrome steel in particular, in addition to the difficulties
already mentioned, has been found to be subject to a defect known as
" temper brittleness." Alloy steels, in order to assume their most
desirable physical condition, require specific heat-treatment which,
as a rule, consists of quenching in oil, or more rarely in water, from a
temperature above the critical range of the steel, followed by a
" tempering " or re-heating to a temperature considerably below the
critical range. In the majority of steels, the rate of cooling subse-
quent to such tempering is of little importance, but in a certain
number of nickel-chrome steels slow cooling after tempering leads to
a form of brittleness, which is entirely removed if the steel is cooled
very rapidly (quenched) after tempering. Considerable difference of
opinion still prevails as to the cause and nature of such brittleness.
One investigator (Andrews) connects it with the presence of phos-
phorus in the steel, and states that such steels containing very little
phosphorus are free from the trouble. Further, acute controversy
924
METALLURGY
has arisen as to the importance or otherwise of such " temper
hrittleness " on the ground that it can only be detected by a partic-
ular form of test the " notched bar impact test." Hatfield has
repeatedly suggested that this test measures a property of no prac-
tical importance and that, therefore, temper brittleness is only
" apparent " and not " real." This view, however, has not been
generally accepted, since a number of investigators (Rosenhain,
Greaves and others) have found a very distinct correlation between
a low value under the notched bar impact test and cases of actual
failure in service.
For certain purposes, where simple nickel steels are not found
adequate, a chrome-vanadium steel has been extensively used. The
fact that vanadium plays a really important r6Ie in such steels has
come to be recognized, but there are still difficulties in its metal-
lurgical applications. For quite a different range of purposes a steel
containing relatively large amounts of chromium (about 13 %,
Brearley) has found wide applications. Its best-known application is
to the production of " stainless " cutlery which is proving extremely
successful in practice and, in spite of the relatively high cost, is
coming into extensive use as a labour-saving device. Some difficulty
was at first experienced in hardening this material satisfactorily ; it
requires a higher quenching temperature than cutlery-hardeners
have been accustomed to employ (Hatfield), and, as a consequence,
the earlier products were insufficiently hardened and gave rise to
the complaint that such cutlery would not keep its edge. Recent
practice has overcome this defect, although the fact still remains that
" stainless " knives, not being automatically sharpened by daily
polishing, require careful sharpening from time to time. The appli-
cations of this steel to other purposes where resistance to corrosion
is important are being found almost daily. Incidentally, it was found
that this steel is capable of resisting the severe conditions which
occur in the service of an exhaust-valve in aeroplane engines, al-
though a high-tungsten steel (18% tungsten) has been found to be
even slightly better (Aitchison).
High-speed Steels. In the metallurgical progress of the period
under review, the development of high-speed cutting steels occupies
an important place, their possibilities having been steadily exploited
to an increasing extent, their development being naturally accom-
panied by an evolution of machine-tools capable of utilizing the high-
cutting powers of the new steels. Under war conditions, the great
demand for tool-steels of this kind created a relatively enormous
demand for tungsten, and considerable developments in the mining
and production of tungsten took place. Efforts to replace tungsten
by other metals were also made, and very great claims were advanced
for a " new " high-speed steel in which molybdenum in combination
with vanadium was used in place of tungsten (Arnold). The use of
molybdenum in place of tungsten, however, was by no means new,
and the merits of the new " discovery " therefore depended entirely
upon the extent to which the known disadvantages of molybdenum
in this connexion had been overcome. Uncertainty of quality and
a strong tendency to crack while in the ingot form were the chief of
these. Indeed, at the present time, there seems to be no tendency for
the normal tungsten high-speed steel to be discarded in favour of the
molybdenum-vanadium alloy.
In connexion with high-speed steels, mention may here be made
of two alloys which have been used, with considerable success, in
place of such steel. These are known as " stellite " and "cooperite"
respectively. Stellite consists, according to one reliable analysis,
mainly of cobalt 56%, chromium 34%, tungsten 9%, carbon I %.
Actual cutting tests with this material have shown that it is
capable of cutting rather faster than the best tungsten steel,
provided that the cut is smooth and regular, but that for
roughing cuts, where the tool is subjected to sudden shocks and
jars, the alloy is unsuited as it is too brittle and the tool frequently
breaks off. In the form as ordinarily marketed, moreover, stellite
cannot be softened, so that it must be used in the cast condition and
the tool has to be ground to shape while hard. Recently, a form of
stellite which can be softened has been announced, but no data in
regard to it are yet available.
Cooperite is an alloy of nickel, tungsten and zirconium, described
as containing 80 % of nickel, 14 % of tungsten and 6 % of zirconium.
Cobalt Steel. Returning to alloy steels, mention must be made of
the use of cobalt. The great development of cobalt production at
Sudbury in Canada has made this metal available and has attracted
interest to its possible uses. A high-speed tool-steel containing cobalt
has been produced in Sheffield, and has not only been found to be
successful in general use, but to have the remarkable property that
it does not undergo any distortion during the hardening process.
Should this property be established in practical service the steel is
likely to prove of very great importance in the production of shaped
cutting tools in which great accuracy is required. War conditions
brought with them painful experience of the great difficulty which
then existed in the production of accurate parts such as those of
shells and fuzes which were required to be strictly interchangeable.
This difficulty extended back to the gauges and master-gauges used
for the checking of such parts and, ultimately, in many cases to the
cutting-tools used in their production. In other cases, the steel of
which the gauges themselves were made gave much trouble owing to
distortion during hardening, requiring considerable adjustment by
" lapping " of the hardened article.
A cobalt-steel has also made its appearance as an important inno-
vation in another field that of steels for permanent magnets.
Made in the first place of hardened carbon steels, the requirements
particularly of the magnetos used for ignition purposes in air-craft
engines led to the use of special steels containing about 6 % of tung-
sten. A Japanese invention, based upon extensive researches carried
out in that country (Honda), has produced a cobalt magnet steel
which, in its best examples, gives very surprising results, combining
an exceptionally high coercive force with a relatively large rema-
nence. By the use of this steel a much smaller and lighter magnet
would suffice for a magneto of given power. The steel is extremely
expensive, and when supplied in quantity appears to vary in quality,
while there is also some difficulty in its workshop manipulation!
These, however, are probably difficulties arising from the novelty of
the product and are likely to disappear as it becomes better under-
stood by the makers.
Welding. One of the most remarkable developments (metal-
lurgical in the wider sense) during the period under review has been
that of autogenous welding, both by the oxy-acetylene flame and by
the electric arc. Both these processes afford a relatively very cheap
and simple means of making joints in metal, particularly in iron and
steel, and as the joint consists of " the same metal " as that which
is being joined, there is a specious suggestion that the joint is
" perfect " in the sense of being as good as the unjointed portions of
metal. Although it is. quite possible to obtain welded test-pieces
which break, under a tensile test, away from the actual joint, the
joint itself can never be regarded as equal in strength and toughness
to the unjointed steel. There are several reasons for this conclusion.
In the first place, the material in the weld itself has simply solidified
from fusion and is at best equal in properties to the same steel in the
cast condition, while the rest of the plate itself has been immensely
improved in quality by forging and rolling and possibly by heat-
treatment. Further, adjacent to every such weld there is a region of
steel which has either been severely overheated or a little farther
away which has been heated to a temperature just below the
critical range. In both these regions the steel is seriously weakened
and it is in the latter that test-pieces generally break. The most
serious difficulty, however, is that of being sure that any autogenous
weld is truly sound. Examination of many such welds has shown that
soundness is very difficult to secure and that it is the exception rather
than the rule, even in careful practice; while it is not possible to
ascertain by any external examination of a weld whether it is sound
or not. Examination by the aid of a powerful X-ray installation can
sometimes be employed to assure the soundness of an important
weld, but as a rule this is not feasible. It would seem, therefore
and the best-informed opinion is steadily coming to take this view
that welded joints cannot be relied upon to carry severe working
stresses, and that they should not be employed in vital parts unless
an exceptionally heavy factor of safety can be allowed. Actual ex-
perience in aeroplane construction has borne out this view, and a
construction in which steel tubes are joined together by pinned and
soft-soldered joints has been found more reliable than autogenous
welding, provided that the working stress on the solder is kept to a
low value. On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that the
welding processes afford a ready means of making joints and effectin
repairs where no other process could be used, and under war con '
tions particularly rapid repairs were frequently executed with gn
success. None the less, many such cases involved very decide
" war risks." At the same time, welded joints should not be con
pared with the unjointed material but rather with joints made :
other ways, such as riveting; and there the comparison is much me
favourable except for the serious element of uncertainty. The app
cation of welding, and particularly of electric arc welding to sue
purposes as ship construction, has, however, found considerab'
acceptance (see WELDING).
NON-FERROUS METALS. The outstanding feature in tl
progress of non-ferrous metallurgy is undoubtedly summed
in the one word, " flotation." In spite of long-continued litig
tion, which has resulted in clouding the whole matter in
obscurity from which published scientific research (Sulma
Langmuir) has not yet fully extricated it, this process has ma
enormous progress and has to a considerable extent revolution
ized the entire practice of the extraction of many non-ferrou
metals, particularly those occurring in the form of sulphid
minerals, such as galena, zinc-blende and the various pyrit
copper ore's. Its effects have been direct in superseding mo
gravitational methods of separation, and indirect in view of i
fact that flotation deals primarily with very finely divide
material, including the " slimes " which were the greatest dif
culty of the pre-flotation metallurgist. Not only has this affecte
ore-grinding and handling practice, but it has brought about
great change in smelting practice also. Thus the treatment
copper concentrates is being carried out to a rapidly increasir
extent in the reverberatory furnace to the steady exclusion
the blast furnace.
METALLURGY
925
Flotation. The principles of flotation do not appear to be entirely
understood from the physical or physicochemical point of view, as
there is considerable divergence of opinion on the question whether
flotation phenomena are the result of purely "surface tension"
forces or whether electrical forces play an important part. The opera-
tions involved are, however, sufficiently clearly denned, and consist
essentially of three steps which may overlap or merge into one an-
other. The first of these may be described as the "oiling" process.
This consists in adding to the slip or mixture of finely ground ore and
water some " oiling " reagent. This may be either an essential oil
or one of a great range of chemical substances, generally organic in
character. Only a very small amount of such a reagent is used, since
the addition of larger quantities produces entirely different effects
due to the formation of oil-films of appreciable thickness. The
minute amount of oiling reagent, on the other hand, appears to
produce some change on the surfaces of certain minerals having a
metallic or semi-metallic character zinc-blende being a typical
example which makes them less readily " wetted " by the liquor
of the slip, or, put in another way, increases the angle of contact
between these surfaces and the liquid. The gangue of the ore is less
affected or not all affected by the oiling reagent, but in many cases
it is necessary artificially to increase the difference between mineral
and gangue by the addition of some " gangue modifying reagent"
which renders the gangue more readily wetted by the aqueous liquid
of the slip. These " gangue modifiers " are as a rule alkalies or
mineral acids.
The third step in the process consists in adding to the slip some
substance which causes the ready production of a stiff and lasting
froth when air is introduced, either by agitation or by blowing or
drawing it through the liquid in a finely divided state. Very Ire-
quently the " oiling reagent " also serves as the froth-producer.
When the slip thus prepared is treated so as to produce a froth, the
oiled mineral particles adhere to the air-bubbles very firmly, the
mineral-air surfaces evidently being the seat of less potential energy
than the mineral-water surfaces, and consequently the buoyancy
of the combined bubble with its mineral burden causes it to float to
the surface where it accumulates as a very stiff mineralized froth
which can be mechanically separated in various ways. Actually, a
further action appears to take place, which is related to the floccula-
tion of the mineral particles in contact with air-bubbles. This results
in the attachment to each bubble of much larger and heavier agglom-
erations of mineral particles, thus greatly increasing the efficiency
of the whole process.
The flotation process has found its largest application in the con-
centration of various types of sulphide ores and, on this ground alone,
has attained very great industrial and technical importance. Its
application to other minerals has, however, been actively pursued,
and in a great many cases with considerable success. Minerals having
a more or less metallic character are particularly suited for flotation,
so that native metals constitute an obviously promising application.
It is quite possible that ultimately the treatment of finely divided
gold-bearing ores may revert to flotation, but as yet the older cyanid-
mg processes in their modern forms continue to hold their own.
Application to minerals of the oxide and carbonate type is less sim-
ple, and here it seems to be necessary, in many cases, to submit the
ore to a previous " activating " treatment. Preliminary roasting in a
reducing atmosphere in the hope of producing a more or less metallic
surface coating upon the ore particles has been tried, while " sul-
phidizing " by exposing the finely ground ore to the action of hydro-
gen (or ammonium-sulphide) has also been tried, in some cases with
success. Another problem, which offers the promise of most impor-
tant results when a full solution has been found, is that of " differen-
tial flotation " for the purpose of separating different metalliferous
minerals in a complex ore, such as the separation of zinc-blende or
sphalerite from galena. In a certain number of cases, oiling reagents
have been found which act differentially upon different flotable
minerals, but every particular case still requires extensive research
which does not always lead to a satisfactory industrial solution.
Recently, an attempt has been made to recover coal from the waste
heaps of collieries by means of flotation plant; technically entire
success has been attained, since coal can be readily floated. Whether
commercial success can be attained is another question, since the
cost of fine grinding is a serious matter where a mineral of relatively
low value is to be recovered. There is the further doubt whether
coal which has been exposed to the weather, resulting in a dulling of
its surface, can be made to float.
Smelting. Beyond its immensely important direct effects in
rendering possible the economic concentration of a number of ores
and in cheapening the concentration of others, the development of
flotation has also profoundly affected smelting practice, since the
product of flotation, being very finely divided and wet, differs widely
from the drier product of gravity concentration. The concomitant
progress of the reverberatory furnace, to which reference has already
been made, has been accompanied by another development which,
although to a large extent independent, has also received indirect
stimulus from flotation. This is the use of powdered coal as fuel, a
development which is still in active progress and shows promise of
very wide extension. Extremely finely divided coal is blown or
otherwise forced into the actual combustion-space of the furnace,
where it burns with a flame very similar to that of a jet of gas. The
obvious advantages of such a system are that the loss of heat involved
in the gasification of coal in producers is saved, together with the
labour and the technical difficulties involved, while most of the ad-
vantages of gas-firing can also be secured by burning powdered coal.
As against this must be set the cost of grinding the coal sufficiently
fine and of injecting it into the furnace, .while disadvantages, also
attach to the fact that the ash of the coal is introduced into the fur-
nace and thence into flues, regenerators, etc. The question of the
manner in which the coal is to be powdered and conveyed into the
furnace receives rather different treatment in different forms of the
process, but it is coming to be recognized that extremely fine grinding
is advantageous and in one process the coal is made into an " emul-
sion " of coal-dust and air which is said to flow and to be capable of
being pumped like a dense liquid. The coal particles appear to
become coated with a closely adherent (probably " absorbed ") layer
of air and as soon as the temperature becomes high enough for igni-
tion to occur, very rapid combustion takes place. The use of coal-
air mixtures or " emulsions," however, implies the introduction into
the furnace of a relatively large amount of cold air and this materi-
ally affects the question of regeneration or recuperation of the heat
of the waste gases of the furnace. This is also affected by the pres-
ence of the fine ash-dust which tends to clog or even to flux the
tubes or chequer-work. In some furnaces, where an extremely high
temperature is not required, the problem can be solved by dispens-
ing with regeneration or recuperation entirely and utilizing the heat
of the waste gases for raising steam, etc. Another point to be borne
in mind is that a suspension of coal-dust in air may be a powerful
explosive and must be treated with the care due to such substances.
In the methods for the extraction of non-ferrous metals, during the
period under review, there has also been an important development
in an entirely different direction. This is the very great advance in
hydro-metallurgical processes, such as leaching and direct electro-
lytic treatment of ores. The elimination of the German zinc smelters
during the war, so far as supplies of zinc ores from the British Empire
and the Allied countries were concerned, undoubtedly supplied
a stimulus to this development, which has been particularly marked
in connexion with the extraction of zinc from its ores. But the treat-
ment of many other ores has also come within reach of " wet way
methods, and these undoubtedly promise to play an increasingly
prominent part in metallurgical extraction in the near future.
Organization. Among the factors of metallurgical progress, men-
tion must be made of certain institutions and organizations which
now play an important and growing part, particularly in regard to
non-ferrous metals. The Imperial Mineral Resources Bureau, con-
stituted in London towards the end of the war, and working by means
of a large number of committees, assisted by all the leading metal-
lurgists, serves to compile and publish a large amount of informa-
tion, mainly in regard to the mineral resources of the British Empire,
but dealing also in rather less detail with the resources of other
countries. The continued progress and growth of the Institute of
Metals has been a very marked feature of metallurgical activity;
this body has now attained a membership of over 1,300, and issues two
annual volumes of its " Journal," which constitute sources of stan-
dard reference and information. In America, an Institute of Metals
has been formed on slightly different lines, as part of the Institution
of Mining and Metallurgical Engineers. The British Engineering
Standards Assn., formerly the Engineering Standards Committee,
has also come to exert a powerful influence on the metallurgy of those
metals which form the primary materials of engineering. The issue
of standard specifications for a large number of non-ferrous metals
has been undertaken, mainly for air-craft purposes, while recently
the formation of a new Sectional Committee on Non-Ferrous Metals
promises a further series of more general specifications. Further,
in connexion with the British Government Department of Scientific
and Industrial Research, a Non-Ferrous Metals Research Assn.
has been formed and has begun to initiate important researches,
particularly in connexion with copper.
Copper. The effect of flotation, powdered-coal firing, and the
advance of hydro-metallurgical methods on the metallurgy of copper,
have already been mentioned. In regard to the metal itself, there is
an increasing tendency for the exclusive employment of electrolytic
copper. In part, this arises from the increased supplies of this quality
of metal, but more from the increasing demand for high purity.
" Best selected " and " tough " (arsenical) copper are still in demand
for some purposes, particularly for locomotive fireboxes and stays ;
but there is considerable doubt as to the value of the arsenic, partic-
ularly as more complete de-oxidization of the copper is now practi-
cable. For this purpose, particularly in connexion with the produc-
tion of sound castings in high-conductivity copper, various agents
have been advocated and employed. Crystalline Boron, and a sub-
stance known as " Boron sub-oxide," have been advocated and some
success has been attained by their use. With regard to finished cop-
per, much attention has been paid to certain anomalies which occur
during severe cold-working, such as wire-drawing, while the effect
of heating the metal in a reducing atmosphere has also been further
studied. A particularly interesting case of failure in copper when
heated in a bath of fused sodium chloride has been studied by the
Bureau of Standards, at Washington. This material became brittle
and broke with a typical inter-crystalline fracture. It was shown that
this arose from an electrolytic effect produced by the contact of the
926
METALLURGY
copper with the iron containing-vessel in the presence of the fused
electrolyte (Rawdon). Metallic sodium is formed in contact with the
copper and appears to penetrate between the crystals of the metal.
A case has also been described where molten solder (lead-tin) acted
in a similar manner when in contact with a particular kind of brass,
the so-called " manganese bronze " (Dickenson).
Copper Alloys. With regard to copper alloys, some progress has
been made in regard to the difficult question of nomenclature.
A committee appointed by the Institute of Metals has issued a first
nomenclature Report which begins by defining the old terms " brass"
and " bronze." The former is defined as any alloy of copper with zinc,
containing more than 50% of copper; if other elements besides zinc
and copper are present, they are to be named as a prefix to the
term " brass." Thus an alloy containing 2% tin, 28% zinc, and re-
mainder copper would be termed a " tin brass." Bronze on the other
hand is defined as implying an alloy of copper with tin, containing
more than 50% of copper, with the same convention in regard to
additional elements. Thus an alloy containing 10% tin, 2% zinc,
and remainder copper would be called a " zinc bronze." An attempt
is also made to systematize nomenclature of more complex alloys.
In the course of six or seven years this nomenclature, so far as brass
and bronze are concerned, has made considerable headway, and these
two terms are now rarely used except within the definitions named.
On the other hand, the alloy formerly known as " German silver"
and now generally, but quite misleadingly, named " nickel silver,"
should, under systematic nomenclature, be called " nickel brass,"
but there is some trade prejudice against the use of such a name.
An immense amount of experiment and research has been devoted
to copper alloys, but the results cannot be adequately summarized
in a few lines. A considerable number of special alloys are now known,
each possessing valuable properties for various purposes. The alumi-
nium manganese copper alloys have been very fully studied and
described in the Ninth Report to the Alloys Research Committee
of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers; these include alloys
capable of attaining tensile strengths as high as 52 tons per sq. inch.
Other alloys of special strength have been launched under various
proprietary names, such as " Rubel bronze " and " Turbadium."
For war purposes a most important part was played by the cupro-
nickel alloys, containing either 15 or 20 % of nickel, remainder
copper. The production of this alloy on the very large scale required
for the war, revealed considerable difficulties in its production, aris-
ing mainly from casting-defects in the slabs used for rolling. The
remarkable power of this material to undergo extremely severe cold-
working, without becoming excessively brittle, suggests that it is
likely to have other useful applications beside bullet envelopes, but
for industrial purposes these alloys have not yet been Widely ex-
ploited. On the other hand, the much more expensive Monel metal
has been widely pushed and has found considerable practical applica-
tion, mainly on account of the valuable combination of great strength
with great power of resisting corrosion which it possesses. This alloy
is manufactured " direct " by the reduction of ores from the Sud-
bury district in Canada, and special virtue is claimed on the ground
that it is a " natural " alloy and has not been melted together in the
foundry. It is more than doubtful whether such a claim can be in
any way substantiated.
Corrosion. In connexion mainly with copper alloys, a very large
amount of study has been devoted to the subject of corrosion, under
the auspices of the Corrosion Research Committee of the Institute of
Metals. The results have been embodied in five extensive Reports to
that body, and serve to throw a large amount of new light on the
corrosion, particularly, of marine condenser tubes. This is ascribed,
essentially, to the formation on the surfaces of the tubes of an
adherent, but by no means impervious, deposit of basic salts. By
restricting the circulation of water in contact with the metal under
these deposits, they lead to the formation of solutions containing a
fairly high concentration of cupric chloride, and such a solution rapid-
ly attacks brass, with the resulting formation of pits and ultimately
of holes. It is considered that the brass as a whole is dissolved under
these deposits, but that in certain conditions the cooper is redeposited
as a spongy mass, thus leading to the apparent dezincification "
of the brass at such points. The prevention of this, the most de-
structive type of corrosion, thus becomes a question of preventing the
formation of such adherent deposits, and several devices for this
purpose have been suggested. The latest proposal is to coat the
interior surfaces of the condenser tubes with a thin layer of metallic
lead. Recently, the scope of the researches undertaken by the above-
mentioned committee has been extended to include fresh-water
(land) condenser plant, and a special sub-committee has been formed
to study the whole question of the corrosion of aluminium alloys.
Results of these inquiries and of a parallel investigation into atmos-
pheric corrosion, undertaken by the Non-ferrous Metals Research
Assn., are not yet available.
Platinum, Etc. The metallurgy of the noble metals has not under-
gone any very striking development during the period under review,
either in regard to extraction or uses. The cyaniding process has
undergone a series of more or less minor improvements, and it was
at one time thought that aluminium dust would replace zinc -dust
as the precipitant for pregnant solutions. Although aluminium is
used to some extent, zinc-dust still predominates and the same re-
mark applies to the proposed method of precipitating the metal
electrolytically. In regard to platinum, there has been an ever-
increasing scarcity, enhanced by the complete upheaval in Russia.
The great rise in the price of platinum has naturally led to the
study of possible substitutes for various purposes, and a number o(
such materials have been put forward. Thus for the " breaks "
used in the magnetos of internal combustion engines, tungsten spark-
ing points have been substituted for platinum with great success.
For chemical purposes various alloys, some containing gold and pal-
ladium, have been tried, but only with partial success, since none of
them really possess the combination of properties chemical resis-
tance and very high melting point which renders platinum so
valuable. A number of special alloys, in which tungsten and chro-
mium generally play an important part, also exhibit great chemical
resistance, but in these cases the hardness and brittleness of the
material are generally a serious difficulty. For use in chemical work
on a large scale, however, a considerable number of alloys have been
produced which attain a fair measure of success. Silicon itself h;
many advantages for some of these purposes, but in the impure forn
generally met with, it is relatively weak and brittle.
Zinc. The metallurgy of zinc received much anxious attentio
during the war period. Reference has been made above to the genera
questions relating to zinc extraction, but the use of the metal and it:
alloys also received attention. On the Allied side there was at one
time considerable shortage of zinc, and substitute alloys were studied
for all purposes which should avoid the use of zinc. The shortage
then disappeared, and at a later stage alloys consisting mainly o"
zinc were tried as substitutes for brass and for certain aluminiur
alloys. Some of these zinc alloys proved to possess remarkable
properties, tensile strength exceeding 20 tons per square inch bein
obtained in cast alloys containing about 3 % of copper and 7 % (
aluminium, remainder zinc. It was further found that these alloy
could be extruded and, under certain conditions, rolled. In tn
severely rolled state they show remarkable ductility when slowlv
loaded, but are entirely brittle if the stress ft applied rapidly;
annealed even by quite moderate warming they revert to tli
strength and entire non-ductility of the cast material. Unfortunately
it has been found that alloys of this type, when they contain both
aluminium and copper, are unstable and undergo serious changes c'
volume, accompanied by great loss of strength, even at the ordinar
temperature if kept for any considerable time, such as a year. Non
the less, a considerable number of shell-fuses were successfully mad
of such an alloy, but they were used before dangerous deterioratior
had set in. It is interesting to note that on the German side, while
there was never any shortage of zinc, this metal and its alloys wer
extensively employed as substitutes for other metals. Pure zinc was
widely used in place of copper for electrical purposes, while zinc
alloys with copper and aluminium were also largely used. Appar-
ently, cases of failure due to the instability of these materials passed
unnoticed under the stress of war; at all events, German metal-
lurgists have described these " war bronzes," without mention of
such deterioration with time, except as the result of corrosion. It
may be mentioned, however, that alloys rich in zinc, which contain
either copper alone or aluminium alone, appear to be free from the
trouble in question (Rpsenhain, Haughton and Bingham).
Aluminium. Aluminium and its alloys have played a particu-
larly conspicuous part and have undergone remarkable developments
during recent years. Prior to the outbreak of war, aluminium itself
had become relatively very cheap (below 100 per ton), and this fact
stimulated interest in its use. During the war, on the other hand,
while the metal itself became scarce and very dear, its applications
for military purposes grew enormously in importance and raise
its alloys for the first time to the rank of important materials <
engineering construction. Its uses arose mainly in connection with
air-craft and became increasingly important in the closing years of
the war. It must, of course, be recognized that this rapid develop-
ment of aluminium alloys under war conditions was to a consider-
able extent the result of progress which had been made prior to 1914.
One step in this progress was marked by the section on light alloy
contained in the Ninth Report to the Alloys Research Committe
(Rosenhain and Lantsberry), published in 1909; but the discovery,
by Wilm of Berlin, of the possibility of hardening aluminium and its
alloys, when a small percentage of magnesium had been added to
them, led to the next and very important forward step. The appli-
cation of this discovery to the best of the alloys, described in th
above-named Report, led to the production of the now widely know
and used alloy " duralumin." This contains from 3 to 5% of copp
about I % of manganese and about 0^5 % of magnesium. As rolli
this material has a tensile strength of about 1 8 tons per square inch
but if heated to a temperature of 480 C. to 500 C. and quenche '
it gradually acquires much greater strength rising to about :
tons per square inch; the ductility remaining the same at about 16
to 18% elongation on 2 inches. There can be no doubt that such i
material, possessing the strength of a very mild steel combined with ;
density as low as 2-8, constituted a remarkable advance in wrought
aluminium alloys. At quite an early stage in its history this alloy wa
employed for the construction of Zeppelin airships. The manufactur
of the alloys was taken up in England under licence from the German
patentee, and the alloy has been extensively used in the constructior
of British rigid airships. Its use has, however, not been free fron
difficulties and disadvantages, and great efforts have been made i
METALLURGY
927
arrive at better alloys by research in this country. As a result, a
series of new aluminium alloys for use in the wrought form have been
developed, mainly as the result of extensive researches at the Nation-
al Physical Laboratory. In the first place, a series of alloys containing
from 1 8 to 20% of zinc were produced. These were of a type which
had up to that time been regarded as incapable of being rolled or
forged, but the initial difficulties of that kind were overcome by
a careful study of their properties both in the foundry and the roll-
ing-mill. The result was the production of an alloy containing 20%
of zinc and 3 % of copper, generally known as " 3-20 " or " Alloy
A." This shows a tensile strength, in the condition as rolled, of 27
to 28 tons per square inch with an elongation of 1 8 to 20% on 2 inches.
It is thus a little stronger than duralumin, but also a little heavier
(its density is about 3'i). It is simpler to make and use than dura-
lumin, as it requires no special heat-treatment, and it is unlike
duralumin not liable to be seriously weakened by a slight amount
of annealing. On the other hand, this alloy is liable to be damaged in
other ways if heated much above 250 C., and it loses its strength
very rapidly with rising temperature, at all events above 100 C.,
while it is also distinctly less resistant to corrosion than duralumin.
For many purposes, however, where cheapness and simplicity of treat-
ment are important, and where the material is not exposed to severely
corrosive conditions, the " Alloy A " (320) possesses distinct merits.
This alloy has, however, been considerably improved upon by a series
of alloys in which both manganese and magnesium have been added
to the simple aluminium-zinc alloy. These require quenching and
ageing, but after such treatment can be made to attain a tensile
strength of 40 tons per square inch. They are, thus, in regard to
strength for a given weight, considerably superior to duralumin and
this relative value is particularly apparent under compression
(buckling) tests. On the other hand, these alloys require careful
protection from corrosion and their heat-treatment must be care-
fully carried out. Another very important group of "wrought"
alloys are those containing nickel and magnesium in addition to
copper. The most important of these is one developed at the Na-
tional Physical Laboratory and known as "Alloy Y," or "42-15,"
the latter figures representing the composition: copper 4/0, nickel
2%, and magnesium ij%. This alloy, when quenched from a tem-
perature of 530 C. after previous cold-rolling, can be made to attain
a tensile strength of 28 tons per square inch combined with an elonga-
tion of 20 % on 2 inches ; its density is 2. 8, and it possesses two very
important further properties, viz. remarkable resistance to corrosion,
and a relatively very high resistance to fatigue (repetition stresses),
particularly at slightly elevated temperatures. Forgings of this
alloy have been successfully used as connecting-rods in high-speed
internal combustion engines, and there is every reason to anticipate
a constantly widening range of engineering uses.
Promising and important as are the results achieved with the
wrought alloys just described, results of more immediate importance
were achieved with casting alloys of aluminium. At first these were
employed mainly on more or less subsidiary castings, such as crank-
cases, and for that purpose an alloy containing from 12 to 14% of
zinc and about 2j% of copper (generally known by the number of
the British Air-board Specification as " LS ") was very widely used.
Efforts were soon made, however, to employ light-alloy castings for
more important parts in aeroplane machines, viz. cylinders and pis-
tons. Here the value of these materials lies not so much in their
specific lightness as in their high thermal conductivity. In the case
of the cylinder castings of air-cooled engines particularly, this is
valuable in preventing distortion arising from unequal cooling of the
windward and leeward sides, while in the pistons it reduces the tem-
perature of the compression space and thus increases the density of
the indrawn charge, and at the same time allows of the employment
of higher compression ratios. The effect of these advantages is to
increase the power output of an engine of given size and weight very
appreciably, while also reducing the petrol consumption. The alloys
first and most extensively used were those of aluminium with copper,
a 12 % alloy being particularly popular. Another widely used alloy
contains 7 % of copper with I % of zinc and I % of tin, but it is now
recognized that the presence of tin renders the alloy weak under shock
when hot. These alloys, although initially not as strong as some of
those containing zinc, do not lose their strength so rapidly when
heated, so that at the working temperature of an aluminium-alloy
piston (about 250 C.) they are stronger than such an alloy as " LS."
Even these alloys, however, are relatively very weak when hot -
they register a tensile strength of about 6 to 7 tons per square inch
at 250 Centigrade. Recently, researches at the National Physical
Laboratory have shown that the alloy already referred to above as
" Y " containing copper 4 %, nickel 2 %, magnesium ij % is partic-
ularly strong at high temperatures, even in the cast state. It is,
further, amenable to hardening by quenching and ageing even in the
form of castings, and when thus treated attains a tensile strength as
high as 20 tons per square inch at the ordinary temperature and 13
tons per square inch at 250 Centigrade. This alloy is rapidly finding
its way into extensive use and many important applications are being
opened up as the result of its remarkable properties.
Cobalt and Lead. Developments in the remaining metals are
mostly of a minor nature and cannot be referred to in detail. Men-
tion should, however, be made of the progress made in connexion
with cobalt. Its use in steel and in certain special alloys has already
been mentioned, but it has also been shown to give a more adherent
and more durable electro-plate coating than nickel, and it is impor-
tant to note that its resemblance to nickel is not nearly so close as was
previously supposed. In regard to lead and its alloys, a remarkable
development has been that of alloys with the rare-earth metals,
particularly calcium and barium. These confer a remarkable degree
of hardness on lead, and a special alloy of this kind, known as
" Ulco," is finding application as a bearing-metal. A substitute of
this kind was called for as the result of the very high prices attained
by tin under war conditions, but the permanent value of the materials
has yet to be established.
PHYSICAL METALLURGY. Side by side with, and to a great
extent furnishing the basis for, the development in the treat-
ment and use of metals and their alloys, there has been a very
great and important development of metallurgical science,
particularly in the direction of what has been called " Physical
Metallurgy." The mass of work which has been published on
this subject is so great that even an approximately exhaustive
bibliography would occupy more than the space available. Only
a few outstanding features of the progress achieved can there-
fore be briefly mentioned.
A very large amount of work has been devoted to the further
and more detailed study of the constitution of alloy systems. Al-
though somewhat rough preliminary determination as of the equilib-
rium diagrams of most binary alloy systems had been previously
made, a number of these have been revised and rendered more ac-
curate. In ferrous alloys, the iron-carbon system has received much
further study, particularly in regard to the critical points of iron
itself. Important work at the Bureau of Standards, U.S.A. (Bur-
gess and Crowe), has firmly established the three well-known critical
points, Ai, AS, and A 3 , and has shown that previous attempts on the
one hand to discredit the very existence of A 2 (Carpenter) and on the
other to show that it was a double point (Arnold), were based on
experimental error. On the other hand, German investigators
(Ruer, Hanemann) have established the existence of a higher critical
point, which in pure iron occurs at a temperature very close to 1,400
Centigrade. In connexion with the critical points, considerable
attention has been devoted to the whole question of allotropy.
A Dutch school of investigators (Cohen) have sought to show the
existence of numerous allotropic transformations in many metals,
but their conclusions are based on extremely slight evidence derived
from determinations of minute irregularities in density changes.
On the other hand, the Japanese school (Honda) seek to show that
the Aj transformation in iron is not allotropic in character and this
view is confirmed, to a certain extent, by strong evidence that the
passage through this point does not involve any change of crystalliza-
tion evidence which has recently been confirmed by the X-ray
analysis of the crystal structure of iron and steel at various tempera-
tures (Westgren). The matter, however, rests entirely upon the
precise definition of allotropy which is adopted. In addition to the
iron-carbon system, the iron-nickel, iron-chromium, the manganese-
carbon and nickel-carbon systems have been carefully investigated.
No attempt, however, appears as yet to have been made to attack
the detailed study of the equilibria of such important ternary systems
as iron-nickel-carbon, iron-manganese-carbon or iron-nickel-chro-
mium, no doubt on account of the length and difficulty of such an
investigation. In non-ferrous alloys, considerable attention has been
given to the alloys of zinc, a portion of the ternary system copper-
aluminium-zinc (alloys rich in zinc) having been very fully worked
out (Haughton, Bingham). The allotropy of zinc itself has also been
very thoroughly studied (Benedicks, Bingham) and the reality of the
transformations well established. Great advances have been made
in the knowledge of the equilibria of several of the important alloy
systems in which aluminium is the predominant metal. The ternary
systems aluminium-zinc-copper, aluminium-iron-silicon and alu-
minium-magnesium-silicon (Hanson, Gayler) have been very fully
worked out so far as the alloys rich in aluminium are concerned.
For the representation of the results of such investigations a new
type of model has been devised (Rosenhain), in which the various
equilibrium surfaces are represented by systems of wires coloured to
indicate the phases concerned in each transformation. The study of
the aluminium-magnesium-silicon system has proved particularly
important, owing to the light which it throws on the age-hardening
properties, which are found in many aluminium alloys containing
magnesium. It has been shown that the magnesium in these alloys
is present as a definite compound Mg 2 Si, which is more soluble in
solid aluminium at high temperatures than at the ordinary tem-
perature. Quenching such an alloy from a temperature just below
its solidus retains the compound in solid solution and in this state the
alloy is soft. Gradually, however, at the ordinary temperature, and
more rapidly at slightly higher temperatures, this super-saturated
solid solution deposits the excess of dissolved compound in an
extremely finely divided condition and this process is accompanied
by gradual hardening of the alloy. This process is strictly analogous
to that which can be brought about in certain alloy steels which can
be rendered (or kept) completely " austenitic " (homogeneous solid
solution) by quenching; they are then soft and ductile, and do not
928
METEOROLOGY
undergo hardening while at rest at the ordinary temperature. If the
temperature is raised so as to bring about " tempering," the solid
solution breaks down in precisely the same way as indicated above
and the steel becomes hard (and also magnetic). It would thus seem
that hardening as the result direct br indirect of quenching is due
to the separation from solid solution, in a state of extremely fine
division, of a phase the formation of which had been suppressed by
quenching. According to the theory of amorphous metal (see below)
each of the minute crystallites of the phase thus separated will be
surrounded by a zone of amorphous metal, which is itself very hard.
If the minute crystals thus separated are sufficiently small and
numerous, the result will be that a considerable proportion of the
whole alloy will be thrown into the amorphous state, extreme hard-
ness resulting. On this view, the martensite of hardened steel should
consist mainly of minute crystallites of alpha-iron embedded in an
amorphous matrix consisting of iron and carbon (or carbide) in
solution in it. This suggested constitution of martensite readily
accounts for its hardness and for the fact that it is magnetic, and
in view of the intimate manner in which the minute crystallites of
alpha-iron are embedded in unyielding and un-magnetisable amor-
phous metal for the magnetic hardness of the martensitic steel.
This view is further confirmed by the observation that the chemical
behaviour of quench-hardened steel is in certain respects closely
similar to that of the same steel hardened by cold work and thus
rendered partially amorphous (Whiteley). Finally, it has recently
been shown by X-ray methods, that the space-lattice typical of
alpha-iron is present in martensitic steel (Westgren).
The theory of amorphous metal, just mentioned, has played a very
important part in scientific metallurgical thought during the period
under review. The conception that metal could be rendered amor-
phous by mechanical disturbance of its crystalline structure was
originated by Beilby, in the first instance, to account for the phenom-
ena observed by him and others in connexion with the polishing
of metals and other substances. Beilby further applied the concep-
tion to explain the hardening which metals undergo as the result
of plastic deformation (cold work) by suggesting that layers of
amorphous metal are formed on the surfaces of internal slip which
occurs during plastic straining. Both these theories are now widely,
if not universally, accepted in England and America, but still find
opposition on the Continent, where the weight of the experimental
data is not sufficiently appreciated. More recently Rosenhain has
brought forward a conception which has already been present
in the minds of many other investigators (notably Osmond) in a less
definite form, that a film or thin layer of amorphous metal exists in
the inter-crystalline boundaries of all metals, quite apart from any
effects of strain. This view has been vigorously contested, but ex-
perimental evidence in its confirmation has been steadily accumu-
lated from a very great variety of sources, until at the present time
the " intercrystalline amorphous cement " theory is at least as firmly
established as that of the ' amorphous theory of strain-hardening.
The most striking series of facts supporting the " amorphous
cement " theory is connected with the behaviour of the inter-
crystalline boundaries under stress. It is well established that in
normal circumstances these boundaries are stronger than the crystals
themselves, so that fractures of metals generally occur by breaking
through the crystals and not by pulling them apart. It has, however,
been shown that at a high temperature near to, but definitely below,
the melting point, pure metals can be easily caused to break with a
perfectly inter-crystalline fracture (Rosenhain and Ewen). This is to
be ascribed to the greatly decreased viscosity at such temperatures
of the inter-crystalline amorphous metal, which is regarded as pos-
sessing the properties of a viscous under-cooled liquid. The actual
viscosity, however, depends very much upon the nature of the metal
and upon the temperature the farther a metal is below its normal
melting-point the higher the viscosity of the amorphous phase.
Accordingly, in some of the softer metals and alloys the amorphous
material is sufficiently mobile to allow of sensible movement in
relatively short times. Thus, an alloy of zinc with copper and alu-
minium has been discovered which, in the cold-worked state when it
is partially amorphous, behaves very much like pitch; it will bend
to any desired extent if allowed to do so gradually, but breaks short
if rapid bending is attempted. Similarly, the inter-crystalline cement
in certain metals and alloys, although it proves stronger than the
crystals when the metal is loaded at any normal rate, appears to be
capable of giving way by some form of viscous or visco-elastic move-
ment under very prolonged loading such as that due to internal
stresses. Much attention has been devoted to the study of fractures
occurring in various metals as the result of the application of internal
or other prolonged stresses. In brass these phenomena have become
known by the misleading term " season cracking," but it has recently
been discovered that strikingly similar phenomena are to be found in
a number of other metals, including lead, certain alloys of aluminium,
platinum and steel (Rosenhain and Archbutt). It has been shown
that in the case of brass, lead, steel and aluminium alloys, certain
types of chemical reagents which appear to act preferentially upon
the material in the crystal boundaries, contribute to the occurrence
of such fractures, which are typically inter-crystalline (Moore and
Beckinsale). At the same time it has been clearly shown that in the
case of the aluminium alloys at all events such chemical action serves
to accelerate the fractures, but is not essential to it, since it occurs,
although more slowly, in high vacuum or in an atmosphere of pur
dry hydrogen (Rosenhain and Archbutt). In the case of brass i
seems probable, although it has not yet been finally demonstrate^
that " season cracking ' can occur without the intervention of any
chemical action. Similar types of cracking which have been dis
covered in mild steel, however, appear to be very closely associates
with the effects of certain chemicals, such as concentrated solution
of alkalies, fused ammonium nitrate, etc. While there are still son
metallurgists who refuse to think in terms of an amorphous intei
crystalline cement (Hatfield, Tammann), the great majority of in
vestigators are agreed that, directly or indirectly, this concepts
serves to explain the occurrence not only of inter-crystalline fra
tures under prolonged loading but also a number of other phenomen
associated with the crystal boundaries.
Intimately connected, also, with the nature of inter-crystallin
boundaries is the whole of the important phenomena of re-crystalliz
tion and crystal growth which are of such fundamental importan
with all annealing and heat -treatment operations. These have 1
studied in great detail in recent years. One of the most strikin =
features is the relatively rapid formation of large crystals in certain
conditions. Thus in an oblong piece of metal which has been severely
strained, and is then heated in such a way as to be well above the
usual temperature of re-crystallization at one end and well below it
at the other, a zone is found in which very large crystals are formed ;
this may occur either as the result of a temperature-gradient being
applied to a uniformly strained piece of metal or of the application of
a suitable uniform temperature to a piece of metal in which there is i
strain-gradient. The explanation appears to be that for a given degre<
of previous plastic strain there is a temperature most favourable to
rapid crystal growth (Jeffries). An interesting practical applicatioi
of the ideas derived from the study of these phenomena is the pro
duction of wires of certain metals, notably tungsten, which have beei
so treated as to consist, for considerable lengths, of single long crystals
This result is achieved by drawing the cold-worked wire into a
annealing furnace at a suitable temperature at precisely the righ
rate. The tungsten wire thus produced is particularly valuable fo
the manufacture of electric lamp filaments and it has also been
shown to possess interesting elastic properties (Wartenberg), whic
are readily accounted for by the absence in such material of any
amorphous inter-crystalline material the viscous or visco-elastic
properties of which affect the behaviour of the wire in this respect.
Much study has also been devoted particularly to the re-crystalliz
tion of aluminium after cold- working, but new theoretical views hav
not yet been advanced. Here, as in almost every direction, th
progress of research upon metals and alloys tends to open up ne
avenues for further research and further advance. In a subject which
is showing such rapid and vigorous growth, such a summary as that
here given cannot hope to deal with more than a few outstanding
points which appear to be of primary importance, but development
is so rapid and on such wide lines that it is impossible to foresee
what trend it may follow in the near future.
LITERATURE. For iron and steel metallurgy, industrial as well
as scientific, the journal of the Iron and Steel Institute should be
consulted, not only for original publications but for abstracts which
cover the literature of the whole world on this subject. In addition,
excellent abstracts will also be found in the metallurgical section i
the journal of the Society of Chemical Industry, while such journal:
as Stahl und Risen, the Revue de Metallurgie and Chemical and
Metallurgical Engineering also deal with this branch of the subject.
In addition to Iron Age, The Iron and Coal Trade Review and similar
journals may also be mentioned, but adequate references to these
can be found in the abstracting journals already mentioned. As
regards general metallurgy, the annual volumes of Mineral Industry
contain detailed reviews of progress, year by year, while the journal
of the Institution of Mining and Metallurgy contains important
original papers. For the non-ferrous metals, apart from their reduc-
tion from the ore, the most valuable reference is to the journal
of the Institute of Metals, including particularly extensive abstracts as
well as original papers. The Revue de Metallurgie and several German
journals, also formerly the International Journal of Metallography
(now Mclallographie) , may be named, as well as the appropriate
section of the American Institution of Mining and Metallurgical
Engineers (American Institute of Metals). The publications of the
Bureau of Standards (Washington, U.S.A.) and of the National
Physical Laboratory (Teddinjjton, England) are also of first-rate
importance. The Faraday Society (London) has also published in its
Transactions several "General Discussions " relating to metallurgical
subjects, including particularly one on The Failure of Metals under
Internal and Prolonged Stress, another relating to metallurgical
microscopy, and one on the application of X-rays. (W. R. N.)
METEOROLOGY (see 18.264*). Since 1910 considerable ad-
vances in meteorological knowledge have been made both on
the observational and the theoretical sides. The World War
emphasized the importance of meteorology, more particular!;
in regard to a knowledge of the density and of both the direction
and velocity of the wind in the overlying air strata, and th
meteorological services of the combatant nations were largely
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
METEOROLOGY
929
extended to obtain the information and disseminate it rapidly
to their own troops. But while the war acted as a stimulus to
the obtaining of data about the regions in which aircraft of all
kinds are used and through which projectiles pass, in another
way it has been a great hindrance to an advance in meteoro-
logical science. Not only were the international committees
largely broken up but in the latter stages of the war the publica-
tion of observations was prohibited; each nation treated its own
work as more or less confidential, and although all restrictions
are now removed it is not easy to obtain and assimilate the im-
portant papers that were written during the war.
The Upper Atmosphere. During the years before the war
observations on the temperature and humidity of the air strata
were rapidly accumulating, more particularly from a network of
stations spread over Europe, and since the W. and N. of Europe
is subject during the winter to the passage of many deep
cyclonic depressions, the conditions of temperature in cyclones
and anticyclones up to a height of some 20 km. (125 m.) had
become known. The brief tables which were all that were
available to Cleveland Abbe in 1909 had been supplemented by
much information, drawn up and arranged for the European
results by Lt.-Col. E. Gold (M.O. No. 2100, Geophysical Memoirs,
No. 5), by Dr. Wegener for the Continent (Die Temperatur-
verhaltnisse in der frcien Atmosphdre, III. Band, Heft 2/3,
Leipsic, 1909) and for Russia by Dr. Rykatchew (Meteorologische
Zeitschrift, Jan. 1911). In 1916 a summary of the information
available about the upper air was drawn up for the Meteoro-
logical Office but not published. It quoted freely from Gold's
paper but included the results of observations up to 1916. This
summary together with certain theoretical matter was published
in 1919 under the title " Characteristics of the Free Atmos-
phere " (M.O. 22oc, Geophysical Memoirs, No. 13), and from it
the following abstract summarizing our present knowledge of the
strata from o to 20 km. is mostly taken.
Temperature. As the surface of the earth is left the temperature of
the air decreases with increasing height, and when the great varia-
tions of climate and of the conditions prevalent in different parts of
the earth are considered it is remarkable how uniform is the fall of
temperature, now commonly called the lapse rate. The height to
which it extends is variable, but in all places in which observations
have been made, the lapse rate iJp to 8 km. has been found close to
, 6 C. per kilometre. This holds, not indeed exactly but approxi-
mately, for summer and winter and for places as far apart as the
equator and Ross Bay in lat. 78 S. Thus in Batavia the lapse rate
up to'8 km. is 6-1 per km.; at Petrograd it is 5-8. In England in the
winter it is 5-8, in the summer it is 6-0. These are means but the
rule holds quite well even for the individual case, for if in one part of
the 8 km. the lapse rate is small this is usually compensated for by
its being large in the other part. The only important exception that
has been found so far is in regions and at times where the temperature
is extremely low, as in Siberia or Canada in the winter. In such
instances the bottom layer is unduly cold and the lapse rate is
negative over the first 2 km., so that the rule would make the upper
air temperature too low. Also it must be remembered that the daily
variation of temperature does not extend upward more than one or
two km., so that the mean for the day rather than the precise
temperature at the moment should represent the surface tempera-
ture. This layer, in which temperature falls with increasing height,
is called the troposphere.
At a certain height, which varies with the latitude, with the
barometric conditions and with the season, the fall of temperature
ceases, and the air up to the greatest heights that have been explored
remains at a nearly uniform temperature in the vertical direction.
This upper part in which there is no lapse rate is called the strato-
sphere. The boundary between the two parts is found at about 16 km.
near the equator and at 10 km. in northern Europe. Over England
its mean height is 10-5 km., falling to rather below 10 km. in the
winter, and rising to over 1 1 km. in the summer. In the centre of a
deep cyclone the value may easily fall to 8 km. ; in an anticyclone it
may exceed 12 km.
The temperature of the stratosphere is below 200 A. over the
equator and in tropical regions; it is above 220 A. in northern
Eurcjpe. In Canada it seems to be lower in the summer than in the
winter. These anomalies are roughly expressed by the rule that the
mean temperature of the air column taken with regard to height
from o up to 19 km. is approximately the same in all parts of the
earth. There is probably a physical reason for this, and it explains the
unexpectedly low temperature above 14 km. over the equator and
the curious reversion of temperature between summer and winter
over Canada (Toronto) where the seasonal range is very large.
The annual range of temperature in the troposphere does not
differ very greatly from the range at the surface; in island and
coastal climates like England it is rather greater in the upper parts
than at the surface; in continental climates the surface has the
greatest range. In the stratosphere the range is much reduced and,
as already stated, appears in Canada to be reversed although enough
observations are not yet available to make this absolutely certain.
Whether or not there is any regular diurnal change of temperature
above 2 km. height is uncertain ; all that can be said is that if there be
any its amplitude is certainly less than I C.
The mean annual temperatures are given in the accompanying
Table I. In Europe the probable error of any value is about 1 C.;
for Canada and the equator owing to paucity of observations it is
greater, especially above 15 km., where it may reach perhaps 3 C.
Over Europe the mean temperature does not change from 14 to 20
km. and does not change much over Toronto. Over the equator the
lowest temperature, which is about 193 A., is not reached under 16
or 17 kilometres.
TABLE I. Mean Temperature.
The values are in the Absolute scale with the first "2" omitted.
273-0 =oC. =32 F.
1
1
c
a
1-1
0)
J3
d
-6
te
u
3
.0
Ul
a
a
e
.g
*S ^
|
S
jd
bio
"
g
"S
&*(/5
(2
(0
3
B
&
M
o
3
O*
"8
&
$
a
w
!H
>
s w
8-
W
14
23-5
22-O
20-5
18-7
18-9
19-1
17-9
19-6
17-7
19-1
12-5
3-o
13
23-4
21-8
20 6
19-3
18-7 ig-3
17-6
19-6
16-4
19-2
14-0
I I-O
12
20-7
21-6
20-0
18-3
18-8
19-5
16-8
18-3
16-1
18-4
16-2
I9-0
II
2O-O
20-5
20-9
19-2
19-6:20-2
18-1
18-4
18-5
19-1
19-3
27-O
IO
21-3
21-2
23-2
21-9
22-2
24-3
22-3
21-8
22-7
22-2
23-2
35-o
9
8
24-4 24-8
29-8I3O-2
28-2
33-8
26-8
33-1
27-5
33-6
30-0
27-8
34-8
26-9
33-6
27-3
33-9
27-2
33-4
29-3
35-9
43-o
51-0
7
37-1 '38-0
40-2
40-8
40-7
44-3
42-1
41-2
41-2
40-7
43-5
58-0
6
43-3 45-o
47-0
47-9
47-8 51-4
49-3
48-8
49-4
47-8
50-9
65-0
5
49-8 52-0
53-8
54-8
54-8,58-1
56-i
55-6
56-2
54-6
57-7
72-0
4
55'7 58-4
60-4
61-0
61-7 64-3 62-4
61-9
62-9
61-1
64-1
79-0
3
61-3 64-0
66-6
66-9
67-7 69-8 68-4
67-6
69-2
67-0
69-6
85-0
2
66-7,7o-3
71-7
71-7
73-2 74-5 73-8 73-o
75- 1
72-4
74-8 90-0
I
71-075-3
77-0 ;6-S
78-0 78-5 78-2 77-6
80-7
76-8 78-3 : 95-Qj
Pressure and Density. The temperature of the air having been
found by observation, the pressure and the density are easily found
up to the height to which the observations extend. In the same way
the mean pressures and mean densities can be determined from the
mean temperatures without appreciable error provided the mean
pressure at the surface is known.
In the lower strata the pressure at any particular height is natural-
ly most dependent upon the surface pressure, but since the air is
lighter, bulk for bulk, when it is warm the pressure decreases less
rapidly than usual in a warm area, and the pressure at any given
height depends more and more upon the temperature of the under-
lying air as that height increases. Thus it comes to pass that in the
hot regions of the earth, say in the belt included between the two
tropics, the pressure at the height of 9 km. is very much less than it is
at the same height over temperate latitudes, and the pressure gradi-
ent which causes the prevailing westerly winds of the cirrus level is
thus produced. At a height of 20 km. the surface pressure has
ceased to have much effect, and it requires a rise of nearly 20 mb. l
in the surface pressure to produce a rise of I mb. at 20 km., whereas a
change of 1-5 C. in the temperature of the air column will produce
that effect. It has been stated that the mean temperature of the air
column up to 19 km. is much the same in all parts of the world, and
it follows that the same level is one of nearly uniform pressure.
The pressures are given in Table II. at various stations for heights
up to 20 kilometres. The values for Canada and the equator at
heights above 15 km. are not very reliable owing to paucity of data.
The densities are given in Table III. The variations in the density
became of great consequence during the war on account of their
influence on the range of projectiles; they depend on the connexion
which has been found to exist between temperature and pressure.
Statistical Methods. Statistical methods have been much in
vogue of late years and it is necessary to indicate how the
method of correlation has been used for forecasting and for
elucidating meteorological problems. A large number of cor-
relation coefficients have been determined between various
meteorological events, and the values of many of them are given
in the Computer's Handbook, M. O. 223, Section V, Tables,
published by the Meteorological Office.
The advantage of a correlation coefficient in estimating the
connexion if any between two events is that it expresses the
connexion as a decimal which must lie between r and i, and
'The average pressure of the atmosphere at sea-level being
reckoned as i bar, = 1,000 millibars (mb.). i mb. =0-0295306
mercury in. at 32 F. in lat. 45.
930
METEOROLOGY
TABLE II. Mean Pressure.
(Millebars)
4->
JB
M
'S a
EJ2
Petrograd
Scotland
Manches-
ter
c
"u
B
m
TJ
C .
"ltd
ft/5
u
en
*c
a
P-,
1
J3
C
&
C/)
1
3
>
_rt
1
|l
B 3
Sw
Toronto
&
a
3
cr
W
20
55-o
55-o
55-2
54-8
54-9
56-0
54-7
55-o
54-8
54-9
53
19
64-0
64-2
64-6
64-0
64-1
65-6
64-0
64-4
64-0
64-1
63
1 8
74-5
74-8
75-4
74-8
75-o
76-6
74-8
75-2
75-o
75-o
75
17
87-0
87-3
88-0
87-4
87-5
89-6
87-6
88-0
87-6
87-8
90
16
IOI
102
103
103
1 02
105
1 02
103
103
102
107
15
118
118
I2O
I2O
I2O
123
120
121
121
1 2O
120
128
H
138
138
I4O
140
140
143
141
142
142
140
142
'52
13
161
161
164
164
I6 4
167
165
165
165
164
167
178
12
187
187
192
192
192
195
193
193
194
192
195
209
II
218
219
224
225
224
228
226
226
227
225
228
244
IO
255
256
261
262
261
266
263
263
264
262
266
283
9
297
299
32
305
303
309
307
306
307
305
309
327
8
346
348
352
354
352
357
355
354
356
353
358
376
7
400
402
407
408
407
412
410
409
412
408
413
430
6
461
464
468
470
469
473
472
471
474
470
475
491
5
529
532
537
538
538
541
54
539
542
538
543
558
4
606
608
613
614
615
617
616
615
618
614
618
632
3
692
694
698
699
699
701
700
700
703
699
73
713
2
787
787
793
795
795
796
794
795
797
794
798
803
I
896
894
898
900
900
900
900
900
901
899
903
903
TABLE III. Density, grammes per cubic metre.
Height km.
England,
S.E.
Europe
Canada
Equator
20
87
87
88
96
19
1 02
102
1 02
"3
18
119
119
121
135
17
139
139
144
162
16
162
162
169
191
15
191
191
I 9 8
225
H
223
223
233
261
13
261
26l
268
294
12
305
307
3H <
331
II
355
358
365
374
10
409
411
415
419
9
463
467
470
469
8
524
528
528
522
7
589
590
592
58i
6
658
66 1
662
645
5
735
735
733
7H
4
819
819
8i5
789
3
909
913
90S
871
2
1014
1017
ion
968
I
1128
1128
"34
1067
O
J253
1258
1258
1174
thus renders the connexions between different pairs of events
comparable with each other. The velocity of the wind and the
steepness of the barometric gradient may be taken as an ex-
ample. The actual connexion is obvious from the daily weather
charts; on some it is well marked, on others badly, but the fact
that there is a connexion is quite apparent from even two or
three charts. The correlation coefficient is about -70.
The application of the method of correlation to forecasting can
hardly be looked upon as very successful. Two highly correlated
events are required happening with a definite time interval between
them. A correlation coefficient may be high accidentally if it be
founded on too small a number of instances, but genuinely high
coefficients between meteorological events occurring with more than
a few days' interval betweem them are hard to find. The most suc-
cessful instance is perhaps the forecast of the monsoon rain of
India by G. T. Walker from the correlation between it and sundry
other events occurring in the spring of the same year or earlier. In
this case the correlation coefficients on which the forecast is based
have values of about -50; if values of -80 or -90 could be obtained
very much greater success would be secured. There are a few
coefficients of from -70 to -80 between the rainfall at various periods
and the subsequent yield of sundry crops. Thus in the eastern
counties of England if April and May be wet it is a practical cer-
tainty that there will be a large hay crop, and if the autumn be dry
there will almost certainly be a large crop of wheat the next year.
Mr. R. H. Hooker has calculated a most interesting set of figures
relating to the correlation between the weather and the crops.
Similar work has been done for the potato crop in America by J.
Warren Smith, and many correlation coefficients relating to agricul-
tural matters are available from Sweden and elsewhere.
The case is different where correlation is resorted to for the pur-
pose of elucidating some physical process in the atmosphere ; here a
small coefficient is just as likely to give information as a large one.
But the interpretation of the meaning of the coefficient is often
difficult, and in many cases the value obtained is quite different
from that which most meteorologists would have expected.
G. T. Walker in addition to his statistical work on the monsoon
rain has published several sets of correlation coefficients, and
amongst them a set of 100 showing the correlation between the
sunspot number and the temperature at 100 stations well dis-
tributed over the earth's surface. The correlation is negative and
small but it is large enough to be significant and to prove that during
the 40 or so odd years considered the temperature of the earth as a
whole was lower at the time of the sunspot maxima than at the time
of the minima. It is commonly supposed that the sun is giving out
most energy when its surface is most disturbed, and this idea has
been confirmed by direct observation of the radiant heat. A per-
fectly satisfactory explanation is at present wanting. Another case
is the low correlation between the direction of the wind and the
temperature of the lower air strata (see a paper by Capt. C. K. M.
Douglas, Q. J. Met. Soc., Jan. 1921, vol. xlvii., No. ,197), a most
unexpected result. Walker also correlated between sunspots and
rainfall, and found the coefficient too small to be significant. How-
ever, in none of these cases has the work been wasted since important
conclusions have been established.
For high correlation coefficients one must take data relating fo the
upper air. The relation between pressure and temperature is so
remarkable and has such a close relationship to the theory of
cyclones and anticyclones that it will be treated separately. The
correlation coefficients between the thickness of the troposphere, a
height commonly denoted by H , the surface pressure, the tempera-
ture of the stratosphere and other variables often exceed -70, and the
generally high values show quite plainly that there is an ordered
sequence in the processes going on above, which is strikingly absent
from the surface phenomena.
Cyclones and Anticyclones. In the meteorological literature
of the past no subject has been so much discussed or has had so
much attention directed to it as the causes of cyclones and anti-
cyclones. When it became possible to obtain observations of
temperatures and humidity, and in clear weather of wind direc-
tion, from the upper air it was confidently hoped a solution would
be found a hope as yet unfulfilled. But the mass of informa-
tion collected from Europe, more particularly from the northern
and western parts where cyclones are frequent, has given a large
amount of detailed information and we have a clear conception
of what happens as a cyclone passes over. It is true that we have
no simultaneous sets of observations, so that we cannot draw a
chart of any one particular cyclone, but we have numerous
observations showing the departures from the mean correspond-
ing to any observed surface pressure and to any special section
of the cyclone.
The facts that stand out are that in a cyclone the troposphere is
cold and the stratosphere warm, in an anticyclone the reverse is the
case; in a cyclone the tropopause is low, in an anticyclone high.
Thus as an area of low pressure passes across the map the following
changes occur in the various air strata above. The deficiency of
pressure is about the same from the surface up to some 10 km.,
above which it falls off rapidly until the normal value for the height
METEOROLOGY
TABLE IV.
Correlation Between Pressure and Temperature
Height km.
o
i
2
3
4
5
u
7
8
9
10
u
12
13
Jan.-March
02
54
82
79
86
85
84
87
91
81
35
-32
38
37
April-June
14
28
49
79
89
89
92
87
81
45
20
12
-24
-OI
July-Sept.
02
31
56
72
75
81
83
87
87
88
43
-08
-. 4 I
-19
Oct.-Dec.
33
56
76
77
83
87
85
85
86
78
29
-24
-34
-.50
Means
ii
42
66
77
84
85
86
86
86
72
32
-19
-.36
-28
is reached at about 1820 kilometres. The temperature from about
2 to 8 or 9 km. falls, and from 10 to 20 km. it rises. The height at
which the lapse rate ceases, the limit of the troposphere falls. These
statements are based on the very high correlation coefficients that
are found to exist between pressure and temperature. It will be
seen from the accompanying table (which gives the correlation
coefficients) that close to the surface the correlation is low, but it is
very high from 4 km. to 8 kilometres. In calculating these values the
observational errors have not been allowed for, the correct values
are most likely well over -90. There are probably two reasons for
this. The surface temperature is governed by many considerations
the tim'e of day, the state of the sky, the strength and direction of
the wind ; higher up these disturbances do not apply, for, as has been
already stated, the diurnal variation is very shallow and the correla-
tion between the components of the wind and the temperature is
surprisingly small above a few km. height. Secondly it may well be
that the chief item in determining the temperature is the recent
vertical motion of the air, and a systematic vertical flow of air either
up or down is plainly impossible quite close to the surface. The
rise and fall of the tropopause (H c ) and the regularity with which it
occurs is shown by the high correlation, -84, between it and the pres-
sure at 9 km. height. There is hardly a single instance of observa-
tions made in Europe at a time of really low barometer in which H
has not been found well below its average value. The dependence
of the temperature of the stratosphere on the barometric conditions
is not so close, the correlation being only -50; but based on some
hundreds of observations as these correlation coefficients are, -50
is amply significant. Still the importance of a correlation in general
depends upon its square rather than upon itself, and the significance
of -50 is very different to that of -90 or -85.
One noticeable result of this high correlation between pressure and
temperature is that the density is not subject to much variation
save close to the surface, for a high pressure and a high temperature
act upon the density in opposite ways and since they occur together
the density remains comparatively unchanged.
The Vertical Flux of Heat in the Atmosphere. A much clearer
and more definite view of the passage of heat upwards and down-
wards in the atmosphere has been secured, and in no direction
excepting perhaps that of our knowledge of the upper air has the
advance of meteorological knowledge been greater. This desir--
able result is largely due to a paper by Major G. T. Taylor
(Phil. Trans., A., vol. ccxv., pp. 1-26), which formed the starting-
point, and has been followed by other papers on the same sub-
ject by himself, by Mr. L. F. Richardson, by Dr. W. Schmidt
(Vienna), and by others.
There are seemingly four methods by which an appreciable vertical
flux of heat energy is produced in the atmosphere. (l) Convection,
which carries heat upwards from the earth's surface; its action does
not extend beyond the first few kilometres. (2) The latent heat set
free by the condensation of aqueous vapour which carries upwards
to the regions where clouds are formed the solar heat which has
evaporated the water from the sea or wet land surface; this acts in
just the same region as convection. (3) Radiation, which mostly
carries heat upwards from a lower to a higher stratum. These three
methods present no difficulty but it must be pointed out that " con-
vection," as is usual in meteorological literature, means local con-
vection, i.e. heat carried by an ascending current that is produced
by local warmth, not heat carried by an air current or by eddy
motion due to the general circulation.
The fourth method, which invariably brings heat downwards, is
not so easy to understand but is no less genuine than the others.
It has been given various names, " mixing," " stirring," ' turbu-
lence," and (from the German) " mass-interchange." Taylor seems
to have been the first to attempt its numerical measurement. The
treatment of the subject has been mostly mathematical, but a rough
explanation can be given without resort to mathematical symbols.
The amount of heat possessed by a gramme of air is proportional to
its potential temperature as defined long since by von Bezold and,
save in the comparatively rare cases where the lapse rate is adiabatic,
in which case heat is almost certainly being carried upwards by con-
vection, the higher potential temperature is found at the higher level.
The interchange, therefore, of two grammes of air between different
levels (and it is obvious that if one gramme is carried up another
must come down somewhere else to take its place) produces in
general a flow of heat downwards, since the downward-coming
gramme carries with it more heat than the upward-going gramme
carries back. W. Schmidt has estimated the amount of heat carried
downwards across the 2-km. level in Europe by this cause as 50
gramme-calories per sq. cm. per day. The necessary interchange of
mass between the strata is produced by wind, for even the lightest
wind seems capable of mixing the air in a vertical direction. The
mixing produced by convection will have the same effect and if the
return convection currents are in a region where the lapse rate is
not adiabatic the total result of the convection in carrying heat
upwards may be very small.
Two important conclusions follow. Since all four causes save
radiation convey heat to the lower strata, say o up to 4 km., those
strata must be losing heat by radiation. Also, since above the region
of the formation of heavy clouds neither convection nor the supply
of latent heat by condensation is efficacious, the actual lapse rate
there must represent the balance of two opposing tendencies, one
radiation, tending towards an isothermal condition, and the other,
mixing, tending to an adiabatic lapse rate.
Radiation. -Considerable progress has been made in the sub-
ject of radiation, solar and atmospheric, both from the obser-
vational and theoretical sides. Abbot and Fowle's valuable
work has been continued, and each issue of the Monthly Weather
Review contains an article by Kimball giving the results of
observations at Washington and other stations. The value of
the solar constant, 1-93 g.c. per sq. cm. per minute, has not been
appreciably altered by the later observations, but the instru-
mental outfit has reached a greater stage of precision, and it
appears that the radiant heat given out by the sun varies from
week to week within small limits.
Dr. Anders Angstrom (Upsala), Prof. Boutaric (Dijon), and others
have contributed much useful information on the net radiation
between the earth and atmosphere. Dr. Emden has contributed an
important paper (" Radiation Equilibrium and Atmospheric Radia-
tion," Sitz. Ber. Ak. Wien, 1913, p. 55) dealing with the radiation
between layers of the atmosphere. With regard to the net radiation
from the earth to the sky on clear nights there seems to be a fairly
general agreement that the value is from 200 to 300 g.c. per sq. cm.
per day. These values have been obtained in widely different lati-
tudes and seasons. The return radiation from the sky, excluding
all solar radiations, is largely dependent on the prevailing tempera-
ture at the time; the average in England for all days, cloudy as well
as clear, is about 600 gramme-calories.
Weather Forecasts. During the World War, and since, large
sums of money and much time have been spent on preparing
forecasts. Of long-range forecasts it must be said that the position
is not hopeful; in general a forecast of the weather a month ahead
is a pure guess and nothing more. The British Meteorological
Office has extended the period to a few days, and now mostly
gives on Thursday a forecast for the week-end, with satisfactory
results. With regard to the daily forecasts covering a period of
30 hours there has been a decided improvement. The extension
of the area of the weather chart to cover Iceland, and the
information obtained by wireless from the Atlantic have helped.
Forecasting has been and still is more or less a rule of thumb,
but it depends upon the rules which govern the motions of
cyclones and anticyclones, and if we could discover those rules
and fully understand the causes which produce them an improve-
ment iA forecasting should follow. By the extensive use of pilot
balloons a very large amount of information is now available
with regard to the direction and velocity of the wind at various
heights at the times when telegraphic reports are sent in to the
head offices so that there is ample material showing the relation
of the wind to the barometric gradient, but at present very little
of this has been worked up. Much theoretical work has also been
done on the gradual change from the surface wind to the gradient
wind that generally lies above it. Sir Napier Shaw has con-
tributed two useful papers (" Principia Atmospherica," Trans.
Royal Society of Edinburgh, Dec. 1913, and " Upper Air Cal-
culus," /. Scott. Met. Soc., vol. xvi., 1913) of which a summary
932
METHUEN MEUSE-ARGONNE, BATTLE OF
is given in The Computer's Handbook, M.O. 223, Section II.,
Subsection III. Shaw has in these papers emphasized the rule
that at all heights save close to the surface the path of the air
particle will be along the line in which the isobaric and the geo-
potential surfaces intersect. The rule is admittedly not exact,
and it applies only to cases of steady motion; its general accept-
ance is probably due to two considerations. It has been found
by practical work that in laying down the direction and velocity
of the wind at one or two km. height (in the absence of definite
information from pilot balloons) for the use of aircraft the best
that can be done is to give the gradient wind, and it is not certain
that the actual wind at 500 metres differs from the gradient wind
by a greater amount than is due to the errors of observation.
Secondly it is apparent that a depression could not be maintained
for hours together with an approximate uniformity of pressure
if air were continuously passing into it or out from it; quite a
trifling wind blowing systematically into an ordinary depression
for a few minutes would suffice to fill it up. Hence one is led to
the conclusion that the strong winds that surround a depression
must in general blow along the isobaric lines.
In his Manual of Meteorology, Part IV, M.O. 234, Napier Shaw
has also provided a valuable account of the " relation of the
wind to the distribution of barometric pressure."
In connexion with the subject of forecasting, Prof.. V. Bjerknes'
theory of the " polar front " must be referred to. His suggestion is
that cyclones are caused by the discontinuity between polar and
equatorial air, that, provided the network of stations is sufficiently
close, the line where the surface of discontinuity meets the earth's
surface can be traced on a chart, and the cyclone will move in the
direction of a line he calls the steering line. Prof. Bjerknes' views
are in the Q. J. Met. Soc., April 1920, vol. xlvi., No. 194, p. 119.
A ntarctic Meteorology. Great additions to our knowledge of the
meteorology of the Antarctic regions were made by the publica-
tion of the results of Scott's Antarctic expedition of 1911. The
observations were taken mostly by Dr. Simpson, who has worked
them up and discussed the various problems which had been left
in a more or less uncertain condition by previous expeditions. He
has greatly extended our knowledge both from the observational
and theoretical sides. It must suffice to state here that amongst
other matters Dr. Simpson has established the anticyclonic
character of the weather in the Ross Sea area, and has shown
that the blizzards are not due to the passage of cyclones from
W. to E. over the Antarctic Ocean.
See W. N. Shaw, Forecasting Weather (1911); Willis L. Moore,
Descriptive Meteorology (1911); C. J. Plave, The Structure of the
Atmosphere in Clear Weather (1912) ; Dr. Julius Hann, Handbuch der
Klimatologie (3rd ed. 1911); V. Bjerknes and others, Dynamische
Meteorologie und Hydrographie (Carnegie Institute of Washington,
1912); H. N. Dicksoh, Climate and Weather (1912); Dr. Alfred
Wegener, Thermodynamik der Atmosphdre (1911); M. VV. Campbell
Hepworth, National Antarctic Expedition 1901-1904 (London,
Royal Society, 1913) ; Ice Observation, Meteorology and Oceanography
in the North Atlantic Ocean (Report on the work carried out by the
S.S. " Scotia," 1913); G. E. Abbot, F. E. Fowle and L. B. Aldrich,
" New Evidence on the Intensity of Solar Radiation outside the
Atmosphere " (Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. Ixv.,
No. 4) ; Dr. Gilbert J. Walker, " Correlations in Seasonal Variations
of Weather " (Memoirs of the Indian Meteorological Department,
vols. xx. and xxi.) ; Anders Angstrom, " A Study of the Radiation of
the Atmosphere " (Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. Ixv.,
No. 3, 1915); G. C. Simpson, British Antarctic Expedition 1910-
1913, Meteorology, vol. i. Discussion, vol. ii. Maps and Curves
(1919); W. J. Humphreys, Physics of the Air (pub. for the Franklin
Inst., 1920) ; F. N. Exner, Dynamische Meteorologie (1917) ; R. G. K.
Lempfert, Meteorology (1920); L. J. Richardson, Forecasting the
Weather by Numerical Computation (1921); the Geophysical Memoirs
(pub. by the Meteorological Office) ; the Meteorological Glossary
(fourth issue, M.O. 225.11, the Meteorological Office).
(W. H. Di.)
METHUEN, PAUL SANFORD, 3RD BARON (1845- ),
British field-marshal (see 18.298), was born Sept. i 1845,
joined the Scots Fusilier Guards in 1864, served in the Ashanti
War of 1874, the Egyptian Expedition of 1882 and the Bechu-
analand Expedition of 1884-5. As a major-general he served in
the Indian Frontier War of 1897-8, shortly after which he was
promoted lieutenant-general. On the outbreak of the South
African War he went out in charge of the ist Division, which he
commanded at Belmont, Enslin, Modder river and Magers-
fontein; he remained in the field, engaged constantly on active
operations and holding various commands, until just before the
end of the conflict when he was, in March 1902, dangerously
wounded and taken prisoner at Tweebosch; he was rewarded
with the K.C.B. and the G.C.B. for his services in the war. He
was in charge of the Eastern Command from 1904, in which
year he was promoted general, until 1908, and he then went out
as commander-in-chief to South Africa 1908-9. In 1911 he was
promoted field-marshal. During the greater part of the World
War he was governor of Malta. In 1919 he became Constable
of the Tower.
MEUSE-ARGONNE, BATTLE OF (Sept.-Nov. 1918). The
general idea of the Meuse-Argonne attack was agreed upon in
a conference between Marshal Foch, Gen. Petain and Gen.
Pershing at Bombon, on Sept. 2. What Foch really desired and
had urged upon Pershing in a conference three days previous
was to break up the American army, as an offensive force,
immediately after the projected St. Mihiel attack, and to
employ the best of its troops to reinforce the II. and IV. French
Armies for a combined offensive along the front of these two
armies. But Pershing firmly opposed the breaking-up of his
army and insisted upon adherence to the original design of
employing the main part of the American troops as an integral
army unit. Foch finally acceded and gave Pershing his choice of
the sector of the II. Army (from the Meuse to the Argonne,
inclusive) or that of the IV. Army (from the Argonne, exclusive,
to the Suippe). He chose the former.
Following this conference Foch issued a general directive
for the attack, which Petain elaborated into precise orders for
the two armies concerned, those of Pershing and Gouraud.
The general objective named for the combined attack was
Mezieres. The St. Mihiel operation was conceived as a prepar-
atory phase (or Operation A.), to give a broader base and better
communications for the later operations, notably by freeing
for use the railway and roads leading to Verdun from the S.
along the Meuse. The American army attack on the front
Meuse-Argonne inclusive (Operation B.) and the French IV.
Army attack extending from the Argonne W. to the Suippe
(Operation C.) were to be simultaneous. Following some days
later the French V. Army was to continue the attack W. from
Reims to the Aisne (Operation D.).
The direction of attack given for Operation B. was Buzancy-
Mezieres, but the first objectives named were the Hindenburg
line on the front Brieulles-sur-Meuse-Romagne-sous-Mont-
faucon-Grandpre. In fact, the French higher leaders did not
at that time conceive that the attack could be carried beyond
that line before winter. The American army was to be rein-
forced for Operation B. by 180 French airplanes, 239 French
tanks and a considerable force of French artillery (1,002 heavy
guns, 456 light guns and 234 trench mortars). In addition a
French cavalry division stood by to take advantage of a possible
break through the German lines. The American attacking
troops consisted of three army corps, having three divisions each
in the front line and three divisions in reserve., Only one of
these front-line divisions was composed of regular troops, while
of the others three of the four National Guard and three of the
four National Army divisions employed lacked any previous
battle experience.
The newly formed American Army Staff had been a little
apprehensive of the 'outcome of its initial attack at St. Mihiel
(Operation A.), and had in consequence designated for that
attack most of its better-trained and more experienced divisions,
including four of the six available regular divisions. Further,
more resistance, with consequently heavier losses, was antici-
pated in Operation A. than proved to be the case, and it had
been considered that more time would be required for resting
and recruiting the divisions engaged. The results of this policy
in the light of after events, turned out to be most unfortunate.
Operation A. was a simple attack which, as was expressly
ordered by Foch, was not to be exploited even to the extent of
attacking the reserve German position across the face of the
salient. The Meuse-Argonne attack, on the contrary, was to be
MEUSE-ARGONNE, BATTLE OF
MEUSE-ARGONNE, BATTLE OF
933
pushed to the limits of possible success. The fact that Opera-
tion B. followed so closely after Operation A., the restricted
available road-net, and the need for secrecy, made it difficult to
withdraw the better-trained troops from the new Woevre front
and again put them in the front line.
The German position between the Meuse and the Argonne
was naturally strong and had been strengthened by every possi-
ble artifice. Vauquois, a fortified hill E. of and overlooking the
Aire valley, was regarded as an impregnable fortress, and Mont-
faucon, dominating the whole plateau, afforded not only a strong
defensive position but observation and command posts which
greatly aided in controlling the defence of the whole line. On
the other hand the German troops in the line on the front of
attack consisted of only five divisions, four of them of inferior
quality, and the fifth, a Guard division, much worn from intensive
fighting farther N. and sent to this supposedly quiet sector for
rest. Among the German divisions immediately in rear in
reserve there was only one rated first class. Thus the German
infantry actually in line was outnumbered by the attackers
about four to one, since the American divisions had twice the
infantry strength of the German divisions, while the Americans,
thanks to the reenforcing French artillery, had at the outset a
decisive artillery superiority, and, altogether, 821 airplanes.
On Gen. Pershing's initiative, various feints and ruses with
the employment of American tanks and reconnoitring parties E.
of the Moselle as well as in and S. of the Vosges Mts., had served
to distract the attention of the German High Command, and
led it to expect an attack upon Metz itself or the line E. or S. of
Metz rather than W. of the Meuse. The real attack had con-
sequently the advantage of being an almost complete surprise.
Following an artillery preparation of three hours the attack
was begun at dawn on Sept. 26. The first day the attack pro-
gressed well. The I. Corps, on the left, stormed Vauquois,
advanced up the Aire valley to its objectives, and even made
sensible progress in the Argonne forest. On the right the III.
Corps crossed the difficult Forges brook with its marshy banks
and also gained its objectives. But in the centre the V. Corps
was held up in passing through the woods in its front, and was
unable to take Montfaucon although the III. Corps had passed
beyond it on its right. The second day Montfaucon was gained
and the attack went forward, but not so far as had been planned.
The third day, Sept. 28, there was still less advance in the
centre and not what was hoped for on the left. , By this time
the German reserves from outside the sector began to pour in
and, by the fourth day, having nine divisions in the line, the
Germans attempted powerful counter-attacks to regain some
of their lost positions. The German artillery was also greatly
augmented and, from the favourable flanking artillery positions
on the heights E. of the Meuse and in the Argonne forest, greatly
hampered the work of the American troops in what was now a
pronounced salient in the American line on the plateau between
the Meuse and the Aire rivers. The weather for the first three
days had been favourable, but on the 28th drizzling rains set
in which added to the difficulties of both the tactical handling of
troops and of supply. The reconstruction of roads across no-
man's-land and traffic control had been found especially difficult
on the front of the centre corps on account of the depth of the
shell-battered zone created by years of intensive fighting.
Friction in the railway supply, as was to be expected in a new
staff, was not lacking. Under these trying conditions few gains
were made on the last two days of Sept., and it became evident
that the inexperienced and inadequately trained divisions which
had made the initial attack could accomplish little more in the
way of further advance.
The difficulties in the way of supply were speedily smoothed
out and the worn and tired troops soon replaced by fresh, but
the disappointment in the hopes for a clean break through
the German army in this its most strongly fortified and from
now on most stubbornly defended sector, hopes which had been
created by the striking success of the first day's attack, gave rise
to exaggerated rumours of blundering in troop leadership at
the front and of supply mismanagement in rear, rumours which
finally so affected the French Government as to lead it and
Foch to urge the substitution of a French commander and
staff for the further conduct of Operation B. This was refused
by Gen. Pershing on the ground that the honour of the American
army was involved in this attack, and that, whether it finally fail
or finally succeed, it must be carried through to the end as an
American operation under an American commander and staff.
By Oct. 4 the I. Army line had been reorganized, and on that
date the systematic renewal of the offensive was taken up.
West of the Argonne the attack of the IV. French Army
(Operation C.), also begun on Sept. 26, had not been successful
in making any appreciable advance, and Pershing was called
on to loan some of his all-too-few veteran divisions to attack the
keypoint of the German Champagne position, Blanc Mont.
He complied with this request, and all the more willingly since
it was the failure of the French attack W. of the Argonne which
made the position of the American troops in the forest itself
so trying. With these picked troops the IV. French Army,
attacking simultaneously with the I. American Army on Oct.
4, gained Blanc Mont, and the German commander, after vain
counter-attacks, ordered a withdrawal beyond the Aisne. East
of the Argonne the right of the I. Corps gained an advance of
10 kilometres along the right bank of the Aire, an advance
exploited three days later by bringing a flank attack on the
Upper Argonne from the E., which, combined with the success-
ful advance of the IV. Army of Gouraud, W. of the Argonne,
resulted in the capture, by Oct 10, of the entire forest, and
enabled the French and American armies to connect their
flanks through the pass of Grandpre.
The failure of the American I. Army on Oct. 4 to gain its
objectives on the eastern half of the Meuse-Aire plateau in its
renewed attack of that date made it clear to Gen. Petain that
a broader base was required to push the attack beyond the main
Hindenburg line, and that the possession by the Germans of the
heights E. of the Meuse afforded them too favourable artillery
positions and observation posts to make possible an extended
advance to the N.W. of the Meuse. Accordingly, on Oct. 5.
Petain placed at the tactical disposition of the I. Army the
XVII. French Corps, at the time passively holding the line E.
of the Meuse, and directed that, reinforced by two or three
American divisions, it should be called on to gain the line Dun-
sur-Meuse-Damvillers. This attack was made Oct. 7, coinci-
dently with a renewed attack on the west. It was partially
successful and gained an advance of 6 kilometres. By Oct. 10
the I. Army was, in general, up to the rearmost carefully pre-
pared positions of the German army in this region, known as
the Kriemhilde Stellung. On Oct. n Petain called for a
renewal of the attack on both banks of the Meuse with the same
objectives as before on the E. bank, but with the breaking of the
Kriemhilde line and the capture of Buzancy as the objectives
on the W. bank.
This attack was carried out on Oct. 14 and resulted in small
but material gains, including the Cote Dame Marie, Cunel and
Romagne-sous-Montfaucon. The troops by this time were well
worn. There was no adequate replacement system and, not-
withstanding the breaking-up of newly arriving divisions, it
was impossible to keep units at full strength. For the remainder
of the month the I. Army had of necessity to limit itself to local
operations and to preparation for a systematic renewal of the
offensive. On Oct. 12 the I. Army front, which had hitherto
extended E. to the Moselle, was divided into two army sectors
and, on the i6th, Gen. Pershing transferred the immediate
command of the I. Army to Lt.-Gen. Liggett, and exercised su-
pervision, as group commander, of both armies. On Oct. 21
Pershing ordered a renewal of the offensive with plans for a
break-through for Oct. 28, but this attack was, on request,
deferred until Nov. i to enable the IV. French Army to make
plans for attacking simultaneously.
On the German side there was no lack of appreciation by
either the opposing army commander or General Headquarters
as to the threat which the American attack constituted. Von
der Marwitz declared to his army, on Oct. i, after the first break
934
MEXICO
through his lines: "... The heaviest part of the task will
thus fall on the V. Army ... in the coming weeks, and the
safety of the Fatherland will be in its hands. It is on the firm
resistance of the Verdun front that depends the fate of a great
part of the Western Front, perhaps even of our nation. . . . "
Hindenburg in his memoirs added on this subject: " It was
plain that this situation could not last. Our armies were too
weak and too tired. Moreover, the pressure which the American
masses were putting upon our most sensitive point in the region
of the Mouse was too strong."
It is debatable whether a quicker perception on the part of
German General Headquarters of the threat of the Meuse-
Argonne attack might not have led to a greater concentration
of effort against it and a speedier evacuation of the French
territory to the N., W. of the Meuse, and thus to a prolongation
of the resistance of the German army. Hindenburg and Luden-
dorff appear, however, to have been at this time preoccupied
with events in the Near East (the surrender of Bulgaria occurred
on Sept. 29), and the home political situation in both Germany
and Austria. In any case, without apparent forethought of
consequences, the German strategic reserve of fresh divisions was
doled out piecemeal by G.H.Q. until, by Nov. i, it had ceased
to exist. Thereafter troops could be neither relieved nor rein-
forced. The result was that the general, carefully prepared
attack on Nov. I broke through the enemy's line at all points,
and thenceforth it was a case of rapid pursuit with occasional
rear-guard actions until the Armistice on Nov. n. The chief
preoccupation on the Allied side during this pursuit was holding
the troops in leash in their sectors and determining who should
have the honour of first entering important towns such as Sedan.
The main line of the Carignan-Sedan railway, the real objective
of the Meuse-Argonne attack, was brought under artillery fire
on Nov. 3 and reached, by the I. and V. Corps, on Nov. 7,
while the III. Corps had, by the same date, forced the crossing of
the Meuse and advanced 10 kilometres to the N. and E.
The I. Army, during the Meuse-Argonne operation, had
employed 22 American divisions and 4 French divisions. Of
the 22 American divisions 12 were engaged on other fronts dur-
ing a part of the period (Sept. 26 to Nov. n). On the German
side, in addition to the 5 divisions originally in the sector, 42
divisions had, in the course of the battle, been thrown into line.
Thus, in all, one-fourth of the German army in the W. had been
engaged and decisively beaten by the I. American Army,
although occupying successively the numerous and strong
defensive positions prepared long in advance. The strength of
the American troops involved was, in the aggregate, about
750,000 men, their losses 117,000 killed and wounded, their
captures 26,000 prisoners and 846 guns.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. -Final Report of General John J. Pershing (1920) ;
F. Palmer, Our Greatest Battle (1919); A. W. Page, Our no Days'
Fighting (1920); de Chambrun and de Marenches, The American
Army in the European Conflict (1919) ; The Literary Digest History of
the World War, vol. vi. (1920). ' (A. L. C.)
MEXICO (see 18.317). The ten years of revolutionary con-
ditions following the elimination of Porfirio Dfaz had a profound
effect on all phases of the national life. A census was impossible.
The appended last official count, 1910, gave a total pop. of
15,063,207. The table 1 gives the pop. of the states and territo-
ries, arranged in descending order, according to the 1910 census.
In 1912 the pop. was estimated at 15,501,684. Since then
there has been a movement toward the cities for safety from
banditry, and across the borders for employment and political
refuge. Mexico City was estimated in 1920 to contain over
900,000 inhabitants. Decrease has come in the rural districts
from the causes mentioned, as well as from famine and influenza.
A small return movement set in after conditions became more
peaceful. In Jan. 1921 foreign residents numbered about 14,000
Americans, as many Spaniards, 4,000 each of Germans, English
and French, and 5,000 Chinese and 3,300 Japanese.
Communications. The revolution was an almost continuous
'From A. Petermann's Mitteilungen aus Justus Perthes' Geo-
graphischer Anstalt, 57. Jahrgang, 1911, II. Halbband, p. 191.
States or
Territories
Area in
sq. km.
Popula-
tion
1910
Per cent
of
increase
in 10
years
Density
per
sq. km.
1910
Jalisco
86,752
,202,802
4-24
14-
Vera Cruz .
75.863
,124,368
14-61
14-8
Puebla
31,616
,092,456
6-99
34'5
Guanajuato
28,363
,075,270
1-3
38-
Oaxaca
91,664
,041,035
9-75
n-3
Michoacan
58,694
991,649
6-
17-
Mexico
23-185
975,019
4-34
42-1
Distrito Fed.
M99
719,052
32-8
480-
Hidalgo
S. Luis Potosi . ;
22,215
62,177
641,895
624,748
6-1
8-6
28-9
10-04
Guerrero .
64,756
605,437
28-4
9.4
Zacatecas . . ,
63,386
475,863
2-9
7-5
Chiapas
70,524
436,817
17-4
6-19
Durango
109,495
436,147
17-8
4-
Chihuahua
233,094
405,265
23-6
1-7
Nuevo Leon
6i,343
368,929
12-5
6-
Coahuila
165,099
367,652
23-8
2-2
Yucatan
42,751
337,020
9'
9-
Sinaloa
71,380
323,499
4-5
Sonora
198,496
262,545
18-4
1-32
Tamaulipas
83,597
249,253
14.
3-
Queretaro .
11,638
243,515
4-8
20-9
, j
I laxcala
4,132
183,805
6-7
44-2
Tabasco
26,094
183,708
15-
7-
Morelos
7,082
179,814
12-3
25-2
Tepic
Aguascalientes
28,371
7,692
171,837
118,978
H-5
16-
6-4
15-3
Campeche .
46,855
85,795
-0-86
1-8
Colima
5,887
77,704
19-3
13-2
Baja Cal., Sur
85,279
42,339
o-5
Baja Cal., Norte
69,921
9,905
0-13
Baja Cal. .
155,200
52,244
9'7
o-33
Quintana Roo .
48,450
9,086
0-18
Total for republic
1,987,350
15,063,207
10-7
7-58
struggle for possession of the railways. The result was disastrous to
practically every line. Between 1910 and 1913 the Southern
Pacific of Mexico suffered traffic losses of $3,000,000. The Mexican
Central to Laredo gave the most regular service, running passenger
trains and vast amounts of freight to the border with only tempo-
rary interruptions. Much freight in northern Mexico was handled
by privately owned trains; in 1919, 30 such trains were operated,
mostly by American mining companies. From 1910 to 1919 over
10,000 freight cars, about 175 passenger and express cars and a huge
number of locomotives were destroyed. In 1919 the Government was
using on five systems 837 standard-gauge and 302 narrow-gauge
locomotives, 520 standard-gauge and 259 narrow-gauge passenger
cars and 12,293 standard-gauge and 2,810 narrow-gauge freight cars.
Military campaigns and private use of railways by military officers
reduced railway efficiency, and peculation almost prostrated the serv-
ice. In 1920, 500 freight and passenger cars were bought, and a num-
ber of locomotives ordered, in the United States. On Jan. I 1921 free
interchange of traffic between the United States and Mexico, sus-
pended since 1915, was resumed. Since 1914 the Yucatecan roads
have been operated by the State. In May 1919 500 m. were in
operation. In the year ending June 30 1918 the 8,119 m - f national
railways carried 393,968 tons of forest products, 1,236,719 tons of
agricultural products, 216,443 tons of animals and animal products,
1,938,105 tons of mineral:; and 372,475 tons of general merchandise.
Gross receipts for the same year were $29,240,485; operating
expenses, $19,151,808; net operating income, $10,088,677. The
Mexican railway from Vera Cruz to Mexico City was returned to its
British owners, with indemnities pending, in the spring of 1920.
Lines in Morelos were opened about the same time. War on the
railways practically ceased with the success of Obregon. In the
spring of 1921 return of the national railways, seized by Carranza in
1914, was being discussed. The Government might still retain the
51 % of the stock, as it was acquired in 1906 by Limantour, Diaz's
Minister of Finance, and would be liable for indemnities propor-
tionate to earnings for the five years prior to 1914, returning the
lines in the condition in which they were received. The liability
of the Government was estimated at 990,000,000 pesos of a nom-
inal value of $ .50.
Commerce. The total trade in 1911 was 20,583,578 in imports
and 29,375,214 in exports; for 1912, 18,266,231 in imports and
29,798,912 in exports; for 1913, 19,577,233 in imports and 13,-
088,508 in exports. Trade with the United States was in 1917,
$110,829,375 in imports and $130,526,935 in exports; for 1918,
$97,788,736 in imports and $138,643,427 in exports; for 1919,
$131,451,901 in imports and $158,926,376 in exports; for 1920,
$143,785,526 in imports and $168,033,626 in exports. The total
trade, estimated at $70,000,000 in 1890, was over $300,000,000 in
1919. Exports to the United States for 1917-9 were 70% greater
MEXICO
935
than in 1912-4, and imports thence 110% greater. American trade
was about 85% of the total, the United Kingdom ranking second.
The chief commodities exported in 1920 were sisal, crude petroleum,
copper, raw cotton, hides, coffee and lead. Imports were manu-
factures, as of iron pipe, cotton cloths, flour, sugar, motor vehicles,
lard, shoes and lumber. In 1912 the sale of Yucatecan henequin
was put under control of a comision reguladora on a plan similar to
that for Brazilian coffee valorization. Sales from 1915 to_ 1918
amounted to 2,205,425 bales of 380 Ib. each, a yearly average of
735,141. From 1916 to 1918 production decreased 100,000 bales
yearly, due to disorders and labour shortage. Exports from Progreso
to the United States in 1917 were $35,881,988, consisting of chicle,
coffee, henequin, hides, logwood, etc.
Agriculture.^Production was unequal, due to war, drought and
lack of capital. In 1918 exports of products and live stock were
valued at $74, 253, 500. Banana exportation rose to an annual value
of $5,000,000. The normal maize crop, 1 10,000,000 bus., is less than
the consumption. Two crops, followed by one of wheat, are pro-
duced in some areas. Chihuahua in 1920 produced 44,000,000 Ib.
more maize than was needed for local consumption. The barley crop
is about 7,000,000 bus.; rice, 1,250,000 bus. The frijole (bean) crop,
worth $7,500,000, is locally consumed. Garbanzos (chick-peas)
exported from Guaymas in 1918 totalled 25,000 tons, worth $4,500,-
ooo. In 1919 32,742 tons were exported. The cotton crop of 1918
was 71,266 bales. The 1919 and 1920 crops were poor, due to pests
and climatic factors; 90% of the cotton is produced in the Laguna
district of Coahuila and Durango. About 90,000 bales are used in
Mexican factories, operated by foreigners. Vanilla-bean export in
1919 was 197,403 kgm., worth 2,333,264 pesos. Sesame, orajonjoli, in
rgig was produced to the extent of 20,000 tons, worth $150 to $200
per ton. Sugar production, as much as 160,000 tons before the
revolution, after a temporary fall had risen to 110,000 in 1920.
Only I -45th of the possible sugar land is used. The republic could
produce 7,000,000 tons. Coffee decreased only in the rebel district
of Vera Cruz. The normal crop is from 77,000,000 to 1 10,000,000
pounds. In 1919 Mexico imported 1,000,000 Ib. of Brazilian coffee
from the United States. Tobacco production, normally 11,000,000
kgm., was 2,000,000 in 1919; the 1920 crop was estimated at three
times that figure. Guayule rubber in 1918 amounted to 2,656,769
Ib., worth $1,004,561. Before the revolution there were 5,000,000
head of cattle, 800,000 horses, 300,000 mules, 250,000 asses,
5,000,000 sheep, 4,000,000 goats and 600,000 hogs. In 1920 it was
estimated that stock had decreased 75% since 1910, although there
had been some increase since 1917. Meat prices rose 100% in 1919-
20. Hides were exported to the United States. Lumber mills are
increasing. In 1917 Chihuahua produced 19,500,000 ft. from the
Madera and Pearson mills. Mahogany from the south is annually
worth $600,000. Twenty-five varieties of hard-wood and cedar
annually produce $1,000,000.
Mining. There was marked resumption of production in 1918
and 1919. Low prices in 1920 reduced operations to high-grade ores.
In 1918 exports were worth $34,716,000; in 1919 -$10,577,393. I" 1
1919 there were 5,804 mines of silver, 1,800 of gold, 988 of copper,
1 1 8 of lead and 73 of zinc. A new law of mining imposts was decreed
June 27 1919. In the same year the Japanese began to buy iron-ore
deposits. Coal is produced only in Coahuila, though there are
deposits in Sinaloa. Mineral production in the leading lines for
1916-9 was as follows (in kgm.):
Metals
1916
1917
1918
1919
Gold
Silver .
Copper
Lead .
Zinc
Antimony .
Tin
Tungsten .
11,748
926,142
28,411,248
19,970,986
37,449,226
828,767
292
12,250
23,543
1,306,988
50,985,923
64,124,752
14,757,333
2,646,544
9,214
187,637
25-313
1,944,542
70,223,454
98,837,154
20,698,995
3,268,546
13,537
149,486
22,944
1-949,673
50,893,612
67,378,353
8,665,413
627,704
2,117
29,292
Molybdenum, manganese, mercury, arsenic and amorphous graphite
were also extensively produced.
Petroleum. Petroleum is produced in the Ebano, Panuco,
Huasteca, Tuxpam and Tehuantepec-Tabasco regions. The area
occupied by companies in 1919 was 4,064,870 ac.; their annual
rents came to $3,449,033; several companies were paying from $200
to $400 per acre. The companies operating numbered 155. In
Feb. 1919 114 new wells were being drilled. In 1920 there were 770
m. of pipe-line, with 2,000,000 bar. capacity; total wells, 1,103. The
largest well, Cerro Azul No. 7, was capable of producing 370,000 bar.
daily. Tanks numbered 902, with capacity of 50,000,000 barrels.
Investments in Tuxpam and Tampico alone were estimated at
$1,000,000,000. Export duties collected in 1917, $6,854,537; 1918,
$10,135,992; 1919, $15,203,986. Export duties were first levied in
1914. Uncollected royalties, protested as confiscatpry, for 1918 and
1919 were $4,500,000. In May 1916 a monthly inspection tax of
150 pesos was fixed ; 50 companies out of 373 then operating refused
to pay it. The duties in Aug. 1920 were $ .10 to $ .165 per bar. on
crude and high-density fuel oils; on gasoline $ .09 per gal. ; on kero-
sene, about $ .01 per gallon. Valuation was based on quotations of
American ports minus transportation costs. Dividends of the best-
paying companies in 1920 ran from 24 % to 40 %, after deducting
reserves. Production multiplied more than three times in seven years,
or 54 times since 1907. Official figures for production are as follows:
Barrels
Barrels
1901 .
io,345
1911 .
12,552,788
1902 .
40,000
1912 .
16,558,215
1903 .
75-375
1913
25,696,291
1904 .
125,625
1914 .
26,235,403
1905 .
251,25
1915
32,910,508
1906 .
502,500
1916 .
40,545,712
1907 .
1,005,000
1917
55,292,770
1908 .
3,932,000
1918 .
63,828,326
1909 .
2,713,500
1919 .
80,557,229
1910 .
3,634,080
1920 .
153,797,036*
This 1920 figure is for exportation only, and not total production.
Refined oils were in 1920 34% of the total. The United States
took 73% of the output in 1918. Exports in 1917 were worth
$26,838,063, and in 1918 $70,278,776. President Carranza's oil
decrees of Feb. 19, July 31 and Aug. 8 and 12 1918, which fixed
taxes and royalties, controlled issue of titles, and established condi-
tions of concessions, were resisted by operators as without con-
stitutional authority and contravening acquired rights. Protests by
Governments whose nationals were concerned, and suits at law by
the companies, had not been settled in Nov. 1921, though a suit
favourable to the Texas Oil Co. indicated the prospective amicable
solution of the oil situation.
Foreign Investments. The Mexican Government in 1919 estimated
investments in the republic as follows: American, $1,057,770,000;
English, $331,302,800; French, $143,446,000; Mexican investments,
$793,187,242; grand total, including those of other countries,
$2,434,241,422. Claims for damage done to American investments
are estimated at between $500,000,000 and $1,000,000,000.
National Debt. In 1908 the total internal and external debt was
estimated at 44,101,607. On Dec. 31 1919 the external debt,
including unpaid interest, was 69,792,229; the internal debt,
'38,795,550 pesos. Middleton, in Industrial Mexico, stated the
debt for 1919 at $350,181,047.47, besides the railway debt, which
was $238,740,393 on June 30 1918, and besides unpaid interest to
Jan. I 1919551,824,139. There is no completely authoritative state-
ment of the debt. The International Bankers' Committee on
Mexico, organized Feb. 24 1919, acts for the holders of Mexican
securities. Rehabilitation of finances was discussed repeatedly in
1919, 1920 and 1921, but without action.
Banking and Credit. Banking in 1919 was practically confined
to foreign-exchange transactions; commercial credits, mostly at 30
days, were increasing. Deposits were not sought. There was lack
of confidence, due to the frequent revolutionary " borrowings " of
prior years. American trade in 1919-20 was on a cash basis or on
sight drafts against shipping documents. In 1913 there were 20
banks of emission, with assets worth $425,500,000; four mortgage
banks, with assets worth $43,762,000; and six banks of promotion,
with assets worth $83,000,000. There wene three other Mexican
banks, six foreign ones, and the old colonial Monte de Piedad.
Since 1914 there have been no banks at all in Mexico within the
meaning of the banking law of 1897. Plans for a single bank of
issue as a centre of nationalized reorganization have been under
discussion since Sept. 1918. An initiative providing a new banking
system was sent to Congress by President Obregon in Feb. 1921. The
single bank of issue is to be accompanied by other special banks for
commercial, industrial and agricultural needs. Other proposed
legislation which might have indirect effects on economic conditions
are the new agrarian law and the educational bill, both of which were
sent to Congress in Feb. 1921. An executive decree of Jan. 31 1921
provided for the return to owners of banks declared in liquidation
Dec. 14 1916. These banks were to be restored to activity or liqui-
dated, according to their financial condition. The most important
banks affected by this decree, and the amounts of their paper notes
in circulation respectively, were the Banco Nacional de Mexico,
32,571,969 pesos; the Banco de Londres y Mexico, 26,256,141 pesos;
the Banco Oriental, 21,831,349 pesos; and the Banco Mmero de
Chihuahua, 8,001,619 pesos.
History. The decade 191020 was a period of attempted
social revolution misdirected and unrealized. The closing years
of the rule of Diaz were marked by events portentous of the
troubles which ensued. The financial depression of the United
States in 1907 was reflected in Mexico in 1908. Financial meas-
ures, which included nationalization of the railways and re-
organization of the banking system, placed a severe burden on
the country. There were serious crop failures due to frosts and
drought. In Oct. 1909 free importation of grains was decreed,
and in April 1910 the President was authorized to expend a million
pesos for importation of corn and beans. In the midst of these
economic perplexities the centennial of Mexican independence
936
MEXICO
was celebrated throughout the country. Nearly every city and
hamlet initiated commemorative public works. Thirty-one
foreign nations participated in the celebrations in the capital
during Sept. 1910. Numerous public buildings and monuments
were begun, some of which were not completed. Mexico seemed
at the height of power and prosperity. But the consequences
of a long period of autocracy were about to appear. Accompany-
ing the celebration was the national election for president and
vice-president. It had been the .subject of much conjecture,
particularly since 1908, when Diaz had declared in the Creelmaa
interview that the Mexicans were ready for democracy, that
he would permit political campaigning by those not supporting
Government candidates, and would surrender the presidency to a
legally elected successor. The declaration was taken seriously,
especially by certain radicals, the most active of whom had
long been agitating against Diaz from the security of American
border cities. The Government had endeavoured to promote in
turn the candidacies of Limantour and Ramon Corral, but
these had failed. The failure of Gen. Reyes to enter the final
race brought advantage to the anti-Reelectionists, who were led
by Francisco I. Madero.
The Madero Revolution. In view of the probable return of
Diaz to the presidency for the seventh time, there was a renewal
of the agitation for political renovation. Madero's personal
campaign, conducted throughout a great part of the republic,
was reinforced by his book, La sucesidn presidential en 1910, which
was issued first in 1908 and had reached three editions by the
spring of 1910. It attacked the Diaz system in measured lan-
guage; his propaganda was at first ignored by the Government,
but when his influence became too great he was arrested for
sedition at Monterey on June 7 1910, and confined in San Luis
Potosi. Thence he escaped in Oct. to San Antonio, Tex., where
he and his associates prepared the Plan de San Luis Potosi.
This plan declared for effective suffrage, no reelection, refusal
to recognize the Diaz Government elected on Sept. 27, the sub-
division of rural agrarian property, and the provisional assump-
tion of the presidency by Madero. At a meeting of the revolu-
tionary junta in San Antonio on Nov. 6 it was agreed that out-
breaks against Diaz should occur simultaneously in various places
on Nov. 20. There were several premature disorders. In Chi-
huahua Castulo Herrera, a trade unionist, and Pascual Orozco,
a small commission merchant, began a movement against Gov.
Terrazas. In Mexico City on Nov. 9 there were riots caused by a
report that a Mexican citizen had been lynched in the United
States. Similar disorders occurred in Guadalajara, Chihuahua
and Piedras Negras. The first clear indication of the coming
revolt was due to the discovery of plotting in Puebla by Dr.
Aquiles Serdan, who was attacked and killed in his own house,
which he had fortified. The Government then announced that a
plot against it had been discovered, and a reign of terror began.
The radical press was silenced, the jails were filled with political
prisoners. The anti-Reelectionists fled from the capital. Chi-
huahua was the scene of much fighting, in which the Govern-
ment was successful, so that by the end of Dec. Madero was
obliged to flee to the United States. The Government was then
combating uprisings in a dozen states. Meantime Diaz at-
tempted to appease the popular movement. He suspended
personal guarantees, called for the resignation of his Cabinet,
chose new ministers supposed to be more in sympathy with
changed political thought, and attempted reform legislation.
President Taft, who had kept forces along the Rio Grande to
watch the border, now augmented them by 20,000, and sent
warships to Mexican waters. When Diaz read his message to
Congress on April i he promised to initiate a law prohibiting
reelection of the president, vice-president, or the governors
of states. But the results were unsatisfactory, and Diaz entered
into negotiations with Madero. The latter demanded the resig-
nation of the president and vice-president, and negotiations were
broken off. Then Ciudad Juarez fell to the rebels, and Madero
entered it on May 10. Having earlier assumed the title of pro-
visional president, he here organized a civil government.
The ad-Interim Presidency. The success of the revolution at
Ciudad Juarez, coupled with similar victories at Pachuca and
Cuernavaca, brought the Government to terms. It was agreed
by representatives of Diaz that he and Vice-President Corral
would resign before the end of May; that Madero should give
up his claim to the provisional presidency in favour of Francisco
de la Barra, who should issue a call for elections. In his Cabinet
and in the state Governments de la Barra was to place certain
officers of the revolution. The pact was signed May 21 1911.
Many important cities throughout the country had fallen before
the popular movement. After two days of mob activity in the
capital the resignations of Diaz and Corral were offered and
accepted on May 25. De la Barra assumed office, and Diaz left
the country next day. The actual power was in the hands of
Madero, who had offices in the capital. His triumphal entry on
June 7 had followed a progress from Ciudad Juarez marked by
demonstrations of national joy. The ad-interim Government was
conspicuous for political jockeying, of which the chief example
was the successful effort of Madero to dissociate from his candi-
dacy that of Francisco Vazquez Gomez for the vice-presidency
and to support Jose Maria Pino Suarez as candidate. At the
elections Madero and Pino Suarez received the greatest number
of votes that had ever been cast in Mexico. Inaugurated on
Nov. 6, for the term ending Nov. 30 1916, Madero soon found
himself the tool of the Cientifico group, lacking power and will
to act for himself. He began to neglect his earlier supporters and
to cater to various groups of the Opposition. Unwise manipula-
tions soon emptied the treasury of a surplus of about 65,000,000
pesos which Diaz had left. Madero chose for the Cabinet his
relatives and other Cientificos. This Cientifico group did little
to redeem the promises of the Plan de San Luis Potosi. The
army was retained at great expense, for fear of a counter-revolt.
Ernesto Madero, Minister of Hacienda, played into the hands of
the clericals, neglecting enforcement of the Laws of Reform, and
finally denying that lands had been promised to the people.
Madero, however, asked Congress to create a " National Savings
Fund," which should provide a loan of 250,000,000 pesos with
which to buy lands for distribution. The committee in charge
was composed of the Madero family and other large landholders,
and made little progress in its programme. Madero's recognition
of the old Congress was a source of weakness. In other matters
there was autocracy of the old type. The former revolutionary
associates of Madero took the field against him to fight for the
lands which they had been promised. Revolt began at the time
of his inauguration, and soon became widespread. The national
army was continually engaged with insurgents led by Zapata,
Reyes and others. The old Diaz favourites resented the benefits
showered upon the new group. The Cabinet began to break up,
and the state of Oaxaca refused to recognize the Madero Govern-
ment. Orozco, military governor of Chihuahua, turned against
his chief in Feb. 1912, and there was much fighting, in which
many foreigners were killed. Thousands of Mexicans fled the
country. Conditions during the summer of 1912 were extremely
bad. On March 14 President Taft prohibited shipments of arms
to Madero's opponents. American residents of Mexico, warned
to leave, were brought out in great numbers, the U.S. Congress
appropriating $100,000 for their aid. Rebel successes in the
north deprived Madero of Chihuahua, Durango and Sinaloa.
Zapata had broken with the Government and his forces had
almost reached the suburbs of the capital.
The Htierta Coup. On Oct. 12 1912 Felix Diaz, nephew of the
ex-president, revolted in Vera Cruz, but was promptly captured
and imprisoned in Mexico City, Madero reprieving him from
execution, to which he had been sentenced. On Feb. 9 1913 the
students of the military college of Tlalpam marched to the rescue
of Diaz and Bernardo Reyes (the latter had been delivered to
Mexico by the United States earlier), set them free and, under
their leadership, joined some 5,000 disaffected troops which
held the Ciudadela (the arsenal), defying the Madero Govern-
ment. For several days the fire of those in revolt and that of the
Government forces swept over the business part of the city
between the Ciudadela and the National Palace, killing hundreds
of people. Finally Gen. Victoriano Huerta, recently placed at
MEXICO
937
the head of the Government troops in place of Gen. Villar, who
had been wounded, turned traitor to Madero, caused his arrest
and that of Pino Suarez in the National Palace on Feb. 19, and
forced them to resign. He eliminated Diaz, who was a nullity.
Congress hastily accepted the resignations, and Pedro Lascurain,
as Minister of Foreign Relations, held the chief executive power
for about 40 minutes, during which he made Huerta Minister of
Gobernacion. Lascurain then resigned, leaving Huerta con-
stitutionally at the head of the nation. Madero and Pino Suarez
were assassinated on Feb. 22, on the pretext that they had been
killed in the course of an attempt to rescue them, after having
been promised safe-conduct on board a vessel at Vera Cruz.
In Nov. 1920 their alleged assassin, ex-Gen. Francisco Cardenas,
committed suicide in Guatemala after his arrest for extradition
at the request of the Mexican Government. Every effort was
made by Huerta to obtain recognition by the United States,
but President Wilson, believing that Huerta had risen to power
by political murder and did not represent the will of the Mexican
people, refused recognition and soon demanded that an election
be held in which all Mexican factions should participate and
acquiesce, Huerta not standing for office. This attitude marked
a new phase in the foreign policy of the United States. It began
a period of direct intervention. The American ambassador,
Henry Lane Wilson, who had congratulated Huerta upon his
accession to the supreme power, was recalled and caused to
resign on July 4 1913. Though several foreign Powers had recog-
nized the new Government, the example of the United States
was followed by Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, and in the end
proved decisive.
Huerta as Dictator. The struggle of Huerta for control of
the country was going against him. Harshly criticised as a
murderer by members of Congress, he arrested no members, and
on Oct. 10 assumed complete control of the legislative and judi-
cial powers, adding these to his executive functions. This as-
sumption of dictatorship brought a message of solicitude for the
imprisoned Congressmen from the American Government.
The revolution which had sprung up under Venustiano Carranza
of Coahuila, simultaneously with Huerta's seizure of the execu-
tive power, was now strongly led in the west by Gens. Buelna,
Cabrera and Alvaro Obregon; in the north and centre by Fran-
cisco Villa, Felipe Angeles, Pablo Gonzalez and Antonio I.
Villareal; in the south by Zapata, and in Yucatan by Salvador Al-
varado. Huerta was hemmed in to the central plateau. The revo-
lutionary movement was conducted under the pronouncement
of Carranza, and was known as the Plan de Guadalupe, which
declared for the preservation of the national constitution by a
Constitutionalist army, of which Carranza was declared the
first chief. Numerous successes by the revolutionaries, among
which was Villa's capture of Torreon in March 1914, combined
with the Tampico incident, hastened the fall of Huerta. A
boatload of American marines from the " Dolphin," anchored at
Tampico, made a landing within proscribed area on April 10,
and were arrested by a Huerta subordinate. Though they were
immediately set at liberty with regrets, the American commander
demanded a salute to the American flag, in which demand he was
upheld by President Wilson. Huerta had been meantime especi-
ally irritated by Wilson's personal emissary, John Lind, sent to
Mexico in Aug. 1913, who asked that elections should be called
in which Huerta should not stand. Huerta's refusal to comply
with the terms of Adml. Mayo's ultimatum resulted in the Amer-
ican seizure of Vera Cruz on April 21 1914. Huerta's appeal to
his Mexican opponents to join in repelling the invasion was
without effect, largely through the agency of Francisco Villa,
who opposed Carranza in this question of policy. Harassed on
all sides, urged by the foreign ministers to yield to Wilson,
unable to make loans, or to effect peace with the Constitutional-
ists, Huerta severed diplomatic relations with the United States
on April 22. The tensity of the situation was soon relieved by
the proffer of their good offices for mediation by Argentina,
Brazil and Chile. The United States and Huerta accepted.
Carranza did so in principle, but his agents took no active part
in the negotiations ; he had already been designated provisional
president by his faction. Effort was made in June, at the Niagara
Falls Conference, to find a provisional president acceptable to all
parties. This failed, but it was demonstrated that Huerta could
not obtain recognition. Yet he attempted to hold an election,
the result being a fiasco, whereupon he resigned, July 15 1914,
in favour of Francisco Carbajal. The latter ruled less than a
month, leaving the city on Aug. 13, and making Carranza Min-
ister of Foreign Relations at the request of the American Govern-
ment. On Aug. 21 Carranza entered the capital.
The Constitutionalists. Factional differences among the
victors now became open. Zapata's Plan de Ayala, demanding
agrarian reforms, was rejected by Carranza. Villa had become
antagonistic over the leadership of the campaign against the
city of Mexico, which he had captured on April 2 1915. On
Sept. 12 Carranza published a call for the election of anon-mili-
tary president, but the Constitutional generals called a conven-
tion on Oct. i at Mexico City to choose a provisional president.
Carranza declared he would not accept such a position, but
would offer his candidacy at the regular election. Villa demanded
that Carranza be eliminated, to which Carranza consented pro-
vided Villa and Zapata should leave the country. The Convention
rejected Carranza's resignation, but moved to Aguascalientes,
which was under Villa's control, and there accepted it. Carranza
repudiated the Convention, which chose Gen. Eulalio Gutierrez
provisional president for 20 days, and placed Villa in command
of forces ordered to advance on the capital. He drove Carranza
out on Nov. 20. Carranza moved to Vera Cruz, entering it as the
Americans, delayed in their evacuation, moved out on Nov. 23.
Zapata entered Mexico City Nov. 24, Villa following him on
Dec. 3, the Zapatistas returning again in March. During 1915
the executive power was claimed by four different factions.
The status of foreigners at this time was most unhappy. The
Spaniards suffered especially, many of them, including their
minister, being expelled. In March President Wilson secured
permission from the various Mexican leaders to remove foreign-
ers from the capital under American protection.
During 1914 Villa had been much in the public view. He
had set up a government in northern Mexico, and seemed for a
time to be the man who could restore peace. Emissaries were
sent to him by Wilson, but in April 1915 Gen. Obreg6n defeated
him at Celaya and later at Le6n. In Sept. he drove him from
Saltillo and Torreon. This gave to Carranza control of all the
states save Sonora, Chihuahua and Morelos. After Villa's defeat
President Wilson indicated a more vigorous policy by urging the
leaders to forget their quarrels lest the United States " use means
to help Mexico save herself and help her people." In Aug. 1915
Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Guatemala and Uruguay urged
the Mexicans to form a provisional government and call a
general election. Carranza protested against this " new policy
of interference." The U.S. Department of State joined in the
appeal of the Powers named above, calling for a conference and
proffering help. Carranza again rejected interference, being at
the time successful against Villa, who, being unsuccessful,
accepted. A conference of the Powers named met in Sept. and
agreed to recognize the faction which after three weeks should
show greatest success in maintaining order. This decision gave
Carranza the decided advantage, and he was recognized as head
of the de-facto Government on Oct. 19 by nine American Powers.
The de-Facto Government. Formal diplomatic relations be-
tween Mexico and the United States were resumed in Dec.,
after an interval of two and a half years, by the appointment of
Henry P. Fletcher as ambassador, and the reception at Washing-
ton of Eliseo Arredondo as representative of the new Mexican
Government. The principal European Powers soon followed
suit. Fletcher did not go to Mexico until some time later; his
residence was short and intermittent, no doubt as a remonstrance
against the attitude assumed by the Carranza Government.
But the piqued Villistas were still to be reckoned with. On
Jan. 10 1916 18 Americans were shot down by them at Santa
Ysabel while going into Mexico to reopen mines at Carranza's
solicitation. The U.S. Congress passed resolutions demanding
intervention. Carranza promised punishment of the perpetrators
938
MEXICO
of the atrocity; later two Villa leaders, one of them said to be
responsible for it, were executed.
The Pershing Expedition. On March 9 1916 Villa raided
Columbus, N.M., killing 17 Americans. United States troops
pursued him on a " hot trail," the pursuit becoming on the I5th
a punitive expedition under Gen. Pershing. It was announced as
an effort to help Mexico while scrupulously avoiding offence to
her sovereignty. This attitude led to niceties about use of Mexi-
can railways which doomed the expedition to failure. It roused
fierce resentment in Mexico, being condemned by both Ameri-
cans and Mexicans for diametrically opposite reasons. Carranza
had given qualified and reluctant consent to it, but soon began
to object, asking how far American troops would penetrate and
how long they would remain. There were 12,000 American
soldiers in Mexico and 18,000 on the border, the latter number
soon being largely increased. The expedition was halted near
Parral after a clash with Villa sympathizers. General Obregon,
Minister of War, conferred with Gens. Scott and Funston at
El Paso, urging withdrawal. The Carranza troops failed to aid in
the attempt to capture the bandit leader. The American State
Department on May 10 called upon Americans still in Mexico
to leave the country. On May 22 Carranza protested sharply
against the " invasion and violation of sovereignty." The attempt
to take Villa was then ostensibly given up, for he had been
wounded and was reported dead. Forces of the United States
remained in Mexico only as security against disorders, and Car-
ranza was so informed. On June 21 a troop of American cavalry,
moving (against the expressed will of Carranza conveyed by
Gen. Trevino on June 16) " in a direction other than northward,"
was attacked at Carrizal. A number of negro troopers were
killed and about a score captured; the latter were released upon
the sharp demand of the United States. In July the American
forces were moving northward, and Carranza expressed readiness
to discuss remedies for the situation, suggesting Hispanic-Ameri-
can mediation. Upon Secretary Lansing's acceptance, a com-
mission sat from Sept. 1916 until Jan. 15 191 7, adjourning with no
result because Carranza denied American right to send troops
into Mexico in pursuit of raiders. During the remainder of his
rule frequent crossings of the border occurred, with only pro-
forma objection. On Feb. 5 the withdrawal of the punitive
expedition was complete. It had been in Mexico nearly n
months, had engaged over 100,000 militia on the border in addi-
tion to the invading troops, and had cost over $130,000,000.
The Constitution of 1917. In Nov. and Dec. of 1916 a con-
vention, composed of members of the Carranza party only,
met at Queretaro to amend the constitution. It was soon decided
that a new instrument was needed, and one was drawn up after
short deliberation. It is remarkable for its advanced position on
nationalization of natural resources and its attempt to provide
definite protection for the labouring classes. It abolishes the
vice-presidency and makes the president ineligible to succeed
himself. There are also provisions which leave the president
complete discretion with regard to ejection of foreigners, and
generous control of legislation. The provisions against property-
owning by churches are sweeping, though religion is tolerated.
The constitution was promulgated on Feb. 5. Carranza was
elected president on March n 1917.
The Petroleum Controversy. Difficulties arose out of the
policy of nationalization under executive decrees of Carranza
in pursuance of the theory embodied in article 27 of the con-
stitution, which restored petroleum to the nation as an inalien-
able national resource. The legislation under Diaz had been
thought to assure purchasers of superficial property in their
possession of the subsoil products. By decree of Feb. 19 1918
Carranza imposed royalties and area taxes and graduated
ground rents. A second decree of July 31, attempting to coerce
oil operators into acceptance of the nationalization programme,
was followed by others of Aug. 8 and 1 2 with the same purport.
The Mexican juridical theory was that petroleum, being movable
under the surface, is not the property of the owner of the super-
ficies until he has brought it to the surface; hence exploitation,
even on privately owned land, lies within control of the Govern-
ment. The foreign attitude, as shown by remonstrances against
the decrees made through diplomatic channels beginning April 2
1918, is that any exaction of payments by the Mexican Govern-
ment under colour of national ownership of petroleum denies
the right of direct dominion which was acquired by the present
owners, and must be resisted as confiscatory and subversive of
the theory of private ownership and contractual obligation.
There seemed to be little likelihood, up to Nov. 1921, of change
in the Mexican determination that Article 27 should stand as
written but should not be construed retroactively as had at first
been intimated. The same firmness was shown by petroleum
operators, who stood upon " acquired rights," acting through
diplomatic channels. The Mexican conception of the status of
subsoil products is that the Diaz legislation, giving title to sub-
soil products with the superficies, was unconstitutional, reversing
the basic law of the Spanish period and violating article 72 of the
constitution of 1857. The oil interests distrust Congressional
legislation to readjust their claims, believing that it can be too
easily changed by succeeding Congresses. Hence they desire
constitutional changes. Their appeals, pending during the clos-
ing months of 1920 before the Mexican Supreme Court, made
the claim that the presidential decrees limiting their tenure and
production were unconstitutional. Further decrees by Carranza
in Jan. 1920 made it possible for the oil companies to resume
operations in which they had been stopped because they would
not obey the earlier decrees; this action was without prejudice
to the attitude of either party pending remedial legislation by
Congress, which had not yet been enacted in Nov. 1921.
During 1918 the Carranza Government seemed to grow
stronger. A food shortage was relieved, and attempts were
made to reorganize the national finances. But the oil controversy
weakened the power of Carranza abroad, and the shameless
corruption of his Government alienated many friends. In that
and the following year rebel activities were widespread, as were
deeds of violence committed against both foreigners and Mexi-
cans. The abduction for $150,000 ransom of William O. Jenkins,
U.S. consular agent, at Puebla on Oct. 19 1919 aroused intense
excitement, especially after his arrest by the Mexican authori-
ties on charges of complicity in the deed. The U.S. Department
of State demanded his release, which was refused. He was re-
leased on bail against his will, but on Dec. 5 1920 all charges
against him were dismissed. During the World War Mexico
observed a " rigorous " neutrality, so described by Carranza in
his message to Congress of April 15 1915, but this covered an
official hostility to the Allied Powers fathered by German sym-
pathies. Carranza on Feb. 13 1917 urged an embargo by Ameri-
can nations on food and munitions to the belligerents, at a time
when such action would have benefited Germany alone. The
sentiment of the people in favour of the Allies was encouraged
by French, Italian and American committees. The interception
and publication by the United States of the infamous Zimmer-
mann note, in which effort was made to align Japan and Mex-
ico against the United States, occurred in March 1917. Mexico
was proffered the reconquest of the American South-West for par-
ticipation. Both Japan and Mexico denied knowledge of the note.
The Presidential Campaign. During the year 1919 the power
of Carranza was at its highest, though he was never supported
by any really important part of the population. Adequate
justification for his recognition in 1915 would have developed
had he speedily pacified disturbed areas, consolidated his power
on a civil instead of a military basis, and shown a reasonable
attitude toward the United States. But pacification was retarded
by inactivity of the military, which persisted in treating banditry
as opportunity for self-enrichment. The new army, created to
support the new Government, caused the downfall of the chief
under whose sign-manual it pillaged the country. This military
situation caused non-fulfilment of the promises of the Carranza
revolution. There were many other contributing causes. The
new constitution was not in force even within the controlled
area. Its labour provisions were never carried out. The eman-
cipation of the peon class was nullified by disturbed conditions.
The financial state of the country left much to be desired, though
MEYER MIALL
939
commerce grew, tax receipts were higher than under Diaz and
metallic currency was in use. The educational system had been
left largely in the hands of the states and municipalities, and only
in a few places did it receive adequate financing and attention.
The courts of justice were in deplorable condition; the jails were
crowded with untried prisoners. Congress broke with the Pres-
ident in so far as it could, refusing to pass his initiatives and
withdrawing many of his extraordinary powers. The city of
Mexico, given rein as a " free municipality," was remiss in police
regulation, sanitation, education, administration of justice and
control of public morals. The President violated the ballot,
imposing governors on many states and using them to further
his intention to designate his successor. He arrested the parti-
sans of Gen. Obregon, and imprisoned members of Congress who
opposed him. In external affairs the non-payment of the interest
on the national debt, doubtful neutrality, and nationalization of
oil lands, with retroactive enforcement as it affected foreign
investors, combined with indifference toward violence committed
upon foreigners, cast odium upon the party in power. These
attitudes and conditions are not entirely chargeable to Carranza
or his party. Many of them typify inveterate evils. There had
been improvement in many respects since the revolution began,
and it seemed that continued betterment depended chiefly
upon the peaceful transmission of the presidential power. The
presidential campaign was waged for a year and a half; by the
beginning of 1920 it was plain that Gen. Obregon had the sup-
port of the army, the people, especially of the radical groups,
and of foreign investors. His rivals, Gen. Pablo Gonzalez and
Ignacio Bonillas, were then really eliminated, though they con-
tinued their campaigns.
The Sonora Revolt. The President's determination to defeat
Obregon led him in March to attempt to control the Government
of Sonora, the candidate's home. The state officials, friends of
Obregon, prepared to prevent this. To this end, a railway strike
on the Southern Pacific of Mexico was planned and called. When
Carranza threatened to operate the road with soldiers, to invade
the state with his army though it was at peace, the state antici-
pated him on April 8, operating the road with strikers, whose
terms were conceded. It also seized the public offices at Aguas
Prietas, while the state Legislature voted (April 9) to secede until
assured that the sovereignty of the state would not be infringed.
Troops were raised to repel Federal invasion. General Obregon,
summoned to Mexico City to answer charges of fomenting re-
bellion, escaped to the south-west and took the field. By the
middle of April all the west coast was in revolt, and most of the
northern states were disaffected. By the end of the month
Mexico City was cut off from telegraphic communication with
the world. The Liberal Constitutionalist party, as the insur-
gents called themselves, now demanded Carranza's resignation and
set up Adolfo de la Huerta, Governor of Sonora, as provisional
president under the terms of the Plan de Aguas Prietas, dated
April 9 1920, which promised protection to foreigners, enforce-
ment of legal rights, and development of commerce and industry.
On the last day of April it was evident that Carranza was plan-
ning to desert the capital. More than 50,000 troops were against
him, many of them at the gates of the city. Pablo Gonzalez then
joined the revolt, and his command of the south-east practically
ended the power of the Government. On May 6 the exodus of the
Federal Government for Vera Cruz began. Twenty-one trains
were to carry 20,000 troops, carloads of records, and millions of
treasure. The employees of the State, including the Cabinet, the
Supreme Court and the Permanent Commission of Congress,
were included. Misfortune attended every step. Attacks on the
convoy began at once. On May 12 Gen. Guadalupe Sanchez, in
control of the way to Vera Cruz, went over to Obregon; Candido
Aguilar, the President's son-in-law, in command at Orizaba,
thus deserted, fled. Finally, after his trains were useless and his
forces had been defeated at Aljibes, Carranza set out on horse-
back with a small remnant of_followers for the Puebla mountains,
in an attempt to escape to a Gulf port. While on his way he was
betrayed and shot dead at night on May 21 in a mountain cabin
at Tlaxcalantongo, Puebla.
The New Government. Obreg6n, who had entered Mexico
City May 8, had endeavoured to capture Carranza under re-
iterated assurances of personal guarantees. It was evidently the
intention to spare his life. The dead chief and the wrecked ex-
pedition were brought back to the capital. On May 25 Adolfo de
la Huerta was made substitute president by the reassembled
Congress. As the active ally of Obregon, he initiated the policies
of the new regime in company with radicals, who evinced attitudes
toward foreign interests antithetical to the Carranza policies.
Obregon was opposed in the Sept. elections only nominally by
a Catholic candidate. His inauguration on Dec. i was attended
by large delegations from the United States, including several
governors of states, and by many American and European diplo-
mats. During the closing months of 1920 there were occasional
minor actions against rebels and bandits. Radical agitation
among industrial workers seriously affected the country. The
sympathy of the Provisional Government with labour unrest
presaged difficulties accentuated by falling markets in Mexican
staple products. Recognition by the Great Powers was still pend-
ing in Jan. 1922. Delay was due to the non-solution of the
petroleum controversy and to Obregon's refusal to negotiate a
treaty, demanded by the U.S. Government, guaranteeing pro-
tection to American lives and property. (H. I. P.)
MEYER, GEORGE VON LENGERKE (1858-1918), American
diplomatist, was born in Boston, Mass., June 24 1858. After
graduating from Harvard in 1879 he was engaged in business
for 20 years. He entered public life in 1889 as a member of the
Boston Common Council and two years later became a member
of the Board of Aldermen. From 1892 to 1897 he was a member
of the Mass. House of Representatives, being speaker for the
last three years. In 1898 he was appointed by Governor Wol-
cott as chairman of the Mass. Paris Exposition Managers.
From 1900 to 1904 he was a member of the Republican National
Committee. In 1900 he was appointed ambassador to Italy by
President McKinley, and five years later was transferred by
President Roosevelt to Russia. In 1907 he was recalled by
Roosevelt and made Postmaster-General in his Cabinet. From
1909 to 1913 he was Secretary of the Navy in President Taft's
Cabinet. On the outbreak of the World War he urged prepared-
ness and criticised America's naval administration. He was
actively associated with the National Security League and the
Navy League. He was a director in many organizations, includ-
ing the Amoskeag Manufacturing Co., Old Colony Trust Co.,
Puget Sound Light & Power Co., Walter Baker Co., and Ames
Plow Co. He died in Boston March 9 1918.
See M. A. De Wolfe Howe, George von Lengerke Meyer: His Life
and Services (1920).
MEYER, [MARIE] PAUL HYACINTHS (^o-ig!?), French
philologist (see 18.349), died at St. Mande, near Paris, Sept. 8
1917.
MIALL, LOUIS COMPTON (1842-1921), English biologist, was
born at Bradford Sept. 12 1842, the son of a Congregational
minister. At the age of 15 he became a junior teacher in a
Bradford school, and there began the study of natural history,
subsequently attending the Leeds School of Medicine for more
systematic biological training. His connexion with the discovery
of a new labyrinthodont from the coal-seams near Bradford
introduced him to Huxley, from whom he had much assistance.
In 1871 he became curator of the museum of the Leeds Philo-
sophical Society, of which he was already secretary, and in 1876
he was appointed the first professor of biology in the Yorkshire
College, afterwards the university of Leeds. This post he held
until 1907. In 1892 he was elected F.R.S. He was Fullerian
professor of physiology in the Royal Institution in 1904-5. He
presided over the zoological section of the British Association
(1897) and the education section (1908). Though his earlier
work was mainly geological and palaeontological, he eventually
paid special attention to entomology (see 9.656, 13.429), laying
much stress on the observation of living insects. He wrote a
monograph (with Prof. A. Denny) on the cockroach in 1886, and
also Object Lessons from Nature (1891); Natural History of
Aquatic Insects (1895); Round the Year (1896); Injurious and
940
MICHAELIS MICHIGAN
Useful Insects (1902); House, Gdrden and Field (1904); The
Early Naturalists (1912). He died at Leeds Feb. 21 1921.
MICHAELIS, GEORG (1857- ), Prussian official, was
born on Sept. 7 1857 at Haynau. He studied law and was for
some years after 1885 a lecturer at the university of Tokyo. On
his return to Germany he continued his official career and rose to
the position of Under-Secretary of State in the Prussian Ministry
of Finance. On the outbreak of the World War he was appointed
director of the Imperial department for the control of the grain
trade, and in Feb. 1917 State commissioner for the national
food supply. On the retirement of Bethmann Hollweg in July
1917 the influence of the higher military authorities, including
Hindenburg (in the leading strings of Ludendorff), was exercised
in favour of the appointment of a chancellor who would accommo-
date his policy to theirs in home as well as in foreign affairs. In
the hope of avoiding conflicts between the highest military and
the highest civil authorities of the empire, the immediate
entourage of the Emperor, in particular the chief of his Civil
Cabinet, Valentini, seems to have suggested the appointment of
a colourless Prussian official. Michaelis was accordingly ap-
pointed, but even in the first weeks of his chancellorship his
weakness became manifest. The so-called Peace Resolution
in favour of a peace " without annexation or indemnities " had
been passed by the Reichstag on July 19. Michaelis was confron-
ted with the demand of the parliamentary majority that in his
public utterances he should identify himself with the spirit and
the letter of this resolution. Under the influence of the military
authorities he attempted to evade this obligation by declaring
himself, in a phrase that became celebrated, the supporter of the
resolution " as he understood it." There was a storm of indigna-
tion throughout the country, but Michaelis had still further to
compromise himself, together with Adml. von Kapelle, over the
naval mutiny before it was recognized that his position was
altogether untenable. He was with some difficulty induced to
resign, and was succeeded by Count Hertling on Nov. i 1917.
He was then appointed chief president in the province of Pome-
rania, an office which he held till 1919.
MICHELER, JOSEPH ALFRED (1861- ), French general,
was born at Phalsbourg (Meurthe) on Sept. 23 1861. He
entered St. Cyr in Oct. 1880 and was appointed a sub-lieutenant
on the completion of his course in 1882. He was promoted
lieutenant in 1886, captain in 1891, major in 1901 and lieutenant-
colonel in 1909. Three years later he was made a colonel. At
the outbreak of the World War he was employed as chief-of-
staff to the VI. Corps. In Oct. 1914 he was promoted general of
brigade, and in Jan. 1915 was transferred as chief -of-staff to
the I. Army. On Aug. 3 1915 he took over command of the
53rd Inf. Div., being later (March 25 1916) promoted a tempo-
rary general of division and appointed to the XXXVIII. Army
Corps. Ten days later he was placed at the head of the X.
Army. On June 22 1916 he was confirmed in his rank as general
of division. He commanded the X. Army during the battle of
the Somme, and was then called to the head of a new group of
armies formed behind the centre for the exploitation of the
victory counted upon in Gen. Nivelle's Aisne scheme. He was
thus involved very deeply in the controversies which centred
upon that scheme both before and after April 16 1917. It was
principally his criticisms that initiated the internal crisis, and
led to the council of war, in which, however, he seems not to
have followed up his objections. His relations were strained
with his subordinate Mangin as well as with Nivelle, and the
latter sought afterwards to saddle him with part of the respon-
sibility for the relative failure of the offensive. His group of
armies being broken up he returned to the duties of an army
commander. In May 1918 he vacated the command of the V.
Army which he had held for a year. He was made a commander
of the Legion of Honour (Sept. 30 1916).
MICHELHAM, HERBERT STERN, IST BARON (1851-1919),
British financier, was born Sept. 28 1851, the son of Hermann
de Stern, Portuguese baron and banker, and Julia Goldsmid.
He entered his father's banking house, Stern Bros., of London,
Paris and Belgium, and inherited from his father the Portuguese
barony and a fortune of 2,000,000, which was much increased
by his own financial ability. In July 1905 he was created a baronet
and in Dec. was raised to the peerage of the United Kingdom
as Baron Michelham. He presented to the nation the quadriga
surmounting the arch on Constitution Hill, and subscribed liber-
ally for the purchase of pictures for the National Gallery, besides
forming a valuable private collection. He was also well known
as an owner of race-horses. During the World War he bought
the Hotel Astoria in Paris for use as a British hospital, and es-
tablished and maintained a convalescent home for officers at
Cimiez. He died in Paris Jan. 7 1919 and was succeeded by his
son Herman Alfred Stern, 2nd Baron (b. 1900).
MICHELSON, ALBERT ABRAHAM (1852- ), American
physicist, was born in Strelno, Germany, Dec. 19 1852. His
parents moved to San Francisco, Cal., where he studied in the
public schools. He graduated from U.S. Naval Academy in
1873 and was instructor in physics and chemistry there during
1875-9. He was then for a short time in the Nautical Almanac
office. From 1880 to 1882 he studied in Berlin, Heidelberg and
Paris. He resigned from the navy in 1881. In 1883 he was ap-
pointed professor of physics at the Case School of Applied
Science, Cleveland, O., and six years later accepted a similar
position at Clark University. In 1892 he was appointed pro-
fessor and head of the department of physics at the university of
Chicago. He early directed his researches to the velocity of light
and while in Cleveland invented his interferometer (see 14.693),
which enabled him to measure distances by means of the length
of light-waves. In 1892 he was a member of the Bureau Inter-
nationale des Poids et Mesures and in 1897 of the International
Committee of Weights and Measures. He was made president
of the American Physical Society in 1901 and of the American
Society for the Advancement of Science in 1910. He received
medals and prizes from many learned societies and in 1907 was
awarded the Nobel Prize for physics. In 1920 he was able to
demonstrate by means of light-interference that the diameter of
Alpha Orionis was 260,000,000 miles. This was the first compu-
tation ever made of the size of a star. He was the author of
numerous papers on light and in 1903 published Light Waves
and Their Uses, being Lowell lectures for 1899. In 1921 he was
awarded the gold medal of the Society of Arts, ^London. (For the
" Michelson-Morley experiment, " in interference of light, with
its bearing on the Einstein theory, see RELATIVITY.)
MICHIGAN (see 18.371). The pop. of Michigan in 1920 was
3,668,412, an increase of 30-5% within the decade. Of the total
pop. 61-1 % lived in places having at least 2,500 inhabitants, as
compared with 47-2% in 1910. This increase in the urban
percentage was greater than in any other state in the Union for
the decade. The rural pop. underwent a slight actual decrease
from 1,483,129 in 1910 to 1,426,852 in 1920.
Education. In 1917 there were in the state 892,787 children of
school age, of whom 633,020 were taught in public schools. In these,
particularly in the secondary schools, vocational courses have been
added in recent years. At the institutions of higher education
attendance greatly increased, especially in icjig and 1920. Some of
the colleges with church connexions shared in this growth ; but the
chief enlargement has been at the university of Michigan (see
MICHIGAN, UNIVERSITY OF) and the Michigan Agricultural College.
The pop. and rate of increase of the principal cities are shown in
the following table:
1920
1910
Increase
per cent
Battle Creek .
36,164
25,267
43-1
Bay City
47,554
45,166
5-3
Detroit .
993-739
465,766
"3'4
Flint
91,599
38,550
137-6
Grand Rapids
137,634
112,571
22-3
Hamtramck Village
48,615
3,559
I,266-O
Highland Park
46,499
4,120
1,028-6
Jackson .
Kalamazoo
48,374
48,858
31,433
39,437
53-9
23-9
Lansing .
57,327
31,229
83-6
Muskegon
36,570
24,062
52-0
Pontiac .
34,273
14,532
135-8
Port Huron
25,944
18,863
37-5
Saginaw .
61,903
50,510
22-6
MICHIGAN, UNIVERSITY OF
To add to the facilities for higher education, " junior colleges," with
curricula covering two years of college work, have been established
in Detroit, Grand Rapids, Muskegon, Pontiac and Highland Park,
in connexion with their secondary-school systems.
Agriculture. In 1910 there were 196,447 farms in Michigan, a
decrease of 10,513, or 5-1%, as compared with 1910. During the
decade all farm land increased from 18,940,614 ac. to 19,632,961 ac. ;
improved land increased from 12,832,078 ac. to 12,925,521 acres.
During the same period the average acreage per farm increased from
91-5 to 96-9. and the average value of land per acre increased from
$32.48 to $50.40.
The farming area of Michigan continues to be concentrated
mainly in the southern part of the lower peninsula of the
state. In the upper peninsula, farms comprise less than 10%
of the land area. The area nominally in woodland, including farm
woodlots as well as forests and cut-over lands, comprises nearly two-
thirds of the surface of the state; but of this area not more than
about 5,000,000 ac., nine-tenths of which lies in the upper peninsula,
now bear timber worth cutting. Most of the rest has come to be
stump lands, on which the recurrence of fires prevents any spon-
taneous reforestation. The barrenness of the sandy soil and the
shortness of the growing-season have hindered the reduction of
land to cultivation, and some 10,000,000 ac. (more than one-fourth
of th-' total surface of the state) are thus a deforested desert. Several
thousand acres of it revert to the state each year in default of taxes.
These reverted tracts, comprising 566,850 ac. in 1918, are adminis-
tered by the Public Domain Commission (created in 1915) with a
view to the sale of such as can be used as agricultural homesteads
and to the setting aside of the rest as forest reserves. These forest
reserves, 145,035 ac. in 1920, are under state forest management
for the prevention of fires and for systematic reforestation. In 1920
some 9,000 ac. had been replanted.
Minerals. In mineral production no new resources of importance
were developed during the decade 1910^20. The mining of iron ore
has continued vigorously. The production of copper was pushed to
the fullest capacity during the World War; but the severe decline of
the market after the Armistice caused a sharp reduction of output.
In contrast with its great prosperity in many preceding years, the
Calumet & Hecla Co., the largest of the Michigan copper producers,
experienced from its operations a loss of $652,286 in 1919 and
$4,161,832 in 1920.
Manufactures. The industrial survey of the U. S. census of 1920
was not yet available in Nov. 1921. The manufactured products in
1914 were valued at $1,086,162,432, as compared with $685,109,000
in 1909, an increase of 58-5 % in five years. This advance was mainly
due to the extraordinary growth of the automobile industry and its
concentration in the state. The number of automobiles manu-
factured increased from 9,125 with a value of $7,996,534 in 1904 to
64,800 with a value of $96,651,451 in 1909 to 443,072 valued at
$398,289,022 in 1914. In value this was 62-9 % of the whole product
of automobiles in the United States in 1914. In more recent years
this industry has continued its rapid enlargement. It is estimated for
the year 1920 that of the nearly 2,000,000 automobiles made in the
United States more than two-thirds were produced in Michigan.
The number of wage-earners engaged in the making of automobiles
and their parts in 1914 was 67,538, constituting 24-9% of the total
number of wage-earners in the state; and these were probably
quadrupled in number and doubled in percentage by 1920. The
sharp decline in the demand for automobiles near the end of 1920,
however, caused the closing of so many factories that the proportion
of labourers unemployed in Michigan exceeded that of any other
state in the Union.
As the production of Automobiles increased the making of horse-
drawn vehicles diminished, from 174,889 carriages and 52,273
wagons in 1904 to 25,265 and 11,454 respectively in 1914. The
value of timber products remained about stationary, $58,523,217 in
1914, and the product of flour and grist mills likewise. The output of
furniture, leather, chemicals, beet sugar, paper and wood pulp
substantially increased.
The 1 1 leading manufacturing centres in the order of the value of
their products in 1914 were, Detroit, Flint, Grand Rapids, Lansing,
Battle Creek, Kalamazoo, Saginaw, Jackson, Pontiac, Muskegon,
and Bay City. Detroit (see DETROIT) maintained an easy primacy.
Flint rose rapidly after 1904, standing second in 1914 by virtue of its
automobile factories. The product of these and their ancillary
foundries and machine shops comprised in 1914 more than nine-
tenths of the total value of the city's manufactures. Lansing's rise
from seventh to fourth place and Pontiac's great growth were likewise
due to their automobile industries. Grand Rapids continued to be
the focus of the American furniture industry, and Battle Creek
maintained its predominance in cereal preparations.
Finance. Appropriations by the Legislature, $5,929,306 in 1909,
advanced steadily to $9,610,553 in 1915, and then much more
rapidly to $17,432,512 in 1919. The volume of the general property
tax, which comprised nearly all of the state's revenue, lagged behind
the appropriations at the close of the decade 1910-20, and the
prospect of a treasury deficit in 1921 caused the passage of a law for
a tax on corporation franchises as an emergency recourse. This was
expected to yield some $6,000,000 in the two years following.
Legislation and Administration. Amendments added to the
Loans
Quota
Amount
Subscribed
Accepted
First
Second
Third .. .
Fourth
Fifth . .
$ 56,172,800
82,550,000
83,600,000
152,400,000
115,425,000
$ 65,819,750
"5.530,550
107,671,400
177,349,000
155,787,450
$ 44,914,950
104,380,500
107,436,900
176,102,700
125,372,300
941
revised constitution of 1908 provided for popular initiative and
referendum on constitutional amendments and in legislation (1913) ;
for the recall of elected officials (1915); for prohibition (1916); for
woman suffrage (adopted in 1917 after having been successively
rejected in 1912 and 1913), and for the issue of state bonds to the
amount of $50,000,000 for the improvement of highways. (1917).
The provisions for initiative, referendum and recall have as yet
found little utilization, but the issue of highway bonds facilitated a
marked improvement of roads. An increase of the licence charges on
automobiles has also increased the road funds, the application of
which is largely determined by an Act of the Legislature (1915)
establishing a system of state trunk roads. Among other note-
worthy enactments by the Legislature are the Judicature Act of
1915, consolidating and revising the laws of civil practice and pro-
cedure; the " blue sky " law of 1913 and the creation of the Michigan
Securities Commission in 1915 to regulate the sale of securities; the
provision for juvenile courts (1911); the creation of a board of
mediation and conciliation to deal with labour disputes (1915); a
department of state police (1919) ; and a budget commission (1919).
The World War. Colonel Bersey, Adjutant General, estimated
the number of men who entered the military or naval service
from Michigan during the World War at 175,000 to 200,000, and
the number who lost their lives at 3,200. The Government
reports were not yet complete in Nov. 1921 and were not to
include the many men from Michigan who served in the Polish,
Canadian or other armies.
The following figures as to Michigan's participation in the
Liberty Loans are taken from the official reports of the Loans
and Currency Division of the Treasury Department, and differ
slightly from the totals reported by the state bank commissioner,
1919:
Political History. Since 1910 there generally have been large
Republican majorities in state and national elections, without
appreciable representation of any other parties in the state
Legislature. In the presidential election of 1912, however,
Michigan gave its electoral vote to the Progressive ticket, and in
1912 and 1914 it elected a Democrat as governor. The governors
of Michigan, 1911-21, were: Chase S. Osborn (Rep.), 1911-3;
Woodbridge N. Ferris (Dem.), 1913-7; Albert E. Sleeper (Rep.),
1917-21; Alexander J. Groesbeck (Rep.), 1921- . In a con-
spicuous contest in 1918 Truman H. Newberry (Rep.) was
elected to the U.S. Senate by a narrow majority over Henry
Ford (Dem.). Charges of excessive expenditures in this cam-
paign were brought against Senator Newberry and numerous
associates, and they were convicted in the U.S. District Court
(1920) and were sentenced to two years' imprisonment. The
U.S. Supreme Court set aside the conviction May 2 1921; on
Jan. 12 1922 the U.S. Senate decided by a vote of 46 to 41 that
Newberry was entitled to his seat. (U. B. P.)
MICHIGAN, UNIVERSITY OF (see 18.378), was the first
university established by an American state to become con-
spicuously successful. The promise of its earlier period continued
in recent years. The total roll of the faculty increased from 350
in 1907-8 to 616 in 1919-20, while the number of students grew
from 5,013 to 9,401 in the same period (5,007 in the college of
Literature, Science and the Arts, 2,038 in the college of Engineer-
ing and Architecture, 394 in the Medical School, 382 in the Law
School, 99 in the college of Pharmacy, 42 in the Homoeopathic
Medical School, 350 in the college of Dental Surgery, 340 in the
Graduate School, 1,961 in the Summer Session and 222 in the two
training schools for nurses). On Jan. i 1921 there were over
30,000 living graduates. The Medical School, Law School and
Homoeopathic Medical School demand two years of college work
before admitting students.
Among the buildings erected between 1910 and 1920 were the Hill
Auditorium (1913) seating 5,000 persons, with remarkably good
acoustic properties; the Natural Science Building (1916); the new
University Library (1919) containing approximately 400,000 vol-
umes, with room for over 1,000,000 volumes; the Michigan
Union (1919), a student clubhouse costing $1,250,000, the gift of
942
MIDLETON MILK
some 14,000 alumni. A new university hospital was to be completed
in 1922 with accommodation for 600 patients, affording proper
facilities for the teaching of medicine, and the first hospital con-
trolled exclusively for the benefit of the people of the state. Four
dormitories for women students were also erected during this period.
The income of the university in 1919-20 was $3,802,164. Of this
amount $1,687,500 was derived from the state through the tax of
three-eighths of a mill on every dollar of taxable property, $38,428
from the state lands originally granted by the Government for the
support of the university, $682,445 from tuition, student fees, etc.,
and $659,250 from special appropriations and savings for the erec-
tion of buildings.
Over 12,000 graduates and students of the university were enlisted
in the U.S. forces during the World War, of whom 231 lost their
lives. This number included 2,747 students who were enrolled in
the collegiate section of the Students' Army Training Corps during
the fall of 1918. Pres. James Burrill Angell, upon his resignation in
1909, was succeeded by Harry Burns Hutchins, dean of the Law
School, as acting president (1909-10) and president (1910-20). Pres.
Hutchins resigned in 1920 and was succeeded by Marion Leroy
Burton, who had been president of Smith College (1910-7) and of
the university of Minnesota (1917-20).
See A Memorial of the Seventy-fifth Anniversary of the Founding
of the University of Michigan (Ann Arbor, 1915) ; also Wilfred Shaw,
The University of Michigan (New York, 1920) and A. L. Cross,
" The University of Michigan and the Training of her Students for
the War," Michigan History Magazine (Lansing, Jan. 1920).
(W. B. S.)
MIDLETON, WILLIAM ST. JOHN FREMANTLE BRODRICK,
IST EARL OF (1856- ), English politician (see 18.419), did not
remain long out of Parliament after his defeat in the general
election of 1906, as in the following year his father died, and he
entered the House of Lords as pth viscount. He took a con-
siderable share in the work of that House, and played an active
part behind the scenes in Unionist politics, without returning to
ministerial office. He was indeed perhaps the most conspicuous
figure among the Unionist leaders who did not find a place in
Mr. Asquith's Coalition Cabinet. He had meanwhile become
specially prominent as leader of the southern Unionists of Ire-
land, in virtue of his position as a landowner in county Cork. In
his opposition to the Home Rule bills, he was never willing to
base himself mainly on the difficulties of Ulster, but constantly
called attention to the necessity of protecting loyalists in the
South and securing them from discriminating taxation. He was
disquieted by the negotiations carried on in the summer of 1916
with the Irish leaders by Mr. Lloyd George on behalf of Mr.
Asquith's Coalition Ministry, on the basis of excluding the six
Ulster counties but bringing the Home Rule Act at once into
effect in the rest of Ireland. In the Irish Convention, which was
set up in the middle of 1917 and sat into the following year, he
and a band of southern Unionists separated themselves from the
Ulster standpoint, and showed themselves ready to concede a
unitary Home Rule Government for Ireland, subject to provi-
sions for safeguarding the minority of loyalists. At the beginning
of 1920 he was created an earl.
MILK (see 18.451, 7.737). From time immemorial milk and
milk products have been highly prized by man as a food, and
Jewish, Egyptian, Greek and Roman literature contain numer-
ous references to the use of milk and milk products. In earlier
times the milk of nearly all the domestic animals was used for
the food of man, and although at the present time the milk of
the cow provides the main bulk of the world's dairy products,
the milk from the ass, goat, mare, reindeer, camel, ewe, llama
and zebra is still used in various parts of the world.
Milk consists of a watery intimate admixture of protein, fat,
carbohydrate, and soluble inorganic constituents (the latter
being usually referred to collectively as ash), the proportion and
amount of these constituents varying according to the species
from which they are derived. The principal protein of milk is
casein, a protein not found elsewhere in the body, and belonging
to a group of proteins called phosphoproteins owing to the
presence of combined phosphorus in the protein. Other pro-
teins are present, namely, lactoglobulin and lactalbumin.
It was formerly believed that the proteins of milk were identi-
cal with the proteins of blood serum, and that they found their
way into the mammary secretion as a result of simple and direct
transference from the blood stream. Recent chemical work on
the structure of these proteins has not, however, confirmed this
belief. Hartley (1914) analysed the proteins of serum by the
method of Van Slyke; Crowther and Raistrick (1916) by the
use of the same method analysed the corresponding proteins of
milk and colostrum. Woodman (1921) investigated the optical
behaviour of these proteins when dissolved in dilute alkali at a
temperature of 37 C C. The results of these investigations indi-
cate clearly that whereas the globulins of serum, colostrum and
milk are one and the same protein, yet serum albumin and lactal-
bumin are to be regarded as distinct chemical individuals. From
this the conclusion must be drawn that a distinct mammary syn-
thesis is necessary for lactalbumin as well as for caseinogen.
Fats occur in milk in the form of minute globules, there being
millions present in each c.c. of milk. The average diameter of
these globules varies from -01 mm. to -0016 mm. Milk fat dif-
fers from body fat in that it contains a relatively large amount
of olein and also in the fact that considerable quantities of fatty
acids of low molecular weight are present. It is upon the pres-
ence of the fatty acids in butter fat that one of the tests for
the purity of butter fat depends. In addition to traces of other
bodies, the milk fat carries with it varying amounts of colouring
matter derived from the food eaten.
The carbohydrate present in milk consists of a sugar called
lactose. This sugar is peculiar to milk, and it is owing to the
fermentation of this sugar by bacteria with the formation of
lactic acid that the souring of milk is due.
The table below gives the average composition of the milk
of different mammals.
The differences shown in the table below indicate a very im-
portant fact that the milk of the species is peculiarly adapted
for the efficient nutrition of the young of that species. Especially
is this the case with the inorganic constituents of the milk. It
is this difference in composition that necessitates especial care
in the use of cow's milk for the rearing of infants. Although the
composition of milk varies considerably among individuals of
the same species, the variation in the same individual is as a
general rule very small, and, contrary to general opinion, is but
slightly influenced by conditions of feeding.
Origin of Milk and Development of Mammary Gland. The first
sign of development of the mammary gland in the embryo is the
formation of a slightly thickened ridge or line called the mammary
ridge. This is a slight thickening of the epidermis extending from the
inguinal region to the axilla. This thickening becomes intensified
in the areas in which eventually the mammary glands are situated,
and little bud-like outgrowths of the epithelium extend into the under-
lying connective tissue in these regions, forming the mammary
ducts. These ducts give rise to the galactophorous or milk sinus
and milk ducts, and eventually form the alveoli. The thickened
epithelium forms the nipple, so that the fully developed mammary
gland in the adult resembles a bunch of grapes bound together
with fatty connective tissue.
At birth the mammary glands are alike in both sexes, and consist
entirely of a few rudimentary ducts and nipple. During infancy
very little growth takes place, although towards puberty consider-
able deposition of fat takes place in the female in the vicinity of the
nipple. At puberty in the female a certain amount of growth takes
place, and occasionally a few alveoli, or milk-producing sacs, are
Woman
Cow
Buffalo
Goat
Ewe
Mare
Ass
Reindeer
Whale
Water
Fat
Protein ....
Milk Sugar
Salts
88-32
3-43
1-55
6-44
0-26
87-75
3-40
3-50
4-60
o-75
82-57
7-63
4-69
4-30
0-81
86-34
4-25
4-40
4-26
o-75
81-08
7-67
6-08
4-26
0-91
90-38
I-OO
1-98
6-28
0-36
90-30
1-30
i -80
6-2O
0-40
67-7
17-1
10-9
2-8
i-5
60-47
20-00
12-42
5-63
1-48
IOO-OO
IOO-OO
100-00
IOO-OO
IOO-OO
IOO-OO
IOO-OO
IOO-OO
IOO-OO
Specific Gravity
1-032
1-0315
i-33
I -033
1-038
1-034
1-033
MILK
943
formed. The development of the mammary glands after puberty
varies considerably with the species. As a general rule, further
development of the mammary gland is closely associated with the
onset of pregnancy, although in some cases, as in the mare and
bitch, the mammary glands occasionally develop to the milk-pro-
ducing stage even in the absence of pregnancy. The development
of the mammary gland and the secretion of milk are closely correlated
with the formation and subsequent atrophy of a body called the
corpus luteum. This body is found in the ovary as the result of
the shedding of an egg cell or ovum, which, if fertilized, develops into
the embryo or foetus. Provision is thus made for the adequate nutrition
of the young animal after birth, and it is owing to this correlation
between the development and atrophy of the corpus luteum and the
development of the mammary glands that the mammary glands are
enabled to secrete milk shortly after birth of the young.
The milk first secreted after the birth of the young is abnormal in
appearance, and contains a large amount of albumin and globulin,
together with a large number of cells. This first-produced milk is
called colostrum or " biestings " and is generally used by the young
calf. The change from colostrum to normal milk is gradual, generally
taking about five days. The following table gives the chemical com-
position of colostrum and ordinary cow's milk :
Colostrum
Milk
Water
Casein
Albumin \
Globulin J
Fat
Milk Sugar ....
Ash
73-1?
2-65
16-56
3-54
3-00
1-18
87-75
3-oo
0-50
3-40
4-60
o-75
Two views are held as to the manner in which milk is secreted.
The first view holds that the cells of the alveolus enlarge, the enlarged
end breaking off with its contents and forming milk, the lower half
of the cell regenerating again and repeating the process. The second
view is that milk is a true secretory fluid, the secretion from the cells
being produced in the same way as in any other gland. Recent work
tends to confirm the second view as being correct.
Factors Influencing Milk Yield. The various causes which
affect the yield of milk nearly always affect the percentage com-
position of its ingredients owing to the fact that the fat of milk
is secreted independently of the other solids, and the various
causes leading to alteration in yield affect only the water and
solids, not the fat portion. Any factors therefore which alter the
yield of milk will generally lead to variation in the percentage
fat content. For this reason the variation in fat content of milk
may range from 1-7 to 6-0 per cent. Under normal conditions,
however, the percentage of fat present in milk is a breed charac-
teristic, and the capacity to produce milk containing a high per-
centage of fat is an inherited characteristic. This fact has been
utilized in Denmark to grade up the cow population, and by
careful control of breeding allied with fat tests on the milk of
milk-recorded cows, the average fat content of milk produced by
cows in that country has been increased. The chief difficulty in
carrying out the same grading-up process in England is due to
the common practice of discarding bulls after a few years' use,
the result being that the bull is killed before its real value as a
milk-getter is known. The following table gives the average
fat percentage of the various breeds of cows:
Breed
Fat Per-
centage
Breed
Fat Per-
centage
Jersey
Guernsey
Devon
Shorthorn
5-35
5-16
4-60
4-05
Brown Swiss
Ayrshire
Holstein
Friesian .
4-25
3-66
3-42
The various circumstances that affect the yield and composi-
tion of the milk of cows are as follow:
(a) Period of Lactation. The amount of milk secreted rises for
the first two or three weeks after calving, then falls slightly for about
six weeks. The rate of fall then gradually increases, accelerating
greatly as the cow approaches the next calving period, until near
calving the milk flow ceases altogether. In the case of cows not
pregnant the milk flow may continue for as long as two years, and
it is said that spaying greatly prolongs the period of yield. As the
yield falls off, the fat percentage tends to increase.
(ft) The Act of Milking. Much of the milk obtained at a single
milking is actually secreted at the time of milking. The first-drawn
milk is generally poor in fat (it may be as low as I %), and the
percentage of fat rises gradually until in the strippings the fat content
may be as high as 15 per cent.
(c) The Frequency of Milking. The longer the interval between
the milkings, the larger is the amount of milk secreted at each milk-
ing. This milk, however, is poorer in fat owing to the fact that the
quantity of fat secreted at each milking is approximately the same,
whereas the quantity of solids not fat and water secreted is depend-
ent upon the interval between the milking. The pressure of the
secreted milk in the udder inhibits the secretion of fat, and to a
certain extent the secretion of solids not fat, so that a cow milked
three times a day at equal periods will yield more milk relatively
richer in fat than if milked twice a day.
(d) The Time of the Year. A comparison of milk records, after
allowing for effect of lactation period, will show that cows yield most
milk in May and June and least in Nov. and December. The greater
yield of milk in the spring months is undoubtedly correlated with the
abundance of fresh green grass in the feed, and there appears little
doubt that the yield of milk is partially dependent upon the palat-
abilty and succulence of the feed. For this reason, the practice
among dairymen of giving wet mashes to cows is sound.
(e) Age of the Cow. The yield of milk given in a lactation period
increases up to the sixth lactation period, remains constant for the
next two or three lactation periods and then declines.
(/) Other Conditions. Carefully controlled experiments have
shown that cows may perform a useful amount of muscular work
without diminishing the milk yield to any serious extent, whereas the
fat content may be actually increased.
The cow giving a fair yield of milk is producing large quantities
of heat in excess of her requirements, and may therefore be subjected
to fairly low temperatures without in any way decreasing her yield
of milk or increasing her food requirements. In view of the tendency
for extension in England of out-of-door cow-keeping, this fact is
important. An accumulation of milk in the udder will cause an atro-
phy of some of the milk-secreting cells, leading to a decrease in the
milk-yielding capacity which cannot be regained until the next
lactation period. The same effect will be produced by long periods of
under-feeding. For this reason it is extremely important that the
udder should always be stripped at each milking, that the intervals
of milking should be approximately equal, and that the cow should
be adequately fed in proportion to her milk yield.
Feeding in Relation to Milk Production. The magnitude of
the dairying industry has directed the attention of research
workers to the study of the relationship between milk yield and
food requirement. It is obvious from a commercial standpoint
that the establishment of such a relationship is the first impor-
tant step towards the production of cheap clean milk. It is no
exaggeration to say that the health of a nation is dependent
largely upon an abundant supply of good cheap milk, and, to
obtain this milk, production must be made profitable.
Under the auspices of the British Ministry of Agriculture
the first essential step was taken by the introduction of milk-
recording schemes. Under this scheme cows are ear-marked
and the daily supply of milk yielded carefully weighed and
recorded. In order to render the records accurate and of com-
mercial value, surprise visits are made by official milk-recorders,
who inspect the weighing of the milk, ear-marking and record-
ing of the individual cows in a herd. The farmer who records
his cows can thus obtain the annual record of the milk production
of each of his cows, and this enables him to weed out of the herd
the unprofitable cows. Before the World War it was established
that, with cows yielding less than 600 gallons a year, milk could
not be produced at a profit, and yet at that time the average
milk yield for the country was well below this figure. In other
words, the farming community was producing milk at a loss.
The milk-recording of dairy cows is, therefore, the first impor-
tant step towards the economical production of clean milk.
Having satisfactorily obtained the record of the individual
yields of milk of cows, the next important item to consider is
whether this milk is being produced at the minimum necessary
expenditure of food material. Evidence has already shown that
the herd giving the largest yield of milk does not necessarily
produce the milk at the cheapest cost per gallon. It consequently
becomes very important to investigate the possibility of feeding
cows in such a way as to ensure the production of the milk with
the least possible expenditure of food material.
This problem has been given increased attention since 1910
and, owing chiefly to the labours of keen men of science, has
been satisfactorily solved. In this connexion brief mention may
be made of Wolff, Lehmann, Kellner, Haecker, Savage, Armsby,
Pott, Henry Morrison and their numerous co-workers, to whom
our present knowledge on feeding standards is due.
944
MILK
In order to attack the problem, the first necessity was to establish
the relative amounts of food material the animal retained for its
own use. The chemical analysis of a feeding-stuff was of little value
for this purpose, as the chemical analysis of a feeding-stuff, in the
absence of any other data, gives no measure of the nutritive value.
The method adopted in order to assess the value of a feeding-stuff
was to feed known weights of a given feeding-stuff to an animal,
collect, weigh and analyse the excreta, whence by deduction the
amounts of the feeding-stuff that were actually absorbed into the
system, and were thus available for maintenance of bodily activity,
growth, repair of tissues and other purposes, were obtained. The
results of these somewhat tedious, patient researches are comprised
in tables giving the chemical analyses of the chief feeding-stuffs and
their digestible constituents, the most recent table of British figures
being contained in Miscellaneous Publication No. 32, published by
the Ministry of Agriculture.
This proved, however, only a partial solution of the problem, as it
quickly became evident that the value of the digested nutrients
varied according to the nature of the feeding-stuff from which these
nutrients were derived. As a result of further research these difficul-
ties were overcome, and a method was devised whereby it is possible
to assess the true value of any given feeding-stuff for any required
purpose. The chief facts discovered, stated briefly, are as follows :
The value of a feeding-stuff may be divided into two portions:
(a) its value as a supplier of protein ; and (6) its value as a supplier of
energy. The protein is required by the animal for the formation of
flesh, the repair of waste tissue and the protein portion of milk;
the energy is required for the maintenance of the bodily activities
of the animal and the production of fat, milk, work and heat. A
certain quantity of the digestible nutrients is required for main-
taining the animal in health ; this portion is generally called the main-
tenance requirement : the rest is available for the production of meat,
work or any other purpose. The excess of protein beyond the ani-
mal's daily requirement is also available for the production of energy,
but since the protein portion of a food is dearer than the non-protein
portion, the use of protein as a source of energy is wasteful. Kellner,
by a series of carefully controlled experiments, compared the relative
values of digestible protein, fat and carbohydrate for the purpose of
fat production. The method adopted was to adjust an animal's
diet so that it neither gained nor lost weight, and then add a stated
quantity of pure protein, fat or starch, to the diet and find the amount
of fat produced. This gave a comparison between the fat-producing
or energy-producing power of the various constituents of a food, and
Kellner decided to express this energy value in the form of starch,
which figure he called the "starch equivalent." Thus I part digestible
protein was found to equal 0-94 parts starch, I part digestible fat
2-3 parts starch, and I part of digestible carbohydrate I part starch.
This gave the necessary data for calculating the starch equivalent
from any food-stuff, given the digestibility figures.
It was found on computation that the theoretical starch equivalent
as computed differed from the actual values as found by experiment.
This difference was due to the fact that the work of digestion of the
feeding-stuffs varied considerably, and the energy thus required
formed a prior charge on the digested nutrients, only a proportion of
which was thus available for fat production. For this reason a
" value number " was given to the different classes of feed ing -stuffs,
and this enables us with fair accuracy to compute the starch equiva-
lent of a new feeding-stuff from the digestible nutrients.
Kellner's starch equivalent represents the fattening capacity of
loo Ib. of a feeding-stuff expressed as starch. Thus 100 Ib. of a feed-
ing-stuff whose starch equivalent is 75 would produce as much work,
fat or energy as 75 Ib. of starch. Through this work, the prob-
lem of relating food requirement to milk production became simple.
An animal requires two essential substances, proteins for repair
of tissues, and fat, protein or starchy material for energy. The
average requirements of a cow for protein and energy for mainte-
nance of bodily activity were ascertained and experiments soon
established the relationship between gallons of milk produced and
requirements of energy and protein. The results thus obtained form
the basis of a scientific feeding standard for milch cows and are given
in the following table :
Digestible
protein
Ib.
70
84
. -98
Starch
equivalent
Ib.
6-25
7-50
8-75
Maintenance Ration
A cow weighing 1,000 Ib. requires
A cow weighing 1,200 Ib. requires
A cow weighing 1 ,400 Ib. requires
Production Ration. In addition to the maintenance ration a cow
will require approximately -58 Ib. of digestible protein and 2-50 Ib.
starch equivalent for every gallon of milk produced.
From the above table it will be quite easy to compute a suitable
ration for a dairy cow giving a known quantity of milk. An example
will suffice to illustrate the method.
Let us assume that a dairy cow weighing 1,200 Ib. gives 3 gallons
of milk, and that the foods available are mangolds, oat straw, linseed
cake and palm-kernel cake. From a table of analyses similar to that
given in the Miscellaneous Publication No. 32, already referred to,
it is found in British practice that
I Ib. oat straw contains .
I Ib. mangolds contains .
I Ib. linseed cake contains
I Ib. palm-kernel cake
Now the maintenance requirements of
a 1 ,2OO-lb. cow are
3 gallons of milk require
Total requirements of a 3-gallon cow =
A suitable ration would be :
20 Ib. oat straw
60 Ib. mangolds
8 Ib. palm-kernel cake
3 Ib. linseed cake
Digestible
protein
Ib.
Starch
equivalent
Ib.
OI
005
24
16
17
06
74
75
Digestible
protein
Ib.
Starch
equivalent
Ib.
84
i-74
7-50
7-5
2-58
15-00
Digestible
protein
Ib.
Starch
equivalent
Ib.
20
30
1-28
3-4
3-60
6-00
72
2-22
2-50
15-22
The above ration would represent a suitable ration for a cow giving
3 gallons of milk a day on the limited foods available. It is possible
by this method to feed the entire herd according to their actual milk
yield. As a matter of practice, the whole of the herd are given the
same maintenance ration, hay, roots and straw, and the cakes and
meals are varied according to the milk yield. As a rough working
rule it generally takes 3^ to 4 Ib. of cake for every gallon of milk
produced. The chief value in the scientific valuation of food re-
quirement for a dairy herd lies, however, in the possibility of checking
the adequacy of the actual ration fed to a herd and of enabling the
computer to suggest a suitable alternative ration in cases where an
unsuitable ration is being fed.
Much useful work in this direction is now being done in parts of
England by agricultural organizers. The system adopted is for the
farmer to fill up a food-record sheet, in which he enters the number
of cows in the herd, the total milk produced and the actual weights of
foods fed. From this the agricultural organizer computes the food
value of the rations given and the scientific requirement. Compari-
son of the two sets of figures obtained enables him at once to state
whether any alteration in feeding is necessary, and to suggest a
possibly cheaper ration.
Other systems of feeding for dairy cows deserve mention here.
A method based on the fat content of milk is in use in America.
According to the Haecker-Savage standard, the food requirements
are stated! in digestible protein and total digestible nutrients, and the
amounts to be added to the maintenance ration vary according to
the fat content of the milk.
A system in common use in Denmark depends for its existence on
its simplicity, a simplicity which has only been arrived at by sacri-
ficing a certain amount of scientific accuracy. The Danish food-unit
system consists of a table of equivalent values of various feeding-
stuffs compared with a standard. The values arrived at have been
based mainly on the extensive experiments carried out by Fjord and
his co-workers with milch cows and swine. In Denmark the standard
unit is I Ib. of grain; in Sweden the standard unit is I kgm. (2-2 Ib.) of
mixed concentrates. A table is generally given showing the quantities
of feeding-stuffs equivalent to one unit, and in computing rations all
the feeding-stuffs are reduced to units. It is thus quite easy to ascer-
tain the number of food units used to produce a gallon of milk, and
enables quick and ready comparisons to be made between different
cows or herds of cows. For this reason it has been greatly appreciated,
and has proved of great value, especially in cooperative efforts
to improve Danish dairy cattle and their feeding.
It is, however, only of value where the conditions ruling, both as
to foods fed and to type of farming adopted, are similar, and the
Danish food-unit system cannot be applied with safety to the variable
conditions of English farming practice.
The Hygiene of Milk Production. Milk, owing to its composi-
tion and liquid nature, forms an ideal medium for most bac-
teria, whether beneficial or otherwise. The rapidity with which
bacteria will multiply in milk and the ease with which milk
is contaminated when handled under ordinary conditions have
impressed upon certain sections of the population the necessity
of taking steps to improve the quality of the milk supply.
The American Medical Milk Commissions have already acted,
and have reached general agreement as to the conditions under
which milk should be marketed in the United States. The
standards are based fundamentally on the bacterial content,
and, similarly to the English custom, standards also exist as to
fat content and total milk solids. Four grades of milk are recog-
MILL MILNE, JOHN
945
nized. The highest grade is known as " certified " and is pro-
duced and marketed under very strict hygienic conditions. The
price of production under these conditions is so high as to be
out of reach of the general public, and three other grades of
milk are recognized, Grade A, Grade B and Grade C. Grade
A contains not more than 60,000 bacteria per c.c. ; Grade B
not more than 200,000 per c.c. ; Grade C has no bacterial stand-
ard, but must be delivered within 48 hours of milking.
As the result of the grading of milk, very elaborate arrangements
exist in America for rapid transit, efficient storage and hygienic
manipulation, and it is certain that milk reaches the American
consumer in a far cleaner condition than it does the English consumer.
There is undoubtedly need in England for more efficient regulation
and control of milk from the dairy to the consumer's table, but much
can be done by the observation of simple hygienic rules in the cow-
shed or milk-shed. Fifty per cent of the bacterial contamination of
milk occurs before it leaves the farmer's hands; the elimination of
most of this 50% is a comparatively inexpensive matter. There is
but little doubt that the bacterial count forms a very reliable indi-
cation of the care with which milk is produced and marketed, but,
under present conditions, it unfortunately does not distinguish
between the beneficial and the dangerous types of bacteria. It is
consequently a matter of comfort to all, and a source of material
satisfaction to many, that pasteurization kills all the bacteria in milk
likely to prove harmful to the consumer. (E. T. H.)
MILL, HUGH ROBERT (1861- ), British geographer and
meteorologist, was born at Thurso May 28 1861, and was educated
at Edinburgh University. In 1884 he was appointed chemist
and physicist to the Scottish marine station, and in 1887 became a
lecturer for the university extension movement, being at the
same time (1893-9) recorder of the geographical section of the
British Association. He was president of this section in 1901.
In 1892 he succeeded Dr. John Scott Keltic as librarian to the
Royal Geographical Society and from 1902 to 1906 was hon.
secretary of the Royal Meteorological Society, becoming its
president in 1907. Dr. Mill served on many committees con-
nected with meteorology and allied subjects, including the Inter-
national Council for the study of the sea (1901-8), and the Board
of Trade committee on the water power of the British Isles (1918).
On the death of Mr. G. J. Symons he became (1901) director of
the British Rainfall Organization, and editor of British Rainfall
and Symons' s Meteorological Magazine, and when the organization
was converted into a trust in 1910 he became chairman of
trustees, a position from which he retired in 1919. From 1906 to
1919 he was rainfall expert to the Metropolitan Water Board.
Dr. Mill received many honours from learned societies, including
the Victoria medal of the Royal Geographical Society (1915),
and the Symons medal of the Meteorological Society (1918).
His chief works are The Realm of Nature (1892; latest ed. 1913);
The English Lakes (1895) ; Hints on the Choice of Geographical Books
(1897) ; New Lands (1900) ; The Siege of the South Pole (1905) and a
historical introduction to Sir Ernest Shackleton's Heart of the Ant-
arctic (1909). He also edited International Geography (1911).
MILLER, JOAQUIN (1841-1913), American poet (see 18.464),
died at Oakland, Cal., Feb. 17 1913.
MILLERAND, ALEXANDRE (1859- ), French statesman,
(see 18.465), was included in the Briand Ministry of July 1909
with the portfolio of Public Works, and in the Poincare Ministry
of Jan. 1912 he became Minister of War. He resumed this port-
folio when, immediately after the outbreak of war in 1914,
the Prime Minister, Viviani, desired to strengthen his team. He
was Minister of War during the most difficult period when,
after the first battle of the Marne, the Government had to have
recourse to all sorts of improvisations in order to make good the
deficiencies revealed in the country's military equipment. His
administration was severely criticised by Clemenceau on account
of the muddle and mismanagement which ruled the army medical
services. He was also criticised with some vehemence for the
delays in producing the right kind of shell and gun in adequate
quantities. His extremely dogged character enabled him to with-
stand the many parliamentary attacks made upon his political
position, and his departure from the War Office only took place
when Delcasse's resignation brought about that of the whole
Viviani Ministry in 1915. For the rest of the war he devoted
himself to relief work, and went back to his very large practice
at the bar. After the Armistice M. Clemenceau appointed
him to the posts of Commissioner-General of the Republic at
Strasbourg and Administrator of Alsace-Lorraine. These posts
he filled with great distinction and ability. In the elections of
1919 he played the chief part in constituting the national bloc
with which the moderate parties successfully fought the elections.
When Clemenceau resigned Millerand formed the new Govern-
ment. He was called upon to play a big part in the protracted
inter- Allied negotiations with regard to the application of the
Treaty of Versailles. His political prestige grew steadily during
office, and when M. Deschanel was forced to resign the presidency
of the republic he succeeded him as President, being elected
by 695 votes out of 892 on Sept. 23 1920.
MILLET, FRANCIS DAVIS (1846-1912), American painter
(see 18.466), died in the " Titanic " disaster at sea April 15 1912.
MILLS, ROGER QUARLES (1832-1911), American legislator
(see 18.475), died at Corsicana, Tex., Sept. 2 1911.
MILNE, SIR GEORGE FREDERICK (1866- ), British
general, was born Nov. 5 1866 and joined the Royal Artillery in
1885. He served in the Nile Expedition of 1898, and on the
staff in S. Africa throughout the war of 1890-1902, for which he
was promoted brevet lieutenant-colonel and given the D.S.O.
He was afterwards almost continuously on the staff until 1913,
and was promoted colonel in 1905. In 1913 he became commander
of the artillery of the 4th Div., with which he went out to
France in 1914. He was soon promoted major-general for dis-
tinguished service, and after some months on the staff on the
western front was given, in July 1915, command of the 27th Div.
which, three montljs later, he took out to the Salonika theatre.
At the end of the year he was placed in charge of an army
corps there. In May 1916 Milne, who had been given the
K.C.B. for his services, was advanced to the command of the
British forces in Macedonia, and he occupied this responsible
position under the orders of three successive French com-
manders-in-chief until the end of the struggle. Little progress
was made during the ensuing two years, the situation scarcely
lending itself to the prosecution of effectual offensive operations,
and the British military authorities at home being throughout
opposed to the using-up of resources in this theatre. Milne,
however, filled a difficult position with unfailing tact and sound
judgment, and, when a general advance at last took place in the
autumn of 1918 after Bulgarian powers of resistance had become
spent, the forces under his personal command contributed
appreciably to the bringing about of the final victory. He had
been promoted lieutenant-general in 1917 and he was, on
conclusion of hostilities, given the G.C.M.G. He remained in
charge of the British forces in the Near East and about the
Black Sea until 1920, and his services received further recogni-
tion in 1919 by his being promoted full general.
MILNE, JOHN (1850-1913), British seismologist and mining
engineer, was born at Liverpool Dec. 30 1850, and was educated
at King's College, London, afterwards studying at the Royal
School of Mines. He then worked as a mining engineer in New-
foundland and Labrador, and in 1874 went as geologist with
Dr. Beke's expedition to north-western Arabia. In 1875 he was
appointed professor of geology and mining in the Imperial
Engineering College at Tokyo, and for nearly 20 years made
his home in Japan, marrying a Japanese lady. Prof. Milne
made a special study of seismology (see 8.817, 819, 820), and was
recognized as the first authority on the subject. He travelled
widely in the East in pursuit of his researches, and about 1880
established the seismic survey of Japan, with 968 stations. He
also invented or perfected various forms of seismograph. In 1894
his books and instruments were destroyed by fire, and he returned
to England, settling at Shide, I. of Wight, where he established
an observing station. During the ensuing years he was largely
responsible for the establishment of seismological stations through-
out the world, in connexion with his work as secretary of the
seismological committee of the British Association. He published
two standard works, Earthquakes (1883) and Seismology (1898),
besides books on scientific mining and crystallography and many
papers in scientific journals. He died at Shide July 30 1913.
946
MILKER MILOVANOVIC
MILNER, ALFRED MILNER, VISCOUNT (1854- ), British
statesman (see 18.476). After Lord Milner's return from South
Africa he occupied himself mainly with business interests in the
City of London. But, though he took up a somewhat detached
attitude with regard to ordinary domestic politics, he was active
on behalf of causes which appealed to him from the imperial
side; and he made several speeches in different parts of the
country in the next few years on behalf of Tariff Reform and
Colonial Preference. He paid a visit to Canada, where he him-
self and his gospel of imperialism were well received. He was
roused, however, by Mr. Lloyd George's budget of 1909, and he
advised the House of Lords to reject the Finance bill, and, as
he said at Glasgow, to " damn the consequences." He made
several speeches in the next twelve months in defence of the
Lords' position; and when the Parliament bill came up to the
House of Lords in 1911, he was a leading spirit among the
"Die-hards" who advised resistance to the end. He did not
take a very prominent part in the opposition to the Irish Home
Rule bill; but he aptly decribed the state of affairs in Ireland in
the early summer of 1914 as " smouldering war," and he urged the
remodelling of the Amending bill so as to reassure the Ulstermen.
The World War confirmed all his fears as to the disadvan-
tages under which Great Britain and the Empire would labour
during hostilities through the practice of unlimited Free Trade
by the mother country for over half a century. He gladly accepted
in the summer of 1915 the chairmanship of a committee of tech-
nical experts and practical agriculturists, appointed by Lord
Selborne as President of the Board of Agriculture, to consider
the means of maintaining and increasing food production in
England and Wales. The committee reported that farmers
should be encouraged to grow more wheat by a guaranteed mini-
mum of 453. a quarter for the four years following the harvest
of 1916. Mr. Asauith's Coalition Government did not think
the situation serious enough for this drastic remedy shrinking
here, as in other matters, from a bold decision. Lord Milner
became critical of this " wait and see " attitude; and especially
reprobated on several occasions the policy of concealing disagree-
able facts. " Truth all around," he said at Canterbury on Oct.
30, "is the most fortifying thing in the world"; Englishmen
could not brace their nerves and steel their hearts to win through
by emulating the ostrich. Similarly he endeavoured, in April
1916, to spur on doubting ministers to accept the policy, which
the country demanded, of universal compulsory service.
Mr. Lloyd George, when he formed his Ministry in the follow-
ing Dec., at once turned to this resolute statesman, the only
British administrator who before 1914 had directed a war from
the civil side, and constituted him one of his principal colleagues
in his War Cabinet of four (or five including Mr. Bonar Law).
Considering the attitude of the two men at the time of the
South African War, the offer and acceptance argued magnanim-
ity on both sides. From this time to the cessation of hostilities
their relations were close, and, after Mr. Lloyd George, Lord
Milner took the largest share in the civilian conduct of the war.
In vigour, resolution and readiness to take responsibility they
resembled each other; but Lord Milner's experience, scholar-
ship, steadiness and somewhat bureaucratic habit of mind
supplied an invaluable complement to his chief's daring, impa-
tience of precedent, quickness of apprehension and intellectual
agility. In Feb. 1917 he attended, on behalf of the British
Government, a conference of the Allies in Petrograd, the object
of which was to improve the coordination in the prosecution
of the war between the Government of the Tsar and the Western
Powers; and he does not seem to have at all realized that Russia
was on the brink of a revolution. He devoted himself closely
to his duties in the War Cabinet, never making speeches in the
country, and seldom in the House of Lords, where his appear-
ances were mostly in explanation and defence of the policy of
the Government in regard to food production and control. In
June 1917 he announced that ministers had added between
70,000 and 80,000 men to the people available for agricultural
work. In Feb. 1918 he vigorously defended Lord Rhondda's
administration at the Food Ministry against ignorant criticism,
and said that in regard to food Britain was in a better position
than any other country except the United States. Except for
what was necessary for the conduct of the war, everything must
give way to food supply. The Corn Production bill of 191 7 and the
acceptance by the Government of the principle of Imperial
Preference, and of the conservation of the raw materials of the
empire, must have owed much to his influence and support.
He worked heartily for inter-Allied coordination in the conduct
of the war, and with Mr. Lloyd George attended meetings of the
Supreme War Council at Versailles. He was in France at the
time of the victorious German advance in the last ten days of
March 1918; and it was largely owing to his influence that Gen.
Foch was appointed Generalissimo of the Allied forces in France.
It being vital to have a i lan of unusual capacity and vigour at
the War Office in this critical spring of 1918, he was given the
seals of Secretary of State for War on April 19; and it was
he who presided over the Army Council during the succeeding
months of the year which ended with victory.
In the reconstruction of the Ministry after the general election,
Lord Milner left the War Office and became Colonial Secretary,
a position for which his lifelong interest in the Empire peculiarly
qualified him. In that capacity he attended the Paris Peace
Conference as one of the British plenipotentiaries, and was a
signatory of the Treaty of Versailles; and he subsequently
helped to deal with a number of difficult questions arising under
the Treaty out of the disposal of the German colonies con-
quered in war. But his colleagues utilized his services also in
other directions. His financial authority was invoked to defend
ministerial finance in the House of Lords; and when a serious
revolutionary outbreak took place in Egypt in 1919, he was
sent there, as the author of England in Egypt, at the head of a
special mission to inquire into the causes, and to report on the
form of constitution best calculated to promote Egyptian peace
and prosperity. The mission arrived at Cairo in Dec. and
remained till March; then in the summer of 1920 Lord Milner
and his colleagues had long conferences with Zaghlul Pasha,
the leader of the Nationalists, in London; and ultimately in
Nov. they issued a memorandum recommending the recogni-
tion of Egyptian independence. Great Britain was to guarantee
the integrity of Egypt against aggression; she would have a
privileged position in Egypt and would maintain a garrison in
the canal zone. The Capitulations were to be abolished, and
the veto on legislation affecting foreigners would be vested in
the High Commissioner. The new constitution, of which these
were to be the principal features, had not yet been accepted
when Lord Milner, who had only accepted office because of the
national need, resigned in Feb. 1921, and his great services were
fittingly recognized by the Order of the Garter. Before the
end of the month he married Lady Edward Cecil, the widow of
Lord Edward Cecil, formerly Miss Violet Maxse. (G. E. B.)
MILOVANOVIC, MILOVAN G. (1863-1912), Serbian statesman
and diplomatist, was born at Belgrade on March 2 1863, and was
educated there and in Paris, where he was the first Serb to take
his degree as Doctor of Law and was awarded a gold medal for his
thesis. On returning home he was appointed professor of interna-
tional law at Belgrade University and soon acquired the position
of one of Serbia's leading jurists. He was mainly responsible for
drafting the new Serbian constitution of 1888; and, becoming
secretary of the central committee of the Radical party, he
entered politics and held successively the portfolios of Justice,
Commerce, and Finance during the closing decade of last cen-
tury. In 1901, at the request of King Alexander, he went to
Rome as minister, and retained his post after the revolution of
1903. In 1907 he represented Serbia at the Second Hague
Conference, and, in virtue of the proposals put forward by him,
was appointed a member of the international court of arbitration.
In July 1908 he was made Foreign Minister in the Vetimirovi6
Cabinet, and thus had to guide Serbian policy through the diffi-
cult period of the Bosnian annexation crisis. The series of visits
which he paid to the chief European capitals during the early
winter insured due consideration for the Serbian standpoint and
at the same time helped to calm down the inflamed sentiments of
MILYUKOV MINERALOGY
947
Belgrade. In Berlin he was not received by the Imperial Chancel-
lor, Prince Billow; in London he was given friendly but dis-
couraging advice by Sir Edward Grey, and on his return devoted
his whole influence to restraining the war fever and sweetening
the pill of Serbia's inevitable surrender to Austria-Hungary
and her German ally " in shining armour. " In 1910 he suc-
ceeded Pasic as Premier, and, being less of a party man than his
old Radical colleagues, was able to bridge many gaps, and to
acquire within a short space of time an unique position among
the politicians of Serbia. Even in foreign politics he showed
signal moderation, and though a confirmed Russophil, initiated
negotiations for a commercial treaty with Austria-Hungary
and actively favoured good relations with Turkey. Indeed the
Balkan League, of which he was one of the chief founders, was
originally conceived by him on much wider lines than events
forced it to assume: the adhesion of Turkey and Rumania as
well as the Slavonic States and Greece was to have given the
League as a whole such a standing in Europe as would have ren-
dered it immune from foreign dictation and interference. The
decisive step towards the creation of the League was taken
at a meeting between Milovanovic and the Bulgarian Premier,
Gesov, on Oct. n 1911. Secret negotiations continued through-
out the winter and led to the conclusion of the Serbo-Bulgarian
Treaty of March 13 1912 (see SERBIA). Discussions were still
pending between the various Balkan capitals for a more precise
and comprehensive project of alliance when, on July I 1912, Dr.
Milovanovic died suddenly of heart failure, in his soth year.
His removal at so critical a juncture was a grave blow to the
cause of peace and moderation, and also deprived Serbia of her
ablest statesman since the death of Prince Michael. Dr. Milo-
vanovic was married to a Rumanian lady, but left no family.
He was the author of various books on law and politics and of a
diplomatic study on the partitions of Poland.
MILYUKOV, PAUL NIKOLAYEVICH (1859- ), Russian
politician and historian, was born in 1859. He studied history
and humanities at the university of Moscow, was expelled for
taking part in students' riots, but was readmitted and allowed
to take his degree. He specialized in the study of Russian his-
tory and received the degree of Master in History for a learned
work on the Stale Economics of Russia in the First Quarter of the
i8th Century." He lectured with great success at the university
and at a training institute for girl teachers; these lectures
were afterwards expanded by him in his book Outlines of Rus-
sian Culture (3 vols., translated into German). He also started
an association for " home university reading," and, as its first
president, edited the first volume of its programme, which was
widely read in Russian intellectual circles. His liberal opinions
brought him into conflict with the educational authorities, and
he was dismissed in 1894 after one of the ever-recurrent univer-
sity " riots." He was even imprisoned for some time as a political
agitator. When liberated he went to Bulgaria, and was ap-
pointed professor in the university of Sofia, where he lectured
in Bulgarian with great success. He delivered also interesting
courses of lectures in the United States at summer sessions in
Chicago and later on the Lowell lectures in Boston. Russia and
Its Crisis presents a condensed report of one of these courses.
In 1905 the meetings of the Zemstvos which gave expression
to the public indignation against the Government brought him
back to Russia. He became the political editor of an important
liberal paper, the Retch, and took an active part in the forma-
tion of the Constitutional Democratic party (Cadets), which
aimed at political freedom and at a constitution on advanced
democratic lines, based on universal suffrage. Milyukov became
the leader of that party and had a great influence on the course
of events in 1906, although he was not elected a member either
of the first or of the second Duma. When the Tsar dissolved
the first Duma he was one of the principal prompters of the
" Viborg Manifesto," in which the members of the assembly
declared themselves ready to follow the people in resisting arbi-
trary rule. This ill-conceived pronouncement ended in com-
plete fiasco, and disqualified its signatories from participation
in political elections. Milyukov had not signed as he was not a
member of the Duma, and remained free from the persecution
which set in with the Stolypin reaction. He was elected to the
third and the fourth Duma, and played the part of a leader of
the opposition, systematically criticising the policy of the
Government and the attempts at compromise on the part of the
Octobrists. In the fourth Duma, however, he was in favour of
a progressive block, in which liberal Octobrists took a share, as
this rendered the action of the Duma more effective. When the
World War broke out he stood squarely for a policy of national
union and active cooperation with the Entente, but the inepti-
tude and corruption of the War Office and of the Court drove
him into an attitude of increasing hostility. On Nov. i 1916
he delivered in the Duma a famous speech in which he asked
pointedly, in connection with Sturmer's muddle: " Is it stu-
pidity or is it treason? " His conduct at that time was char-
acteristic of the state of mind of advanced Liberals they were
so disgusted at the misgovernment of the Sturmers, Protopopovs
and Galitzins that they were unable and unwilling to make a
stand against the growing discontent of the masses. They
thought and said: " We must win the war, but it is impossible
to win the war with these people at the head."
When the revolt of the troops broke the back of the old
regime Milyukov took office in Prince Lvov's Provisional Govern-
ment as Minister of Foreign Affairs. In a speech delivered to
a revolutionary mob in the Taurida Palace he proclaimed his
preference for a constitutional monarchy. His hope was that
Nicholas II. would abdicate in favour of his son and the Grand
Duke Michael Alexandrovich would consent to act as Regent
for his nephew. This plan came to nothing on account of the
unwillingness of Nicholas II. to part with his son. Milyukov
strongly disapproved of Kerensky's policy and of the demagogic
weakness of the parties in power the social revolutionaries
and Mensheviks. He would have hailed a restoration of dis-
cipline in the army and an energetic resumption of the war on
the side of the Allies, but there was no basis for such a recon-
struction at a time of revolutionary intoxication. When the
Bolsheviks seized power he escaped to Kiev and lived there for
some time under the rule of Skoropadsky, the German-appointed
Hetman of the Ukraine. In this atmosphere, saturated by Ger-
man influence, he gave up the cause of the Allies as lost, and
began to speculate on the possibility of rebuilding the Russian
State with the help of the Kaiser. He had conversations on the
subject with von Munn, the German envoy in Kiev, and
advised his fellow Cadets in the same sense. The majority of
the latter were, however, firmly opposed to any pact with the
arch-enemy of Russia, and the turnover on the western front
put an end to these plans. After the Armistice Milyukov went
to London and subsequently to Paris, where in 1921 he was
directing a journal (Last News) in which he advocated an al-
liance with patriotic Socialists. (P. Vi.)
MINCHIN, EDWARD ALFRED (1866-1915), English biologist,
was born at Weston-super-Mare in 1866, and educated at West-
ward-Ho and Keble College, Oxford. He became a fellow of
Merton College in 1893, and Radcliffe travelling fellow the same
year. From 1890 to 1899 he was demonstrator of comparative
anatomy at Oxford, and from 1899 to 1906 he held a similar
chair at University College, London, being next elected pro-
fessor of proto-zoology to the university of London. He pub-
lished several works on the protozoa, especially sponges (see
25.716), and translated Butschli's Protoplasm in 1894. He died
at Selsey, Sussex, Sept. 30 1915.
MINERALOGY (see 18.509). During the war period of 1914-8
much attention was given in all countries to the development of
home resources of various minerals of economic value, and to
meet new circumstances new sources of supply were developed.
Further, there was an increased demand for certain kinds of min-
erals, for example those which yield the rarer metals used in the
hardening of steel. Much of the mineralogical literature of the
period has therefore been of an economic character, e.g. a long
series of " Special Reports on the Mineral Resources of Great
Britain" has been issued by the Geological Survey; and many
recent text-books give prominence to the practical uses of
948
MINERALOGY
minerals. Fortunately, however, pure science has not been
altogether neglected. Many new facts have been recorded, and
new methods of investigation have been devised. A review of
the recent scientific literature is given in the Mineralogical
Society's series of "Mineralogical Abstracts."
X Rays and Crystal-Structure. The new X-ray method of investi-
gating the internal structure of crystals has been applied with much
success to the study of minerals (see CRYSTALLOGRAPHY). The
material for examination has usually been prepared as definitely
orientated crystal plates, but it is now found that results can be
obtained with a fine powder, i.e. an aggregate of minute crystals or
fragments of crystals with all possible orientations. The method can
therefore be used for the purpose of distinguishing between the
crystalline and the amorphous or colloidal states. Stress has recently
been laid on the importance of the colloidal forms of minerals, and
some authors have separated these as distinct species, to which
special names have been applied, from the corresponding crystalline
forms possessing the same chemical composition. It has, however,
not hitherto been possible, by optical means alone, to distinguish
with certainty a colloidal form from a microcrystalline mineral
which is opaque or which is cubic in crystallization.
Microscopical Examination of Opaque Minerals. A new method for
the investigation of opaque minerals has recently been borrowed
from metallography, in which polished sections are examined under
the microscope in reflected light. This method has proved to be
especially useful for the study of metallic ores, and it consequently
finds an economic application in the valuation of ore-deposits. The
several mineral-species of which the ore is composed can be dis-
tinguished, and their relations to one another determined ; e.g. the
order of their deposition, and whether they are of primary or
secondary origin. The technique of the subject (called mineralog-
raphy or mineragraphy) is dealt with in the recent text-books of
J. Murdoch, Microscopical Determination of Opaque Minerals (New
York, 1916) and of W. M. Davy and C. M. Farnham, Microscopic
Examination of the Ore Minerals (New York, 1920). The process of
grinding and polishing the sections presents certain difficulties owing
to the extreme differences of hardness of the several minerals that
may be present. The prepared section is illuminated vertically by
means of a right-angle prism placed in the tube of the microscope
above the objective. Details of structure can be brought out by
etching the section with various chemical reagents. The various
characters (colour, hardness, relief) of the minerals, together with
their behaviour towards reagents, help in their determination. But
in many cases ordinary simple tests made on fragments detached
from the polished surface are more reliable. Electrical tests can be
made with quite simple apparatus: for example, the electrical con-
ductivity can be determined with a dry cell and voltmeter using
needles as terminals on the polished surface. Certain optical deter-
minations can also be made in reflected polarized light; but whilst
the use of polarized light is of prime importance for the examination
of transparent minerals (e.g. in thin slices of rocks), it has only a
limited application in the case of opaque minerals. It is, however,
possible to determine whether a crystal is isotropic or anisotropic,
and in the latter case to determine the directions of the principal
axes of refringence and of absorption.
One result of this study of opaque minerals is to draw attention to
the extremely intimate association and intergrowth of many of the
ore-minerals; this is well shown in the numerous photomicrographs
published by American workers in economic geology. What to all
appearances by ordinary methods is a homogeneous mineral may be
found by the new method to be really heterogeneous; and, in fact,
several supposed mineral-species have been proved to be mixtures,
and well-developed crystals have in certain cases been found to
contain enclosures of other minerals. The method is thus of use for
ascertaining the degree of purity of material collected for exact
chemical analysis when the formula of a species is to be established.
The long-debated question as to how silver exists in argentiferous
galena (lead-ore) has been studied by this method. Galena con-
taining o-ip to 0-35% of silver shows definite spots of tetrahedrite
and argentine, whilst specimens containing more silver show evidence
of later addition of proustite or pyrargyrite in the form of veinlets.
Mineral Transformations. In synthetical mineralogy a large
amount of experimental work has been done, more especially in the
Geophysical Laboratory of the Carnegie Institution at Washington.
Many minerals and allied compounds have been prepared artificially
in silicate and salt fusions. The conditions necessary for their
formation and their ranges of stability either when alone or when
in the presence of other compounds have been studied in detail.
One important result obtained by experimenting over wide ranges
of temperature has been to show that practically all compounds
known as minerals exist in several polymorphous forms. A long-
known example of this is given by the three minerals andalusite,
fibrolite and kyanite, all of which are composed of aluminium silicate
(Al 2 SiO&), but which differ from one another in crystalline form and
physical characters. Recent work has shown that silica (SiO 2 ) under-
goes a remarkable series of changes in its crystalline structure and
physical characters when it is submitted to different degrees of
temperature. The changes with increasing temperature are:
a-quartz (tetartohedral hexagonal), passing at 575 C. into
/3-quartz (hemihedral hexagonal), passing at 870 C. into
0-tridymite (holohedral hexagonal), passing at 1,470 C. into
(8-cristobalite (cubic) melting at I,625C.
These transformations are reversible, but with falling temperature
they take place very slowly. Molten silica unless cooled very slowly
solidifies as a glass. 0-tridymite when quickly cooled undergoes a
change at 163 C. (/3 2 -tridymite to ft-tridymite), and at H7C.
passes over into a-tridymite, which is optically biaxial and probably
orthorhombic in crystallization, being identical with the naturally
occurring tridymite. Similarly, /3-cristobalite when quickly cooled
changes at about i8o-27O C. into a-cristobalite, which is optically
biaxial (pseudo-cubic) and identical with the cristobalite occasionally
found in volcanic rocks.
Now these and many other similar changes give information as to
the conditions of temperature under which various minerals were
formed in nature, thus providing a " geological thermometer." For
example, the presence of tridymite, or of pseudomorphs of the
more stable quartz after tridymite, establishes that the rock in which
they occur must have been formed at a temperature between 870
and 1,470 C. The quartz of certain veins and that of granite present
differences in structure which indicate that the former was formed
below 575 C. and the latter above this temperature. Or, again, the
presence of orthorhombic copper-glance (/3-Cu 2 S) as a pseudomorph
after cubic o-Cu 2 S proves that the ore-deposit in which it occurs was
formed at a temperature higher than 91 C.
Chemical Composition. The chemical composition of many
minerals is still imperfectly understood, and even for some quite
common species there are doubts as to the correct empirical formulae.
This is especially the case in the large division of the silicates, a satis-
factory classification of which is still wanting. Many attempts have
within recent years been made to gain some idea as to the constitu-
tion of the silicates; there has been much experimental work and
plenty of speculation, but with no very definite results. In certain
groups, e.g. the felspars and the garnets, the composition can be
satisfactorily expressed on the assumption of the isomorphous mixing
of different chemical molecules. But attempts to extend this prin-
ciple to all silicates often lead to highly complex hypothetical
molecules, the existence of which can only be regarded as doubtful.
Alternative suggestions have been put forward, such as the " mass
effect " of large molecules and the solid solution " of certain other
substances in the main mass of the crystal. Experiments with
silicate fusions show that various substances can be taken up, or
dissolved, in certain amounts, giving on solidification apparently
homogeneous crystals.
As an example, the recent discussion on the composition of
nephelite (see 19.383) may be cited. Analyses of this mineral
invariably show an excess of silica over that required by the ortho-
silicate formula NaAlSiO 4 , and sodium is always partly replaced
by an equivalent amount of potassium in the varying ratio (Na :K)
of 5'5:i to 3:1, whilst a small amount of calcium is also present.
Here the excess of silica (the ratio SiO 2 :Al 2 O 3 ranging from 2-1 :i to
2-2:1) has been assumed to be present in " solid solution " in an
isomorphous mixture of NaAlSiO 4 and KAlSiO 4 . The higher ratio
of 2-2 :i is regarded as the " saturation ratio " of the silica, for when
it is exceeded visible albite is found with the nephelite. Another
view expresses the composition of nephelite as an isomorphous
mixture in varying proportions of the following molecules, in one of
which SiO 4 is replaced by Si 3 Os :
f NaAlSiO 4 (known as an artificial compound ; soda-nephelite
below 1,248 C., and as the triclinic felspar
carnegieite above this inversion-temperature),
(the mineral kaliophilite).
(hypothetical isomer of albite).
(hypothetical isomer oif anorthite).
1 KAlSiO 4
NaAlSisOs
lCaJAlSiO 4
Or, again, the following series of " normal " nephelites, each
representing a double compound of alumotrisilicic acid (H 2 Al 2 Si 3 Oio)
and alumodisilicic acid (HjAltSijOs), has been suggested:
K 2 Na 8 AlioSi'nOtt = K 2 Al 2 Si 3 O,o+4 Na 2 Al 2 Si 2 O 8 .
K 2 Na 9 Al u Si l2 O 4 6 = K 2 Al 2 Si 3 O,o+4iNa 2 Al 2 Si,O 8 .
K 2 Na 1 oAli 2 Si I3 O5o = K 2 Al 2 Si 3 Oio-(-5 Na 2 Al 2 Si 2 O 8 .
K 2 NauAl, 3 Sii 4 O64 = K 2 Al 2 Si 3 Oio+5 JNa 2 Al 2 Si 2 O 8 .
Whilst for a slightly more basic type is given the (highly improbable)
formula :
Another, less complex, example is afforded by the mineral pyr-
rhotite (see 22.696). In its meteoric equivalent, known as troilite, the
composition is quite simple, namely FeS, but in the terrestrial mineral
there is always an excess of sulphur, as represented by the formulae
FeySs, FenSi 2 , etc., or in general Fe n S n+ i. When pyrites (FeSz) is
heated it dissociates at 565 C. into pyrrhotite and free sulphur, and
the composition of the resulting pyrrhotite varies with the tempera-
ture and the pressure of the surrounding sulphur-vapour. It is there-
fore concluded that the excess sulphur is absorbed by the ferrous
sulphide, or in other words present in " solid solution," the formula
being written FeS(S)*.. The absence of any excess of sulphur in the
troilite of meteorites is accounted for by the coexistence of free iron.
MINESWEEPING AND MINELAYING
949
Radioactivity. The strong radioactivity of uranium minerals
affords a ready means of recognizing these valuable ores in the
search for them by prospectors. The mineral may be wrapped up
with a photographic plate, which is afterwards developed; but a
simpler and quicker test is that with a quite simple (home-made)
gold-leaf electroscope. A piece of the mineral to be tested is placed
on the cap of the electroscope, which is then charged with elec-
tricity, readily developed by rubbing glass or vulcanite (say the
mouth-piece of a tobacco-pipe) : if the mineral contains uranium
(and consequently radium), the gold leaves will soon come together.
It is always well to make a comparative test, timing the rate of
collapse, with a piece of ordinary stone.
Determinations of the ratio of the amount of uranium to the
amounts of the various products of its decay (radium, helium, lead,
etc.) present in various radioactive minerals give (knowing the rate
of the decay) some idea of the period of time during which these
products have been accumulating. In this way estimates have been
made of the age in years of these minerals and even of the age of the
earth ; but, of course, many unknown factors must have been omitted
from such calculations. Lead of radioactive origin, or isotopic lead
the final product of the decay of uranium is found to vary slightly
in its atomic weight according to the uranium mineral from which
it is extracted.
To radioactivity is ascribed the well-known " pleochroic haloes "
tiny spots or borders of deeper colour surrounding microscopic
inclusions long ago observed in certain rock-forming minerals
(cordierite, andalusite, mica, etc.) when micro-sections of rocks are
examined in polarized light. The long and continued emission of
X-rays from zircon or other mineral grains has caused a change in
colour of the surrounding mineral for distances varying from 0-002
to 0-04 mm. A study of these has again given some information as
to the age of the minerals. In this connexion it may be mentioned
that much experimental work on the coloration of minerals has been
done within recent years by exposing the minerals to the action of
radiations of various kinds, including ultra-violet rays, cathode rays,
Rontgen rays and the rays emitted by radium salts. For example,
some diamonds acquire a green colour, and fluorspar becomes blue
when placed in contact with radium bromide.
New Minerals. In descriptive mineralogy a considerable
number of new minerals have been named, but unfortunately in
many cases not completely determined and described. A few
of the more prominent and well-established of these are:
Alamosite, lead metasilicate, PbSiO 3 , found at Alamos, Sonora,
Mexico, as radially fibrous masses with snow-white colour and
adamantine lustre. Crystals are monoclinic, and the mineral is
analogous to wollastonite (CaSiOj).
Amosite, a variety of monoclinic amphibole-asbestos rich in iron
(FeO 32-44%) and consisting essentially of ferrous silicate with but
little magnesia. It is of the " cross-fibre " type and resembles
crocidolite in its mode of occurrence, thus differing from the ordinary
type of amphibole-asbestos. It is found over a wide area in north-
eastern Transvaal and is named from the Amosa asbestos mine, this
word being formed of the initial letters of the company " Asbestos
Mines of South Africa."
Betafite, a hydrated titano-columbate of uranium containing
UO 3 26-28%. It occurs in pegmatites near Betafo in Madagascar
as sharply developed octahedral crystals with the edges truncated by
faces of the rhombic-dodecahedron. Curiously flattened crystals
are also found.
Carnotite, hydrated vanadate of uranium and potassium,
KiO-VsQi^UiO's-sHtQ, occurring as a canary-yellow crystalline
powder impregnating sandstones over a wide area in western
Colorado and the adjoining portions of Utah and New Mexico. In
Colorado it has been collected on a large scale for the extraction of
vanadium, uranium and radium. It has also been found in South
Australia and in Pennsylvania; and an allied mineral (tyuyamunite,
containing calcium in place of potassium) is known from Tyuya-
Muyun in Russian Turkestan.
Inyoite, hydrated calcium borate, 2CaO-3B 2 O 3 -l3H 2 O, found as
large, colourless, monoclinic crystals in the borate deposits of Inyo
county, Cal., and in the gypsum mines at Hillsborough in New
Brunswick.
Lorandite, sulpharsenite of thallium, TIAsS 2 , forming transparent,
monoclinic crystals with a carmine-red colour and adamantine
lustre. It is found with realgar at Allchar in Macedonia, and is one
of the few minerals that contain the rare element thallium as an
essential constituent (Tl 59-5%).
Margarosanite, metasilicate of lead and calcium, PbCa 2 (SiO 3 ) 3 ,
occurring as colourless or snow-white, platy masses and anorthic
crystals with pearly lustre. It has been found at Franklin in New
Jersey and at Langban in Sweden.
Otavite, basic carbonate of cadmium (Cd 61-5%), occurring as
small, pearly white, curved rhombohedra on copper and lead ores at
Otavi in South-West Africa. The only cadmium mineral previously
known is the sulphide, greenockite.
Patronite, vanadium sulphide, VS 4 , forming dark, greenish-black,
compact masses. It occurs abundantly at Minasragra, Cerro de
Pasco, Peru, where it is a valuable ore of vanadium. It weathers
very readily with the production of various highly coloured vana-
dium compounds; even on material kept in collections there is a
slow growth of blue and green efflorescences.
Spencerite, hydrated basic zinc phosphate, Zn 3 (PO4) 2 'Zn(OH) 2 -
3H 2 O, forming pearly white, scaly cleavage masses and small mono-
clinic crystals. It has been found in some abundance forming large
stalactites in a cavern near Salmo, British Columbia.
Sticktite, hydrated basic carbonate of magnesium and chromium,
MgCO3-5Mg(OH)2-2Cr(OH) 3 -4H 2 O, occurring as foliated masses
with pearly lustre and bright lilac colour. This colour forms a
striking contrast to the bright green serpentine in which the mineral
is embedded. It has been found in western Tasmania, in the Trans-
vaal, and near Black Lake in Quebec.
Tarbuttite, basic zinc phosphate, Zn 3 (PO4) 2 -Zn(OH) 2 , forming
colourless, or faintly coloured green or red, anorthic crystals, with a
perfect cleavage in one direction. It has been found in considerable
quantity at the Rhodesia Broken Hill mine in northern Rhodesia.
Thortveitite, silicate of scandium, yttrium, etc. (Sc,Y) 2 O 3 -2Sip 2 ,
occurring as large orthorhombic crystals of prismatic habit in
pegmatite in southern Norway and Madagascar. This is the only
mineral known to contain the rare element scandium in large amount.
Tungstenite, tungsten sulphide, WS 2 , forming minute scales
resembling molybdenite and graphite in appearance. It is found
intimately intermixed with other ores in the Little Cottonwood
district, Utah.
REFERENCES. Details of descriptive mineralogy are collected in
Appendices 1-3 of Dana's System of Mineralogy (New York 1899-
1915) ; and numerical data respecting the constants of minerals arc
tabulated in the international Tables annuelles de constantes et don-
nees numeriques (4 vols., Paris 1912, etc.). A new work of a compre-
hensive character is C. Doelter, Handbuch der Mineralchemie
(3 vols., Dresden and Leipzig 1912, etc.). A number of elementary
text-books have been published, e.g. F. H. Hatch, Mineralogy
(London 1912); G. A. J. Cole, Outlines of Mineralogy for Geological
Students (London 1912); A. F. Rogers, Introduction to the Study of
Minerals (New York 1912); A. H. Phillips, Mineralogy, an Intro-
duction to the Theoretical and Practical Study of Minerals (New York
1912); E. H. Kraus and W. F. Hunt, Mineralogy, an Introduction to
the Study of Minerals and Crystals (New York 1920). A popular
book with coloured plates is L. J. Spencer, The World's Minerals
(London 1911). Books of an economic character are H. Ries,
Economic Geology (4th ed., New York 1916); T. Crook, Economic
Mineralogy, a Practical Guide to the Study of Useful Minerals (London
1921) ; B. Dammer and O. Tietze, Die nutzbaren Mineralien (2 vols.,
Stuttgart 1913-4); O. Stutzer, Die wichtigsten Lagerstdtten der
" Nicht-Erze " (Berlin 1911, etc.). New journals are Fortschritte
der Mineralogie, Kristallographie und Petrographie, ed. by G. Linck
(Jena since 1911); Beitrage zur Kristallographie und Mineralogie,
ed. by V. Goldschmidt (Heidelberg since 1914). (L. J. S.)
MINESWEEPING AND MINELAYING. Among the naval
services rendered to Great Britain and the Allies during the
World War, none were more conspicuously important than the
work of British minesweepers and minelayers; and minelaying
was a large item in the naval war record of Germany.
Mines-weeping. As early as 1907, Adml. Lord Charles Beres-
ford, when commander-in-chief of the British Home Fleet, had
recommended the use of Grimsby trawlers for the service of
minesweeping. A trawler reserve, R.N.R. (T.), had been consti-
tuted under an inspecting captain of minesweeping vessels, and
the system worked so well that by Aug. 8 1914, 96 hired trawlers
had put to sea. The needs of minesweeping had, however, only
partly been foreseen. When the war broke out the only mine-
sweepers with the fleet were six torpedo gunboats fitted with
the " A " sweep, a single wire kept at a required depth by water-
kites and towed between two sweepers 500 yd. apart. It soon
became evident that minelaying played an important part in
German strategy, and after the " Amphion " had been sunk on
the field laid off Aldeburgh by the " Konigin Louise " on Aug. 5,
a hundred additional trawlers were ordered and Lowestoft
became the principal minesweeping base on the east coast. On
Sept. i Rear-Adml. E. Charlton was appointed Rear-Admiral
Minesweeping on the East Coast, in charge of minesweeping
operations and technical arrangements, leaving the inspecting
captain to attend to the business of supply.
Minesweeping at this time was largely in the experimental
stage and some time elapsed before it was able to cope with the
magnitude of its task. One of the first steps taken to ensure the
safety of shipping was the institution of a war channel up
the east coast, clearly marked by buoys 2 m. apart, from the
Downs, past the Shipwash, Newarp and Cromer's Knoll to Flam-
borough Head. This was swept daily by local trawler flotillas
and provided a safe channel up the east coast. Trawlers, how-
950
MINESWEEPING AND MINELAYING
ever, were too slow for emergencies, and ordinary excursion
paddle-steamers of light draught and good sweep were intro-
duced with very successful results. A special design of sloop
the " Flower" class of 1,200 tons, 250 ft. long, u ft. draught and
1 6 knots was laid down in large numbers, but these were not
ready till April 1915.
The loss of the " Audacious " off Tory I. (Ireland, N.) on Oct.
27 still further emphasized the necessity of a large and efficient
minesweeping service. The minefield laid by the German s.S.
" Berlin " consisted of some 200 mines running approximately
N.E.-S. W. north of Tory Island. It was not definitely located till
Dec. 20, and, though 43 mines had been swept up and 70 drifted
ashore by the end of April, was not cleared till July 1915. It
must be remembered that the loss of a ship or the discovery of a
mine merely served to indicate the proximity of a minefield.
Before its extent could be defined and the clearance completed
a number of exploratory sweeps were required which were often
delayed by bad weather.
The German mines laid during 1914 were laid by surface
craft in the following areas :
Date
By
Area
Mines
Aug. 5
Aug. 26
Oct. 26
Nov. 3
Dec. 1 6
" Konigin Luise"
"Nautilus"
"Albatross"
" Berlin "
"Kolberg"
" Kolberg"
Southwold
H umber
Tyne
Tory I. (Ireland)
Smith's Knoll
Scarborough
180
200
194
200
130
too
They accounted for 42 merchant vessels or approximately one
vessel for 24 mines. The measures taken to meet the danger
consisted in the establishment of a war channel and the pre-
liminary steps for a great expansion of the minesweeping service.
Minelaying played an important part in the German raids on
the east coast, and the raid on Dec. 16 1914 was intended to
cover a minelaying operation by the " Kolberg," in which she
laid 100 mines off Scarborough. Two of these mines were found
by gunboats on Dec. 19, and half an hour later a Grimsby trawler
minesweeping unit brought 18 to the surface simultaneously.
Two of its trawlers struck mines and the field was not finally
cleared till April 1915, 69 mines being accounted for out of 100
laid, with heavy losses to shipping, including 7 British and 7
neutral steamers, 2 trawlers, 4 minesweepers and an armed yacht.
By April 1915 the minesweeping forces had increased con-
siderably and were distributed as follows: Grand Fleet, 6
gunboats, i sloop and 9 trawlers; Scotland, east, 47 trawlers;
Humber, 6 paddlers, 30 trawlers; Lowestoft (war channel),
47 trawlers; Harwich and More, 33; Dover, 12; South Coast, 24;
West Coast, 4; Clyde, 6 paddlers (fitting out). The principal
minefields laid by German surface craft in 1915 were:
Spring 1915
April 4
Aug. 7-8
Jan. I 1916
Eastern Dogger Bank
Humber approach
(Swarte Bank and Indefatigable minefields)
Moray Firth by " Meteor "
Whiten Bank (west of Orkneys) bv " Moewe "
480
360
380
252
The Eastern Dogger Bank minefield was large but not a
single British vessel of any size was lost in it. Sixty-nine mines
were swept up there and the swell of the winter sea probably
completed the task of clearance.
The fields off the Humber were responsible for the loss of 4
British, and 5 neutral steamers and 3 minesweepers, but the
field was defined by May 1915; 127 mines were swept up that
month and by the middle of July it was clear. The fields laid by
the " Meteor " in Aug. 1915 and by the " Moewe" on Jan. i
1916 were aimed directly at the Grand Fleet. The " Meteor "
made the Scottish coast at dusk on Aug. 7 and, starting from a
position about 22 m. N. of Kinnaird Head, laid 380 mines in the
approach to the Moray Firth during the night. The first notifica-
tion of them came from a Cromarty trawler minesweeper making
a routine sweep on the morning of Aug. 8. The destroyer
" Lynx " was lost the same day and the sloop " Lilac " had her
bows blown off. After clearing a lo-m. channel along each shore
and removing 222 mines, the rest of the field was left unswept as
a protection against similar attacks. In the final mine clearance
in 1918 only four mines were found in it.
The German minefields on the east coast gave rise to the
erroneous idea that they were associated with a prospective
landing operation. An equally erroneous idea that mines were
laid by neutral trawlers obtained so firm a hold in the Grand
Fleet that it led the commander-in-chief to ask for the exclu-
sion of all neutral trawlers from British ports.
In the Mediterranean minesweeping played an important part
in the attempt to force the Dardanelles. The problem was the
same as that which confronted the Germans at Osel in the Baltic
in 1917. The task was one of peculiar difficulty, for it meant
sweeping under the fire of batteries, and the strong current
reduced the speed of trawlers with sweeps out to less than 3
knots. It was a task which required high-speed sweepers and a
highly trained personnel, and even with their agency its feasi-
bility may be doubted. The technical difficulties of the task were
greatly underestimated. It was regarded as a simple piece of
work which any vessel fitted with a sweep could perform, and
it was attempted with a motley collection of slow trawlers,
assisted by a parcel of destroyers fitted with sweeps for the first
time. The sweep principally used at this time and throughout the
war was the " A " sweep, consisting of a single 2j-in. wire towed
between two ships steaming 500 yd. apart, with its depth regu-
lated by a water-kite 12 ft. long and weighing a ton. The end of
the wire had to be passed from one vessel to the other and to do
this rapidly under fire required an exceptional combination of
training, skill and courage. In the case of fast sweepers, the
momentum of the wire was sufficient to cut the mooring of the
mine, but slow sweepers in the early years of the war had to take
their sweeps into shallow water where the mines could be seen
and sunk. This made sweeping slow work, and it also meant
that the " A " sweep was really only effective by day; so that
sweeping a minefield under heavy fire was almost impracticable.
The year 1915 saw an important development in the use of
submarines for minelaying by the Germans. The Flanders
Flotilla were the first workers in this field and their mines were
first discovered off the S. Foreland on June 2 1915. These were
laid by small boats termed UC boats, equipped with 12 cylindri-
cal mines with charges of 350 Ib. of T.N.T., carried in verti-
cal shoots. The mine dropped with its sinker to the bottom and
was released from the sinker by a " dashpot " arrangement
about half an hour after reaching the bottom, giving the sub-
marine time to get clear. The mooring- wire coiled into the sinker
was drawn off by the mine as it rose, and when the proper depth
was reached it was gripped by a strong spring clamp released by a
hydrostatic valve. Submarine minelaying threw a heavy strain
on the minesweeping forces at Harwich, Dover and the Nore,
which were the areas principally affected at first, and the con-
tinuous location of small groups of mines gave rise to an inces-
sant stream of orders for the diversion or stoppage of traffic
which greatly hampered coastal navigation.
The Germans report having laid 648 mines between Grimsby
and Dover by submarines in 1915, of which 150 were laid in the
Dover area (not including the Belgian and French coasts), 180
off the Nore, 306 in the Lowestoft area and 1 2 off Grimsby. The
number of mines swept up in this area was approximately 500,
and the losses in the last six months of the year showed a serious
increase, comprising 3 destroyers, 5 supply ships, one hospital ship,
2 Trinity House vessels, 34 British steamers, 24 neutrals, 10
fishing boats, 15 minesweepers (3 paddlers, 9 trawlers) a total
of 94 vessels. In June 1915 the Germans had extended their
minelaying to Archangel, and a unit of 6 trawlers had to be
despatched there; the unit destroyed over 150 mines by October,
with the loss of H.M.S. " Arlanza," one trawler, 6 British steam-
ers, one Russian and 2 neutrals.
The " Actaeon " sweep, called after the parent ship of the
Sheerness torpedo school, came into use at this time. It was a
single-ship sweep, consisting of a light wire, a small kite, a depth
float and an explosive grapnel, and was towed from each quarter
of a minesweeper. On meeting a mine, the explosive grapnel
parted its mooring; the sweep proved particularly useful in locat-
ing new fields, and had the advantage over the " A " sweep
that it could be used by night.
MINESWEEPING AND MINELAYING
95i
The outlook at the end of 1915 was far from bright, and the
minesweeping service was barely able to meet the strain in spite
of the better design and greater number of its ships.
By the beginning of 1916 the hired paddle-sweeper force had
grown to five units, numbering 35 vessels in all, and 14 sloops
were in commission with the Grand Fleet. Twenty-four Admi-
ralty paddlers of 810 tons and 6J ft. draught were being built
and were distributed during the year between the Forth and
Dover straits. A new type of twin-screw sweeper of 750 tons
with a draught of only 7 ft., called the " Hunt " class, was
completing and the whole batch of 12 was allocated to the Grand
Fleet. The Burney paravane was also past its trial stage and by
the end of the year was supplied to all ships of over 12 ft. draught.
This instrument was the product of Lt. Denis Burney's genius.
Shaped like a torpedo and about 12 ft. long, it was towed from
a special shoe on each side of the bows, being held at its proper
depth by a hydrostatic arrangement and at its proper distance
by rudders. The mooring-wire of any mine it met was swept
clear of the ship into jaws of serrated steel and quickly cut. The
mine came to the surface and could be sunk. The " otter " was a
modified form of paravane for use in merchant ships where its
fitting became compulsory in 1917. The paravane justified its
adoption: 180 warships and 2,740 merchant ships were fitted
with it; in the former it cut 55 mine wires during the war, and in
the latter at least 40 or 50. Another simpler but useful invention,
in the form of a special sort of serrated wire for sweeping, also
dates from 1916; it could cut through a mine's mooring-rope
when towing it no faster than a trawler (4 to 5 knots) .
Surface minelayers were still active, and the raider " Moewe "
on her way out to the ocean laid a large minefield of some 250
mines on New Year's day, 1916, on the west side of the Orkneys.
Commencing about 10 m. from the Orkneys it ran in zig-zags at
3 to 7 m. from the mainland. The loss of the pre-dreadnought
battleship " King Edward VII." on the morning of Jan. 5 was
the first sign of it, and two neutral steamers were sunk in the
same field. Gales interfered seriously with its clearance but by
May some 71 mines had been destroyed. All other German
mines laid in 1916 were laid by the submarine flotillas, which
were now reinforced by a number of UC boats carrying 18 mines
.and by several larger boats (U7i-8o) carrying 34 to 36. Some
were attached to the Flanders Flotilla and worked from Bruges
and Zeebrugge; others, including the larger minelayers, were
attached to the High Sea Fleet and worked from the Elbe. Each
of the two flotillas was allotted a separate area of the British
coast for minelaying. The High Sea Fleet boats worked N. of
Flamborough Head. The Flanders Flotilla area comprised the
coastline from Flamborough Head to Dover, the English Chan-
nel, the Irish Sea and Irish S. coast to Waterford.
A field laid on the west coast of the Orkneys was to have an
unforeseen result. It was laid on May 29 by the 1/75, one of the
large minelayers, as part of the Jutland operations, and at 8 P.M.
on June 6 the " Hampshire " on her way to Archangel struck a
mine in it off Marwick Head, foundering almost immediately
and bringing Lord Kitchener's career to a dramatic close. A
trawler unit, searching the spot as soon as the weather moderated,
found 15 mines laid at 7 metres in a spot where the strong cur-
rent and tidal dip would have enabled the " Hampshire " to
pass over them in a normal sea. From May to Oct. 1916 German
minelaying in the English Channel ceased as a result of an im-
perial order, dictated by the American note of April 18, to con-
fine submarine warfare strictly to the conditions of prize law.
Scheer went further than the imperial command, and ordered
his flotillas on April 24 to cease all operations against merchant
ships, while the Flanders boats, following suit, limited them-
selves to minelaying off Lowestoft, Harwich and the Nore.
In Oct. 1916 submarine operations against merchant shipping
were resumed, and minelaying broke out with renewed activity.
Mines were laid off the Clyde (Oct. 3) and in November off
the Isle of Man. The close of 1916 saw a determined attack by
the Flanders submarines against the ports in the Channel and
mines were laid off Portsmouth, Dartmouth, Plymouth and
Falmouth. The French coast opposite Dover was also heavily
mined. In the Dover area 212 mines were laid during the year
(not including too off Dunkirk, 100 off Calais and 60 off Bou-
logne), with a loss of two destroyers, five minesweeping trawlers
and 20 steamers.
The unrestricted submarine warfare in 1917 was accompanied
by an increase in submarine minelaying, and in the month of
April 515 mines were swept up, considerably more than in any
previous quarter. The reorganization of the naval staff led to
considerable changes in the minesweeping service. The director
of torpedoes and mining now took charge of the development,
supply and distribution of gear, while the control of operations
and the distribution of all vessels was delegated to a captain of
minesweeping (Capt. Lionel Preston), who in Oct. 1917 became
director of the minesweeping division under the assistant chief
of the naval staff. Losses in minesweeping vessels were heavy in
the early part of the year, amounting to as many as one per diem
in April 1917, but the use of aircraft patrols and of shallow-
draught motor-launches proved useful in locating mines and
diminished the loss of heavy-draught sweepers. The extended
range of enemy minelaying and the heavy losses amongst mine-
sweepers led to an increased demand for them. Thirty small
paddle-steamers, 10 small tugs and 18 drifters were requisi-
tioned, and orders were issued for the construction of 100 more
" Hunt" class (800 tons, 7ift. draught, 18 knots) and 300 drifters.
The war channel now ran up the east coast as far as the Tees
in the shoalest possible water, and shipping was released from
various night anchorages in the Downs, Black Deep and Great
Yarmouth as soon as it had been swept at dawn. Improvements
in organization during the year led to a reduction of 20% in
merchant-ship losses, though the mines swept up were double
those in 1916.
The operations of the High Sea Fleet Flotilla were extended
in the spring of 1917 to the Minch and the routes of the west
coast of Scotland used by destroyers and fleet auxiliaries, much
of the work being done by the U8o, one of the large submarine
minelayers. In 1916 195 distinct mine groups had been laid,
chiefly on the east coast; in 1917 the number rose to 536 and the
sphere of operations extended right round the British Isles.
This involved a further expansion of the minesweeping service,
and the fast sweepers (sloops, gunboats, paddlers) increased from
93 to 122, the slow (trawlers, drifters) from 430 to 509. The
deep water off the Yorkshire coast had been a favourite cruising
ground for submarines, but large protective minefields were now
laid there as an off-shore protection with good results.
The Harwich area was exceptionally busy in 1917, and its
work in that year must rank as one of the principal minesweeping
achievements of the war. Mines were regularly laid by German
submarines in the latter part of the year to catch the Holland
trade, and a new minefield off the Maas Light, laid in April 1917
and regularly renewed, became a source of constant trouble.
Out of 680 mines laid 633 were destroyed, with the loss of four
merchant ships and eight minesweepers. The enemy had to pay
a heavy toll for his work, and lost 1 2 minelaying submarines in
the southern portion of the North Sea during 1917. The port
of Liverpool, as the principal arrival base for Atlantic transports,
was a constant source of anxiety, and at the beginning of 1917
had only two minesweeping trawlers attached to it. Mines were
reported there on March 24 1917, and on April 9 the " New
York," with Adml. Sims on board, struck a mine, but the port
was fortunately left alone till December, by which time the pro-
tective arrangements had greatly improved. Of 45 mines laid in
the Mersey area 33 were accounted for, with the loss of five mer-
chant ships and one pilot steamer in which 28 pilots lost their
lives. In the W., Lough S willy and the approaches to the Clyde
were all mined during 1917, some 88 mines being laid in this area
and off Belfast, of which 72 were destroyed, with the loss of four
steamers, one destroyer and five trawler minesweepers. The
south coast of Ireland also became a regular region of visitation,
and the small tidal range and heavy swell made minesweeping
particularly dangerous there. The loth Sloop Flotilla was sent
from Immingham to Queenstown in Feb. 1917 to cope with the
new danger, and two of its sloops were mined in the following
!
952
MINESWEEPING AND MINELAYING
month. It was off this coast the UC44 was working in summer,
to be blown up on Aug. 4 by one of her own old mines off Water-
ford. Out of 380 mines laid by the High Sea Fleet minelayers and
36 by the Flanders Flotilla in this area, 332 were accounted for
with the loss of nine steamers and nine minesweepers. Some 26
mines were also laid off the west coast of Ireland, but did no
damage, except in one case where the villagers mistook one
which had drifted ashore for a new sort of cask of liquor and
tried to open it, with the loss of nine lives. Off the west coast of
Scotland, out of 130 mines cleverly laid by the U8o off Mull,
Stornoway, Coll, Skye and Harris, 76 were accounted for.
The year 1917 closed with a total of 3,989 enemy moored mines
swept up in home waters, at a cost of 170 Allied and neutral
merchant ships sunk and 28 damaged. The whole outlook was
more hopeful, for while enemy minelaying as compared with 1916
had more than doubled, the number of ships sunk had increased
only from 161 to 170.
Abroad the voyage of the German raider " Wolf " (Capt. Karl
Nerger) had given minesweepers work in many an unexpected
spot. She left Germany on Nov. 30 1916, slipped through the
blockade line and got safely out to sea. She was a ship which
registered 6,000 tons and carried 458 mines besides an arma-
ment of four 6-in. guns. Her voyage lasted 15 months. Rounding
Cape of Good Hope, she cruised in the Indian Ocean, then pro-
ceeded south of Australia to New Zealand and Fiji, and, returning
by New Guinea, the Dutch East Indies and the Cape, reached
Germany safely in March 1918. Her mines were found all over
the globe. Her first group of 25 was laid off Dassen I. (Capetown)
and her second of 29 on Jan. 18 off Cape Agulhas (S. Africa). The
former were swept up by four whaling steamers commissioned
for the purpose. In the Agulfyas field two vessels were lost and
only seven mines swept up in 1917. On Feb. 15 1917 39 mines
were laid off Colombo and igoff Cape Comorin (Ceylon). One of
her prizes, the " Turritella " (renamed " Iltis "), dropped some
25 off Aden, and a large group of 68 mines off Bombay was laid
by one of the two ships. The Colombo group was swept up by
six trawlers, with the loss of two large ships. The Aden group
was dealt with by small harbour tugs manned by Somalis within
two months of its location and with the loss of one ship. The
large group off Bombay was attacked by local vessels manned by
British officers and Lascars, and 51 of its mines were swept up by
June with the loss of five steamers.
The " Wolf's " next mining exploit was in Australian seas,
where she laid 14 mines off Gabo I., the S.E. point of Australia,
between Melbourne and Sydney, with the loss of one steamer;
this was followed by a cruise to New Zealand, where 15 mines
were laid in Cook Strait, between North and South Is., and 17
off Three Kings I. in the extreme north. These were all dealt
with by Australian and New Zealand naval forces. Her last
effort consisted of no mines laid N.W. of the Andaman Is.
(Indian Ocean) on Sept. 4 1917, which were not located in that
year. Her mines were responsible for the loss of some 15 ships,
and it was not till Jan. 15 1918 that definite news of her move-
ments was received at the Admiralty.
But by 1918 the effect of improved British methods was telling
heavily on the enemy. The toll of German losses and the diffi-
culty of replacing trained personnel were seriously affecting
her minelaying, and the total number of Allied and neutral mer-
chant vessels lost by German mining fell to 27. Closer coopera-
tion between the intelligence and minesweeping divisions, the
rapid distribution of intelligence, the firmer control of shipping
and the use of the " otter " all contributed to this very
marked decrease.
The Germans now began to concentrate their minelaying
efforts in three special directions the maintenance of a minefield
off the Dutch coast directed against the Dutch convoys, the
laying of a large semicircular barrage about 45 m. from the
Forth aimed at the Grand Fleet, and attacks on the route of the
Scandinavian convoys. The first took the form of a field laid off
Ymuiden and the Maas containing some 400 mines, which was
extended by the labours of two U-boat minelayers working
continuously in this area. It was responsible for the loss of five
destroyers and remained a source of grave danger, for mine-
sweepers working there were exposed to sudden attacks from the
Flanders coast. The barrage off the Forth met with no success.
The mines were rapidly located (in two cases by paravanes) and
swept up almost as soon as they were laid. The attacks on the
Scandinavian convoy routes were equally unsuccessful. Some
90 mines were swept up with the loss of only one steamer.
In the Harwich area 265 mines were laid, of which 213 were
accounted for, with the loss of five steamers and four mine-
sweepers. The discovery of a mine off Walney I. (Lancashire)
on March 8 led to special vigilance in that area, and when mines
were laid in the Mersey the next night, a unit of paddlers, held
in readiness for the emergency, was at work at once clearing the
fairway and opened the port to traffic within 48 hours.
The introduction of a French pattern of scissors to cut through
the mooring-wire of a mine was one of the developments of the
later years of the war, though the difficulty of minesweeping did
not lie in cutting the mine's mooring-wire when found but in
finding the mine in a trackless expanse of water under all sorts of
conditions of tide and weather.
A very considerable amount of minesweeping work in 1918
arose out of British minelaying. The mines in a portion of the
northern barrage were laid too shallow and had to be swept up
in the approaches to the Orkneys. The same fault was found in
Dover barrage, where some 280 mines had to be swept up and a
great increase in drifting mines was experienced. The Channel
still continued to be visited occasionally, and in the Portsmouth
area 44 mines were accounted for with the loss of two merchant
ships and two minesweepers.
In the Mediterranean, the enemy had devised a mooring sys-
tem for tideless waters which permitted of mines being laid in
too fathoms, but the clear blue water lent itself to aircraft re-
connaissance which, in concert with light-draught motor-vessels,
made location easy. Thirty mines were destroyed off Malta
during the year 1918 with the loss of one steamer. The mine-
sweepers were largely manned by Maltese reservemen who dis-
played a gallant spirit and seamanlike competency in their work.
Long before the Armistice, British minesweeping had gained
the mastery over German minelaying, and as soon as Ostend and
Zeebrugge fell into British hands, the protective minefields
round them were swept up. When the hour of the Armistice
struck, a minesweeping force was waiting at the gate of the
Dardanelles, and within 24 hours 600 British and enemy mines
had been removed from the entrance and a passage cleared for
the fleet to Constantinople.
A few words may be said as to the method of distributing informa-
tion of mines. This was sent out in what were called, from their index
letter," Q " messages, which were priority messages going to all shore
stations by land wire and to all forces at sea by Cleethorpes wireless
station at regular intervals. Immediately a mine was discovered or
swept up, the spot was buoyed and local traffic at once diverted or,
if the mine was in the war channel, held up. As soon as tidal condi-
tions permitted, the area was swept. The text of a " Q " message was
sent by the senior officer to the Admiralty, and, after being checked by
the Minesweeping Division, was at once sent out to all ships and
stations, the average time from the discovery of a mine to the issue
of information to ships at sea being about I j hours.
The growth of the minesweeping service and the greatness of its
task, performed largely by British fishermen, may be gathered from
the following figures. At the Armistice the minesweeping forces in
British home waters comprised no fast sweepers organized in 20
minesweeping flotillas, 52 hired paddlers, 412 trawlers, 142 drifters
and 10 " Dance " minesweepers a total of 726 vessels. The number
of mines destroyed at home and abroad by British vessels during
the war amounted to 23,873 (moored, 11,487; drifting, 12,386).
The ships sunk and damaged by mines numbered 595. The number
of minesweepers sunk or damaged was 214, in the following areas:
Fleetsweepers, 5; Lerwick, I ; Kirkwall, 3; Cromarty, 3; Peterhead,
2; Granton, 9; Tyne, 6; Grimsby, 15; Lowestoft, 48; Harwich, 24;
Nore, 15; Dover, 33; Portsmouth, 13; Portland, I; Plymouth, 3;
Falmouth, 2; Bristol Channel, 6; Queenstown, 7; Belfast, 6; Clyde,
2 ; Stornoway, I ; abroad, 9.
Minelaying. Minelaying played a very important part in the
later years of the World War, but to form a true estimate of its
value a careful distinction must be drawn between three factors
essential to its success its strategical use and function, the
MINESWEEPING AND MINELAYING
953
technical design of the mine, and the operation of minelaying.
The offensive power of the mine and its place in naval strategy
had not been appreciated at the outbreak of war. Its use for
the defence of harbours had been abandoned by Lord Fisher
several years before; and though a squadron of seven old cruisers
had been converted into minelayers (" Andromache," " Apollo,"
" Intrepid," " Iphigenia," " Latona," " Naiad " and " Thetis,"
3,400 tons, i8-ft. draught, 14 knots)., more than two years were
to pass before discovering a reliable mine. This was properly
the task of the torpedo school-ship " Vernon," but hampered by
lack of funds its work was not attended with very happy results.
The details of the Russian mine were well known to the British
authorities. It was simple and effective and the pattern was
adopted by the Germans with conspicuous success, but it cost
some 200 and the British had to be content with a cheaper
one. This was the naval spherical mine, and at the out-
break of the war there were 4,000 available.
The original plans had provided for laying mines in the south-
ern part of the North Sea, and the notices to mariners and
neutrals were ready to print when it was found that the pistol
was too sensitive and the mooring-wire too weak. The older
admirals were also inclined to deprecate them, on the grounds
that the British should keep the sea as open as possible for the
use of their own ships. The sinking of the " Cressy," " Hogue "
and " Aboukir," which left the Belgian coast open to attack,
startled the navy out of this opinion, and it was decided by
Great Britain to lay mines in the North Sea. This was notified
to neutrals, and the first line of 1,264 mines was laid on Oct. 2
1914, 10 m. N. of Ostend. In Nov. mines were reintroduced
for defence of harbours, and a special corps of Royal Marine
submarine miners was started to manipulate them. By the end
of 1914 some 2,000 mines had been laid in the southern part of the
North Sea, which had a good effect in forcing neutral shipping to
pass through the Downs, and for a time deterred enemy sub-
marines from approaching the Channel. During 1915 a number
of fields were laid in German waters and the minelaying squadron
was greatly strengthened. It now consisted of the " Princess
Margaret " (Canadian Pacific railway, 5,440 tons, 21 knots, 500
mines), the " Paris " (cross-Channel, 2,030 tons, 25 knots, 80
mines), " Angora " (Calcutta to Rangoon, 300 mines), " Biar-
ritz " (S. E. & Chatham railway, 2,700 tons, 21 knots, 305 mines);
but the mine still lagged behind the minelayer, and in June the
British Elia mine was found to be so defective that minelaying
ceased for a time.
On May 27 1915 the loss of the " Princess Irene," which was
blown up at Sheerness by an internal explosion, was a severe
blow to the minelaying service. In the Narrows 15 more mine-
fields were laid during the year, chiefly between the Goodwins
and the Belgian coast.
By 1916, the importance of mining in North Sea strategy was
beginning to be realized, but an efficient mine was still lacking.
There could be no question that the German mine was much
more -efficient. It was a spherical mine, fitted with lead horns
containing a sealed glass tube which held the liquid for exciting
an electric cell. When the mine was struck, the lead horn bent,
the glass tube broke, the liquid ran into the cell and the mine
fired. It was held to the sinker by a catch, and went to the bot-
tom with it when dropped, leaving the water free for the mine-
layer. After an interval of half an hour or so, glycerine escaping
from a dashpot gave play to a plunger which released the catch,
and the mine rose gradually to the surface, uncoiling a double
mooring-wire from inside the sinker. On reaching its correct
depth from the surface, a hydrostatic valve released a strong
spring clamp, which clamped the mooring-wire and held the mine
at its correct depth. The British mine was more complicated, and,
instead of concentrating attention on the production of a good
mine, efforts were wasted in an attempt to devise a combination
of mines and nets which achieved little or nothing.
The ordinary minefield was usually laid so as to be about 10 to
15 ft. below the surface at low water, but the success of the sub-
marine gave rise to the conception of deep minefields laid at
about 60 to 1 50 ft. to intercept the submarines when submerged.
The ordinary surface minelayers now began to be supplemented
by submarines and destroyers; the 24 was one of the earliest
boats to be fitted for this purpose, and the destroyer " Abdiel "
was equipped to carry 80 mines. They were both busy laying
minefields in German waters in 1916. The 24 laid a field close to
the Elbe on March 3, but never returned from her next trip on
March 21 ; and a field was laid by the " Abdiel " off Horn's Reef
on which the " Ostfriesland " struck on June i when returning
after Jutland. One of the principal British minelaying efforts
of 1916 was the Belgian coast barrage, consisting of a double
line of deep mines laid about 12 m. off the Belgian coast for
some 40 miles. It was begun from Dover on April 24 1916, and
consisted of some 1,565 mines, which took some five weeks to
lay. The minelayers engaged were the " Princess Margaret "
(Capt. Lockhart Leith), " Orvieto " (Capt. H. Smyth), " Biar-
ritz " (Capt. E. Morant), and "Paris" (Comm. John May),
under Capt. F. S. Litchfield Speer, supported by Dover and
Harwich destroyers and the monitors " Prince Eugene " and
" General Wolfe." Three German destroyers sallied out from
Zeebrugge on April 24, but were engaged by the " Medea "
(Comm. V. F. Gibbs), " Melpomene " (Lt.-Comm. H. De Burgh)
and " Murray " (Lt.-Comm. H. Taprell Dorling), and driven off,
though the " Melpomene " was badly hit by shore batteries.
The lines of mines were supplemented by mine nets laid by the
Dover drifters about a mile to rearward of the mines.
This was the first big undertaking against the submarine, and
did not meet with conspicuous success, for with the exception of
the UB3, destroyed by a drifter on April 24, no submarine seems
to have been sunk by it.
The end of the year saw the institution of a mining school for
research and development, and this segregation of the work
from the torpedo school, already burdened with torpedoes,
electrical engineering and wireless, probably contributed to its
efficiency. The Belgian coast barrage was erroneously supposed
to have been the cause of the reduced submarine activity in the
Channel during the summer, and a similar barrage was now be-
gun across the Straits from the Goodwins to Snouw Bank on the
Belgian coast. The nets were 60 ft. deep, each fitted with two
mines and hanging from buoys 500 yd. apart. A line of deep
mines was laid on their south side, from 54 ft. below the surface
to within 30 ft. of the bottom. This field was completed on Feb.
8 1917 by the " Princess Margaret," " Biarritz " and " Paris."
Later, the mines dragged into the nets and sank the Trinity
House tender " Alert " while tending them. It was considered
necessary to sweep the field up and relay it, which took the best
part of June-July 1917. The work of 1917 lay chiefly in Hel-
igoland Bight. In Jan. 1917 Adml. Beatty urged the necessity
of mining on the largest scale, and proposed a line 157 m. long
encircling the Bight, to be watched by light cruisers and de-
stroyers. This was the first task given to the Plans Section, but
unfortunately there was a great shortage of mines for the work
and the British Elia mine was considered unsuitable. As these
fields were intended to be permanent, an official notification of
the field was made on Jan. 25 1917.
The Dutch Government, for the convenience of their trade,
moored a line of four light-vessels and seven light-buoys which
ran for some 180 m. N. and S. to the west of the western limit
of the British notified area (light- vessels in s6N., 5E. ; 54 47' N.,
48'E.; 532 9 'N., 4 2'E.; S 3N., 4s'E.). Their lights, blazing
out at night and immune from attack, became so well known a
seamark as to earn the name of " Piccadilly " from the submarines
and destroyers plying to and fro. During the year 1917 15,686'
mines were laid by the " Abdiel " and the minelaying submarines
(24,41,45, 51, 34) and led to the loss of a number of German
destroyers and minesweepers. The fields in the southern portion
of the North Sea were reinforced by 1,120 mines in June 1917, and
during the summer a mine-net barrage was laid at the entrance
to the Adriatic from Cape Otranto to Fano Is., 45 m. long.
In 1917 the British Admiralty realized that minelaying on a
large scale ranked as one of the principal operations of the war,
though it was not till September that an efficient mine (pattern
H2) began to be turned out in sufficient quantities.
954
MINESWEEPING AND MINELAYING
In anticipation of the increased requirements some 12 modern
light cruisers had been equipped for minelaying, and a batch of
destroyers was fitted out to assist the " Abdiel " (" Tarpon,"
"Legion," " Telemachus," "Ferret," " Vanoc," "Ariel,"
" Vanquisher," " Vehement," " Venturous," " Sandfly," " Me-
teor"). These were to form the 2oth Flotilla under Comm.
Berwick Curtis, and to lay some 21,500 mines in the Bight in
1918. Meanwhile another big scheme had been propounded,
involving nothing less than the closure of the northern exit of
the North Sea to submarines, an area 230 m. in length with depths
varying from 45 to 150 fathoms. The line first suggested was
Aberdeen to Ekersund (Norway), but this was changed to Ork-
neys to Udsire, to bring it more closely within the purview and
under the protection of the Grand Fleet.
HU.l
NORTHERN BARRAGE
1918
Granyemouth
It was divided into three large areas: B, next the Orkneys,
45 m. long; A, in the centre, 135 m. long; and C, on the Norwegian
side, 70 m. long. These required 65,700, 36,300 and 18,000
mines respectively, a total of 1 20,000, and it was intended to lay
nine rows: three at an upper level of 80 ft., three at a middle
level of 160 ft., and three at a lower level of 240 feet. A was
laid by the U.S. navy; B, by the British; C, by both. An im-
mense organization for transporting, filling, loading and laying
the mines grew up round the work. The American base was at
Inverness, under Rear-Adml. Joseph Strauss, with Capt. Reg.
Belknap as chief-of-staff, and their mines were landed in the
Kyles of Lochalsh near Skye and sent across by the Caledonian
canal and by rail. The British mining base was at Grange-
mouth in the upper reaches of the Forth, under Rear-Adml.
Lewis Clinton Baker, with Capt. Lockhart Leith as chief-of-staff.
The first mine was laid on March 3 1918, and on May 26 the
American squadron (Mine Squadron I.) arrived at Invergordon
to take part in the work. It was under Capt. Reg. Belknap and
consisted of the U.S.S. " San Francisco " (Flag-Capt. H.V. But-
ler), "Baltimore" (Capt. A.W. Marshall), " Roanoke " (Capt.
C. D. Stearns), " Housatonic " (Capt. J. W. Greenslade),
" Canandaigua " (Capt. W. H. Reynolds), " Canonicus " (Capt.
T. L. Johnson), " Quinnebaug " (Comm. D. P. Mannix), " Sara-
nac " (Capt. Sinclair Gannon), " Shawmut " (Capt. W. T.
Cluverius) and " Aroostook " (Capt. J. H. Tomb), with a total
capacity of 5,530 mines. Some 57,000 mines were laid during the
next five months by the U.S. squadron, escorted on their expe-
ditions by British and American warships. The mine was of
American design (see fig. 2), carrying 300 Ib. of T.N.T. and
weighing with the sinker 1,400 Ib. Antennae 70 ft. long (reduced
to 35 ft.) rose from it, which fired the mine if touched by a ship.
It was moored by a f -in. wire cable, and attached to the sinker
or anchor was a go-lb. plummet on a reel of |-in. steel wire, care-
fully measured to the length that the mine was to lie below the
surface (i6oft., for instance, at the middle level). The mine was
FIG. 2
plummet
runs out to end
releases mine
from sinker
ab-depth of mine below surface
attached to the sinker, and, as it dropped from the steel rails
astern, floated for a time. The plummet was released and ran
out to the length of its cord, when it was brought up with a jerk.
This released the mine from the sinker, which sank slowly with
the mine cable running out. When .the plummet touched bot-
tom, the cord slackened, releasing a clamp which clamped the
cable, and the sinker now pulled the mine down with it to the
proper depth.
Difficulties were encountered as the work proceeded. A pro-
portion of mines (about 5 %) exploded prematurely, and a num-
ber of mines in the British area were laid_ at less than the pre-
scribed depth of 65 ft., which led to the sinking of the British
sloop " Gaillardia " on March 22 1918. It was decided to sweep
up the mines in the British portion, and when relaid a large gap
was left off the Orkney coast to ensure a safe passage for the fleet.
The work of laying this field was one of the great achievements of
the war, and the accuracy of position required was facilitated by
the use of the " taut "-wire method introduced by Vice-Adml.
Sir Henry Oliver, in which the distance run was measured by
fine piano-wire reeling out from I4o-m. spools. To prevent de-
fective mines setting off others, the distance between lines was
increased from 150 to 300 ft., and the rows increased to 10 at
the upper level, 4 at the middle and 4 at the lower. The work
of the American squadron marked a great step in minelaying, and
it was no unusual feat for a single ship to lay a line of 860 mines
covering 43 m. in 35 hours.
It must not be supposed that the whole of the water available
for a submarine was effectively covered by this field, but the
danger of the passage was greatly increased. In July the mine-
field began to take its toll, and two German submarines were
damaged in it, though they -managed to get home. They now
began to creep past in Norwegian waters, but the Norwegians
closed them to both belligerents by minefields of their own.
This barrage must be regarded as a colossal attempt to solve the
submarine problem, and as it was barely completed by the
Armistice a comprehensive judgment of it is hardly possible.
It showed every sign of success, and in September and October
at least four German submarines (including U92 Sept. 9, UBio4
Sept. 19, Uic5 Sept. 25, Uio2 probably, UBi27 probably, UBi23
Oct. 19) were lost in it, with a proportionate effect on the moral
of their officers and men who saw their last means of exit closing
before their eyes. The United States laid 56,571 mines in it,
and the British 13,546.
In the south the old cross-Channel mine-net barrage had been
abandoned early in the year, and Rear-Adml. Sir Roger Keyes'
efforts were concentrated on the Folkestone to Gris Nez barrage,
where 9,570 mines were laid with conspicuous success. Nine
submarines were lost in it (Uiog, 11638, UBs8, 1)833, 11855,
UB3i, UC38, UC64, 1)6103), and the High Sea Fleet flotillas
abandoned the Dover route early in the year.
The mining of the Bight went steadily on, performed by the
2Oth Flotilla under Comm. Berwick Curtis and the minelaying
submarines. On March 27 the " Abdiel," in company with the
" Legion," " Telemachus," " Vanquisher," " Ariel," and " Fer-
ret," were laying a field 70 m. N.W. of Heligoland when they
came on three outpost vessels, which they sank, bringing back
72 prisoners. The 34, which left Harwich July 14 to lay a field
off Vlieland, never returned. These operations led to the destruc-
MINING
955
FIG. 3
DOVER BARRAGE
1918
tion of a number of minesweepers and torpedo craft, and though
only one or two German submarines were lost on the mines their
movements were undoubtedly seriously hampered.
In July the Germans suddenly began laying large protective
minefields close to the Dutch line of lights, which resulted in the
loss of the " Vehement " and " Ariel " on Aug. i and led to a
great reduction in British mining in the Bight in the last three
months of the war. The dangers of the Bight led to an increased
use of the Cattegat by German submarines, and opened an ex-
cellent opportunity for deep mines in that area. A field was laid
off the Skaw in February, and another in April off Lesso, which
evidently caused considerable anxiety in Germany, but the work
in this area was sporadic and did not form part of a coherent plan.
Controlled minefields (that is, fields fired by instrumental means
from a post in the vicinity on the passage of a submarine over
them) were now being developed, and three submarines suc-
cumbed to them in 1918 (UCn, Harwich, June 26; UBiog,
Folkestone, Aug. 19; UBn6, Scapa Flow, Oct. 28).
A large protective minefield of three deep and three shallow
lines holding some 9,000 mines was laid in August and Septem-
ber off the coast of Yorkshire and Durham, where submarines
were particularly troublesome.
Minelaying by the end of the war had developed into one of
the most important operations, and, favoured by geographical
conditions, playedavery important part in later British strategy,
being an indispensable feature of the war against the submarine.
The enormous number of mines used can be gathered from the
fact that in the large minefields in home waters alone, there were
some 34,300 mines laid in the Dover area and Narrows of the
North Sea (including 9,500 in the Sir Roger Keyes' Folkestone
to Gris Nez barrage); the Bight absorbed some 43,000 and the
Northern barrage 70,117. There can be little doubt that too
little importance was attached to the mine in British pre-war
views on naval strategy. There was too great a tendency in
those days to interpret war at sea wholly in terms of hitting a
target at long ranges with a heavy gun. No modern battleship
was sunk in this way, and of the various classes of British ships
lost during the war, fewer were sunk by guns than by mines
namely 5 battleships out of 13 (38%), no battle cruisers out of
3, i cruiser out of 13 (7-7%), 2 light cruisers out of 12 (16-5%),
5 sloops out of 18 (28%), 20 destroyers out of 64 (31%), 4 sub-
marines out of 54 (7-5%). In the destruction of German sub-
marines they played a more important part. Of 200 submarines
the loss of 43 (or 21-4%) was due to mines, and as one-fifth of
those unknown (4 out of 17) may be attributed to the same cause
it may be accepted that 23 % of German submarine losses were
due to British mines. (A. C. D.)
MINING (see 18.528). While the standard methods of extract-
ing ore from vein deposits, by overhand or underhand stoping,
changed little during the period 1910-20, a more definite clas-
sification than was formerly possible grew up respecting the
application of these methods to given local conditions. Com-
paratively thin veins, with a steep pitch (dip), are developed
by a series of drifts or gangways (levels), and above each of
these overhand slopes are opened for extracting the ore, the
working being advanced upward and forward. The broken ore
is run through chutes (mills or passes) to the level below, in
which it is conveyed by small hand-trammed cars, or by mechan-
ical haulage, to the shaft or through a tunnel to the surface. For
somewhat thicker veins, especially those with a steep dip,
underhand stoping is occasionally employed, most of the holes
for blasting being then drilled downward, and the advance is
forward and downward towards the haulage level. For flat
veins or bedded deposits breast stoping is used, the details of
which resemble those of underhand stoping. In all of these
methods, the roof of the deposit (hanging wall) is supported
by pillars of ore, by timber posts or stulls, by square-set tim-
bering, or by masses of waste ore and rock (rilling) carried by
stulls. Sometimes slopes are completely filled with waste rock.
General Classification of the A bove Methods. Narrow, steep-dipping
veins: open, overhand or underhand slopes, the roof being supported
by timbers or pillars. Wide, steep-dipping veins: open, underhand
slopes, with pillars or ore. Flat beds or veins: breast sloping, or
room-and-pillar working, in which little or no timber is used.
For full illuslraled details and variations, see Mining Engineers'
.Handbook, pp. 493-598 (John Wiley & Sons, 1918).
Shrinkage Slopes, a variety of overhand slopes, for both
narrow and wide, steeply dipping veins, have in recenl years
been more widely employed than formerly. In them the broken
ore is allowed to accumulate until the slope is compleled, Ihus
making limbering or olher artificial support for Ihe walls of Ihe
slope unnecessary. Since rock when broken increases in bulk,
from 25 to 40% of the ore is drawn from the slope as it ad-
vances to leave room at the top for the miners, who stand on
the broken ore while drilling. Obviously, this method is appli-
cable only when the inclination and width of the vein are great
enough to allow the broken ore to slide down freely on the
slope floor (footwall). Finally, after all the ore has been drawn
off, the slope is allowed lo cave, or is filled wilh wasle. Shrink-
age-sloping is often employed in connexion with other methods
in the same deposit.
Caving Systems. The prototype of these, long employed in
certain British iron-mines, is known as the North of England
caving syslem. In the United States caving was first used for
mining the soft iron ores of northern Michigan. More recently,
it has been extensively applied to the iron deposits of the Mesabi
district, Minnesota, and to some large copper deposits of the
soulh-weslern part of the United Stales. The most important
requirements for the successful application of caving methods
are: (i) massive deposits of relatively cheap minerals; (2) ore-
bodies of large horizontal dimensions, overlaid by a capping
varying in character from earthy soil or glacial drift to firm
rock; (3) large-scale work. There are three distinct methods:
top slicing, block caving and sub-level caving. The salient
features of all are: (a) horizontal subdivision of the ore-body
into floors; (b) subdivision of each floor into small sections
(slices or blocks), which are mined separately; (c) delivery of
the broken ore through raise-chutes to the haulage-ways below,
and thence to the hoisting-shafls; (d) as Ihe ore is removed,
the overlying capping must gradually cave and settle. For-
merly, a method called " bottom slicing " was occasionally
employed, in which the mining of the successive floors was
begun at the botlom of the ore-body, instead of the top, as in
top slicing. It is now almosl obsolele. The decade 1910-20 was
marked by a much wider use of the slicing and caving methods,
especially for mining large low-grade deposits of disseminaled
copper ore. More deposils of this type were developed and
worked in very recent years than ever before. Many variations
in practice and changes in details were inlroduced lo suit the
given dimensions of ore-body, ils deplh below the surface, and
the physical and mineralogical character of the ore and capping.
All this brought a more definite understanding of the appli-
cability and limitalions of Ihe caving syslems, as delermined
by Ihe exisling local conditions.
Some prominent examples of the newer mines, in which dif-
ferent forms of slicing and caving have been adopted, follow.
956
MINING
FIG. i.
Inspiration Mine, Arizona. The ore-body is a massive deposit of
disseminated sulphide of copper (chalcocite), containing about ipo,-
000,000 tons of low-grade ore, and overlaid by a valueless capping,
30 to 350 ft. thick. A variation of the caving system is used, known
as " block-caving." The ore-body is intersected at vertical intervals
of 150 ft. by main haulage levels, connecting with the hoisting shafts
(fig. i). Above the haulage levels are long chute-raises, inclined at.
50 to the horizontal, from which numerous short secondary raises
(" finger-raises ") are driven to a system of sub-level drifts, 35 ft.
apart vertically and 50 ft. horizontally. The ore developed by each
series of sub-level drifts is thus divided into relatively small
" blocks," which are undercut and broken by blasting out the sup-
porting pillars between the sub-level drifts. The broken ore is
drawn down through the branching finger-raises underneath, into
the main raises, and thence to the haulage levels, the flow being
controlled by gates. As the upper part of the ore-body is thus
removed, the overlying capping caves in on top of the solid unmined
ore below. (For full details, see Trans. Amer. Inst. Mining Engs.,
vol. lv.,_p. 218.) Block-caving, conducted similarly to that of the
Inspiration mine, is also used by the Ohio Copper Co., Bingham,
Utah, and the Nevada Consolidated Copper Co., Ely, Nev. (Peele,
Mining Engineers' Handbook, pp. 640-2).
LONGITUDINAL SECTION
FIG. 2.
VERTICAL
CROSS SECTION
Arizona Copper Co. A top-slicing method (fig. 2) is applied to
large bodies of soft ore, carrying 2 to 4% copper. A main haulage-
way is driven near the bottom ofthe ore-body, and above it are inter-
mediate working levels, 50 to 60 ft. apart vertically. These comprise
a rectangular system of tramming drifts and crosscuts, from which
chute-raises are made into the ore above at 25 to 30 ft. intervals.
Starting from the tops of these raises, horizontal slices of ore, 7 to
15 ft. thick, are blasted out and the broken ore is run down through
the raises to the tramming level. Thence it is conveyed to the near-
est main raise, connecting with the haulage-way below. (For details
of the slicing operations and the manner in which the overlying
capping caves as the successive slices are removed, see 18.532.) The
modifications of the top slicing system noted above are chiefly in the
mode of laying out the main haulage-ways and intermediate tram-
ming levels, and in making raises from the latter at such short inter-
vals as to minimize the labour cost of handling the broken ore mined
in the slices. In one of the Arizona Copper Co.'s mines, a further
saving has been effected by omitting the tramming levels and the
small raises from them to the slices. A main drift is driven longi-
tudinally through the axis of the ore-body, just below the capping,
and from it at right angles are crosscuts, 40 ft. apart, to the walls.
The panels of ore between the crosscuts are sliced back from the
walls of the ore-body towards the main drift. On each side of the
latter a pillar is left, which is finally sliced back from its end, in com-
pleting a floor. While one floor is being mined, the next, 1 1 ft. below,
is in preparation. This method of panel slicing has recently been
adopted successfully in the Herman gold imne, California. ''
hand sloping, with square-set timbering, was formerly employed.
The vein dips 45 to 60, and the panels are laid out at an inclination
of 52, across the ore-body. Top slicing is also used in many other
copper-mines containing massive deposits of low-grade ore, for
example: Cumberland-Ely, Nev.; Cananea, Mexico; Miami, Ariz.;
Bingham, Utah, and mines of the Calumet & Arizona Mining-
Arizona. At the last-named property, the older caving method has
been replaced by a modification called the Mitchell top-slicing sys-
tem, which is found economical in reducing the amount of shovelling
required. (For illustrated details, see Peele, Mining Engineers' Hani-
book, pp. 619, 620.)
Other Variations. In a number of important mines workin,,
ore-bodies, special conditions have been dealt with by comb
two or more of the methods referred to above. Examples of i
practice are to be found in the mines of the Braden Copper '
Chile; New Jersey Zinc Co., Franklin, N.J.; Utah Copper
(Boston mine); Ray Consolidated Copper Co., Ariz.; Homes!
Gold Mining Co., S.D., and of the De Beers Mining Co., S. /
In most cases, operations begin by shrinkage stoping, after
the intervening pillars are mined by top slicing, block-caving or t,
level caving. The aim is to obtain a high tonnage extraction fn
the ore-body ; that is, to minimize loss of ore left in permanent | '"
or through mixture with waste material.
Stripping Superficial Ore Deposits. Though this old mode .
attacking shallow deposits of large horizontal area underwent little
change, it was oftener resorte-f to in the decade 1910-20
previously, and, with good organization and plant, was being ap r .
to deeper ore-bodies than formerly were considered minable
stripping operations.
Standard Methods. Standardization of methods of <
and working mines would undoubtedly promote efficiency
economy of operation. Beds of coal, owing to their comparative
uniformity of geological occurrence, can be worked to a con-
siderable degree by standardized methods. The same is true
of some regular bedded deposits of the base metals. But, as
metalliferous deposits in general vary greatly in their physical
characteristics, standards of practice in working them are less
readily attainable, and any rules that may be formulated are
subject to many exceptions. (To illustrate this matter, see a
useful discussion by C. A. Mitke of the " Mining Methods of
the United Verde Extension Mining Company, Arizona," Trans.
Amer. Inst. Mining Engs., vol. La., p. 188.)
In many of the particular operations of mining, there has
been of late a stronger tendency toward standardization of
details. A standard, in this sense, may be denned as a well-
tested and approved mode of doing a certain piece of work.
For example, some large mining companies have adopted
standard " rounds " of holes for shaft-sinking, drifting, cross-
cutting, raising and stoping. The foremen and shift bosses are
furnished with instruction sheets which specify the position,
angle to the drilling face, depth, and charge of explosive, for
each hole of the round. The miners are required to follow these
instructions instead of doing their work in accordance with their
own individual ideas. The adoption of standardized methods
has been assisted by the greater attention now given to efficiency
engineering. Many large mines maintain " efficiency engineers,"
whose duty it is to study in detail the performance of both men
and machinery, thus aiming to improve the quality and amount
of work done, and so reduce cost. Directed toward this end also
are the recent movements inaugurated by several large mining
companies to give their employees systematic instruction in the
best methods of doing their work. This benefits the employer
as well as the employee. Thus, an education department has
been organized by the Phelps-Dodge Corp., of New York, which
operates a number of mines in the south-western part of the
United States. Series of lectures are delivered on practical
mining topics, followed by examinations. The North Butte
Mining Co., of Montana, has also given much attention in the
last few years to instructing its employees and standardizing
the details of many of the underground operations. The cost
of maintaining these education departments is considerable, but
it is amply justified by the results obtained. A wholesome
spirit of rivalry is encouraged amongst the miners and' their
ambition is aroused; hence, better work is done, the moral of
MINING
957
whole force is raised, and more cordial relations are estab-
hed between the employees and the mine management. For
ertain mining appliances and machines standard designs grew
commoner. There are clearer distinctions as to the applicability
of different types of hoisting engines, compressors, ventilating
fans, coal undercutting machines, mine cars, ore-chutes, etc,
Blasting. Explosives for blasting rock and ores underwent little
change during 1910-20 in general composition, but tests supplied
valuable data respecting the disruptive and propulsive forces and
the sensitiveness of the various types and grades of dynamite, so
hat their suitability for different kinds of service is better under-
stood than formerly. Explosives for coal-mines, especially mines in
rhich dangerous gases or dust occur, must be so constituted that
>rdinary charges will not produce a flame of sufficient intensity and
duration to ignite explosive mixtures of gas and air. These comprise
the tested " permissible explosives," lists of which are published in
jal-mining countries and revised from time to time, to keep them up
>date. In Europe their use is required by law. In the United States
le lists appear in publications of the Bureau of Mines (a branch
j the U.S. Geological Survey). The bureau can only recommend
hem, though legal requirements exist in some of the individual
tates. The permissible explosives have certain characteristic
ngredients: (a) ammonium nitrate; (6) salts containing water of
ystallization, which, being liberated and vapourized by the heat
:the explosion, reduces the flame temperature; (c) organic nitrates
ther than nitro-glycerine, e.g. nitro-starch ; (d) nitro-glycerine,
nixed with free water or an excess of carbon. It was formerly
sumed that nitro-glycerine compounds and other detonating
xplosives were not suitable for collieries, because, due to market
requirements, excessive shattering of coal is undesirable (excepffor
coke-making); but low-strength, " short-flame " dynamites are now
being satisfactorily used. While no explosive can be absolutely safe
in gassy mines, those in the permissible lists are relatively safe. As
the standard test, an explosive is accepted for the list when a charge
of 680 grams (lj Ib.) does not ignite gas or coal dust; it is not
accepted if a charge of 250 grams does cause ignition. In 1912, the
permissible list of the U.S. Bureau of Mines comprised 96 kinds and
grades of safety explosive; in June 1920, the number had increased
to 1 75. The United States is the largest user of permissible explo-
sives, the quantity consumed having nearly doubled in 1912-20.
Blasting methods were improved by the introduction (1909-10)
of " delay-action " electrical fuzes. 1 In work like tunnelling and
shatt-sinking, where rounds of holes are best fired in volleys, these
special fuzes save time, as the miners need not return to the working
place after each volley to prepare for the next blast. The entire
round is wired, as if all the holes were to be fired simultaneously, and
there is but one application of the current. The groups of holes
explode successively, in the desired order and at intervals of about
one second, by using " no-delay " fuzes for the first group and
" first-delay " and " second-delay " fuzes for the following groups.
Construction of delay fuzes: The platinum bridge in the cap shell,
between the terminals of the fuze wires, is not embedded in the ful-
minating charge itself, so as to explode it directly, but ignites a short
piece of slow-burning ordinary fuse, which in turn explodes the
fulminate. This gives a delay interval depending on the length of
ordinary fuse used. Another new device for the same purpose is the
electric fuze-igniter. A special electric cap contains a small charge of
fine-grain black powder, beyond which is a piece of ordinary fuse,
with a cap on the end to be placed in the dynamite cartridge. For
blasting with black powder, no cap is put on the end of the ordinary
fuse. Electric squibs, with paper instead of copper shells, are now
used to some extent for blasting with black powder.
Mine Hygiene. Improvements made in the years 1910-20
were chiefly in five directions: (i) better ventilation of mine
workings; (2) enforcement of dust-prevention regulations; (3)
introduction of new types of blasting explosives, so constituted
as to minimize the quantity of deleterious gases evolved; (4)
adoption of precautions aiming to produce more perfect com-
bustion of explosives, and so reduce or prevent the formation
of the poisonous carbon monoxide; (5) study and better under-
standing of special miners' diseases and their treatment.
Formerly, artificial ventilation by fans or blowers was provided
only for collieries, to dilute and sweep out gases emanating from the
coal, and to remove the explosive coal dust. In recent years, mechan-
ical ventilators have been increasingly used for metalliferous mines
also. About the year 1902, the high mortality amongst the miners
of some districts began to attract attention. Investigation showed
that acute lung trouble (" miner's phthisis " or silicosis) is caused
by inhaling silicious dust from drilling in dry rock or ore. In 1903, a
Government commission was appointed to study the conditions in
the Transvaal gold-mines. Their report led to a demand for better
ventilation of the mine workings, and the adoption of water-spraying
devices to allay the dust during the operation of drilling. Revised
1 The spelling " fuze " is used for electric blasting, " fuse " for
ordinary blasting.
and more stringent regulations went into effect in 1913. Other
governmental investigations were made in Cornwall, Australia, and
New Zealand, and in the United States by the Bureau of Mines. In
1911, one of the large gold-mining companies in the Transvaal, the
Rand Mines (Ltd.), established a department of sanitation, to deal in
general with miners' living and working conditions and diseases.
The department's activities now cover a large number of the mines
of the district, employing between 55,000 and 65,000 men. Marked
benefits have resulted from this widespread interest in mine hygiene.
For example, tests of the gases from blasting explosives have revealed
the extent to which they may vitiate mine air. One pound of stand-
ard dynamite produces about 10 cub. ft. of gas, which, due to incom-
plete detonation, often contains 25 to 30% of carbon monoxide.
Since, for safety, this actively poisonous gas should be diluted to
about o-oi of i i, it is evident that natural ventilation can not
always be relied upon, and mechanical ventilators have been installed
for many metalliferous mines. In recent years, several new types of
high explosives have been introduced, so compounded that they
produce much less carbon monoxide and methane (CH<) than the
standard (" straight ") dynamites. They are therefore particularly
useful in poorly ventilated mine workings, as headings where there
can be no through ventilation. Furthermore, there has been in-
creased insistence on the use of high-strength caps or detonators,
since imperfectly detonated dynamites of all kinds produce an
excessive amount of carbon monoxide.
Explosions in Coat-Mines. Advances have taken place in the
appliances for fighting mine fires, and the modes of preventing and
dealing with gas and dust explosions in collieries. Coal-dust explo-
sions are generally much more serious in bituminous than in anthra-
cite mines. An explosion of anthracite dust does not appear to be
self-propagating. Most explosions in anthracite mines are of gas,
sometimes aided by presence of dust. Many investigations of coal-
dust explosions have been made in Europe since 1880, but some of
the phenomena attending their initiation and propagation have long
been imperfectly understood. Much light was thrown on the subject
by the elaborate experiments conducted by J. Taffanel, at the
Licvin testing station, France (beginning in 1907), and by the U.S.
Bureau of Mines at their testing plant arid their Bruceton experi-
mental mine, near Pittsburgh (since 1909). Amongst the facts
demonstrated are: (a) The blasting of a single hole, charged with
long-flame explosive (black powder or ordinary dynamite), may
cause the ignition of coal dust ; (6) respecting the initiation of an ex-
plosion, if enough dry coal dust is present, it is immaterial whether
the air at the point of origin is quiescent or moving in either direction ;
(c) quantities of dust as small as 1/5 oz. per cub. ft. of space (or i Ib.
per linear ft. of an ordinary gangway) will propagate an explosion;
(d) in presence of sufficient dust, an explosion may be produced at
will in a gangwav, even when the roof, sides and floor are wet to the
touch; (e) the force of a coal-dust explosion usually increases in
violence as it is propagated through a mine working, and may reach
its maximum after travelling 500 to 800 ft. from the place of origin ;
(f) pressures as high as 120 Ib. per sq. in. have been measured at
right angles to the direction of movement of an explosion, the
pressure in the line of advance being doubtless much greater.
Rock-dust barriers, for checking or preventing the propagation of
coal-dust explosions, were invented by J. Taffanel and modified by
G. S. Rice, of the U.S. Bureau of Mines. They consist of series of
wide shelves, set across the mine gangway near the roof, each loaded
with rock dust. In case of an explosion the shelves are tripped
mechanically by the advance force waves, being set to operate at
certain air velocities or pressures produced by the explosion. From
two to three tons of rock dust are thus discharged in a dense cloud,
in front of the advancing explosion wave, and, mixing with the coal-
dust-laden atmosphere of the gangway, prevent propagation of the
explosion. Several forms of dust barrier are used for different local
conditions. Gas helmets and oxygen breathing-apparatus, long used
in mine rescue work, were considerably improved after about 1913.
Interest in these matters was stimulated by the introduction in
several countries of Workmen's Compensation Acts (which hold the
employer responsible for injury or death due to accident), and also
by the use of poisonous gases in the World War.
'Hoisting Engines. Power plants (generally hydro-electric) have
been established in many mining districts, and supply electric cur-
rent at cheaper rates than are possible for equivalent steam power.
Electric-driven hoists are consequently used in much greater num-
bers than formerly. Their control mechanism is now so perfected
that they are as manageable as the best steam hoists. The large
variations in load, unavoidable in hoisting operations, and very
disadvantageous for electric transmission of power, are successfully
dealt with by the " equalizing systems " of hoisting, the first of
which, the Siemens- 1 Igner, was introduced just previous to 1906.
Modifications of it, based chiefly on the mode of control, are the
Westinghouse and the Ward-Leonard. The design and operation of
all of these plants are based on the principle that, when a motor
receives electric current, it will deliver mechanical power; con-
versely, when driven by mechanical power, the motor becomes in
effect a generator and furnishes electric current. The alternating
current usually supplied to a mine is first reduced to about 500 volts,
and then goes to a motor-generator set, comprising a shunt or induc-
tion motor, which drives a direct-current generator and a heavy
958
MINING
fly-wheel, all on a common shaft. This set is in constant motion,
though not at constant speed. From the generator the current goes
to a hoist motor, which drives a pair of drums on the drum shaft.
At the beginning of a hoisting cycle, the hoist motor receives current
from the motor-generator set ; but, after the descending cage has
reached a point where the trip can be completed by the weight of the
rope, the hoist motor is driven by the drum, and therefore supplies
current to the generator of the motor-generator set. Thus, part of
the recovered power is stored in the flywheel, while the remainder is
expended in driving the induction motor as a generator, thereby
causing it to deliver current to the external circuit or power service.
The fly-wheel cuts down the peaks of the load curve. Since 1915, a
number of these plants have been erected ; they are costly and suit-
able only where the hoisting is nearly continuous and high peak loads
are heavily penalized in the power service.
Underground Haulage. For locomotive haulage, the electric
trolley system was in 1920 still first in importance; next to this
were the compressed-air locomotives. Storage-battery locomotives,
though invented many years ago, were rarely used until about 1911,
and in 1920 were employed to a limited extent only. Their construc-
tion is simple, and, as they carry their power with them, they have
the advantage of being able to operate wherever track is laid, with-
out the necessity of stringing trolley wire. They are best suited to
short hauls and light service, as for gathering individual cars from
the working places and making them up into trains on the main
haulage lines. Maximum speed is about 5 m. per hour, and easy
track gradients are necessary. Their chief disadvantage is high first
cost. A few combined trolley and storage-battery mine locomotives
have been built, but they are unlikely to have a wide application.
Gasoline locomotives were introduced before 1905, but were not
much used until about 1912. Like storage-battery and compressed-
air locomotives, they have the advantage of carrying their own
power. Ordinary speeds range from 4 to 10 m. per hour. Although
reasonable in first cost and running expenses, gasoline locomotives
can be employed' underground only where there is abundant and
active ventilation, because their exhaust usually contains enough
carbon monoxide gas to require a high degree of dilution. Their
consumption of gasoline at full load is, say, 0-7 to 1-2 Ib. per H.P. ;
considerably more at half speed and load.
Shovelling Machines, for loading broken coal or ore underground,
were introduced about 1907. The first was the Thew machine, a
dipper shovel of small size, operated by electricity or compressed
air and suitable for use in slopes in a flat-lying deposit, or in a tunnel.
A later design, the Myers- Whaley, consists of a large scoop, which is
thrust into the pile of broken ore or rock, then lifted and dumped
backward onto a short travelling conveyer, for loading into a mine
car in the rear. This machine occupies but little space, and can be
used in a large mine tunnel or drift. In 1915 two of them were
installed in the ends of a long haulage drift, 14 ft. wide by 10 ft.
high, in the Crown Mines, Transvaal. The Halby shoveller resembles
the Myers-Whaley. Other machines, especially for loading coal,
have recently been invented, and are undergoing working tests.
Mechanically considered, shovelling machines are unquestionably
successful. Interest in them has been stimulated by the greatly
increased rates of wages now prevailing in most mining regions. It
has been proved, however, that, where wages are low, they cannot
compete with hand loading.
Machine Drills underwent important changes during 1910-20,
especially in the development of the " hammer " drills, which for
many kinds of service have largely replaced standard types of piston
machines. In the hammer drill, the bit is held stationary in the front
end of the machine, and is struck a rapid succession of blows by the
reciprocating piston-like hammer. As the bit does not reciprocate,
its cutting edge being always in contact with the rock, except during
the slight rebound caused by each blow of the hammer, the sludge or
cuttings tend to pack in the bottom of the hole. Hence, unless some
automatic means be provided for keeping the hole clean, part of the
useful effect of the hammer blows would be lost. To keep the hole
clean while drilling, most hammer drills use hollow bits; that is, there
is a small hole longitudinally through the axis of the bit. Through
this hole, a jet of compressed air or water is discharged in the bottom
of the hole, thus driving out the cuttings. When compressed air is
used, and the rock is dry, the dust discharged from the mouth of the
hole is annoying and hurtful to the drill-runner. Hence, most
hammer drills use a water jet. The water is delivered under pressure
from a 15-gai. to l8-gal. tank, through a short length of hose. Pres-
sure in the tank is produced by connecting it by another hose with
the compressed-air pipe.
*?). . . ^-*
FIG. 3.
Hammer drills, made by all the principal rock-drill manufacturers,
are of three general forms: (a) Large machines (fig. 3), correspond-
FIG. 5.
ing in size and weight with ordinary piston drills, mounted on
tripod or column and used for the same kinds of work; (b) the small
D-handle and cross-handle drills for making holes pointing down-
ward, as in shaft-sinking (fig. 4) ; (c) machines having an automatic
air-feed standard, used chiefly for holes directed steeply upward, as
in most stoning operations (fig. 5). Machines of classes (b) and (c)
have the advantages of lower first cost, of being operated by one
man instead of two, and of eliminating the time lost in cleaning out
the hole and in " setting up," as for the standard piston drills and
class (a) hammer drills. In most rocks and ores these hammer
drills, therefore, do faster work than piston drills.
Deep Boring. In recent years, for prospecting by boring, there
has been a great increase in the use of the "churn drill "; that is, a
drop drill, suspended by a rope from the operating machinery on the
surface, and similar in many respects to the standard oil-well drilling
plant. For boring holes deep-
er than, say, 75 or 100 ft., the
churn drill has practically
superseded the old method
of rod-boring, formerly com-
mon in Europe. In general,
for deep boring, the oil-well
"rig," the churn drill and the
diamond drill divide the field
among them. During the
decade 191020, many oil and
natural gas wells were bored
to depths of 4,000 to 5,000 ft.,
and a few exploratory holes
(in Pennsylvania and West
Virginia) reached depths of
7,000 to 7,350 feet. For holes
of a few hundred ft. in depth,
and when cores are desired,
the rotary " shot-boring "
method, based upon the old
Davis Calyx drill, also came
into wider use. The appara-
tus consists essentially of a
line of hollow rods, carrying
a bit, say, 3 in. diameter by
10 in. long, with a narrow
slot cut in its lower edge.
At intervals during boring, a
quantity of small steel shot is
fed down through the hollow
rod. The shot distribute
themselves between the out- FIG. 6.
side of the bit and the walls
of the hole, between the inside of the bit and the core, and under the
lower edge of the bit. Due to. the rotation of the bit, the shot are
caused to roll forcibly with a milling action against the rock, which
is thus ground away. (For full details, see Peele, Mining Engineers'
Handbook, Sec. 9, Art. 1 6.)
For rotary boring in unconsolidated strata overlying the solid rock,
the " fish-tail," with two cutting edges resembling those of a large
carpenter's auger, has long been employed for oil and gas wells. But
MINING, MILITARY
959
this bit wears rapidly if boulders or interbedded strata of shale, etc.,
be encountered in the gravels and clays. In 1908 the Sharp and
Hughes cone-bit (fig. 6) was introduced to replace the fish-tail bit for
boring in rock, and it has been widely used in some of the petroleum
and natural gas-fields. The bit consists of a pair of hardened steel
cones, with serrated or toothed surfaces, revolving on bronze bear-
ings. As the drill rod rotates, the cones roll under pressure upon the
rock, crushing and chipping it away. When dull, the cones are
readily replaced. These bits in some cases bore as much as too ft.
of hole in 24 hours. In boring oil wells through soft strata or shat-
tered rock, trouble is often caused by the caving of the sides of the
hole before the lining or casing pipe is put in. To overcome this
difficulty," mud-laden " water may be used in the boring operations
instead of the ordinary wash-water. Almost any finely divided,
clayey material that will remain in suspension for a considerable
period of time may be employed. The mixture of mud and water
should have a specific gravity high enough to afford a counter-
pressure that will support the walls of the hole; a specific gravity of
about 1-33 is usually sufficient. The pressures in the bore-hole are
thus kept in approximate equilibrium until the hole is lined with
pipe (casing), or until screens can be set in the oil-bearing strata and
cemented in place. This method was introduced in Europe, about
1895, for sinking cylindrical mine shafts in unstable, water-bearing
soil by boring. About 1901 it was adopted for boring oil wells in
Texas and Louisiana, and since 1906 has been successfully used
in a large number of cases.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. General: Peele, Mining Engineers' Handbook,
(1918). Methods of Mining: Trans. Am. Inst. Mining Rngs., vol.
lv., pp. 118, 137, 218, 240, 397. Coal Mine Explosions: Trans.
Inst. Mining Engs. (Great Britain), vol. xlix., p. 721; Bureau of
Mines (U.S.A.), Tech. Papers Nos. 56, 71, 169; Bulletins Nos. 20, 56,
72, 102 ; J. Taffanel, Essais sur les inflammations de Poussieres, etc.,
April 1910, Aug. 1911; Report Commission on British Coal Dust
Experiments, 1910. Mine Hygiene: Peele, Min. Engs.' Handbook,
pp. 1369-81, 1397-1407; Glaister and Logan, Gas Poisoning in
Mining (1914); Trans. Am. Inst. Min. Engs., Feb. 1921. Rock
Drills: Peele, Compressed Air Plant, 4th ed. chaps. 20 and 21.
Electric Hoisting: Trans. Am. Inst. Elec. Engs., June 28 1917;
Eng. & Min. Jour., N.Y., Sept. 22 1906, p. 537; Nov. 19 1910,
p. 1014. Underground Shovelling Machines: Peele, Min. Engs.'
Handbook, pp. 673-4. Storage-Battery Locomotives : Trans. Am.
Inst. Min. Engs., vol. li., p. 223; Colliery Engr., Oct. 1914, p.
121 ; Coal Age, Sept. 19 1918, p. 548; July 15 1920, p. II. Gasoline
Locomotives: Eng. & Min. Jour., Aug. 23 1913, p. 347- Deep
Boring: Trans. Am. Inst. Min. Engs., vol. li., pp. 571, 620, 638;
Eng. & Min. Jour., Aug. 2 1919, p. 171 ; U.S. Bureau of Mines, Bull.
No. 134. (R. P.*)
MINING, MILITARY (see 10.714). Until the invention of ex-
plosives military mining resembled ordinary mining, in that it
consisted of driving galleries or tunnels under the enemy's de-
fences, either with the object of penetrating to the interior of
the place attacked, or of undermining the walls and causing
them to collapse. The latter method was probably used by
Joshua at the siege of Jericho, while he distracted the atten-
tion of the defenders by a military promenade round the walls.
When the miner was put in possession of gunpowder he used
it first for blowing up the enemy's defences, and later for de-
stroying his galleries and for making craters as points of de-
parture for trenches. The term " mine " in military language
thus came gradually to mean, not a system of underground
galleries as in civil life, but a charge of explosive operated under-
ground or under water.
The position of military mining in 1910 is described in 10.716;
contrary to expectation the first events of the World War seemed
to indicate that mining was unnecessary, because the effect of
the new heavy howitzers proved to be sufficient in themselves
for the reduction of fortresses. But when the armies were settled
down in opposing systems of trenches the heavy howitzers lost
their preponderating role, and in the deadlock that followed old-
fashioned methods reasserted themselves for trench warfare,
such as grenades, trench mortars, and mining.
On the British front mining was started by the Germans.
Before the end of 1914 there were two definite cases of mines
under British trenches, and shallow mining systems were started
in reply. It soon became evident that there was a probability
of mining on an extensive scale, and that the existing R.E. units
would be quite unable to supply the necessary personnel. It was
proposed that coal-miners should be specially enlisted for the
work, and their first detachment arrived in France in Feb. 1915.
The formation of " tunnelling companies " followed, and during
1915 there was mine warfare all along the front.
In the early phases mining was chiefly a question of local
efforts, partly defensive to counteract enemy mines, and partly
directed against close objectives such as strong points in the
enemy's trenches or a sniper's post. The mine systems were
shallow, being rarely deeper than 20 feet. By June 1915 there
was an enormous number of them, and the demands made upon
the tunnellers could not be met. The need of a centralized con-
trol began to be apparent, not only to coordinate the local
schemes, but in order that plans of larger scope might be devel-
oped in harmony with strategical ideas. Already in Aug. 1915 the
first deep-mining system had been started, against Hill 60, with
an object which was more than local; and questions of organiza-
tion, of instruction, of intelligence and provision of stores all
made direct touch with G.H.Q. essential.
Accordingly in Dec. 1915 a mining staff was appointed with an
inspector of mines at G.H.Q., and a controller of mines at each
army headquarters. The duties of the inspector of mines were
defined as follows:
(a) Preparation, under the instruction of the general staff, of
mining schemes which were intended to have a bearing on the
principal operations of the campaign, and examination of mining
schemes prepared by the armies.
(6) Inspection, for the information of the commander-in-chief,
of the progress of all mining work.
(c) Advising the engineer-in-chief on general questions affecting
the personnel, organization and equipment of the tunnelling com-
panies.
The officers of the tunnelling companies were chiefly mining
engineers drawn from all parts of the world, many of whom had
already had experience in the trenches. The men included, be-
sides ordinary coal-miners, a number of specialists known as
" clay kickers." These men worked on their backs with cutting
tools fastened to their feet. Each man was strapped on a plank
which was pushed forward as his excavation advanced, and in
this manner, in good ground, he was able to work in a very small
gallery and make rapid progress.
Since a good deal of unskilled work was required for removal
of soil, transport of materials, etc., a number of infantry were
attached to the tunnelling companies. Thus a tunnelling company
on the higher establishment had 569 officers and men, and with
attached infantry might be 1,000 strong. By the end of June
1916 there were 25 imperial companies and seven overseas com-
panies at work, with a total strength of about 25,000 of all ranks.
A new departure was the attachment of geologists to the mining
staff; their advice was especially valuable in connexion with the
water levels, which in chalk country varied as much as 30 ft.
between summer and winter. In the German army the arrange-
ments were much more elaborate, each army having a complete
geological staff.
In addition to this it must be noted that for the first time in
history the British army had immediate access to scientific
brains at home, and could utilize at a moment's notice the most
advanced manufacturing facilities of the country. The effect
of this showed itself particularly in the development of listening
apparatus. In former wars the human ear unaided had to listen
for the sounds of the enemy working underground, and estimate
his distance and direction; in this war specialists in England
were able to turn their attention to the production of listening
apparatus as soon as the requirement was made known.
It naturally follows that the headquarters staff, with a very
large and highly skilled personnel at their disposal, unlimited
resources, and the prospect of a long period of trench warfare,
began to conceive operations far in advance of anything that had
been contemplated in war.
Shallow mine systems had still to be continued to protect the
British trenches, but at the same time deep galleries were started
from 50 to 100 ft. below the surface directed against special
objects. Naturally the two systems were sometimes worked
together. The operations at The Bluff, between St. Eloi and Hill
60, illustrate this. At this point there was a prolonged German
offensive from Oct. 1915 to Sept. 1916. Working with a shallow
system the Germans blew a large crater in Jan. 1916, which
caused many casualties and temporarily destroyed the British.
960
MINING, MILITARY
position. In July 1916 they blew four mines behind the British
trenches, making a crater 150 yd. by 50 yd. The British infantry
had been warned by the mine officers; there were few casualties,
and a barrage having been arranged for, the Germans could not
secure the position. Just before this the British had started a
deep gallery about 100 ft. below the surface. Working from this,
and after some fighting in shallow systems, they blew four
charges, totalling about 10,000 Ib.
" Ten minutes before the blow two officers and eight men of a
tunnelling company lay out in a shallow hole in a small crater which
had been calculated as directly above the enemy workings. They
started to dig down immediately after the blow, and broke through
to the enemy gallery by midnight, which they found tamped with
sandbags. These were all removed by 10 A.M. next morning, and
about mid-day the galleries were entered by men wearing Proto
apparatus a complete survey was made, and 700 ft. of undestroyed
enemy gallery, together with much apparatus, was found to have
been captured. The enemy system was connected to our own shallow
workings, and for the first time in its history The Bluff was reported
as absolutely safe from underground attack.
"This final operation was a good example of a successful flank
attack; our gallery was well below the enemy, and we succeeded in
getting under him and along his front without being discovered."
The Somme offensive in 1916 was an example of mining con-
ceived and executed in connexion with an important attack, the
plans being worked out in April, and a programme laid down.
The underground work for this attack included mines for de-
struction of enemy works, galleries to provide advanced emplace-
ments for machine-guns and Stokes' mortars, to be developed
into communication galleries, and galleries for emplacements,
ammunition, etc., only. There were nine mines containing
altogether nearly 200,000 Ib. of high explosive. They gave excel-
lent results. The largest, having 40,600 Ib. of ammonal, was
placed at a depth of 75 ft. at the end of a gallery 300 yd. long;
and it destroyed a salient covering too yd. of German line. The
special point about the " galleries to provide advanced emplace-
ments " was that a tunnelling officer was stationed at the end of
each gallery, whose duty it was to break through the top of the
emplacements for mortars and machine-guns, and also to break
out at the end of the gallery to start the communication trench.
Of the galleries for communication purposes only, 16 were con-
nected up with the German lines. The methods of communica-
tion were three: by stepping up to the ground level and breaking
out and digging; by placing a charge in a bore hole and blowing a
crater in the enemy's trenches, then breaking out from the gal-
lery into the crater, and thence into the German trenches; and
by making a trench with a " pipe-pusher." Galleries for emplace-
ments to ammunition depots were successfully broken through
at the top, and the galleries were used at first for signal cables,
runners and ammunition carriers; later for transport of wounded.
This operation proved the value of these underground galleries
in connexion with an attack.
In Sept. 1916, on the German side, large numbers of miners
were sent home for industrial reasons, and mining activity was
much reduced. The deep system controlled by G.H.Q., and di-
rected against distant objects, was steadily pushed on, but the
old shallow defensive systems were merely kept free of water
and watched by listeners. The tunnellers thus set free were
employed on what was practically a new development of mining,
namely, construction of subways for infantry, and deep dug-outs.
By the end of Feb. 1917 nearly 20 m. of subways had been
completed on the I., II. and III. Armies' fronts. In Sept. 1917
the Hohenzollern-Auchy subway system was completed, which
made it possible to patrol 4 m. underground. At Nieuport sub-
ways and dug-outs were successfully made in spite of great diffi-
culties with water and running sand. At the German attack
a subway, not quite completed, east of the Yser, saved a consider-
able part of the infantry garrison.
The experience gained at the Somme was used to great advan-
tage in preparing the attack of April 9 1917 on the Vimy ridge.
In this case the mines, which were actually finished six months
before the attack, were not of great importance, only two out of
eight being used. The subways, which were made in three and a
half months, were an interesting feature:
" Twelve infantry subways from reserve line to assaulting trenches.
These subways averaged nalf-a-mile long each, the shortest being
290 yd. and the longest 1,880 yd. They were 6 ft. 6 in. high and 3
ft. wide, with at least 20 ft. of head-cover, and were lit with electric
light throughout, Email lighting plants being installed in each subway.
"The subways were supplied with dug-outs, assembly chambers,
trench-mortar and bomb stores, trench-mortar emplacements, water-
tanks, dressing stations, signal offices, and in some cases brigade and
battalion headquarters. They had numerous entrances and exits;
the latter were broken out into advanced assaulting trenches on the
last night, and the troops were able to file out into their assaulting
positions through them. Maps on boards were hung at various
points to show the position in relation to the surface. Tramways
were laid in some of the subways, and these were found most useful '
for carrying up trench-mortar ammunition, stores and rations;
signal cables were carried through the subways and signal stations
were installed in them. The dressing stations, being dry and well
lit, enabled the wounded to be easily attended to and kept in safety
until they could be evacuated. Water-mains were also laid in some.
"Finally, the troops housed in the subways were able to rest in a
safe, warm and dry place up to the time of the attack.
"The subways proved most successful, and, throughout, proof
against bombardment, the only damage being done to some of the
entrances. These were easily and quickly repaired by tunnelling
company repair gangs, which were kept in each subway.
"The electric light in the subways was installed and run by the
Australian electrical and mechanical mining and boring company.
The lights were kept running throughout the whole operation without
a breakdown. One plant actually ran 153 hours continuously.
Ventilation was good, the only difficulty being in the case of gas
attacks, when plenty of ventilation actually increased the danger.
Specially appointed traffic officers (not tunnellers) were told off
to each subway, and carefully trained beforehand in their duties."
In this connexion the use made of the Arras caves is interest-
ing. These were underground quarries of the i7th century,
and were discovered by chance. They were utilized as shelters
for men by connecting them with the front-line subways. The
main galleries were 6 ft: 6 in. high and 4 ft. wide. The caves and
galleries were lit electrically throughout, and water-mains laid.
The caves accommodated about 11,000 men.
At Messines (June 7 1917) the main feature was the enormous
scale of the explosions, unprecedented in military history. The
total charges were nearly 1,000,000 pounds. There were 20
mines distributed over a length of about 8 m., the greatest
concentration being 500,000 Ib. on 4,500 yd. of front, from
Hollandscheschuur to Ontario Farm. The largest mine was
95,600 Ib. of ammonal, at a depth of 125 ft., at St. Eloi. The
longest gallery was 720 yards.
The first idea of a deep offensive in the Messines- Wytschaete
area was in the summer of 1915, when a deep gallery was started
against Hill 60. Various deep galleries were started in 1916, but
the final scheme had not begun to take shape until the summer.
Many mines were laid months before the explosion. From June
1916 to May 1917 the Germans were searching for mine systems
and blowing deep camouflets with heavy charges. Galleries
were damaged or flooded in many cases, but by strenuous work
most of them were restored in time for the attack. A very large
amount of dug-out accommodation was provided.
The use of these enormous mines, whose destructive effects
could not be definitely foretold, was naturally a matter of anxiety,
but they were certainly successful. Ludendorff writes in his
memoirs:
"Weshould have succeeded in retaining the position but for the
exceptionally powerful mines used by the British, which paved the
way for their attack ....
"All had been quiet and no sound of underground work on the
part of the enemy could be heard at our listening posts. The mines
must therefore have been in position long before.
"The moral effect of the explosions was simply staggering; at
several points our troops fell back before the onslaught of the enemy's
infantry."
This was the last great operation with explosive mines. After
this the tunnelling companies were largely employed upon dug-
outs and tunnelling. For instance, they made a number of sub-
ways through the canal bank near Boesinghe, for storage of
material for bridging the canal. Subsequently they made ap-
proaches to the bridges by blowing gaps in the bank with bore
holes. Other tunnellers were employed on roads and tramways.
During the German offensive in 1918 the tunnellers were used
MINNESOTA
961
for all sorts of purposes, including demolitions, and when the
Allied advance began in August one of their most important
duties was the removal of enemy land mines and booby traps.
Advances in Technique. Probably the most important of
these was in the development of " listening apparatus." In the
fortress mining systems of loo'years ago an essential feature was
the provision of listening galleries pushed out at regular intervals
from the front lines of permanent defence galleries; but judgment
of direction and distance of the enemy's workings depended en-
tirely on the trained ear of the listener, which might easily be de-
ceived. In the World War listening instruments were invented
and employed for the first time.
After much experiment two types were approved, the geo-
phone and the seismomicrophone.
The Geophone is on the principle of the stethoscope. A flat circular
wooden frame contains mercury enclosed between two discs of mica.
Two nipples on the edge of the frame provide for the attachment of
ear-pieces with rubber tubes. Sound can be heard through the geo-
phone about two and a half times as loudly as with the unassisteo"
ear. A single geophone can do no more than magnify sound ; for this
purpose, however, it is very valuable, as it not only increases the
distance at which enemy workings can be heard, but it helps the
listener to distinguish between various sounds, such as picking,
shovelling, talking, etc. With two geophones direction can be ob-
tained, as follows : the two are placed at either end of a frame about
18 in. long, with a compass between them. To ascertain the direction
horizontally the frame is placed on the ground and turned about un-
til the sound is equally audible in both ears. The source of sound will
then be in a direction at right angles to the line joining the two
geophones, and can be plotted from the compass. If a bearing is
then taken from another point, the intersection of the two will give
the vertical line in which the source must be. To get the direction up
or down, the geophones must be placed against the wall of the gallery.
An example of the value of this method is given by Standish Ball :
" A portion of our trenches had been captured by the enemy
and heavily wired to repel our expected counter-attack. This
was due to take place on the 27th of the month, and the miners were
asked to assist in the enterprise and destroy the hostile wire. Owing
to the short time available a shaft had to be sunk from the end of a
sap, and the objective was reached on the i6th, just as the enemy
were heard starting their mining operations. A geophone observa-
tion was immediately made, followed by further ones during the
ensuing week. On the 24th the enemy were heard talking and
laughing, without the aid of an instrument, only 6 ft. away, and to
all intents and purposes on the point of breaking through. On
examination of the previous observation, however, it was decided
that the direction of his gallery was approximately the same as our
own, and that he would probably pass along parallel to it. This is
what actually happened, and the mine was blown successfully on the
appointed day. If it had not been for careful and accurate listening
the mine would have been blown prematurely and the success of the
infantry attack jeopardized."
The Seismomicrophone, an electric detector, does not give direc-
tion, but saves man-power. " As many as 50 galleries might be
connected up to the switch-board of a central listening chamber,
situated in some quiet position behind the mining system. In the
event of sounds being heard from the detector in any particular
gallery a listener was immediately dispatched with geophones to
investigate." This economy of listeners was very important, es-
pecially as the end of a gallery is often a very dangerous place.
The following table gives (in feet) the distance at which sounds
can be heard by the various methods in chalk and clay :
Average Chalk
Nature of sound
Naked ear
Seismomicrophone
Geophone
Picking
Shovelling
Talking
125
70
12
175
70
45
250
I2O
50
Average Clay
Picking
Shovelling
Talking
50
8
5
70
15
10
I2O
30
15
Mine Rescue Work. One of the greatest dangers in mining has
always been the presence in galleries of carbon-monoxide gas from
the exploded mines. Owing to the quantity of mines blown and the
large charges used this danger became very serious in 1915. " In
six weeks one tunnelling company had 16 killed, 48 sent to hospital,
and 86 minor cases treated at the shaft head and returned to the
company billets." To meet this danger an instructor in the use of
Proto apparatus was sent from England in June 1915, and schools
for the teaching of rescue work were started.
The Proto apparatus consists roughly of twin cylinders of com-
pressed oxygen, worn slung over the back, and supplying oxygen to a
breathing bag containing caustic soda which absorbs COz from
the air exhaled. As this apparatus is in use in civil life it is not neces-
sary to describe it here. The Proto set contains oxygen enough to
last two hours. The Salvus apparatus is a lighter and more portable
modification of the Proto, and is good for about half an hour.
Oxygen resuscitating apparatus were also used. Apparatus special
to the war were the mine stretcher, designed for dragging a man
along a gallery and lifting him up a shaft, and a mine gas-testing set
designed in the central laboratory at General Headquarters.
An officer of the R.A.M.C. having been attached to the staff of
the engineer-in-chief for mine rescue work, the pathological aspect
of the question was very thoroughly investigated.
Bored _Mines. These do not appear to have been much used in
their original intention that of pushing a thin pipe towards an
enemy gallery, passing a small charge through it to blow a camouflet,
and then filling the latter with a charge of 300 or 400 Ib. of explosive.
Larger bored mines with tubes up to 6 in. diameter were, however,
used to some extent to make connexions. In some cases trenches were
made in this way 14 ft. deep and 30 ft. wide. Trenches were also
made by sinking bore holes from the surface and placing charges in
them 4. ft. deep and 6 ft. apart. This method gave good cover in a
very short time.
See The Work of the Royal Engineers in the European War 1914-19,
section " Military Mining " (1921), which has been freely quoted in
this article; also The Work of the Miner on the Western Front, 1915-18,
by H. Standish Ball (Paper read at a meeting of the Inst. of Mining
and Metallurgy, April 10 1919). The mine warfare on the western
front is discussed from the German point of view in Schwarte,
Militarischze Lehren des Grossen Krieges (chap. ii.). (L. J.)
MINNESOTA (see 18.348). The pop. of the state in 1920
was 2,387,125 as against 2,075, 708 in I 9 I : an increase of 311,417,
or 1 5 % for the decade, as against an increase of 3 24,3 14, or 1 8- 5 %
for the preceding decade. The total white pop. was 2,368,936,
of whom 1,882,772 were natives and 486,164 foreign-born. Ne-
groes numbered 8,809 and Indians 8,761. The density was 29-5
per sq. m.; 25-7 in 1910. The urban pop. (in places having over
2,500 inhabitants) was 1,051,593, or 44-1%, in 1920, 41-0% in
1910, and the rural pop. 1,335,532, or 55-9%; 59-0% in 1910.
The following table gives the pop. and the percentage of increase
of cities having more than 10,000 inhabitants in 1920.
Cities
1920
1910
Increase
per cent
Minneapolis
St. Paul . . . .
Duluth. . . . .
Winona . . . .
St. Cloud . . .
Ribbing . .
380,582
234,698
98,917
I9-H3
15,873
15,089
301,408
214,744
78,466
18,583
10,600
8,832
26-3
9-3
26-1
3-o
49-7
70-8
Rochester . . .
Mankato . .
Faribault . . .
Austin ... .
13,722
12,469
1 1 ,089
10,118
7,844
10,365
9,001
6,960
74-9
20-3
23-2
45'4
Agriculture and Minerals. There were 178,478 farms in Min-
nesota in 1920, an increase of 14-3% since 1910. These farms cov-
ered about 30,000,000 ac., two-thirds of which was improved; the
total value of farm land and buildings was $3,787,420,118. The
state's two most valuable crops in 1919 were Indian corn, of which
84,786,096 bus. were raised, the value being 110,221,931; and
wheat, 37,616,384 bus., the value being $88,398,508; the total value
of the principal farm crops was $506,020,233. Live stock on farms
was valued at $293,373,818. The northern part of the state is
developing rapidly as a stock-raising and dairying section. About
60% of the output of iron ore in the United States is mined in the
three great iron ranges of northern Minnesota. The Mesaba range,
no m. in length, embraces 180 active mines. The Vermilion and
Cuyuna ranges combined form an additional iron belt of about 50
miles. A total of 43,263,240 tons of ore, valued at $144,706,532,
was shipped from Minnesota mines in 1918.
Manufactures. In 1914 Minnesota ranked thirteenth among the
states of the Union in the value of its manufactures. In the 5,974
establishments (not including hand industries) then existing, $354,-
434, '77 wa s invested, 115,690 persons were employed, and products
valued at $493,354,136 were manufactured. The value of the prod-
ucts had increased 20 % since 1909. The state's fiye most important
industries, in the order of the value of products in 1914, were the
flour-mill and grist-mill, slaughtering and meat-packing, lumber and
timber, dairy and creamery, and foundry and machine-shop in-
dustries. In 1919 some 300 flour-mills produced 29,337,131 bar. of
flour; 8n creameries 143,176,204 Ib. of butter; and 85 cheese fac-
tories 9,452,191 Ib. of cheese. In flour and butter Minnesota's
products exceed those of any other state. The total value of all
dairy products in 1919 was $155,438,698. Since 1910 the slaughtering
and meat-packing industries, centred at South St. Paul, have shown
rapid growth. Because of the depletion of her forests Minnesota
dropped from third place among the states in lumber manufacture
962
MINNESOTA
in 1900 to sixteenth place in 1920; but, though lumbering declined,
timber manufacturing increased, so that Minnesota ranked in 1920
among the first states in the production of pulp wood, railway ties,
fence posts, and telegraph poles. The foundry and machine-shop
industries also have grown rapidly. A portion of the state's iron ore
is now worked in huge iron and steel plants on the St. Louis river
near Duluth, and farm machinery is manufactured increasingly.
Transportation. The railway mileage in Minnesota Dec. 31 1919
was 9,230, an increase of about 9% since 1908. In 1918 there were
161 -8 m. of electric line operated in the state. The U.S. Government
completed in 1920 the construction of a dam in the Mississippi
between St. Paul and Minneapolis, which by means of locks makes
the latter city the head of navigation on the river. An attempt is
being made to revive freighting on the river, between Minneapolis
and St. Louis. With the growth of motor traffic, the demand for
good roads has greatly increased, and the state was engaging in
1921 in road building on an extensive scale. An amendment to the
constitution (1912) authorized the Legislature to levy a one-mill
tax, the proceeds to be distributed among the counties and used for
road building and maintenance; another amendment (1920) author-
ized the Legislature to issue bonds and provided for the taxation
of motor vehicles in order to finance a system of state trunk highways
covering 7,000 m. and comprising 70 routes which will reach every
county seat and important community. There were in 1921 about
98,000 m. of public roads in the state.
Education. The State Department of Education, as reorganized
in 1919, consisted of five citizens, appointed by the governor for
terms of five years. The board appoints the commissioner of educa-
tion, who is actual head of the Department, and holds office for six
years. In 1920 240 high schools, 261 graded schools, 255 consolidated
schools, and 6,107 rural schools fulfilled the requirements of the
Department of Education and therefore received, in addition to
local support, state aid, derived from a one-mill tax, from the income
on the permanent school fund ($30,920,032 in 1920), and from
legislative appropriations. During the year 1920 $38,358,555 was
expended upon public education, an average of $76.16 per pupil. A
new normal school, the sixth, was opened at Bemidji in 1919. By
an Act of 1921 the state normal schools were renamed state teachers'
colleges and were authorized to award appropriate degrees. These
colleges are controlled by a board consisting of the commissioner of
education and eight members appointed by the governor for terms
of four years. The university of Minnesota at Minneapolis comprises
13 colleges and schools, those most recently organized being the
school of nursing (1909) and the school of business (1919). A note-
worthy development in the medical school is its affiliation with the
Mayo Clinic at Rochester. In 1915 William J. and Charles H. Mayo,
the famous surgeons, established the Mayo Foundation for Medical
Education and Research, endowed it to the amount of $1,500,000
and gave it to the university. By virtue of this gift the university
controls practically all medical instruction in Minnesota and has
been enabled to develop research and graduate instruction in medi-
cine. The Department of Agriculture includes a college of forestry, a
school of traction engineering, and a department of home economics.
Schools of agriculture and experiment stations at Crookston, Morris,
Grand Rapids, Duluth, Waseca, Cloquet, and Zumbra Heights afford
assistance and instruction to farmers and students of agriculture
in all parts of the state. The university library of 350,000 volumes is
supplemented by a number of other libraries accessible to students.
These are the Minneapolis Public Library and, in St. Paul, the state
Law Library, the library and manuscript collections of the Min-
nesota Historical Society, housed in a new building erected by the
state in the years 1916-8, and the St. Paul Public Library, which
with the Hill Reference Library, established by the late James J.
Hill, occupies a new and beautiful building. In 1919-20 the university
had 9,027 students; in 1920-1, 930 faculty members and 231 build-
ings (including agricultural schools and experiment stations),
erected at a cost of $6,177,443. An extensive building programme
covering a period of 10 years was initiated in 1919, when the Legisla-
ture appropriated $5,600,000 for this purpose. Besides this the
university's income from the state amounts to about $7,500,000 for
the biennium 1921-3. Since 1911 the university has had three pres-
idents: Dr. George E. Vincent, 1911-7; Dr. Marion L. Burton,
1917-20; and Dr. Lotus D. Coffman.
Government. In 1921 the state's machinery for the super-
vision of labour was reorganized. An industrial commission of
three members appointed by the governor superseded the single
commissioner previously controlling the Department of Labour.
As reorganized, the Department consists of seven divisions:
workmen's compensation, boiler inspection, accident prevention,
statistics, women and children, employment and mediation and
arbitration. The law creating the industrial commission vests
it with special powers and duties: (i) to administer the work-
men's compensation law; (2) to establish and conduct free
employment agencies, supervise the work of private employment
agencies, and deal with the problem of unemployment; and (3)
to promote voluntary arbitration in labour disputes by appoint-
ing, if desirable, temporary boards of arbitration or conciliation
and by conducting investigations and hearings.
The consolidation of the direction of the state's charitable and
penal institutions under the state Board of Control was completed
in 1917, and the Board in 1921 had charge of 17 institutions. Two
new ones are an asylum for the insane, with a special ward for
inebriates at Willmar (1914), and a state reformatory for women at
Shakopee (1920). The new state prison buildings at Stillwater,
completed in 1912, cover 22 ac. in a tract of 1 ,000 ac. The most ad-
vanced methods of discipline and management are used, and
prisoners are paid wages for their labour. During the year 1919 the
per capita expense for each prisoner was $368.30 and the earnings
averaged $906.66. In the fiscal year ending in June 1920. receipts
from prison industries were over $5,000,000. The remarkable de-
velopment of the prison was due largely to Henry Wolfer, warden
from 1892 to 1914. The Legislature of 1921 increased the member-
ship of the state Board of Control from three to five and provided
that two members shall be women. The policy of establishing and
maintaining state parks, of which Itasca state park was the first in
1891, has been followed consistently, with the result that there were
in 1921 14 such parks, located on tracts of land selected for scenic
beauty or historic interest. Those recently established are Alexander
Ramsey state park in Redwood county (1911); Fort Ridgely state
park, Nicollet county (1911); Horace Austin state park, Mower county
(i9'3); Jay Cooke state park, Carlton county (1915); Sibley state
park, Kandiyohi county (1919) ; Toqua Lakes state park, Big Stone
county (1919); Whitewater state park, Winona county (1919);
Scenic state park, Itasca county (1921); and Sleepy Eye Lake state
park, Brown county (1921). In addition the state maintains the
Pillsbury state forest, Cass county, and the Burntside state forest,
St. Louis county. Two Federal forest reserves are also located in the
state: Superior National Forest in St. Louis, Lake and Cook coun-
ties; and Minnesota National Forest in Itasca, Cass and Beltrami
counties. In 1913 the number of legislative districts in the state
was increased from 63 to 67; and in 1920 the term of judges of pro-
bate was lengthened from two to four years by constitutional
amendment. Over 60 cities of the state, including the three largest,
have adopted home-rule charters under the constitutional amend-
ment adopted in 1896 and readopted with some slight changes in
1898. Minneapolis, after many unsuccessful attempts, finally
voted favourably on a home-rule charter in 1920.
Finance. On June 30 1920 there were 1,584 banking institutions
in Minnesota, of which 1,151 were state banks, 24 trust companies,
9 savings banks, 69 building and loan associations, and 331
national banks. Their deposits amounted .to about $800,000,000. The
Federal Reserve Bank for the ninth district is located in Minneapolis.
All banking institutions other than national banks are under the
supervision of the superintendent of banks. This official, or his
deputies, according to the Act of 1909 which created the Depart-
ment of Banking, examines at least twice a year the banks and
other moneyed corporations created under state laws. In 1918,
$15.262,760 in income taxes was paid by 84,515 Minnesotans on
total net incomes amounting to $291,074,629. The total value of
taxable property in the state was $2,084,000,000 in 1921 as compared
with $1,194,962,312 in 1910.
History. The most important political movement of recent
years was the growth of the Non-partizan League. The League,
organized in North Dakota in 1915 by Arthur C Townley, aimed
to secure " state ownership of elevators, flour-mills, packing-
houses and cold-storage plants, the central equipment concerned
with the marketing of the farmers' products." The League's
organizers began to work in Minnesota in 1916, and in Jan. 1917
its national headquarters were established in St. Paul. To enlist
support from the urban population the League attempted to ally
itself with labour, through the organization of a Working
People's Non-partizan Political League. In June 1920 this
movement nearly captured the Republican primary in spite of
the fact that the regular Republicans held a pre-primary con-
vention to choose one candidate on whom they should concen-
trate their votes. Organized labour has rapidly increased its
membership, the figures of July 1920 indicating 717 labour
unions with a membership of over 90,000. The members of over
80% of the unions reporting to the state Department of Labour
received wage increases during the biennium 1918-20. In the
same period the Department received reports on 74 strikes,
involving 51,940 persons.
Probably the two most important pieces of legislation in the dec-
ade 1910-20 were the primary law and the so-called tonnage tax.
The former, passed in 1912, provides that candidates for state and
county offices be nominated at primary elections in June preceding
the general election. With the exception of the state executive
officers, the railway and warehouse commissioners, and the clerk of
the Supreme Court, all state and local officers, including members
MINTO M ISSISSIPPI
963
of the Legislature, are nominated, and consequently elected, on a
non-partizan ballot. The 1921 Legislature provided for pre-primary
conventions, but all attempts to modify the non-partizan features of
the law have failed. The same Legislature passed an Act for a 6%
tax on the net value of mined iron ore, tonnage tax bills having
previously been vetoed by Governors Johnson and Burnquist. The
alignment on the question was largely sectional, legislators from the
mining districts opposing. In Oct. 1918 occurred the most severe
forest fires that the state ever knew. The fires burned over 770,500
ac., principally in Aitkin, Pine, Carlton, and St. Louis counties,
caused 432 deaths, destroyed about $25,000,000 worth of property,
wiped out the thriving towns of Moose Lake and Cloquet, and
threatened Duluth. Since this disaster the state forestry board
(created in 1911) has greatly increased the state force of forest
patrolmen, and during the season of danger lo~al authorities sup-
plement this force. During the unusually dry autumn of 1920, 860
fires were reported (as compared with 525 in 1918), but these were
so promptly extinguished that less than ioo,oooac. were burned over.
The following governors held office after 1909: Albert Olson
Ebcrhart (Rep.), 1900-15; Winficld Scott Hammond (Dem.)
(died in office), Jan.-Dec. 1915; Joseph A. A. Burnquist (Rep.),
1915-21; Jacob A. O. Preus (Rep.), 1921- .
During the World War the Minnesota National Guard, after
serving on the Mexican border in 1916-7, was incorporated in
the army, and a total of 123,325 Minnesota men by enlistment
and draft entered various arms of the service. The 1515! U.S.
Field Artillery and Base Hospital No. 26 were probably the most
distinctively Minnesotan units in the service. War training
schools in Minnesota included the reserve 'officers' training
camps at Fort Snelling, the U.S. Air Service Mechanics' School
in St. Paul, the Dunwoody Naval Training Station in Minne-
apolis, and the Students' Army Training Corps, organized at the
state university and at numerous smaller colleges and schools.
In order that " Minnesota might have, during the period of the
war, a governing body capable of efficiently mobilizing its
resources in men and property, and applying them to the war's
successful prosecution," the Legislature in April 1917 created
the Minnesota Commission of Public Safety, the first of such
commissions in the United States, and appropriated $1,000,000
for its use. The people of Minnesota purchased $483,642,950
worth of Liberty Bonds and war savings stamps and contributed
about $10,000,000 to war relief agencies. (S. J. B.)
MINTO, GILBERT JOHN ELLIOTT-MURRAY-KYNYNMOND,
4x11 EARL OF (1845-1914), English statesman (see 18.564), died
at Minto House, Hawick, March i 1914.
MISIC, ZIVOJIN (1855-1921), Serbian statesman, was the
son of well-to-do peasant parents in a village under Mt. Suvo
Bor, in the heart of the famous Shumaja (Shumadia) district,
which had always been the backbone of Serbian resistance alike
to the Turk and to the Austrian. Born in 1855, he passed
through the old Artillery school in Belgrade and served in the
Serbo-Turkish War of 1877 and the short Serbo-Bulgarian War
of 1885. He then devoted himself to an intense study of military
history and strategy. During the Bosnian annexation crisis he
became assistant chief-of-staff to Gen. Putnik, and in this capac-
ity made his name in the first Balkan War, being promoted gen-
eral. In the second Balkan War in 1913 he was mainly re-
sponsible, under Putnik's orders, for the decisive operations on
the Bregalnitsa, which ended in the overthrow of Bulgaria. When
the World War broke out he was once more Voivode Putnik's
trusted right-hand man; and when the Austrians, after their ini-
tial failure on the Drina and Sava, invaded Serbia with stronger
forces in Nov. 1914, Misic was appointed to the command of
the I. Army, which had to bear the brunt of the attack, and
strongly urged a counter-offensive. Misic's simple and unaffected
heroism inspired his soldiers with confidence: his army order of
Dec. 3 is worthy to rank beside Lord Kitchener's appeal to the
new armies of Britain, and certainly holds a record of soldierly
directness. " Trust in God and forward, heroes," was all its
length. , Misic's spirit spread from his owti immediate command
to the whole Serbian army and found expression in the decisive
victory of Rudnik early in December. The Austrians under
Potiorek were driven headlong out of Serbia, with a loss of 40,000
prisoners and an enormous booty, and 10 months were to pass
before an enemy was seen again on Serbian soil. Thus strangely
enough was fulfilled an authentic peasant prophecy which
foretold that a peasant soldier from the Shumaja would rout a
northern invader within sight of his native village.
Misic, who had been created voivode after Rudnik, distin-
guished himself still further during the terrible retreat of the
Serbian army in the winter of 1915, before the joint German,
Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian advance. Unhappily, politics
entered into the military rearrangements which followed the
concentration of the wrecked Serbian army at Corfu: but Misic
stood beyond the reach even of party intrigue. After a long
interval spent at a western health resort in recovering from the
strain of the campaign, he resumed command of the I. Army
on the Salonika front in Aug. 1917, and in June 1918 was made
chief-of-staff. In this position he played a preeminent part in
elaborating the plan to which the piercing of the Bulgarian
front and, indirectly, the collapse of Austria-Hungary was due.
As a convinced believer in Serbia's national destiny and the idea
of Yugoslav unity, he did all in his power to promote the efforts
of the exiled Yugoslav committee to organize Yugoslav legions
on every front. His death on Jan. 20 1921, after a long and
painful illness, was received with national mourning.
MISSISSIPPI (see 18.599). The pop. in 1920 was 1,790,618,
a decrease of 6,496, or 0-4%, from the 1,797,114 of 1910, as
against an increase of 15-8% in the preceding decade. The
negro pop. was 853,962, or 52-2% of the total as compared with
1,009,487, or 56-2% of the total in 1910. The foreign-born
whites in 1920 numbered 8,019, or 0-4% of the total pop. The
density was 38-6 per sq.m., as against 38-8 in 1910. The urban
pop. (in places of over 2,500) was 13-4%; in 1910, 11-5%. The
six cities having in 1920 a pop. of over 12,000 were:
1920
1910
Increase
per cent
Meridian
Jackson
Vicksburg
Hattiesburg
Laurel
Natchez
23,399
22,817
18,072
13,270
13-037
12,608
23,285
21,262
20,814
11,733
8,465
11,791
o-5
7-3
-13-2
I3-I
5l-o
6-9
Agriculture. In 1920 61-3% of the land area of the state was in
farms, and 51-2% of the farm land was improved. The number of
farms was 272,101, a decrease of 0-8 % since 1910. These farms con-
tained 18,196,979 ac., of which 9,325,677 ac. were improved land.
The improved acreage increased 3-5 % from 1910 to 1920. Of the
total number of farms in 1920, 91,400, or 33-5%, were worked by
owners, or part-owners (68,131 by whites and 23,179 by negroes).
The number of white owners increased 12-4% from 1900 to 1920 and
the number of negro owners II %. The average size of the farms
decreased from 67-6 ac. in 1910 to 66-9 ac. in 1920. The average
value increased from $13.69 per ac. in 1910 to $35.27 in 1920.
Cotton continues the most important crop. The acreage of cotton
decreased from 3,220,000 in 1907 to 3,100,000 in 1920. The number
of acres planted in market-garden produce, peanuts, potatoes, sor-
ghum-cane and corn is increasing. The live-stock industry, pure-bred
hogs and cattle, made the greatest relative advance of any branch
of agriculture from 1910 to 1920.
Manufactures. The value of the total output from factories
increased from $57,451,445 in 1905 to $79,550,095 in 1914. Missis-
sippi ranked 39th among the states in the value of manufactured
products and 3ist in number of wage-earners. The capital invested
in manufactures increased from $50,256,309 in 1904 to $81,005,484
in 1914, or 62 %. The chief manufactured products are lumber,
cotton-seed oil and cake, cotton goods (thread, drills, sheetings,
muslins, etc.), turpentine and rosin. The leading manufacturing
centres are: Meridian, Jackson, Greenville, Columbus, Laurel,
Hattiesburg, Natchez and Vicksburg.
Education and Charities. The most important development in
education has been the establishment of county agricultural high
schools (1908). Every county may establish one for white children
and one for negroes, or two counties may combine and create one
set of schools for the two counties. These schools receive state aid
on the basis of the number of boarding pupils. They receive also
Federal aid. To equalize the term in the grade schools between the
delta and hill counties the distribution of the state school fund is
based on the number of educable children in each county (1920).
A compulsory school attendance law passed in 1920 applies to all
children between the ages of seven and fourteen. The state has a
normal college for the training of teachers, at Hattiesburg (established
1910). A five-million-dollar bond issue was authorized (1920) to
provide buildings for the state's charitable institutions and insti-
tutions of higher learning. Greek letter and similar secret fraternities
964
MISSOURI
are forbidden by law (1912) in all schools supported in whole or in
part by the state. An industrial training school for delinquent and
abandoned children is at Columbia (1916), and a tuberculosis sana-
torium at Magee (1916).
Administration and Legislation. In the decade 1910-20 Missis-
sippi enacted much constructive legislation, covering a wide range.
The constitution of 1890, enacted to ensure white supremacy, and
still in force, has been amended with the view of putting the Gov-
ernment more in the direct control of the people. The initiative and
referendum were embodied in the constitution by amendment (1916).
An initiative petition must be supported by 7, 500 qualified electors,
and to refer a law to the people requires 6,000. Any " law, bill,
resolution, constitutional amendment, or any other legislative
measure " is a proper subject for such petitions. The state also has
the recall, but does not apply it to all executive offices. The judiciary
is entirely elective circuit and chancery judges since 1912, Supreme
Court judges since 1916. By a constitutional amendment (1916) the
Supreme Court consists of six judges and is permitted to sit in two
divisions for the consideration of cases. The term of Supreme Court
judges is eight years; that of circuit and chancery judges fouryears.
Nine or more jurors may return a verdict in all civil cases in the
circuit and chancery courts (1916). The Legislature is elected for
four years and meets in regular session biennially (1910). Extra
sessions may be called by the governor. All appropriations are made
for two years. The fee system for the pay of county officials was
abandoned in 1920 and salaries paid according to the assessed
valuation of the property of the counties. For this purpose the
counties of the state are divided into five classes. The Torrens
system for perfecting land titles has been in effect since 1915 and a
uniform negotiable- instruments law was enacted in 1916. The state
collects a tax of five mills on the dollar on all incomes over $2,500
(1912). A state department of banking was created in 1914 and a
board of bank examiners of three is elected for four years. Bank
deposits are guaranteed by state law (1916). A bureau of vital
statistics was established in 1912, and the Board of Health has done
much to reduce malaria, hook-worm and tuberculosis.
The state has a comprehensive child labour law, passed in 1912.
No child under 12 may be employed in any mill or factory; and no
child under 16 may be employed for more than eight hours per day.
No employee is permitted to work in any mill or factory more than
10 hours per day. The county health officer, working under the state
factory inspector, is responsible for the enforcement of the law. A
pardon board of five members, appointed by the governor for four
years, passes on all petitions for pardons (1916). Petitions must be
published for 30 days in the county where the crime was committed.
The board acts only in an advisory capacity to the governor. A
state highway commission was created in 1916.
Mississippi during the World War supplied to the U.S. army
43.362 drafted men (of whom 19,296 were whites and 24,066 negroes),
as well as 9,044 volunteers. To the navy 4,069 men were supplied,
and to the marine corps 265.
In 1921 the state was represented in the U.S. Senate by John
Sharpe Williams and Pat Harrison. The latter defeated James K.
Vardaman^in 1918 in a hotly contested election, turning largely on
Vardaman's opposition to President Wilson's war policies. The follow-
ing have been governors since 1910: Edmund F. Noel (Dem.),
1908-12; Earl Leroy Brewer (Dem.), 1912-6; Theodore G Bilbo
(Dem.), 1916-20; Lee M. Russell (Dem.), 1920- . (W. C. M.*)
MISSOURI (see 18.607). During the decade 1910-20 Missouri
continued her transition from the period of frontier influences,
of rapid growth of population and development of natural re-
sources to the stage of industrial development and growth of
urban population. The transition was, however, hardly more
than well begun, and the state was still primarily agricultural.
The total pop. in 1020 was 3,404,055, as compared with 3,293,-
335 in 1910, an increase of 110,720, or 3-4 per cent. The per-
centage of urban pop. (in centres of 2,500 or more) increased
from42-5%in 1910 tO46-6%in 1920. Of this urban pop. 34-5%
in 1920 was in the three cities of St. Louis, Kansas City and St.
Joseph. The rural pop. showed an absolute decrease in both
1910 and 1920; in the latter year only 19 counties showed an
increase. The pop. of the 10 chief cities was as follows:
1920
1910
Increase
per cent
St. Louis
Kansas City
St. Joseph
Springfield
772,897
324,410
77,939
39,631
687,029
248,381
77403
35.201
12-5
30-6
'7
12-6
Joplin
Sedalia
Hannibal
Jefferson City
29,902
21,144
19,306
14,490
32,073
17,822
18,341
11,850
-6-8
18-6
5-2
21-6
Moberly
Independence
12,808
11,686
10,923
9,859
17-3
18-5
The Roman Catholic Church remained the largest in the
state, having in 1916 445,352 members or 32-5% of the total of
i,37o,55i for all denominations. There were 252,107 Baptists,
228,135 Methodists, 145,403 Disciples of Christ, 67,628 Presby-
terians, 45,313 Lutherans, and 37,374 members of the German
Evangelical Synod of N. America.
Agriculture. In 1920, 34,774,679 ac., or 79 % of the total area of
the state, was in farm lands; of this 24,832,966 ac., or 71-4%, was
improved. The average size of a farm was 132-2 acres. The per-
centage of farms operated by owners increased during 1910-20 from
69-4% to 70-4%. In 1920, 51 % of the farms operated by owners
were mortgaged. The increase in values of farm property in the
decade, 74-9 %, to $3,591,068,085, reflected primarily the general rise
in price level. This rise in price level makes acreage the only intel-
ligible basis for crop comparisons. In 1919 cereal, and hay and
forage crops continued to lead. Tobacco remained a relatively unim-
portant crop, though widely grown, with 4,490 ac. in 1919. Cotton
gained from 96,527 ac. in 1909 to 110,927 ac. in 1919. Fruit, pri-
marily apples, continued an important crop. After 1909, the acreage in
Indian corn decreased 21-7% to 5,567,079 ac. in 1919, while wheat
increased 126-3% to 4,564,990 acres. The greater part of these
changes occurred after 1914, resulting from the World War. The
total value of all farm crops in 1919 was $559,947,856, of which the
cereals contributed $394,195,226, hay and forage $95,897,050.
Indian corn was valued at $219,513,084, wheat at $140,202,501, and
oats at $32,394,961. Increasing progress is ensured by the exten-
sive drainage operations in the local drainage districts of the S.E.,
and by the increased interests in improved farming methods
.and in cooperative organizations. The Agricultural College of the
state university in cooperation with the Federal Government has
been very active in agricultural extension work; in May 1921 65
counties had farm bureaus, 62 of which employed county farm
advisers. On Jan. I 1920 there were on the farms 906,220 horses,
389,945 mules, 1,714,894 beef cattle, 1,966,750 dairy cattle,
1,271,616 sheep and 3,888,677 swine. The total value of these
animals was estimated at $361,841,529. There were 24,883,985
chickens, an increase of 25% over April 15 1910. In 1919
Missouri produced 7,705,993 Ib. of wool; dairy products were
valued at $34,752,845, and eggs at $42,193,285.
Mines and Quarries. Lead and zinc continued to be by far the
most important mineral products, with a total value of $51,747,580
in 1917, about two-thirds of it for lead, and $27,462,050 in 1918,
four-fifths for lead. Under the stimulus of the World War the amount
mined as well as the values showed a marked increase; in 1910 Mis-
souri ore produced 161,659 short tons of lead; in 1916 347,869 tons;
in 1917 218,253 short tons; and in 1918 287,983 tons. Zinc ore
increased from 256,667 short tons in 1910 to 304,070 in 1916, more
than one-fourth of the national total, but fell to 113,371 in 1918.
Iron, copper, nickel and cobalt, though relatively less important,
showed marked increases in 1916, 1917 and 1918, and Missouri
retained first place in the production of barytes. The value of coal
mined in 1918 was $17,126,498; building stone (chiefly limestone)
was valued at $1,652,389. The total value of mining and quarry
products was $67,674,146 in 1918; the value of clay products was
$9,198,184 and of cement $7,132,470.
Manufactures. From 1909 to 1914 the total value of manufac-
tured goods increased 11-1% to $637,952,128, while the added
value increased 13-4 % to $249,237,269. The total of capital invested
was $522,548,083. Twelve industries in 1914 had a product valued
at more than $10,000,000 each and as a group produced 60-5 % of
the total value and employed 55-1% of the total wage-earners.
Slaughtering and meat-packing continued to furnish the largest
single item $92,060,499 or 14-4% of the total; the boot and shoe
industry was second with $52,522,006 (8-2 %) ; flour and grist mills
third with $38,686,309 (6-1%); and tobacco fourth with a product
valued at $33,380,843 (5-2 %). Other industries were malt liquors
($31,801,404); lumber and timber ($18,396,838); men's clothing
($17,300,109), and cars and general shop construction and repairs
by steam railways ($12,847,319). The two cities of over 100,000,
St. Louis and Kansas City, gave employment to about two-thirds
of the wage-earners and produced two-thirds of the total values,
St. Louis contributing over half the total in both items.
Government. 1 Fifty-five constitutional amendments were submit-
ted to popular vote between 1910 and 1920. From 1910 to 1918
out of 42 only one, permitting the pensioning of the blind, was
adopted. The bitter opposition to State prohibition (defeated in
1910, 1916 and 1918) and to the single tax (rejected in 1912 and 1918)
:ontributed to the popular distrust of all amendments. In 1920,
however, 9 out of the 13 proposed were adopted. Nearly half of all
the amendments proposed to relax the limitations on taxing or
borrowing power. Seven (all rejected) were to provide more revenue
Tor education, eight (two adopted in 1920) for good roads, and six
[two adopted in 1920) relaxed the deist limits for the local units.
3ther rejected amendments of general interest were those proposing
woman suffrage by State action (1914); a State tax commission
'The legislation of 1921 is subject to rejection through the
referendum.
MISTRAL, FREDERIC
965
(1912); rural credit schemes (1916, 1918); increased pay for legis-
lators (1910, 1914, 1920) ; pensions for police and school teachers in
cities (1910). The uniform failure, until 1920, of the proposed
amendments stimulated a demand for a new constitution. Although
endorsed by both parties since 1916, the proposal was not submitted
by the Assembly, largely because of partizan opposition to the basis
of representation in the convention. A constitutional amendment,
proposed by the initiative, was adopted by popular vote in 1920,
including a compromise on apportionment, and providing that
the question of holding a constitutional convention should be sub-
mitted to the voters at least every 20 years and for such a submission
at a special election in 1921. Missouri ratified the Sixteenth Amend-
ment to the Federal Constitution (income tax) in 1909, the Seven-
teenth (direct election of U.S. Senators) in 1911, the Eighteenth
(prohibition) and Nineteenth (woman suffrage) in 1919. An Amend-
ment to the constitution of the state adopted in 1920 gave cities of
over 100,000 the right to draw up their own charters. Fifteen of the
proposed constitutional amendments were submitted through the
initiative, including prohibition (twice), the single tax (twice) and
woman suffrage. Only one of the 15 was adopted, that provid-
ing for a new method of summoning a Constitutional Convention
(1920). Six Acts of the Legislature have been submitted to a popular
vote through the referendum; four were rejected in 1914, including
the minimum train crew Act. The " bone dry " prohibition Act
was upheld in 1920, but workmen's compensation was defeated.
The more important new administrative boards and bureaus were
the Food and Drug Commissioner, 1909 (abolished 1921) ; the Public
Service Commission, 1913; the State Highway Department, 1917;
and the Tax Commission, 1917 (abolished 1921). The Public Service
Commission 1913 with real powers of regulation marked a departure
from the earlier Missouri practice of leaving the regulation of
public utilities to local city boards. Consolidation of departments
and commissions, urged by Gov. Hadley, began in 1917, when the
penitentiary and other reformatory institutions were placed under a
single prison board, and by 1921 had made substantial progress.
Seven general departments were created : the Department of Finance,
including the old Departments of Banking, Building and Loan
Associations and Soldiers' Settlement; Commissioner of Public
Welfare, including various departments in charge of inspections;
the Board of Eleemosynary Institutions; Department of Labour;
Department of Agriculture; and the Department of Budget, to take
over the supervisory and budget-recommending powers of the Tax
Commission and serve also as a purchasing department.
Missouri remained conservative in labour legislation; a minimum
train crew law was defeated in 1914, and a workmen's compensation
law in 1920, both by the referendum. A new compensation law,
elective on the part of the employer, was passed in 1921. A fairly
comprehensive but very moderate Act was passed in 1913 to provide
for the health and safety of employees, including limitation of hours
for women. The compulsory school attendance law of 1919 inciden-
tally limited child labour. The greater part of a children's code,
recommended by two commissions, was put in the statute book.
Revenue. The revenue, inelastic through constitutional limitations,
proved increasingly inadequate after 1910, until the unpaid current
obligations in 1917 totalled $1,800,000, in spite of many vetoes of
appropriations. Attempts to secure relief for special purposes such
as schools and good roads by constitutional amendments had all
failed. The Assembly in 1917 passed new indirect taxes, a state
income tax, a corporation franchise tax, a direct inheritance tax
(superseding the collateral inheritance tax), a secured debts tax,
" soft " drinks stamps and wholesale liquor dealers' licence, which
yielded altogether nearly $2,400,000 in 1917-9. It also established
the Tax Commission which in 1918 and 1919 urged a 100% assess-
ment for the direct property tax to secure uniformity of taxation and
increase of revenue. The state Board of Equalization raised the total
assessed valuation about 20% in 1919 and proposed a further sub-
stantial increase in 1921. The assessed valuation of real and per-
sonal property increased from $1,658,587,414 in 1916 to $2,471,746,-
046 in 1920. The total revenue of the state was $7,151,125 in 1910
and $17,666,137 in 1918. The per capita cost of state government
was still low, $4.51 in 1919; the direct property tax levy was only
$0.54 on the $1,000 of actual cash value in 1916, and $0.88 in 1919.
The outstanding state debt Jan. I 1921 consisted of $4,398,839
certificates of indebtedness in the school and seminary funds, and
$1,500,000 capital refunding bonds, a total of $5,898,839. The net
indebtedness of the counties in 1913 was $6,580,450 and of in-
corporated places $46,999,383.
_ Charitable and Penal Institutions. An industrial home for negro
girls was authorized in 1909 and opened at Tipton in 1916. The
Training School for Boys at Boonville was in 1915 transformed into
the Reformatory for Boys. In 1917 the administration of the
penitentiary was reorganized, contract convict labour abolished and
conditions improved.
Education. Missouri appropriates one-third of the general revenue
to the support of the public schools, amounting to $1,618,341 in
1910 and to $3,423,849 in 1920. To this must be added $187,040,
the interest on the state's common school fund of $3,159,000. The
estimated total expenditure for public schools from state and local
sources rose in the decade 1910-20 from $13,905,188 to $28,048,051.
The permanent county and municipal funds of the counties, derived
from the proceeds of the sales of stray animals and from escheats and
fines, and from permanent township funds, derived from the sale of
lands granted by the Federal Government, increased from $9,825,991
to $11,561,583. The average daily attendance of the public schools
rose from 490,374 to 531,221. Although the public schools continued
to lack sufficient revenue, there was much constructive legislation,
especially as to the rural schools. The state funds were apportioned
on the basis of the number of teachers and attendance instead of
enrolment (1911) and additional aid was given to rural schools (1909,
1911, 1915) and to high schools (1913) in the poorer districts. The
size of the local school district for purposes of administration and
taxation was increased through authorizing the appointment of
county superintendents (1909), encouraging the consolidation of
schools (1913, 1917) and especially by the county unit Act of 1921,
which, in all counties that do not include a first-class high school,
made the county the unit for administration and taxation. The re-
requirements for teachers' certificates were raised in 1911 and 1921
and provision made for the training of teachers in the high school
(1913). An effective compulsory attendance law was passed in 1919.
Under the Federal Smith-Hughes Act, Missouri received in 1920
$103,808 from the Federal Government for vocational education and
for the training of teachers. The enrolment in the state university
at Columbia and Rolla increased from 3,083 (165 at the School of
Mines at Rolla) in 1911 to 5,800 (466 at Rolla) in 1920. For the
biennial period 1911-2 the university received from interest on the
state Seminary Fund, state appropriations, income on endowment,
and from the Federal Government a total of $1,555,712 ; for the bien-
nium 1919-20, the corresponding total was $2,483,808. The Exten-
sion Division was organized in 1913; the School of Commerce in
1914, expanded in 1916 to the School of Commerce and Business
Administration. There was notable development in extension work
in agriculture and home economics under the recent Federal aid
laws. In 1911 the university was placed on the approved list of the
Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching.
History. Governor Hadley was a leading supporter of Roose-
velt for the Republican nomination in 191 2, though supporting
Taft in the election. Wilson that year received 330,746 votes,
Taft 207,821, Roosevelt 124,371. In. 1916 Wilson defeated
Hughes by 28,693, but the Democratic candidate for governor
defeated the Republican by only 2,263. I n JQJS, however,
Folk, the Democratic candidate for U.S. Senator, ran 35,283
behind Spencer, Republican, while the Republican candidate
for state Superintendent of Education won over the Democratic
by 1,109. The disorganization in the local Democratic party
was increased by the opposition of Senator Reed to the League
of Nations and, with the general national reaction, resulted in
1920 in the election of a Republican state administration and a
Republican majority in both Houses of the Assembly (for the
first time since 1870) and in a presidential majority for Harding
over Cox of 152,363.
In the World War Missouri furnished (to Oct. 31 1918)
140,257 men; of these 92,843 were inducted under the Selective
Service Act. Her losses were 1,270 killed in action; 1,531 dead
from wounds, disease and accident; a total of 2,801. Missouri's
subscription and quota for the First Liberty Loan were respec-
tively $51,863,388 and $65,562,800; for the Second $80,810,400
and $122,226,600; for the Third $79, 599, 700 and $110,828,300;
for the Fourth $163,884,700 and $172,832,700; and for the
Fifth, or Victory Loan $119,118,050 and $121,627,550. Mis-
souri was one of the first states to establish (April 24 1917) a
State Council of Defense which, through a very efficient system of
county councils, greatly increased the production of food-stuffs,
increasing the wheat acreage over 20% in 1917, and by an even
greater percentage in 1918, and investigated the few cases there
were of disloyalty or disaffection.
Recent governors have been Herbert S. Hadley (Rep.),
1909-13; Eliot W. Major (Dem.), 1913-7; Frederic D. Gardner
(Dem.), 1917-21; Arthur M. Hyde (Rep.), 1921- . (J. Vl.)
MISTRAL, FREDERIC (1830-1914), Provengal poet (see
18.616), in 1906 published a Provencal translation of Genesis,
and Olivades, a collection of Provencal poems, in 1912. His
memoirs appeared, under the title Mes Origines, in 1906. He
died at Maillarre, near Marseilles, March 26 1914.
See P. Brousse, Frederic Mistral (1903) ; E. Lefevre, Bibliographie
mistralienne (1903) ; H. J. Bocken, Frederic Mistral (1910) ; J. Brochet,
Frederic Mistral (1910); J. Charles Roux, Le Jubile de Fr. Mistral
(1912); E. Ripert, La Versification de Frederic Mistral (1917); P.;
Lasserre, Frederic Mistral (1918); J. Vincent, Frederic Mistral: sa
vie et son influence (1918).
966
MITCHELL MONEY MARKET
MITCHELL, SILAS WEIR (1830^1914), American physician
and author (see 18.618), died in Philadelphia, Pa., Jan. 4 1914.
After 1910 he published John Sherwood, Ironmaster (ign),
West-ways (1913), and Complete Poems (1914)-
MOHN, HENRIK (1835-1916), Norwegian meteorologist, was
born at Bergen May 15 1835, his family being of German origin.
He was educated at the Cathedral school, Bergen, and after-
wards entered the university of Christiania, where he took his
doctor's degree in 1852. In 1861 he became an observer at the
Christiania observatory, in 1866 was elected professor of meteor-
ology at Christiania University, and in 1866 was appointed
director of the Norwegian Meteorological Institute, which he
was largely instrumental in founding. He retained this post until
1913. Mohn's meteorological researches were of the highest
importance. His tudes sur les mouvements de I'atmosphere,
written in collaboration with the mathematician Goldberg
(1876-8), is a work of great value for the study of the dynamics
of the atmosphere, and the authors continued their researches
on the subject in various papers contributed to the Zeitschrift
der Oest. Meteor. Gesell. (1877-8). Mohn did much work on the
subject of storms, publishing storm maps of the Atlantic (1870-1),
and he also carried out researches (1876-8) on the meteorology
and oceanography of the northern Atlantic. He worked out
and published the meteorological observations of various polar
expeditions, including those of Nansen in the " Fram " (1893-6),
the second " Fram " expedition (1898-1902), and Amundsen's
south polar journey (1910-2), some of his papers appearing as
supplements to Petermann's Mitteilungen. He also published
many articles on the climate of Norway and conducted investi-
gations into the use of the hypsometer, which are of great
importance for the study of the physics of the earth. Besides
the works mentioned above, he produced Grundzilge der Meteo-
rologie, which has gone through numerous enlarged editions since
its first appearance in 1872 as a small text-book. Mohn was a
member of many foreign scientific societies, and was senior hon.
member of the Royal Meteorological Society of London, having
been elected in 1874. He died at Christiania Sept. 12 1916.
MOLESWORTH, MARY LOUISA (1830-1921), Scottish writer
(see 18.660), died in London, July 21 1921.
MOLTKE, HELMUTH VON (1848-1916), Prussian general,
chief of the German general staff at the outbreak of the World
War, was born at Gersdorf in Mecklenburg on May 23 1848, and
was the nephew of the great Moltke. From 1902 to 1904 he
was in command of the ist Div. of the Guards Corps with the
rank of lieutenant-general. In 1906 he was appointed chief of
the general staff of the army. He was responsible for the general
conduct of the German operations at the beginning of the
World War and is now known to have been acting upon the
plan for the invasion of the north-east of France and a rapid
advance upon Paris which had been drawn up by his great
predecessor, Gen. von Schlieffen. In important particulars, how-
ever, he appears to have deviated from Schlieffen's plan, and in
particular to have failed to concentrate sufficient force in the
blow which was delivered on the north-east. He has likewise
been charged with having failed to coordinate the positions of
the German forces on the eve of the battle of the Marne, and
having allowed to be issued confusing orders which contributed
to the German defeat in that decisive battle. About the same
time his health had become seriously impaired, and on Oct. 25
1914 he was relieved of his post and was succeeded by Gen. von
Falkenhayn. He was entrusted in Berlin with the office of
chief of the home substitute for the general staff (Der stelher-
tretende Generalstab) , which had the task of organizing and for-
warding the reserves and of controlling the Territorial army
corps, corresponding to those at the front. General von Moltke
died suddenly at a celebration in the Reichstag building on June
18 1916. He left memoirs entitled Die " Schuld " am Kriege,
which up to 1921 had not yet been published.
MONO, SIR ALFRED MORITZ, IST BART. (1868- ),
British politician, was born at Farnworth, near Widnes, Lanes.,
Oct. 23 1868, the son of the famous chemist Ludwig Mond (see
18.693). Hewas educatedat Cheltenham and St. John's College,
Cambridge, and afterwards at Edinburgh University. In 1894
he was called to the bar, and afterwards joined the North Wales
and Chester circuit. He entered the firm of Brunner, Mond &
Co., becoming a director in 1895, and also became chairman of
the Mond Nickel Co. and a director of the South Staffordshire
Mond Gas Co. and various other companies. He was elected
to Parliament in 1906 as Liberal member for Chester, losing his
seat in 1910, but the same year was elected for Swansea and
created a baronet. On the formation of Mr. Lloyd George's
Ministry in 1916 he became First Commissioner of Works, and
in 1921 he became Minister of Health. Sir Alfred Mond was in
1908 chairman of the chemical industries section of the Franco-
British exhibition. He published many articles on the alkali
trade in scientific and economic journals, besides a volume of
essays, Questions of To-day and To-morrow (1912). His wife
Violet, daughter of J. H. Goetze, was well known in society, and
was created D.B.E. for her work during the war; and their
daughter Eva Violet married in 1914 Visct. Erleigh, eldest son
of Lord Reading.
MONET, CLAUDE (1840- ), French painter (see 18.694).
In his later years Monet worked at his painting solely in the
neighbourhood of Giverny, where he lived, and devoted himself
to the study of modifications in the aspect of a limited number of
subjects caused by changes in the light and the seasons. On the
motive of the " Bassin aux Nympheas " he produced a series of
twelve large compositions. Another series, painted in 1913, is
the " Arceaux Fleuris," which represents a corner of his garden
at Givern'y. In 1918 he produced a number of similar studies
under the general title of " Saule Pleureur."
MONEY MARKET (see 17.732*). Like most of the terms cur-
rent in business or in economics, the phrase "money market " is
used in different senses. It sometimes means the whole financial
machinery as applied to the creation, collection and distribution
of both credit and capital, and so includes not only the banks,
accepting houses and discount houses, but also the stock ex-
change, bullion brokers, dealers in foreign exchange, company
promoters, and all others who handle the business of lending and
investing money and transferring it from one country to another.
The subject of the present article, however, is the money market
in the narrower sense of the phrase, covering the machinery of
the creation and distribution of credit that is to say, of banking
money which can be produced for the use of borrowers by banks
and financial firms and companies. Loan issuers, company pro-
moters, and stockbrokers do not exercise this power of creating
money; they collect money saved by the public or borrowed by
the public from bankers, and hand it over to governments,
municipalities or industrial and commercial users to be used by
official borrowers for public works, or for military expenditure,
or to cover a deficit, and by industry and trade in developing
production and distribution. The money market, however, in
its strict and narrower sense not only collects money but creates
and expands its supply. In England, where before the World
War the money market had been developed to a very high point
of elasticity and specialization, it worked by means of a ring of
banks grouped round the Bank of England as its centre, with the
assistance of accepting houses, a group of private firms of high
standing, who performed an important function in the creation
of bills of exchange, and the discount houses or bill-brokers,
a group of joint-stock companies and private firms, which
specialized in buying and selling bills of exchange, using for this
purpose money largely borrowed from the banks.
In any country which founds its monetary system on a scien-
tific basis the power of the banks to create credit cannot be ex-
panded indefinitely; some check must be imposed either by law,
or, as in England, by convention, tradition and the prudence of
the bankers. Caution on their part is stimulated by the fact
that they have always to be ready to meet demands upon them
in legal-tender cash ; and so the amount of credit which they can
prudently create is limited by the amount of legal-tender cash
that they have available or can obtain if required.
Legal-tender cash means cash that can be legally tendered,
and must be received by the creditor, in payment of a debt. In
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
MONEY MARKET
967
England it consisted before the war of gold sovereigns and half-
sovereigns and Bank of England notes, which could be tendered
up to any amount; silver coins, which could be tendered for
payments of not more than forty shillings; and bronze coins up
to 12 pence. Since, as will be seen, the amount of Bank of
England notes that could be issued depended strictly upon the
amount of gold held by the Bank, it thus followed that the
amount of gold at the Bank of England and in the hands of the
other banks limited the amount of banking currency which the
banks were able to create, owing to the fact that this banking
currency was convertible on demand into legal-tender cash.
This was the justification for the statement that the basis of
British credit was gold; but it should be remembered that this
statement only conveys half the facts of credit creation. Gold
was the basis of credit in so far as it limited the amount which
the bankers could prudently make themselves liable to provide
if called upon; but another and very important part of the basis
of credit consisted of the wealth and standing of the borrowers
and the security which they were able to offer for the repayment
of the loans, advances and discounts through the creation of
which new credit was produced and new banking money was put
into circulation.
Returning now to the group, described above, that conducted
credit operations in the City of London before the war, we find
at the centre of it the Bank of England, whose strength and pres-
tige depended on the fact that it was banker to the British
Government and so was believed to be able always to rely upon
its support in time of crisis, and also to the great joint-stock
banks which had covered England with their branches and held,
as we shall see, a balance at the Bank of England as part of their
cash reserve, another very important item in which was their
holding of Bank of England notes. The issue of these notes was
strictly regulated by the terms of the Bank Act of 1844. Up
to 18,450,000 (originally 14,000,000) notes could be issued
against securities; beyond this sum every note had to be backed
by its equivalent in coin and bullion; according to the terms of the
Act, one-fifth of this bullion might consist of silver, but this
power had never been exercised since 1861; after that date the
metallic backing of the Bank of England's note issue always
consisted of gold. The securities held against the 18,430,000
notes the fiduciary issue as they are usually called, which have
no metallic backing have always been Government securities,
but this restriction is not imposed by the Bank Act, which only
instructed the Bank to transfer to its issue department securities,
of which the public debt of n millions (a book debt from the
Government to the Bank) should form part.
No such legal restrictions limited the extent to which the
Bank of England and the other banks of the country could create
credit for their customers. In its issue department, which con-
ducts the note issue, the Bank of England was tied hand-and-
foot by the Act of 1844. In its banking department it was free
to create credit to any extent that its own prudence permitted,
and it is this fact that gave the London monetary system the
elasticity combined with control which was one of its chief claims
to efficiency. The Bank could not, without breaking the law,
expand its note issue without an equivalent expansion in its
holding of bullion, but it could, according to its own judgment,
by making advances and discounting bills, expand the amount
of credit in its books held by the other banks; and these book
credits at the Bank of England were regarded by the other banks
and by the whole financial and commercial community as prac-
tically the equivalent of legal-tender cash at least for balance-
sheet purposes. To make the matter clearer, specimens are here
appended of a pre-war Bank of England return and a balance-
sheet of the largest joint-stock bank.
BANK OF ENGLAND
Account for the Week ended Wednesday, July 15 1914.
ISSUE DEPARTMENT
BANKING
Proprietors'Capital 14,553,000
Rest . . . 3,431,484
Public Deposits . 13,318,714
Other Deposits . 42,485,605
Seven-day and
other Bills . . 29,010
DEPARTMENT
Government Securities n ,005,126
Other Securities . 33,623,288
Notes .... 27,592,980
Gold and Silver Coin 1,596,419
73.8i7.8i3
73,817.813
Notes Issued
56,908,235
56.908,235
Government Debt .
Other Securities .
Gold Coin and Bullion
11,015,100
7,434,900
38,458,235
56,908.235
LONDON CITY AND MIDLAND BANK
Paid-up Capital
Reserve Fund
Current, Deposit
and other Ac-
counts (including
Undivided Prof-
its) . . .
Acceptances . .
Balance Sheet, June 30 1914
(Condensed and simplified)
. 4,348.650
3,700,000
95,027.439
7.353.HO
110,429.199
Cash in Hand and at
Bank of England 15,128,192
Money at Call and
Short Notice .
Investments
Bills of Exchange
Advances, Loans and
other Accounts
Liability of Customers
for Acceptances
Premises
12,510,356
8,835,697
10,230,300
54,081,382
7,353,110
2,290,162
110,429,199
In an ordinary bank balance-sheet the first item on the
" Assets " side consisted of: " Cash in hand and at the Bank
of England," which were put together under one heading as if
there were no practical difference between a holding of legal- tender
cash and a credit in the books of the Bank of England. By means
of this convention, cash at the Bank of England could be very
easily expanded, through advances made by it which became
cash at the Bank of England in the balance-sheets of the other
banks, whenever there was need for an abnormal amount of
money at seasons such as the end of each quarter and especially
the last day of the year, owing to heavy payments then made and
the large number of balance-sheets, both banking and other,
which are then drawn up. These advances were seldom or never
made directly to the other banks. The second line in the assets in
their balance-sheets consisted of: " Money at call and short
notice," which were usually made to discount houses and stock-
brokers, though other borrowers, such as Indian and Colonial
banks and foreign banks and financial firms, also took large sums
at times from the English banks. By calling in some of this
money at times of stringency the banks used to compel the dis-
count houses to borrow from, or discount bills at, the Bank of
England, and stockbrokers to borrow from it, in order to repay
them: the fresh credit so produced was paid into the accounts of
the banks and so increased their holding of cash at the Bank of
England. This system worked with very great ease and elasticity,
but was obviously liable to abuse and tempted the bankers to
create credit, perhaps sometimes too freely, relying on this power
to replenish their resources as described. The same result was
produced when the Government found it necessary to borrow
from the Bank of England at times when its expenditure was
temporarily larger than its revenue. If, for example, the Govern-
ment borrowed 2 millions from the Bank on " Ways and Means "
or " Deficiency " Advances, in order to pay for battleships or
meet the interest on Consols, the Bank of England gave them so
much credit in its books, which it paid out to shipbuilders or
Consols holders in the form of cheques on the Bank, and those
who received this newly created money paid the cheques into
their own accounts at their own banks, which thus received an
addition to their cash at the Bank of England. Thus, whether
the borrowing was done by the Government or by the financial
community, the result was usually an addition to the other de-
posits in the banking department of the Bank of England, with a
corresponding increase in the securities on the other side. If the
Government were the borrower the increase would be under
Government securities; if the borrowing was done by other
customers the increase would be in " other " securities. It
should be noted that the " other deposits " in the Bank of
England's banking department include many other accounts
besides those of the other banks. The public deposits are exclu-
sively those of the British Government; the accounts of any
968
MONEY MARKET
other public body, such as the Indian Government and Colonial
Governments or British municipalities, and all the private
customers who bank with the Bank of England, are included
with the other banks in the " other deposits."
On this basis of " cash in hand and at the Bank of England "
the other banks had built up the great organization which had
covered England with a network of branches which collected,
distributed and created cash and credit for the community.
The specimen balance-sheet given above needs little explanation.
On the liabilities side we have the capital subscribed by the
shareholders to start the business, which is only a liability in the
sense that it would have to be repaid or accounted for if the bank
were wound up. The reserve fund has been accumulated out of
past profits and is also a liability only in the sense that it is the
property of the shareholders and has to be accounted for. A
liability in a much more real sense is the item of current and
deposit accounts which makes up the greater part of the total.
This is money deposited by the public and liable to be withdrawn
on demand in the case of current accounts, or after notice of
seven days or some other short period in the case of deposit ac-
counts. On the other side of the account we see: " Cash in hand
and at the Bank of England," " Money at call or short notice,"
which has been lent, as already described, to discount houses,
stockbrokers, and other professional dealers in money. The
" Bills discounted " are bills of exchange, most of which are prob-
ably drawn on other banks or the great London accepting
houses, though they also include a considerable number of local
bills discounted for industrial customers. With a portfolio of bills
of this kind, arranged so that a certain proportion fell due every
day, a bank could always replenish its cash by refraining from
buying new bills to take the place of those maturing. " In-
vestments " are the bank's holding of British Government and
other securities, usually of a kind which it would expect to be able
to realize by sale on the Stock Exchange in the case of any sudden
demand upon it for cash. The large item of " Loans and ad-
vances " expresses the activity of the bank in financing industry
and trade by lending money to customers. Here again it should
be noted that, just as the Bank of England, by lending money or
discounting bills, increased the amount of its own deposits, so
the other banks by the same process increased the aggregate of
general banking deposits. The borrowing customer gets a credit
(say for 10,000) from his bank A, against which he would draw
a cheque to make the payment for the purpose for which he
borrowed the money. If the cheque was paid to a customer of the
same bank its deposits would be increased by 10,000 and its loans
and advances by the same amount, its cash total being un-
affected. If the recipient of the cheque banked with another
bank, B, then the cheque would, through the machinery of
the clearing-house, transfer 10,000 of cash at the Bank of
England from bank A to bank B, and B's cash and the amount
of its deposits will both have been increased by 10,000. Bank
A would have had its cash at the Bank of England diminished
by 10,000, but its loans and advances would have been in-
creased by this amount and its deposits would be unaltered by
the transaction; and as long as this loan was outstanding the
increase that it had thus effected in the aggregate of banking
deposits would remain. It will be noted that the item of accept-
ances which appears among the liabilities is exactly balanced
on the assets side by " liability of customers on account of
acceptances." This item arises out of the creation of bills of
exchange which had been accepted by the banks on behalf
of customers who had directed those from whom they bought
goods to draw upon the bank, so putting into their hands a
first-class security which could be easily negotiated. By thus
placing its name at the disposal of a customer the bank earned
a commission, and the customer was, of course, bound to
put the bank in funds before the bill fell due; and the bank's
liability to meet the bill was thus offset by the customer's
liability to provide it with the wherewithal. By this means
home and international trade were financed by the creation of
bills of exchange, which have been called the currency of inter-
national trade, and the banks, as has been shown above, were
enabled, by buying these bills under discount, to provide them-
selves with a convenient and liquid form of security which could
be relied upon to produce cash at its due date. The special func-
tion of the banks, however, and the one with which the public
is most familiar, was their provision of facilities for deposit, the
creation of deposits by advances, and the transfer of such deposits
from one to another by cheque. By this means they provided the
commercial community with a money or currency that was
safer and more convenient to handle than legal-tender cash.
Bank deposits thus became potential currency which could be
turned into actual currency by drawing a cheque.
The function of the accepting houses has already been described
when the accepting business done by the banks was explained.
The accepting houses accepted on behalf of customers in exactly
the same way as the banks, but in their case this business was
generally their chief if not their sole activity. Some of them,
however, applied the connexions which they thus acquired
abroad in acting as issuers of foreign loans. By accepting bills
which were used in commercial payments all over the world they
also were, in a sense, creators of credit and currency as long
as their paper was readily taken and discounted. Many of the
bills drawn on them were against goods or securities or gold going
from one foreign country to another, or were drawn in anticipa-
tion of shipments of goods, or merely against the credit of the
drawer and acceptor. In the two latter cases they were usually
called " finance bills."
The position of the discount houses, also, is already to a great
extent apparent. They, using their own capital and to a much
greater extent money borrowed from banks and others, bought
bills of exchange accepted by banks, accepting houses, merchants
and traders, and either held them until maturity or sold them to
banks and others who required a short investment that could be
relied upon to become cash at due date. By the rate at which
they borrowed from day to day or for short periods from the banks
they established the rate for money in the market, and by the
rate at which they bought bills they established the discount
rate. As their most important lenders and their most important
buyers of bills were the banks, it followed that the extent to which
the banks were prepared to lend the money and buy bills had
an important influence in fixing rates for loans and discounts.
Since there was no control by law in England over the extent
to which the banks could create credit and since, as has been
shown, they were able easily to increase their holding of cash
at the Bank of England by calling in loans from the discount
houses and so compelling them to borrow from the Bank of
England, a temptation which was thus put before the banks to
create too much credit had to be corrected by constant vigilance
on the part of the Bank of England. In the case of all material
commodities, cost of production is an influence against excessive
supply at too low a price; in the case of credit, the creation of
which is a matter of book-keeping, this consideration hardly
arises, since no more clerical work is involved by an advance
of a million than by one of a thousand pounds. Consequently
an artificial check had to be provided by the regulation of the
money market by the Bank of England. If the banks created too
much credit, with the result that the discount rate in London
declined to a point that was not justified by England's position
in international trade, an excessive number of bills of exchange
on London would be created and, being offered in foreign centres,
would turn the foreign exchanges against London. Ultimately
this process would correct itself because the depreciation of the
exchanges would at a point cause exports of gold from England,
so reducing the basis of credit and compelling the banks to
restrict its creation. But it was not considered safe to leave the
market to its own devices until this tardy remedy worked. The
Bank of England, as custodian of the country's chief gold reserve,
was accustomed when the exchanges threatened gold exports to
raise its official rate of discount, so giving notice to the discount
houses that if they were obliged to borrow from it they would
have to pay more for the accommodation, and making them more
careful about buying bills at too low rates. But if, owing to the
flood of cheap money with which the discount houses were pro-
MONEY MARKET
969
vided by the other banks, this warning did not suffice, the Bank
of England was accustomed to take further action by borrowing
aoney itself in the market and so artificially restricting the
supply. By this means the level of rates in London was raised,
with the result in normal times that a demand for bills on London
was stimulated among foreign capitalists who wanted to lend
funds there, the exchanges turned in London's favour, the threat
of gold exports was reduced and, if the policy was maintained
with sufficient determination, gold imports finally resulted,
thus materially reinforcing the basis of credit.
Effect of the World War. Such was the delicate machine into
vhich war crashed like a bomb into a greenhouse. Its effects
were immediate, and began, in fact, some days before a shot had
been exchanged on the field of battle. England declared war on
Tuesday, Aug. 4, but on the preceding Friday, July 31, the
London Stock Exchange, which had remained open for business
all through the Napoleonic wars, decided that it had to close
before this war had even begun. The bourses of continental
Europe had already set the example and the London Stock Ex-
change, which had been subjected to an enormous flood of
continental selling, was unable to continue alone to bear the
brunt of these realizations. It should be noted that the New
York Exchange, though it was not then the international market
that it has since become, but chiefly confined its operations to
dealing in American securities, immediately followed London's
lead. The effect on the banking position of the closing of the
market in securities was twofold: In the first place the banks
were unable to increase their cash resources by realizing their
investments; in the second place they were unable to call in
loans from stockbrokers and other customers who had given
Stock Exchange securities by way of collateral pledge, owing to
the inability of the borrowers to realize their security.
Thus one of the banking assets, which had been regarded as
more or less liquid, had become unrealizable and frozen partly,
perhaps, owing to the action of the banks themselves, which were
said to have increased the pressure of realization on the Stock
Exchange by ruthless calling-in of loans, thus compelling their
customers to sell securities pledged. This freezing process de-
veloped rapidly. The market in foreign exchange was already
in a demoralized condition, and the consequence was that for-
eigners who owed money to England were unable to remit it,
however hard they might try.
It has already been explained that, owing to the great inter-
national acceptance business which London has developed, the
London banks and accepting] houses accepted bills drawn by
foreigners against shipments of goods from all parts of the world
to England or in many cases from one oversea country to another,
while a certain number of bills were also drawn, not against
shipments of goods at all, but sometimes in anticipation of such
shipments and sometimes merely in order to create credit against
the wealth and prestige of the parties. The solvency of the
London accepting houses thus depended to a certain extent on
the ability of foreign customers to remit funds for meeting bills
of exchange at their due date. Even when bills had been accepted
on behalf of an English customer, who had arranged the credit
for a foreigner, the position was almost equally unpleasant,
because the British customer might be unable to supply the
acceptor with the necessary funds if the foreign drawer was un-
able to remit. Thus the break-down of the machinery of foreign
exchange inflicted a twofold blow upon the banks, because it
raised considerable doubt concerning the value of the bills of
exchange, which, as has already been shown, formed an asset
on the highly liquid nature of which they had been wont to rely,
and it also affected them as large acceptors themselves.
With their investments thus locked up by the closing of the
stock market and their loans against securities an unrealizable
asset and many of their bills of exchange a doubtful quantity, the
London banks found themselves faced with an abnormal demand
for cash on the part of the public. An extra demand for cash is,
of course, usual during the last days of July, when many people
are preparing to start for a holiday of many weeks and a still
greater number are taking advantage of the Bank Holiday at the
beginning of August for a few days' change. And some witnesses
of this crisis have maintained that the public did not lose their
heads and run upon the banks, but only asked for their usual
cash requirements for the holiday; in some cases, however,
bankers have admitted that the public were certainly taking
more than usual, in the belief or delusion that their money would
be safer in their own keeping than in that of the banks. And
there is at least no doubt that the banks, very naturally frightened
by the freezing of their assets, forgot or ignored the old banking
tradition of meeting an abnormal demand for cash with the ut-
most readiness to pay it out in whatever form the public wished,
and met the demands of their customers wholly or partly in
Bank of England notes. This they were quite entitled to do,
since Bank of England notes are legal tender, but since these
notes were for sums of not less than five pounds they were an
obviously inconvenient form of currency for holiday makers and
there was consequently a crowd of applicants at the Bank of
England wanting to change notes into gold.
One effect of the crisis which marked the beginning of the war
was thus to cause a heavy drain on the Bank of England both for
notes and gold, with the result that in the two weeks from July 24
to Aug. 7 the reserve of its banking department was reduced by
nearly 20 millions and was brought down below 10 millions,
though for many years previously 20 millions had been regarded
as its danger-point. During the same period the Bank's stock
of bullion in both departments was reduced by 12 j millions.
At the same time demands upon it for advances and discounts
were on a very large scale and its holding of other securities rose by
nearly 32 millions. It was thus evident that special measures
had to be taken for suspending the usual restrictions on the Bank's
power to do business, and preparations were made for a suspen-
sion of the Bank Act, because it limited the amount of notes
which the Bank was empowered to issue against securities.
According to precedent this suspension could only be granted
if Bank rate were raised to 10%, and consequently the public,
whose nerves on the subject of finance were already sufficiently
on edge, were startled by a rocket advance from 3 to 8 in Bank
rate on Friday, July 31, and a further advance to 10% on Satur-
day, Aug. i. This development was the more terrifying because
movements in Bank rate on any other day but Thursday, or of
more than i % at a time, are quite exceptional. At the same
time the belief that the Bank of England would always meet a
crisis by lending freely was disproved by its action in refusing to
lend money to bill-brokers who were being pressed by the banks
to repay the loans and advances on which they relied as part of
their working resources, though this refusal on the part of the
Bank of England to provide emergency credit was only main-
tained for a very short time.
These chaotic conditions clearly had to be met with stronger
measures than a mere suspension of the Bank Act. It has
already been shown that five-pound notes are of very little use
for ordinary currency purposes and that paper money of a
smaller denomination was required in order to check the demand
for gold. The measures taken included the prolonging of the
August Bank Holiday for four days, during which, by reassuring
statements from leading politicians of both parties, the publics'
nerves, which had been unnecessarily shattered by too much
respect for precedent, were soothed into composure. The Cur-
rency and Bank Notes Act of 1914 was passed, which suspended
the Bank Act of 1844 by empowering the Bank of England and
other banks of issue to issue notes " in excess of any limits fixed
by law " so far as temporarily authorized by the Treasury and
subject to any conditions attached to that authority. According
to its published weekly returns the Bank of England never took
advantage of this authority, its fiduciary issue being never shown
above the 18,450,000 authorized under the terms of the Bank
Act (1844). But it was stated by Mr. Asquith in Parliament
in Nov. 1915 that there had been an excess issue of 3,043,000
above the legal limit during the crisis. The most important
provision of the 1914 Act, however, was that which allowed an
issue of i and IDS. currency notes by the Treasury which were
to be legal tender in the United Kingdom for the payment of any
970
MONEY MARKET
amount. They were also convertible on demand during office
hours at the Bank of England into " gold coin, which is for the
time being legal tender in the United Kingdom." At the same
time postal orders were made temporarily legal tender and sim-
ilarly convertible at the Bank of England into any legal-tender
coin. By the terms of the Act, currency notes were to be issued
to such persons and in such manner as the Treasury directed,
but the amount of the notes issued was to be a floating charge in
priority to all other charges on the assets of the recipient.
This provision was based on the belief that the Treasury notes
would be issued by way of loan to bankers. An explanatory
memorandum by the Treasury stated that " Currency notes are
issued through the Bank of England to bankers as and when
required up to a maximum limit not exceeding, in the case of any
bank, 20 % of its liabilities on deposit and current accounts. The
amount of notes issued to each bank is treated as an advance
by the Treasury to that bank, bearing interest from day to day
at the current Bank rate. The bank is permitted to repay the
whole or any part of the advance at any time." But in fact
many of the banks never took out currency notes as a loan, but
paid for them from the beginning with a draft on their balance
at the Bank of England; and this soon became the usual and
general way by which the notes went into circulation.
At the same time a general moratorium for postponement of
payments was made by proclamation on Aug. 6, which provided
that any payments due before that date or on any day before
Sept. 4, in respect of any cheques or bills payable on demand
drawn before the beginning of the 4th day of August, or in respect
of any negotiable instrument, not being a bill of exchange, dated
before that time, or in respect of any contract made before that
time, should be deemed to be due and payable on a day one
calendar month after the day on which the payment originally
became due and payable, or on Sept. 4 1914, whichever was the
later date. The proclamation did not apply to wages or salaries
or to liabilities of less than $ or to dividends or interest on
stocks, funds or securities or to the liability of banks of issue in
respect of bank-notes issued by them. This last-named provision
is important as showing that the moratorium did not affect
the convertibility of the Bank of England note. Any payments
to be made by a Government department were also exempted
from the moratorium. This general moratorium was afterwards
continued for two more months. By its terms all danger of a
continued run on the banks was stopped because the banks were
enabled to exercise their own discretion as to meeting cheques
drawn upon them in respect of money paid in before Aug. 4.
Already, however, the public nervousness concerning the banking
position had been allayed and it is an open question whether it
was really necessary to give the banks the protection of a mora-
torium of which most of them made little or no use. On Aug. 7
Bank rate was reduced from 10 to 5 %.
By these measures the provision of new currency which the
banks were empowered to take by way of loan from the Treasury
to a much greater extent than they actually required and the
suspension of payments the situation between the banks and
the public was effectively regulated. The more difficult and tech-
nical position arising from the position of the accepting houses,
the banks as large acceptors of bills and the discount market,
owing to the break-down of the machinery of exchange and the
consequent inability of foreigners to make remittance, had been
already met by a proclamation of Sunday, Aug. 2, for postponing
the payment of bills of exchange by reacceptance for a month.
On Aug. 13 a notice was published stating that the Government
had agreed to guarantee the Bank of England against any loss
incurred in discounting bills of exchange, " home or foreign,
bank or trade, accepted prior to August 4, 1914," and that the
Bank of England was prepared to discount " approved " bills
accepted before Aug. 4 without recourse against the holders. By
this measure all holders of such bills were able to dispose of them
to the Bank of England and be quit of any liability in respect
of them as is usually carried by all who endorse a bill. It was also
stated that the Bank of England would be prepared " for this
purpose to approve such bills of exchange as are customarily
discounted by them and also good trade bills and the acceptances
of i such foreign and colonial firms and bank agencies as are es-
tablished in Great Britain." It was found, however, that these
measures did not sufficiently meet the position by restoring the
machinery of acceptance and exchange and on Sept. 5 a fresh
step was announced and the Bank of England, instead of merely
buying bills accepted before the moratorium, lent money to
acceptors to meet them with, so relieving not only the holders
of the bills but also previous endorsers from liability. Moreover,
the assets of the acceptors were to be subject to a first charge
in favour of any bills drawn since the moratorium, and this pro-
vision naturally encouraged the creation of new bills by making
pre-moratorium bills, the liability for which the Government had
accepted, a second charge on the assets of the acceptors. The
acceptors were not to be asked to repay these advances made
to meet their pre-moratorium bills for a period " of one year
after the close of the war," but in the meantime the acceptors
were to be under obligation " to collect from their clients all the
funds due to them as soon as possible, and to apply those funds
to the repayment of advances made by the Bank of England."
Interest was charged at 2% above the ruling Bank rate.
Such were the measures taken for dealing with the monetary
crisis that preceded and accompanied the beginning of the war.
It was then the general belief that the war could not last long,
and that the business organization should be encouraged to pro-
ceed as far as possible as usual so that British trade should'con-
tinue to be financed on the old lines with the ordinary machin-
ery of exchange, acceptance and the discounting of commercial
bills in Lombard Street. As the war went on, however, the money
market became more and more a controlled establishment. As
Government purchases of munitions, food, wool, etc., expanded,
the credits drawn for their financing were naturally taken out
of the hands of private enterprise and were created for the
Government by means of Treasury bills, Ways and Means
advances, and occasionally by bills drawn on and accepted by
Government departments. Moreover, as the war went on and
its cost increased, the Government found it necessary to prohibit
new capital issues at home except such as were permitted by a
Treasury Committee appointed to consider whether they were
desirable from the point of view of the country's war efficiency
and also to forbid the export of capital. All these measures and
tendencies made a profound difference to the nature of the busi-
ness done by the London money market. The diminished supply
of what used to be called " bank " and " trade " bills, that is to
say, bills drawn on banks, accepting houses, merchants and
traders, was very much more than replaced by the enormous
total of Treasury bills, of \\ hich there were 1 5 millions outstand-
ing when the war began, 1,148 millions in Dec. 1916, and 1,124
millions at the date of the Armistice. The system had also been
introduced by which the Treasury bills, instead of being offered
occasionally for public tender, were on offer from day to day at
rates fixed by the Treasury. Thus the discount market, instead
of having to compete for bills, fluctuating in number according
to the trade and financial demands of Great Britain and her
foreign customers, and having to exercise judgment and ex-
perience in discriminating concerning the quality of the bills and
the degree of favour with which they would be regarded by the
banks and other buyers to whom it hoped in due course to sell
most of them, had its business enormously simplified by the
supply " on tap," in unlimited amounts, of Treasury bills with
the credit of the Government behind them. The rate at which
Treasury bills were offered became the dominant factor in the
discount market. At the same time a new market for Treasury
bills came into being, and a large part of the new supply wa
bought by contractors, shipowners and others who acquired
big cash balances during the war. The following table shows the
extent to which Treasury bills and Ways and Means advances
were created during and after the war.
A still more profound change, and one which had much more
important effects upon the general public and upon the whole
course of British war finance, was the enormous extent to which the
Government found it necessary to apply to the Bank of England
MONEY MARKET
971
Floating Debt Outstanding (million )
Dec. 31
Treasury Bills
Ways and Means
Advances
Total
1913
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
21
117
280
,099
,058
,095
,107
,IO2
2
58
70
141
279
455
243
306
23
175
350
,240
-337
-550
,350
,408
and to the other banks for assistance in providing the necessary
funds. It has been shown above, in the analysis given of the pre-
war working of our monetary system, that advances made by
banks nearly always mean a corresponding addition in banking
deposits and consequently an increase in the amount of money
that the public can spend in the shape of the cheques that can be
drawn against these deposits and are normally taken in payment
for goods and services (see INFLATION). It is important to note
that in so far as the Government got funds from the Bank of
England on Ways and Means advances or Treasury bills or any
other security on which the Bank lent to it, the credit basis on
which all the other banks worked was thereby increased; because
the money, as it was paid out to contractors and others to whom
the Government owed it, was paid in by them to their own ac-
counts with the outside banks, which thus received an increase
in their cash at the Bank of England, which they could either
hold as such or convert into currency notes; and so an advance
was caused in the proportion between their cash and liabilities
which encouraged them to expand the credit based on their
increased cash holding. In the same way when the outside banks
bought Treasury bills or Exchequer bonds or any other form
of Government security issued, the result was an increase among
their assets in their Government securities or bills discounted
(if they included Treasury bills in this item), and a corresponding
increase in the aggregate of banking deposits or potential money
in the hands of the public, which was thus enabled to draw more
cheques; because the money paid by banks for Treasury bills
was paid first to the Government and by them paid out to the
public, who v/ere able to draw against it. It should also be noted
that the outside banks were enabled by the increase in their
cash at the Bank of England, caused by the new credits created
by it for the Government, to take out currency notes and add
them to their cash reserves, paying for them by transferring to
the Government cash at the Bank of England.
By this process the whole principle on which the money
market worked was radically altered in practice, though in
theory the old checks and restrictions were still operative, and
London remained throughout the war, on paper, a free market
in gold with a banking system working on a convertible cur-
rency. It has already been stated that, though the Currency
and Bank Notes Act of 1914 suspended the restrictions of the
Bank Act of 1844, the Bank of England only availed itself of
this suspension for a few hours and in all its published weekly
returns showed a gold backing for every note issued above the
legal limit of 18,450,000 on the fiduciary issue. Its notes were
still convertible on demand, as were also the new currency notes,
which were poured out in an almost steadily increasing volume
through the process described above. There was during the
war period no legal prohibition of gold exports, and so in theory
anyone abroad who had a monetary claim on England could still
turn his claim into legal-tender cash, turn the latter into gold
and take the gold away. In fact, however, he would have found
considerable difficulty in doing so, because the British public and
banks had had impressed upon them the need for conserving the
gold resources of the country for the purpose of financing abroad
the war requirements of England and her Allies. The public had
been effectively persuaded to pay in its gold holdings into its
banks, and the banks and other professional financiers were re-
strained by patriotic and other considerations from applying
to the Bank of England for gold in order to oblige a foreign
customer or earn a profit in exchange; moreover, the possibility
of profit in exchange was largely, extinguished by Admiral
Last Return of
Year
Highest
Lowest
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
1921
38,478,000
103,125,000
150,144,000
212,782,000
323,241,000
356,152,000
367,626,000
38,478,000
103,125,000
150,144,000
212,782,000
323,644,000
358,231,000
368,231,000
360,615,000
21,535,000
35,409,000
97,758,000
143,043,000
210,143,000
307,480,000
324,994,000
323,884,000
(to June 30)
Bank-Note Circulation
End of
Bank of
England
English
Banks
Scottish
Banks
Irish
Banks
1913
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
29,608,000
36,139,000
35,309,000
39,676,000
45,944,000
70,307,000
91,350,000
132,851,000
173,000
180,000
220,000
241,000
259,000
287,000
326,000
174,000
7,744,000
9,502,000
12,555,000
15,461,000
19,023,000
25,141,000
28,032,000
29,363,000
8,074,000
10,918,000
15,000,000
19,112,000
22,336,000
30,896,000
29,054,000
24,718,000
Tirpitz and the submarine campaign, which did much through
the cost of freight and insurance to maintain the convertibility
of British currency during the war (see EXCHANGES, FOREIGN).
The convertibility of British currency thus became a pious
fiction, and its amount, in the form of legal-tender notes, was
limited only by the extent to which the Bank of England created
new credit for the Government and others; and, in the shape of
cheques, by the extent to which the public drew on the ever-
increasing deposits which the other banks created on the basis
of the new cash and credit provided by the Treasury and the
Bank of England. There was thus a constant tendency to
increasing abundance of money of one kind or another, as will
be seen from the appended tables.
Currency Notes Circulation
The growing flood of new currency and credit tended to
produce a low level of rates in the money market, which, if
unchecked, would have cheapened the raising of the sinews of
war, but would also have produced an adverse effect on the for-
eign exchanges by encouraging Britain's foreign creditors to take
their balances home instead of employing them in London . From
the point of view of British financial prestige, which was of the
highest possible importance for the war, it was necessary to make
every effort to keep the foreign exchanges favourable. For the
purpose of financing the war cheaply at home there was much
to be said for a policy of low rates in the money market. As has
already been shown, the Government was practically the only
borrower, since no other party could offer issues except with the
permission of a Treasury Committee and the export of capital
was forbidden. Thus, if the tendency towards ease had been
allowed to take its course, the Government could apparently
have secured for itself at low rates all the investment money
that was available, especially if it had made use of the hint of
compulsion so effectively employed by Mr. Bonar Law when
he achieved the greatest borrowing success of the war at the
beginning of 1917. This consideration, however, gave way,
perhaps rightly, to the need for maintaining our prestige abroad
as expressed by the foreign exchanges; rates in the money market,
as will be shown, were artificially propped up, and it was not
until the last year of the war that a system was adopted of
differential rates for home and foreign money. In consequence
of this system of considering the effect upon foreign exchanges as
more important than the price that the Government had to pay
for the funds that it needed, and a belief of bankers that, even
at a time of war crisis, when no other borrowers were in the
market, the only way to induce the public or professional finan-
ciers to subscribe for war securities was by offering them con-
tinually higher rates for their money, this crescendo movemen^
continued until the autumn of 1016, when 6% was offered on an
issue of Exchequer Bonds.
Such were the most important changes that affected the
972
MONEY MARKET
working of the money market during the course of the war,
and it now remains to sketch the history of these developments
as they evolved. The effect of the measures taken for meeting
the crisis of Aug. 1914 was to leave the market very amply
supplied with funds created by the Bank of England for the
assistance of the accepting houses for discounting pre-moratorium
bills and for financing the Government. The " other deposits "
at the Bank of England, which stood at 42 millions in the middle
of July, had risen to 168 millions by the beginning of Dec., though
they declined to 128 millions at the end of the year. Bank rate
had been hastily reduced, from the 10 % to which it had been
raised on the eve of war, to 5% when business was reopened
after the prolonged Bank Holiday of Aug. 1914, and remained at
this point until July 1916. The market rate of discount for 3-
months' bills had risen to Sj% at the end of July 1914 and first
emerged into a quotable condition on Aug. 24 at 5 %, rapidly
descending to 3% by the middle of Sept. and ending the year
1914 at a shade over 2j%. A 350,000,000 War Loan at 3!%
issued in Nov. of this year drew very little response from the
public and a large part of it was taken by the Bank of England
and was subsequently repaid to it out of the proceeds of the War
Loan of 1915. By far the greater part of the advances under
which the Treasury notes had been originally issued to the
banks had been very promptly repaid and henceforward Treas-
ury notes were almost entirely issued under the system already
described in exchange for credit at the Bank of England. There
Were a considerable number of issues which raised their total
butstanding to 117 millions. Ways and Means advances, of
which i million were outstanding when the war began, had
reached 58 millions on Dec. 31 1914.
: In 1915 extreme ease and weakness of discount rates at first
p.gain prevailed. The market rate for 3 months was below if %
In Feb. although Bank rate remained at 5% throughout the
year. In April, however, the market was steadied by the begin-
ning of the system under which Treasury bills were offered at
fixed rates which were at first 2j% for 3 months, 3!% for 6
months, 3!% for 9 months. On May 8 i2-months' Treasury
bills were also put on continuous offer at 3! per cent. Towards
the end of June the complexion of the market was altered by
the appearance of the great 4^% War Loan offered by Mr.
McKenna, who had become Chancellor of the Exchequer in
May in succession to Mr. Lloyd George, who had taken charge
of the newly created Ministry of Munitions. This loan, in-
cluding conversions of 35% War Loan, Consols, etc., produced
total applications for 900 millions, the actual cash receipts being
585 millions. During the second half of 1915 the market rate
for 3-months' bills was close up to Bank rate and rose above it in
the middle of Nov., remaining so until the end of the year. By
this movement the market was merely following the official
fixed rate for Treasury bills on offer, which was raised to 42%
for all dates in Aug. and to 5 % in November. An important new
departure was instituted during this autumn by which the Bank
of England took money from the other banks at a fixed rate.
When the system began the terms were 43 % for a month, but
the period was soon shortened to three days. By this means the
rate for short money was effectively screwed up, since the banks
naturally did not lend below the rate that they could get from
the Bank of England; but its chief object was to get money direct
for the Government at cheaper rates than on Treasury bills.
In 1916, with Treasury bills still " on tap " for all dates at 5 %,
the market rate remained steady slightly above that level until
March, when the Treasury rates of discount were reduced to
4^% for 3 months, 4!% for 6 and 9 months and 5% for 12
months. On this the market rate for 3 months promptly dipped
to a shade above 4^ %, and remained so until the middle of June,
when it jumped to 5 % again when the official rate for all dates
was raised to 5. The first half of this year was notable for the
beginning on Feb. 21 of the issue of War Savings Certificates
for 155. 6d., to be repaid at the end of five years at i or to be
convertible into cash with interest accrued at any time after they
had been held for a year. Since then the privilege of holding these
certificates has been continued for another five years, at the end
of which they will be repaid at i 6s. By the issue of this in-
genious and attractive security the savings of the poorest were
brought to bear on the problem of war finance and an enormous
increase has been secured in the number of citizens who have a
stake in the country by being holders of Government obligations
(see SAVINGS MOVEMENT). A campaign for the purpose of bring-
ing home to all the need for saving during the war had been or-
ganized by the Parliamentary War Savings Committee in 1915
Bank of England
Total Deposits
Total Securities
End of Year
Highest
Lowest
End of Year
Highest
Lowest
1913
1914.
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920
71.343,555
154,987,891
161,649,874
178,843,038
166,170,777
241,200,306
199,851,122
189,859,334
71,343.555
180,548,003
273,176,698
178,843,038
268,732,015
241,200,306
230,010,622
191,149,003
45.492,483
53,713,186
136,798,248
132,587,088
161,811,401
152,175,628
111,612,495
115.955,156
65,336,807
121,043,658
144,915,726
163,649,111
153,191,740
230,776,674
199,246,783
193.893,040
65,336,807
149,844,663
245,353,124
163,649,111
250,976,135
230,776,674
220,281,576
193,893,040
38,212,049
41,860,118
115,460,762
105,789,175
137,216,026
141.371,957
102,612,974
117,438,601
AGGREGATE BALANCE-SHEET OF BANKS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM
(Excluding Bank of England)
(ooo's omitted)
LIABILITIES
T?_J -r
1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920
Capital and Reserves
Undivided Profits
Deposits . . . . .
Acceptances
Notes, Drafts, etc
114,076
6,453
1,032,986
67,534
24,984
113,061
6,436
1,135,606
53,96o
28,799
112,130
6,OO9
1,243,736
66,863
36,790
110,746
5,959
1,444,427
75,492
45,212
114,989
7,633
1,705,842
7i,i3i
52,755
125,051
7,376
1,988,347
63,458
63,839
139.651
7,602
2,356,271
158,500
65.395
162,087
8,858
2,492,061
109,896
61,985
1,246,033
1,337,862
1,465,528
1,681,836
1,952,350
2,248,071
2,727,419
2,834,887
ASSETS
Cash in hand and Money at Call .
Investments
Discounts and Advances
Premises and Cover for Acceptances
293,576
191,041
682,966
78,450
339,668
225,298
701,372
7L524
330,535
421,999
631,580
81,414
454.223
439,628
693,736
94.249
527,739
463.518
873.592
87,501
611,532
519,783
1,025,248
91.508
586,585
602,164
1,366,576
172,094
580,363
558,848
1,561,337
134.339
1,246,033
1.337.862
1,465,528
1,681,8-56
1,952,350
2,248,071
2,727.419
2,834,887
MONEY MARKET
973
at the time of the issue of Mr. McKenna's 45 % War Loan, but
had made little headway owing to the lack of a security in which
the working classes could invest with a certainty of being able to
get their money back in full at any time. This campaign was
now taken up with much greater energy by the National War
Savings Committee, which, with the assistance of thousands of
devoted workers all over the country, especially among the
teachers of the primary schools, did most satisfactory and effec-
tive work in securing savings for the war, so lessening the degree
to which the war had to be financed by the creation of new credit
by the Bank of England and the other banks.
The question of exchange was now requiring serious attention,
and in July of this year bank rate was raised to 6 %, partly owing
to a rise in money rates in New York, which actually proved to be
short-lived. An issue of 150 millions 6% Exchequer bonds re-
payable in Feb. 1920 was made in the following Oct., and pro-
voked a good deal of criticism on the ground of the very high
rate that was being offered to professional capitalists at a time
when economy and self-denial for the war were being extensively
preached. During this year, in accordance with the rise in bank
rate, the rates at which Treasury bills were offered were raised on
July 14 to si% for 3 months, 5!% for 6 months and 6% for 12
months, but on Sept. 27 the official rates for all dates were re-
duced to 5 1 % ; the 3 months' market rate closely followed as usual
the rate for Treasury bills of that usance, being slightly below
it for a few weeks in Nov. and at or above it during the rest of the
half-year. A feature of this year's war finance was the expansion
in Treasury bills and the absence of any great war loan.
In 1917 this system of financing the war largely by Treasury
bills and entirely by short-date obligations was at once reversed
by Mr. Bonar Law, who had become Chancellor of the Exchequer
in succession to Mr. McKenna on the formation of the Coalition
Government at the end of 1916. In the first days of 1917 the
great 5% War Loan was issued, which realized over 1,000
millions. Mr. Bonar Law told a great meeting at the Guildhall,
held to inaugurate the campaign for the placing of the loan,
that the rate of 5! % which it secured to subscribers at the issue
price of 95 was as high a rate as they would get from British
Government loans, and that if they did not subscribe on these
terms the "resources of civilization were not exhausted";
this plain hint at compulsion was heartily cheered by a meeting
largely composed of wealthy capitalists. Bank rate was brought
down to 55 % in the middle of Jan. and to 5 % at the beginning
of April. The offer of Treasury bills was suspended altogether
on Jan. 4, pending the issue of the War Loan, and the tender
system was resumed for a short time, from March 30 to June 15,
after which the daily sale was resumed at 4^% for 3 and
6 months' bills. No change was made in the rate which the Bank
was giving to clearing bankers for surpluses until Feb. 26, when
it was reduced from 5 to 4!%, coming down again to 4% on
June 19. On each occasion the rate given by the Bank of Eng-
land to banks outside the clearing was kept \/ below the rate
given to the clearing banks. The market rate of discount fell
from si % to 5 % when the sale of Treasury bills was suspended,
and showed renewed weakness in March owing to false hopes of
easy money resulting from America's intervention. The huge
transfers involved by the War Loan payments were carried out
with surprising ease owing to arrangements enabling the banks
to borrow from the Bank of England; moreover, the payments
on War Loan were continually offset by the Government's
disbursements and by the maturing of Treasury bills, the out-
standing amount of which was reduced between Jan. 4 and
April 14 from 1,093 millions to 454 millions; after that date they
began to mount up rapidly again and by the end of the year
again exceeded a thousand millions. The second half of 1917
was notable for the institution of a system of continuous borrow-
ing from the beginning of October by issues of National War
Bonds, by which the funds necessary for carrying on the war were
to a great extent provided, without the disturbance and inflation
caused by huge issues made largely with the assistance of credit
manufactured by banks, even when the banks themselves were
not practically compelled to make subscriptions to securities
which involved an inconvenient lock-up of their funds. On Nov.
15 a special rate for foreign money was established by the Bank
of England when it announced that it would allow 45% on
deposits of foreign money made through the clearing banks.
This measure was a good deal criticised as impracticable, and
could, of course, only have been attempted in war-time when
patriotic sentiment put a strong bar upon all the openings for
fraud which the system offered and when the existence of the
censorship over foreign correspondence made it possible to trace
any attempts to take advantage of them. In the last days of the
year the rate at which Treasury bills were offered was reduced to
4% and there was a corresponding tumble in the market rate of
discount. At the same time the rate given by the Bank of England
to clearing banks was reduced from 4 to 33 per cent. As the
special rate for foreign money remained at 4!% there was thus
established a considerable difference in the rates for home and
foreign money; the more favourable terms which were thus made
possible for home financing enabled a further reduction to be
made in the Treasury bill rate on Feb. 4 1918 to 32%, and the
market rate of discount as usual followed suit; the Bank of
England's rate on three-day loans from clearing banks also
dropped to 3 per cent. At the end of May another important
step was taken when the banks agreed that the special rate on
deposits granted by many of them to favoured customers should
be abandoned and that 3 % should henceforward be the best rate
that the clearing banks would grant. Arrangements were also
made to bring the banks outside the clearing and the discount
houses into line with this arrangement, which was made with a
view to cheapening the supply of home money and stimulating
the sale of war bonds. Another interesting monetary event was
the appointment, brought about by the speed at which bank
amalgamations were proceeding, of a committee to consider the
question of their effect; its report, issued towards the end of
May, made the recommendation, which was afterwards adopted,
that in future all such amalgamations should only be permitted
after receiving official sanction. In the second half of the year
there was hardly any change in monetary conditions, with
Treasury bills still on offer at 3!% and the market rate of dis-
count steady at about that level. The Government continued to
finance itself by means of the continuous issue of National War
Bonds, which was highly successful, though it still left a gap to be
filled by Treasury bills and Ways and Means advances. The
Armistice was granted to Germany on Nov. n 1918.
Thus at the end of the war the money market found itself
expected to face the problems of peace in a highly water-logged
condition. The gold standard was still theoretically existent, for
both Bank of England notes and currency notes were by law
convertible into gold on demand, and there was no legal pro-
hibition of the export of gold, but the pre-war connexion between
the amount of gold in the country and the fabric of credit that
could be built upon it no longer existed. New credit had to be
continually produced by the Bank of England to finance the
inability of the Government to pay its way by taxation or
by borrowing of saved money from genuine investors, and on this
credit so produced the other banks expanded credit for their
customers and so increased the amount of banking money in
the form of cheques competing in the purchase of goods and
services. Obviously the most efficient check on this process of
expansion was reduction of Government expenditure to a point
where it could be financed out of taxation and real borrowing.
This policy, in fact, had been recommended by the report of a
very strong Committee appointed, with Lord Cunliffe as chair-
man, in Jan. 1918, to consider problems connected with currency
and foreign exchanges during the period of reconstruction and to
report upon " the steps required to bring about the restoration
of normal conditions in due course."
Its report appeared at the end of Oct. 1918 and stated that
" the conditions necessary to the maintenance of an effective
gold standard in this country no longer exist, and it is imperative
that they should be restored without delay." To secure tkis end
the Committee urged that Government borrowing should cease
at the earliest possible moment and that a sinking fund should
974
MONGOLIA
be provided out of revenue for the annual reduction of debt,
especially of the floating debt. Money needed for reconstruction
purposes should not be provided by the creation of new credit
and the shortage of real capital must be made good by genuine
savings. Under an effective gold standard all export demands
for gold must be met and foreign claims must be checked as before
by the use of Bank rate. The Committee also pointed out that
the differential rates for home and foreign money would be
neither practicable nor desirable when the war was over. It
recommended that all banks should transfer their gold holding
to the Bank of England and that the principle of the Bank
Charter Act should be maintained of a fixed amount of fiduciary
issue, the amount of which was to be arrived at by experiment
during the after-war period. The committee tentatively put
forward 150 millions as a possible limit. It also suggested the
transfer of the currency note issue from the Treasury to the
Bank of England when once the amount of the fiduciary issue
had been settled, and in the meantime recommended the policy
of cautiously reducing the uncovered issue and replacing with
Bank of England notes the securities with which it was then
backed. The Committee's aim was thus in effect a restoration
of the Bank Charter Act of 1844, with the suggestion that if the
limit on the fiduciary note issue had at any time to be passed
this should be done with Treasury sanction as under the Cur-
rency Act of 1914 instead of by a letter of indemnity from the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. The conservatism of the report
was naturally criticised by those who wanted to remodel the
British monetary machine, but was on the whole well received
in financial circles as indicating the way to return to a system
which had worked so well until it was shattered by the war.
Very little had been done up to the middle of 1921 towards the
adoption of these recommendations. During 1919 Government
finance, by its failure to meet expenditure out of revenue, left
the money market struggling under the double burden of financing
official expenditure and meeting the needs of commercial cus-
tomers who wanted to finance after-war enterprise. A Funding
Loan brought out in the middle of the year produced only 473
millions, of which 925 millions were subscribed by banks under
official pressure. The Cunliffe Committee's insistence that de-
mands for gold for export should be met was so far from being
acted on that the gold standard was abandoned in March 1919
by the addition of gold coin and bullion to the list of articles which
could only be exported under licence. This measure immediately
followed the removal of artificial support of the price of sterling
in New York. On the other hand, something was done towards
restoring the money market to normal conditions. The rate
given by the Bank of England to other banks for surplus balances
was dropped on July 22 1919, and the special rate of 45 % given
on foreign money was wholly abolished in Oct., having been
dropped with regard to French, Italian and Belgian money in
January. The latter part of this year also saw the inauguration
of an attempt to improve the monetary position by making
money officially dear, by raising the rate at which Treasury bills
were offered and by putting Bank rate up from 5 to 6 % in Novem-
ber. The idea behind this policy was apparently a desire, by
making money dearer, to check speculation, credit expansion
and the holding-up of commodities. Its critics pointed out that
it was doubtful as a check on speculation in commodities at a
time when rising prices were putting enormous profits into the
pockets of those who were bold enough to back the advance, and
if it checked speculation it would probably also check production
and that the only certain result of it would be to cost the country
some millions in financing the floating debt. In view of the
enormous outstanding amount of Treasury bills the Bank of
England's power to control the market by means of its rate was
seriously weakened, because the holders of these bills by refusing
to renew them when they fell due could at any time compel the
Government to borrow from the Bank of England on Ways and
Means advances in order to meet the maturing bills, and so in-
crease the amount of cash at the Bank of England in the hands of
the other banks, which they could if they chose convert into
currency notes. This fact also weakened the effect of a Treasury
minute which was produced at the end of this year putting a
limit on the fiduciary issue of Treasury notes. Nevertheless
there can be no doubt that the policy of the Treasury and the
Bank of England in raising the level of money rates had a con-
siderable psychological effect and brought home to many users
of credit the fact that the policy of unlimited expansion was
abnormal and would have to come to an end some day.
In 1920 another turn of the screw wasapplied by theraising
of Bank rate to 7% in April, following a very large expansion in
Ways and Means advances necessitated to meet Treasury bills
which their holders had allowed to mature. This measure was
shortly afterwards followed by a dramatic change in trade con-
ditions from exuberance to depression, which was accentuated
by industrial crises; but in spite of the very heavy fall in wholesale
prices there was a further expansion in bank deposits, currency
notes and the Bank of England's note circulation; the increase in
this last item amounted to more than 41 millions, of which, how-
ever, 15 millions were put into the currency note reserve in
accordance with the recommendation of the Cunliffe Committee.
Moreover, the other banks, adopting another recommendation
of the Cunliffe Committee, sent their holdings of gold to be added
to the Bank of England's stock. These contributions, in exchange
for which they took out notes, or increased their balances at the
Bank of England, amounted to over 40 millions.
In 1921 the process of deflation began in earnest with reduc-
tions in the circulation of Bank of England notes and currency
notes, and also in the deposits of the joint-stock banks, which
from the beginning of this year revived the pre-war custom of
monthly bank statements. The Bank rate was reduced to 6J %
in April and would probably have come down to 6 % soon after
but for the long-drawn crisis in the coal-mining industry. The
reduction to 6% was actually made on June 23. On July 21 the
rate was reduced to 55 %, and in Nov. to 5 per cent.
If the London money market was thus a long way from
restoration to its pre-war position it had certainly come much
nearer to normal working by the end of 1921 than any of its
European rivals. How it would fare in future competition with
New York, enormously strengthened by the great mass of wealth
that America had acquired at the expense of warring Europe,
was a matter about which it was only possible then to make
guesses, in the existing attenuated condition of international
trade. Even in 1921, however, in spite of America's determina-
tion to finance her own trade and the measures taken to enable
her to do so by the Federal Reserve Act, bills were still to be seen
in Lombard Street drawn against shipments of goods from the
East and from other foreign countries to the United States.
(H. W.)
MONGOLIA (see 18.711). The economic development of
Mongolia remains greatly restricted by lack of transport fa-
cilities, and the trade of the country must continue to be insig-
nificant until railway communication is established between
Kalgan and the Siberian railway. Passenger traffic by motor-
cars between Kalgan and Urga (two days' run) had by 1921 been
started by two Chinese companies, but trade was still carried by
camel caravans, which take about a month on the journey.
History. For several years before the overthrow of the
Manchu dynasty, resentment against China's military and
colonizing policy had steadily increased amongst the Mongol
princes and their followers, who realized that China's systematic
policy of peaceful penetration, if unchecked, must entail the
gradual extinction of the autonomous rights conferred on their
country by the Ta Ching emperors. Before the revolution in
China, the misgivings and grievances of the Mongol chieftains
had produced a definite separatist and nationalist movement in
Outer Mongolia, which looked to Russia for support. The
provocative attitude and actions of Santo, the Chinese resident
at Urga, stiffened the opposition of the Mongol leaders, who
rallied round their spiritual ruler, the Living Buddha (Hutukhtu).
In July 1911 they despatched a secret mission to Petrograd, ask-
ing Russia's help to secure their independence. The outbreak
of the revolution in China provided them with an opportunity
for a coup d'etat. Early in Dec. the Amban and other Chinese
MONOD MONRO
975
officials, with their troops, were compelled to return to China,
the Living Buddha was proclaimed ruler, and a Mongol Govern-
ment of five ministers was formed at Urga. From the outset,
however, differences of policy were manifested amongst the
Mongol chieftains, one party being in favour of complete
severance from China under Russian auspices, the other advo-
cating a policy of reasonable compromise and conciliation
towards the Government at Peking. These differences were
frequently manifested in the subsequent course of events.
In May 1912 the Barguts threw off their allegiance to China,
and Barga became part of the new dominion of the Urga
Hutukhtu, who appointed a leading Bargut as his Amban at
Hailar. Later in the year, the authority of the Urga Govern-
ment was extended to Uliasutai and Kobdo. At this stage some
fighting took place between the Mongols and the Chinese forces
in the Altai district, where Prince Palta remained faithful to
China; thereafter Peking was frequently alarmed by rumours
that the Russian-trained Khalkas were planning an expedition
in force from Urga southwards. In Aug. the first outbreak of
rebellion occurred in Inner Mongolia (where most of the native
princes had declared their adherence to the Chinese republic),
but it was quickly suppressed by Chinese forces despatched
from Chihli. Desultory fighting, accompanied by brigandage
on both sides, continued thereafter in many parts of the country,
generally to the advantage of the Mongols. Meanwhile Russia
proceeded to recognize the de facto Government at Urga and to
strengthen the independence movement, by concluding a con-
vention with the Hutukhtu Lama direct (Nov. 3 1912), wherein
(he latter was recognized as sovereign of Mongolia and promised
assistance in refusing to allow Chinese troops or colonists in
Mongolian territory. Russia, on her side, was guaranteed full
enjoyment of her former trade rights and privileges.
Several communications passed in 1912 between Peking and
Urga, the Chinese Government endeavouring to restore amicable
relations on the old footing, but without result. At this juncture the
Russian representative at Peking intervened, endeavouring to
persuade President Yuan Shih-K'ai's Government to recognize the
fait accompli of Outer Mongolian autonomy in return for recognition
of Chinese suzerainty over the whole country and a free hand in
Inner Mongolia. Mutatis mutandis, the position of affairs created
by the Chinese revolution in Mongolia was very similar to that
produced in Tibet, it being manifest in both cases that the meaning
of the words " suzerainty " and " autonomy " must eventually be
determined by the forces behind them.
After protracted negotiations, the Chinese Government, making
a virtue of necessity, signed an agreement with the Russian repre-
sentative at Peking on Nov. 5 1913. By the Declaration and Notes
of this agreement, Russia recognized Outer Mongolia as an integral
part of Chinese territory under the suzerainty of China, whilst
China recognized the autonomy of Outer Mongolia. Autonomous
Outer Mongolia was denned as the districts heretofore known under
Chinese administration as those of Urga, Kobdo, and Uliasutai.
Russia undertook to use her influence with the Hutukhtu, to secure
his acceptance of autonomy in lieu of the independence promised by
the Russo-Mongolian agreement of Nov. 1912. In Sept. 1914,
representatives of Russia, China and the Hutukhtu met at Kiakhta,
where, after nine months of negotiations, a tripartite agreement was
concluded on the lines proposed by Russia. A Chinese Resident-
General was appointed to represent China as suzerain at Urga, with
deputies at Kiakhta, Kobdo, and Uliasutai. Russian activities in
Mongolia from 1912 to 1917 manifested a forward policy very
similar to that displayed in Manchuria and Korea before the Russo-
Japanese War, including in their scope arrangements whereby the
railways, finance, communications and currency of Outer Mongolia
would gradually be made subservient to Russian interests.
The collapse of Russia under Bolshevik rule necessarily entailed a
complete change in the situation in Mongolia. On the one hand, it
deprived the disaffected Mongol chieftains of the support of their
powerful protector; on the other, it exposed Outer Mongolia to
serious dangers of invasion by Germans and Bolsheviks from the
Baikal region. The Chinese were not slow to take advantage of the
opportunity thus created to restore their ascendency, and at the same
time to take measures against "Red" incursions from the Russian
border. The increasing disorders in Siberia and the retreat of the
Czechs eastwards from Baikal in the autumn of 1918, led to a
considerable increase of the Chinese garrisons at Urga and else-
where. In June 1919 the Government of Outer Mongolia invoked
the assistance of the Chinese officials to check the increasing activi-
ties of the Buriat and other marauders; a considerable Chinese
force was therefore despatched from Chihli and Moukden. The
northern Chinese Tuchuns assumed the task of protecting Mongolia
from the Bolshevik invasion and also from Gen. Semenoff, the
Ataman of the Transbaikal Cossacks, who was recruiting a large
force of Russian refugees and Buriats at Kiakhta, ostensibly in
support of the Pan-Mongol movement, but actually with the object
of establishing an anti-Bolshevik Russian province and a new base
of military operations. At the beginning of Nov. 1919, there were
4,000 Chinese troops in Outer Mongolia. On Nov. 15, the Chinese
resident at Urga presented an ultimatum to the Mongolian Govern-
ment, requiring them to renounce their claim to independence, failing
which the Living Buddha and the prime minister would be conveyed
in custody to Peking. The Hutukhtu was opposed to compliance
and several of the leading princes were inclined to support his
resistance; but the Council of Ministers, finding itself between the
deep sea of Chinese domination and the devil of Semenoff's invasion,
decided, against the Hutukhtu's wishes, to sign the memorial
required of them. On Nov. 22 a Presidential Mandate was issued at
Peking, announcing the receipt of this memorial, and approving its
proposals. Mongolian autonomy was therefore cancelled and all
agreements and treaties, concluded by or with the Government at
Urga since the declaration of Mongolian independence, were de-
clared null and void. On the 24th the Russian representative at
Peking filed a protest against this mandate, reserving on behalf of
Russia all her treaty rights in Mongolia, to be reasserted hereafter.
It is probable that if the Chinese had displayed a reasonable and
conciliatory spirit at this juncture, the Mongols might have been
content with a position of partnership in the Chinese republic ; but
the arrogance and brutality displayed by the Chinese military com-
mander, Hsu Shu tseng (commonly known at Peking as " little
Hsu") drove them to make common cause with the Russian ref-
ugees, and their Buriat and Japanese allies, against the Chinese.
Matters reached a crisis in Oct. 1920, when Urga was attacked by
Baron Ungern with a small body of Russians (originally belonging
to Ataman Semenoff's force), a few Japanese officers and several
thousand Buriats and Mongols. The Chinese retaliated by making
the Living Buddha a hostage; for the next few months the Chinese
garrison so looted and maltreated the civilian population of Urga
that, after the escape of the Hutukhtu in Jan., every man's hand was
turned against them. On Feb. 19 1921 the city was captured by
Baron Ungern's forces and only a remnant of the garrison escaped.
On Feb. 25 the Hutukhtu was proclaimed as sovereign of the
independent kingdom of Mongolia. Baron Ungern was appointed
to the chief command of the Mongolian forces, and orders were
issued by the Hutukhtu for the organization of a national army with
compulsory military service. Mongolian troops subsequently oc-
cupied Ude, in the Gobi desert, and were threatening Kalgan. The
helplessness of the Peking Government was plainly manifest;
nevertheless, it declined the help of a Russian " Red " army, prof-
fered by the Soviet Government's representative at Peking (M.
Yourin) and in subsequent pourparlers with Mongolia, expressed
its willingness to revert to the terms of the Kiakhta agreement. The
leading Mongol princes, however, refused these overtures and
declared their intention to maintain the complete independence of
their country, at least until the restoration of the monarchy in
China. (J. O. P. B.)
MONOD, GABRIEL (1844-1912), French historian (see
18.730), published in 1903 his Souvenirs d' adolescence, and in
1905 Etudes sur Michelet, sa vie et ses (Euvres. He died in Paris
April 10 1912.
MONRO, SIR CHARLES CARMICHAEL (1860- ), British
general, was born June 15 1860 and joined the'army in 1879. In
1897-8 he saw service at Malakand, in the Mohmand country, in
BajaurandinTirah, andhe was on the staff in S. Africa during the
war, for which he was promoted brevet lieutenant-colonel. He
was afterwards commandant of the School of Musketry, and he
commanded a brigade from 1907 to 1911. Promoted major-
general in 1910, he had charge of a Territorial division in 1912-3
and was then transferred from this to the II. Div. of the Expe-
ditionary Force, which he commanded in the first campaign in
France in 1914. On the splitting up of General French's forces
into two armies at the end of 1914, Monro was placed in com-
mand of the I. Army Corps, and he was shortly afterwards
given the K.C.B. Then, on a III. Army being organized in
July 1915, having acquitted himself admirably as a divisional
and as a corps commander in the field, he was given charge of
this. He, however, occupied the position for only three months,
as he was chosen in October to take over command of the Medi-
terranean Expeditionary Force and to decide whether the cam-
paign in the Gallipoli Peninsula was to be continued; he
was at the same time promoted lieutenant-general for dis-
tinguished service. Monro now acted with rare decision under
most difficult circumstances. Although the Government was
disposed to cling to the peninsula he insisted upon its abandon-
ment, and he was after some delay allowed to have his way,
976
MONTAGU MONTANA
with the result that the forces were withdrawn from a most
dangerous position without appreciable loss under his general
superintendence. His great services on this occasion were
recognized by his being given the G.C.M.G., and then, hav-
ing accomplished what was required in the Near East, he re-
turned to the western front to succeed Sir Douglas Haig in
command of the I. Army. He served in that capacity until
Oct. 1916, when he was selected to be commander-in-chief in
India, with the rank of full general.
In his new sphere of responsibility Sir Charles Monro proved
himself to be a military administrator of the foremost rank.
By untiring energy and skilful organization he succeeded in
adding substantially to the strength of the native army, in
creating a number of fresh regiments, and in greatly developing
the non-combatant and hospital services on progressive lines.
The consequence was that he was enabled to dispatch consider-
able and badly needed reinforcements to Mesopotamia and to
Egypt and Palestine; the triumphs gained by General Allenby
in Syria after he had been obliged to send off a large part of his
army to the western front in the spring of 1918, were indeed
in no small measure due to the work that had been accom-
plished by the commander-in-chief in India. Monro received
the G.C.B. and he remained in India until 1920, when he
returned to England.
MONTAGU, EDWIN SAMUEL (1879- ), English politician,
second son of the ist Lord Swaythling, was born Feb. 6 1879 and
educated at Clifton, at the City of London School, and at Trinity
College, Cambridge. At Cambridge he was president of the
Union and acquired a considerable reputation for ability; and
when he entered Parliament in 1906, at the age of 27, as Liberal
member for the Chesterton division of Cambridgeshire, he was
chosen by Mr. Asquith, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, as
his parliamentary secretary, and continued in that position when
his chief succeeded to the premiership. Early in 1910 he was
appointed Under-Secretary for India, at a time when Lord
Morley's tenure of the Secretaryship of State for India was
drawing to a close. He remained in the post, under Lord Crewe
as Lord Morley's successor, till 1914; and so made his first
official acquaintance with India under the influence of Lord
Morley's reforms and Lord Crewe's Durbar changes of 1911.
As both his chiefs were in the Lords, he was the spokesman of
the office in the Commons, and he acquitted himself well. That
he might equip himself the more completely for his duties, he
took the unusual course of visiting India in person. In his
Indian budget speech of 1913 he remarked with true insight that
the watchword of the future was cooperation between the
Government and the governed in India; the difficulty was that
in India men of the 2oth century lived side by side with men of
the 5th. At the beginning of 1914 he was promoted to the
responsible post of financial secretary to the Treasury, in which
capacity he was of material assistance in the financial im-
provisation which had to be effected in the early days of the war.
Early in the next year he was made Chancellor of the Duchy of
Lancaster, but when the first Coalition Ministry was formed he
returned to his former post at the Treasury. Thence he was
promoted, in the summer of 1916, to the headship of the office of
Munitions and a seat on the War Committee of the Cabinet, on
Mr. Lloyd George's succession to the Secretaryship of State for
War. But when Mr. Asquith's Ministry fell he retired from
office along with that minister's principal colleagues. The next
summer, however, on Mr. Austen Chamberlain's resignation
owing to the Mesopotamia report, he returned to the India
Office as Secretary of State and began a tenure of that post which
will always be memorable in Indian annals. It was felt that the
wholehearted manner in which India, her princes and peoples,
had flung themselves into the Imperial quarrel with Germany
demanded a reconsideration of the relations between her and
England. The new Secretary of State visited India in the follow-
ing winter for the second time, and held prolonged conferences
with the Viceroy, Lord Chelmsford, the leading members of the
Indian civil service, ruling princes, and native politicians, and
along with the Viceroy received deputations and memoranda
from all classes. Ultimately in July 1918 there was published an
elaborate report, drawn up and signed by the Viceroy as well as
by the Secretary of State, recommending a series of constitu-
tional reforms which should give the Indian peoples a large and
real share in their own government. The report was received so
cordially in the House of Commons that Mr. Montagu was able
to claim at the end of the debate as " a remarkable fact " that
all speakers admitted the principle of self-government for India.
In India itself opinion was more divided, both among the
English and among the Indians; but there was a large moderate
section among both which welcomed the proposed reforms.
In Dec. 1919 he had the satisfaction of passing the Government
of India bill, embodying the recommendations of the report,
through Parliament, and on its third reading he described it as a
step in the discharge of our trusteeship for India; the ultimate
justification of our rule would be in the capacity of the Indian
peoples to govern themselves. When the new councils were
established and beginning to work, he strongly set his face
against any meddling with their proceedings by questions and
answers in Parliament. When Lord Reading, the Lord Chief
Justice of England, also a Jew, was appointed Viceroy of In-
dia in 1921, there was some public criticism, and it was sug-
gested that Mr. Montagu might be moved to another office;
but no change took place. 'He married in 1915 Beatrice Vene-
tia, youngest daughter of the 4th Baron Sheffield.
MONTANA (see 18.752). In 1920 Montana had a pop. of
548,889, an increase of 172,836 or 46% during the decade. The
urban pop. was 172,011 or 31-3%, the rural 376,878 or 68-7%.
In 1910 the ratio was 35-5% urban and 64-5% rural. The rela-
tive increase of rural pop. over urban was due largely to the
immigration of an agricultural pop., particularly to the eastern
part of the state. The total number of foreign-born whites
in 1920 was 93,620. In 1920 there were 12 cities with a pop. of
5,000 or more, of which 6 had over 10,000. These 6, with their
increase in the preceding decade, were as follows:
1920
1910
Increase
per cent
Butte . .
Great Falls
Billings
Missoula
Helena
Anaconda
41,611
24,121
15,100
12,668
12,037
11,668
39-165
13,948
10,031
12,869
12,515
10,134
6-2
72-9
50-5
-1-6
-3-8
I5-I
In 1910 Montana had 28 counties, in 1920 54. In 1920 only
1 6 counties had cities of more than 2,500 population. Most of
the new counties have been formed in the eastern part of the
state by the division of the large counties of Teton, Chouteau,
Valley, Dawson, Custer, and Rosebud.
Agriculture and Irrigation. By the census of 1920 there were
57,677 farms in Montana with an aggregate of 35,070,656 ac., of
which 11,007,278 ac. were improved. This contrasts with 26,214
farms, containing 13,545,603 ac., of which 3,640,309 ac. were im-
proved in 1910. The value of all farm property in 1920 was $985,-
961,308 as compared with $347,828,770 in 1910. Of the improved
land only about 4,000,000 ac. were under cultivation and the re-
mainder was used for pasture or allowed to lie fallow. More than
3,000,000 ac. were planted to wheat and hay. In 1919 the value of
all crops was placed at $69,975,185. For the lo-year period 1909-18
the average yield per ac. was 21-8 bus. for wheat, 40-6 bus. for oats
and 140 bus. for potatoes. Farms reporting land with drainage in
1920 numbered 756, or 1-3% of total; farms needing drainage num-
bered 1,728, or 3%. Approximately 1,700,000 ac. were under irriga-
tion, but projects were under way to irrigate about 30,000,000 ac.
of tillable land of Montana, of which about 7,000,000 ac. are capable
of being irrigated. Of the area covered by these projects about 1 ,000,-
ooo ac. were included in seven great Federal reclamation districts,
the total outlay on which was estimated at $16,000,000. Under the
Carey Land Act the state has undertaken to irrigate 162,285 acres.
About half of this land was under irrigation in 1920, and about 25,000
ac. were open to settlement. In 1921 there were no large bodies of
irrigable land such as would attract the attention of the Federal
Government or of capital under the Carey Act, and further develop-
ment of irrigation must be by small units. In 1919 the Legislature
provided for a State Irrigation Commission to advise and assist in
the development of irrigation in districts where the farmers wish to
carry on such projects. In 1920 the Commission estimated that under
this law a beginning had been made to bring 200,000 ac. under
MONTANA
977
irrigation. Stock-raising in general retained its importance during
the decade ending with 1920, but the open range was largely super-
seded by the fenced ranch. The number of sheep declined from
4.959.835 in 1910 to 2,082,919 in 1920 but the number of cattle
increased from 860,521 to 1,268,516, and the number of horses from
304,239 to 668,723. The total value of all live stock in 1920 was
$150,000,000. The clip of wool for 1919 was valued at $10,229,632,
and the dairy products at $7,534,413.
Forests and Lumbering. One-sixth of Montana, or 15,957,196
ac., is included within the national forests. The state owns about
500,000 ac. of forest land and there is about 5,000,000 ac. in private
hands. The total stand of lumber is estimated at 58,071,000,000
feet. A part of this forest area is also valuable for agricultural land
and will be so used when the timber is removed. The remainder
will be reforested as the old trees are cut.
Mines. The World War gave a great impetus to the production of
copper and other metals, but after the Armistice mining suffered an
acute decline. The output of copper decreased from 323,174,850
Ib. in 1918 to 180,240,000 in 1919, a decrease in value from $80,000,-
000 to $34,000,000. The production of lead increased from 37,135,-
875 Ib. in 1918 to 42,163,000 Ib. in 1919 but its value decreased
from $2,636,000 to $2,411,000. In 1918 the output of zinc was
209,258,000 Ib. and in 1919 it was only 176,000,000 Ib. Its value
decreased from $19,000,000 to $13,000,000. Silver-mining continued
active and in 1919 the value of the output was $15,000,000. The
value of gold decreased from $3,104,000 in 1918 to $2,272,000 in
1919. At the end of 1920 it appeared that mining must undergo a
still greater depression. Natural gas is found at Havre, Glasgow and
Baker. Oil was found in Elk Basin, Carbon county, in 1915. In
1919 a new and promising field was opened up in the Cat Creek dis-
trict of Fergus county. At the close of 1920 the total oil production
of the state was about 6,000 bar. per day. Many new wells were pro-
jected for the spring of 1921.
Manufactures. The vast supplies of water-power in Montana
give hopes of great industrial development. The hydro-electric
plants in 1920 had a capacity of 300,000 H.P. Much of this was
used for the operation of electric trains. In 1920 Congress passed a
bill authorizing the Secretary of the Interior to lease the undeveloped
power sites and the completion of such enterprises will add greatly to
the electric power available for manufacture. In 1909 the total
value of manufactures was $73,000,000; in 1919 it had increased to
$200,000,000. In 1920 there were 195 lumber-mills, 75 flour-mills,
31 creameries, 7 cheese factories, 2 canning factories, I sugar-beet
factory, I factory for the manufacture of acid phosphate fertilizers,
1 dynamite factory, and a number of brick and tile plants. The most
promising field for manufacture appeared to be products of copper
and wood. One plant for turning out copper rods and wire had a
capacity of 6,000,000 Ib. of copper per month. Montana mills
produced only about one-half the lumber consumed in the state.
High freight rates have retarded the shipment of Montana lumber
to eastern markets.
Education. In 1920 the Russell Sage Foundation of New York
ranked the Montana schools as first among all the public school
systems of America. The public-school fund belonging to the state
amounted (1921) to about $20,000,000 and was increasing by the
sale of school lands and by grants from the state. There were still
unsold about 4,000,000 ac. of school land. The income from this
endowment and from leases of school land was nearly $1,000,000
each year. In 1910 there were 60,678 children attending school out
of a school pop. of 93,371. In 1919 there were 120,000 in school out
of a school pop. of 161,626. In 1920 there were 81 accredited district
high schools and 18 county high schools in the state. In 1912
Pres. E. B. Craighead, of the State University, started a cam-
paign for the consolidation of all the state institutions of higher
education into one university. His plan was defeated, but all the
institutions were placed under one administrative head called the
chancellor. Edward C. Elliott became the first chancellor of the
" greater " university of Montana. In 1920 the people voted a tax
of I -5 mills on the dollar for the support of this university and a bond
issue of $3,750,000 for buildings at the various institutions.
Legislation. In 1921, when the new administration took charge
of the Government, the state faced a deficit of $2,500,000. Governor
Dixon proposed to relieve this by an income tax and by a tax on the
production of oil wells and of coal and metal mines. The Legislature
opposed these recommendations as radical, but finally agreed to a
small tax on oil and coal production. The state has made steady
progress in labour legislation. In 1911 the Legislature provided an
eight-hour day for miners. In 1914 the state limited the working-
day for women in factories, laundries, and stores to nine hours, and
in 1917 reduced this to eight hours. By a law of 1919 children under
16 years who have not finished the eighth grade must remain in
school. In 1915 a Workmen's Compensation bill was enacted which
relieved those engaged in hazardous occupations from the necessity
of suing for damages in case of injury. Farm legislation has been
enacted to meet the more serious complaints of the farmer. In 1915
provision was made for state inspection and grading ef grain, and
a Farm Loan Act was passed. In 1917 the state provided insurance
against hail for farmers. In 1921 the Legislature established a state
Department of Agriculture with the understanding that a " real "
farmer should be at its head. In 1911 the Legislature authorized
cities to adopt the commission form of government, and in 1917
sanctioned the commission-manager plan. In 1912 the people
established through the initiative a system for direct primaries for
the nomination of all state and local officials and to express their
preference f)r presidential candidates. They also passed a rigid
Corrupt Practices Act limiting campaign expenses, providing for
their publicity, and forbidding electioneering on election day. In
1914 the people ratified an amendment to the constitution to pro-
vide for woman-suffrage. The most important social legislation
between 1910 and 1920 included the following: A rigorous White
Slave Act to check commercial vice within the state and an Act
raising the age of consent to 18 years; a stringent pure Food and
Drug Act; a Mothers' Pension law supported m part by a tax on
bachelors; a Teachers' Retirement Pension law; an Act to provide
for the establishment and maintenance of county libraries, and
state prohibition of the manufacture and sale of alcoholic liquors.
History. Montana entered upon the second decade of the
2oth century under very prosperous conditions. A new railway
had just been built across the state. Mines were operating
successfully, and there was a growing demand for Montana
lumber. Great irrigation projects were under way, and in many
sections of the state dry-farming was proving a success. The
World War stimulated the mining and lumber industries, but
it put a stop to the great reclamation works. During the later
years of the decade drought seriously hampered the dry-land
farmers and there was a decline in farm production. In 1910
there was a strong opposition to the national policy of conserva-
tion. Many people believed that the prosperity of the state
depended upon the rapid exploitation of the power sites, the
forests and the mines. They urged also that these natural re-
sources should belong to the state. On the other side the
conservationists urged that if the Federal Government turned
over the natural resources to the state they would soon pass into
the hands of a small group of eastern capitalists. They believed
also that Federal administration would more nearly assure all the
people of a share in them. The larger business interests have in
general opposed the Federal conservation policy, particularly as
applied to power sites and mineral lands, and most of these have
passed out of Federal control. The people, however, came to
approve the policy of the national forest service. State politics
have largely hinged upon matters of taxation, particularly the
taxation of mines. The constitution provides that mines "shall
be taxed at the price paid the United States therefor," although
the "net proceeds. . . shall be taxed as provided by law." The
mining interests maintain that, since mining is a speculative
business and the mines are being gradually exhausted, the net
proceeds should be taxed at no higher rate than real estate or
personal property. Their opponents maintain that since prac-
tically no tax is imposed on mines as such, the tax on " net
proceeds " should be much higher than the property tax.
Farmers complain that when business is poor the mines escape
taxation by curtailing production, while poor crops and bad
markets in no wise relieve them of their tax burdens.
During the World War a new radical movement spread over
the state under the name of the " Non-Partisan League." It
started first among the farmers but soon extended among the
labour groups. In 1918 it elected a number of members of the
state Legislature. In 1920 the farmers and labour men went
into the Democratic primaries and nominated a former U.S.
district attorney, Burton K. Wheeler, for governor. The Non-
Partisan programme demanded for the labourer a more liberal
workmen's compensation law and better sanitary conditions in
lumber and construction camps. For the farmer it demanded
exemption of farm improvements from taxation and a farm-
bank system. The merchants and other business interests
organized the Montana Development Association to oppose the
Non-Partisan League. This organization supported Joseph M.
Dixon, former senator and manager of Roosevelt's campaign in
1912, for governor on the Republican ticket. The Republican
platform declared for a Conservative programme, and on this
issue the entire Republican ticket was elected. In 1914 Jeanette
Rankin was elected representative to Congress as a Republican,
the first woman to be a member of that body.
For the World War Montana supplied in the neighbourhood
of 40,000 soldiers, and subscribed in Liberty Bonds and Victory
978
MONTENEGRO
Notes $87,406,650, as compared with an allotment of $56,165,-
450. The governors of Montana after 1910 were as follows:
Edwin L. Norris (Dem.) 1900-13; Sam V. Stewart (Dem.)
1913-21; Joseph M. Dixon (Rep.) 1921- .
See Helen F. Sanders, History of Montana (3 vols., 1913), and the
annual reports of the Montana Department of Agriculture and
Publicity on Resources of Montana. (P. C. P.)
MONTENEGRO (see 18.766). The former kingdom of Crna-
gora (Black Mountain), as it is known to its inhabitants, was by
the Peace Treaty of 1919 merged in the kingdom of the Serbs,
Croats and Slovenes (see YUGOSLAVIA).
Area and Population. After the Balkan Wars of 1912-3 Montene-
gro obtained an accession of territory on the S.E. from the province
of Scutari and on the N. and N.E. from Novibazar and Kossovo,
which raised its area to an estimated total of 5,603 sq.m., the new
Serbo-Montenegro frontier being settled by the treaty of Nov. 12
1913. Starting from the meeting-point of the former frontiers of
Montenegro, Bosnia and the sanjak of Novibazar the new boundary
followed the common frontier of the two latter provinces to the
neighbourhood of Banich eastward of Chaynicha (taj nice); it then
cut the sanjak in a south-easterly direction passing N. of Plevlye
and S. of Priyepolye across the headwaters of the Ibar to the Alba-
nian Alps, descended to the White Drin in the neighbourhood of
Klina and followed the river to its junction with the Erenik south-
eastward of Dyakovitsa, thence striking north-westward to the
summit of the Albanian Alps, which it followed to a point south of
Gusinye, where it turned northward across the upper valley of the
Lim, westward of Gusinye, to the old frontier which it left at a
point east of Dinoshi, so as to enclose in Montenegro the tribes of
Hoti and Gruda, to pass to the lake of Scutari, which it crossed to a
point E. of Skya, and so to the Boyana south of Goritsa.
Thcso additions of territory added to the population an element
distinguished in certain respects from the inhabitants of the former
kingdom. In historic Montenegro, the districts of Katun, Ryeka
and Lyeshanska, situate roughly between the valley of the Zeta, the
lake of Scutari, and the Bocche di Cattaro, the tribal system had
persisted to the present day, but the smallness of the area, its lack
of fertility, the fact that it is divided into distinct basins of limited
extent, coupled with the impossibility of expansion at the expense of
neighbours under Turkish or Venetian rule, or of the northern tribes,
had for result that the individual tribes are numerically small. In
the regions acquired after the Russo-Turkish War in the N.W. and
in the N.E., the latter known as the Brda, " the mountains " the
population was also organized on a tribal basis but the individual
tribes, as for example the well-known Kuchi and Vasoyevichi, were
larger, for here were large pastures, wood, water and a more generous
soil, and the tribes, moreover, had succeeded in absorbing some of
their neighbours over their open frontier towards the basins of the
Tara and Lim, where the population was not organized on a tribal
basis. The northern tribes of the Brda are also distinguished by
their costume, which is of white braided with black, similar to that
of the northern Albanian tribes, many of whom, in fact, claim a
common origin with certain of the Montenegrin tribes, whom they
resemble also in their physical attributes.
Professor Cvijic has pointed out (La Peninsule Balkanique, Livre
II., chap, iv.) that most of the tribes represent an amalgam, some-
times of different Serb clans, sometimes of such clans which have
absorbed earlier tribal elements which, in some cases, themselves
were the result of the absorption of pre-Slav ingredients by the early
Serb invaders, though the popular belief is that each tribe represents
the descendants of one common tribal ancestor. In the greater part
of the territory acquired after the Balkan \Vars the Serb population
has long lost its tribal organization, the people of the Metohiya
forming part of the Serb population of Stara Srbija (Old Serbia) -
the Kossovo-Metohiya type of Cvijic while only a portion of the
population in the acquired part of the sanjak is tribal, the remainder
belonging to Cvijic's " Era " (Highland) type which extends from the
south-westerly regions of the pre-igi3 kingdom of Serbia over the
sanjak and the Herzegovina. The new boundaries of Montenegro
in this direction were quite artificial and determined largely by the
line of demarcation between the zones occupied by the Serb and
Montenegrin armies respectively. In these new acquisitions are
many Albanians, especially in the Pech (Pec)-Dyakovitsa region.
The official return for the population in 1920 was 435,000.
Recent History. The last years of the history of Montenegro
as an independent kingdom were marked by the great growth
of a purely dynastic policy carried out by the sovereign to whom
the organs of government provided by the constitution were
entirely subservient.' In his early years Prince Nicholas, true
to the traditions of his predecessor and the sentiments of his
people, had been a Southern Slav, or rather Pan-Serb, patriot
who looked to the restoration of the Serb empire of Tsar Dushan.
In 1865 an agreement was actually reached with Prince Michael
of Serbia, which provided for the abdication of Nicholas, if ever
the two States should achieve a common frontier and physical
union become a possibility. Gifted with no small measure of
the literary ability of his family he dedicated his gifts to the
dissemination of his patriotic ideals. His song " Onamo Onamo "
(" Yonder, Yonder "), spoke of Prizren the Tsarigrad over the
mountains and became a popular classic, while in his play
Carica Balkanska (The Empress of the Balkans) he envisaged
the renewal of the old glories of the Serb race. Before the
end of the century, however, a change of attitude became appar-
ent. Under the last two Obrenovich sovereigns the reputation
of Serbia and of its ruling House suffered eclipse, domestic scan-
dals followed hard upon military disaster, and Prince Nicholas
himself began to aspire to the leadership of the Serb race.
With King Milan his relations were never good, and they were
scarcely better with King Alexander. The brilliant marriages
made by his daughters enhanced his sense of dynastic impor-
tance; and in particular the marriage in 1896 of the Princess
Helena to the King of Italy, then Prince of Naples, fortified his
diplomatic and international position by the support of a neigh-
bouring Great Power with interests of its own across the Adriatic.
The assumption of the style of " Royal Highness " by Nicholas
on Dec. 19 1900 was an overt sign of the developments.
The beginning of the century was thus marked by the open
adoption of a dynastic policy, by rivalry with Serbia, and by
the close relationship formed by Italy with the little principality
which was to form her point d'appui in the Balkans. The
accession of King Peter to the throne of Serbia failed to effect
any change in the relations between the two countries, which
became worse than ever, and culminated in the scandal of the
" Cettigne Plot " in 1908. At this point the history of Monte-
negro became involved with the movements and intrigues
which were to culminate in the World War. Ever since 1903
the rising tide of the Southern Slav renascence had been flowing
swiftly. Two years later, following on the resolutions of Fiume
and Zara, the Serbo-Croat coalition was formed in the Croatian
Sabor (Diet) and similar cooperation was arranged for in the
other provinces of the Slovenski Yug (Slavonic South). Thus
the Austro-Magyar policy of Divide et impera, which aimed at
keeping the Orthodox Serbs and Catholic Croats apart and
mutually hostile, had sustained a disastrous check. In 1906
Count Goluchowski was succeeded as Foreign Minister in
Vienna by Baron Aehrenthal, an able man without scruples,
and determined upon a forward policy for the monarchy. In
the early part of 1908, a violent press campaign was waged in
the monarchy against Serbia, coupled with denunciations of a
vast and dangerous Pan-Serb conspiracy in the Southern Slav
provinces directed from Belgrade.
In the spring of the same year some bombs were discovered
at Cettigne, and there followed the famous High Treason trial
which was the precursor of the Agram treason trial and the
Friedjung case. The principal witness was a certain George
Nastich, a Bosnian police spy and agent provocateur who in Dec.
1906 had been ostensibly expelled from Bosnia whence he pro-
ceeded to Belgrade. Here, according to his own account, he
became a member of a revolutionary society known as the
Slovenski Yug (in reality a literary society with propagandist
aims) which was hatching a plot against the Dual Monarchy,
the principal means of which was to be the employment of
bombs, which were manufactured in the arsenal of Kraguyevats.
The King of Serbia and the Crown Prince George were eager
patrons of this society which aimed at a republic. Eventuall)
it was decided to use the bombs against the Montenegrin royal
family the time and place being so chosen as to destroy also
King Peter's only daughter and Nastich in disgust, after
returning to Bosnia, put himself in communication with the
Montenegrin police, and on the " discovery " of the bombs
testified that these were the identical bombs whose manufacture
he had witnessed. Nastich figured also in the other two trials
mentioned- above, in which also the Slovenski Yug appeared
as the criminal agency at work, his information being thus con-
nected with the Forgach-Vasich forgeries and forming part of
the same general plan. The object of Aehrenthal was to preju-
MONTENEGRO
979
dice Serbia and its dynasty as incurably regicidal, to estrange
the two Serb States and to create an atmosphere in which his
designs should appear legitimate and necessary; that of Nich-
olas was to strike at his internal opponents and to prepare the
way to his headship of the Serbs. It is from its connexion with
the wide issues at stake, and as being the first of a long series of
similar incidents culminating in the tragedy of Sarajevo (per-
petrated by the son of another Bosnian police spy), that the
Cettigne trial derives its importance.
Later in the year followed the annexation of Bosnia and the
proclamation of Bulgarian independence. In the effervescence
which followed, Montenegro stood by Serbia, and in the settle-
ment of the " annexation crisis " obtained the suppression of
Article 29 of the Treaty of Berlin which established an Austrian
tutelage over her coast and maritime administration. On Aug.
28 1910 Prince Nicholas took the title of king, encouraged
thereto by Austria which saw in the kingly style an additional
hindrance to a future union with Serbia.
It had early become evident that for the Young Turks
liberal reform was but a pretext; that their movement, though
largely engineered by Jews and crypto-Jews, was strongly
nationalist, and that they were bent upon a policy of forcible
Turkification. The disillusionment of the subject population
led to a recrudescence of the old troubles. Incidents on the
Montenegrin frontier in Aug. 1912 led to the withdrawal of the
Turkish mission, and these were followed by fresh massacres
at Berane, whilst similar incidents took place in Macedonia.
A formal alliance was entered into between Serbia and Bul-
garia, and agreements for common action were made with
Greece and Montenegro also. The demands of the Balkan
League were rejected by the Turks, and on Oct. 8, anticipating
its allies by g days, Montenegro declared war against Turkey.
Although the principal objective of Montenegro was Scutari,
a large portion of the Montenegrin forces was directed upon
the Sanjak and Kossovo, apparently with the idea of staking out
claims for the future settlement. The Montenegrins entered
Pech and Dyakovitsa, but were forestalled at Prizren by the
Serbs. In the meantime they were unable to make any serious
impression on Scutari, in the siege of which their lack of scien-
tific military training and modern equipment became manifest.
The offer of help from Serbia, at first refused from considera-
tions of amour propre, was subsequently accepted, and a Serb
general took charge of the operations with a reinforcement of
troops and especially of artillery.
During the abortive negotiations in London which followed
the armistice entered into at Chatalja, Dec. 9 1912, and the
renewed war which ensued on its expiration on Feb. 3 1913,
the Great Powers had had under consideration the future of
Scutari, which they decided to allot to the newly formed princi-
pality of Albania, and on April 4, four days after the Porte had
accepted the terms laid down By the Powers in return for their
mediation, an allied squadron appeared off the Montenegrin
coast. The siege continued, however, to be pressed, and, on
April 22, the town was surrendered by its commander, the
Albanian Essad Pasha, but, on the renewed pressure of the
Powers, the Government announced its evacuation on May 5.
On the outbreak of the second Balkan War, Montenegro
assisted Serbia and took part in the Peace of Bucharest, Aug. 6.
Though Montenegro had gained a notable accession of territory,
the outcome of the war was disappointing for both the country
and the dynasty. The Montenegrins had failed to retain
Scutari, and the sacrifices suffered in its siege had gone for
nothing. The dynasty had also greatly suffered in prestige.
Complaints were made that the sons of King Nicholas had
frequently absented themselves from the army, especially dur-
ing the severe winter months, and they were compared unfa-
vourably with Alexander, the Prince Royal of Serbia. The
troops, too, who had served with the Serbian army, contrasted
the organization and equipment of the latter with their own,
and realized to an increasing degree that material self-interest,
no less than Pan-Serb patriotism, demanded some form of union
with the sister State, and the country generally saw that it was
too poor and small to develop in isolation. The reputation of
Serbia among the Southern Slavs had vastly increased, and on
it were centred all hopes of national reunion; the figure of King
Peter had grown notably greater, that of King Nicholas smaller.
During the early part of 1914 negotiations were entered into
with Serbia for a military, diplomatic and economic union
between the two kingdoms, but their conclusion was anticipated
by the outbreak of the World War.
In the World War Montenegro threw in her lot with the
Entente, and her troops cooperated with the Serbian army. At
the instance of the Russian Tsar, the Serbian General Yanko-
vich was sent to Cettigne to assume the functions of chief of
the staff, a post in which he was subsequently succeeded by
Colonel Pesich. The presence of these officers did not, however,
prevent King Nicholas from issuing executive commands on his
own authority; the Serbian and Montenegrin forces were never
combined under one control, and liaison was maintained by the
presence at Montenegrin headquarters of a delegate from the
Serbian High Command. Austria's main strength was directed
elsewhere, and she contented herself in the early stages of the
campaign with a defensive attitude on the Montenegrin front.
In the early part of 1915 the Montenegrin court engaged in
an intrigue with the Austrians, with whom, prior to the war,
King Nicholas had long entertained secret relations. In May
of that year, Prince Peter, the youngest son of the King and
commander of the important Lovchen position, which over-
looked Cattaro and protected Cettigne, had a secret meeting at
Budua with the Austrian Colonel Hupka, a former military
attache at the Austrian legation ; and in July the Crown Prince
Danilo proceeded to Italy, via Athens, where he was alleged
to have discussed a separate peace with a German agent.
In October the combined Austro-German-Bulgar attack was
launched against Serbia, and the bulk of the Serbian army was
eventually forced to retreat through Albania to the Adriatic.
The consequences of the Serbian disaster to Montenegro were
aggravated by treachery. In the beginning of Jan. 1916 Prince
Peter withdrew his troops from one of the key positions of
Mont Lovchen, which fell into the hands of the Austrians
practically without a struggle. On Jan. 13 King Nicholas
addressed a telegram to the Austrian Emperor asking for terms
of peace, although his advisers had unanimously expressed
themselves in favour of continuing the struggle, and it was only
the uncompromising conditions laid down that eventually led
him, on Jan. 19, to flee, first to Medua and thence to Italy. In
the meantime the Montenegrin army was entrapped, for the
King had refused the advice that he should follow the example
of the Serbians and withdraw his army with the latter, and had
given orders that it should remain in the country. It thus fell
into the hands of the Austrians. Prince Mirko, the King's
second son, also remained behind, and subsequently went to
Vienna. The object of these manceuvres was evidently to assure
the future of the dynasty in any event, for Mirko, since his
elder brother was childless, was the eventual heir to the throne.
Intrigues were set on foot for the formation of a Southern
Slav vassal State under the suzerainty of the Habsburgs with
Mirko as ruler, the State to consist of the debris of Serbia and
Montenegro. Mirko himself subsequently died in the Austrian
capital. The King retired to France, where he established him-
self successively at Lyons, Bordeaux, and Neuilly, the three
Western Powers according him a subsidy. In May 1916 M.
Andrew Radovich, an old opponent, was appointed Premier
and in the summer the King received not unfavourably a mem-
orandum advocating a union between Montenegro and the
other Southern Slav provinces. A visit to Italy in the autumn
resulted in a change of attitude, for official Italy was by no
means enamoured of a project which would strengthen the
trans-Adriatic kingdom and deprive herself of a useful lever.
Henceforward the gap between the dynasty and national feeling
steadily widened. In Jan. the Ministry resigned after present-
ing a series of strongly worded memoranda on the question of
national union and on the responsibility of the King for the
position in which the country was involved. The appointment
980
MONTERO RIOS MONTESSORI SYSTEM
of General Martinovich as Premier only served to bring out the
strength of the movement for unity, for the new Ministry
also resigned in June after presenting a memorandum of similar
tendency to those mentioned above.
The breach between the King and those entitled to speak on
behalf of his people was now complete; a Montenegrin com-
mittee for national union was formed in Switzerland, and repre-
sentatives were appointed for the meeting at Corfu, which re-
sulted in the Declaration of Corfu, July 20 1917, by which the
delegates of all sections of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes
agreed upon the establishment of a single kingdom under the
sceptre of the Karageorgevich. The entry of the Allied troops
into Montenegro after the defeat of the Austro-Bulgars was
followed by steps to bring the resolutions of Corfu into effect.
Elections were held for a " Great National Assembly " which,
on Nov. 26 1918, proclaimed the deposition of King Nicholas
and union with Serbia, the resolutions being confirmed at a
popular mass-meeting convened at Cettigne by five former Prime
Ministers. Allegations of coercion on the part of Serbian troops
in the elections were negatived by an Allied commission under
General Franchet d'Esperey, and the report of the subsequent
investigation carried out by Count de Salis on behalf of the
Supreme Council of the Allies was stated by the British Govern-
ment to bear testimony to the fact that the Assembly represented
national feeling. Some disorders broke out in consequence of
the incursion of armed bands acting on behalf of Nicholas, and
financed and organized in Italy, but, the number of Serbian
troops in the country being very small, these bands were forced
to retire by the Montenegrins themselves, the defence of its
borders being purposely left to a Montenegrin militia.
The general elections to the Serb-Croat-Slovene Constituent
Assembly were held on Nov. 28 1920, and in Montenegro resulted
in the election of none but advocates of national union. These
elections were observed on behalf of the British Government
by Mr. Roland Bryce, who reported that they were held under
conditions of scrupulous fairness, without coercion on the part
of the administration of the triune kingdom, and that they
represented the will of the people. The subsidies paid to,
and the diplomatic recognition of, the " Government " of
ex-King Nicholas were withdrawn by England and France,
but Nicholas was still able to maintain a force of adherents at
Gaeta, in Italy.
The ex-King died at Antibes March i 1921, and his entourage
proclaimed the Crown Prince Danilo as King, but after six days
the latter abdicated in favour of his nephew Michael, son of
Prince Mirko, on the ground that his abstention from taking
an active part in the war and his German marriage (with
Duchess Jutta of Mecklenburg) made him persona non grata
to the Allies. With the elections to the Constituent Assembly,
however, the withdrawal of diplomatic recognition by Britain
and France, and the disbanding in June 1921 of the " Monte-
negrin Legion " which the Italian Government had maintained
hitherto at Gaeta, the " Montenegrin question " was virtually
closed; it had, in fact, only been kept open latterly as a means
of bringing pressure to bear upon the Southern Slav Government
in connexion with the Adriatic question, and, in spite of the say-
ing " pays balkanique pays volcanique," the union of Monte-
negro with its sister provinces seemed likely to endure. Thus
the five centuries of struggle for independence and for the
Serbian idea carried on by the " falcons " of the Black Moun-
tain found its consummation in a realm as wide as, and more
national than, the empire of Tsar Dushan.
AUTHORITIES. N.Forbes, The Balkans; Jovan Cviji6, La Peninsule
Balkanique; R. W. Set9n-Watson, The Southern Slav Question; E.
Denis, La Grande Serbie; The New Europe (weekly), various num-
bers; White Papers, Cmd. 1123, 1124; A. Radovich, and others,
The Question of Montenegro. (A. H. E. T.)
MONTERO RIOS, EUGENIO (1832-1914), Spanish politician,
was born at Santiago de Compostela, Corunna, Nov. 13 1832.
He had a distinguished career at the university of Santiago.
He was elected to the chair of ecclesiastical discipline at the
university of Oviedo, was transferred to a similar chair at
Santiago, and thence passed to the chair of canonical law at the
Central University, Madrid. His political career began with the
foundation in Santiago of La Opinion Publica, a journal designed
to reunite the scattered Progressist party. In 1869 he was
elected deputy (Progressist) and showed himself in the Chamber
a strong opponent of ultramontanism and a defender of
democratic monarchy. He was Under-Secretary of the Min-
istry of Grace and Justice in Zorrilla's administration and
became the minister under Prim's, and whilst in office was
instrumental in introducing civil marriage. Throughout the
revolutionary period Montero.was the object of bitter attacks
by the clerical parties. He continued to hold office during the
short reign of Amadeo I. and drew up that King's act of abdica-
tion, but held aloof from politics for some years after the ac-
cession of Alphonso XII., occupying himself in legal studies.
In 1872 he had been made a member of a commission for codi-
fying criminal law, and later in life (1898) he was president of a
section of the General Codification commission. In 1888 he
was for a short time president of the Supreme Tribunal. Having
held office in Herrera's Cabinet (1883) and Sagasta's (1885 and
1892-3), he became a member of the Senate in 1893 and its
president 1894-5. He was chief of the Spanish delegation which
negotiated the Treaty of Paris with the U.S. at the close of the
Spanish- American War of 1898, being also in 1899 again president
of the Senate. Throughout his political career he was regarded
as one of the leading men in the Liberal party; from 1903 to 1906
he was its chief, and for a few months in 1905 he was prime
minister. From 1909 until his death in 1914 he was again
president of the Senate. He died at Madrid May 12 1914.
MONTESSORI SYSTEM. In connexion with the theory of
education, one of the chief points of new interest during 1910-21
was the attention aroused by Dr. Maria Montessori's work.
It is hardly too much to say that, since Froebel, no such stimulus
has been given to a revolution in the elements of educational
method as her success, from 1907 onwards, with the Case del
Bambini in Rome; and the Montessori system has given a new
direction to ideas upon child education.
Maria Montessori (b. 1870) came to the study of educational
theory after a thorough training in practical medicine. She
was the first woman to whom (in 1894) the university of Rome
gave the degree of M.D., and as assistant doctor in the " psy-
chiatry " clinic at the university she had become specially in-
terested in the question of the treatment of the feeble-minded.
At the Pedagogic Congress at Turin in 1898 she gave an address
on this subject, which led the Italian Minister of Education,
Signer Barcelli, to ask her to give a series of lectures to teachers
in Rome; the result was the foundation of a new school for
feeble-minded children, the Scuola Ortofrenica, of which she
was made directress. Her ideas as to the proper way of awaken-
ing a defective intelligence had been founded on a study of what
Dr. Itard, physician to the Institution for the Deaf and Dumb
in Paris, had attempted early in the igth century in the case of
the much-discussed " Wild Boy of Aveyron," and particularly
of the later work of Edouard Seguin (1812-88), author of the
Traitement des idiots (1846), who opened in 1839 the first school
for idiots in France, and who in 1850 made his home in America
and there did so much for the education of defective children.
In carrying on Seguin's principles at the Scuola Ortofrenica for
the two years that she was directress, Dr. Montessori had such
remarkable success that it was borne in upon her that something
must be wrong with the methods of education ordinarily applied
to normal children. Idiots sent to her from the asylums were
being taught to read and write so that they passed just as good
examinations as pupils of the same age in the public schools;
and, as she says, " while everyone was admiring the progress of
my idiots, I was wondering what could keep the normal children
on so low a plane." The reason, in her opinion, was clear; the
children from the asylums, under her treatment, had been helped
in their psychic development, while the normal children, taught
by ordinary methods, were retarded. If the same methods were
applied to good material that were successful with bad, much
better results ought to be attainable; and she determined to
investigate the whole subject afresh.
MONTESSORI SYSTEM
981
In 1900 she left the Scuola Ortofrenica, and turned her atten-
tion definitely away from the question of the feeble-minded to
that of the normal child mind and its development. She returned
to the university of Rome as a student of philosophy, and de-
voted herself to experimental psychology, then in its infancy at
the Italian universities, at the same time making a prolonged
and careful study of the actual practice of teaching at the primary
schools. The result of several years of child study and practical
pedagogy was to establish her conviction that the master prin-
ciple in any proper system is " self-education " that the work
of mental growth must be done by the child itself, according to
its own initiative and inclination, not in mechanical obedience
to dogmatic dictation from a teacher; and she set herself to
devise new methods for making the child-mind shape its own
channels instead of the teacher telling the pupil what to do.
After six or seven years of inquiry and study a unique oppor-
tunity arose in Rome for putting her theories into practice.
During the building " boom " at the end of the i88o's, a whole
new quarter of apartment houses had been run up by speculators
outside the Porta San Lorenzo. It was from the first a complete
fiasco, the houses failing altogether to attract the superior class
of tenants for which they were intended; and the district gradual-
ly developed into the worst of slums, the flats being farmed out
room by room to the poorest families, so that at last a serious
condition of insanitary overcrowding had resulted, which seriously
engaged the attention of social reformers. In order to remedy
this evil, an association was started on philanthropic lines, the
Institute Romano di Bene Stabili, with Signer Edoardo Talamo
as director-general. It bought up a large part of the San Lorenzo
quarter, and reorganized it in 1906 in separate and convenient
working-class tenements, with proper air-space, prizes being in-
stituted for the best-kept dwellings. A novel point of the scheme
was the provision of infant schools (Case dei Bambini) for the
children of each block, the supervision of which was entrusted
to Dr. Montessori, the first of these being opened in Jan. 1907.
These " houses of childhood " for children between three and
seven were themselves a very interesting social experiment apart
from the new methods of teaching which Dr. Montessori in-
troduced. They provided a creche and something more, taking
the children off their mothers' hands during working hours. Each
school had a directress living in the block which it served and in
touch with the parents, who could at any time come and see how
the children were getting on; it was thus part of the home life.
The Montessori system of education was first put in practice
in these tenement schools, under teachers following Dr. Mon-
tessori's methods. Its fundamental aim and object is self-educa-
tion by the pupils themselves. There are no time-tables, no set
lessons, no classes. There are no rewards or punishments of the
ordinary kind. The pleasure of succeeding and getting things
right is the only incentive. " Each child is doing what, for the
time being, pleases him best. When he is admitted to the school
he sees small groups of children playing at various 'games,'
and he joins the group which happens to take his fancy. Then
and there his education begins. All kinds of interesting ' occupa-
tions ' are going on, and wherever he goes he will get help and
guidance from the teachers. If he gets tired of playing at this
thing he goes off and plays at that. But he is never idle, for
whatever he does interests him. The children are provided with
light and comfortable chairs, which are easily moved about.
There are also rugs laid on the floor for them to sit, kneel or
recline upon, should they prefer those attitudes. Low and light
tables are provided in abundance, but there is also plenty of
open floor-space, and many of the ' occupations ' are carried on
on the floor " (Holmes). An extensive variety of apparatus, elabor-
ately devised by Dr. Montessori, is provided for the educational
games by which the children are stimulated to acquire knowledge;
and this " didactic material " constitutes a distinctive part of
the originality of the system.
The first stage is to develop the senses of touch, sight and
hearing; this is done both by games of various sorts and by guid-
ing the attention systematically to the association of things,
names and ideas. When a child washes his hands, for instance,
he is given first cold and then hot water, and led to observe and
understand the difference; the distinction of rough and smooth
is emphasized by the provision of different qualities of cards
for fingering and sorting. In each case the teacher gets the child
to know the word, "hot," "cold," "rough," "smooth," and
thus the knowledge of language is extended in all directions
(" high," " low," " thick," " thin," " round," " oval," etc.) be-
fore any question of writing or reading arises. Ideas of form
and colour are given precision by games with blocks, cylinders,
etc., of varying sizes, to be fitted into frames, or with shades of
silk to be arranged to match; touch is practised by playing the
games blindfold ; the sense of hearing is developed by the ' ' silence "
lesson, and by the use of small cylindrical boxes containing stones,
sands and different substances to be rattled by the children,
who arrange them in order of intensity of sound and so forth.
Skill and neatness in the use of the fingers and movement of
limbs are stimulated partly by the mobility of the light furniture,
which the children learn to rearrange for their own comfort,
and partly by games at tying and untying, hooks and eyes,
dressing and undressing, waiting on one another at table, wash-
ing up, and so on. Many of these occupations are preliminary
to writing and reading, and lead naturally up to both.
Writing comes essentially before reading, on the Montessori
system, in any proper sense of " reading." Emery-paper letters
gummed on cards are provided, with which the child is familiar-
ized by games of hide and seek, etc., so that, without any active
teaching of the alphabet, he not only knows them by sight and
by name, but also by feeling. He learns how to imitate them,
partly by a touch game of passing the fingers over the paper
letter, thus making the actual motion of writing, and partly by
playing at pencilling and colouring with specially devised cards
on which an outline is given. The child thus learns to write be-
fore he knows that " writing " is what he is learning; the sounds
and shapes of the letter being known it is a natural transition to
build up the letters and their sounds into words.
The next thing is for the child to " read " not merely to
re-translate into sound a word he has translated into symbol,
which goes with the acquisition of " writing," but to extract
a previously unknown idea from written or printed symbols of
the same sort not put together by himself. It is found, however,
that, at any rate in so easy and phonetically spelt a language as
Italian, this is very quickly learnt. Numbers of words, already
well known to the children, are written on cards, and various
games are played in identifying them with their objects; and
from single words the children pass to phrases and sentences,
the teacher writing on the blackboard, for instance, questions
or orders which form part of a game. Arithmetic is similarly
introduced to the children's minds by the employment of count-
ing games, in which an apparatus of striped poles, counters, etc.,
is used. The whole curriculum is devised for the content and
happy employment of the natural energies of the child, who is
left free to respond to his own impulses, under the influence of
" didactic material," rather than under the discipline of a teacher.
After 1912 the diffusion of Dr. Montessori's educational in-
fluence was rapid and widespread. Following close upon the
interest which had already been aroused in Italy and America,
Dr. Montessori, in response to urgent requests from educational
enthusiasts all over the world, began a series of international
training courses for teachers. These courses were held in Rome
in 1913 and 1914. In subsequent years Dr. Montessori held
training courses in Barcelona and in several cities of the United
States, two international courses having been held in London
in 1919 and 1921. To these training courses came not only class
teachers of the particular country, but persons eminent in the
educational field from all over the world. During this later
period two of the most notable features in connexion with the
Montessori movement were the appearance of Dr. Montessori's
new books, The Advanced Montessori Method and The Didactic
Material for the Education of Children from 7 to n years. The
first volume gives a clear and complete exposition of the scientific
researches which led to the establishment of the fundamental
psychological and physiological principles upon which Dr.
982
MONTREAL MOORE, T. S.
Montessori bases her method of auto-education, and the second
volume fully describes in detail the educational material for the
older children. The form of the advanced apparatus is such that
the children who have passed beyond infant school age are
provided with material which continues to perfect the muscular
control achieved in a previous stage, while at the same time the
way in which the material is used tends to strengthen those
attributes of character which are the tests of educational values.
By means of the objects provided for the child between the ages
of 7 and 1 1 he becomes possessed of considerable mental acquire-
ments, notably in the comprehensive intellectual fields of math-
ematics and language. The arrangements of artistically coloured
beads which are used by the child for his progress in arithmetic,
the ingenious geometrical forms which render geometry no longer
a tedious abstraction, but a fascinating reality, the system of
small attractive cards handled by the children in their study of
grammar, all form a far more potent incentive to work and per-
sistent effort than any exhortation or command of the teacher.
" Montessori Societies " have, since 1912, come into existence
in London, New York, and elsewhere, for dissemination of the
ideas of the system and promoting its training courses.
The Special Report (1912) by Mr. E. G. A. Holmes to the Board
of Education in England contains a critical examination of the
Montessori methods. See also Dr. Montessori's first book on The
Montessori Method (Eng. trans, by Anne E. George, 1912), in addi-
tion to her later books mentioned above. (H. CH.)
MONTREAL (see 18.790), the commercial metropolis and the
largest city of the Dominion of Canada, had a pop. in the autumn
of 1920 estimated at 802,000. The local trading area, including
adjoining towns on the island of Montreal and those settlements
on the mainland which lie immediately opposite the city, con-
tained in 1920 a pop. of 1,100,000. The port of Montreal is the
second largest in America, being surpassed only by New York.
Over 25% of Canada's export trade passes through Montreal.
The harbour has eight m. of deep water (25-35 ft.) and wharfage
with berths for 125 vessels on a 10 m. front. In 1921 a costly
scheme for the further improvement of the harbour, including
the electrification of the entire water-front, was under way. In
1919 8,280 vessels with a total tonnage of 6,537,014 entered the
port. Merchandise to the value of $353,138,249 was exported,
and imports amounted to $246,898,626 in the same period. The
largest flour-mill in the British Empire, with a capacity of 6,000
bbl. in 24 hours, is located here. The bank clearings amounted
in 1920 to $7,109,189,038, the highest in Canada. Taxable
property was valued in 1918 at $623,820,958, and property
exempt from taxation at $226,934,131. The Montreal Chambers
of Commerce had 3,500 membeif in 1920. Montreal is far ahead
of other Canadian cities in the use of electric power in industry.
The form of municipal government underwent several altera-
tions in the decade following 1911, and eventually the control
of municipal affairs was placed in the hands of an administrative
commission of four, appointed by the Provincial Government.
The construction of a tunnel under Mt. Royal and the centre
of the city by the Canadian Northern Railway Co. was an important
engineering feat completed in 1918. The company built an imposing
ne.v terminal station in the centre of the city at the tunnel head,
supplanting its old Moreau Street station. Electric trains run-
ning through the tunnel to the north-western side of Mt. Royal
caused the growth of a new suburb on that side of the mountain.
Important educational buildings erected since 1911 include the
McGill Medical Building, a magnificent structure that replaced the
building destroyed by fire in 1907, the Macdonald Engineering
BmlJing of McGill University, a large and finely equipped technical
school in connexion with Laval University, a new high school erected
by the Protestant Board of School Commissioners, and a fine pile
of buildings to house Loyola College, a Jesuit school of high standing.
McGill University, benefiting by gifts from its great benefactor,
Sir William Macdonald, was able to develop further its faculty of
music, to found new degrees in law, commerce and household science,
and to further extend some of its departments. A school of physical
training was opened in connexion with the university, and a depart-
ment of social service was inaugurated. The McGill Stadium, one of
the finest athletic amphitheatres in North America, was opened in
1918. After the death of Sir William Macdonald in 1919 provision
was made for the further endowment of Macdonald College at Ste.
Anne de Bellevue, the faculty of agriculture of McGill. Sir William
Peterson, the principal of McGill for many years, retired in 1919
owing to ill-health. Under his guidance the university had risen from
a local institution to one of the foremost seats of learning in the Brit-
ish Empire. His influence was a chief factor in McGill's war effort,
which included the extension of the old Officers' Training Corps,
and the raising of a number of infantry companies, an artillery unit,
etc. He died in London in 1920, his successor (after Sir Auckland
Geddes, who had originally accepted the position, had been appointed
British ambassador in Washington) being Sir Arthur Currie, com-
mander-in^hief of the Canadian forces in the World War. A cam-
paign to raise $5,000,000 for the university was organized and carried
successfully to completion in the summer of 1920.
The administrative buildings of the Montreal branch of Laval
University were destroyed by a. disastrous fire in the autumn of 1919.
A movement that had been gaining strength for some years to sepa-
rate the Montreal branch from Laval University at Quebec, now
found culmination, and the university of Montreal was founded, the
buildings of the old branch of Laval being taken over by the 'new
institution. A number of new courses were added, including social
and political science, and the faculty of applied science was further
developed. Considerably over $3,000,000 was raised by public sub-
scription as a building fund, and in 1921 negotiations were under
way for securing land for new administrative buildings, etc.
The growth of the Jewish pop. of Montreal during the 15 years
preceding 1921 has been a notable feature. In 1920 there were
estimated to be about 75,000 Jews in the city. A scheme for the
foundation of a Jewish university was under consideration.
MONYPENNY, WILLIAM FLAVELLE (1866-1912), British
journalist, was born in Ulster Aug. 7 1866. Educated at
Trinity College, Dublin, and Balliol College, Oxford, in 1893 he
joined the editorial staff of The Times, and early in 1899 became
editor of the Johannesburg Star in the Transvaal. He played a
useful part, as a publicist, on the side of the Reform party there,
and when war came he joined the Imperial Light Horse and was
one of the defenders of Ladysmith. Returning afterwards to his
position on the Star, he did much to promote Lord Milner's work
of reconstruction, but resigned in 1903 owing to his hostility
to the introduction of Chinese labour into the mines. He was
then entrusted by The Times with the task of writing the official
biography of Disraeli, and also did other work for that paper,
becoming in 1908 a director of the company. Owing to ill-health
the first volume of the Life of Bcaconsfield (ultimately extending
to six volumes) did not appear until 1910, and the second shortly
before his death. It was completed by Mr. G. E. Buckle,
formerly editor of The Times. Monypenny died in the New
Forest Nov. 23 1912.
MOODY, WILLIAM VAUGHN (1869-1910), American poet and
playwright, was born at Spencer, Ind., July 8 1869. He was
educated at Harvard (A.B. 1893; A.M. 1894) and was assistant
in English there 1894-5. From 1895 to 1907 he was at the
university of Chicago as instructor and, after 1901, as assistant
professor. He died at Colorado Springs Oct. 17 1910. He was
the author of The Masque of Judgment (1900); Poems (1901);
The Fire-Bringer (1904, intended as the first member of a
trilogy on the Promethean theme, of which The Masque of
Judgment, already published, was the second member); The
Great Divide (1907) and The Faith Healer (1909). Of these the
last two were prose dramas and were very successful on the
stage, especially the first. -He compiled (with Robert M.
Lovett) A First View of English and American Literature (1902),
and edited The Complete Poetical Works of John Milton (1899,
Cambridge ed.) and (with George Cabot Lodge and John
Ellerton Lodge) The Poems of Trumbull Stickney (1905).
His complete works, including The Death of Eve, a fragment of the
third member of the proposed trilogy mentioned above, were edited
with an admirable introduction by Prof. John M. Manly (1912).
See also Daniel Gregory Mason, Some Letters of William Vaughn
Moody (1913).
MOORE, GEORGE (1853- ), Irish writer (see 18.808),
broke fresh ground in 1916 with The Brook Kerith, a work of
fiction based on the Gospel story. He had professedly taken
leave of literature in three remarkable volumes of quasi-reminis-
cences, entitled Ave (1911), Salve (1912) and Vale (1914).
Later he produced two privately printed volumes-de-luxe,
Avowals (1918) and A Story Teller's Holiday (1920), and re-
told the story of Abelard and Hclo'ise (1921).
MOORE, THOMAS STURGE (1870- ), English poet, art
critic and engraver, was born at Hastings, Sussex, March 4 1870.
MOORHOUSE MORLEY
983
He published the Vinedresser and other Poems (1899); Aphrodite
against Artemis (1901); Absalom, a play (1903); The Little
School (1905, enlarged edition 1917); Marianne (1911); The
Sea is Kind (1914); and other collections of poetry, as well as
prose studies of Altdorfer, Diirer, Correggio and others, and
several volumes of essays, Art and Life (1910); Hark to these
Three (1915); Some Soldier Poets (1919); etc. In 1920 he
published two new poems Danae and Aforetime, and a prose
idyll Blind Thamyris.
MOORHOUSE JAMES (1826-1915), English divine, was born
at Sheffield Nov. 19 1826. He was educated at St. John's
College, Cambridge, where he graduated in 1853. He was
ordained the same year, and made a reputation as an eloquent
preacher, which brought him to the notice of Queen Victoria.
He was made chaplain-in-ordinary to the Queen and a preb-
endary of St. Paul's in 1874, and in 1876 went to Australia as
Bishop of Melbourne. In 1886 he was recalled to England to
become Bishop of Manchester. He retired in 1903, and died
at Poundisford Park, near Taunton, April 9 1915.
See Edith C. Rickards, Bishop Moorhouse (1920).
MORANT, SIR ROBERT LAURIE (1863-1920), English civil
servant, was born at Hampstead April 7 1863. He was educated
at Winchester and New College, Oxford, and on leaving the
university was for a few years a schoolmaster. Later he went to
Siam as educational adviser, and was entrusted by King Chula-
longkorn with the drawing up of a scheme of education for the
whole country. In a few years he returned to England, and
after some experience of social work in the East End of London
was appointed in 1895 to assist in the direction of the Office of
Special Inquiries and Reports in the Board of Education. His
first noteworthy piece of work was a report on the condition of
the French primary schools. He became private secretary to
successive ministers, and on him devolved a great deal of the
preparation of Mr. Balfour's Education Act of 1902. In 1903
he was appointed permanent secretary of the Board of Educa-
tion. In this capacity he proved himself a most efficient adminis-
trator, and in 1907 he was created K.C.B. In 1912, on the in-
troduction of the National Insurance bill, Morant was appointed
chairman of the Insurance Commission, a position which led
naturally to his appointment as secretary to the Ministry of
Health on its formation in 1919. He died in London after a few
days' illness March 13 1920.
MORET Y PRENDERGAST, SEGISMUNDO (1838-1913),
Spanish politician, was born at Cadiz June 2 1838. He was
educated at the Central University, Madrid, and became
professor of political economy, continuing at the same time his
studies in jurisprudence. In 1863 he was elected Liberal deputy
for Almaden and took part in the revolution of 1868, afterwards
representing Ciudad Real in the Constituent Assembly of 1869
and becoming noted for his eloquence. He took office under
Gen. Prim in 1870 first as Colonial Secretary and later as
Finance Minister. He was for a few months in 1872 Spanish
ambassador to Great Britain, and after resigning this post
accepted the directorship of a large London bank. A year later
he returned to Spain. He was again elected deputy for Ciudad
Real in 1879, rallied to the monarchy in 1882, represented Orgaz
from 1886 to 1890, was Minister for Foreign Affairs under
Sagasta in 1885 and again in 1893-4, Minister of the Interior
1885-8, and Minister of Colonies 1897. In this capacity he
advocated the grant of autonomy to Cuba and Porto Rico, and
he was opposed to the war with America of 1898. He rose to be
head of the Liberal party and became Prime Minister in 1905,
but fell in 1906, though he was called back to office for an
ephemeral spell of three days in that year and again in 1909 for a
few months. Failing to keep together his unruly hosts he took
refuge in the post of president of the Chamber, in which office
he died at Madrid Jan. 28 1913.
MORGAN, JOHN PIERPONT (1837-1913), American financier
and banker (see 18.834), died in Rome March 31 1913. In Jan.
1913 he sailed from New York for Egypt, where he became
seriously ill. He was carried to Italy but never recovered. His
will provided that after the distribution of enumerated bequests
amounting to about $17,000,000, chiefly to his family, the
residue of his estate should pass to his son, John Pierpont Mor-
gan, Jun. (see below). In 1916 the estate was finally appraised
at $69,499,732. He left only some $700,000 to charities; but
while living he had been a generous giver, and in his will sug-
gested that his son continue certain accustomed annual con-
tributions. His works of art and books were left to his son
without restrictions, although in his will he said, " It has been
my desire and intention to make some suitable disposition of
them or of such portion of them as I might determine, which
would render them permanently available for the instruction
and pleasure of the American people." In the summer of 1913
most of the art collection was placed as a loan exhibit in the
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Later some items,
mostly replaceable, were sold. The remainder, consisting of
over 3,000 pieces, was presented to the museum by the son in
Dec. 1917, and a new wing was added to the building to house
them permanently (opened June 1918). This collection covers
all periods and includes matchless bronzes, enamels, porcelains
and tapestries. The library, retained by the son, was appraised
at $7,500,000. It consisted of more than 20,000 volumes of
illuminated manuscripts, early printed books, examples from
famous presses and association copies.
His son, JOHN PIERPONT MORGAN (1867- ), American
financier, was born at Irvington, N.Y., Sept. 7 1867. On
graduating from Harvard in 1889 he entered the banking house
of Morgan, Grenfell & Co. (the London branch of J. P. Morgan
& Co.) and 12 years later joined his father in New York. When
Congress in 1902 authorized the President to purchase the rights
of the old Panama Canal Co. for $40,000,000 in gold, Mr.
Morgan arranged for the payment (1904). On the death of his
father in 1913 he inherited the greater part of his estate and
became the head of the firm. On the outbreak of the World War
he arranged the first credit, $12,000,000 for Russia. In 1915 his
firm was appointed agent in the U.S. for the British Govern-
ment; and until after America entered the war, was also pur-
chasing agent, receiving a commission of i % on all purchases.
In April his firm provided a loan of $50,000,000 for the French
Government; in Sept. it organized a syndicate for floating the
Anglo-French loan of $500,000,000 and followed this with other
large loans, especially for the British Government. In July he
was shot, but not dangerously wounded, in his home by a
crazed German sympathizer, who declared that he was trying to
force Mr. Morgan to bring about an embargo on arms. From
1914 to 1919 he was a member of the Advisory Council for the
Federal Reserve Bank in New York. In 1919 he was for a time
chairman of the International Committee, composed of American,
British and French bankers, for the protection of the holders of
Mexican securities. In Nov. of the same year he was made a
director of the Foreign Finance Corp., organized to engage in
the investment of funds chiefly in foreign enterprises. In May
1920 President Wilson transmitted to Congress a letter written
long before, in which Mr. Morgan offered to give his London
home as headquarters of the American embassy there; but it
was not until 1921 that Congress accepted the gift. He was a
director in numerous corporations, including the U.S. Steel
Corp., the Pullman Co., the Aetna Insurance Co., and the
Northern Pacific Railway Co.
MORLEY (OF BLACKBURN), JOHN MORLEY, VISCOUNT
(1838- ), English statesman and author (see 18.840), con-
tinued to hold the seals of the India Office till Nov. 1910, when
he resigned them, as he himself revealed subsequently, " partly
because I was tired, partly from a feeling that a new viceroy
would have fairer openings with a new secretary of state; partly,
too, that I might have a farewell chance of literary self-collec-
tion." One of his last important official acts had been to resist
the appointment of Lord Kitchener to the viceroyalty, pressed
strongly upon him by King Edward just before his death. He
remained in the Ministry as Lord President, and was one of the
four counsellors of state to administer the kingdom during
King George's visit to India for the Delhi Durbar in the winter
MOROCCO
of 1911-2. In the critical period 'of domestic politics which
began with the budget of 1909 he played a somewhat prominent
part. He defended Mr. Lloyd George's budget in the great
debate of Nov. 1909, and, while admitting that the Lords had
the legal right of rejection, said that to assert it was " a gambler's
throw." He poured cold water on proposals like Lord Rose-
bery's for House of Lords reform, and like Lord Lansdowne's
for a referendum; and gave warm support to the Parliament bill,
which would repair the national machinery. Owing to the
temporary failure of Lord Crewe's health, Lord Morley led the
House of Lords during most of the Session of 1911, in which that
bill was passed; and it was he who read out to the House on the
last night of debate the definite assurance from King George
which finally secured the exiguous but adequate majority of 17:
" His Majesty would assent to a creation of peers sufficient in
number to guard against any possible combination of the differ-
ent parties in opposition by which the Parliament bill might be
exposed a second time to defeat." He not only took charge
of the India Office during Lord Crewe's illness, and of the
Foreign Office in Sir Edward Grey's short holidays, but he was
an outstanding figure in the Home Rule debates of 1913 and
1914. In moving the second reading of the Amending bill on
July i 1914, he said that the National Volunteers had dispelled
the illusion that the masses of the South and West of Ireland had
lost their care for Home Rule; the danger was lest the constitu-
tional agitation for self-government might give place to older
methods of violence and disloyalty.
The outbreak of, the World War brought Lord Morley's
official career to an abrupt termination. He made no public
explanation of his reasons for resigning, but withdrew to the
retirement of his Wimbledon villa, where he occupied himself
with writing two most interesting volumes of Recollections,
which were warmly welcomed on their publication in 1917. In
the introduction he said: " The war and our action in it led to
my retirement from public office. The world is travelling under
formidable omens into a new era, very unlike the times in which
my lot was cast. . . . The world's black catastrophe in your new
age is hardly a proved and shining victory over the principles
and policies of the age before it." In 1921 his publishers brought
out a complete edition of his works in a handsome format.
See Viscount Morley, Recollections (2 vols., London, 1917).
(G. E. B.)
MOROCCO (see 18.850). The year 1911 was rendered memor-
able in Morocco by the Agadir crisis. Mulai Hafid had become
unpopular through his dependence on the French and the ex-
actions of his grand vizir, El Glawi.' There was a general rising
of the tribes round Fez in Oct. 1910. Meknes (Mequinez) was
captured, and Fez itself besieged in March-ign. French troops
were sent in April, and again in May, to occupy the city and
pacify the district. El Glawi was dismissed. This French oc-
cupation of Fez, though the need for it had been duly notified
to the Powers, was resented by Spain and Germany. The former
countered it by the sudden occupation (June) of El Qasr and
Laraish (El 'Araish). The German Government on July i 1911
announced to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs its decision
to send a gunboat to Agadir, and dispatched the " Panther "
forthwith. The alleged motive was to safeguard German subjects
and property against disturbances in the Sus; the real one was to
challenge the extension of French influence in Morocco as con-
trary to the Agreements of 1906 and 1909. The situation became
extremely critical, and for a time it seemed as if war were in-
evitable. The protests of France were unavailing until Great
Britain declared her intention of standing by the Entente, and her
formal objection to Germany's obtaining territorial influence in
Morocco. A series of diplomatic " conversations " resulted
in the Franco-German Treaty of Nov. 4 1911, by which France
was to cede some of her Congo territory to Germany in return
for the recognition by the latter of her political protectorate over
Morocco, economic equality being reaffirmed. (The word " pro-
tectorate " was not used in the actual treaty, but it was in the
letters accompanying it.) Spain at first objected, but, through
the intervention of Great Britain, a Franco-Spanish treaty was
concluded on Nov. 27 1911. This arranged such debated points
as customs, the management of the projected Tangier-Fez rail-
way and the appointment of the Sultan's khalifa (deputy) at
Tetuan. It slightly revised the Franco-Spanish boundaries
determined by the Convention of Oct. 3 1904. The boundary of
the northern Spanish zone follows the Muluya (Mulwiya) from
its mouth to near Meshra el Klila, thence, turning W., it runs
immediately N. of the Wad Waghra to Jebel Mulai bu Shta;
thence it strikes N.W. to the Wad Lekkus, follows its course and,
afterwards, lat. 35 N., to the Atlantic coast. Both banks of the
Lekkus and El Qasr and Laraish fall within the Spanish zone.
The treaty also recognized the rights of Spain in the S. over the
enclave of Ifni, bounded to N. by the Wad bu Sedra, to S. by
the Wad Nun, to E. by a line about ism. from the coast. The
negotiations of 1911-2 between the Powers resulted in the inter-
nationalization of the Tangier zone, consisting of Tangier, its
environs and the territory of the El Fahs tribe to S. and W. of it
about too sq. m. in all. By this understanding Tangier was " to
be given a special regime to be agreed upon later." In 1921 Spain
maintained that the possession of Tangier was indispensable to
her in order to round off her protectorate zone, both from an
economic and a territorial point of view. France on her side put
forward claims to the town based upon her general position in
Morocco and the Mediterranean. Meanwhile the Sultan is
sovereign and the town and the harbour are administered by an
International Commission.
On March 30 1912 Mulai Hafid signed a treaty with France
accepting the protectorate, which was subsequently recognized
by the Powers, who withdrew their diplomatic representatives.
General Lyautey was appointed resident-general. The pro-
tectorate has an office in Paris at 21, Rue des Pyramides.
There were continued risings in the Fez-Sifru district and in
the Rif during the autumn of 1911, and Fez was again besieged
in March-April 1912, when the Sherifian army mutinied and
killed several of their French instructors. In August a new Pre-
tender appeared in the Sus, Hamed el Hiba, son of the notorious
religious agitator Ma el "Ainin, who had died at Tiznit (Oct.
1910). El Hiba occupied Marrakesh (Aug. 1912) but was driven
thence in Sept. and fled south. Mulai Hafid abdicated on Aug.
12, appointing his brother, Mulai Yusef, as his successor. Hafid
was pensioned by France and lived for a time at Tangier; after
the outbreak of the World War both he and 'Abd el 'Aziz resided
in Europe. In Oct. Gen. Lyautey occupied Agadir. Fighting in
western Morocco continued for some months among the Shiad-
ma, Haha, Zayan and Tadla, the most powerful chiefs being two
rival kaids of the Haha and Moha u Said of the Tadla. But this
district and that round Fez were pacified by the spring of 1913,
and attention became increasingly centred on eastern Morocco,
and the need for securing communications with Algeria by the
occupation of the important strategic position of Taz'a. This
was accomplished in May 1914, in the face of much hostility
from the local tribes. The following month saw the capture of
the scarcely less important fortress of Khenifra in the Zayan
country. These two essential positions had barely been secured
when the outbreak of the World War necessitated the withdrawal
of French regular troops, whereupon ensued the immediate
revolt of the powerful Branes, Ghiata, and Beni Waghrain round
Taza, and the Zayan in the west. The diminished French forces,
however, gallantly held their own, and the great kaids of the
Atlas and the bashas of Tarudant and Tiznit in the S. remained
loyal. The latter kept El Hiba's forces in check. With a view
to maintaining confidence, public works were continued and
exhibitions and fairs were held at Casablanca (1915, 1918), Fez
(1916) and Rabat (1917); these were visited by thousands of
natives, and created an immense effect.
All through the war German money, arms and military in-
struction were lavished on the anti-French tribes through Ger-
man agents harboured in the northern Spanish zone, while arms
were repeatedly smuggled through Ifni and Rio de Oro. The
attempt of the submarine U2o, however, to land 6,000 rifles at
the mouth of the Wad Nun (Oct. 1916) was frustrated. Through-
out 1915 and 1916 there was fighting along the Wad Waghra,
MOROCCO
985
the chief native leaders being 'Abd es Salam, 'Abd el Malek
(grandson of 'Abd el Kader), and Raisuli, while El Hiba came
N. to join them. In the Tadla, Moha u Said was simultaneously
giving trouble. All these chiefs were in German pay. Military
occupation was pushed forward by the French throughout 1916
and 1917, and many important posts established. The advance
in the Gigu valley brought about the submission of practically
the whole Tafilalt and, with the junction of several French
columns on the Upper Muluya, isolated the Ghiata and Beni
Waghrain in their mountain fastnesses. In May and June 1917,
'Abd el Malek was driven from Taza and forced to take refuge
in the north On March 24, in the Sus, El Hiba's forces had met
with a decisive defeat at Wijan, but he continued to receive
encouragement from Germany until Oct. 1918. El Hiba died
at Kerdus in the following spring, and his forces, under his
brother, Merebbi Rebo, were finally dispersed by the baska of
Tiznit. The Tafilalt was definitely occupied at the end of 1917,
and a wireless station and aerodrome established. In Aug. 1918
the all-powerful Ait Atta of the district were stirred to revolt
by a sherif, Si Moha Nifruten, but the rising was suppressed by
April 1919, with the powerful aid of El Glawi, son of the deposed
ex-vizir, basha of Marrakesh, who in Jan. brought 10,000 men
across the High Atlas. (His brother, the Kaid el Glawi, also a
loyal ally of France, had died in Aug. 1918.) In the N. intrigues
and hostilities, still engineered by Germany, persisted through
the early part of 1918.
In the autumn of 1919 the Beni Waghrain were stirred up by a
new pretender, and the Seghrushen round Sifru by Sidi Raho.
Two risings occurred in the Gharb, in the spring of 1918 and in
Oct. 1920. This last was suppressed by the French occupation
of the sacred city of Wazzan. Simultaneously the turbulent Ida
u Tanan of the S.W. submitted. French rule was thus consoli-
dated in all districts save the Middle Atlas, the Beni Wagh-
rain stronghold.
In 1912 the territory occupied by the French was about 88,000
sq. km., in 1914 163,000 sq. km.; in 1921 France nominally
occupied 235,000 sq. km., but exerted effective economic control
over about 100,000 sq. km. only. 1
In the Spanish zone, the lack of roads and the insecurity
resulting from the anarchy and brigandage prevalent among the
Rif and Jebala tribes retarded development. Fighting continued
in both the eastern and western districts. In March 1919 a rising
occurred N.E. of Fez, the remains of 'Abd el Malek's movement.
In the W., Raisuli as protagonist, while affecting to serve the
cause of Spain, and actually, in 1916, receiving arms and money
from her, was really seeking to make himself quasi-sultan of
N.W. Morocco. In 1916 he entrenched himself at Fonduk 'Ain
el Jedida near Tetuan, and was driven thence only in Oct. 1919.
The Tangiern-Tetuan road, which he had held, was thus reopened
and the Anjera and Wad Ras tribes made their submission.
A year later, however, there was fresh fighting with the Beni
Huzmer and others, probably directed by Raisuli; Spanish troops
from Tetuan then made a somewhat precarious entry (Oct. 14
1920) into the " forbidden city " of Sheshawan, and surrounded it
by a ring of military posts. Troops advancing to join them from
El Qasr were unable to reach Sheshawan, and had to fall back
on their base at Laraish, leaving Raisuli free to operate from his
mountain stronghold. In Nov. several attacks were made by the
tribes on Spanish patrols and posts in the Tetuan-Sheshawan
district, and it seemed at the close of the autumn campaign as if
the more remote posts might need to be evacuated.
Administration and Finance. The outlines of the administrative
organization in the French zone are to be found in the treaty of
March 20 1912. There is on the one hand the Maghzen or Sherifian
administration, and on the other the French administration of the
protectorate. The resident-general has plenary powers; he pro-
mulgates the decrees given by the sultan and is the only inter-
mediary between the sultan and foreign Governments. The Maghzen
includes the grand vizir and the vizirs (ministers) Justice and
Public Worship, the Habus (religious endowments) and Domains
the grand vizir being prime minister. Liaison is maintained between
1 For the successive stages of the occupation see map in Piquet,
Le Maroc, 1917.
the Maghzen and the protectorate by the councillor of the Sherifian
Government who is director of Sherifian affairs and is at the head
of the technical services of control. French administration, under
the high authority of the resident-general, is directed by the general
secretary of the protectorate. The departments are: General
Administration (Civil and Native Affairs), Finance, Economic
Services (public works, agriculture, commerce and colonization,
posts and telegraphs, etc.), Public Instruction and Public Health.
Rabat is the administrative capital.
The French authorities supervise native administration through
local bureaux de renseignements. In seven of the chief towns the old
native council (Mejlis) had (1918) been reconstituted, to aid the
basha in municipal government.
The protectorate at once started to restore the financial position of
Morocco by the annual repayment of instalments of the public
debt, and careful development of sources of revenue, such as the
reformed tertib (agricultural tax). In 1919 the revenues were esti-
mated at 102,440,000 francs, the expenditure at slightly less. In 1920
the long-standing difficulty of the double currency, then accentuated
by the depreciation of the French franc compared with the Hassani
peseta, was solved by the adoption of a local franc currency.
Population, It is now recognized that past estimates of the
population of Morocco, based on acquaintance with the more popu-
lous coast regions, were excessive; no statistics were obtainable up to
1920 for a great part of the interior, which seems to be very sparsely
inhabited. The total native pop. is variously estimated at from
45 millions to 5,400,000, of whom about 3$ millions live in the
French zone. The European pop. (1921) numbered about 100,000,
of whom, two-thirds were French. Immigration ceased during the
World War but in 1919 had begun again and in that year numbered
about 10,000 persons, largely at Casablanca. The most densely
peopled region is that of the Atlantic coast (Gharb, Huz, etc.). In
1917 the pop. (in round numbers) of 10 principal towns was:
Total
"Total " includes
Europeans
Jews
Fez
105,850
850
10,000
Marrakesh .
102,000
2,000
18,000
Casablanca
97,000
38,000
10,000
Tangier ....
52,000
11,700
12,000
Tetuan (1919)
40,000
1,000 (& garrison)
7,25
Rabat
37,550
9,700
3,800
Meknes . . . .
36,700
1,200
5,000
Mazagan .
21,630
1, 600
3,000
Mogador ....
19,000
600
9,5oo
Ujda
18,150
4,150
2,000
Saffi had then a pop. of about 20,000; Sallee of 18,000; Melilla,
40,000, of whom 17,700 were soldiers.
Economic Development. Despite the formidable hindrances
created by the World War, the settlement and development of the
French Zone proceeded steadily, the success of this " peaceful
penetration " being in large measure due to the genius and popularity
of Gen. Lyautey. The immigrants at Casablanca rose from 3,238
in 1911 to 29,755 i n I9'3; the war then caused a reduction, but in
1918 they numbered 22,140. Well-built European quarters have
sprung up near the old towns; the ports have been improved, and a
new port, Kenitra, on the Sebu, opened up. At Casablanca 24^
million francs were expended in 1919 in laying out new sites and in
building. The amount of capital engaged in development schemes of
various kinds was at the end of 1919 35 million francs. Railways
have been extended, and a network of roads constructed, on some of
which regular services of motor transport run. Anti-malarial and
other hygienic measures have been adopted, and medical centres
and travelling infirmaries set up; in 1917 these treated over 1,220,800
native patients. Native schools, teaching French, Arabic and
Berber, and Jewish schools numbered 21,520 pupils in 1917. Agricul-
tural and industrial enterprises (e.g. flour- and flax-milling) have
been fostered, and scientific and antiquarian research prosecuted.
Harbour works were (1921) in construction at most of the ports:
at Casablanca they included an inner harbour with two quays and
a floating dock, and the construction of a great jetty, 2,100 metres
in length (of which 1,240 metres were completed by 1921), to form
an outer port. Mehediya has been superseded by Kenitra, lOj m.
up river, which, with its extensive river frontage for quays, is
the only port where lighters are not required. Its trade rose
from 4 million francs in 1914 to 20 million in 1915; in 1917 it
equalled that of Saffi and Mogador. A channel has been cut through
the bar at the mouth of the Sebu. At Rabat, a cement bridge
over the Wad bu Ragrag, to supersede the ferry to Sallee, was
inaugurated Jan. I 1920.
In the Spanish Zone irrigation and cultivation have been
attempted in the Selwan and Caret regions; the care of forests
undertaken; schools and infirmaries established ; and a native police
force organized at Melilla. Extensive harbour works were (1920) in
progress at Ceuta and Laraish. The mines near Melilla have been
worked by several companies. Military posts have pushed forward
in the Muluya and Wad Kert regions. The expenditure for 1918
(exclusive of the expenses of the military occupation) was nearly 12
million pesetas, a deficit of 8j million pesetas having to be met by
986
MORRIS, E. P.
a subvention from the home Government. In Jan. 1919 Gen.
Berenguer was appointed resident-general.
Agriculture is the principal resource of Morocco as a whole and
forms the basis of the economic future of the country. The total
cultivable area under French control in 1921 was estimated at
approximately 25 million ac., of which 5,900,000 ac. were actually
under cultivation, 5,200,000 ac. earmarked for reclamation and
drainage, 12,355,000 ac. common lands, and 1,235,000 ac. forests.
The chief crops are barley, wheat, maize and millet, representing 88 %
of the total cultivated area; other crops are vegetables, flax, hemp
and henna; 124,000 ac. were under orchards and vineyards in 1919.
Under proper cultivation western Morocco should become one of
the richest cereal-producing areas in the world. Stock-breeding is
also important; statistics for 1920 show that live stock comprised:
sheep 6,700,000, goats over 2,000,000, cattle 1,300,000, pigs 130,000;
while beasts of burden numbered: donkeys 420,000, camels 86,000,
horses 65,000, and mules 54,000. The total area of forests in the
French zone of Morocco is about 3,706,000 ac. ; on the coast a belt
of cork-trees covers an area of 338,000 ac. ; in the Middle Atlas
cedars cover 741,000 ac., and oaks and Aleppo pines about 620,000
acres. The revenue derived by the state from the exploitation of forest
amounted to 1,500,000 francs in 1921.
Phosphate exists in great quantities estimated at 100 million
tons with a yield of 65% and a decree of 1920 reserves to the
sultan's Government the right of prospecting and exploiting the
deposits. A start was made in 1917-8 in extracting manganese in
eastern Morocco and some thousands of tons have been produced.
An oil-field extends from Fez to Laraish.
Trade. The total foreign trade of Morocco increased from
375,000 tons, valued at 178 million francs, in 1912 to 553,000 tons
and 1,056 million francs in 1920. The total foreign trade of the
French zone (in 1,000 francs) rose from 319,580 in 1917 to 573,160 in
1919, excluding the commerce via Algeria, which amounted to
66,660 in 1917 and over 134,000 in 1919. English trade increased
from 63,000 in 1916 to 134,500 in 1919. Spain tripled and America
quadrupled her trade with Morocco during those years. Of the
exports, 98 % went to, and 63 % of the imports were derived from,
France and Algeria.
The following table gives the sea-borne trade of the various zones
in 1913 and tgi8:
Imports
(in 1,000 francs)
Exports
(in 1,000 francs)
1913
1918
1913
1918
French zone
Tangier
Spanish zone
181,427
24-455
25,335
257,580
31,600
35,402
40,182
3,408
2,876
97,042
5,820
6,960
The animal products exported from Morocco in 1919 were as
follows:
Weight
(1,000 kgm.)
Value
(1,000 francs)
gg s ,
Goatskins
8,626
1,828
I 480
44,949
13-590
52A1
Sheepskins
Cowhides
Wool
Wax
1,387
439
104
112
2,269
922
The trade of Casablanca had increased from 185,000 tons in 1912
to 425,000 tons in 1920.
Communications. There are regular services from Europe to the
Moroccan ports of the Cie. Gen. Transatlantique, Cie. de Naviga-
tion Paquet, Royal Mail Steam Packet, Bland (Gibraltar), Correos
de Africa, and other lines, including Dutch and Italian.
A system of roads has been planned for the French zone; on Jan. I
1920 2,600 km. were completed, 364 in progress and 247 surveyed.
Motors are largely used for mails and passengers, e.g. Detween the
ports and Marrakesh. The only road, as contrasted with tracks, in
the Spanish zone was (1920) from Ceuta to Tetuan, though another
was being constructed between Laraish and El Qasr. In that year
the Tangier-Fez road was completed in the Tangier zone, and
nearly so in the French, but was practically untouched in the
Spanish zone.
The railways in the French zone, military lines (2-ft. gauge) open
to civilian use, were being gradually changed to standard gauge
(4 ft. 8J in.). In 1920 there were 610 m. of railway. The line linking
Ujda via Taza with Fez (198 m.) was completed to Tuahar (168 m.) ;
this will later be joined by the Casablanca-Fez line, via Rabat and
Meknes, which in 1920 ended 10 m. beyond Fez (221 m.). Of the
Casablanca-Marrakesh line (324 m.) via Ber Reshid, which in 1920
stopped at Raid Tunsi (96 m.), 40 m. had still to be laid. A branch
line runs from Ber Reshid to Wad Zem (83 m.), to be continued to
Khenifra: In eastern Morocco a line under construction from Seflet
to Utat el Hajj (19 m.) was open as far as Mahirija. In the Spanish
zone a narrow-gauge railway runs from Ceuta to Tetuan, and
another from Tetuan to Rio Martin. There are two light railways
from Melilla to Nador, Selwan, Tiztutin and the mines. In 1920 a
line was projected from Melilla to Taza. via Tafersit, and a coast line
to Tangier. Work on the standard-gauge Tangier-Fez line had not
actually begun in 1920, though the survey for the French section
had been made. The line from Laraish to El Qasr, which will
eventually join it, was half completed in 1913; the French have pro-
jected a line from Casablanca via Rabat and Kenitra to join it at
Petit-Jean (132 miles).
Aeroplanes were much used in Morocco by the French during the
war and will be increasingly employed for commerce. There were in
1920 a number of aerodromes, including one 6J m. from Tangier, and
a mail-passenger service, calling at several towns in Spain, plie '
between Rabat and Toulouse eight times a month each way.
Efficient postal services exist in the French zone; Spain has post-
offices at her ports; in 1920 the only foreign post-offices were those
of Great Britain, at the chief ports, and at Fez, Meknes, El Qasr,
and Marrakesh. There are wireless installations at Fez, Marrakesh,
Tangier, Mogador and elsewhere. A telegraph line runs across the
Spanish zone from Tangier to Arbawa (French zone). Telephones
are installed in Tangier and in all the towns of the French zone;
Casablanca, Rabat and Kenitra are connected by telephone, and so
are Tangier, Arzila and Laraish. There are submarine cables
between Casablanca and Brest ; Casablanca and Dakar; Tangier and
Gibraltar; Ceuta and Tangier; Estopona and Penon de Velez;
Tangier and Oran and Cadiz.
AUTHORITIES. The output of books and periodicals on Morocco
during recent years has been enormous; only a selection can be
mentioned here. A. Bernard, Les Confins algero-marocains (1911),
Le Maroc (4th ed. 1917), La France au Maroc (1917); E. Doutte,
Merrakech (1905), En Tribu (1914); L. Gentil, Le Maroc physique
(1912), La recherche scientifique au Maroc (1914); J. Goulven, Le
Maroc (1919) ; E. Laoust, Mots et Chases berberes (1920) ; E. Moutet,
Les confreries religieuses de I' Islam marocain (1912); M. A. H.
Poisson de la Martiniere, Souvenirs du Maroc (1919) ; Suzanne Nou-
vel, Nomades et Sedentaires au Maroc (1919); V. Piquet, Le Maroc
(1917); Comte de la Reveliere, Les energies franfaises au Maroc
(1917) ; E. Rouard de Card, Traites et accords concernant . . . Maroc
(1914) ; C. Sainte Chapelle, La conquete de Maroc (1913) ; Marquis de
Segonzac, Au Coeur de L Atlas (1910) ; Andre Tardieu, La conference
d'Algesiras (1909), Le Mystere d'Agadir (1912). Works published
under the auspices of the protectorate, e.g. Conferences franco-
marocaines (2 vols. 1916, 1917) ; Le Commerce (1917) and L' Agricul-
ture (1918) au Maroc; Rapport g'ncral sur la situation du Prptectoral
. . . 1914 (Gen. Lyautey, 1916) ; Garnet des itineraires principaux du
Maroc (1917); Villes et Tribus (3 vols. 1915, etc.); Annuaire econo-
mique et financier; Archives marocaines. Also Guides Bleus
(Hachette), Le Maroc; L' Afrique franc_aise; France-Maroc (a superb-
ly illustrated monthly) ; the Bulletins of several geographical socie-
ties, notably Algiers, Oran, and Madrid; J. Becker, Historia de
Marruecos (1915); R. Donoso Cortes, Estudio geogr. polit. milii.
sobre las zonas espanolas (1913); G. Delbrel, Ceografia general de la
Provincia del Rif (1911) ; A. Garcia y Perez, Ifni y el Sahara espanol,
and Zona espanola del norte . . . (both 1913); Alia Comisaria de
Espana en Marruecos . . . memoria 1917-1918 ; A. Vera Salas, El
Rif Oriental (1918); W. B. Harris and Hon. W. H. Cozens-Hardy,
Modern Morocco (1919); D. Mackenzie, The Khaliphate of the West
(1911); E. A. Westermarck, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with
Agriculture . . . in Morocco (1913); Edith Wharton, In Morocco
(1920) ; Report of the Trade, Industry and Finance of Morocco (Dept.
of Overseas Trade, 1920) ; Morocco (London weekly) ; W. Arning,
Marokko-Kongo (1912); O. C. Artbauer, Die Rifpiraten und Hire
Heimat (1911); G. Kampffmeyer, Im neuen Marokko (1914), Nord-
west Afrika und Deutschland (1914), and a Moroccan bibliography,
Studien . . . der deutschmar. Bibliothek (1911, 1915) ; K. Neumann,
Die Internalionalitat Marokkos (1919); W. Schroeder, Das Schutz-
genossenwesen in Marokko (1917). Maps: Cartes du bureau lopo-
graphique du Maroc, 70 sheets (1913-5); Barrere, 4 sheets (1913).
(E. G. S.)
MORRIS, EDWARD PATRICK MORRIS, IST BARON (1850-
), Newfoundland statesman, was born at St. John's,
Newfoundland, May 8 1859, and was educated at St. Bona-
venture's College and the university of Ottawa. In 1884 he was
admitted a solicitor and in 1885 was called to the bar (Q.C.i896).
The same year he was elected Liberal member for St. John's. In
1889 he entered the Cabinet, and from 1890 to 1895 was Acting
Attorney-General for Newfoundland. From 1893 to 1906 he
was director of the Newfoundland Savings Bank. In 1897 he
went to England as a delegate to the Colonial Office on the ques-
tion of the French fishing rights. In 1898 he left the Liberal
party and became leader first of the Independent Liberals and
later (1908) of the People's party. In 1901 he again visited
England as a delegate, and in 1902 he entered the Cabinet as
Attorney-General, afterwards becoming Minister of Justice. In
1904 he was knighted. In 1909 he became Prime Minister,
retaining this office until 1918. In 1909' he represented New-
MORRISON MOTOR TRANSPORT, MILITARY
987
foundland at the Imperial Defence Conference, and filled the
same position at the Coronation and Imperial Conference in
1911. In 1913 he was made K.C.M.G., and in 1917 was a mem-
ber of the Imperial War Conference. The same year he received
the freedom of the City of London. In 1918 he retired from the
premiership and was raised to the peerage. Lord Morris pro-
duced an important legal work known as Morris's Reports, an
edition of the Newfoundland law reports from 1800 to 1904.
MORRISON, GEORGE ERNEST (1862-1920), British traveller
and journalist, Peking correspondent of The Times from 1897
until 1912, when he resigned to become political adviser to
Yjian Shih-k'ai, president of the newly proclaimed Chinese
republic, was born at Geelong, Victoria, Australia. He dis-
played early in life a love of adventurous wandering and an in-
satiable curiosity concerning every phase and aspect of human
affairs. Until his service with The Times obliged him to establish
his headquarters at Peking, which he came in time to regard as
his home, his career was an unbroken series of journeys, in which
his love of adventure on unbeaten tracks was usually combined
with some practical purpose of exploration. Thus, in 1882, he
studied the Kanaka labour question in the South Sea Islands as a
sailor before the mast. Later in the same year he crossed
Australia on foot, from the Gulf of Carpentaria to Melbourne,
covering 2,043 m - in I2 3 days. His next journey, to New
Guinea, nearly cost him his life; he returned from it with two
spear-heads in his body, which were eventually removed by
Professor Cheyne at Edinburgh, under whom Morrison con-
cluded his medical studies. In 1887 he took his M.D. and C.M.
degrees, but the life of a medical practitioner had no attractions
for him. After journeys to the United States and the West
Indies he worked for a time in his medical capacity, first at the
Rio Tinto mines in Spain and then as court physician to the
shereef of Wazan in Morocco. From 1890-2 he was in charge
of the hospital at Ballarat. In 1893, wearying of routine work,
he set out to travel in the Far East; in the following year he
made a journey overland from Shanghai to Rangoon, and de-
scribed it in a work entitled An Australian in China (1895).
This journey laid the foundation of his reputation and led to
the engagement of his services by The Times. In Nov. 1895 he
went as special Times correspondent to Siam, where the French
Government's claims in the region of the Mekong valley had
necessitated negotiations for an agreement with Great Britain.
Here he did excellent work; in Feb. 1897 he accepted the
appointment offered him by The Times as resident correspondent
at Peking, and for the rest of his life all his work and interests
became centred in China. He never attained to any degree of
oroficiency in the Chinese language, but in the course of numer-
ous journeys during the ensuing 20 years he visited every province
and dependency of the Empire, with the exception of Tibet, and
acquired an intimate knowledge of men and affairs in every part
of the country. In 1907 he travelled from Peking to the borders
of Tonquin, and three years later from Central China to Russian
Turkestan. During the siege of Peking legations by the Boxers
in 1900 he displayed conspicuous gallantry and initiative, and
was specially mentioned in despatches by Sir Claude Macdonald.
In Jan. 1905 he was present at the triumphal entry of the
Japanese army into Port Arthur, and subsequently represented
The Times at the Peace Conference which resulted in the
Treaty of Portsmouth.
At the outset of the revolutionary movement in China
(Oct. 1911) Dr. Morrison frankly proclaimed his sympathy with
the Republican programme of Sun Yat-sen and the Cantonese
Radicals, and advocated the abdication of the Manchu dynasty.
In Aug. 1912, six months after the abdication, he became one of
several foreign advisers engaged by the Chinese Government,
with special duties as political adviser to President Yuan. When,
during the stormy period between 1913 and 1916, it be-
came evident that Yuan Shih-k'ai intended to restore the
monarchy in his own person, there were occasions when Dr.
Morrison's position was somewhat delicate, because of the
prominent part which he had played as an advocate of
Republicanism, but his unfailing tact and good humour, com-
bined with his unquestionable devotion to the best interests of
China, enabled him to fill this difficult position and to retain
the goodwill and respect even of those who differed from his
political opinions. For nearly 20 years his modernized Chinese
house, with its famous library of works on China, was a place of
pilgrimage for travellers in the Far East, and " Morrison of
Peking " was a name familiar in all parts of the world. He died
at Sidmouth May 30 1920.
MORTON, LEVI PARSONS (1824-1920), American banker and
politician (see 18.882), died at Rhinebeck, N.Y., May 16 1920,
his g6th birthday.
MOSBY, JOHN SINGLETON (1833-1916), American soldier
(see 18.890), died in Washington, D.C., May 30 1916.
MOSELEY, HENRY GWYN JEFFREYS (1887-1915), British
physicist, was born Nov. 23 1887. He was educated at Eton,
where he entered as a King's scholar, and at Trinity College,
Oxford, from which he graduated in 1910 with honours in
natural science. His earliest research work was undertaken in
Rutherford's laboratory in Manchester, whither he went as
lecturer in physics after leaving Oxford. He at once gave
evidence of unusual ability both as an original thinker and
skilful experimenter. After two years he resigned his lectureship
in order to devote more time to research work, and was elected
John Harling fellow. The researches with which his name is
specially associated were those made shortly before his death.
Rutherford had announced the nuclear theory of atomic struc-
ture which required each atom to consist of a minute positively
charged nucleus about which negative electrons were distributed.
It seems also that the charge would increase with the atomic
weight of the element. It had been suggested, and Bohr had
adopted this view, that the nuclear charge was equal to the
atomic number, i.e. to the number of the element in a complete
series of the elements arranged in ascending order, but hitherto
no atomic property had been discovered which could be definitely
represented by this number. Moseley, shortly after the discovery
of the diffraction of X-rays by crystals, set to work to examine
the X-ray spectrum of a number of elements each of which he
made in turn the target of an X-ray tube. He found that his
crystal-grating gave a spectrum of two lines for each element and
that their frequency increased by definite steps as he passed from
one element to the next; indeed, the frequency of vibration
associated with each element was a simple function of a number
which he found to be identical with the atomic number. It is
now generally accepted that this number, experimentally deter-
mined by Moseley for a number of elements, defines the physical
and chemical properties of the particular element. This number
is probably to be identified with the electric charge upon the
nucleus of the atom. From the regular progression of the lines
in the X-ray spectra of different elements Moseley was able tc
indicate the number of elements yet to be discovered, and he
cleared up certain anomalies in the periodic tables of the ele-
ments. He laid the foundation of what will probably prove to
be a new and more precise form of chemistry (see CHEMISTRY,
and MATTER, CONSTITUTION OF). Moseley was in Australia
with the British Association in 1914 when the World War broke
out; he returned to England, obtained a commission in the
Royal Engineers, and was killed by a Turkish bullet on the Gal-
lipoli peninsula on Aug. 10 1915. (W. G. D.)
MOSS, SIR (HORACE) EDWARD (1852-1912), British director
of variety theatres, was born at Manchester in 1852 and in 1877
opened the Gaiety theatre, Edinburgh, first of the Moss's
Empire theatres, which by 1912 numbered twenty houses and
represented a capital of over 2,000,000. He was the principal
pioneer of the changes which have transformed the old music-
hall into the modern variety theatre, and in recognition of this
fact, and for his charities, he was knighted in 1905. He died at
Middleton, Midlothian, Nov. 25 1912.
MOTOR TRANSPORT, MILITARY. Transport by motor vehi-
cles has very profoundly modified the art of war. Their em-
ployment enables a commander despite the unwieldiness of
modern armies to achieve surprise effects which give him
victory. The utilization in modern warfare of the enormous
988
MOTOR TRANSPORT, MILITARY
effectives which constitute national armies was made possible
only by the railways, which are alone able to assure the supply
of food and munitions needed by such a mass of humanity. But
steel tracks are by nature rigid, and the employment of motor
transport on a large scale has both expanded their functions and
rendered them supple. It is by the organized combination of
these two means of transport that it is possible to rain on the
enemy such rapid and effective blows that he must succumb.
Strictly, the railways in times of peace function under conditions
quite comparable to those of war. For the economic requirements
of peace no less than of war demand incessant and strict attention
to ensure railway efficiency. On the other hand, there is only a
distant comparison between the use of motor vehicles one by one
in times of peace and their employment in compact groups
during war operations. There is, therefore, a special interest in
trying to trace, after the experience of the World War, the techni-
cal facts which would serve as a basis for the employment of
motor transport on a large scale in future operations. In the
following account, illustrated by practical examples, taken from
the use of motor vehicles during the operations of the Allied
armies on the French front, there will be discussed the general
principles underlying (I.) transport of troops, (II.) transport of
materiel and (III.) intensive traffic on roads.
I. TRANSPORT or TROOPS
The Vehicle. Troops have sometimes been carried in ordinary
touring-cars. During the battle of the Marne (Sept. 9 1914), at
the moment when the French army of General Maunoury was
massing outside Paris, there were grouped together all available
taxicabs to take direct to the front the infantry of a division
which, arriving by rail from the Vosges, was detraining in the
stations of the northern suburbs of Paris. This method can only
be employed in exceptional cases, because the car or taxicab has
so small a carrying power, requiring one driver for every three
or four combatants carried, while such vehicles for the most part
differ in speed. On the other hand, such motor-vehicles as are
designed to convey a larger number of passengers in peace-time,
e.g. motor omnibuses or chars-d-bancs, are eminently serviceable.
Thus it was in motor omnibuses, which were employed in the
first transport groups of the French army, that there were carried
to Belgium, at the beginning of Aug. 1914, the detachments of
infantry which operated in support of the cavalry. In the same
way the British army employed at the outset the London motor
omnibuses; and the " Bus Park," which was placed behind the
centre of the English armies, was always able to supply rapid
transport for reserves behind the front. Motor omnibuses, sight-
seeing vehicles, private motor cars, and all other vehicles of a
similar character utilized in towns in peace-time, have the advan-
tage of being always prepared to carry passengers. They have
often, however, the disadvantage of having been built for street
use and not for any and every kind of route; moreover, they are
useless for any other form of transport except for carrying men,
so that they will often remain useless when the army has no need
to move troops and yet the need for the transport of materiel is
pressing. A park of motor omnibuses represents therefore a
collection of drivers and machines that is frequently immobile;
one must be very rich in means of transport to enjoy this luxury,
and one can never be so rich when operations are active.
The ideal vehicle is the common motor lorry (or truck, as
Americans call it). It is necessary to adapt it, i.e. to place in it
movable benches, which can be very rapidly installed when it is
necessary to carry men, and can be removed without difficulty
when it is necessary to carry materiel. In accordance with the
capacity of the body, which itself partly depends on its load
capacity, the lorry can carry from 1 6 to 25 men with their arms
and equipment. The lorry is designed for travelling long dis-
tances over indifferent roads; having solid rubber tires, it does
not suffer from breakdowns through punctures.
The method of loading men into lorries also requires considera-
tion, since the efficiency of transport depends considerably on it.
One good rule is for the driver or his assistant to supervise the
loading, and to get the men on board first, their arms and
baggage following them. It is necessary to appoint a " chief of
the lorry " who takes charge of the interior and keeps good order.
Again, it is advisable to be very careful lest men lie on the
floor boards and breathe the exhaust gases: this is a very serious
cause of asphyxiation. It is, therefore, necessary to see to the
ventilation of the lorry and to ensure that the exhaust pipes are
in good condition.
During the World War not only were units of infantry trans-
ported but also artillery formations; likewise, in some exceptional
cases, cavalry with their horses. How can horses most easily be
carried? The body of the lorry must be as large and the bottom
as low as possible, to make the loading more easy, and the ceiling
must be high enough to prevent the horses from being injured
by striking their heads. In accordance with these arrangements,
the horses may be placed either lengthwise or crosswise. But
they should be close to one another, to save them from bump-
ing; and there should be no difficulty of access to where their
heads are, in order that they may eat and drink on the road.
These precautions taken, it has been found that horses travel as
well by motor lorry as in a railway wagon.
Is it better, generally, to have for transport of troops heavy
lorries (of 5 tons or greater freightage) or lighter lorries (of 2-3
tons) ? This question has often been the subject of controversy.
Experience shows that, with a proper arrangement of movable
benches, it is possible to put in a heavy lorry, which has a very
large body, many more men in proportion than in a light lorry;
and it must not be forgotten that, for the greatest efficiency, one
driver and one machine must carry the maximum number of
men. On the other hand, if heavy and light lorries are both
available, and troops as well as materiel have to be transported,
it is better to use the light lorries for the transport of troops.
Organization of Lorries. Lorries move grouped in formations
of varying importance, but two essential conditions must be
observed: efficient control and effective maintenance. In propor-
tion as there are built up and put into motion larger and larger
masses of lorries, it is necessary to organize a succession of com-
mands in such a way that each will be provided with proper
supervision and direction. A type of organization modelled
directly on that of infantry or artillery is here unsuitable. The
basic unit, the smallest formation to be placed under the orders
of an officer, should be formed of 15 to 30 vehicles. The officer
who commands this unit is the veritable sheep-dog of his troop
of lorries; he must himself have a touring-car (which should be
open and not too fast), so as to allow him to follow his lorries
wheri they are on the move, and above all when they are formed
into a large column. The officer ought not to lead himself, but
be able to keep his attention free, and to jump quickly from his
car and speak to his drivers. In a large column the lorries ought
to follow one another as closely as possible, because the efficiency
of the route is dependent on the continuous progress of the lorries;
a certain distance must be kept so as to allow the driver of a lorry
to take note of what the lorry ahead is doing, and thus avoid
collisions. This distance, which tends to increase uphill and de-
crease downhill, should average 10 metres at night, when march-
ing with lights extinguished. The drivers ought to be trained
to keep their exact distance. For this purpose it is useful to
paint, at the back of the lorry, marks on a white ground, percep-
tible to the eye even in complete darkness. The use of lumi-
nous paint has been found practicable. Next above the basic unit
(which takes various names according to the armies, e.g. " section "
or " platoon ") is placed the " company " or the " group," nor-
mally comprising three or four sections. The commander of the
group or company is no longer the sheep-dog of his lorries; he is
the shepherd. It is he who guides them in their itineraries,
places them in billets and allots them to their work. He must,
therefore, have a much more powerful touring-car, so as to be
able rapidly to reconnoitre ahead. He should have a liaison
officer, with a motor bicycle or cycle-car, to transmit his orders
rapidly, and also a second in command, to maintain continuity.
There should be as many lorries in a group or company as are
needed to transport a battalion of infantry. If the battalion has
i ,000 men and the lorry holds 20, there must be 50 lorries always
MOTOR TRANSPORT, MILITARY
989
available. But, as some will always require repair or overhauling,
while others must be used as service lorries for replenishing food
supply and petrol (and also as workshops), the theoretical num-
ber is 65 lorries.
The second point in an organization is to ensure effective
maintenance. Automobiles require constant care on a long
journey, e.g. 200 km. At least a dozen out of 100 lorries will
have breakdowns or need repair. Some will even fall out, too
seriously damaged to go on, and will have to go to the " automo-
bile park." Minor casualties must be attended to, however, as
soon as possible. That is the role of the workshops. If the work-
shop is to move with the group, it must be on lorries, and have a
stock of tools and various spare parts. To form a workshop for
20 lorries, i.e. for a section, means a large drain on workers and
materiel, and is only advisable when the section has to remain
isolated. If the section remains with the group, it is better to
form a stronger workshop for the group, reserving two or three
vehicles which can have a real arsenal of spare parts, each having
two or three picked mechanics attached, with several skilled
assistants to attend them. The commanding officer of the group
can delegate to one of his subordinate officers (the most capable
from the technical point of view) the direction of the workshop.
As soon as large transport movements have to be carried
out, higher control above the group must be organized. The
transport of the infantry of a division requires 1 2 groups. Placed
in a column on the road, this would make a file 36 km. in length,
a reasonable distance for each group being 3 kilometres. This
mass would be formless and incapable of manoeuvring unless
vivified by organization.
It is a common saying that the action of a commander ought
to be limited to directing four immediate subordinates and no
more. Experience of large demands on transport during the war
shows, however, that six groups could be united under one con-
trol, if the commander in charge was supported by a fully qualified
staff. Such was the composition of the grouping in the French
army: such or something very near it was the composition of
the " Bus Park " of the British army. The grouping of six groups
had a capacity for 6,000 infantry. When transport by automo-
bile has reached a further extension, the group becomes in its
turn a basic unit; and it is in studying the role of the commander
of the grouping and his staff that the working realities of troop
transportation can be grasped. It will suffice to note that the
groupings ought also, when they are called on to function to-
gether, to be united under a superior control. The automobile
service of the French army, which comprised 2 5 groupings in 1918,
had a dozen " commanders of transport reserves " to direct
them each reserve comprising two or three groupings.
Organization of Troop Transports. Let it be supposed that a
grouping is ordered to execute the transport of 6,000 infantry, to
take them up in their billeting area, and to bring them to the
field of battle some 100 km. from billets. What problems must
be solved in order to accomplish this mission to the greatest
advantage? In the first place, the commander must fix the em-
barkation-points, i.e. the points at which the infantry will be
loaded into lorries. In order that this operation may be quickly
carried out there must be many loading-points functioning at the
same time; to embark one battalion (1,000 men) into a group
(80 lorries) requires from 20 minutes to half an hour. The usual
procedure of the French automobile service is to place the infan-
try in column, two deep, and to make them move in this forma-
tion. The automobile officer in charge of the embarking-point
marshals the drivers of the lorries, at the rate of one per lorry,
near to a point where the column of infantry in twos moves out.
He divides the column, as it passes him, into small parties, accord-
ing to the number for each lorry, and assigns each to a lorry
driver, who leads his men at the double to the rear of his lorry.
When all the parties are grouped behind the lorries, they
embark. At the embarking-office, while the backs of the lorries
are closed, the crank-handles are turned and the engines are
started up. But even so, with a single embarking-point practi-
cally three hours are required for embarking 6,000 men; and in
another half-hour the lorries will have covered 8 kilometres.
The six groups will therefore find themselves, on the march,
separated by a considerable interval, and the total column will
be 48 km. in length altogether too long. Further, there may be
great gaps in the billeting area in which the embarking infantry
are stationed; and it would be a mistake to make them cover
great distances on foot in order to reach a common embarking-
point when the lorries can just as well come and pick them up
near to their own billets. Consequently it is much preferable, if
possible, to have six points of embarkation, each corresponding
to a battalion, the hours of embarkation being fixed in such a
way that each group of lorries, leaving as soon as the embarkation
is completed, will take up its normal position, one behind the
other, at the " starting-point " for the common itinerary.
When the commander of an automobile grouping has then
prepared the organization of his embarkation-points, he must
come to an agreement with the infantry headquarters concerned
as to the time and place of embarkation of each battalion; such
an agreement is much simplified if the orders of the higher au-
thority responsible for the movement have specified a precise
time for the start. The work which devolves upon the command
of the lorry grouping in the disembarkation of the troops is
generally similar to the above; but there is an additional diffi-
culty, caused by uncertainty as to the exact points of disem-
barkation, which often depend at the last moment on the mili-
tary situation. Nevertheless, the procedure must be arranged as
early as possible, in close touch with the higher staff which has
to fix the disembarkation zone; and an understanding must be-
arrived at with headquarters as to the probable alternatives,
between which a decision will be made later, when the lorries are
quite near to the arrival zone. It is not possible for the com-
mander of the grouping to do this work of preparation for arrival
and for departure by himself alone; he must have another officer
in his confidence to help him. While he is making arrangements
and reconnaissance in the zones of departure and arrival, he must
also choose (or at least reconnoitre) the itinerary between the
two zones. And when the itinerary is reconnoitred, it must be
marked out. This is the duty of the officer assisting the com-
mander of the grouping. The " route officer," with his own staff,
marks the itinerary by posting up placards (and, for night work,
hanging lanterns) bearing the distinguishing mark of the group-
ing and an arrow indicating the direction of the march and the
route to take. The distinguishing mark of the grouping is neces-
sary because, in a period of movement, many other groupings
will often wish to use some portion of a route in common. More-
over, any lorry which has become isolated or left behind must
be enabled to rejoin by following the arrows.
Further, the commander of a grouping is responsible for the
care of the well-being of his personnel and materiel. He has to
supply his lorries with petrol and his men with food, and must
organize the movement of his service lorries, supply lorries, work
lorries, lorries for towing, lorries for cooking. Here again the
commander's control of details depends first on his supply officer,
and next on his technical officer, the latter being especially con-
cerned with the workshop of the grouping, the repairing organ.
It is the technical officer's endeavour to interrupt the grouping
as little as possible, and to follow it up, if it is not returning to
its previous zone of billets, with any laggard lorries that have
needed repair. He must, therefore, organize repairing squads
who will follow different columns and leave nothing behind.
Transport of Complete Divisions. When a larger unit, like a
division of infantry, has to be transported, two or three lorry-
groupings are required. The same general principles, however,
apply. An interesting example occurs when, together with the
infantry of a division, it is necessary to transport all or part of
their artillery with its horses. This will happen less and less
frequently as the artillery itself tends to become an entire auto-
mobile arm, since it will then move simultaneously on its own
account; but with horse-drawn artillery it may be a very serious
matter for a general of a division not to be able to bring up to
the battlefield, in support of his infantry, the artillery who are
accustomed to manoeuvre with him. It is thus very desirable
to be able to transport artillery with horses.
990
MOTOR TRANSPORT, MILITARY
The loading of guns and limbers on lorries does not present any
special difficulty; it is sufficient to have fixed rules for putting the
materiel in place, and these are the same as the loading-rules for
the same materiel on railway wagons. This is true both for heavy
artillery and for artillery of small calibre. As for the horses, they
accommodate themselves perfectly to this manner of transport.
At the time of the different German attacks in 191 8, especially
in May and July, there were on the French front enormous
transportations of complete divisions which attacked as soon as
they were unloaded from the lorries. The automobile almost
completely takes the place of the railway, securing much quicker
travelling and better surprise effect. There is always one condi-
tion, that the troops thus transported can live and fight with a
limited quantity of baggage, all their supplies being assured by
lorries to the complete exclusion of horse transport. An example
may be given from experience in 1918, when the Higher Com-
mand had under consideration the possibility of obtaining a
great success in Italy. A study of this move, developed in every
detail, shows that, with the resources in automobiles which were
then available for release from the French front, it was possible,
after twelve hours' warning, to move three divisions complete
with divisional artillery, machine-guns, cookers and a number of
horses, equivalent to three pairs per wagon and two per gun and
to transport them in seven days from the region of Chalons in
France to the region of Mantua in Italy. Stages of 15 hours
(including one hour for a general halt) would have had nine
hours of complete rest between. Three distinct routes were pre-
pared, with provision for petrol depots and workshops, guides,
police, and so forth. Undoubtedly this unexpected movement of
three divisions, so rapidly as to ensure secrecy, would have had
a decisive influence. And it is just such possibilities that are
bound to enter into the strategic conceptions of the future.
II. TRANSPORT OF MATERIEL
Lorries are not specialized for the transport of materiel. The
same type is employed as for troops, and therefore the organiza-
tion is similar. A lorry-group capable of moving a battalion of
infantry can alternatively move 100 tons of materiel. Experience
in the World War has shown that, during the periods of active
operations, a division requires an average of 200 tons per day in
foodstuffs and ammunition. This is equally true in the case of
defensive areas, as at Verdun; in offensive actions of the type of
the Somme battles in 1916; or those of July, Aug. and Sept. 1918,
on the Marne. Two groups are therefore required for the supply
of a division, subject to the distance from the railway being at
furthest within a radius of 40 kilometres. Four groups are neces-
sary if the division is 70 km. from a railway. An average of 3
hours must be reckoned for loading at the stations; with allowance
for difficulties arising amid intensive operations, 7 or 8 hours
are taken up on the journey and 2 hours in unloading. This
gives about 13 hours for work, and leaves n hours per day for
the maintenance of materiel, feeding and rest. If the traffic opera-
tions are to be continued for a number of days, any more than
this cannot be demanded of the personnel or of the materiel
without risking excessive wastage. On the day after a journey
with loads the vehicles return empty, and on the day after that
they recommence the journey loaded. As 200 tons a day are
required for a division there must be a double set of two groups,
with a total capacity of 400 tons.
There has been much argument as to which is the more effi-
cient type of lorry for the transport of materiel, the light lorry
of 2 or 3 tons' capacity, or the heavy lorry of 5 tons. Before the
war, military experts in all countries had a marked objection to
the heavy lorry, which was gratuitously supposed to be difficult
to handle on bad roads and unsuited for average military re-
quirements. This opinion is now out of date. The first objection
does not hold good in countries with a network of well-maintained
roads, such as is found in western Europe. The second objection
has equally fallen to the ground, since the greater part of trans-
port work is concerned with munitions, which represent weight
rather than bulk. The full load is never used in a lorry, however
light, if it only carries bread; and only the employment of a
trailer allows of the maximum efficiency. Unfortunately, the
employment of trailers has great inconveniences, notably in the
manceuvring required for loading at stations. Systematic at-
tempts have been made to find a regulation method of yoking
a trailer to every 5-ton lorry when it is necessary to transport
personnel, or materiel of light weight (forage or bread). These
trailers have not been very satisfactory: the motor consumes
more, and tires wear more; the rate of movement is slower, and
any economy in drivers is an illusion.
To sum up it may be said that, for war service, lorries from
2 to 5 tons of average load are equally useful, but that it is useless,
as was done before the war, to give prizes to induce constructors
of lorries to design vehicles on the light side. In the organization
of transport one obtains the greatest efficiency by giving a pref-
erence to the light lorry for the transport of personnel and of
light materiel.
Non-Specialization of Materiel. At a general mobilization,
like that at the opening of the World War, the resources available
for transport are necessarily limited not only by financial condi-
tions, but by the number of vehicles in existence in the country
capable of being requisitioned, and by the maximum production
of the manufacturing firms. On the other hand, there is no limit
to the requirements in lorries, because no general worthy of the
name thinks he has a large-enough stock of transport at those
critical times when every addition means an increase in his power
of manoeuvre. During the 20 days which intervened between
May 27 and June 15 1918, the lorries of the French army had to
transport about 800,000 tons of foodstuffs and munitions, in
order to ensure the supplies of those armies which were making
headway against the German attack. And yet during this same
period the French Headquarters Staff had transported by auto-
mobile the infantry of 63 divisions. It was necessary also to make
numerous evacuations of public records, civil populations, hos-
pitals and engineer parks. This wonderful effort was only pos-
sible because in the French army the principle of non-specializa-
tion was adopted. Every lorry was controlled by the motor
transport service of the armies, and was utilized by it foi 'tny
form of transport needed. No vehicle was specially or perma-
nently attached to this or that higher or lower formation. When
a higher formation, such as a division, had need of transport, the
automobile service arranged the transport, but as soon as it was
finished the lorries employed on this service returned and were
available for other transport services. In short, the lorry cap-
ital never remained unproductive.
Unfortunately, the tendency of every service, and of all units
subordinate to it, is always to oppose this idea of non-
specialization, which ought to be the aim of the Higher Com-
mand, whose interest is always to obtain the maximum return on
lorry capital. In effect, each service desires to have a special
allotment which becomes its own property, and calculates al-
ways the value of this " indispensable " allotment by the eventual
requirements the day when the work will be heaviest. But if
such demands for special attachments are not very energetically
resisted, capital fritters away without any profit.
Supposing that ten lorries are united to one definite forma-
tion underthe pretext that it may have to make rapid moves at
a considerable distance, in practice this rapid move will occur
perhaps not once in a month, and in the interval the ten lorries
will remain in park. During this same month those lorries in
normal use would have been able, if they have a capacity of 2-5
tons and travel lookm. per day, to do more than 60,000 km. -tons
of work, with allowance for overhaul. They could have moved
a depot of munitions of 1,000 tons for 60 km. or have maintained
the supply of bread every day for a division. It might be supposed
that a wide-awake staff, having made this allotment of 10 lorries,
would not let them remain idle, but would order the formation
conceived to undertake such and such transport of a general kind.
But such a practice is only possible in calm periods. As soon as
troublesome times arise everybody is fully occupied ; the formation
does not wish to lose the ten lorries which it will need and for
the very purpose for which it was given them at a moment
when it will not be able rapidly to replace them; and it is pre-
MOTOR TRANSPORT, MILITARY
991
cisely at the moment of crisis that the Higher Command will
have the greatest need of regaining control of all those resources
which it has imprudently dispersed, and it will be entirely unable
to do so. On the other hand, if the commander has not made any
special allotments, but has kept all his lorries under his immediate
care, he will be able to organize the moves which he wishes to
effect in accordance with the degree of urgency imposed by the
operations he desires to carry out. If he thinks it well to move
the formation which was taken as an example, he will allot im-
_mediately ter lorries for this move, and they will return as soon
as the move is completed. If the formation is not to be moved,
there will not be ten lorries lying idle.
The Use and Duties of Depots. The reasons for avoiding
the wastage of lorries apply likewise to avoid wastage of
movements. The carrying-out of " detail " transports is the
principal cause of low efficiency. In the battle of Verdun, March
1916, the supply of munitions was taken by rail to Bar-le-Duc
and to Baudonvilliers. Trains of munitions arrived daily at these
two stations to supply the artillery of the ten divisions deployed
around Verdun, some 60 km. from the stations. If, to supply
each of these divisions, there had been allotted a motor formation,
which could come to load up at the stations and go as far as the
batteries, bringing munitions, the efficiency would have been
mediocre and uncertain. In effect each of these motor formations
would have been under the constant repercussion of the events
at the front and the difficulties of moving about in the front
areas. An accident at a depot, an interrupted road, an advance
or a check at the front, would set back the whole time-table of the
formation, and one would have seen them arriving in the station
for loading their lorries in twos and threes in disorder, and at
different hours. The whole organization and supervision of
traffic would have been impossible.
There can never be efficiency unless there is regularity of
movements. It is never possible to have regularity unless the
traffic of the back areas, which can be regular, is definitely sep-
arated from the traffic of the front areas, which is always un-
certain. How can this separation be effected? By the creation
of depots depending on the lines-of-communication authorities,
and supplied by them where the formations from the front areas
come to refill exactly as they would refill from the railway if
there were stations at these fronts. On this principle was or-
ganized the transport of munitions for the army at Verdun, as
well as the very considerable movements of troops which took
place in these operations. The troops were disembarked at
stations between Revigny and Ligny-en-Barrois, and their trans-
port to Verdun, as well as that of the supplies, was carried out
by the single artery formed by the road Bar-le-Duc-Verdun,
which came to be known as the " Sacred Way " and formed the
route gardee reserved for motors. Through a complete under-
standing between the motor control at Bar-le-Duc and the rail-
way control at St. Dizier, it was possible to regulate the workings
of formations in such a way that the lorries were brought to the
stations for loading at the same moment that the troop trains or
munition trains arrived there. In continuous movement all
formations, when loaded, went via Bar-le-Duc and followed the
Sacred Way as far as the unloading point. They at once returned
by the same Sacred Way to Bar-le-Duc, and took up their places
at their own camp; and after a minimum of time for rest they left
for a new town at the order of the regulating staff (" Commission
regulatrice automobile," hereafter called the " C.R.A.") of Bar-
le-Duc. Movement was continuous. The question of unloading
or disembarking was dominated by the necessity of keeping free
the route gardee. It was therefore necessary at the outset com-
pletely to alter the location of the munition depots which had
been placed along this route at Neippes, Lemmes and Verdun
itself so as to permit of " sidings " where lorries could be
placed for the duration of the unloading process, which consisted
in piling up the munitions along the siding. It was necessary
to open fresh munition depots more suited to these working meth-
ods, and in this way came into existence the circuits of Regret
and of Nixeville, about which were organized a series of lorry sta-
tions with stores of materiel and supplies of every kind. On the
same principle, although at the beginning troops were disem-
barked in any and every piece of road that led to the Sacred Way,
either beyond Verdun or N. of Moulin-Brule, it became the rule
later to build veritable " stations " for the personnel.
It was to these stations that the C.R.A. directed its movements
of personnel and at these same stations troops due for relief came
to embark. There also were collected casuals, leave-men and, in
particular, the slightly wounded, who at fixed hours took their
places in empty lorries on their return journey to Bar-le-Duc.
This situation may be summed up by saying that the employ-
ment of the route Bar-le-Duc- Verdun was as strictly conducted
as if it were a railway. One looks in vain for any other parallel.
The intensity of movements required it, for in addition to the
movements mentioned above one must add that of numbers of
isolated cars and lorries, of every kind, which entered and circu-
lated on the route gardee from the moment that it was given over
to the motor vehicles.
III. INTENSIVE TRAFFIC ON ROADS
The Route Gardee. The command can only depend on move-
ments by motor transport when they are executed with absolute
punctuality and in accordance with programme: they must
resemble movements by rail and be based on time-tables, just
as in railway work. It is essential that breakdowns, and the
resultant lagging behind scheduled times, be notified at once.
For the organized employment of automobiles on the roads, like
that of railway trains, the essential condition is to be master of
the road. If, on a road, this or that mishap can take place without
it being in someone's power to neutralize its effects, or if all and
sundry are permitted to put columns of troops or vehicles on it,
it is useless to attempt to carry out important movements. Con-
gestions multiply, and their effect is reflected farther and farther
back, leading to accidents, and increasing delay to the degree of
stoppage; so that, whatever maybe the efforts of those in charge
of the movement, their transport fails. It is an absolute rule,
based on numerous experiences, that it is not possible to launch
a big transport movement involving several hundreds of lorries
without being absolutely certain of the complete freedom of the
road. Nor does it suffice to be certain at any one particular
moment ; it must be certain during the whole time that the move-
ment will last. Hence the organization of the routes gardees, with
their personnel of guards and their traffic orders.
A route gardee is not necessarily reserved exclusively for auto-
mobiles, though this may be so, as with the route gardee from
Bar-le-Duc to Verdun. But there are other cases where one has
to admit, under certain conditions, the movement of horse-trans-
port. Such was the route Amiens-Bray. But in every case there
must be a responsible authority, having power to give orders and
have them carried out. In the French army, during the war, this
authority was a motor regulating staff (C.R.A.) . In the British
army, the control of traffic in France was part of the duties of the
Provost Marshal (A.P.M.). The organization of the route, on a
railway model, is based on the " block-system." The route is
divided into a series of districts, each of which is under the direc-
tion of a district chief, having assistants for supervision. The
district chief is in constant touch by telephone with the neigh-
bouring districts, and with the office of the C.R.A.; he knows all
the movements which affect his district, and also keeps a record
of all movements which occur there and all the incidents of the
traffic. Thus at the office of the C.R.A. it is always known what
the state of the traffic may be on every route gardee, and the
necessary arrangements for launching an important movement
can be made in given time.
The route orders for the routes gardees are more or less drastic
according to the breadth of the road, and whether or not there
are relief routes. On the Verdun route, where the traffic was
most intense at certain hours (one vehicle every five seconds) , the
narrowness of the road seven metres necessitated very strict
rules: every broken-down lorry was thrown off the road; no
lorry could range up alongside the preceding lorry, and so on.
The length and the importance of the districts on a route gardee
depend, obviously, on special difficulties which they have to
992
MOTOR TRANSPORT, MILITARY
overcome, e.g. the number of adjacent routes, the localities trav-
ersed, narrow passages, etc. Between Bar-le-Duc and Verdun
there were six " districts " varying in length from 5 to 10 km.
It is quite unnecessary to guard in this permanent fashion a
route over which there is not continuous traffic. Whenever such
a road is needed, for the time being, for an intensive transport, it
is sufficient to occupy it immediately and transform it into a
route gardee. This requirement leads to the C.R.A. (or any cor-
responding organization) being given a territorial zone of opera-
tion. In each zone it is the immediate business of the C.R.A.
concerned to guard any portion of the road over which the trans-
port will be moving. For this purpose the C.R.A. had at its
disposal specially organized personnel which may be fairly ac-
curately designated " mobile districts," and which, being in the
habit of operating in this way and supplied with the means of
rapid installation, can in two or three hours make themselves
masters of the traffic on whatever part of the road is entrusted to
them. It is well understood that a C.R.A., to whom a zone of
operations has been entrusted, prepares as minutely as possible
this bringing into action of the mobile districts on a plan of some
kind over its route-system. For instance, it installs in advance a
network of telephone stations; above all, it establishes and puts
into place enormous placard indicators showing the direction
of localities, designations of the routes, local traffic, war maps, etc.
A C.R.A. that has organized its zone of operations properly is
really master of it; it installs a few permanent districts on the
main roads, and has several mobile districts, always at disposal,
which are thrown out each day wherever traffic makes it neces-
sary. In the French automobile service system during the war,
this role of the C.R.A. was facilitated by the fact that the com-
missions were at the same time executive transport authorities.
The head of the C.R.A. was also commander of several " group-
ings " of transport, and he was responsible for carrying out all
military motor transport work required by the army within the
territorial limits of his zone. He was thus the first to be informed
of any large movement of automobiles in his zone.
Maximum Efficiency over a Road System. When one is master
of circulation throughout a given region, one is free to aim at
maximum efficiency. How is this obtained? Formerly, when the
staff proposed to carry masses of troops to a theatre of operations
it traced the greatest number of parallel and serviceable roads
which led to the zone of action decided on, and there was thrown
on each of these roads a column of all arms scientifically eche-
loned in depth. Thus it was that Napoleon moved from the
Rhine to the Main in 1805; thus, also, Moltke moved from the
Sarre to the Moselle in 1870.
When this system is applied to present-day conditions the
efficiency of the road system is low, because the increase of speed
due to the automobile is not turned to account. All modern
armies have tractor-drawn heavy and automobile light artillery,
and possess the means of transporting the bulk of their infantry
by motor lorry. There remain the horse columns, on which it is
no longer necessary to impose the speed limitations of marching
infantry. In consequence, in coordination with the movements
made by railway, the movements by road ought to be organized
in the form of special itineraries, on each of which move columns
of elements that are homogeneous from the point of view of speed.
Thus combination of movements can be worked out in which
much time is saved, as compared with the old methods.
We will examine further the conditions of carrying out stra-
tegical movements on the road. From the point of view of traf-
fic organization, these considerations lead to the principle of
allocating the available routes gardees according to type of traffic.
Thus, such a route is reserved for heavy artillery on tractors
having a speed of 8-10 km. an hour: another route is allotted to
motor field artillery; others for motor lorries, and yet others for
horsed columns a distinction being made between the require-
ments of light columns (field artillery and trains) and heavy
columns (heavy artillery and bridging equipment) . One must also
remember, in the distribution of these itineraries, the quality of
the roads, their breadth and the strength of the road bridges.
Thus one is led to a completely new technique in the utilization
of the roads, for which one must know the output of each itin-
erary for the given density of traffic which it is proposed to put
on it. One must work out the crossings and the doublings of the
columns, and, above all, the way to place all these elements of
different' speed so as to make as many different " moving stair-
ways " as there are rates of movement.
The existence of regulating commissions in charge of zones of
movement, and masters of the traffic, considerably eased the
French problem. But the regulating commissions must have
control not only of automobile traffic, but of all traffic: in their
zones no movements must occur without their having received '
notice and taken the necessary measures to facilitate the execu-
tion of the movements in question. They must be able to arrest
all false movements in good time. And they must be in close touch,
so as to form a complete network, covering the whole area over
which it may be necessary to move any column.
It was by the functioning of an organization of this nature that
the French army was able to make its concentrations of consid-
erable numbers of troops at very short notice in March, May
and July 1918.
Strategic Transport by Road. What is a strategic transport,
or, in a wider sense, a strategic move? It is a movement capa-
ble, by its results, of affecting the present or future situation
of a battle. In war, when the forces are equal on both sides, the
only way to act effectively on the opponent is by means of sur-
prise a word that must be interpreted in the widest sense.
The problem is not only to dazzle the enemy by unexpected
blows, but also to secure that the blows get home. It is necessary
to be stronger than the enemy where he believes he can cope with
you, and as strong as he is where he believes he can overcome you.
The battlefield of Rocroy was no more than 2 km., that of
Austerlitz no more than 10 kilometres. The French front of
1914-8 was 500 km. long. In modern warfare, up to 1914, one
counted only on railways for strategic transport for the large
higher formations: the plan of concentration was exclusively a
plan of transport by rail, and the movements by road leading to
the battle were only the immediate consequence of the deploy-
ment of these higher formations on their railheads.
As the automobile has brought on the road again the tourist
who had deserted it since the middle of the i9th century, so
transport by motor lorry has brought into use again strategic
movements by road. And, for the production of surprise effect,
by adding the roads to the railways, it has been possible to put to
full use all available means of communication.
The air alone has not been utilized; but it maybe foreseen in the
future that it must be utilized for quick transport of combatants.
In order that movements by roads should be serviceable, it is
necessary for them to be rapid and powerful; this is attained by
applying the same principles as in rail movements that is to say,
the temporary break-up of large units for transport.
To understand these principles better, an example may be taken
from the situation of Sept. 16 1918 on the Allied front in the region
Toul- Verdun. The American army had at this time, to the E. of
St. Mihiel, 8 divisions, which, with corps and army troops, were
quite equivalent to 8 French army corps. The orders of Marshal
Foch prescribed that this American army should be placed to
the N. and N.E. of Verdun, in positions precisely laid down and
sharply echeloned in depth, ready to move on the enemy on
Sept. 26. Six divisions were coming from different sides, and
principally from the region of Chaumont-Neuf chateau; eight
would be those already mentioned, which, after carrying the
salient of St. Mihiel by a brilliant assault, found themselves in
very considerable disorder, as large forces rapidly successful in a
convergent offensive must. It was calculated that time admitted
of seven nights being devoted for it was desired to conceal the
strategic move entirely to moving these eight army corps 60 km.
from their present position and depositing them in order opposite
the new objectives. What was the solution? For movement in
suitable stages (three in number) there were available two itiner-
aries, constituted by two roads which in part were very narrow
and bad. It would be necessary to put four army corps in suc-
cession on each road. Such a movement by road in earlier days,
MOTOR TRANSPORT, MILITARY
even if perfectly regulated, would have represented ten days'
marching with its accompanying difficulties and fatigues for the
troops. How could the food supplies have been assured for the
infantry, as it marched by night and halted by day along the
route, so as to hide all movement of troops? There would be
serious risks of congestion, and even complete paralysis, at those
points where there must be crossings with the columns of the
divisions coming up from Revigny and Bar-le-Duc. The most
experienced staffs would not have been able to solve such a prob-
lem. By rail 800 trains would have to be operated over lines of
which one part only was capable of much traffic. At 40 trains
a day the move would need 20 days: and what sort of platform
would be available for embarkation? What, moreover, would
become of the surprise? Besides, there was at such a moment
plenty of other work for the railways. The new system now,
however, consists in the movement by road with broken-up for-
mations, their elements being apportioned in accordance with
their capacity for movement; and the different scattered mem-
bers are brought together at a concentration point. Let us look
at all the conditions which such solution requires. There is, first,
the presence of a solid advance guard, which at all costs prevents
the enemy breaking into a system which is incapable of defence.
This advanced guard, in the present case, is the " front." Secondly,
there is absolute control of the traffic on the route, and a certain
professional ease in the art of handling all the various elements,
putting them on the road, directing them, regrouping them. In
this case the necessary skill had been acquired in the development
of the regulating organizations at Verdun and on the Somme,
during the movements of 1917 (Italy, Peronne) and in 1918
(March, May, July). Lastly, there must be the complete confi-
dence of those who are being carried, who hand themselves over
bound hand and foot to their transporters. These conditions
being fulfilled, the problem set out above was simplified, thanks
to the existence of the two C.R.A. 's of Toul and Souilly, the for-
mer having as its sphere of action the zone of departure of the
American formations, the latter the zone of arrival. The director
of automobile services of the French army placed a delegation
at Ligny, which took under its direct orders the two regulating
commissions and coordinated their action. This delegation at
Ligny dealt with eight groupings of automobiles, with which
they carried out the transport of the infantry by lorries.
Let us enter into details, and see what are the different operations
with which the delegation at Ligny would have to deal, to organize
these movements at the outset.
(1) After a rapid evaluation of the kind and quantity of the
effectives to be moved motor transports of infantry, the American
divisional motor convoys, teams of the horse-drawn divisional or
corps artillery, motor artillery this staff sets out on the map the
different current-paths in which these elements can be analyzed.
In the first place, the great road Toul-Void-Ligny-Bar-le-Duc-
Chaumont-sur-Aire-^Souilly-Nixeville (or Chaumont-sur-Aire-Cher-
mont-en-Argonne) is reserved for transports of infantry by the
French motor reserves. A current of motor artillery traffic is
deflected to the S. by Gondrecourt. Lastly, two routes N. of the
line Toul-Ligny-en-Barrois are reserved for horse-drawn vehicles
and horse artillery. These four streams distribute simultaneously
all the units of the four types, arrangements being made for the
American divisional motor convoys to follow the French motor con-
voys of infantry transport.
(2) This being done, arrangements are made for the orders of
march of each of the elements following the four itineraries. This
work involves specifying the character of the elements, their places
of departure (date and hour), their points of transfer from the
authority of the C.R.A. of Toul to the charge of the C.R.A. of
Souilly, and their points of final destination; and all these arrange-
ments when worked out are submitted for the approval of the
operations branch of the American general staff, which draws up
all executive orders to be sent for despatch to each unit affected.
These orders are sent in duplicate by the delegation at Ligny.
(3) The picking-up of each division by its lorries necessitates the
working-out and despatch, by the delegation at Ligny, of orders to
the two C.R.A.'s of Toul and Souilly, also to the commanders of the
various automobile formations concerned. The order prescribes the
day and hour of the picking up; the address of the divisional head-
quarters staff ; the billeting distribution of the division; the routes of
empty movement to bring their lorries to the embarkation stations,
and the routes loaded which are to bring them to their destination;
the place of assembling the empty automobile units after they had
unloaded; the limit of a zone within which empty movements must
993
not take place after 8 A.M. ; points of liaison either by telephone or
motor orderly between the delegation at Ligny and the commander
of the automobile formation. In conformity with the standing
orders of the directorate of motor services, this order would
instruct the commander of the automobile formation to make his
plan of transport in conjunction with the C.R.A. of embarkation
and C.R.A. of disembarkation.
This manner of operating has the advantage that an officer of the
C.R.A., perfectly familiar with his region and its road system, takes
part in working out his embarkation plan; it enables the loops to be
determined by which the different automobile units arriving at the
different places of embarkation will assemble. It was the same for
the disembarkation.
(4) The D.S.A. of Ligny, using the preliminary table of the
ensemble of the movements, draws up detailed tables of the move-
ments on which figure the place, the date and the hour of departure
of each element, whether horse-drawn or motor; the itinerary in the
American zone; the point of handing over from one to the other;
the itinerary in the French zone; and the final destination. To
establish these detailed tables consultation is necessary with the
American staff, and also with the staff of the 2nd French Army
at Laheycourt which looks after rationing and billeting areas.
(5) In the course of the movements the American operations
section made certain modifications in the list of formation units
which it had communicated to the delegation at Ligny. These
modifications consisted either of omissions or substitutions, as in the
case where one division took the place of another in the new order
of battle. The desire to deal suitably with the special qualities of
each American division necessitated modifications of this nature.
In order to maintain the most exact order in the prescriptions con-
cerning the movements, the delegation at Ligny tabulated a general
summary for each day, to which was added in the course of the day
a numbered series of " additions " or " alterations." The chief table
and the supplementary tables were notified immediately to the
two C.R.A. 's affected, who in their turn gave orders to their
district chief commanders. The principle which served as an absolute
guide was at all costs to make good the movements as they were
ordered, in establishing as rapidly as possible the liaisons necessary,
in particular with the unit in motion, to be certain of the time-table.
The difficulty of these transports and movements had been con-
siderably increased by the need of secrecy to cover the operations of
concentration. General Pershing, who commanded the American I.
Army, had definitely ordered that no movement should be visible to
the enemy observers able to fly over the American zone. In conse-
quence all movements, without exception, had to be carried out at
night, and it was absolutely forbidden to use any light whatsoever,
be it touring-car lamp or lorry back-lights. This applied equally to
movements on foot. Thus it was in complete darkness that the
elements had to be put on the road, march discipline assured, cir-
culation controlled and liaisons established. On Sept. 25 the con-
centration was achieved as the C.-in-C. had ordered.
Combined Use of Railway and Motors. The foregoing was an
example of a strategic movement carried out solely on the roads.
In the majority of cases, however, use is made of railways and
roads in combination. The end to be attained is always a rapid
move of powerful forces; the staff should therefore make use
simultaneously, and as efficiently as possible, of every means of
transport which it possesses. Under what conditions will this
simultaneous employment give the best results? Is it better to
carry out end-to-end movements, parallel and simultaneously by
railway and by roads, or, on the other hand, to make movements
by railway for one part of the journey, and to prolong these
movements by automobile? The question and the answer apply
both to transport of troops and to the transport of materiel.
The weak point in transport by railways is not in their capacity,
for this is very considerable if there are available both a
double railway track and a quantity of locomotives and wagons
sufficient for the full exploitation of the system. One must never
lose sight of the fact that the efficiency of the railway is much
superior to that of the road; a train of 50 wagons is equivalent to
1 50 lorries. At a speed of 30 km. an hour, and with 4 departures
an hour, one has four trains in a length of 30 km., or the equiva-
lent of 600 lorries. We have seen that 600 lorries form on the
road a length of 20 to 25 kilometres. Railway and road have
therefore very nearly the same output. But the lorries, going
15 km. an hour, are only half as quick. Further, at the end of
100 km. it is necessary for the lorries to stop in order to rest the
drivers, for, save in exceptional cases, relief crews are out of the
question,, while trains travel indefinitely without changing loco-
motives. The weak point in transport by rail really lies in the
necessity of having stations for embarking and for disembarking.
Save in quite exceptional cases it is an absolute technical neces-
MOTOR TRANSPORT, MILITARY
994
sity to load and unload in stations, and even so only in those
where there are sidings sufficient to take the military trains so as
to leave free the main line during the times of embarking and
disembarking. Without this precaution all the traffic will be
blocked. Further, when it is a question of loading materiel it is
necessary to place it on the platforms. While special platforms or
docks are indispensable on the railway, it is always easy, on the
road, to find and organize quickly loading-places for lorries; on
the railways to install even simple sidings is a serious matter.
Big movements by railway can be made only from a zone A to
a zone B, if the two zones A and B are equally rich in loading-
places. But apart from those points which come into the initial
concentration scheme, and on which therefore work can be done
in peace it is impossible to ensure, in the large movements which
military operations may necessitate at any given moment, that
the beginning and the end of rail transports shall take place in
zones that are rich in loading-places.
On the other hand, it is generally possible to find, within a radius
of 50 to 100 km. in the zones A and B under consideration, one or
more regions rich in loading-places. The normal combination
consists therefore in utilizing motor transport to prolong railway
transport, and to carry the troops or materiel (i) from their
stationary zone to the places of embarkation, and (2) from their
places of disembarkation to the zone of operations. The relatively
short movements (50 to 100 km.) it requires are those in which
the efficiency of the lorry is at its greatest. And between the two
zones of loading thus actually used, the efficiency of the railway
will equally be a maximum.
Examples of combined use of rail and road systems were very
frequent in the course of the war. In Oct. 1914 all French troops
despatched for the Ypres region were carried by rail to the region
N.E. of Arras (Doullens, St. Pol, Bethune, Bailleul) and pushed
forward from there by automobile to Ypres. Similar arrange-
ments were made on every occasion in the course of the war on
which the French army was called upon to put considerable forces
into this region. For example, in April 1918, in the movement of
reinforcements to Flanders, the French employed three routes
gardees, by which, though they cut through the lines of communi-
cation of the British armies, formations picked up at the railway
stations of disembarkation around Amiens and Arras were des-
patched to the Ypres region.
Naturally, other combinations are also practicable: for exam-
ple, that by which, on Nov. 20-21 1917, 3 French divisions were
to be carried from Meaux and Chateau-Thierry to Peronne; the
infantry, with their machine-guns and cooking-carts, being con-
veyed in motor lorries, and the artillery by train. The object of
these movements, very quickly ordered on Nov. 19, was to
reinforce the successful British attack in front of Cambrai with
the first use of tanks in mass, and had overwhelming results.
While the embarkation of the artillery was proceeding at railway
stations in proximity to the divisional billets on the Marne, the
C.R.A. of Meaux and Chateau-Thierry loaded up on 3,000 lor-
ries the infantry, etc., of the 3 divisions. The movements of the
lorries, made by 3 separate itineraries, came to an end in the
neighbourhood of Peronne, where a C.R.A. of disembarkation
put the various elements in their places in the zone where the
3 divisions were re-forming. At the same time the British
motor service was working with full efficiency on all the routes
converging from the N. and W. on this same region of Peronne.
In every case there must be the closest liaison between the au-
thorities who regulate the movements of the trains on the rail-
ways and those who regulate the movements of motors on the
roads. In the case where troops are loaded into lorries on leaving
a train, it is necessary that the motor transport should be con-
stantly informed by the rail-transport authorities of the hours of
arrival arranged for the trains, in order to have the lorries at the
disembarkation platforms in good time for immediate loading-up
of the troops. Finally, as in the case of the move to Peronne,
where there were parallel moves by rail and roads, there must be
a complete understanding between all concerned, so that, both
in the zone of departure and in the zone of arrival, the hours of
embarking and disembarking should be so arranged as to avoid
crossings of columns and overcrowding; and the working-up and
reconstitution of higher formations, whose elements are conveyed
partly by rail, partly by lorry, partly again by marching, must
be minutely worked out and definitely fixed. A final example
may be given of the combined use of the automobile and railway.
In this instance it is required to make a rapid movement of certain
troops to a zone where, for some reason, it is not possible to use
the railway system. Here, combination is needed in the disem-
barkation and reembarkation arrangements at the beginning
and the end of the zone; such operations are easy where the two
organizing departments of the railways and automobiles are
directed by the same superior authority and kept in strict and
constant touch. If, after Oct. 1918, the pursuit of the German
armies had not been arrested by the Armistice, this problem
would have had a thoroughly practical demonstration, for it is
probable that the Allies would have been able to take into use the
railways existing beyond the devastated zone. In Nov. 1917, at
the time of the crossing of the Alps by a portion of the French
troops, the C.R.A. of Besanjon and of Nice had to deal with an
analogous case; viz. to set in motion and to transport over the
passes of the Alps those troops which, having been disembarked
from the French railways at the foot of the mountains, were to
be reloaded on the Italian railways on the other side.
It must be observed that there are many details which compli-
cate considerably the task of the transport officials: such as the
question of food supply for the troops during their transportation
and at their disembarkation, and the question of moving troops
simultaneously with the building-up of the munition dumps
which they will require. One last remark should be made: trans-
portation by automobile and by railway, which, we have seen,
supplement one another happily in regard to distance, is equally
satisfactory in regard to time. Large movements by railway
require a concentration of materiel, often difficult to achieve; and,
in the case of moves decided on in a hurry, the possibility of motor
transports on a large scale assumes very great importance, since
it takes 4 or 5 days for the railway to show its full powers.
Conclusion. The experience of the war shows the role which
transport by motors is called upon to sustain becoming more and
more important. The Allied armies, together, placed on the
French front about 20,000 vehicles of motor propulsion in Oct.
1914; four years later the number exceeded 200,000.
As regards troop transport alone, the power conferred on the
command by the employment of lorries had grown enormously
during this period of four years. At the time of the Armistice,
the inter-Allied transports reserve, the creation of which had just
been decided on, was of a size to transport simultaneously 10
divisions of infantry complete, with all their means of fighting,
machine-guns and artillery included. This was a fighting mass
of more than 100,000 men, which the Higher Command was able
to pick up at short notice and carry at the speed of 100 km. a
day to any point where it was required.
As regards the transport of materiel at the end of the war, it
had become possible independently of the resources just men-
tioned to keep supplied with food and munitions 40 divisions
at a distance of 100 km. from the railways.
To show what was actually achieved in those directions, it will
be enough to say that, in the French army alone, there were
carried by motor transport during July 1918 1,040,000 tons of
materiel and 950,000 combatants.
In the future it is to be foreseen that mechanical motive power
will replace entirely the animal motive power in the armies.
Since the use of special tractors enables the artillery to take up
positions in any kind of terrain, there will be no reason for no
giving it, on the road, the speed of moving which the automobile
allows. And as the support of infantry on the battlefield, i.e.
accompanying guns and also tanks, will in the future be capabli
of rapid movement on the roads, it will be natural to organiz
more and more systematically the rapid conveyance by automo-
bile of considerable masses of infantry. The evolution of strategy
must always be in the direction of using all available means
surprise and break the enemy by concentrating unexpecte
strength with unexpected rapidity. (A. D.*)
MOTOR VEHICLES
995
MOTOR VEHICLES (see 18.914). Improvements in design
between 1910 and 1920 made the passenger motor-car a more
reliable, more comfortable and, allowing for changed conditions,
more economical vehicle; they also rendered it more attractive
to the eye. During the same period the use of cars greatly in-
creased, particularly in the United States, where registration
figures showed that in the state of Iowa there was on July i 1920
one car to every 5-49 of the population, while for the whole
country the proportion was one to every 13-52 people. To a
certain extent the World War was responsible for the fact that
in the use of motor-cars Europe did not keep pace with the
United States. In France, Belgium, Germany and Austria the
manufacture of cars for sale to the public ceased absolutely upon
the opening of hostilities, and was not resumed until after the
Armistice; in Great Britain and Italy, too, motor-car factories
were restricted to work for the armies, practically throughout the
war. In the United States, on the other hand, not only was there
no interruption in production for private account, but the war-
born wave of prosperity of 1915-6 increased sales over what they
would have been under normal conditions. After the United
States entered the war many motor-car plants were turned over
to the production of aero-engines and munitions, and had the war
continued after Jan. i 1919 the manufacture of passenger cars
for other than military purposes would have ceased in America
as completely as in Europe.
The chief reasons, however, for the preeminence of the United
States in the use of motor-cars had nothing to do with the World
War. In the first place America is a land of magnificent distances;
in many sections towns and cities are far apart, and long trips
must often be made over the public roads, for which purpose
horse vehicles are quite unsatisfactory. Secondly, petrol (in the
United States called gasoline), the fuel commonly used for motor
vehicles, is a native product, comparatively cheap and plentiful.
Thirdly, per capita wealth is greater than in most countries and
well distributed. Not all conditions were favourable to the in-
troduction of motor-cars however. Whereas the industrial coun-
tries of Europe had magnificent systems of hard-surfaced roads,
such roads were practically non-existent in the United States at
the beginning of the motor era; but while a handicap, this did
not prove a serious obstacle. In the early years of motor-car
development the private passenger car was generally regarded as
a means of pleasure, and in Europe this remained its chief func-
tion. But in the United States and Canada (which comes next
after the United States in respect to number of cars owned,
notwithstanding its comparatively small population) it became
a great factor in business life. In New York City, for instance,
a very large proportion of the street traffic in 1920 was by motor,
and in the main thoroughfares horse vehicles were almost a
rarity. On the other hand, such agricultural states as Iowa and
Nebraska had relatively more cars than tke industrial states, and
the farmers, too, used their cars chiefly for business purposes.
As the substitution of the motor-car for the horse came about
gradually, it did not greatly impress the general public; neverthe-
less it profoundly influenced modern life.
Conditions in Nyack, N.Y., a town of 5,000 inhabitants, 25 m.
from New York City, may be cited for illustration. In 1905 Nyack
had only one motor-car, owned by a physician ; in 1920 deliveries of
all articles of commerce, from the morning newspaper to coal and
building material, were made by motor vehicles, with the one excep-
tion of goods delivered by the railway express, which still adhered to
horse service. The junkman made his rounds in a motor-car. All
moving of household goods was effected by motor-van. Motor-
buses were the only means of public transit, and in addition to
making their regular trips they carried children in the outlying dis-
tricts to and from school. The fire department had been " motor-
ized." A large proportion of the residents owned private cars, which
' they used for driving to church or to the theatre, for shopping and
visiting, as well as for pleasure-driving. On Saturctay afternoons the
main business street was so crowded with cars that it was often diffi-
cult to draw up to the curb.
In the cities of the United States the once familiar horse-cabs
and hansoms had practically disappeared before the motor-
propelled taxicab by 1920. There were bus services competing
with the tram services, though these had not been developed to
the same extent as in the leading European cities. Numerous
bus lines had been established in country districts beyond tram
services. About 1915 many owners of private cars began carry-
ing passengers in competition with tram lines, their vehicles being
known as jitney buses (jitney, a Russian coin about equal in
value to five cents, then the common tram fare). These jitneys
did much business, especially during the " rush " hours when
people go to work and return home, as their passengers avoided
the crowding of the street-cars and the annoyance of frequent
stops. But after a short time the greatly increased cost of petrol
and war conditions rendered the business unprofitable, and little
more was heard of jitneys. Many cars of the private type were
still offered for hire, but five cents was no longer a sufficient fare,
and the drivers usually called their vehicles taxis, though in the
smaller towns as a rule they carried no taximeter.
Motor-trucking and the haulage of freight by motor vehicle
began to assume importance in the United States only about
1910. This branch of the industry up to then had been more suc-
cessful in Great Britain and Germany. Beginning with that
year, however, it consistently increased in the United States,
where under the stress of war conditions the motor-lorry even
entered into competition with the railways. An enormous
amount of motor freight traffic grew up over certain routes be- ;
tween important industrial cities, as between Detroit, Mich.,
and Toledo, O., and between Akron and Cleveland, O. One
large tire manufacturing company in Akron, O., with cotton
mills in Boston, Mass., over 600 m. away, established a fast
freight service between these two distant cities by means of
motor-trucks on pneumatic tires. Some of this development was
evidently due to the abnormal conditions which made railway
freight service inadequate during and immediately after the
World War. Military operations gave a great impetus to motor-
truck development (see MOTOR TRANSPORT, MILITARY). Thou-
sands of motor-trucks were employed by the armies on both sides.
The Central Powers were greatly handicapped in this respect,
as, owing to the blockade, they could get no rubber for tires,
and during the latter part of the war their army trucks ran on
wood and steel tires. All of the material for the American army
in France was transported by motor-trucks from the landing
points to the battle-line. In addition to the urgent demand for
trucks for military purposes there was also a strong demand
for business purposes, owing to the intense industrial activity
and to the breakdown of the railways under the war strain.
The substitution of the motor-car for the horse was beneficial
in various ways. In the first place the car is much more speedy
and more comfortable for transport. With a motor-car a physi-
cian, for instance, can extend his practice over a much wider
territory; contractors can oversee more thoroughly a number of
projects under way at the same time; stores and factories can
deliver goods in the country, at distances of 30 m. or more, in
their own vehicles, whereas with horses their delivery territory
was limited to the city. Stables, always a nuisance and a breed-
ing place of disease, have been practically eliminated from
cities, and street-cleaning has been rendered much easier. Real
estate remote from railways has in many instances considerably
appreciated in value as a result of the advent of the motor-car,
which rendered it accessible to the city man.
In the foregoing the utilitarian aspect of the motor-car has
been specially emphasized. While cars are still being built that
.can properly be classed as vehicles of sport and luxury, they
form a small proportion of the whole production. In New York
City an annual show was established for this class of car; it
started as the Importers' Salon, but during the World War,
when the importation of European cars was hedged about with
many difficulties, it gradually changed its character and became
a show of high-grade domestic as well as imported cars. At the
salon in Nov. 1920 there were exhibited cars selling at upward of
$20,000, whereas a serviceable five-passenger car could be bought
for as low a price as $550. The luxury cars exhibited at these
shows were characterized by high power and high speed, elegant
body finish, fine upholstery and superior equipment.
In tracing motor-car development in Europe between 1910
and 1921 it is necessary to distinguish two periods, before
996
MOTOR VEHICLES
TABLE I. Registration of U. S. Motor Vehicles by States.
1912
1916
1920
Alabama ....
3,385
21,636
74,637
Arizona
1,624
12,124
34,559
Arkansas ....
2,250
15,000
59,o82
California ....
88,699
232,440
568,892
Colorado ....
8,950*
43,296
128,951
Connecticut ....
24,101
61,855
119,134
Delaware
1,732
7,102
18,300
District of Columbia .
1,732*
13,118
9,712
Florida
1.749
20,718
57.000*
, / ^7
I9,I2O
47,579
\j i p***
144,422
Idaho
2,5OO*
12,999
50,750
68,073
248,429
T>\2 7O7
Iowa . . . .
47^188
198,602
oo*, / v /
437,300
Kansas . . . .
22,OOO
112,122
265,396
Kentucky
5,H7
31,700
112,685
Louisiana
7,000*
I7,OOO
66,000
Maine . . . .
7,743
30,972
62,907
Maryland . ...
10,487
44,245
.105,000*
Massachusetts
50,132
136,809
304,631
Michigan
39,579
160,052
412,717
Minnesota^ . .
29,000
46,OOO
64,312
Mississippi .
Missouri . . .
. 2,895
24,379
25,OOO
103,587
64,000
295,817
Montana
2,000*
24,440
60,646
Nebraska
33,86i
100,534
223,000
Nevada . . .
900*
4,919
10,464
New Hampshire
5,764
17,508
34,680
New Jersey .
43,056
104,341
226,459
New Mexico .
911
8,228
22,109
New York
107,262
317,866
651,796
North Carolina
6,178
33,904
140,860
North Dakota ;
8,997
40,446
90,840
Ohio . . .
63,066
252,431
616,800
Oklahoma
6,524
52,718
204,300
Oregon . _ . . .
10,165
33,917
103,790
Pennsylvania
59,357
230,578
570,164
Rhode Island
8,565
21,406
50,375
South Carolina
10,000*
19,000*
92,818
South Dakota
14,481
44,271
122,000
Tennessee
9,973
30,000
101.852
Texas . . .
35,187
197,687
427,634
Utah . . . .
2,576
13,507
42,604
Vermont
4,283
15,671
31,625
Virginia
5-760
35,426
134,000
Washington .
West Virginia
13,990
5,349
60,734
20,571
175,000*
78,862
Wisconsin
24,578
"5,637
293,298
Wyoming
1,300
7,125
23,926
Totals ....
1,007,882
3,584-567
8,887,572
*Estimated.
and after the outbreak of the World War. During the former
period development proceeded normally, from both a technical
and a commercial standpoint. Great Britain had the greatest
number of cars in use, but France was the greatest producer,
about one half of the French production being exported. In
continental Europe the introduction of motor-cars was hampered
by heavy taxation on the cars themselves and on the fuel. The
use of motor-trucks, on the other hand, was encouraged by the
so-called subsidy system, by which purchasers of trucks suitable
for military purposes were offered by their Governments a bonus
on the purchase price and also on the upkeep cost, in considera-
tion of their keeping the trucks always in fit condition and agree-
ing to turn them over to the Government in case of war. Great
Britain, France and Germany had such subsidy systems before
the war; Japan adopted the same policy later. As soon as war
was declared the motor-car factories were set to work for the war
departments, either making trucks or other vehicles for the
transport corps or else manufacturing aero-engines or munitions.
Soon all the petrol available was needed in war service and the
use of motor vehicles by private parties practically ceased. In
England some use was made during the war period of town gas
for motor fuel; this was carried in a collapsible bag of rubberized
fabric, on the roof of single-deck omnibuses for instance. With
this fuel it was possible to obtain about 85% as much power from
an engine as with petrol, and a satisfactory mileage on one filling
was secured. Under normal conditions the gas would have been
carried in steel bottles under high pressure, but owing to military
requirements no steel could be spared for this purpose. The Cen-
tral Powers suffered much more from fuel shortage than did th
Allies, and extensive researches on substitute motor fuels were
carried out in Germany. After their petrol supply ran low the
Germans used benzol, petroleum mixtures, benzol-alcohol mix-
tures, alcohol, wood alcohol, tar oil, gas oil and shale oil, as well
as compounded fuels known under the names of electrol, bene-
dixine and melanol. Shale oil was derived from a raw material
said to be intermediate between bituminous clay and lignite.
Benzol was recognized as a valuable motor fuel, and its use con-
tinued, even after petrol was again available.
Registration in Great Britain. The British Ministry of Trans-
port during the summer of 1921 issued a statement of the num-
ber of motor vehicles of different kinds for which licences had
been issued under the new motor vehicle tax law during
period Jan. i-May 31 1921. These included 212,000 privat
passenger cars, 370,000 motor-cycles, 95,300 public passenge
vehicles and 16,000 lorries. According to the same authorit
there were licensed in Great Britain on March 31 1920, 185,70
private passenger cars, 278,600 motor-cycles and 71,400 public
passenger vehicles, there being no record of the number of lorrie
for that dale.
Registration in the United States. The figures given in Tabl
I are based on information furnished to Automotive Industrie.
by the registration officials of the different states. Allowance
were made for re-registration of cars sold by their owners dur-
ing the registration year and for registration of cars by non-
residents, and the table is believed to give as accurately
possible the number of cars in service in each state during
the years mentioned by residents of the respective states.
Registration in Canada. Table II. shows that from 1915 to
1919 the number of cars registered increased over 279%.
TABLE II. Canadian Registrations.
Province
1910
1915
1919
Ontario . . . .
4,200
42,346
144,804
Saskatchewan
531
10,225
56,855
Quebec . . . .
786
10,112
33,547
Alberta . . . ' .
423
5,832
34,000
Manitoba
1,524
9,225
30,118
Br. Columbia
1,026
8,360
22,420
Nova Scotia .
148
1,841
10,290
New Brunswick
299
1,900
8,306
Prince Edw. I. . .
35
790
Yukon . . . .
69
89
Totals ....
8,937
89-945
341,219
Technical Developments. In 1908 the "Silent Knight" engine,
invented by Charles Y. Knight of Chicago, was adopted by the
Daimler Motor Co. of Coventry, England, and within the next few
years licences for its manufacture were taken out also by leading
manufacturers of France, Belgium and Germany. This engine was
notable for its almost silent operation, due to a form of sleeve valve
employed, and its introduction had a strong influence on engine
development in general during the next few years. In the Knight
engine (fig. i) the usual poppet valves are dispensed with, and in-
stead there are two concentric sleeves between the piston and the
cylinder wall. These sleeves are reciprocated by means of short
connecting rods from .a short-throw crankshaft which is driven at
one-half the speed of the regular crankshaft; when ports in the
two sleeves and in the cylinder wall are in register there is com-
munication between the combustion chamber and either the inlet
or exhaust manifold. In 1908 noise was one of the most serious
objections to the ordinary motor-car, and designers of poppet-valve
engines were spurred on by the competition of the Knight engine in
their efforts to make their engines silent too. They achieved re-
markable success by lightening the valves and parts reciprocating
with them, by refining the cam outlines, stiffening the camshafts,
adopting silent drives for the camshafts and enclosing the valve
mechanism. A most desirable feature in a motor-car is flexibility,
that is, the ability to pass from a low to a high speed by merely
opening the throttle valve. This is secured by using an engine of
great piston displacement (a powerful engine) in proportion to the
combined weight of the car and load. The much better performance
of modern cars, as compared with earlier ones, from the control or
" handling " viewpoint, is largely due to the use of much greater
piston displacement relatively. American cars have been specially
noted for their flexibility, due to the use of very large engines not with-
standing high fuel consumption per mile travelled. As motor fuel
was much more expensive in Europe, European designers could not
ignore the factor of fuel economy as American engineers could.
In engine design the constant endeavour was to get greater output
from an engine of given piston displacement. Horse-power output
MOTOR VEHICLES
PLAN AT WAIST
SIDE EVAT1ON
i
FIG. 19. Schneider Tractor with Two Trailers.
FIG. 20. Trailer.
FIG. 21. Pole Trailer.
FIG. 22. Ford.
FIG. 23. Humber.
FIG. 24. Mercedes.
FIG. 25. Packard.
FIG. 26. New Type Double-Deck Motor Omnibus.
MOTOR VEHICLES
997
CYLINDER HEAD
INTAKE PORT
INNER SI
SPARK PLUG WELL
JUNK RING
OUTER SLEEVE
ECCENTRIC SHAFT
FIG. I. Section through cylinder of Knight sleeve- valve engine.
depends upon two factors, the mean effective pressure upon the
piston head and the linear speed of the piston. It was not possible
to increase greatly the mean effective pressure; in fact, changes in
the character of the fuel used for motor-cars, by which some very
much less volatile fractions were included than were found in motor
fuel of the earlier period, made it necessary to operate with lower
compression, which resulted in a lower mean effective pressure.
Improvements in combustion chamber design and other changes
more than balanced this loss however. A great gain was made by
increasing the speed of operation. In 1905 the average engine speed
corresponding to maximum engine output was about 1,000 ft.
p.m. ; in 1920 it was above 2,000 ft. p.m. for passenger-car engines
and over 3,000 ft. p.m. for -racing engines. The first step in
endeavouring to increase engine speed was the enlargement of
valve ports and passages, to enable the engine to draw in a normal
amount of charge at a higher speed. The valve timing was also
changed, the exhaust valve being given a greater lead and the inlet
valve a greater lag. Next, the reciprocating parts (piston and connect-
ing-rod) were lightened, so as to reduce the inertia forces on them and
the bearing pressures resulting therefrom. This led eventually
to the adoption of aluminium alloy pistons. One difficulty with
aluminium pistons is that owing to the fact that aluminium has a
higher coefficient of heat expansion than cast iron, the aluminium
piston must be given a greater clearance in the cylinder, which tends
to result in unpleasant piston slap when the engine is cold, and also
in "oil pumping," that is, transfer of lubricating oil from the crank-
chamber to the combustion chamber, with consequent smokiness of
the exhaust. For this reason some makers who had adopted alu-
minium pistons gave them up. Special means were resorted to in
attempts to build ultra high-speed engines, as for racing and similar
purposes. These included the use of two inlet and two exhaust valves
per cylinder, the use of two simultaneous ignition sparks in each
cylinder, and the use of crankshafts in which each individual throw
was counterbalanced.
It was recognized early in the history of motor-car development
that by increasing the number of cylinders above the one or two
employed in the first machines, not only could the engines be reduced
in weight, but the objectionable vibration could be minimized. In
1920 the four-cylinder engine was the foremost type for use on vehi-
cles of a strictly utilitarian character. The six-cylinder engine was,
however, widely used for the larger and more powerful types of
passenger car, particularly in the United States, and the eight- and
twelve-cylinder engines also had a run of popularity. In a petrol
engine the torque impressed upon the crankshaft is always non-
uniform, no matter how many cylinders there are, but the fluctua-
tions decrease with an increase in the number of cylinders. In a
four-cylinder engine there is, as with one or two cylinders, a reversal
of the torque ; that is, just before the end of each stroke the flywheel
not only supplies all the power delivered by the engine, but also some
of the power necessary for keeping the crankshaft and pistons in
motion. Six cylinders are the smallest number delivering continuous
torque at the crankshaft; but while continuous the torque is still
far from being uniform; with eight cylinders the torque fluctuations
are reduced, and with twelve they are still smaller. Four- and six-
cylinder engines were always arranged vertically, with all cylinders
in a row ; eight-cylinder engines were generally of the V type with an
angle of 90 between cylinders. The Lincoln eight-cylinder car had
a 6p V engine, and several all-in-a-row eights were built; twelve-
cylinder motor-car engines were always built in V form, with a 60
angle. In deciding upon the form of the crankshaft of a multi-cylin-
der engine and the angle between cylinders in a V engine two objects
are aimed at, namely, to ensure uniform spacing of explosions and
inherent balance of reciprocating parts. Both objects can be attained
in six- and eight-cylinder vertical engines and in twelve-cylinder V
engines; in a four-cylinder vertical engine there is an unbalanced
reciprocating force in a vertical plane, causing vibration of the
engine. In an eight-cylinder 90 V engine there is an unbalanced
reciprocating force in a horizontal plane.
When multi-cylinder engines were first used the cylinders were
generally either cast separately or in pairs; later it became the
practice to cast all cylinders in one row in one block. This greatly
simplified the outward form of the engine, as with such a cylinder
block only one pipe connexion each need be made for the cooling-
water inlet, the cooling- water outlet, the combustible charge from the
carburetter and the exhaust. Some manufacturers even cast the
top part of the crankcase integral with the cylinder block and made
the lower part a steel pressing. This construction lent itself well
to quantity production. Most makers of the higher-priced cars,
produced in smaller numbers, cast all parts of the crankcase of
aluminium. In American practice the cylinder heads were generally
cast separate from the cylinder block and fitted to the block with a
gasket of sheet copper and asbestos between. This construction
facilitated manufacturing operations, and when the engine was in
service permitted decarbonizing the combustion chamber by scrap-
ing without removing the cylinder. It also made it possible to ma-
chine completely the combustion chambers, and thus to get all the
chambers in one engine of exactly equal volume. European engineers
up to 1920 adhered largely to the integral cylinder head.
One thing that caused both manufacturers and users of motor-
cars a great deal of trouble between 1910 and 1920 was the continual
change in the volatility of the fuel used. When motor-cars were
first used the fuel sold consisted of a comparatively narrow range of
highly volatile hydro-carbons. When sprayed into air at atmos-
pheric temperature in the required proportion of about one part by
weight of petrol to 15 parts of air it vaporized readily. The fuel
supplied in the United States in 1920 had an end point of close
to 500 F., that is, the least volatile constituents, when under at-
mospheric pressure, boiled only at that temperature. Hence, in
order to vaporize this fuel completely it was necessary to supply heat
to the mixture or to the components before they were mixed. When
trouble from incomplete vaporization was first experienced the
carburetters were provided with a jacket through which hot water
from the engine jacket was circulated. When this no longer sufficed
the air for the carburetter was drawn through a muff surrounding a
part of the exhaust manifold, and to prevent recondensation after
the mixture was formed the inlet manifold was so arranged that it
was completely surrounded by hot water. Still later this also proved
inadequate, and then what is known as the hot spot or exhaust-
heated manifold was introduced. When the fuel is incompletely
vaporized the liquid particles tend to separate out of the mixture at
the bends in the manifold, and it is very difficult to insure that all
cylinders get mixture of the same composition. Those portions of
the manifold wall where the liquid particles tend to accumulate are
then made to form parts of the exhaust manifold wall also, so that
they are constantly kept at a high temperature, and the liquid
particles upon striking them flash into vapour. The change in the
character of motor fuel between 1916 and 1919 is strikingly illustrated
by the diagram (fig. 2) of distillation curves of fuels purchased in
Detroit, Mich., at various times during 1916-19.
One difficulty encountered in the use of exhaust heat for vaporizing
the fuel is that the heat supplied does not vary in accordance with
the needs when the load on the engine is varied. When the engine is
heavily throttled and runs under light load at low speed, the suction
on the spray nozzle is small, and consequently the fuel is not finely
sprayed. Relatively more heat is needed to ensure the vaporization
of the larger globules of fuel, but under these conditions of operation
the exhaust does not supply a great amount of heat. A device designed
to overcome this difficulty was developed by the Packard Motor
Car Co., and is known as the Fuelizer. With this (see fig. 3) a va-
riable fraction of the mixture prepared in the carburetter mixing-
chamber is shunted around the throttle valve and through a heating
jacket of the carburetter, where it is kept burning by a constant
stream of sparks delivered by a sparking plug. The products of com-
bustion are combined with the main stream of combustible charge
and pass on into the cylinder. When the throttle valve is fully open
998
MOTOR VEHICLES
FIG. 2. Distillation curves of motor fuel sold in Detroit, Mich.,
from 1916 to 1919. The data for each curve are as follows:
Curve No.
i
2
3
4
9
10
Fuel
Petrol
Petrol
Petrol
Petrol
Petrol
Petrol
Petrol
Alcohol
Cal. Dist.
Paraffin
Date of Purchase
4/5/16
7/10/16
9/11/16
6/9/17
1/24/19
4/30/19
6/18/19
10/18
18
18
Baum6
60-5
57-5
56-8
56-8
57-3
55-7
55-o
42-2
5i-4
40-0
there is very little resistance to the passage of the combustible mix-
ture past it, and very little then flows through the by-pass or heating
jacket; on the other hand when the throttle is nearly closed the
passage through it offers much more resistance, and a much greater
proportion of the fuel charge passes through the heating jacket, which
is in accordance with the requirements.
In early cars the fuel tank was almost invariably located in the
front seat, and the fuel was fed by gravity to the carburetter. Later
the bodies were constantly lowered, partly to secure greater stability
and partly for the sake of appearance, and at the same time the car-
buretter had to be raised in relation to the engine, owing to the less-
ened volatility of the fuel. The result was that sometimes when the
car had to ascend a steep grade and there was little fuel in the tank
there was no head on the fuel, and none would flow to the carburet-
ter. Some of the earlier high-class cars were provided with a pres-
Spark Plug
sure fuel feed system, by which gas under pressure, taken through an
" adapter " from the engine cylinders, was made use of to force
petrol from a tank carried on the frame at the rear to the carburetter.
There were two major objections to this system of feed : carbon
particles from the engine cylinder often got into the fuel tank (in
spite of the gas being passed through a fine- mesh wire-gauze strainer)
and thence into the carburetter jet, which sometimes became
clogged; besides, every time the fuel tank was filled the compressed
gas escaped, and to get an initial flow it was necessary to obtain
pressure by a hand air-pump. By placing the fuel tank under the
cowl instead of in the front seat sufficient head for gravity feed was
generallyobtainable, but the cowl tank usually had an awkward shape
and was of rather small capacity. The solution was found in the
vacuum feed system, which was developed by the Stewart-Warner
Speedometer Corp., Chicago. By this system (fig. 4) the suction or
vacuum in the inlet pipe of the engine was made use of for transfer-
ring the fuel from a rear tank to an auxiliary tank mounted on the
forward side of the dashboard, as high as possible. The auxiliary tank
had two compartments, an upper and a lower. Into the upper
compartment the fuel was drawn by the vacuum, and it was
periodically transferred to the lower by a float valve. Thence it
flowed to the carburetter by gravity. There was always sufficient
fuel in the carburetter float chamber and in the auxiliary tank to
start the engine after the main tank had been refilled.
In 1910 ignition on practically all motor-cars was by high-tension
magneto. In 1920 nearly all American makes of passenger car had
battery and coil ignition. French manufacturers were also adopting
battery ignition, while British manufacturers with few exceptions
adhered to the magneto. The reason for the change from magneto to
battery ignition was that all passenger cars in 1920 were equipped
with a generator and storage battery; consequently there was a
constant and plentiful supply of current available, and there was no
need for an additional current generator in the form of a magneto.
As compared with the early coil and battery systems, the only
differences consisted in the use of a plain coil instead of a vibrator
coil and of a mechanical interrupter instead of a timer. Sometimes
safety devices were provided for automatically opening the circuit or
reducing the current flow if the operator should forget to open the
switch when the motor stalled. No fundamental changes were made
in the cooling system with the exception of the introduction of the
thermostat for the control of the circulation. This instrument is
connected in the cooling circuit in such a manner that it prevents
circulation through the cylinder jackets until the latter have attained
a certain predetermined temperature, generally about 170 F. The
result is that in starting from cold the engine reaches its normal
working temperature in much shorter time, and trouble due to in-
complete vaporization of fuel is reduced. The thermostat used,
known as the Sylphon, consists of a corrugated copper cylinder
filled with a liquid which vaporizes at the temperature at which the
thermostat is to act (fig. 5). Many passenger-car radiators are
fitted with a radiator thermometer in the filler cap, which is a help
to the operator in trying to keep his engine running at its best tem-
perature and gives an early indication of incipient overheating.
FIG. 3. Cross section of Fuelizer on Packard " Twin-Six " engine.
MOTOR VEHICLES
999
As regards engine lubrication two basic methods came into use,
the circulating-splash and the force-feed or " drilled-crankshaft "
system, as well as combinations of the two. Both systems were
employed on early cars, but the force-feed system came into much
more extensive use with the development of the high-speed engine.
FlG. 4. Cut-away view of Stewart vacuum tank (fuel feed system).
Thermostat ic
-- 'Bellows
To Radiator
FIG. 5. Thermostatic valve for control of engine temperature.
The problem of engine lubrication was rendered much more difficult
by the change in the character of the fuel used. A good deal of the
fuel entered the cylinder in the unvaporized state, and some of it
leaked past the pistons into the crankcase, where it diluted the lu-
bricating oil. In 1920 it was a common experience to find a fresh sup-
ply of lubricating oil lose much of its viscosity, and hence of its
lubricating value, during the first 100 m. of running. Heating of the
crankcase oil also reduces its viscosity, and to reduce this heating
many British engines were cast with cooling flanges on the bottom
of the oil sump.
One of the greatest advances in motor-car practice was the devel-
opment of electric starting and lighting systems. The first such sys-
tem on a car in regular production was on the Cadillac in 1912, and
was the design of C. F. Kettering. Electric lighting alone had been
used on petrol cars for some years previously, in fact ever since the
advent of the tungsten filament bulb. At first the lamps were sup-
plied with current from a storage battery only, which had to be re-
charged periodically from electric mains ; later they were fed with
current from a generator and storage-battery installation. The
adaptation of an electric generator to storage-battery charging on a
motor-car presented considerable difficulties, for the reason that the
petrol motor runs at widely varying speeds, and that the voltage of
the generator, therefore, tends to vary within wide limits, whereas a
substantially constant voltage is needed for charging. Many systems
of regulation were used with more or less success, but finally the so-
called third brush system was adopted by a majority of the manu-
facturers of electrical equipment. In this system the generator field
was provided with a winding similar to a shunt field winding, but
instead of being connected between the positive and negative com-
mutator brushes it was connected between one of these brushes and
an auxiliary brush, so that only a fraction of the voltage generated
in the armature was applied to the field coils. This system of control
did not give a constant generator voltage, but with a storage battery
connected to the generator it kept both the voltage and the charging
current within permissible limits of variation. In connexion with the
electric starter the main problem was that of the drive to the engine
crankshaft. After trying various devices nearly all manufacturers
in the United States and a good many in Europe settled upon the use
Cushion Spring
, , Inertia Weight
FIG. 6. Bendix drive for electric starters.
of the Bendix drive (fig. 6), invented by Vincent Bendix of Chicago.
On an extension of the starter armature shaft was loosely mounted a
sleeve, which was placed in driving connexion with the shaft through
a coiled spring. The spring had a coarse, square thread cut on its
outside, and on this was mounted the driving pinion, the hub of
which was cut with a corresponding female thread. When current
was applied to the starting motor, which was always of the series
wound type, the armature started to revolve at great speed, carrying
along the threaded sleeve on its shaft. Owing to its inertia the pinion
lagged behind, and was screwed along the shaft and thus shifted into
mesh with a gear-ring on the flywheel rim. Upon abutting against a
collar it became fast upon the sleeve, and the starter then cranked
the engine, the shock being relieved by the coiled spring. As soon as
the engine began to pick up its cycle the flywheel ran ahead of the
driving pinion, and the latter was automatically thrown out of mesh
by being forced along the screw. Fig. 7, illustrating the Fiat motor-
car engine, shows one method of mounting the generator and starter.
A necessary part of practically all motor-car electric equipments was
a battery cut-out, which automatically disconnected the battery
from the generator when the engine speed dropped so low that the
generator voltage was less than the battery voltage, and connected it
on increasing engine speed when the generator voltage surpassed the
battery voltage. Ground return wiring was very much used, all
electric appliances having one insulated and one grounded connec-
tion. The standard voltage for motor-car electric systems in the
United States was six volts, while in Europe a pressure of 12
volts was much used.
Unit-power-plant construction, that is, the combination of the
engine, clutch and change-speed gear in a single unit, became very
popular, and in the United States was the almost universal practice
for passenger cars. A new type of clutch, the dry-disk, largely re-
placed the multiple-disk-in-oil type and also partly the cone clutch
(fig. 8). It was very similar to the lubricated type of disk clutch in
construction, but one set of the metal disks was faced with disks of
1000
MOTOR VEHICLES
asbestos fabric on both sides. Its advantage over the lubricated
disk clutch was that its operation was not affected by changes in
atmospheric temperature, as was that of the latter. There were no
important developments in the design of gearsets or transmissions;
Generate
FIG. 7. Fiat (Italian) engine, showing method of mounting electric
generator and starter.
nearly all manufacturers of passenger cars used the selective sliding
pinion type, and this type was also on most commercial vehicles.
Chain drive was almost entirely discarded, except on trucks in
continental Europe, and shaft and bevel-gear drive became the stand-
ard for passenger motor-cars throughout the world. But two im-
portant improvements were made in this drive. One was the sub-
stitution of spiral bevel for straight bevel gears, to secure quiet
operation, and the other the partial substitution of disk universal
joints for the metallic type, the former requiring no lubrication. The
spiral bevel gear (fig. 9) was made possible by a gear-cutting ma-
chine developed by the Gleason Works of Rochester, N.Y., and the
fabric disk universal joint (fig. 10) by a fabric structure originated
by Ed. J. Hardy & Co. of Coventry, England. Practice in regard to
final drives for motor lorries remained in a chaotic state in 1920. In
continental Europe the chain drive was still predominant, while in
Flywheel rim
Clutch drum
Clutch springs
Throw-out
_ collar
Spigot
bearing
Clutch shaft
Clutch discs
FIG. 8. Sectional view of dry-disk clutch.
Great Britain and the United States the worm drive was in most
extensive use. Of the lorry models manufactured in Great Britain in
1920 roughly 50 % had worm drive, 25 % chain drive and 25 % the
double-reduction drive, or drive by one pair of bevel and one pair of
spur gears enclosed at the middle of the axle. In the United States
the most nppular drive next to the worm was the internal gear
drive, in which there was a first reduction by bevel gears at the middle
of the axle and a second by internal gears at the driving wheels.
In connexion with lorry axles mention should be made of the de-
velopment and use, mainly in the United States, of so-called non-
stalling differential gears. A vehicle fitted with this type of differen-
tial would not lose all traction when one driving wheel gets on slip-
pery ground; on the other hand, in turning corners the drive was
FIG. 9. Central part of a rear axle with inspection cover removed,
showing spiral bevel gear.
entirely through the inner wheel. A type of body suspension spring
that gained much in popularity between 1910 and 1920 was the canti-
lever type first used by F. W. Lanchester in England. The most
extensively used type in 1920 was the half-elliptic. Many attempts
were made to solve the problem of furnishing the springs with effec-
tive means of lubrication, to make them as supple as possible and to
prevent squeaking, and in England the practice of enclosing the
springs in leather gaiters gained some ground. In the connexion be-
tween the rear axle and the frame provision must be made for taking
up the driving thrust necessary to overcome the air resistance and
the resistance encountered by the front wheels, as well as the reac-
tion to the rear-wheel driving torque, which tends to turn the axle
housing in the direction opposite to that in which the wheels are
turning. In one construction, known as the Hotchkiss drive, both
the drive and the torque reaction were taken up on the body springs,
which were securely clipped to the axle housing and directly pinned
to the frame at their forward end. This construction became very
popular in the United States for both passenger cars and lorries, and
was successfully used even on the heavy military lorries. European
designers, on the other hand, favoured the torque-tube construction
for passenger cars. In this the propeller shaft was surrounded by a
torque tube which was rigidly secured to the housing at the centre of
the rear axle, and at its forward end had either a forked or a spherical
connexion to a cross member of the frame or the rear end of the trans-
mission case. In the United States one manufacturer after another
FIG. 10. Thermoid-Hardy fabric universal joint.
adopted the plan of mounting the steering post on the left side, real-
izing that in a country where the " right-hand " rule of the road
obtains the balance of advantages rests with the left-hand drive.
Left-hand steering fits in well with brake and gear-shift levers mount-
ed in the centre of the car, as the driver can use his right hand to
operate them. In Great Britain, where the rule of the road is to
" keep to the left," right-hand steering has the same advantages as
left-hand steering in other countries.
Great improvements were made in hoods and wind-screens.
Hoods of 1920 cars could readily be raised and lowered by a single
person. The forward end of the hood usually joined up to the wind-
screen supports, and by means of easily folded side curtains with
transparent celluloid inserts, an open car could quickly be enclosed.
Wind-screens were usually in two parts and permitted various
adjustments. By setting the lower edge of the upper part slightly
MOTOR VEHICLES
1001
forward the driver obtained a view of the road ahead through the
opening between the two parts. This was a valuable feature for
driving in rain, when the screen was often covered by dew which in-
terfered with vision through it. It
was known as the rain-vision effect.
In Germany it became customary to
provide a compartment in the body
into which the hood disappeared when
folded. Elsewhere a boot or cover of
some rainproof material was drawn
over the hood when it was folded. In
the early two-part wind-screens both
glasses were completely surrounded
by the frames, and the frame mem-
bers at the middle of the, screen inter-
fered to a certain extent with the
view ahead. This objectionable fea-
ture was eliminated by confining the
frame to three sides of the glass. Wind-
screens of this type were known as
clear- vision. Extra wind-screens
ahead of the rear seat were some-
times fitted.
The wheel equipment of the earlier
cars was almost entirely of the wood-
spoked type. Woods suitable for rims
and felloes became rare, however,
especially in Europe, and a strong
tendency toward the use of metal
wheels then set in. In fact, with one
or two exceptions, all British manu-
facturers of passenger cars fitted
metal wheels as regular equipment on
their 1920 models. There were three
FIG. u.-Section of Rudge- tv P es ? met , al ^heels for passenger
Whitworth demountable wire car VI w . heel * s ! mllar m sha P to
whee, with Pugh triple lacing.
(chiefly used in England), wire-spoked wheels and disk wheels
(figs. II, 12, and 13). An improvement in wire-wheel design,
which was a great factor in rendering these wheels practical
for heavy, powerful vehicles, was the triple lacing due to John
V. Pugh of England. Disk wheels came into extensive use during
the war; they may be divided into single and double disk types.
To secure the necessary lateral stiffness with a single disk it was
customary to cone the disk, and, moreover, the disk was usually
FIG. 12. Michelin disk wheel, outside view and section.
reduced in thickness from the hub toward the rim, either by turn-
ing in the lathe or by rolling. All motor vehicle wheels are provided
with steel rims designed to take the pneumatic or solid rubber tires.
The original type of motor vehicle rim for the double-tube pneu-
matic tire was the clincher rim, the edges of which are formed into
clinchers to hold the beaded edges of the tire cover. This type
of rim remained the standard in Europe, but American manu-
facturers early adopted the detachable rim, which permits of the
use of a steel cable core in the edges of the tire cover to make it
inextensible. In the earlier detachable rims one flange of the rim was
removable, and the tire could be stripped off sideways after the flange
had been detached. Some of these detachable flange rims could be
used with both clincher and straight-sided tires, and were therefore
known as universal rims. Later, when the clincher tire was given up
by American manufacturers for all except the smallest sizes, a dif-
ferent type of detachable rim was introduced, in which there is a
joint in the circumference of the rim. After opening; the locking
mechanism of this joint the rim can be contracted sufficiently to pass
through the tire. In order that detachable rims may always be free-
working the rims must be thoroughly rust-proofed, and care must
be taken in handling the rim not to distort it.
In the early years of the motor-car, when a tire was punctured or
otherwise defective, the operator was obliged to make a repair on the
spot, or at least remove the tire cover, insert a new tube, replace the
cover and inflate the tire anew. This was always an unpleasant
interruption of a pleasure drive and a most aggravating occurrence
in the case of an urgent business trip. The difficulty was overcome
by the adoption of the demountable wheel in Europe and the de-
mountable rim in America. American motorists thereafter carried
one or two spare rims fitted with fully inflated tires, and in case of a
puncture merely removed the rim with the defective tire and re-
placed it with a spare rim and inflated tire, an operation usually re-
quiring from 10 to 15 minutes, leaving the repair of the damaged tire
to be done at home or at a tire service station. European motorists
carry spare wheels with inflated tires in the same way. The advan-
tage of the demountable rim over the demountable wheel is that the
spares weigh less ; the advantage of the demountable wheel is that it
weighs less than a wheel with a demountable rim, and especially that
with it there is less weight near the circumference of the wheel, where
it has a strong flywheel action. Moreover, with the detachable
wheel the detaching mechanism is at the hub, farther removed from
rust-promoting influences.
FIG. 13. Sankey pressed steel wheel, and section.
The structure of demountable rims may be briefly described as
follows : forced over the felloe of the wood wheel is a steel felloe band
with a wedge surface on its outside, and an inward flange on one edge
through which and the wood felloe pass the felloe band bolts. Over
this felloe band is passed the rim carrying the tire, which is formed
with a wedge surface on its inside, adapted to engage the wedge sur-
face on the felloe band. Rim lugs with wedge-shaped projections are
threaded over the ends of the felloe band bolts, and the nuts on the
bolts are then screwed up, forcing the wedges into the space between
the felloe band and the rim. In this way the rim is subjected to both
radial and lateral pressure and is centred and firmly held on the felloe
band. Both clincher and detachable rims can be used in connexion
with demountable rims.
Solid rubber tires are vulcanized on to the steel base bands, and
wood wheels to be fitted with such tires have a steel felloe band
shrunk over them. The tires are then mounted on the wheels in a
demountable way by means of wedge rings, side flanges and bolts.
Cast-steel wheels generally have one wedge ring cast integral and do
not need a side flange on that side.
There is one notable difference in the commercial practices of
American and European motor-car manufacturers. In the United
States it is customary to sell cars complete with bodies and all
necessary equipment, so that upon being filled with fuel and water
they can immediately take the road. The equipment usually includes
such items as wind-screen, lamps, speedometer, jack, tire pump and
tools. European manufacturers, on the other hand, previous to the
World War, often made it a practice to sell only the bare chassis and
IOO2
MOTOR VEHICLES
let the customer arrange for the body with a coach-builder and select
the equipment himself. After the war they showed an inclination to
follow the American practice, especially with low-priced cars.
Many of the cars produced in the United States were made
on what is known as the assembling plan ; that is, the various major
components, such as engine, clutch, gearset, axles, frame, springs
and steering gear, were all manufactured in different factories by
concerns specializing in these products, and were assembled into a
ways have a surplus of power, and it was found advantageous under
such conditions to use one or two trailers with the truck (fig. 19, PL).
The advantage is greatest where the merchandise to be transported
is very bulky. This plan results in considerable economy, as from
two to three times as much load can be carried on one trip as with
the truck alone, with little extra expense. In continental Europe
there was usually a helper on each trailer to look after the load and
apply the brakes, but the use of helpers greatly reduces the gain in
62
52
44
FIG. 14. Central longitudinal section of typical American four-cylinder passenger car of 1920 (Allen). (l) Engine cylinder head;
(2) Radiator; (3) Headlight; (4) Mud-guard; (5) Filler plate ; (6) Splash plate; (7) Engine starting shaft; (8) Fan; (9)
Fan belt; (10) Camshaft gear; (n) Crankshaft main bearings; (12) -Oil pan; (13) Engine water jacket ; (14) Camshaft;
(15) Hood; (16) Radiator stay-rod ; (17) Vacuum tank; (18) Dashboard; (19) Cowl; (20) Instrument board; (21) Speed-
ometer drive; (22) Oil circulating pump; (23) Friction clutch; (24) Change-speed gear ; (25) Dash lamp; (26) Speedometer;
(27) Steering post ; (28) Spark and throttle levers; (29) Steering wheel; (30) Wind-screen; (31) Steering-post bracket ; (32)
Brake pedal (on left of steering post), Clutch pedal (on right of steering post); (33) Accelerator pedal; (34) Emergency brake
lever; (35) Gear lever; (36) Toe-board ; (37) Foot -board; (38) Knee-board; (39) Universal joints; (40) Exhaust pipe; (41)
Silencer; (42) Storage battery ; (43) Propeller shaft ; (44) Spiral bevel crown gear; (45) Frame; (46) Fuel tank; (47) Fuel
tank gauge; (48) Fuel tank filler; (49) Spare rim; (50) Body; (51) Rear window; (52) Hood bows; (53) Foot-rail; (54)
Radiator thermometer ; (55) Brake; (56) Brake equalizer shafts.
complete car in the assembling plant. The advantages of this plan
are obvious and include the possibility of intensive development of
design and the economy of quantity production. The extent to which
assembling was practised may be judged from the following figures:
Of the American passenger-car models for 1920 92 % were fitted with
stock carburetters, 75 % with stock steering gears, 66^7 % with stock
clutches, 65- 1 % with stock rear axles, 58-7% with stock transmissions
and 42 % with stock engines, all these stock parts being made by
specialists. In the field of commercial vehicles the practice of as-
sembling was even more prevalent.
Closed cars are favoured in countries with severe climate, and in
the United States 161,000 such cars were manufactured in 1919.
The most popular type among American motorists was the sedan,
which seated four or more persons all in one compartment. It was
therefore an owner-driver's car. The smallest type of closed car was
the coup6, which has seating accommodation for two or three inside,
including the driver, though sometimes a fourth seat facing backward
was added. Closed cars for operation by a professional driver
(chauffeur) were generally either of the town-car or limousine types;
both of these seat from three to five persons inside, the difference
being that the limousine has the driver's seat enclosed while on the
town car it is open. Typical 1920 American designs of closed cars
are shown in figs. 1518.
An intermediate type between the motor-cycle and the full-sized
car, referred to as a cycle car, had considerable vogue in Europe. It
had a smaller wheel tread than the standard 56 in. ; the engine in
most cases was a two-cylinder of less than 100 cub. in. displacement ;
and the two passengers often sat tandem fashion. These cars were
of the simplest design and were low in price and upkeep cost.
Motor-trucks must be equipped with engines able to take them
fully loaded up the steepest grades which occur on regularly travelled
highways. When operated in comparatively level districts they al-
economy, especially where wages are high, and in the United States
it was not usual to employ an extra man. It was realized that in
order to make it possible to stop in an emergency the trailers as well
as the truck must be braked ; but the problem of braking the trailers
from the truck had not been definitely solved at the close of 1920,
although at least one system of air brakes and one system of auto-
matic mechanical brakes applied through the drawbar had been
worked out. Another combination for heavy merchandise transpor-
tation consisted of a road tractor, which was merely a foreshortened
truck chassis, and a semi-trailer (fig. 20, PI.). This semi-trailer was
a two-wheeled construction, the forward end of which was supported
on the tractor frame by mcansofa swivelling fifth wheel. This end
of the semi-trailer could be supported by means of jacks while loading
and unloading, and the tractor did not need to stand idle while these
operations were going on. A particular form of semi-trailer was the
pole trailer (fig. 21, PL), the length of which could be varied, used
mainly for transporting lumber, pipes, steel sections, etc.
Commercial Development. Throughout the first decade of
the century motor-car manufacturers in the United States
either paid royalties under an alleged basic patent or else were
compelled to defend themselves against charges of infringe-
ment. This patent (U.S. Patent No. 549,160 of Nov. 5 1895,
issued to George B. Selden of Rochester, N.Y.; b. 1845; d.
there Jan. 17, 1922) was sustained in the court of original juris-
diction in Sept. 1909, in an action against the Ford Motor Co.,
which had been pending since Oct. 1903. Many manufacturers
had been induced to recognize the patent previous to the
decision, and these constituted the membership of the Asso-
ciation of Licensed Automobile Manufacturers (A. L. A. M.),
MOTOR VEHICLES
1003
which at one time comprised 90% of the industry. But during
the last few years of the litigation many new firms started in busi-
ness without taking out a Selden licence, and some members of
the A.L.A.M. either ceased or delayed paying their royalties.
The decision greatly strengthened the position of the A.L.A.M.,
COUPE
LIMOUSINE
FIGS. 15 to 18. American 1920 closed-car designs (Lincoln).
and the organization of the unlicensed manufacturers, the Amer-
ican Motor Car Manufacturers Assn., dissolved. The Ford
Motor Co., however, appealed against the decision of the lower
court, and in Sept. IQII the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals,
Second Circuit, reversed the decision. The patent was held
valid but not infringed, as Selden's engine was a two-stroke,
constant pressure or Brayton cycle engine, whereas the engine
used by the defendant (and by practically every other motor-
ear manufacturer) was a four-stroke, constant volume or Otto
cycle engine. The judges in their opinion said:
" He (Selden) undoubtedly appreciated the possibility of the
motor vehicle at a time when his ideas were regarded as chimerical.
Had he been able to see far enough he might have taken out a patent
as far-reaching as the Circuit Court held this one was. But like many
another inventor, while he had a conception of the object to be
accomplished, he went in the wrong direction. The Brayton engine
was the leading engine of the time, and his attention was naturally
drawn to its supposed advantages. He chose that type. In the light
of events we can see that had he appreciated the superiority of the
Otto engine and adopted that type for his combination his patent
would cover the modern automobile. He made a wrong choice, and
we cannot, by placing any forced construction upon the patent or by
straining the doctrine of equivalents, make another choice for him
at the expense of these defendants, who neither legally nor morally
owe him anything."
This decision came little more than a year before the expira-
tion of the patent, and no further effort to uphold it was made.
Its name having become a misnomer, the A.L.A.M. reorganized
as the National Automobile Chamber of Commerce, which came
to be regarded as representative of the entire automobile industry,
though the Ford Motor Co. never joined it. All of the national
motor-car shows in the United States from that time till 1921
were held under its auspices, and it looked after the interests of
the industry also in other ways, particularly through its legal,
traffic and patent departments. Similar organizations in other
countries are:
Great Britain. Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders.
France. Chambre Syndicate de 1'Automobile et des Industries qui
s'y rattachent.
Belgium. Chambre Syndicale de 1'Automobile.
Germany. Verein deutscher Motorfahrzeug-Industrieller.
Racing. During the years 'immediately preceding the World
War France had the greatest export business in motor-cars,
built up by consistent technical development and skilful sales
propaganda, chiefly in the form of road-racing. A series of inter-
national races held during the first decade of the century, known
as the Gordon Bennett Cup Races, came to an end because the
French objected to the stipulation in the Deed of Gift of the cup
that in the race each country should be represented by a team
of three cars, which gave a country with a small industry practi-
cally the same chance of winning as a country with a large indus-
try. In 1911 began a new series of races for the Grand Prix of
the Automobile Club of France in which each manufacturer was
allowed to enter up to three cars, and there was no limit to the
number of manufacturers of any one nation. In fact, the race
was not on the basis of national team against national team, but
on that of manufacturer against manufacturer. This race was
held four years in succession (1911-4) and was revived in 1921.
Owing to the continued improvement in engines and the in-
creased speeds made possible thereby, it was repeatedly necessary
to reduce the limit on the piston displacement of competing
cars. Originally the displacement was limited to that of a four-
cylinder engine of no-mm. bore and 2oo-mm. stroke (7-6 litres),
but in 1921 the limit was 3 litres.
In England and Scotland racing on the public roads was pro-
hibited, and the only road races in the British Isles were held in
the Isle of Man. In the United States a number of important
races were held in the East during the early years of the automo-
bile movement, but owing to frequent fatalities a strong public
sentiment grew up against them, and race promoters were com-
pelled to shift the scene of their activities first to the South and
then to the Middle West and the Far West. Between 1910 and
1914 a number of racing-tracks with high banking, most of them
2\ m. in circumference, were built in the United States after the
model of the Brooklands track in England. The first and most
successful of these was the Indianapolis Speedway. It was at
first attempted to hold races on these tracks at frequent inter-
vals, but they soon began to pall on the public. Later the plan
of a single annual race was adopted, European contestants were
secured and large cash prizes were offered to the winners, and
from that time the Indianapolis races always had an enormous
attendance. It is worthy of note, however, that practically
none of the large manufacturers of America entered cars in the
races held in 1919 and 1920. In earlier years competition in
races was regarded as a form of sales propaganda and the expenses
were charged to advertising, but the public gradually came
to realize that to win a race at close to 100 m.p.h. required an
entirely different car from that needed by the average family,
and that it would not be safe to base conclusions regarding the
quality of a company's stock cars on the performance of its
special racing machines. Track -racing then became a form of
entertainment, expenses being met out of gate-money.
Shows. An important influence on the rapid development of
the motor-vehicle industry must be ascribed to the motor-car shows
held annually (except for interruptions due to the World War) in
such centres as Paris, London, Brussels, New York and Chicago,
MOTOR VEHICLES
under the auspices and control of the motor-car manufacturers'
associations of the respective countries. The Paris show, the oldest
and for a long time the largest as regards number of exhibitors, was
resumed after the war, in 1919. But in 1920 the show was suspended,
because at the time when preparations would have been made trade
conditions seemed to make it unnecessary. London shows were held
at Olympia, and in 1920 there was an overflow exhibition at the
White City. Owing to the fact that Great Britain was one of the
greatest markets for motor-cars, importing more cars than any other
country in Europe, the Olympia show always had a strong inter-
national flavour. There was a special show for commercial cars at
Olympia in 1920, shortly before the passenger-car show. In the United
States also truck shows had been held separately for several years.
National motor-car manufacturers' associations previous to the World
War had an international federation with headquarters in Paris.
One of the activities of the federation was to allocate dates for
national shows to all countries represented, so as to prevent conflict,
which would have been annoying to manufacturers wishing to ex-
hibit at several shows. The federation also endeavoured to restrict
the organization of shows, to exercise a certain control over races
and to influence legislation. In 1920 the original international feder-
ation was dissolved and a new allied federation took its place.
Standardization, A great help to the motor-car industry in the
United States was the standardization work of the Society of Auto-
motive Engineers, concurrent with specialization in the manufacture
of parts. One of the first things standardized was fine-pitch screw
threads. It was found that the former standard threads, such as the
U.S.S., Whitworth, etc., were too coarse for motor-car work, and
manufacturers began devising their own fine-thread standards;
if this had continued it would have led to the use of many different
pitches for screws of the same diameter, which would nave been
most annoying to the user. In order to obviate this the S.A.E.
screw thread was evolved, and soon came into common use. A great
deal of the standardization work was concerned with the joints or
connexions between parts made in different factories. Thus the
mountings on the engine, of carburetters, battery ignition units,
magnetos, electric generators, starters and tire pumps were standard-
ized, as were flywheel housings, shaft fittings, spring mountings,
etc. At the end of 1920 there were about 180 separate motor-car
standards on the records of the S.A.E. Great Britain had a similar
technical society, the Institution of Automobile Engineers, but
motor-car standardization work was carried on by a sub-committee
of the British Engineering Standards Committee, on which both the
Institution of Automobile Engineers and the Society of Motor
Manufacturers and Traders were represented. There was also a
technical society in Germany, the Automobil und Flugtechnische
Gesellschaft, but it had not been active. During the World War
engineering standardization work was begun in Germany by a
general organization covering the whole engineering trade, and
after the war motor-car standardization was continued by the
Verein deutscher Motorfahrzeug-Industrieller.
Taxation. In nearly all countries motor vehicles were subject to
an annual road tax based upon the rated horse-power of the engine.
Great Britain did not impose such a tax until Jan. I 1921. The rate
of tax was then i per horse-power, determined by the following
equation :
where N is the number of cylinders and b the bore in inches. The
same formula, known in Great Britain as the Royal Automobile Club
formula, was used in most states of the United States, where it was
known as the A.L.A.M. formula. Japan used a very similar for-
mula, the denominator of the fraction being 3 instead of 2-5. Widely
different formulas were in use in different countries for determining
the tax horse-power. Some, like those above cited, made the horse-
power proportional to the cylinder bore, others to the piston dis-
placement volume, and still others to this volume and the normal
speed of revolution. Let C be a constant, b the cylinder bore, I
the piston stroke, N the number of cylinders, and r the normal engine
speed then the various horse-power formulas used in 1920 may be
written as follows :
For Belgium: H.P. =C.6 2 ./.N.r (where C varies between 3 and
3-5 for motor-cycles and between 4-5 and 5 for motor-cars, and b
and / are in metres. It was customary to make C=3 and r = 1,000
for motor-cycles and C =4-5 and r = 1,000 for motor-cars).
In France the formula reads the same as that for Belgium; C is
equal to 0-0002 for single-cylinder engines, 0-00017 f r two-cylinder,
0-00015 for four-cylinder, and 0-00013 for multi-cylinder, b is inserted
in centimetres, I in metres, and r in revolutions per second.
In Germany: H.P. =o-3N.& 2 ./ (b being in centimetres and / in
metres). Holland, Denmark, Switzerland and Russia used the same
formula.
In Italy: H.P. =0-0525^.^ for passenger vehicles and H.P. =
0-0350 N.6 2 for commercial vehicles (b being in centimetres).
Ford Cars. A unique position in the American motor-car industry
has been occupied by the Ford Motor Co., whose annual productionfor
several years constituted about one-half that of the whole industry.
This company in igog-succeeded in developing a passenger car which
it was able to sell for the next 1 1 years without material modifications
in design except as regards the body and equipment. This stability
of design made possible production on an unequalled scale and at
remarkably low cost. At one time during the World War period this
car sold in the United States as low as $325 for the two-seater and
$360 for the five-seater. In 1917 the company began to produce also
a light truck, and in 1920 the production of passenger cars and trucks
combined exceeded 1 ,000,000 vehicles.
German Lorries. Motor-lorry services under public ownership
were developed in Germany after the Armistice of Nov. 1918 from
an emergency service previously established by the War Department.
Toward the end of 1916 the German Government, facing a trans-
portation crisis at home, was compelled to withdraw a large number
of motor lorries from the front in order to relieve the congestion at
freight depots and to carry agricultural produce to the great centres
of population. This service was gradually extended, and during
the last full month of the war, Oct. 1918, the lorries in the home
service moved 302,000 tons of freight and covered an aggregate dis-
tance of 922,000 m., of which 525,000 m. was with load. The useful
work done amounted to 1,960,000 ton-miles and the fuel consumed
to 260,000 imp. gallons. After the Armistice 16 limited liability
corporations (Krojtverkehrsgesellschaften) were organized, and oper-
ating territories were assigned to each so that the whole country
was covered. The National Government furnished the vehicles
and received in return shares of stock and certificates of indebted-
ness. Most of the capital stock of the companies was subscribed by
the local governments of the districts served. According to a report
made in 1920 these companies then operated 98 services with a
rolling-stock consisting of 2,871 motor lorries, 37 tractors, 1,079
trailers, 187 passenger cars, 126 motor-cycles and 150 motor-
buses. The personnel numbered 3,000. The interests of the national
Government in these companies were looked after by the Treasury
Department. Lorries and other vehicles with drivers (and helpers if
necessary) were furnished either on a direct ton-mile basis or by the
day, in the latter case there being a limit on both the time and the
distance covered, with extra rates if either limit was exceeded.
Similar services for passengers and mails were established in Ger-
many by the Post-Office Department. In 1920 this department
established 100 new mail lines in country districts with an initial
equipment of 260 vehicles ; it also added between 400 and 500 vehicles
to the equipment for carrying mails in the cities.
Motor Omnibuses. The largest motor-omnibus service in the
world in 1920 was that of the London General Omnibus Co., which
then had more than 2,500 buses in operation. This company shortly
after the World War introduced a new " K " type of double-deck
omnibus with seating capacity for 46 passengers (22 below and 24
on top), which weighed no more than the 34-passenger buses in
service up to that time (see fig. 26, PI.). Of the passengers carried on
the lower deck six occupied a longitudinal seat while all the rest
faced forward. The chassis frame and the framework of the body of
this new omnibus were made of ash bars reenforced with steel flitch
plates. Practically all the panels of the body consisted of three-ply
birch ; the main floor was of the same material and had wearing slats
secured to it, while the roof consisted of two thicknesses of this three-
ply with a layer of waterproof duck between. Fully equipped for
service this motor omnibus weighed 7,600 lb., of which 2,350 Ib.
was body weight. The engine had four cylinders of loo-mm. bore
and l4O-mm. stroke, which were cast in pairs; it developed 30 H.P.
at 1,050 r.p.m. The wheelbase was l7Oj in. ; the large passenger
capacity for this wheelbase was made possible by placing the driver's
seat alongside the engine. On July I 1920 there were 80 of these
buses in service.
War Developments. During the World War the motor-car
industries of ah 1 the belligerent countries greatly increased their
productive capacities, because they possessed the personnel and
the equipment necessary for turning out many essentials of
warfare, such as vehicles of all kinds, aero-motors and munitions.
Thus the capitalization of the German motor industry increased
about 1 80% between 1914 and 1919. Twenty German motor-
car manufacturing concerns during this period issued additional
stock to the amount of 176,350,000 marks, and bond issues and
the capitalization of newly organized companies brought the
capital increase up to 214,950,000 marks. There was a similar
increase in the capitalization of the British motor-car industry,
but most of the new issues of stock in Great Britain occurred
after the Armistice, while in Germany the greatest accession of
new capital took place during the war period.
During the early part of the World War the American motor
industry furnished large numbers of motor lorries to the British,
French and Russian Governments, and this was reflected by
the export returns, which showed an increase in the number of
trucks exported from 784 in 1914 to 21,265 i n 1916. At the same
time the foreign demand for American passenger cars increased
greatly, because the belligerent European countries could not
make deliveries. In 1918, when the United States threw its full
MOTOR VEHICLES
1005
strength into the war, motor-car exports suffered a material
decline, but they jumped ahead again immediately after the
Armistice, an increase of 79% being shown in 1919. That year
the exports of passenger cars, lorries and parts together exceeded
$100,000,000 in value, yet the passenger cars exported were
hardly 4% of the total production, while the exports of commer-
cial vehicles amounted to 4-9 per cent.
After the war the tide of international motor-car commerce
showed great fluctuations. As soon as shipping connexions be-
came reestablished there was a heavy demand, particularly
in the neutral countries of northern Europe. In 1919 only the
United States was in a position to export large numbers of vehi-
cles, because it took the motor-car industries of the European
belligerents a long time to get back to a peace basis. After a
short time, however, the low rates of continental exchange and
temporary embargoes on motor-car imports in several countries,
including Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Denmark and
Norway, cut down the exports from the United States. Even
when the embargoes were lifted imports were restricted by high
customs duties, as, for instance, 70% in the case of France.
Electric Cars. There was little progress in electric vehicles during
the decade 1910-20. The electric is essentially a town car, and during
the first half of the decade a good many electric passenger vehicles
were in use, especially in four of the larger cities of the United States :
Buffalo, Cleveland, Chicago and Los Angeles, all of which are com-
paratively level and have fine boulevard systems. The electric
appealed particularly to lady drivers, because it dispensed with the
cranking of the petrol car and was generally simpler and less trouble-
some to operate. With the advent of the electric motor starter this
disadvantage of the petrol car largely disappeared. The introduction
of demountable rims and power tire pumps further reduced the hard
work in connexion with the operation of petrol cars as compared with
solid-tired electric vehicles. The electric then became more and more
a luxury vehicle, built only in expensive closed-body types and used
mainly for town driving by people who owned a petrol car for coun-
try driving in addition. > The electric commercial vehicle industry
also was more or less stationary while the petrol commercial industry
forged ahead rapidly. In 1920 the electric lorries in service in _New
York City formed a small portion of all the commercial vehicles,
which was not the case in 1910. A new type of electric commercial
vehicle, known in the United States as an industrial truck, but per-
haps better described as a floor truck or a low wheel truck, came
into extensive use, especially during the war period. These industrial
trucks take the place of hand trucks on steamship piers and railway
station platforms, in factory buildings and paved yards. Petrol
industrial trucks have also been developed, but as they are not ad-
mitted to steamship piers on account of the fire hazards the electric
has an undisputed field there. There was great inducement in Europe
during the war, when petrol was exceedingly scarce, to develop the
electric vehicle for both passenger and commercial traffic. In
Germany a scheme was worked out for a system of goods transport
in large cities by electric lorries with interchangeable batteries, and
a few sample trucks were built, but the Armistice intervened and the
scheme was dropped. The steam vehicle also retrogressed as a
factor in transportation. In 1920 there was only a single concern
in all the world making steam-propelled passenger cars in any con-
siderable numbers, the Stanley Motor Carriage Co. of Newton,
Mass., which was one of the pioneers in this line of industry. Con-
siderable numbers of steam lorries were still being manufactured in
England, but the steam motor-buses at one time in service in
London had been taken off the streets. The petrol motor had def-
initely gained the ascendency over steam and electric motors, and
supplies for it could be found and repairs to it had in almost every
town. In the United States, for instance, there were, at the beginning
of 1920, 43,643 repair shops (besides 36,227 garages), and all of these
repair shops were equipped to cater to owners of petrol cars, but only
a few to owners of steam and electric vehicles, giving a tremendous
advantage to the former.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Arnold and Faurote, Ford Methods and the Ford
Shops (1915); Blum, Etude sur les Vehicules Automobiles sur Quatre
Roues Matrices (1913); Browne, Handbook of Carburetion (1915);
Carles, L'Anatomie de la Voiture Automobile (1913); Carles, Les
Accessoires de I' Automobile (1913); Clark, Textbook on Motor Car
Engineering (2 vols., 1911, 1917); Fraser and Jones, Motor Vehicles
and their Engines (1919); Hayward, Automobile Ignition, Starting
and Lighting (1917); Heldt, The Gasoline Automobile, its Design and
Construction (3 vols., 1920) ; Heller, Motorwagen und Fahrzeugma-
schinen fur flilssigen Brennstoff (1912) ; Jaenichen, Automobil-Betrieb-
stoffe (1915); Lacoin, Construction et Reglage des Moteurs a Ex-
plosions (1910); Loewe, Konstruktionsberechnungen von Kraft-
fahrzeugen und die Organization von Konstruktionsbiiros (1915) ; More-
ton and Hatch, Electrical Equipment of the Motor Car (1918) ;
Newmark, Automobile Business (1915); Norton, The Motor Truck
as an Aid to Business Profits (1918); Page, The Modern Gasoline
Automobile (1920); Philllmore, Motor Road Transport for Commercial
Purposes (1920) ; Riedler, The Scientific Determination of the Merits
of Automobiles (1914); Schaefer, Motor Truck Design and Con-
struction (1919); Strickland, Manual of Petrol Motors and Motor
Cars (1914) ; Terry, Motor Body Building in all its Branches (1914) ;
Valentin, Automobiltechnisches Ilandbuch (1913); Valentin, Fabri-
kation von Motoren und Automobilen (1915). (P. M. H.)
TABLE III. Statistics of the Development of the American Industry.
1909*
1914*
I9i9f
Capital invested
Cars and lorries pro-
duced . . .
Value of products
Persons engaged in mf g.
Wages and salaries
$173.837.000
127,731
$249,202,000
85,359
$ 58,173,000
8407,730,000
569,045
$632,831,000
145,951
$139,453,000
$1,802,302,862
1,974,016
$2,506,834,594
651,450
$ 813,731,856
*From U.S. Census, f Based on statistics of complete car produc-
tion gathered by National Automobile Chamber of Commerce and
on the assumption that the parts and accessories business grew in
same proportion.
TABLE IV. Statistics of the American Industry for
Capital invested in passenger-car industry $784,660,761
Number of passenger-car factories . . 131
Number of open cars produced . . 1,496,652
Number of closed cars produced . . 161,000
Total number of passenger cars produced 1,657,652
Value of complete cars and lorries produced $1,885,112,546
Value of passenger cars produced . . $1,461,785,925
Value of passenger-car parts and accessories $62 1 ,722,048
Value of motor lorries produced . . $423,326,621
Value of repair parts produced . . $117,000,000
Number of motor-lorry factories . . 268
Capital invested in motor-lorry factories $230,782,577
Number of employees in lorry factories . 68,180
Number of lorries produced . . . 316,364
Total number of passenger cars and lorries produced 1,974,016
* From Facts and Figures of the A utomobile Industry, published by
the National Automobile Chamber of Commerce.
TABLE V. United States Motor-car Exports (including passenger cars,
lorries and parts except motor-car engines and tires').
Exported to
1910
1914
1919
Austria-Hungary
$ 28,689
$ 202,852
Belgium
I57,3 6 6
160,659
$ 364,004
France
825,904
1,103,481
22,243,042
Germany .
275,241
1,272,600
Great Britain .
2,656,214
7,159,074
9,760,430
Italy ....
337,614
293,275
215,417
Norway
23,353
124,083
2,102,757
Russia
"4,314
917,859
8,292
Spain ....
21,184
71,024
1,426,650
Sweden
58,936
260,228
689,998
Canada
4,363,694
9-583,655
22,062,779
Argentina .
196,827
1,121,474
4,492,522
Brazil
75,489
370,043
1,033,831
Chile ....
2,487
192,342
2,606,047
British India
28,759
439,968
543,393
Dutch E. Indies
26,345
238,322
4,498,397
Japan
30,134
137,522
6,416,928
Australia .
289,807
855,637
5,358,336
New Zealand
60,386
1,089,951
2,589,166
British S. Africa
75,840
1,506,668
2,568,790
Other countries
1,541,637
6,198,089
24,715,879
Totals
$11,190,220
$33,298,806
$113,696,658
TABLE VI. United States Motor-car Imports.
I mported from
1910
1914
1919
Belgium ....
France ....
$ 29,087
1,467,646
$ 144,693
814,392
Germany ....
Italy ....
368,219
S87 OS2
26l,l68
2O^ Q^I
Switzerland
Great Britain
Canada ....
Other countries .
60,554
236,015
69,737
33,136
3,103
218,932
32,815
78,346
$ 7,650
28,731
26O
Totals
$2,851,446
$1,759,380
$36,641
TABLE VII. British Motor Vehicle Imports.
1910
1915
Kf
1920
Cars
Chassis
Parts*
1,440,586
1,670,969
2,023,273
3,128,229
1,135,146
2,183,184
10,490,012
4,254,949
8,713.684
Totals ....
5,134,828
6,446,559
23,458,645
* Exclusive of tires
ioo6
MOTTL MOUNTED TROOPS
TABLE VIII. British Motor Vehicle Exports.
1910
>
1915
1920
A.
Cars
Chassis
Parts*
1,380,190
213,378
1,012,835
1,129,717
186,691
557,869
3,929,455
2,474,877
1,986,410
Totals
2,606,403
1,874,277
8,390,742
* Exclusive of tires.
TABLE IX. French Motor-car Exports (value in francs).
1910
1913
1920
Great Britain .
65,521,000
55,871,000
265,599,000
Germany ....
12,734,000
21,029,000
10,361,000
Belgium . . . .
30,053,000
41,732,000
217,361,000
United States . . .
4,346,000
3,246,000
15,705,000
Argentina
9,290,000
17,565,000
17,313,000
Italy . .
5,092,000
5,949,000
22,649,000
Switzerland
4,460,000
4,866,000
36,533,000
Spain ....
2,355,000
6,960,000
218,949,000
Egypt ....
1,182,000
1,483,000
Mexico ....
1,956,000
2,253,000
Brazil . .
2,212,000
8,877,000
10,955,000
Russia ....
5,032,000
6,679,000
Holland . . . .
1,151,000
1,931,000
Austria . . . .
980,000
1,253,000
Denmark
1,049,000
2,964,000
Australia ....
1,142,000
1,255,000
Dutch Indies .
778,000
2,401,000
Other countries
4,667,000
14,582,000
138,475,000
French colonies
11,183,000
31,099,000
234,072,000
Totals . . .
165,183,000
231,995,000
1,187,972,000
MOTTL, FELIX (1856-1911), German conductor (see 18.931*),
died July I 1911.
MOULE, HANDLEY CARR GLYN (1841-1920), English
divine, was born at Dorchester Dec. 23 1841, the youngest son
of the Rev. H. Moule, vicar of Fordington, Dorchester, a prom-
inent Evangelical clergyman. He was educated at home, and
later at Trinity College, Cambridge, where J. B. Lightfoot was
his tutor. He was bracketed second classic in 1864, and in
1866 obtained a first-class in theology. From 1865 to 1867 he
was an assistant master at Marlborough, and after a few years of
a country curacy became dean of Trinity College (1873-6). In
1880 his position as a prominent Evangelical was recognized by
his election as first principal of Ridley Hall, Cambridge, an
establishment founded for post-graduate training for the ministry.
Moule's influence in this position was very great, and he con-
siderably widened his influence by the production of various
religious works of a popular kind, among them being Thoughts
on Christian Sanctity (1886) and The Secret of the Presence (1901).
He also published a Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans
(1880) and Outlines of Christian Doctrine (1889). In 1899
Moule, who in 1898 had been made an hon. chaplain to Queen
Victoria, was elected to the Norrisian professorship of divinity
at Cambridge, but in 1901 he was chosen to succeed Westcott in
the bishopric of Durham. He died at Cambridge May 8 1920.
His brothers, ARTHUR EVANS ' MOULE (1836-1918) and
GEORGE EVANS MOULE (1828-1912), were both well known as
missionaries in China, the former becoming archdeacon of Mid-
China in 1 88 1, and the latter the first bishop of Mid-China
(1880-1908).
MOULTON, JOHN FLETCHER MOULTON, BARON (1844-1921),
English judge, was born at Madeley, Salop, Nov. i 1844. He
was educated at New Kingswood school, Bath, and St. John's
College, Cambridge, where he had a brilliant career, becoming in
1868 senior wrangler and first Smith's prizeman. Until 1873 he
was a fellow of Christ's College, but in that year he came to
London, and in 1874 was called to the bar. He became a Q.C.
in 1885, and the same year entered Parliament as Liberal
member for the Clapham division. He lost his seat in 1886, but
from 1894 to 1895 sat for South Hackney and from 1898 to 1906
for the Launceston division of Cornwall. Fletcher Moulton
earned a great reputation not only as a sound and skilful lawyer,
but also as a mathematician and experimental chemist of a high
order. He was retained as counsel in many important cases,
e.g. questions of patent law, in which such special knowledge
was necessary, and he was one of the first lawyers to perceive the
enormous importance which chemistry was likely to assume in
relation to various aspects of the law. He was raised to the
bench of the Court of Appeal in 1906, being knighted and sworn
of the Privy Council, and in 1912 was made a lord of appeal and
a life peer, being also appointed to the Judicial Committee of the
Privy Council. Lord Moulton's career as a judge was unfortu-
nately marred by a painful family litigation against him. In 1875
he had married Mrs. Thomson, of Edinburgh, who already had
a family of two sons and two daughters. She died in 1888, and
in 1901 Lord Moulton married again. In 1902 his step-daughters,
who had continued to live with him, took proceedings against
him with reference to the manner in which the income to which
they were entitled under their mother's will had been expended
in connexion with the household expenses. The court eventu-
ally gave judgment in their favour, after a good deal of scandal
had been made over the affair. Lord Moulton became a mem-
ber of many important legal and scientific committees, being
appointed first chairman of the Medical Research Committee
under the National Insurance Act (1912). On the outbreak of
the World War in 1914 he became chairman of the Committees
on Chemical Products and on High Explosives, and the same
year was made director-general of explosive supplies in the
Ministry of Munitions. In 1913 he was made a K.C.B. and in
1917 a G.B.E. It would be difficult to exaggerate the value of
his work for the Government as a scientific adviser during the
war, and in stimulating the industrial developments for the
production of explosives, a chemical question involving, inter
alia, the reorganization of the British dyeing industry. In this
connexion he acted as chairman of the British Dyestuffs
Corporation (see DYEING) when it was created in 1919; and
his labours were actively continued after the war ended. He
died suddenly in London March 9 1921, leaving one son by his
first marriage, Hugh Lawrence.
MOUNET-SULLY, JEAN (1841-1916), French actor (see
18.936), died in Paris March i 1916.
See his Souvenirs d'un Tragedien (1917).
MOUNTED TROOPS (see 5.563; 18.939). Under the term
" Mounted Troops " is here included, in the modern text-book
senses: (a) Cavalry, mounted on horses and able to fight either
mounted or on foot; (b) Mounted rifles, whose characteristics and
methods are the same as those of cavalry, except that they are
not equipped for mounted combat; (c) Mounted infantry, de-
noting infantry carried on horses or camels, employing infan-
try formations when dismounted, and probably insufficiently
trained to perform satisfactorily cavalry duties such as recon-
naissance; and (d) Cyclists.
In recent years the trend of cavalry ideas has, as regards
tactics, undergone very considerable change. In the South
African War of 1899-1902 hardly any instances of shock action
by cavalry were seen; and in the years immediately following it
a large body of military opinion in England was in favour of
relinquishing altogether the idea of charging home with the
sword or lance. This opinion was strengthened by the events
of the Russo-Japanese War. A little later it was realized that
the absence of shock action in S. Africa was due not so much to
the power of the rifle and machine-gun as to the peculiar tactics
of the Boers, who seldom stood their ground to await the British
attack; it was found that, while instances of successful cavalry
charges were rare, there was no case in which a mounted attack
was prevented by fire from reaching its objective. It was further
seen that in Manchuria the nature of the country and the
quality of the mounted troops engaged alike were inimical to
successful cavalry action.
The pendulum of opinion now swung in the direction of shock
action, and for a year or two the training of the British cavalry
showed a distinct bias in favour of the arme blanche. From 1909
onwards, however, thanks to the influence of, amongst others,
Sir John French, Sir Douglas Haig, and Maj.-Gen. Allenby, the
correct balance was struck between fire and shock, and ideas
were crystallized into definite, well-understood principles. As
the result it may fairly be claimed that, when the World War
broke out in 1914, no more highly trained body of troops existed
* These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
MOUNTED TROOPS
1007
in Europe than the British cavalry. The German cavalry gave
the impression of having lost their confidence in the arme blanche
without having become fully proficient in the tactics of the
dismounted attack. The French and Austrian cavalry, on the
other hand, probably still relied too much on the arme blanche.
At the outbreak of the World War the theory of the employ-
ment of cavalry was governed by the following broad principles,
(i) Before the battle, cavalry locate the enemy by reconnais-
sance, screen their own infantry from the enemy's observation,
and protect them from interference while marching to the battle-
field. (2) During the battle they are posted far out, protecting
the flanks; act as a mobile reserve, ready to move quickly to
fill a gap in the line or confirm a success; and occasionally inter-
vene in the conflict by attacking the enemy on an unprotected
flank. (3) After a successful battle they pursue the retreating
enemy, effecting captures and preventing him from recovering
himself, or, if they are unable to do these things, providing
early information of his dispositions in the next line which he
takes up. (4) After an unsuccessful battle they cover the retire-
ment of the infantry, giving them time to recover their moral
and to reach the next position which they mean to hold.
In order to provide for the above duties cavalry were formed
into three groups: (i) Independent, for long-distance recon-
naissance and for other missions in which cavalry might be
employed independently of the rest of the army; (2) Protective,
for the duty of screening the main infantry columns; (3) Corps
or Divisional, for minor reconnaissances, and for intercommuni-
cation and orderly duties inside the infantry columns.
These groups were intended to be elastic in their composition,
and it was correctly foreseen that the requirements of different
phases of the campaign or action would often necessitate one
group being reinforced at the expense of another. While it was
realized that infantry commanders must have some mounted
men for their own immediate needs, it was a principle that the
minimum number should be allotted to group (3), the bulk being
kept as independent or protective cavalry. The reason under-
lying the division into the two last-named groups was the advisa-
bility of separating reconnaissance from protection.
It may be affirmed at once that the above subdivision of
cavalry duties still held good in 1921, and that the separation of
the duties of reconnaissance and protection is a principle which
should underlie the employment of all cavalry bodies.
A reconnoitring detachment, having been asked certain ques-
tions, should be free to move in any direction in order to find the
answers; moreover, touch with the enemy, once it has been
established, should not be relinquished. Protection, on the
other hand, entails the detachment regulating its movements
to some extent by those of the force which it covers. It follows
that, if one detachment is entrusted with a role which includes
both these duties, the efficient performance of one or the other
of them is likely to suffer.
Cavalry in the World War. If the events of the World War
in the various theatres are studied, and if it is remembered that
the whole of the campaign in Flanders and northern France, as
well as much of those in Russia and Italy, was really one huge
battle with flanks non-existent, it will be found that cavalry
were constantly called upon to fulfil each and all of the roles
mentioned above. For instance, during the advance into
Belgium before the battle of Mons, the British cavalry moved
well in advance of the infantry. The latter were thus enabled
to reach their battle positions unmolested, and without the
extra fatigue of having to deploy for a fight; the cavalry mean-
while had numerous minor skirmishes with the German cavalry,
who were fulfilling a similar role, but were unable to penetrate
the British screen. 1 The plans for the battle of Beersheba in
1917 and those for the final advance in Mesopotamia in 1918
were based very largely on the result of cavalry reconnaissance,
in spite of the fact that air reconnaissance had by this time
made great strides.
1 It seems, indeed, probable that when von Kluck issued his
orders for the battle of Mons he was very much in the dark as to
the position of the British left flank.
As regards participation in the actual battle, at Mons and
Le Cateau the bulk of the British cavalry were posted to the
west of the infantry, where they were able to frustrate the
German efforts at outflanking. After the fall of Beersheba too,
while Sir Philip Chetwode's infantry were wheeling to their
left in preparation for the next phase of the operations against
the left of the main Turkish position, the mounted troops,
placed several miles away to the right, were able to protect
the flank of the wheel by defeating several determined counter-
attacks. Cavalry used in this way can provide ampler elbow-
room for manoeuvre than less mobile troops because they can be
sent with safety to greater distances.
Of the value of cavalry in battle as a mobile reserve many
striking illustrations can be found in the stories of the first and
second battles of Ypres and of the German offensive in 1918 on
the Somme. On many occasions in these operations they relieved
infantry who had been exhausted or practically annihilated by
continual heavy fighting; on others, by counter-attacking or
by filling a gap defensively, they reestablished the connexion
between infantry formations which had draVn apart. In this
respect it should be noted that, while the tactical disadvantages
of a gap in the line are of course obvious, only those who have
had actual war experience can realize the quite disproportionate
moral effect on everyone, from the general to the private, of
losing touch with the units or individuals on the right and left.
Sir Douglas Haig, in his despatch dealing with the German
offensive in 1918, writes as follows: " Without the assistance of
mounted troops, skilfully handled and gallantly led, the enemy
could scarcely have been prevented from breaking through the
long and thinly held front of broken and wooded ground before
the French reinforcements had had time to arrive." These
words, it may be remarked, refer to a period when tanks were
already present in France in fairly plentiful numbers.
It is well to remember that the value of a reserve depends
chiefly upon its freshness, and that even where conditions of
ground or traffic preclude cavalry, as will often be the case,
from moving much faster than infantry, they will invariably
arrive on the scene of action less tired. A good illustration of
this occurred in the Somme battle of 1916, when two cavalry
regiments were ordered to fill the gap between an infantry
division which was fighting in Longueval and another which
was being launched from reserve against High Wood. The
infantry had to advance a few miles only, but the day was a
hot one and the shelling heavy. On reaching High Wood they
were so exhausted that all efforts to make them dig themselves
in were unavailing. The cavalry, owing to the maze of trenches
and wire, could not. move even as fast as the infantry, but they
dug themselves in with such vigour that by the following morn-
ing they were completely underground. Nor must it be forgotten
that moral is largely a question of physical fatigue.
The most brilliant role which can be allotted to cavalry in
battle is that of intervention on an unprotected flank, or on a
flank so weakly protected that the cavalry find themselves in
great superiority. In the war on the western front no examples
occurred of this, for the simple reason that unprotected flanks
of sufficient length to give mounted troops the scope they require
did not exist. A possible exception is the German break-through
in the spring of 1918, but by this time the bulk of the German
cavalry had been dismounted. In the more open theatres of the
war, however, such as Palestine and Mesopotamia, cavalry often
intervened in the battle with very important results. At the
action of El Mughar in Palestine in 1917 a yeomanry brigade
charged successfully the flank of a position which was holding
up an infantry division, and took upwards of a thousand pris-
oners. Ramadi, in Mesopotamia, in the same year provides an
instance of an entirely unprotected flank which enabled the
cavalry to place themselves directly across the enemy's only
line of retreat. The Turks, after attempting to break out through
the cavalry under cover of darkness, surrendered next morning,
and a force of 3,500 was thus destroyed. Examples such as
these, and several more like them could be given from the cam-
paigns of Mesopotamia and Palestine, show that the value of
ioo8
MOUNTED TROOPS
cavalry on the battle-field can still 'be decisive, given the right
conditions. These conditions are: (a) a theatre of war whose
size, in relation to the numbers of troops engaged, admits of
wide, open spaces; (b) an enemy who, by reason of inferior num-
bers, skill, or organization, cannot protect his flanks effectively.
There is no reason to suppose that such conditions will not be
met with in the future, even in a European war, as often as those
obtaining on the western front from 1914-8; and as regards a
war outside Europe, they are typical of the campaigns which
have been fought in the past, and which will assuredly be
fought again. Still, it cannot be denied that, for the cavalry
of Europe at any rate, the size of modern armies and the
general use of entrenchments, especially barbed wire, have
decreased the chances of distinction in battle, already much
reduced by the greater power of missile weapons.
The best example of the part which can be played by cavalry
after a successful battle is that of Gen. Allenby's victory in
Palestine in 1918. The enemy's flank having been rolled up by
means of an infantry attack in great strength near the coast, the
Desert Mounted Corps, consisting of three divisions, passed
through. After riding due north for about 35 m., mopping up
prisoners as they went, they turned north-east over the moun-
tains, where they were just in time to forestall a hostile infantry
detachment which was being hurried forward to defend the
pass, and debouched at dawn into the Plain of Esdraelon. By
five o'clock in the evening of the day after the battle the^e
divisions had marched 70 m. in 36 hours, and had placed them-
selves completely across the Turkish lines of communication.
As a result 40,000 prisoners fell into their hands. The remnants
of the Turkish army, retreating northwards, were pursued and
overtaken. Damascus and Aleppo were successively occupied
by the mounted troops, though not without fighting, and the
Desert Mounted Troops took altogether 75,000 prisoners out of
a total Turkish ration strength of about 100,000. The division
which took Aleppo marched 500 m. in five weeks.
Other instances of successful cavalry pursuits during the
World War could be found from the campaigns in Russia and
Mesopotamia, and that in Palestine in 1917. And, referring to
the end of the war in France, Sir Douglas Haig wrote as follows
in his final despatch: " On the morning of the Armistice two
British cavalry divisions were on the march east of the Scheldt,
and before the orders to stop reached them they had already
gained a line 10 m. in front of our infantry outposts. There
is no doubt that, had the advance of the cavalry been allowed to
continue, the enemy's disorganized retreat would have been
turned into a rout." The events of the war in all theatres
show clearly enough that a retiring force can march more quickly
than one which is advancing and that only a comparatively
brief respite is required to enable a beaten force to recover itself.
It follows that a force of superior mobility is essential if the
fruits of victory are to be gathered and a long succession of
pitched battles avoided.
As for pursuit, so also for retreat, the value of cavalry was
proved many times in the Russian campaigns. But a good
instance is provided by the retreat of the British Expeditionary
Force from Mons in 1914. During every day of this operation
the British cavalry interposed themselves between the main
columns of the army and the pursuing Germans, and so saved
the infantry many tiresome rearguard actions and much fatigue.
But from the point of view of moral, the services rendered by the
cavalry were perhaps even more important. Some idea will be
gained of them if it is remembered, once again, that the horse
soldier is almost invariably less tired, and consequently less
prone to doubts and fears, than the foot soldier, and that he
sees over every hedge while the infantryman has to peer through
it. Even so, it is difficult for any but an eye-witness to realize
the extent to which the infantryman relies on the protection
afforded him by the cavalry, the anxiety with which he awaits
news, and the relief with which he receives it from his mounted
brother, riding past in the dark, on his way to billets.
Future Organization. Before considering what influence mod-
ern inventions are likely to have on the future of mounted
troops, it will be well to clear the ground by pointing out the
advantages and disadvantages for war of cyclists as compared
with horse soldiers. Their chief advantage is that every man
can go into the firing line, whereas one horse soldier out of every
four has to remain behind to hold the horses. On really good
roads in good weather they can move more quickly than horses;
and no supply column is required to feed bicycles. On the other
hand, they are completely tied to roads, and if the men leave
the roads to fight, they must eventually come back to the place
where they left their bicycles, which cannot be brought up to
them. Cavalry are preferable to cyclists for fighting purposes in
all country except that which is so enclosed that horses also
are almost confined to roads. And even then the roads must
be specially good for cyclists to justify themselves. On the
cobblestone roads which are so common in Flanders and northern
France, and in other parts of Europe, the pace of cyclists is,
in wet weather, reduced almost to that of a walking man. In
fact there seems to be no country except Great Britain where
they would advantageously take the place of horse soldiers for
fighting purposes. For purposes of intercommunication, how-
ever, they are extremely valuable, and the attachment of cyclists
to an infantry unit will save much expenditure of horseflesh in
any country reasonably well provided with roads. That is to
say, they can take the place of part of the divisional cavalry. As
a rule they should not be attached to the larger cavalry forma-
tions. They will often have to move by a different route to
that most suitable for cavalry, and, if marching in a column,
discomfort results from the fact that their pace is much altered
by gradients which are hardly perceived by horses; consequently
the saving of horseflesh does not compensate for the extra
trouble and complication of orders. But motor cyclists are of
incalculable value with cavalry, and will be still more when a
machine is produced which can move across country.
The modern invention which, more than anything else, limi-
ted the activities of cavalry in the World War was barbed
wire. It is doubtful whether this will be the case in the future.
Barbed-wire entanglements are an accompaniment of position
warfare; it takes much time and much man-power to erect them
and this must always be the case except in the unlikely event of
some invention arriving which will enable the soldier to pro-
duce barbed wire much in the way that the conjurer emits yards
of coloured paper from his mouth. Besides, in view of the
introduction of the tank and the development of the wire-cutting
technique of artillery it is questionable whether barbed wire
will ever again play the part which it fulfilled in 1914-17.
The developments most likely to influence the future of the
mounted arm are: (i) the tank; (2) the cross-country tractor;
(3) the aeroplane; (4) gas.
The tank is thought by some to be likely before long to oust
cavalry entirely from warfare, and the views of these persons,
though they may be extremists, are entitled to very respectful
consideration. They claim, and claim justly, that the evolution
of the tank has made very great strides since the signing of the
Armistice; and they assert that it will advance nearly as quickly
in the future, a statement which is more open to argument.
Experimenting with a new arm is a costly process, and, besides,
the tank is not a vehicle which can be "easily adapted for civil use
in times of peace. The paramount question of expense there-
fore, coupled with the absence of the stimulus of actual or
impending war, is likely to slow down the development of tanks,
as well as the provision of them in large numbers.
The latest type of tank can, it is understood, go as fast and
as far as cavalry in all but very unfavourable country; but it
may be a number of years before a machine is produced which
is capable of crossing swamps, thick woods, or rocky mountains,
and which is thoroughly satisfactory in a tropical climate. It is
true that obstacles of this kind affect cavalry also, but tracks
invariably exist by which they can surmount them, though they
may have to go in single file at a foot pace. And it would be
specially dangerous for the British army entirely to replace
cavalry by tanks, because conditions unfavourable to tanks are
precisely those with which it has most often to contend.
MOUNTED TROOPS
1009
Nor would it be safe to rely upon the vulnerability of the tank
remaining as low as at present.' The history of military inven-
tion shows us that the missile and the protection against it
alternately obtain the mastery. At present, so far as the tank
is concerned, the latter is in the ascendent, but the study of
anti-tank methods has hardly been begun. A metal machine,
which is as conspicuous as the tank, presents certain very weak
points of attack to modern science, with electricity, magnetism,
and automatic ranging at its command. It may confidently be
asserted that in the future anti-tank methods will develop more
quickly than the tank itself; but it must also be pointed out that
they have much leeway to make up.
Apart from the above question of development the tank
possesses an inherent disadvantage in that the force which it
represents is very highly concentrated. Tanks will not be able
to hold positions even if they take them. For at night or in fog
an enemy, if he chooses to attack in great superiority, will get
through any line which is not held continuously by men sta-
tioned almost at arm's length from one another. The essence
of success, for this reason, lies in the concentration of superior
man-power at the decisive point; and in the future, as in the past,
the role of all arms other than infantry and cavalry will be
the subsidiary one of facilitating that operation. In the actual
attack, too, a lucky shot, putting a tank out of action, destroys
a much larger proportion of the force than would the same shot
striking the equivalent body of cavalry, which would be dis-
persed. This disadvantage of over-concentration, aggravated
as it is by the conspicuous character of the tank, will not dis-
appear until a machine is produced which provides complete
protection for single men, and so allows of dispersion; and this
is an event which is very far distant.
Nevertheless, where an attack on trenches is concerned, and
especially on those protected by wire, the tank is immeasurably
superior to cavalry. In war it will often fall to the lot of cavalry
formations to make such an attack, and it is here that tanks
may well replace a part of the cavalry, the remainder being
employed in assailing the weaker parts of the enemy's front, in
holding the position when taken, and in rounding up fugitives,
for which again dispersion is necessary. In the World War
armoured cars were often used with success for conveying
special officers from place to place under fire, and for early-
morning reconnaissance, when it was desired simply to locate
an enemy with whom touch had been temporarily lost. In
the next war fast tanks will replace the armoured car for these
purposes. But for the more detailed reconnaissance which
usually follows, armoured cars, and tanks also, are unsuitable,
by reason of their vulnerability when stationary and the limited
range of vision which is obtainable from inside them. In the
future then, tanks will not usurp the functions of mounted
troops, but on the contrary will widen their scope by relieving
them from the necessity of attacking, or of waiting for infantry
to attack, organized positions. A force of tanks, fully as mobile
in every respect as the horse, will be attached to all higher
cavalry formations.
The influence of the second new development, the cross-
country tractor, will be wholly in favour of mounted troops.
In the past one of the chief obstacles to the employment of
cavalry has been the difficulty of supplying them, and the length
of road space which the subsidiaries, artillery, engineers, and
rearward services, take up. This probably is one of the reasons
for the German cavalry showing up so little during the retreat
from Mons, and for their not being employed at all to confirm
the success gained in March 1918, when, according to Sir Douglas
Haig, " their presence could not have failed to have added
greatly to the difficulties of our task." Cross-country tractors,
independent of roads, carrying supplies of all sorts, and perhaps
dragging the guns, will greatly enlarge the radius of action.
Of all novelties in warlike organization, the aeroplane is the
most serious rival to cavalry. It has already taken over to a
great extent the duties of reconnaissance which were formerly
performed almost exclusively by mounted troops. The service
of discovering the direction of the enemy's principal concentra-
tions, whether by road or by rail, and of reporting upon his
entrenchments, gun positions, and larger activities generally, is
now carried out from the air. This was formerly the province
of the independent cavalry, which was consequently made as
strong as possible. Now, owing to the advent of the aeroplane,
the proportion of cavalry allotted to independent work will be
relatively smaller, except in the case of a pursuit, and the bulk
of the horse soldiers will be employed on missions which are
protective in character. It must not be supposed, however,
that the service of reconnaissance can be carried out entirely
from the air. It is difficult for aeroplanes to observe lesser
details or to distinguish between friend and foe; for, if they fly
so high as to be invulnerable from the ground, they can dis-
tinguish nothing but heavy columns or clearly marked entrench-
ments and tracks; at medium heights they were, even at the
close of the late war, fairly vulnerable to anti-aircraft weapons,
which are likely to improve in efficiency in the future; and at low
altitudes again the very speed which protects them from anti-
aircraft fire militates also against accurate observation. There-
fore, for the service of reconnaissance, cavalry will still be required
to supplement aircraft reports; to provide, especially in open
warfare where clearly marked trenches do not exist, detailed
information as to the enemy's dispositions; to secure identifica-
tipns by the capture of prisoners; and, above all, to replace the
aeroplane under conditions of ground or climate which are
unfavourable to air reconnaissance. In this connexion it may
be mentioned that, during stationary warfare in the summer of
1918 in the Jordan valley, the very efficient Air Force units
attached to the Egyptian Expeditionary Force were found to be
of comparatively little value for purposes of tactical reconnais-
sance. The ground, precipitous, rocky, and very complicated,
cast deep shadows in every direction; and in the middle of the
day atmospheric conditions over the deep trough of the valley
made flying almost prohibitively dangerous.
A matter for much more serious consideration by cavalrymen
is the question of attack from the air. Towards the end of the
war in France it became clear that troops whose location is not
completely hidden are liable to be bombed at any time by day
or by night, and, further, that even a superior air force is powerless
to prevent such attacks. Much can of course be done by
attacking the enemy's aerodromes, but the great radius of action
of aircraft increases so much the value of the initiative that it is
hopeless to expect, however great the superiority, to get com-
mand of the air in the sense that it can be obtained by land or
sea. And it is next to impossible to conceal the presence of a
large number of horses. Led horses will, of course, be specially
vulnerable. Given great superiority in aircraft, it may be fea-
sible to provide protection by having some machines continually
overhead. By day this might prove adequate, though it would
entail a very great strain on the resources of the Air Force. By
night it would be of little value. The true defence against air-
craft, other than that of carrying the war into the enemy's
country and attacking his aerodromes, is from the ground; and
it must be admitted that, against an enemy with an efficient
and enterprising air force, the existence in war of mounted
troops will become precarious unless a great advance is made
in the science of anti-aircraft defence from the ground. They
must be prepared, in any case, to deliver their blow from widely
separated formations, instead of massing for attack. Means
of intercommunication must therefore be very specially studied
and developed. It should be noted that, in the case of tanks
also, the difficulty of concealment from the air will be great if
they are employed in large numbers, but here it may be possible
to devise some sort of portable and easily erected covering,
which will provide at the same time camouflage and overhead
protection. Gas attacks will be particularly dangerous to
mounted troops because, though horses are less affected by gas
than human beings, it is very much harder, if not impossible,
to devise for them an efficient protection against it. How-
ever, it is doubtful whether gas will ever become an important fac-
tor in mobile warfare; and mounted troops can move compara-
tively quickly out of a gas area.
1010
MOUNTED TROOPS
The division of mounted troops into three groups independ-
ent, protective, and corps or divisional has already been
explained. The corps or divisional group will consist, in every
suitable country, partly of cyclists and partly of mounted men;
it will have attached to it a few motor-cyclists and a few light
and very fast tanks. These latter would correspond to the
present-day armoured car but would be able to move off the
roads. They would be used principally for what may be called
first reconnaissance purposes, to save horseflesh. Owing to the
advent of the aeroplane, the independent group will be smaller,
during most of the stages of a war, than formerly was thought
likely, but mobile land forces will still be required for detailed
reconnaissances and other independent missions.
The composition of the independent and protective groups
will be governed by the same principles, since their duties are
interchangeable at any time. For both groups, a highly mobile
mixed force is required, the ingredients of which will vary in
their proportion to one another according to the characteristics
of the enemy, the nature of the theatre of war, and the climate.
In the different echelons of the ammunition, supply, and medi-
cal services the replacement should be aimed at of all horse
transport by cross-country mechanical tractors, which might
also carry drinking-water for men, if not for horses; the heavier
guns too might be drawn by mechanical means. To a division
of cavalry at least two squadrons of aeroplanes should be allotted,
one for protection against hostile aircraft, and one for cooperat-
ing in an attack and for carrying out local reconnaissances
required by the cavalry commander for his own information.
In certain conditions the use of aeroplanes for supply is most
desirable, but machines need not normally be attached to
cavalry for this purpose. For intercommunication a liberal
supply is needed of motor-cycles, capable if possible of moving
across country. Light and fast tanks will be required, in small
numbers only, for the reconnaissance purposes already indi-
cated in the case of the corps or divisional mounted troops.
Tanks, possessing heavier armour and ordnance but at least
as mobile as the cavalry, will break down lanes through the
enemy's wire entanglements and trenches, will increase his
disorganization and render him ripe for a cavalry attack, and
will crush his resistance where he is still holding out. In a word,
where cavalry formerly had to wait for the infantry to come up
and provide weight for an attack, the cooperation of tanks will
now enable them to press forward at once. Though it is
extremely dangerous to dogmatize regarding numbers, the
proportion of tanks to cavalry should, in a civilized country
against a well-organized enemy, perhaps be as much as two to
a squadron, or 54 in a division of nine regiments.
In every case the backbone of the mobile force will still con-
sist of horse soldiers, because they alone of mobile troops can
provide the dispersion which is necessary to hold a position or
to carry out certain other operations of war, such as the policing
of a country in insurrection, the pursuit of an enemy, or the
hand-to-hand conflict which is the ultimate object of all battles;
and because also, in certain conditions of climate or ground,
they alone will retain their mobility. For this latter reason
also, part of the artillery should be horse-drawn.
Future Tactics and Training. Before the World War the
principles which have already been enunciated held good in all
European armies regarding the employment of mounted troops.
It was therefore thought probable that in most cases they
would come into conflict with, and have to beat, the hostile
mounted troops, before being in a position to fulfil their role.
Further, because both sides would be anxious to waste as little
time as possible, it was considered likely that this first conflict
between the opposing cavalries would, at least as often as not,
take the form of a mounted collision. Neither of these conclu-
sions was justified by the events in the western theatre, in
Palestine or in Mesopotamia. The Turkish mounted troops
were few in number and despicable in efficiency; the Germans
in France and Belgium failed to make much use of their cavalry
even during the retreat from Mons. Consequently, so far at
least as these three campaigns are concerned, conflicts between
mounted troops were somewhat rare. And even when they did
occur no mounted collision took place, except in a few instances
when very small numbers were engaged. It is thought that, in
the future also, mounted collisions will be uncommon, and for
the following reasons. Every battle, whatever arm is taking part,
resolves itself into a series of minor engagements, in each of which
one side is on the offensive and the other on the defensive. It
never happens, in these subsidiary fights, that both sides are so
confident of victory as to attack simultaneously. Now, in the
case of mounted troops, the side which for the moment feels
itself to be inferior will of course take to the rifle. It follows
then that a mounted collision will not take place unless the
inferior side has no time to dismount, that is to say, unless it is
completely surprised. And, even if it has neglected to take any
precautions itself, it will probably get warning of the impending
charge from the protective detachments necessarily thrown out
by the other side. In recent years of peace and war the writer
knows of only one case of a mounted collision between bodies
larger than a squadron which had any semblance of reality.
This was on manoeuvres in Berkshire in 1907, when two cavalry
brigades met. On this occasion, for reasons into which it is not
necessary to enter but which would not arise in war, both sides
had almost entirely neglected to protect themselves. Patrols,
on the other hand, coming suddenly round corners or over a
rise of ground, have often met unexpectedly, and, just as in the
case of dismounted patrols at night in No Man's Land, the
ground has then remained in the possession of the side which
has most quickly made up its mind to charge with the arme
blanche. While, therefore, horse soldiers will often meet in war,
collisions on a large scale in which both sides remain mounted
will be seldom seen; but single troops or smaller patrols will
often succeed best by immediately riding down on the enemy,
and will thereby establish a moral ascendency which will be of
the utmost value in the subsequent operations.
In the training of cavalry in the past too much attention has
been paid to the mounted collision and too little to the mounted
attack of infantry or dismounted cavalry. It has been thought
apparently that the latter form of attack would be comparatively
rare, and that the machine-gun and quick-firing rifle, reinforced
by trenches and wire, would nearly always compel the attacker
to take to the rifle himself. To take this view is to assume that
cavalry will never meet an enemy who is hopelessly inferior in
numbers or spirit, or who has run short of ammunition; to
suppose that an army will on all occasions have sufficient time,
energy and material to dig trenches and erect obstacles; and to
ignore the moral effect of a cavalry charge on both the mounted
attacker and the dismounted defender. The events of the
World War have shown clearly the fallacy of such ideas. At
Cerizay, in the retreat from Mons, the British 5th Cavalry
Brigade charged some dismounted cavalry who were acting as
vanguard to a force of all arms. The advance of this force was
stopped for several hours and upwards of 300 of the enemy
were killed, wounded or captured, the British casualties being
about 40. When the Germans retired from Peronne in the
spring of 1917, three regiments of the British $th Cavalry Div.
galloped simultaneously through the villages of Villers Faucon,
Guyencourt and Saulcourt and in a few moments had captured
them at a negligible cost of life, the hostile rear-guard fleeing
on the first appearance of the cavalry. Reference has already
been made to the action of El Mughar in Palestine in 1917, in
which i ,000 prisoners were taken by the 6th Mounted Brigade
at a cost to themselves of under one hundred. In the same
theatre of war in 1918 there were numerous successful charges.
For instance, two weak squadrons of the 2nd Indian Lancers
met a Turkish battalion at Megiddo, killed 46 with the lance
and captured 470; near the Jordan two squadrons of the 29th
Indian Lancers secured 800 prisoners, with about 30 machine-
guns, in one charge; north of Damascus the 3rd Australian
Light Horse Brigade struck a retiring column in flank after
galloping six miles, and captured a divisional commander and
1,500 men. In these campaigns, which resulted in the capture
of Jerusalem and in the expulsion of the Turks from Syria, the
MOUNTED TROOPS
101 1
successes of the cavalry were in fact most of them gained by
mounted attacks against a dismounted enemy. Dismounted
attacks usually either failed or took so long to organize and
carry through that the mobility of the force was to a very large
extent nullified. The advantage of a mounted attack is so great
from the point of view of a quick decision that it would be
justified even if it were more expensive in life than a dismounted
attack. But such is not the case. The fact is that for attack
cavalry are useless, either mounted or dismounted, unless the
enemy is very much inferior or demoralized, and that wherever a
dismounted attack will succeed, a mounted attack will also get
home much more quickly and at smaller cost. The only exception
to this is in the case of ground which is impassable for horses but
passable for men on foot. The speed of the mounted charge more
than compensates for the size of the target which it presents; but
its comparatively low vulnerability, given ground in any way
suitable, is due not so much to this fact as to considerations of
moral. By the exhilaration of the gallop, and the instinctive
feeling of superiority of the mounted man over the man on his
feet, the attacker is steeled in his determination to come to close
quarters. The defender, on the other hand, already conscious
of an inferiority in numbers or moral, or both, is impressed by
the novel sight of several waves of horsemen galloping towards
him well opened out, and offering no very satisfactory target.
He exaggerates the pace at which they are approaching him
and opens fire too soon. At the very moment when they are
coming close enough to be really vulnerable, perturbed by the
small amount of impression which he has hitherto made on
them, he becomes flustered, fails to take deliberate aim, and
even forgets to alter his sights. Thus it happens that a mounted
charge often achieves the apparently impossible, by which
means the most decisive successes in war have always been won.
Shock action therefore is by no means a thing of the past,
and mounted troops must carry some arm which they can use
while still on their horses. The only sound exception to this
rule is in the case of non-regular troops, for the training of whom
in mounted action there has been insufficient time. In other
words, mounted infantry or mounted rifles should be looked
upon as imperfectly developed cavalry, to be evolved into the
fully trained article as soon as time allows of it. Now, in the
hands of an expert, the most efficient arm for mounted use is
undoubtedly the pistol; but in the hands of an insufficiently
trained man it is nearly as dangerous to friend as to foe; and
the time necessary to produce an expert, or even a safe, shot
with a pistol from the back of a horse is such as to be prohibitive,
even for regular troops. There remains the shock weapon or
arme blanche, of which the three possible forms are the sword,
the lance, and the short lance or hogspear. The sword is the
least efficient against a dismounted enemy, but its use is more
easily taught than that of the lance. The lance, both materially
and morally, has more effect than the other two, but is very
conspicuous and heavier. The hogspear is nearly as effective
against a dismounted enemy as the ordinary lance, is easily
carried, and its use soon learnt. Certain difficulties exist, how-
ever, in connexion with withdrawing it after the thrust. If
these could be got over it would be the best weapon of the three.
The principles of shock action are as follows: (i) In all cases
the maximum amount of fire support should be given by artillery
and automatic weapons. This fire, which should take the form
of a sudden burst of extreme intensity, must be continued up to
the last possible moment before the collision, and should there-
fore usually be delivered from a direction different to that of
the charge. (2) Some automatic weapons must follow close
behind the charge, to pursue by fire and consolidate the ground
gained. (3) Since disorganization is quite inevitable as the result
of a charge, a reserve must be kept in hand. (4) In the attack of
a mounted enemy, weight is the chief consideration. The charge
should therefore be delivered without a moment's hesitation,
at full speed, in serried ranks, and, if it can be done without
delay, down hill. (5) In the attack of a dismounted enemy,
moral effect and avoidance of formations vulnerable to fire
must be aimed at. Now the sight of a number of successive
lines approaching him impresses the dismounted man more than
speed or mere numbers on a broad front. The charge should
therefore be delivered in depth, well opened out, and not neces-
sarily at a very great pace. (6) Mounted men are particularly
vulnerable to enfilade or oblique fire. Consequently, while
depth is the more important consideration, the whole of the
enemy's front should be attacked, or, if that is not possible,
the heads of the defenders on the part not attacked must be
kept down by supporting fire from artillery and machine-guns.
Though a mounted is distinctly preferable to a dismounted
attack, it will often happen that the approach to the enemy lies
over ground which is impracticable to horses, or that he is
sheltering behind an impassable obstacle. Recourse must then
be had to the rifle. The typical cavalry dismounted attack
consists in utilizing the mobility of the horse to gain a position
on the enemy's flank whence he can be devastated by fire. Sur-
prise plays a very important part in such an operation. The
cavalry man, moving rapidly, can more easily achieve surprise
than the foot soldier; moreover, he can, if his attack fails, break
off and try elsewhere, an advantage which is denied to the
infantry man, with his more limited range of action. The
necessity of keeping the enemy engaged frontally while at the
same time turning his flank usually entails a wide extension of
the force; the maximum number of rifles is put in the firing line
from the outset, and small reserves only are retained. The
advance is made mounted up to the last possible moment, and
the led horses are kept well forward with a view to a further
outflanking movement or a pursuit. The immediate objective
of the operation is a fire position. For a purpose such as block-
ing the retreat of an enemy by bringing fire to bear on a defile
these tactics are eminently suitable; but it is doubtful whether
they will often be successful in other situations. In modern
warfare flanks are hard to find and are seldom left unprotected;
the operation therefore usually becomes a frontal attack. Indi-
rect artillery fire and aeroplane observation have greatly increased
the vulnerability of led horses, and in practice it usually takes
cold steel, or the threat of it, to compel the retreat or surrender
of the enemy. For the attackers to succeed mounted, consid-
erable superiority is necessary; for a dismounted attack still
greater ascendency is required.
In the World War cavalry were often unable to turn the
enemy's flank and found themselves committed to a frontal
attack dismounted. It was clear that such a situation demanded
the assumption for the moment of infantry tactics. Led horses
had to be left some way behind; dispositions had to be made
in depth with adequate supports and reserves; artillery and
machine-gun bombardments had to be arranged for and the
attack driven home with the object, not of gaining a fire position
only, but of assaulting the enemy. In the future tanks will,
when they are available, free the cavalry from carrying out
this kind of operation, for which the latter are not well suited
by reason of their small fighting strength when dismounted.
Still, tanks may not always be present or able to act, and cavalry
must know how to attack dismounted in depth.
This kind of attack is of course valueless without the bayonet,
which is also required for use defensively in trenches, and for
night attacks dismounted. 1 Cavalry may often be called upon
in the future for such tasks. It would not seem to be beyond
the limits of human ingenuity to devise a short lance, made in
two pieces, which could also be fixed to the rifle as a bayonet.
The tactics of cavalry in defence consist in making full use of
their mobility to compensate for their weakness in fire strength.
Their mobility gives them over infantry the following advan-
tages: (i) They can counter-attack more rapidly, therefore with
more chance of effecting surprise; (2) they can move more
quickly to reinforce threatened portions of the line; (3) they
can retire more easily to a second position. It follows that they
can be pushed out to a greater distance, and can hold a longer
front than the equivalent number of infantry. The value of
1 An example of the latter is the successful counter-attack made
by the British I2th Lancers, in company with two infantry battal-
ions, at Wytschaete during the first battle of Ypres.
IOI2
MOUNTED TROOPS
this is most apparent when it is remembered that the vulnerable
parts of every force are its flanks. The mobility of cavalry is
of course best brought into play in a moving defensive, that is
to say, in a rear-guard or flank-guard action. The addition in
the middle of the war of 12 automatic rifles to a regiment has
greatly increased the fire-power of the arm, but it is to be hoped
that in the future some weapon will be evolved which will be
less susceptible to inaccuracies and stoppages than the Hotch-
kiss. It is a waste to use cavalry in a continuous defensive
line if other troops are available. The proper dispositions for
a cavalry defence are: (i) a chain of localities, with gaps between
them, held principally by automatic weapons; (2) reconnais-
sances far out to the front and flanks, to give ample warning of
hostile approach; (3) a large proportion of the force in mobile
reserve; (4) careful arrangements for withdrawal to a second
position if it should become necessary. But, above all, cavalry-
men must not be afraid of a very extended line, relying upon
greater mobility and moral superiority to compensate for
numerical weakness. The soundness of this doctrine needs no
more proof than that furnished by the operations of the British
cavalry corps in the first battle of Ypres.
The principles governing the conduct of a reconnoitring
detachment will appear simple if it is remembered that the
information required is, in each locality, ultimately obtained by
one pair of eyes or one pair of ears. The r61e of the rest of the
detachment is that of a conveyance, to enable that pair of eyes
or ears to arrive at a place whence it can see or hear, and to
allow of the news being sent quickly back to the commander.
A reconnoitring detachment, then, fights only in order to arrive
at its destination or to keep a road open for messages going
back. Its strength is regulated by the amount of opposition
which is anticipated, and by the number of messengers which
will be required. Sometimes it will act by stealth, when its
strength will be reduced to a minimum. More often, however,
even if it may be possible to get forward without opposition,
the difficulty of maintaining a channel of communication will
enforce a fighting role on a reconnaissance; and, as the result of
recent experience, cavalry opinion has veered very decidedly
towards strong detachments, not less than a troop, and often
as much as a squadron or more. It should here be mentioned
that since the commander of the force alone knows how much
importance he attaches to obtaining information, he, and not a
subordinate, should decide upon the strength of a reconnoitring
detachment. In principle, the order " Send out a patrol"
should always be followed by a statement of the strength, and
this should be insisted upon in all tactical exercises.
The advance of a reconnoitring detachment, like that of all
other cavalry bodies of every size, is conducted on the principle
of successive objectives, or bounds. This principle, which
seemed before the war to appertain exclusively to cavalry, has
now been adopted by infantry also; but, on account of the
difficulty of maintaining control with fast-moving troops, it is
particularly important that it should be thoroughly well under-
stood by cavalry. The idea underlying the principle is that of
getting as quickly as possible through specially dangerous
areas. A series of objectives is chosen, the occupation of which
by the enemy might cause inconvenience; such objectives may
be a position covering a defile, a village, a cross-road in enclosed
country, a simple eminence giving a good field of view, or some
other feature of tactical importance. The distance between them
varies according to the size of the force; for instance, a squadron
acting as vanguard would be given objectives intermediate to
those thought necessary for the brigade following as main body.
The main body does not leave one objective till the advanced
guard has reached the next; the advanced guard does not move
on till the main body is close up to it, but meanwhile prepares
the advance to its next objective by sending forward reconnnais-
sances. The movement resembles in fact that of a caterpillar.
This principle has very great advantages, though it tends to
some extent to retard movement. In addition to providing
security for the main body, it gives to the commander of the
advanced guard a definite tactical feature for which to fight
should he meet the enemy unexpectedly, and so helps 'him to
make up a plan. Also, in the case of two parallel moving bodies,
it ensures the heads keeping more or less level with one another.
The commander of a reconnoitring detachment is given his
orders in the form of instructions, the framing of which is an
important matter. Once despatched, he will have to act wholly
on his own initiative; it will not be possible to overtake him to
give him supplementary instructions, and he will often be faced
with situations entirely unforeseen. He must therefore be given
full information respecting the situation at the moment and the
intentions of the commander. It is a truism, but one which is
often overlooked, that, in order to get definite answers, one
must ask definite questions. Instructions such as " to make
good " a certain locality, " to work round," or " to clear up the
situation " will result in undecided action and vague infor-
mation. If negative information is required, the places from
which or times at which it is to be sent in should be stated.
The reconnaissance commander must know how long he is
likely to have to stay out and how far he is to go, whether he
is or is not to remain in observation when the enemy is met
with, and what he is to do in the event of his reaching his
farthest objective without meeting the enemy. These two lat-
ter points particularly are often omitted.
Not only reconnaissances, but all other cavalry detachments
also, go out to greater distances and are left more to their own
resources than is the case in the infantry. For them also, there-
fore, clear and far-seeing orders are essential if they are to per-
form their task satisfactorily. And besides this there are certain
other matters of staff work which require special attention in
cavalry formations. For instance, arrangements for even a
simple march have to be particularly carefully thought out by
reason of the fact that the mounted men can move slightly
faster than the light transport of the formation, and very much
faster than the heavy transport; motors, too, complicate the
problem. The question has always to be decided: Should
the transport move with brigades or what is called divisional-
ized? If the latter, how is it to be assembled before and dis-
persed after the march? Should.it move off first, allowing the
mounted men to overtake and pass it, or last, which usually
entails a very late arrival at the destination? In infantry
formations the fighting troops and the transport move at the
same pace, so that comparatively little difficulty arises. Again,
horses have to be fed and watered, and should be offsaddled
whenever possible; consequently, unless horsemastership con-
siderations are overruled and the formation is kept in a state of
instant readiness, cavalry take longer to get on the move than
infantry. This drawback can be minimized by enacting that a
portion of the force must be prepared to move off instantly and
that the rest must be at some particular length of notice. Much
can also be done, on occasion, by issuing warning orders, with
the object of shortening the length of the orders to move when
the time comes to write them. In the future, too, the cooperation
of the component parts of the mobile mixed force will require
staff work of a very high order.
Lastly, the most brilliant conception of a r&le, the highest
degree of tactical skill, the most unerring staff work none of
these will suffice unless the leader has the requisite personality.
It is rare indeed that such a personality is found, and the fail-
ures of cavalry in the past can be traced more often to the short-
comings of the commander than to any lack of efficiency else-
where, or to conditions of ground and armament. It is essential,
if the formation is to retain its dash, that the commander should
be entirely confident of the r&le of cavalry. Now, during periods
of stationary warfare, entailing inactivity for the mounted
troops, it requires a character of exceptional firmness to retain
that confidence to the fullest possible extent. But the principal
stumbling-block consists in the facts that a cavalry detachment
once sent out can be recalled with difficulty only, and that a
mounted attack once launched cannot be recalled at all. Evi-
dently mistakes must often be made, and the strength of the
enemy sometimes underestimated. The cavalry leader will fail
if he ponders too much on contingencies; he will not succeed
MOUNT STEPHEN MUNITIONS OF WAR
1013
unless to the confidence engendered by knowledge he joins an
instinctive appreciation of the situation. It is the possession of
this last faculty which has distinguished all great cavalry leaders.
It is a plant which is indigenous to a certain soil only, and the
components of that soil are knowledge, confidence and dash.
(R. G. H.-V.)
MOUNT STEPHEN, GEORGE STEPHEN, IST BARON (1829-
1921), Canadian financier (see 18.942), died at Brocket Hall,
Hatfield, Herts, Nov. 29 1921.
MOVING OR MOTION PICTURES: see CINEMATOGRAPH.
MUIR, JOHN (1838-1914), American naturalist and writer,
was born at Dunbar, Scotland, April 21 1838. When he was n
years old his father moved to America and settled as a pioneer
farmer in Wisconsin. Here the boy grew up taking an active
part in clearing his father's land. When 22 years old he entered
the university of Wisconsin, where he supported himself by
teaching and working on farms during vacation. After finishing
his course he began his wanderings on foot which carried him
through many states. Later he crossed to Cuba, and thence to
Panama and up the Pacific coast to California. In 1868 he first
entered the Yosemite Valley which for many years after formed
the base of his continued expeditions. In 1876 he joined the
U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey and three years later made
his first visit to Alaska where he discovered the glacier that now
bears his name. He was specially interested in glaciation and
in the Sierra discovered numerous residual glaciers. In 1881 he
took part in the expedition in search of the " Jeanette " and the
De Long party in the Arctic region. He was an early advocate of
national parks, and it was largely due to his efforts that the
Yosemite Park was set aside in 1890. In 1903 he set out on a
tour covering the Caucasus, Siberia, Manchuria, Japan, India,
Australia and New Zealand; in 1911 he went to S. America to
explore the Amazon; and in 1912 he visited Africa. He died at
Los Angeles, Cai., Dec. 24 1914.
He published The Mountains of California (1894); Our National
'Parks (1901) ; Stickeen (1909, the story of a dog) ; My First Summer
in the Sierra (1911); The Yosemite (1912) and The Story of My
Boyhood and Youth (1913). In 1888 he edited Picturesque California.
The following appeared posthumously: Unpublished Prose and
Letters (1915); Travels in Alaska (1915); Letters to a Friend (1915);
A Thousand-Mile Walk to the Gulf (1916); The Cruise of the Corwin
(1917) and Steep Trails (1918).
See also The Writings of John Muir (1916), 6 vols., edited by
William Frederic Bade.
MUIRHEAD, ALEXANDER (1848-1920), British physicist,
was born at Salton, E. Lothian, May 26 1848 and was educated
at University College school, London, passing on to University
College, whence he subsequently graduated B.Sc. with honours
in chemistry in 1868-9, but before doing so he entered his father's
works and there invented a method of testing condensers, after-
wards widely accepted. In 1870 he became a fellow of the
Chemical Society, and in 1872 graduated D.Sc. of London in
electrical science. He was an original member of the Physical
Society of London (1874) and a member of the Societe Francaise
Physique. In 1875 he invented the duplex plan for working
Atlantic cables described in 26.518. His siphon recorder (see
26.523) is now in general use. Attendance at a lecture on
Hertzian waves given by Sir Oliver Lodge at the Royal Institu-
tion in 1894 resulted in the Lodge-Muirhead syntonic system
(see 26.538), which anticipated Marconi. The original idea was
Lodge's but Muirhead supplied the practical science required to
work it out. He started cable works of his own at Elmer's End,
Kent, in 1896, and gave valuable evidence before the commission
appointed to inquire into the possibility of laying a Pacific
cable. He was elected a fellow of the Royal Society in 1904 and
died at Shortlands, Kent, Dec. 13 1920.
MULLER, HERMANN (1876- ), German Socialist leader,
was born May 18 1876 at Mannheim. From 1899 to 1906 he
was editor of the Socialist newspaper, the Gorlitzer V olkszeitung,
and from 1906 onwards was a member of the directing board of
the German Social Democratic party. From 1916 to 1918 he
was a member of the Reichstag. On Aug. i 1914 he went to
Paris on a desperate mission with the object of finding out
whether international action by the Socialists of France and
Germany could be initiated in order to avert the World War.
His mission was unsuccessful, and he had great difficulty in
making his way back to Germany through the French lines.
His report of his mission did much to determine the attitude
of the German Social Democrats in voting in the Reichstag for
the first war credit. On June 21 1919 he was appointed Minister
of the Reich for Foreign Affairs under the chancellorship of
Gustav Bauer and in this capacity went to Versailles and with
the Colonial Minister, Bell, signed the Peace Treaty for Germany
on June 29 1919. After the resignation of the Bauer Ministry,
which followed upon the Kapp coup d'etat (March 1920),
Miiller was appointed Chancellor of the Reich, an office which
he held till the following June, when the result of the general
elections for the Reichstag necessitated the formation of a
Coalition Ministry with Fehrenbach of the Catholic Centre
party as Chancellor. Thereafter Miiller continued to play a
leading part in the affairs of the Social Democratic party.
MUN, ADRIEN ALBERT MARIE DE, COUNT (1841-1914),
French politician (see 19.1), was an energetic advocate of the
Three Years Service law of 1913, and his support of the Barthou
Ministry during the passage of this measure was very valuable.
He published various pamphlets and volumes of speeches, the
last being La Guerre de 1914. He died at Bordeaux Oct. 6 1914.
MUNITIONS OF WAR. Under this heading, while it would
be impracticable to refer to what was done by all the belligerent
countries, the organization of the production of munitions
during the World War by the United Kingdom and in the United
States, on the one hand, and by the Central Powers on the other,
is dealt with. Its history in the United Kingdom is told first.
I. UNITED KINGDOM
The Problem. When the British army of six divisions took the
field in 1914 it possessed about 900 field guns, less than 200 field
howitzers, about 60 heavier weapons of 6-in. and upwards and
perhaps about 200 obsolescent types, such as the 4'7-in.and the
85-pdr. howitzer, a reserve of ammunition of less than a million
rounds weighing some 20,000 tons, and less than 2,000 machine-
guns. By the end of 1918, the army had received 10,000 field
guns, 6,000 other light guns, over 3,000 field howitzers and 7,500
heavier guns and howitzers; 217 million rounds of artillery
ammunition weighing 55 million tons and nearly 225,000 ma-
chine-guns.
The revolution in the material means of waging war was one
which none of the belligerents entirely foresaw. It is true that
the German and, to a less extent, the French army had munition
reserves on a vastly greater scale than the British; but Germany
counted upon a short war, and as she had not made adequate
preparation for a continuous industrial effort, her armies were
strictly rationed in 1915 while her resources were being mo-
bilized. France was quick to appreciate the significance of the
bombardments of the early battles, and in Oct. 1914. set ma-
chinery in motion for organizing her industrial resources under
the direction of M. Thomas, who was appointed Under-Secre-
tary for War in charge of munitions. For this task France had
available a large number of expert officers who had passed
through the arsenals, and these were placed in charge of districts
in which they combined inspection with control of supplies.
Great Britain, on the other hand, was for various reasons
slower to realize the change that had occurred, and in any case
had a much smaller trained personnel and equipment for pro-
ducing land munitions than the continental Powers. The Royal
Ordnance Factories were, of course, at once set to work at full-
est pressure and in October very large orders were placed with
the armament firms who were given very wide instructions to
expand their production. Mr. Ernest Moir was also sent to
France to report on the schemes of the French Government.
But time was needed to enable the situation to be seen in
true perspective, for Great Britain was faced not merely with
the task of providing a new and unprecedented scale of equip-
ment, but also with the need of enlarging the expeditionary
force into a continental army. On this last point opinion was
slowly changing during the winter of 1914, but even in the
MUNITIONS OF WAR
spring of 1915 a large section of instructed opinion still urged that
Britain's best contribution to the Allied cause was to con-
serve her economic strength and carry on " business as usual."
In this environment the authorities at the War Office, many
of whose most experienced personnel had been sent to the front,
and who were overburdened by the colossal problem of keep-
ing the army supplied with its most urgent daily necessities,
failed to appreciate fully the change needed in the standard
of equipment and the sweeping character of the plans that
would have to be made for dealing with it. At the outbreak of
war, for example, the standard of machine-guns was 2 per bat-
talion and it was not until the spring of 1915 that this was
raised to 8 per battalion. At the end of the war the standard
worked out at 48 per battalion. As regards ammunition a
small increase in the number of rounds per gun per day on
which the programme of field-gun ammunition was based was
made before Christmas 1914; by the early summer of 1915 the
basis was raised to 25 rounds per gun per day for field guns and
in Sept. 1916 to 50 rounds per gun per day. One reason for
this moderation was that in the early months of the war the
officers in the War Office who framed the munition programme
constantly had in mind the limited capacity of the country for
producing munitions, and it was not until the middle of 1915
that this consideration was abandoned.
War Office Policy. This point of view led to a conserva-
tive attitude in the placing of contracts. With its staff both at
headquarters and in the inspection departments seriously de-
pleted, the War Office not unnaturally clung to old and tried
sources of supply and limited its orders during 191410 Govern-
ment factories and the armament firms. It relied for increased
supplies on extensions to the Royal Ordnance Factories and at
the works of Messrs. Vickers and Armstrong's (for ammunition
and other munitions), Coventry Ordnance Works (chiefly for
field guns and howitzers) and the Birmingham Small Arms Com-
pany (for machine-guns), leaving it to the armament firms to
obtain any further increase from the engineering resources of the
country by placing their own sub-contracts. The immediate
result was a big demand for labour from these armament firms,
and while this was at first forthcoming, the continued absorp-
tion into the army soon made the position difficult. At the
request of the War Office, therefore, the Labour Department
of the Board of Trade carried out a brisk campaign in Jan. 1915
for the recruiting of labour for these firms. This canvass pro-
duced only small results. It brought to light, however, the
strong objection of the ordinary engineering firm against per-
mitting their most essential men to be passed on to the arma-
ment firms and the demand that contracts should be more
widely distributed.
This claim was constantly pressed by the Board of Trade;
but during the spring of 1915 the War Office adhered to the
policy of dealing only with the armament firms, and continually
pressed for labour to be supplied to them. In March, however,
the War Office permitted an exhibition of samples of munitions
to be held at the central offices of the labour exchanges in the
main towns of the country, and as a result a few small con-
tracts were placed with individual firms.
Armaments and Treasury Committees. The nation was, how-
ever, rapidly realizing the need for more drastic treatment of
the problem, and at the end of March Lord Kitchener appointed
an " Armaments Output Committee " in the War Office under
the chairmanship of Mr. George Booth, a shipowner and banker.
A week later the Government appointed a committee under the
chairmanship of Mr. Lloyd George krfown as the " Treasury
Committee " to take charge of munition policy. The " Arma-
ments Output Committee " at the War Office at once became in
effect the executive instrument of the Treasury Committee, and
one of its first actions was the securing of an order for the
Leicester cooperative group. During the months of April and
May the Armaments Committee, on which Sir Percy Girouard
(a director of Armstrong's) had now joined Mr. Booth, brought
into existence several local committees to produce munitions in
some cases by cooperative effort and in others to institute
national factories to which the various firms would contribute
machinery and labour. At first an effort was made to maintain
the predominance of the armament firms in certain areas by
giving them within these districts a first call on the available engi-
neering labour. Another plan was for the armament firms to
" mother " the new contractors and exercise a general super-
vision over the work of a district. But after much discussion
all restrictions in favour of the armament firms were definitely
broken down, and by the time the Ministry of Munitions was
formed it had become evident that the list of direct contractors
must be enormously increased. Following the lead of Woolwich
the armament firms thereupon threw open their doors to vis-
iting parties of engineers to learn and study the method of
shell, fuze and other armament production.
But while orders could be and indeed had been placed on
a large scale, deliveries were not forthcoming. The Armaments
Committee endeavoured to deal with some of the difficulties
by setting up a machine-tool department in the charge of Sir
Alfred Herbert, who at once issued instructions to machine-
tool makers to give priority to orders in hand for the British
Government or for armament contractors. A raw materials
section, which was placed in May under the charge of Mr.
Leonard Llewellyn, also began an inquiry into the situation as
regards copper, brass, aluminium, lead, antimony and spelter.
Labour. A still greater difficulty was labour. For several
months the Board of Trade had been making great efforts to
deal with the labour situation, and in particular to check the
recruiting of skilled engineers, both from armament and other
engineering works. Lord Kitchener's view on this matter was
that any man who wished to enlist should be permitted to do so,
and it was not until March 1915 that he accepted the principle
that it might be of greater national advantage to retain a
skilled munition worker at his occupation in the workshop than to
allow him to join the army. A beginning was made in April
1915 by scheduling certain occupations in respect of which the
recruiting officers were to discourage enlistment, and by is-
suing badges to men in armament firms to save them from the
pressure of public opinion, which at this time was being exerted
very forcibly on able-bodied men to join the army.
But the labour shortage in the spring of 1915 was approached
not only from the point of view of numbers of skilled men in em-
ployment. Attempts were also made to increase production by
diminishing lost time, suspending such trade-union rules as re-
stricted output, and admitting semi-skilled, unskilled or female
labour to do part of the work hitherto done by skilled men.
Up to Christmas 1914 negotiations on these points took place
between the shipbuilding and engineering employers and em-
ployed, but without result. In Jan. and Feb. 1915 a sudden
rise in prices and acute competition for labour between the
various Government contractors produced considerable migra-
tion of labour and a general state of unrest, which found ex-
pression in a series of strikes. On March 15 the engineering work-
people agreed with the employers that, to a limited extent and
as experience proved necessary, semi-skilled or female labour
might be substituted for skilled labour subject to certain con-
ditions, of which the most important was that the substituted
workpeople should be paid the district rate of the men replaced.
These relaxations were to be withdrawn at the end of the war.
This, however, hardly went far enough, and, as the result
of a series of conferences held between March 17 and March 27,
the trade-union leaders signed the Treasury Agreement, under
which they undertook to recommend their constituents to sus-
pend restrictive practices for the period of the war in return for
an undertaking that the Government would see that the profit
resulting from these suspensions did not go to private employers.
This agreement coincided with the passing of a Defence of the
Realm Act which authorized the Government to " take over "
firms engaged on munition work. It was at first intended that
this should involve the actual control of the four big armament
firms in the same way that the Government had " taken over "
the railways. But after negotiations with these firms the idea
of handing over their management to an executive committee
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1015
was abandoned, and the limitation of profits retained as the only
substantial element in " taking over." On the other hand, it
was increasingly evident that the same rule would have to apply
to a far wider field than the four big armament firms. Hence
the agreement was not at this time carried into effect, since the
trade-union leaders found it difficult to carry out their part of
the bargain in practice, while the negotiations with the firms
dragged on until the Ministry of Munitions came into existence.
The labour situation was complicated during this period by the
efforts of various employers to entice away the skilled labour of
their competitors, and considerable loss of output was suffered
by the migration of labour.
Foreign Orders. -At a very early stage the inability of con-
tractors to guarantee prompt delivery led to the placing of orders
in America and Canada. These orders, though not very large
in amount compared with subsequent purchases, had one im-
portant result in the conclusion of a commercial agency agree-
ment between the British Government and Messrs. J. P. Morgan
& Co. of New York, who were made solely responsible for the
purchase of British munitions in the United States. Orders
had been placed by the War Office for 4'7-in. shell and for nitro-
cellulose powder as early as Oct. 1914, followed in November
by orders for rifles, metals and explosives. By the end of the
year not only Great Britain but the Allies and the armament
firms in all Allied countries were negotiating for munitions, ma-
terials or machinery, with the result that considerable confu-
sion and competition existed. Hence, in Jan. 1915, an agreement
was arrived at under which Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co. were made
sole purchasing agents for the British Government on the basis
of a commission of i % on all purchases made. At this time the
War Office anticipated that the value of these contracts would
not exceed 10 millions sterling, but by the middle of the year it
was, in fact, approaching 100 millions and by the end of the
year was over 200 millions. The large commission payable on
these orders subsequently gave rise to some criticism; but Messrs.
Morgan had in effect to create a munitions department to deal
with this immense volume of business without the powers which
the War Office and subsequently the Ministry of Munitions ex-
ercised in Great Britain. This organization was placed in charge
of Mr. E. R. Stettinius of the Diamond Match Company, and
the efficiency of its service and the enterprise shown by the com-
mercial agents in protecting the interests of the British and
subsequently of the Allied Governments proved of immense serv-
ice to the Allied cause. The arrangement continued until shortly
after America came into the war, when other machinery was
needed for obtaining supplies owing to the institution of far-
reaching control by the American Government.
Rifles. During these early months public attention was
mainly devoted to the question of ammunition. But in fact an
even more urgent problem was that of rifles, the manufacture
of which requires not only very specialized machinery, but
also demands labour of special experience which could only be
slowly increased. On the other hand, the number of rifles re-
quired for training and equipping a rapidly growing army as well
as for replacing wastage in the field was far in excess of the stock
in the country. For training purposes old-pattern rifles were
repaired and resighted and a considerable number of rifles bor-
rowed from Japan. But the date at which the new armies took
the field was largely governed during the first twelve months
of the war by the slow but steady increase in the output of
service rifles, most of which were supplied by the Goyernmcnt
arsenal at Enficld. Early in 191 5 the War Office became seriously
disturbed at the slow rate of increase in production, and finally
orders for a million rifles of a slightly modified Enfield pattern
were placed early in April 1915 in America with the Remington
Co. which had already been given a large order for rifles of Russian
pattern. This order was subsequently increased and additional
orders placed, but though delivery was originally promised for
the autumn of 1915, the rifles were not in fact available before
the summer of 1916 and on arrival were found to need ad-
justment before they could be issued for service. As the cum-
ulative output of Enfield and of the private firms in Great
Britain had by that time overtaken requirements and the wast-
age in trench warfare had proved less than was feared, none of
these American rifles were ever actually sent into the field with
the British army. The effect of these orders was, however,
that when America- came into the war she had available two
or three of the largest and most modern rifle plants in the
world, which had just come into full production.
Situation in May 1915. By May 1915 it was still uncertain
how large a force Great Britain would endeavour to put into
the field, and the War Office was still far from realizing the
great increase that must be made in the standard of equipment.
Substantial orders had been placed at home and abroad; and at
home, as a result mainly of civilian pressure, a beginning was being
made to place these contracts outside the range of the armament
firms. It was, however, fast becoming clear that no contractor
would, without assistance, be able to steer through the rising
confusion of economic disturbance, and that the Government
would have to assist contractors with both plant and material.
But the War Office had neither the staff nor the experience to
institute effective statistical or technical control over so large a
commercial business. A treaty had been made with the labour
leaders to abolish restrictive practices and to permit the employ-
ment of female and unskilled labour, but the arrangement was
not being carried out in the shops. Hence the enormous orders
which had been given to the armament firms were not being
fulfilled, and subsequent events proved that if the goods had
been delivered the inspection, storage, and transit organizations
would have been unable to cope with them.
The Ministry of Munitions. The Ministry of Munitions was
an inevitable consequence of the failure of contractors and sub-
contractors to cope with this economic situation, and of the fact
that the War Office had not the technical resources, even if it
had the will, to create the organization needed for handling so
complex and so rapidly changing a problem. It was stated
on May 14 by the military correspondent of The Times (ap-
proved by G.H.Q., France) that "we had not sufficient high
explosive to level the enemy's parapets to the ground after the
French practice." It may be noted in passing that, although
this comment refers only to H.E., there were two aspects to
the problem, namely (i) inadequacy of ammunition as a whole,
and (2) the proportion of shrapnel and H.E. respectively to be
supplied for field artillery. On the latter question British tradi-
tion had always favoured shrapnel, whereas French practice was
to use practically all H.E., with their famous 75-mm. field gun.
Experience eventually proved that i8-pdr. H.E. shell, which
contained only 13 oz. of H.E., was of little use for destroying
deep entrenchments, and it was ultimately limited to use against
personnel, against surface works and for wire-cutting.
On the British front the last of these tasks continued mainly to
be done by means of shrapnel. Hence, in spite of the fact that,
when the initial difficulties had been overcome, the H.E. 18-
pdr. shell was easier to manufacture in quantity than shrap-
nel, the British army in France throughout the war fired only
40 million rounds of H.E. compared with 60 million rounds of
shrapnel (of which less than 3 million were fired up to the end
of 1915)- The event in fact proved that the more fundamental
deficiency was in heavy artillery firing H.E. shell of large calibre
the standard types of which were ultimately the 6o-pdr. shell
containing rather more than 6 Ib. H.E., the 6-in. howitzer shell
weighing 100 Ib. and containing 12^ Ib. of H.E., the 8-in. how-
itzer shell weighing 200 Ib. and containing 20 Ib. H.E., the g-z-in.
howitzer shell weighing 290 Ib. and containing 34 to 52 Ib. H.E.,
and the i2-in. howitzer shell weighing 750 Ib. and containing
66 to 105 Ib. H.E. In this respect G.H.Q., equally with the
authorities at home, were open to the criticism of being slow to
see future developments, since at this time they had not put
forward any large demand for heavy artillery.
The Times article, backed by the authority of the army in
the field, confirmed the growing fear that the British troops
were inadequately supplied with ammunition compared with
the enemy or even with the Allies. The political crisis which
ensued brought the Ministry of Munitions into being, with
ioi6
MUNITIONS OF WAR
Mr. Lloyd George at its head, and the members and staff of
the Armaments Output Committee and of the Treasury Com-
mittee as the nucleus of its personnel.
The first year of the Ministry of Munitions was the creative
period not only as regards the internal structure of the Ministry
itself, but also in regard to its main duties. It was a period in
which army demands were defined, manufacturing programmes
laid down, methods of dealing with labour formulated and put
into effect, large numbers of specialized factories designed for
mass production constructed, and devices evolved for exercising
control over the industrial life of the country.
The Ministry of Munitions Act, which received the Royal
assent on June 9 1915, did little more than create the post
of Minister of Munitions. The definition of his functions was
left to be fixed by Orders in Council. The Act was therefore
followed a week later by an order transferring to the Minister of
Munitions the main functions of the Master-General of the
Ordnance in relation to contracts and the supply of munitions
(including explosives) and the inspection of munitions. The
Minister of Munitions was given concurrent power with the
War Office under the Defence of the Realm Act which gave
authority to take over and regulate the work of any factory.
The Minister was also given a general duty to " examine into
and organize the sources of supply and the labour available
for the supply of any kind of munitions of war, the supply of
which is in whole or in part undertaken by him, and by that
means, as far as possible, to ensure such supply of munitions
for the present war as may be required by the Army Council
or the Admiralty or may otherwise be found necessary."
In the first instance the War Office retained the control of
the ordnance factory at Woolwich, the small-arms factory at
Enfield, and the Waltham powder factory, and also the right to
lay down the standards of inspection to be observed by the
inspectors in the factories. Provision was made, however, for
the transfer of these or any other functions in the future as might
be agreed upon between the Minister of Munitions and the
Secretary of State for War or the head of any other interested
department, such as the Admiralty.
The ordnance factory at this time and for many months to come
was doing the lion's share in supplying the army with munitions,
not only because of the volume of its output but even more
because its large supply of skilled labour, its staff of technical
officers, and the fact that it had drawings and specifications
available of all stores in army service, made it the only means
of supplying the sudden and often small demands which the
inadequate and miscellaneous character of the equipment in the
field made inevitable. The War Office was therefore unwilling
to hand over so vital an institution until the new organization
had got on its feet. The transfer was, however, made in Sept. 1915.
Internal Organization. From the outset the work of the
Ministry fell into two main sections: that concerned with the
supply of munitions and all that this involved in technical
assistance to contractors, supervision of inspection, stores, trans-
port, control of materials and regulation of non-munition work;
and, on the other hand, the regulation and control of muni-
tion labour. These two functions divided the Ministry into two
divisions which were housed in separate buildings and developed
along divergent lines of organization. The labour section of the
Ministry, staffed largely by personnel drawn from the Labour
Exchanges Branch of the Board of Trade, developed its organiza-
tion on civil-service principles, the heads of departments report-
ing to the Minister through the general secretary of the Ministry,
Sir Hubert Llewellyn Smith. The business men, on the other
hand, who were called in as heads of the supply departments, had
a profound distrust of orthodox Government methods and
demanded the right of direct access to the Minister. A brief
controversy on this point between the general secretary and
the director-general of munition supply (Sir Percy Girouard)
ended in the latter's victory. This was perhaps justified by the
imperative necessity for prompt action; and as Mr. Lloyd George
encouraged the heads of departments to act upon their own
responsibility on the basis of general instructions, it enabled a
large number of activities to be pressed forward at the same time.
It had the effect, however, of making the general secretary
practically head of the labour sections only of the Minis-
try; and moreover, as the right of access was secured not only
by Sir Percy Girouard (who was succeeded in August by Sir
Frederick Black), but also by the deputy directors Mr. Glynn
West (in charge of ammunition), Mr. Booth (establishment,
foreign orders, etc.), Mr. Eric Geddes (small arms), Mr. C. E.
Ellis (guns) and by the heads of the departments of explosives
(Lord Moulton) and trench warfare (Gen. Louis Jackson, and
Mr. Alexander Roger), and as the number claiming this privilege
continued to increase, it gave rise to difficulty in coordinating
the work of the various sections. Within the first few weeks,
these various heads of departments went to the corresponding
sections of the War Office, discussed requirements and gave
instructions to the contracts department or placed their own
contracts, without reference to the programme of the depart-
ment as a whole. This difficulty was overcome by setting up a
" Requirements and Statistics " department, whose primary
duty was to be the sole official channel of communication
between the Ministry of Munitions and the War Office on
all questions relating to supply. Informal discussion was en-
couraged, but the various departments were authorized to act
only on the formal demand from this new department. Since
this department had passing through its hands the programme
as a whole, it was also given the duty of compiling the statis-
tics of the Ministry and receiving weekly progress reports from
the supply departments.
The diversity of experience in organization among the busi-
ness men also led to confusion in the mechanical arrange-
ments for distribution and registration of papers, and it was
some months before the newcomers grasped the essential dif-
ference between acting as head of a section of a large public
service which is a part of a still greater whole and acting as head
of a private business. These defects, which arose from the
very qualities which enabled the Ministry successfully to set
rapidly in motion and ultimately to control the immense in-
dustrial reserves of the country, finally induced Mr. Lloyd
George in March 1916 to change his headquarters from the
labour department to the main supply department. In March
1916, Mr. E. B. Phipps was transferred from the Board of
Education as second general secretary to take charge of the
mechanical organization of the supply departments.
Munitions of War Act. The first task of Mr. Lloyd George
was to make the country realize that the munition effort must
be second only in importance to the work of the army in the
field, and must override all such ideas, for instance, as of the
importance on economic grounds of maintaining the export trade.
Hence during June he undertook a campaign of speeches in the
chief industrial centres to prepare the minds of both employers
and workpeople for the very great restrictions imposed by the
Munitions of War Act.
The chief provisions of this Act (July 2 1915), which brought
to a head the developments in the labour situation seen during
the first year of the war, may be summarized as follows:
arbitration in disputes as to wages, hours and conditions of
service made compulsory; strikes and lockouts prohibited;
Minister authorized to declare factories " Controlled Establish-
ments"; profits of these establishments limited by means of a
tax known as the " Munitions Levy"; no wage changes to be
made in controlled establishments without consent of Ministry;
migration of labour prevented by provision that a controlled
establishment must not engage a man unless he held a " leaving
certificate" from previous employer; Minister authorized to
demand statistical returns; Minister given authority to issue
badges which protected men from pressure to join the army
and to suppress illicit badges; Minister authorized to create
corps of war munition volunteers available for transfer at his
discretion; Minister authorized to demand removal of labour
from non-munition work. The administration of the labour
sections of the Act was placed in the hands of " Munitions
Tribunals " set up in all industrial centres. The Act had con-
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1017
siderable success in stabilizing labour conditions, and brought
to an end the period of unrest.
Almost immediately the Act was passed a strike occurred in
the South Wales mines, and it required a personal visit of the
Minister to persuade the men to return. But this was the last
serious outbreak for a very considerable period.
In regard to female labour and the abandonment of union
rules, the objections of the ordinary trade unionist to permit-
ting unskilled labour to do work previously regarded as skilled
had been steadily weakening as the shortage of labour became
more acute, and as experience of making shells and fuzes on repe-
tition methods spread through the country it became more ob-
vious that the work was unskilled. Finally the disinclination to
surrender pre-war practices had largely arisen from the fact
that it was impossible to prevent the changes spreading to private
work, and in any case it was extremely difficult to distin-
guish between Government and private work; but as the
year proceeded private work fell more and more into the back-
ground. Prejudice on the part both of employers and work-
people against the employment of women in engineering work
had still to be overcome. The men's opposition to the women
was considerably appeased by the decision that women doing
skilled or semi-skilled work should be paid the same rate as
the men displaced, while the fixing of a minimum wage for un-
skilled female labour of r a week tended to raise the level of
women's wages in general and minimize the possibility of
men's wages being prejudiced. A department was started to
encourage welfare work in the factories, and in many congested
districts housing and hostel schemes were initiated. From the
passing of the Act the employment of women on munition
work increased continuously until the end of the war. In the
succeeding six months, the " badging " system of the Minis-
try (see LABOUR SUPPLY AND REGULATION) caused a decided
check to recruiting from the engineering factories. Indeed,
at a later stage it appeared that badges had been given rather
too freely, and many badged men were ultimately released
for service. The plan of mobilizing a corps of war munition
volunteers met with only a qualified success at this period,
and a great difficulty was experienced in obtaining the release
of men from the army. This problem was somewhat simpli-
fied after the introduction of compulsory military service.
The " Munitions Levy " was ultimately succeeded by the
general Excess Profits Duty, leviable on all firms in the country,
and the assessment passed from the Ministry into the hands of
the Board of Inland Revenue. This Act, which created the
powers exercised by the labour section of the Ministry of Mu-
nitions, involved a very extensive interference by Government
with the liberty of the individual worker, and was the more
remarkable since at this date the army was still dependent
upon voluntary enlistment. Its passage was only made possible
by the clauses limiting private profit on munition work.
The Production Programme. Early steps were taken to
ascertain the general requirements of the War Office. But the
Minister, in view of the circumstances of his appointment,
considered himself in no way bound by these demands, and held
that he was free to place such orders as would ensure an enormous
increase in the munition-making capacity of the country and
also to look very far ahead in placing orders abroad.
Guns. The most notable action of Mr. Lloyd George in this
respect was in the matter of heavy artillery. In June 1915 a con-
ference on munitions was held at Boulogne, at which French ex-
perts strongly urged the necessity of increasing enormously the
proportion of heavy artillery per division. Field artillery had
practically no effect on deep trenches, and as the whole front had
become a vast entrenchment it was necessary to contemplate having
in the field as many heavy guns as field guns. Following upon this
conference, Sir John French put forward a demand to the War Office
to provide for each division and army corps a definite establishment
of heavy guns and howitzers 6 in. and upwards. This standard was
worked out on the basis of 50 divisions and put forward as a definite
demand. In view, however, of responsibilities in other theatres of
war and of pressure from the French Government, the War Office
was already laying its plans on the basis of 70 divisions. The gun
programme, therefore, before being passed to the Ministry was
proportionately increased and an allowance added as reserve. On
receipt of this demand the Minister early in July allocated these
orders among the armament firms and authorized the necessary ex-
tensions to plant and the purchase of the large quantity of machine
tools required from English and American manufacturers. It
was obvious, however, that the scale of the plant to be developed
would determine the date at which these enormous orders could be
fulfilled. Mr. Lloyd George had at this time urged the necessity
of increasing the British military effort to 100 divisions. -Partly
with this object in view and partly to broaden the basis of the
munition output of Great Britain, which was still far behind that of
Germany, he increased the programme on his own responsibility
in Aug. 1915 to a loo-division standard, and ordered all the con-
sequential demands for shell, fuzes, explosives, propellants, steel,
etc., to be calculated on this basis. This action was much criticized
both on the ground of expense and the alleged impossibility of train-
ing personnel to man so vast an armament. But Mr. Lloyd George
was supported by the Cabinet, though arrangements were in train
in the spring of 1916 for handing over the surplus to the Allies
and particularly to Russia if and when it matured.
Within a few days, however, of the opening of the battle of the
Somme in July 1916, G.H.Q. revised their ideas and put forward an
entirely new basis of equipment. The establishment of 6-in. howit-
zers, which had seemed large in July 1915, was trebled ; the demand
for 8-in. and o-2-in. howitzers was doubled, while a new item was
added in the shape of heavy long-range guns. When the programme
was examined it was found that the surplus orders of the Min-
istry covered these increased demands for all heavy howitzers ex-
cept the 6-in. and that only comparatively small additions to the
existing gunmaking capacity would be required to enable the
Ministry to cope with the whole of the new programme. So complete
a vindication of Mr. Lloyd George's courageous action, with its far-
reaching consequences in the subsequent campaigns, marks it as one
of his great contributions to the Allied cause. Indeed, his contention
that gunmaking capacity would be one of the vital factors in the
campaign was repeatedly confirmed by subsequent events which
involved new calls upon British gunmaking capacity. In the first
place French experience at Verdun, and subsequently British
experience on the Somme, soon showed not only that wastage
by destruction would be far larger than had been anticipated, but
also that expenditure of ammunition was on so huge a scale that
the number of guns worn out and needing relining would be very
large indeed. Secondly, it was decided before Christmas to arm all
merchant ships with two guns capable of coping with submarines.
Thirdly, an urgent and increasing demand arose for anti-aircraft
guns, not only on the front but also for the defence of London and
many other strategic points in Great Britain. Finally, the deyelop-
ment of the use of tanks on a large scale called for the production of
an enormous number of guns of small calibre.
Hence it was not until the middle of 1918 that the output of guns
of all kinds became sufficient for these combined requirements, and
after the output and importation from America of large-calibre
shells had enabled heavy stocks to be accumulated, it became nec-
essary to divert some of the projectile factories from shell-making
to the repair of guns.
Ammunition. The highly technical processes involved in gun
manufacture remained for the most part in the hands of a com-
paratively few firms. The ammunition programme, on the other
hand, with its immense drain on materials and plant, until the end
of the war absorbed more than half of the energies of the Ministry
and of the munition factories, and was the main cause for the control
which was ultimately imposed upon the industry of the country.
The shell itself, which at first figured so largely in public discussion,
is, as its name implies, merely a container of H.E. or of bullets, and
the problem of finding sufficient explosive, propellant, fuzes, primers,
cartridge cases and the score or so of other components which go to
make up a round of ammunition, proved much more difficult than
the manufacture of the shell. The balancing of output, including
the appropriate provision of the various metals or chemical sub-
stances, was not accomplished without much experience; and as
from time to time particular items were ahead or in arrears, the
Ministry had to provide for the accommodation of large stocks at all
stages of production. The programme thus involved the building-up
of a colossal stores organization, the burden upon which was greatly
increased by the irregularity in the rate of consumption on the front.
Moreover, as the Ministry found it necessary to make itself directly
responsible for supplying materials to contractors it became not
merely a purchasing department but one of the greatest selling
organizations in the world.
The ammunition programme was calculated from the enlarged
artillery programme on the basis of the expenditure per gun per day
asked for by G.H.Q. But as it was impossible accurately to foresee
to what extent new firms or new shell factories would produce the
output expected from them, there was added to the net shell demand
a margin of 50% in the case of light shell (up to 4-5 in.), which had
been ordered largely from inexperienced firms, and 33 % in the case
of heavier natures, which at first were confined to more experienced
firms or new factories built for the purpose. Orders for the former
were placed to a large extent through the local committees called
into existence by the War Office Armaments Committee or by the
Ministry during the June publicity campaign. In some cases the
ioi8
MUNITIONS OF WAR
orders went to special factories, in others to cooperative groups,
the whole organization being. bound together by a local office of
the Ministry under a special directorate (in charge of Mr. James
Stevenson) at headquarters. The supply of heavier shell was met
by orders with armament and other selected firms, but when the
programme was increased in Aug. 1915, it was decided that "na-
tional projectile factories " should be built for the Ministry and
managed by the various experienced firms on a commission basis.
These factories, laid out for a special purpose, ultimately proved
highly efficient in mass production and enabled an enormous sav-
ing to be made in cost. Additional orders for both light and heavy
shell were also placed in America and Canada.
Experience proved, however, that light shell could be turned out
much more readily than fuzes and other components, and they began
to come forward rapidly and before the filling factories were ready to
deal with them. The American share of the programme had also
been ordered for early delivery. Hence, by the summer of 1916, an
enormous stock of light shell had accumulated, partly as a deliberate
policy and partly from fortuitous causes. At various dates, there-
fore, in 1916 light-shell orders in America were allowed to terminate
and output at home cut down, and the machinery partly turned on
to heavy shell.
The new artillery programme of July 1916, however, based
upon experience on the Somme, not only absorbed the surplus
Ministry orders for heavy artillery, but also raised the daily am-
munition ration for heavy guns. The Minister was still uncertain
what output would be attained in the national projectile factories,
which were only then coming into production, and therefore al-
most his last act at the Ministry was to place large orders in
America and Canada, in the two natures in which the biggest
increase was asked for, viz. 8-in. and g-2-in. shell.
Shells could be made in any engineering shop; but explosives could
only be handled in factories built for the purpose. Hence, as soon
as the ammunition programme was settled the ammunition depart-
ment set to work to plan and to build a dozen large filling factories,
which were rapidly completed and began to handle shell in Feb. and
March of 1916. The task of these factories was, however, not
merely the technical one of filling shell, making cartridges or filling
fuzes, but also that of assembling all the necessary components in
proper proportion and of handing to the army in complete con-
dition as rapidly as the Ordnance Department could accept de-
livery. At Christmas 1915 -the organization of these filling fac-
tories was divided from ammunition manufacture and handed to a
new department. During the spring their work was delayed not only
by inexperience, but also by the inability of the technicians to find a
satisfactory fuze for detonating amatol filled H.E. shell which would
avoid the Scylla of over-sensitiveness, with the resulting casual-
ties to the troops through prematures or gunbursts, and the Cha-
rybdis of excessive safety, resulting in " blinds " and ineffectiveness
against the enemy. Work at the highest possible pressure at Wool-
wich at last solved the problem, and solved it so satisfactorily
that, a year later, British artillery was probably more immune
from prematures, etc., than any other. But the constant change
of processes during these critical months held back the factories
from getting on with bulk production, and it was not until the
middle of May that the Ministry began to hand over large supplies
to the army. The date of the Somme offensive was largely deter-
mined by these considerations.
Explosives and Propellants. Special steps to develop the pro-
duction of explosives were taken in 1914 the problem of increasing
the output of tri-nitro-toluol (T.N.T.) and other explosives being
remitted to a committee under the presidency of Lord Moulton.
Hence, when the Ministry was formed, plans were not only in hand
but had already achieved considerable success. Pressure had been
put upon gas undertakings throughout the United Kingdom to
extract the utmost amount of the by-products of coal distillation at
the expense of the illuminating-power of their gas, in order to
increase the supply of toluol and of benzol, which Great Britain had
begun to supply to France. When the Ministry was formed Lord
Moulton's department was transferred, and charged in addition
with the supply of propellants. At that time this consisted almost
entirely of cordite, of which the supply was fairly ample owing to
the large capacity which had been developed for naval purposes.
When, however, the new ammunition programme was decided
upon, it was evident that the supply both of H.E. and of propellants
would also have to be enormously increased. So far as explosives
were concerned it was evident that the world's available supplies
were insufficient to enable the programme to be carried through by
means of either pure T.N.T. or picric acid. It was known that in
theory a mixture of T.N.T. and ammonium nitrate could be made
to produce as violent a detonation as pure T.N.T., and that the
French army was in fact using a mixture of picric acid and am-
monium nitrate. In order not to compete for the supplies of picric
acid, it was decided to rely upon a mixture of T.N.T. and ammo-
nium nitrate (amatol), and the design department was set to find
a means of satisfactory detonation.
The result of their efforts was that during the war, out of about
625,000 tons of explosive supplied, only 210,000 tons (of which 35,000
tons were imported) was T.N.T., less than 80,000 tons picric acid,
and the rest ammonium nitrate.
In the case of propellants the stocks and manufacturing capacity
for cordite in autumn 1915 were fairly large, and as early steps were
taken to increase output its supply never delayed the ammunition
programme throughout the war. Its production was, however, lim-
ited by the supplies of acetone, and even when an ether-alcohol
solvent was used as an alternative to acetone, it was not possible to
meet the enlarged programme by cordite alone. The army had
accepted as propellant for certain guns a nitro-cellulose powder,
which was the standard charge on the Continent before the Min-
istry came into existence, and since it was not manufactured in
England orders had already been placed in America. One of the
earliest acts of the Ministry was to place, with Messrs. Dupont of
America, enormous additional orders sufficient to justify the manu-
facturers in making large additions to their plant.
From that date onwards the question between cordite and nitro-
cellulose continually exercised the minds of the Ministry. The
argument for importing finished propellant was the great saving in
tonnage involved, since it is necessary to assemble several tons of
material for each ton of propellant and nearly_ all ofr the material
had to be imported mostly from very great distances. This advan-
tage had, however, to be balanced against the consideration that,
so long as Great Britain remained dependent on a neutral country
for a substantial proportion of its propellants, the supplies were out
of British control so far as the manufacture was concerned, were
liable to serious losses from submarine activity, and in danger of
interruption should the United States Government for any reason
desire to prohibit the export of munitions. Towards the end of
1916 the last of these considerations assumed considerable impor-
tance; and as at that time the use of nitro-cellulose had been
adopted for a considerable number of types of artillery, it was
decided to commence the manufacture of nitro-cellulose powder in
Great Britain. A large factory was projected, but was abandoned
when America came into the war.
The novelty of the supply both of explosives and propellants led
to the building of large national factories to supplement the limited
capacity of the factories in private hands. Indeed, the largest indus-
trial venture of the war was the propellant factory at Gretna, the
scale of which is illustrated by the fact that its acid-producing
capacity exceeded that of the whole country before the war. As it
was considered expedient to build not only out of range of enemy
aircraft but also away from industrial centres, it involved building a
town to house the workpeople. The factory, which cost 8,000,000
to build, made nearly one-fourth of the cordite required by the army
during the war, at a considerable saving of cost.
The relative importance of home sources and of imports of ex-
plosives and propellants is shown in Table I, which gives the percen-
tages of the total output during the war :
TABLE I.
Trade
National
Factories
Imports
Picric Acid . . . .
T.N.T. ... . .
Ammonium Nitrate
All Explosives
Cordite ... . .
Nitro-cellulose
All Propellants
92%
21
65
53
47
26
6*%
63
3
39
38
2
22
ii%
16
5
8
15
98
52
The explosive output involved a greatly increased supply of
nitrate from abroad. At first this was readily forthcoming, but at
an early date Allied competition led to difficulties in Chile, and later,
when lack of tonnage made it difficult to spare ships for so long a'
voyage, an inter-Allied organization was set up to buy for the
Allies in common and to ration supplies. In the last year of the
war France met her needs to a substantial degree by the fixation of
atmospheric nitrogen; but though a plant for this purpose was begun
in Great Britain it never reached the production stage.
Trench Warfare. The stabilizing of the western front led to the
employment of a great variety of engines of war subordinate to the
artillery, such as mortars, hand grenades, etc., some of which were
designed and even produced at the front. These weapons gave
great scope for inventive faculties, while the implements themselves
did not require the same degree of accuracy as artillery or aeroplanes.
Hence they provided an outlet for engineering capacity which was
not suitable for more exact munitions, while it enabled civilian enter-
prise to make substantial contributions on the side of design. The
trench warfare department of the Ministry was in fact organized
on the principle of setting " design " and " production " side by side.
It produced a large number of products which it offered to the army,
of which three are of outstanding importance. (l) The first was the
Stokes mortar, which was manufactured and sent to the front in
spite of a very lukewarm reception by the military authorities. In
this case the Ministry proceeded in advance of the sanction of the
War Office, but the weapon won its way and became part of the
standing equipment in the latter years of the war. (2) The depart-
ment in the autumn of 1915 experimented with shell filled with
lachrymatory gases, and, in the spring of 1916, with poison gases of
various kinds. The most powerful of these was at first withheld from
use by the army, as the Government was unwilling to go farther in
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1019
this respect than the Germans ; but the experience of the campaign of
1916 finally removed any scruples of this kind. A notable achieve-
ment of the trench warfare department in this field was the
development of the cast-iron shell as a container for poison gas. This
device avoided making an additional call upon the limited supplies
of shell steel, and as it could be opened by a less violent explosion than
was required with a steel shell there was less likelihood of destroy-
ing the properties of the gas and dissipating it too widely. By 1917
the proportion of chemical-filled shell to H.E. shell was rapidly
increasing, and as it finally grew from being a small supplement
into an integral part of the ammunition programme, the_ filling of
chemical shell was ultimately taken over by the ammunition filling
department. In the autumn of 1918, 20% of certain natures and
12 % of others were filled with chemical, and the percentage in
1919 would have been immensely greater. (3) During 1916 the de-
partment equipped the army with shrapnel-proof helmets, which
rapidly became a regular part of the soldier's equipment.
Tanks. Another feature of Mr. Lloyd George's administration
was the commencement of the manufacture of tanks. The design of
the first tank was developed (see TANKS) by an Admiralty com-
mittee and tested before several members of the Cabinet in Feb.
1916. The design was favourably reported upon by the military
representatives present, and a special department was created in
the Ministry under Col. Albert Stern to manufacture these new
weapons. The secret was well maintained, in spite of the special
priority in regard to labour and materials which was given to the
manufacturers during 1916. Tanks were first used in the field in
Sept. 1916, and thereafter their production assumed its normal
place among the other departments of the Ministry.
Other Activities. During Mr. Lloyd George's administration steps
were taken to establish a general system of priority not only in
regard to machine tools and the use of raw material, but also in all
the work done in engineering and chemical factories; but the carry-
ing-out of the scheme in full belongs to a later date.
Foreign Purchases. Within a month of his appointment
Mr. Lloyd George sent Mr. D. A. Thomas (later Lord Rhondda)
to the United States and Canada to report upon the progress of
munition output in America. Mr. Thomas reported that although
the commission paid to Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co. seemed high
the work was being well done and he recommended no modifica-
tion in the arrangement. In Dec. 1913, Sir Ernest Moir was
sent to America to exercise a general supervision over deliveries.
An organization was set up in New York which kept track of
output, followed goods through to port, and reported progress
to the Ministry. This organization continued in existence until
the end of the war, but became part of the British mission in the
United States when America joined the Allies. In Canada Mr.
Thomas found an organization in being under Gen. Sam Hughes,
the Canadian Minister of Militia, though Gen. Hughes had
no direct control over British orders. Subsequently the Canadian
Pacific Railway were made agents for the British Government,
and their organization developed into the Imperial Munitions
Board, which exercised the functions of the Ministry of Muni-
tions in Canada except that of inspection, which remained
under an officer in Ottawa responsible to the head of the inspec-
tion department in Great Britain.
Financial Control. At the commencement of the war it was
evident that in the existing state of uncertainty it would be
impossible for Parliament to retain control over the details of
expenditure, and from Aug. 6 1914 onwards the money for carry-
ing on the war was voted in the form of unallotted votes of
credit, whose distribution was placed in the hands of the
Treasury. The latter department, however, at once recognized
that it was impossible for the spending departments to submit
detailed proposals, and it therefore abandoned the machinery
by which it normally sanctioned expenditure. This relaxing
of control applied first to direct expenditure for the war, but
was soon extended to cover advances to contractors, etc.
When the Ministry of Munitions was formed, similar powers
were necessarily conferred upon the Minister except as regards
the salaries of officials. Nor was it possible for the finance
officers of the Ministry to control expenditure in the sense that
they could exercise any influence upon the volume of orders to
be placed. It has been stated that at the outset the Ministry
placed orders largely in excess of War Office requirements in
order to increase munition-producing capacity, and at a later
date the Ministry discussed the character of the programme
put forward by the War Office from the standpoint of the balance
between various demands, the extent to which they could be
met from stock, or the limitations imposed by lack of materials,
tonnage, labour or other limiting factors. But except as regards
the limit of money available for foreign purchases, financial con-
siderations did not, in fact, govern the munition programme.
The task of the financial officers of the Ministry, under the
assistant financial secretary (Sir Hardman Lever), was, therefore,
confined to ascertaining that the public funds were spent as
economically as possible. The limitation of contractors' profits
to a large extent suspended the normal stimulus to reduce costs
of production, and the first and most important enterprise of
the finance department of the Ministry was to develop and
impose upon contractors an adequate system of " costing "
and cost-accounts. These were developed during the first few
months of the Ministry's existence, and enabled the officials of
the Ministry to negotiate successfully considerable reductions
in prices. This costing system, together with the rapidly increas-
ing efficiency of production through experience of manufacture
on a large scale, quickly produced substantial reductions in
price as compared with the original sums paid for all classes of
munitions. In Aug. 1916 it was claimed by Mr. Montagu in
the House of Commons that the Ministry had already saved by
this means 20,000,000 on home shell contracts alone and that
American and Canadian prices for shell had been reduced 15%
and 1 2^% respectively.
Design. A most important expansion of the functions of
the Ministry took place in Nov. 1915, when the design
department of Woolwich was transferred to the Minister. A
new inventions board had already been instituted in the Min-
istry, but this did not deal with established service articles.
It had for many months been a subject of complaint, by
those controlling production in the Ministry, that the design
department was still working on pre-war traditions and was
not sufficiently in touch with the requirements imposed by
methods of mass production, nor was it drawing sufficiently
upon the experience which was being gained by those actually
engaged in this production. The War Office quite properly
attached the very greatest importance to questions of design
and the accuracy limits in specifications which the 'safety of
the army made necessary, and were unwilling to release control
of this department. The matter, however, was decided by the
Prime Minister (Mr. Asquith) in favour of the Minister of
Munitions, the transfer was made, and it was laid down that
the Army Council should inform the Minister in general terms
of the qualities required in a specific supply, that the design
department under the Minister should submit its results to the
War Office, and that the latter would then indicate the amount
of its requirements. The officer in charge of design under
the Minister would, however, be responsible for approving the
specifications for manufacture. This officer, who in the first
instance was also given charge of the inspection staff, thus
took over the duty of laying down the standards of inspection.
The work of this department during the first six months after
its transfer to the Ministry was of an exceedingly difficult
character, for it had to solve the problem of successfully detonat-
ing artillery shell filled with the new high explosive (amatol).
The transfer of this department, which was put under a mili-
tary officer with war experience (Maj.-Gen. Du Cane), had the
important consequence of creating direct contact between the
Ministry and the army in the field, and so enabled the behav-
iour of the new munitions under service conditions to be known
in the workshops.
The Somme Battle. The first period of the Ministry's history
ends with the opening of the battle of the Somme. The output
of artillery and of ammunition, so long delayed by one difficulty
after another, had at last permitted the army to accumulate a
substantial stock of shell and to dispose of an artillery equipment
with which it could match the standard of expenditure set by
the Germans at Verdun. But the stock had only begun to
accumulate in the preceding six weeks; and as the preliminary
bombardment (which could be heard from the English coast)
continued day after day, the rapidly dwindling stock was watched
I02O
MUNITIONS OF WAR
with growing anxiety. When the troops went over the parapet,
and while the ground was being consolidated and the guns
brought up, there was a momentary respite, but within a few
days the barrage broke out again, and before the end of July
the army was living from hand to mouth upon the incoming
supply from Great Britain. So far as all the heavy natures were
concerned, practically the whole of this came from a single
filling factory. The fear of an untoward accident to Chilwell
or of an interruption to the cross-Channel service was thus added
to the normal worries of production and transport. Fortunately,
however, everything went according to plan, and the supply
steadily grew until the winter brought the offensive to an end.
This achievement was not the first fruits of the formation of
the Ministry of Munitions. The army had been living for
months past on munitions supplied on previous War Office orders;
but these orders would not have materialized had it not been
for the help rendered by the Ministry to War Office contrac-
tors, in technical matters (gauges, drawings, etc.), in supply of
materials, and in control of the labour supply, recruiting, etc.
At the end of 1 2 months, however, the larger plans initiated
by Mr. Lloyd George began to bear fruit and became one of the
dominating factors in the war. From the middle of 1916 onwards,
there was never a general shortage of munitions, and the special
emergencies which arose from time to time were met with in-
creasing facility, as the enormous industrial organism which
had been set in motion during this first year became more re-
sponsive to control.
Centralized Administrative Control. The second year of the
Ministry of Munitions (Mr. E. Montagu becoming Minister in
July 1916, and Dr. Addison in Dec. 1916) saw a very considerable
readjustment of and increase in the artillery and ammunition
programmes of the Ministry as a result of experience in the battle
oftheSomme. The increased artillery demand naturally involved
consequential increases in the ammunition programme, but in
Sept. 1916 the army sent in a demand that the ration of am-
munition per gun should also be increased. It was found that
the i8-pdr., which at one period was thought might even be
superseded altogether, had functions of supreme importance in
furnishing the " creeping barrage," in following up before the
" heavies " could be moved, and in shelling the enemy as soon
as he left his permanent entrenchments.
The daily ration was therefore raised to 50 rounds per gun per
day, while the 6-in., 8-in., and p-2-in. howitzers, whose rations
had been 20, 15 and 12 rounds respectively, were raised to a
uniform 30. Though these increases added 50% to Mr. Lloyd
George's programme, they did not involve any changes in manu-
facturing policy. They did, however, call for more complete
control over materials and processes subsidiary to the ammuni-
tion programme, and made necessary increasingly drastic
restrictions of non-war work by means of priority certificates,
while the growing shortage of labour involved a constant exten-
sion of the principles of dilution. These changes involved a
tightening of the centralized control of the Ministry over
industrial conditions, and made it increasingly difficult for
private industry to continue or for other departments to get
their contracts fulfilled. It was largely on this account that the
Ministry took over a number of additional services, of which
the chief were the supply of aircraft, railway material, agricul-
tural machinery and motor vehicles, the last of which was
placed in the charge of Sir Albert Stanley.
When the Ministry took over the supply of aircraft, which
was placed in the hands of Sir William Weir, the supply of
aeroplanes was at the rate of 675 per month and of engines
721 per month. These figures rose to 1,117 an d 1,083 respectively
per month in the next five months, as new firms came into
production and the difficulties with materials were overcome.
For the rest of the war, however, it was necessary to give a
very high priority to aircraft production, particularly with
regard to skilled labour, although the novel character of the
work and its consequent freedom from restrictive trade-union
practices permitted female labour to be introduced from the
outset to a greater extent than in other sorts of munition work.
The progress of " dilution " generally throughout this period
is shown by the fact that while in July 1916 employers reported
that 336,000 women had replaced men, in July 1917 654,000
women had replaced men. In Government establishments,
which had only employed 2,000 women before the war, 69,000
women had replaced men by July 1916 and 191,000 by July 1917.
Control of Steel and Other Materials. The development of
the steel department into one of the most vital sections of the
Ministry belongs to this period. Prior to the formation of the
Ministry of Munitions the War Office had enlisted the services
of a steel expert (Mr. McLellan) to assist them in buying the
multitudinous variety of products covered by the contracts
department, and in the spring of 1915 the Government bought,
on behalf of the Sheffield trade, considerable quantities of
Swedish bar iron which they held as a reserve against the
possibility of Swedish supplies being cut off. Action had already
been taken regarding some of the more rare metals used for
ferro-alloys, an arrangement having been made, for example,
by the Government to take all the wolfram of the Empire until
after the end of the war. But in the first year of the Ministry's
history the steel problem was not of critical importance, and the
steel section was a branch only of the materials department,
separate sections being organized to deal with high-speed and
carbon tool steel and with metallurgical coke. In the spring of
1916, as the shell factories began to get to work, and the demand
for shell steel to assume large dimensions, three aspects of the
steel problem came to the front: namely, the necessity for an
increase in the total steel production of the country, the re-
striction of commercial or less essential war uses of steel, and
the regulation of prices. The first scheme for increasing the
steel plant was prepared in March 1916. In June 1916 plans for
developing pig-iron production by converting and modernizing
old blast furnaces and building a few new ones were prepared,
while in May 1916 the first control order fixing the maximum
prices of iron ore, pig-iron, steel, coke, bricks, etc., was passed.
These arrangements were supplemented by the placing of orders
for shell steel in the United States, and in June 1916 a representa-
tive was sent to that country to arrange for supplies. During
this first year some assistance in meeting demands was obtained
by a modification of the War Office's specifications. By April
1916 the Army Council had approved the use of steel in shell
containing up to -07% of sulphur and phosphorus. This figure
was subsequently increased to -08%. One other problem which
had given rise to difficulty was the supply of foreign ore, as a
result of the increase in freights. A committee of ore merchants
was summoned in the spring of 1916, and decided upon a
uniform freight basis from Bilbao to Great Britain of 175. per
ton, an official ore broker being appointed to take entire charge
of chartering ore tonnage. The centralization of chartering had
a wholesome effect, and though the price subsequently rose to
383. the demoralization of the market was prevented. Such
was the position when in Aug. 1916 it was decided to form a
separate steel department under Sir John Hunter.
The first action of this department was to press forward the
plans already prepared for building new steel works and bringing
new blast furnaces into operation. These programmes were
subsequently enlarged at various times, and ultimately amounted
to 1 66 new steel furnaces and 22 new blast furnaces in addition
to the 40 old blast furnaces modernized. At a later date large
rolling-mills were commenced, chiefly for increasing the supply
of steel plates for ships, tanks, etc., and from time to time
substantial improvements were made in the equipment of
existing rolling-mills. In all these developments the Government
shared the financial burden, not by direct subsidy but by allowing
firms a deduction from their excess-profits-duty payments. A
substantial percentage of these extensions were completed before
the end of the war, but the programme was considerably delayed
by insufficient labour and by difficulties in securing materials.
The problem of foreign ore supplies became increasingly
difficult. The new department dissolved the existing committee
and created a section for dealing with this problem. The purchase
of Spanish ore remained in the hands of merchants, but they had
MUNITIONS OF WAR
IO2I
to obtain the permission of the Ministry before placing orders,
and thus in effect, though not in form, the purchase was central-
ized. This action, together with the fact that Germany was no
longer in the market, prevented the price of ore in Spain from
being unduly raised. Freight rates, however, and the cost of
insurance rose to enormous sums; but as the Government bore
the excess over the official rate, ore was delivered to British
works at a fixed price. This became an important factor in
stabilizing the price of steel. As regards Swedish ore large quan-
tities were bought, and supplied to British makers.
The difficulty in securing shipping from Spain and the
Mediterranean led to two internal developments, (i) The
Cumberland ore mines, which were the only substantial source
of non-phosphoric ore in Great Britain, were taken over on the
basis of a guarantee to the owners and developed to their
maximum output. (2) Under the most favourable conditions,
however, no more than a small proportion of acid steel from
British ore could be expected. A great effort was accordingly
made to develop the manufacture of basic at the expense of acid
steel, which had hitherto constituted the larger part of the
output of Great Britain. This involved in the first place an at-
tempt to increase the output of the low-grade phosphoric ores
of Oxfordshire, Northamptonshire and elsewhere, and in the
second place a modification in the programme of steel works ex-
tensions, which first had been planned mainly for acid steel.
This question of basic steel, though a technical one, was
potentially of great political importance. In peace-time, Great
Britain had been content to be dependent on foreign sources of
relatively high-grade ore for more than half her steel. The
problem in 1916 was whether it was either possible or desirable
to become self-dependent in this vital matter. There was much
to be said for and against each of three possible courses: (i)
making basic steel from low-grade British ore, (2) making acid
steel from imported ore, or (3) importing pig-iron or steel from
America. The difficulty of importing ore which required a large
tonnage on a submarine-infested area was obvious; but the use
of low-grade British ore involved a larger consumption of fuel and
therefore of man-power in the coal-mines, and an increased con-
gestion in internal railway transport. Imported American pig-
iron, on the other hand, utilized neutral labour and economized
tonnage, since two tons of Spanish ore are needed to make a ton
of pig-iron, but until America came into the war the difficulty
of financing purchases and the desire not to become too de-
pendent on the United States caused the Ministry to persevere
with home supplies, and even after America joined the Allies the
policy could not be materially changed, owing to the large scale
of the war demands of the American Government, which left
little margin for export. Hence the production figures (Table
II) show a steady development in basic output.
TABLE II.
Acid Steel Output
(Ingot tons)
Basic Steel Output
(Ingot tons)
1913
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
4,860,000
4,478,000
5,111,000
5,468,000
5,772,000
4,992,000
2,804,000
3,357,000
3,439,000
3,523,000
3,945,000
4,547,ooo
The total of 36,700,000 ingot tons of steel for the four war
years 1915-8 (toward the production of which there were im-
ported 26 million tons of ore and over i million tons of pig-iron)
represents about 28 million tons of finished steel, to which must
be added 2j million tons of shell steel imported from the United
States and Canada, and a million tons of general steel.
In Nov. 1916, a control order restricting steel consumption
for less urgent uses was passed, under which the department was
entitled to obtain itemized returns of steel deliveries from every
works, and to insist that the orders in hand should be carried
out in order of urgency. These returns showed how much steel
was being used for each branch of war production; and although
at first it was difficult for the various departments of the Govern-
ment to reduce their demands to a fixed programme and to
convert these demands into terms of steel, a system was gradually
evolved in which it was possible to balance deliveries against
requirements. From July 1917 onwards steel allocations were
made at monthly meetings of departments presided over by
the controller of steel production.
By this time, however, the balance of needs had been sub-
stantially altered. The shell programme had been in effective
operation for nearly two years. Stocks of empty shell and of
shell steel had accumulated, the orders placed in America had
materialized, and it was now possible to deal with the supply of
ammunition without providing large margins for contingencies;
hence the actual monthly allocation was substantially reduced.
On the other hand, a very urgent demand for steel for shipbuild-
ing had arisen, and with increasing demands for tanks, aircraft,
military railways and other needs the supply of shell steel
dropped to a relatively minor position. The figures for the
allocation of steel for the first six months of 1918 (Table III)
show the balance between the various departments.
TABLE III. Steel Programme for First Six Months of iQi8.
(Weekly average in tons.)
Admiralty (mainly plates and sections)
War Office Contracts Department ....
Ministry of Munitions
Explosives 556
Guns, large 2,760
Machine-guns and S. A 900
Trench warfare 9 2 4
Mechanical warfare 3,4^0
Mechanical transport 1,376
Aircraft 3,536
Steelworks extension l,4 2 8
Factory construction
Machine tools and cranes 1,176
Railways, U.K 4,536
Railways, overseas 4,9 2 4
Electrical power supply 676
Total M. of M
India Office
Other Government Departments and Priority.
Allies:
France
Italy
Shell steel :
Great Britain land service and Admiralty
France '
Italy
Tubes
Wire rods
37,076
10,016
Grand Total
26,272
492
19,804
6,940
1,092
900
3,360
7,672
4,808
i39,88o
The actual realization was fairly close to the estimated
figures, but in addition an average of 16,400 tons of shell steel
was imported from the United States and Canada.
In regard to prices the Government, after attempting in 1915
to regulate prices by agreement, found that costs were rising to
such an alarming extent that it was faced with the necessity
either of raising the price of steel, and so altering the basic
figure of vast numbers of Government contracts, or of keeping
prices fixed and making good the balance to manufacturers in
the form of direct or indirect subsidies. The change in prices
would ultimately have been very large, as the subsidies finally
amounted to no less than 10 per ton on steel made from imported
ore. Of this sum, ocean insurance amounted to 5. The event
thus justified the decision of the Ministry to adopt the policy of
subsidies, for otherwise it would have been faced not merely
with the readjustment of numberless contracts, but also with a
rise in the general level of prices, involving increased middle-
men's profits, wages variations, etc. Moreover, the Government
was itself directly or indirectly the purchaser of 98% of the
total produced, and, except as regards freight, the increases in
steel cost were largely caused by wages advances, which were
to a substantial extent controlled by the Government itself.
The policy once started involved controlling the materials for
production, including ore, coke, pig iron, scrap, ferro-manganese,
and magnesite, fire, and silica bricks. Increases in wages in the
steel works themselves were met by paying subsidies direct to-
1022
MUNITIONS OF WAR
the manufacturer, but the bulk of the subsidies were paid not
directly to steel manufacturers but to shipowners and mine-
owners, and in bearing the actual cost of submarine losses at sea.
The total amount paid directly or indirectly as subsidy to steel
production costs in 1918 reached 45 million pounds sterling.
The only other way in which the stabilization of prices could
have been obtained was for the Government to have bought the
whole output of iron and steel, and to have sold it to the user;
and if the complete character of the control had been envisaged
at the outset it is possible this plan would have been adopted;
but as control was at first only partial, while the maintenance of
private commerce remained important, it was impracticable.
The case of steel is the most representative example of the
numerous controls exercised by the Ministry over a wide field,
touching the economic life of the community at many points.
Before the Ministry came into existence, some measure
of regulation had been adopted in the case of several non-ferrous
metals and chemicals. At an early stage in 1915, for example,
the Government purchased the whole output of wolfram (the
ore used for making tungsten, which is the alloy used in high-
speed steel) from imperial sources. The list was added to
continuously throughout the war, until at the Armistice it in-
cluded aluminium (the demand for which enormously increased
owing to its use in aircraft, in fuzes, and as a chemical element in
smoke powder), antimony (used as an alloy of lead for making
shrapnel bullets), chrome ore (the material for the alloy in chrome
steel), copper, brass, lead, nickel (for nickel steel and rifle bullets),
mica (for magnetos), platinum, potash, resin, shellac, tin and
zinc. The long list of the explosives department included acetate
of lime, acetic acid, acetone, glycerine, bleach, chlorine, ether,
benzol, coal tar, creosote, nitrate, pyrites and sulphuric acid.
The new process for making cordite, which was developed at
the Gretna factory, was one of the main causes which brought
alcohol under control, and ultimately stopped its production for
non-industrial purposes; while the control of sulphuric acid,
together with the scarcity of nitrate, quickly brought the whole
supply of fertilizers within the domain of the explosives depart-
ment, since control of one or two materials inevitably leads to
the control of competing materials. Thus the department be-
came responsible for the supply of superphosphates and basic
slag, nitrate and sulphate of ammonia, and potash.
Several of these commodities differed from the case of steel
in the fact that the article was imported on a large scale in the
form in which it was commonly sold in England. Regulation,
therefore, commonly started in two ways: the fixing of a maxi-
mum price and the control of importation by licence. The
Government early exercised a large influence on the market by
reason of very large contracts which it placed abroad, but these
were not always sufficient to give adequate control. Hence
orders were made under D.O.R.A., giving the Government the
right to commandeer all imports on private account. Even this
was not always sufficient, since the existence in the country of
a large stock of material made allocation difficult and created a
small but free market which had a disturbing effect on price.
Hence the further step was necessary of prohibiting purchase
and sale except under licence. Finally, in all cases where home
production was a substantial element, as for example in the case
of alcohol, glycerine, etc., the Government commandeered the
whole of the internal output. Certain cases, however, such as
pyrites, followed the steel precedent, since the stabilizing of the
price of sulphuric acid meant that, as the cost of transport and
insurance of pyrites from Spain increased, the Government had
to bear a large part of the cost of the material.
The period under consideration marked the transition in the
great majority of cases from the looser form of control by
maximum price to the more complete regulation of all dealings
in the commodity and the commandeering on Government
account of total available supplies.
Foreign Orders and American Intervention. When it was
decided to place new heavy-shell orders abroad, considerations
of finance, together with the desire to avoid becoming too
dependent on a country which at any moment might ban the
export of munitions, led the Ministry to place as large a propor-
tion of orders as possible in Canada. The failure of the new
rifle plants erected in 1915 to make delivery in time to relieve
the rifle shortage led to special negotiations for reduction in these
contracts, and arrangements were ultimately entered into, under
which the total to be delivered was reduced from 2,500,000 to
1,200,000. This, together with other orders, meant that in
1916 the British Government was buying large quantities of
material but not much finished munitions from America. When
America entered the war, representatives of the Ministry ac-
companied Mr. Balfour to the United States with the object of
giving the U.S. Government the benefit of British munition
experience, endeavouring to coordinate the programmes of the
Allies, and arranging for any change that might be called for in
the organization of the munitions office in America. The Ameri-
can departments were not in fact sufficiently organized as to
personnel or duties to enable these objects to be carried very
far at that date. In May 1917, Messrs. Morgan gave notice to
terminate their commercial agency, and offered to place their
organization at the disposal of the U.S. Government. As a
temporary arrangement they offered to continue to place orders
for the Allies at a reduced commission, but it early became
evident that every order would involve negotiations with the
Government for financial approval as well as for the necessary
priority and export permits. It was clear that these duties
could not be appropriately undertaken by an American organ-
ization, and on the recommendation of the Balfour mission a
British munitions representative was sent out to take charge of
a mission in Washington, whose duty would be to carry on nego-
tiations with the American Government for the necessary sup-
plies. This officer subsequently became part of the American
war mission under Lord Northcliffe.
Assistance to Russia. In the autumn of 1916, serious attention
was devoted to the possibility of remedying the disparity in the
material resources available on the Russian compared with the
western front, the need being emphasized by the arrest of the
successful offensive of Gen. Brusilov as soon as his troops came
up against fortified positions which could only be overcome by
heavy artillery. From the beginning of the war, Lord Kitchener
had made great efforts to persuade the Russians to place orders
abroad, and direct assistance in this task both in England and
America was subsequently given by British organizations and
British credit. But the possibility of direct material assistance
was very limited. Russia was a non-industrial country taking
part in a war which was being largely fought by mechanical
appliances, and in particular, on the vast extension of the east-
ern front, by modern means of transit. Russia was ultimately
defeated by the failure of her inadequate railway system, which
was called upon (i) to provide mobility for the troops at the
front, (2) to bring food from the interior of Russia for 15,000,000
men and large numbers of horses normally living on the local
produce of the soil, (3) to supply coal and steel from the
Caucasus to the munition areas of Petrograd and Moscow
which normally got supplies via the Baltic or by the Polish
frontier, (4) to carry imports from the ice-bound ports of
Archangel and Vladivostok. From Vladivostok it required 120
locomotives to maintain one train a day to Moscow; and though
new rolling-stock and engines were put on rail in the Far East,
by Christmas 1916 there had accumulated 600,000 tons of war
material, including tens of thousands of tons of barbed wire,
though many miles of the front had no wire defence at all.
The munitions representatives who accompanied the Allied
mission to Russia in Jan. 1917 found that, in spite of the comple-
tion of the railway from the ice-free port of Murmansk to
Petrograd, the ports and railways of Russia could not deal with
more than 3,500,000 tons of imports (including coal), compared
with minimum demands for 13,000,000 tons. A careful pro-
gramme based upon the former figure was drawn up, including a
substantial supply of heavy artillery and aeroplanes, and a
permanent mission was stationed in Petrograd to assist in trans-
port and in the training of personnel, but the revolution pre-
vented the programme from being carried out.
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1023
Internal Developments. During this year, efforts were made
to improve the internal organization of the Ministry, among
whose various parts there was still a lack of coordination. More-
over, the increasing functions had led to still more heads of
departments having direct access to the Minister. Mr. Montagu
endeavoured to deal with the problem by setting up a committee
whose chairman (Sir Arthur Duckham) and vice-chairman
(Sir James Stevenson) were relieved of departmental duties;
but its powers were purely advisory. At the same time a weekly
meeting of heads of departments was inaugurated and continued
until the summer of 191 7. This was of value in giving all depart-
ments a knowledge of general policy; but the numbers were
too large for it to be an effective instrument of administration.
More important developments were inaugurated in financial
administration, in two directions. The first was the overhauling
of all the past accounting transactions of the Ministry, with the
view of recovering money that had been temporarily lost through
the confusion and deficiencies of the 'earlier system of records.
This bore fruit in " recoveries " to the amount of some 39,-
000,000. The second was the reconstitution of the accounting
system on a commercial basis for the future, by substituting
double-entry for the old single-entry system, in use before the
war in nearly all Government departments. Since the method
of departmental bookkeeping was dictated by the prescribed
form of accounts rendered to the Treasury and Parliament, this
reform led incidentally to proposals for a remodelling of the
public accounts themselves. By 1917 the financial staff of the
Ministry had established a system of contract-control by means
of cost accounts.
Early in 1917 the control of the inspecting staff was reorgan-
ized as an independent department under Sir Sothern Holland.
This period also saw a great increase in the size and duties
of the priority department, under Sir Edgar Jones. The staff
of the Ministry, which had risen to 5,000 under Mr. Lloyd
George, rose to 13,000 by July 1917.
Inter-Allied Coordination. The third and culminating period
of the Ministry of Munitions (Mr. Winston Churchill being
Minister from July 1917 to Jan. 1919) saw certain important
though not fundamental changes in programme. The chief of
these were growing aircraft demands, accentuated by the
campaign of the Independent Air Force against German in-
dustrial centres; a sudden enlargement of the tank programme
as a result of their successful employment in the attack on
Cambrai in Nov. 1-917; and, thirdly, the efforts to emulate the
Germans in the production of mustard gas, and to find, if
possible, new and more effective poisons.
Further, during 1918 plans were far advanced, in preparation
for the 1919 campaign, for increasing the range of an offensive,
(a) by adapting the caterpillar principle to the movement across
country of troops and stores on a large scale, and (b) by entirely
re-equipping the army with longer-range field and other artillery.
These measures were carried out by adapting rather than by
enlarging the munition-making resources of the country. Indeed,
the adequacy of the supply was put to a severe test in March
and April 1918, when the army lost 1,000 guns and 100,000 tons
of ammunition in the retreat from St. Quentin, in addition to
losses resulting from the intensive attacks made upon British
munition dumps in France by bombing aircraft. The artillery
and ammunition losses were made good by May, and only in
the case of small-arms ammunition, the expenditure of which in
machine-guns increased to quite unexpected figures, was any
anxiety experienced.
This phase of munition history corresponded with the unre-
stricted submarine campaign, the active participation in the war
by the United States, and an increasing shortage of man-power.
It was, therefore, marked by increasing efforts to economize
and coordinate effort, (a) w/ithin the Ministry, (b) between the
Ministry and other British departments, and (c) between Great
Britain and the Allies.
Departmental Reorganizations. Mr. Churchill's first task at
the Ministry was to deal with organization. The internal mechan-
ism had never developed on a considered plan, but had been
determined partly by personal considerations and partly by the
kaleidoscopic changes in the relative importance of various
activities as the drama of the war unfolded. Mr. Lloyd George's
administration was a period when half a dozen departments of
supreme importance were feverishly urging on production in a
new field under new conditions. And the business men in charge
of them utilized to the full their right of direct access to the
Minister thus making organization extremely difficult.
The complexity became much worse during the next period,
as duty after duty was imposed upon the Ministry, and as the
task of carrying out the old ones involved control in new direc-
tions and the creation of fresh administrative branches. Hence,
by the summer of 1917, the number of departments had increased
to over 50, and although the machinery was in existence for
coordinating the programme itself, there was not sufficient
cooperation or clear definition of responsibility between the
departments. Various attempts had been made to meet this
difficulty as, e.g. by the proposal to attach to the Minister one
or more staff officers who would act as liaison officers between
the departments, many of which were housed at some consider-
able distance from headquarters. A more promising scheme was
to increase the number of parliamentary secretaries and make
all departments report through one or other of them. But
this scheme broke down through the complications still caused
by exercise of the right of direct access to the Minister on the
part of the business heads.
Mr. Churchill solved the problem by the creation of a Muni-
tions Council, consisting of the Minister, parliamentary secre-
taries and 12 members, including the secretary to the Ministry.
Their duties were to deal in the first instance with all matters
requiring decision in the departments entrusted to them; and
although the heads of departments in theory retained the right
of access to the Minister, in practice it was not exercised and the
members of Council became in fact the heads of groups of depart-
ments. The reform was accompanied by the rehabilitation of
the permanent civil servant. The position of the secretary was
strengthened by insistence that papers should pass through his
hands to the Minister, and still more by the attachment to each
member of Council of a civil servant called a secretarial officer
whose duty was to see that the procedure worked smoothly and
uniformly. This machinery came into being and worked with
surprisingly little friction.
But in fact the Council did not often meet as such, its work
being to a large extent done by a standing " coordinating "
committee of the Council, which dealt with ajl matters arising
out of the programme and its execution. A second standing
committee of the Council dealt with and prepared plans for
demobilization, while matters which did not fall within one or
other of these spheres were dealt with by Council committees
appointed ad hoc.
The organization of the Munitions Council in its final form
was as follows:
F. Finance, contracts, controlled establishments finance, muni-
tions works board, lands branch, central stores, salvage (Sir Gilbert
Garnsey).
D. Design, inspection, inventions (Gen. Sir Francis Bingham).
S. Iron and steel production, factory construction (Sir John
Hunter).
M. Non-ferrous metals, scrap, railway material, optical muni-
tions, potash, railway and sea transport of munitions and material
(Sir Ernest Moir).
X. Supply of explosives, propellants and chemicals (Sir Keith
Price).
O. Supply of artillery, gun ammunition, rifles, machine-guns,
small-arms ammunition and trench-warfare supplies. Engineering
department (Sir James Stevenson).
A. Aircraft (Sir Arthur Duckham).
W. Warfare, tanks, poison-gas, etc. (Gen. Seely).
L. Labour regulation and supply (Sir Stephenson Kent).
Sec. Secretariat, staff and establishment, legal department, etc.
(Sir William Graham Greene).
R. Requirements and statistics, American department, Allied
requirements (Mr. W. T. Layton).
Allies. Head of Paris office and one of the British delegates on
Inter-Allied Munition Council (Sir Charles Ellis).
In addition the master-general of the ordnance (Gen. Furse) was
made an honorary member representing the War Office.
1024
MUNITIONS OF WAR
At this stage of the war, coordination of the efforts of various
departments of state was even more important than internal
reorganization. The British Ministry of Munitions never
absorbed the purchasing sections of the Admiralty; and the
predominant need of naval supremacy, strengthened by the
traditional rights of the senior service, had enabled naval
requirements to retain a nominal priority over land requirements.
This did not greatly affect munition output when once the
munition movement was in full swing except on occasions,
notably, when a sudden decision was made to mount two guns on
every merchant ship; when the losses of ships at sea placed the
shipbuilding programme in front of all other demands and by its
call upon steel prejudiced other branches of production; and to a
less extent after the battle of Jutland, when the decision was
made to replace the whole existing naval ammunition supply.
In the case of seaplanes, and a few articles connected with
the anti-submarine campaign, anti-aircraft bombs, etc., the
Ministry supplied naval as well as army requirements. But
the Ministry did not supply the main needs of the Admiralty;
and the plan of forming a single Ministry of Supply for both
services, including all the goods supplied by the Army Contracts
Department, though much discussed when Mr. Churchill came
to the Ministry and though recommended by a Treasury com-
mittee, was never carried into effect. Moreover, control was
gradually developed by the Ministry of Food, and by the
mines, timber, paper and other departments, which still re-
mained under the Board of Trade, dealing with various spheres
of economic life. There was also a continued demand from the
army for specialists to run the repair services, workshops, etc.,
which were built up behind the front.
Thus there arose keen competition between departments for
man-power, for tonnage and for finance (especially dollar credits
in the United States and Canada). There also remained the
question of the order of priority of work to be done. But experi-
ence had proved that no absolute " priority " could be given
to any single activity. The word continued in constant use
until the end of the war, but in fact the increasing strain upon
economic resources, combined with the greater accuracy of
demands and forecasts, meant that the conception of placing
demands in order of importance was largely superseded by the
plan of rationing economic resources. Each of the three factors
mentioned was dealt with by a Cabinet committee, which in
one case became the province of a new Ministry that of Na-
tional Service. In the case of finance the allocation of American
dollars was taken out of the hands of the Treasury and assigned
to a standing committee called the American Board an inter-
departmental committee under the presidency of Mr. Chamber-
lain, who with Lord Buckmaster represented Great Britain on
the Inter-Allied Committee of Finance. The problem of tonnage
also passed out of the hands of a periodical meeting of depart-
mental officers under the Parliamentary Secretary of the
Ministry of Shipping into the purview of a Cabinet committee,
and the programme so approved was coordinated with that of
the Allies by the Inter-Allied Maritime Transport Council.
So far as they affected munitions, the three factors were
intimately connected. It was cheaper to manufacture at home
than to buy abroad, and a given amount of dollars would carry
a larger programme if spent on raw material than if spent on
finished articles. But the tonnage needed to import materials
was greater than that required for importing articles such as
manufactured explosives or ammunition, while there was ob-
viously a saving in British man-power by buying the finished
product. On the other hand, munition capacity at home was in
a more highly advanced stage of development than in America,
and was quickly adaptable, whereas British orders in America
had to compete with the enormous programme of the U.S. War
Department. Moreover, the reserve of man-power in the
United States was intact, and it was evident that the most
rapid and effective way in which America could make her weight
felt in the world contest was to get that reserve into the field,
with the help, if necessary, of British munitions and equip-
ment. The balancing of these considerations, which occupied
much of the time of Ministers during the last 18 months of the
war, thus broadened out into the problem of coordinating the
whole Allied effort. But the final decisions did not radically alter
the proportions of British munitions production.
Man-power. As regards man-power, 53,000 men were with-
drawn between March and Nov. 1917 for the army from muni-
tions work, by a continuous process of substitution and dilution
without diminishing production. As a result of the German
offensive in the spring of 1918, which created a man-power
crisis and led to the raising of the age limit for general recruiting,
it was decided to make an immediate " clean cut " in the
munition factories of all men of 19 and 20 regardless of the
nature of their employment, and to take all men of 21, 22 and
23 within a short period. A hundred thousand men were obtained
by this plan before the middle of the year; but when the tide of
battle turned, Mr. Churchill secured the suspension of the
second part of the scheme. Indeed, he secured the release of
some of those already enlisted for work upon the new tank
programme, for the blast furnaces, and for the manufacture of
scientific instruments, etc.
Throughout this period the employment of women steadily
increased, and the lack of skilled men was met by pressing them
to enroll as war-munition volunteers thus increasing the re-
serve of mobile skilled men and by rationing skilled labour to
firms. Protection from recruiting was withdrawn from men not
fully employed on skilled work. The embargo on employing more
than a certain number of skilled men was at first resisted, and
led to a strike at Coventry in July 1918. But the Ministry
stood firm and the scheme was carried into effect.
Tonnage. In the autumn of 1917 a drastic cut was ordered
by the Cabinet in the import programmes of the different depart-
ments, since the Minister of Shipping, taking the best available
estimate of losses from the submarine campaign, anticipated
that the imports into Great Britain would drop by 10 million
tons. The ration to the Ministry of Munitions was reduced
from 12 million to 10 million tons, most of which had to be
deducted from iron-ore imports. The steel budget was con-
sequently reduced and pressure put upon the departments to
minimize their programme. The Minister, however, took the
view that, as other supplies might be uncertain and it would be
foolish to keep ships waiting for a cargo, he should be allowed to
maintain a surplus stock of metals, materials, etc., on the
Atlantic seaboard of America ready for shipment at any moment.
Owing partly to the success of anti-submarine measures, partly
to the success of the policy of concentrating ships on the shortest
(i.e. the Atlantic) route, and partly because other materials were
not ready in time, the actual imports of munition materials
during 1918 were at the rate of 12 million tons a year. In the
autumn of 1917 an arrangement was made with the United
States to supply American ships to convey material needed in
Great Britain to replace material used in making goods for
the U.S. army in Europe. But this scheme of hypothecating
ships to convey particular replacement material was not, in fact,
carried into effect, being superseded by the plan of reviewing
and allocating the tonnage and material resources of the Allies
as a whole through the machinery of the Inter-Allied Transport
and Munitions Councils.
The orders for heavy shell placed by the Ministry in 1916,
which were delivered during the early part of 1917, gave so
large a stock that no further orders were necessary except in
regard to 6-in.-shell orders, which were placed both in the
United States and Canada for delivery in 1918. Apart from
this, the main requirements from America were for shell steel,
nitro-cellulose powder, copper, spelter, motor lorries and
lubricating oil, while as the year progressed substantial orders
were also placed for aeroplane spruce and for Liberty engines.
The rate of dollar expenditure, however, in 1918 represented
less than half of the maximum reached in the first quarter of
1917, while in Canada the purchases dropped to less than 60%
of the maximum reached in the second quarter of 1917.
Inter- Allied Relations. These discussions emphasized the
necessity for agreement with the Allies. In the late summer of
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1025
1917 the difficulty of financing imports from the United States
led to an agreement between the British and French Ministers
of Munitions, under which the latter undertook to pay by
dollars in America for goods bought in England which involved
replacement in American material. Further discussion of the
problem, moreover, led the British Minister to insist that the
production of shell steel to French specification should cease
and that M. Loucheur should buy his shell steel direct from
America. France, from a very early stage in the war, had
devoted her restricted steel production to the manufacture of
more finished products, and had relied on England and America
for the overwhelming proportion of her shell steel. The French
Minister was anxious to retain some of his supply from European
sources as an insurance against an interruption of sea communica-
tion; and to meet this difficulty Mr. Churchill agreed to retain
a small output of shell steel of French specification. The bulk
supply was, however, transferred to the United States. This
example illustrates the kind of problem which arose under the
conditions at the end of 1917, and which, together with the
necessity of coordinating the American munition effort with the
Allied needs, gave rise to the formation of the Inter-Allied
Munitions Council. Prior to the formation of the British
Ministry of Munitions the Allied delegates purchasing in Great
Britain on behalf of their respective Governments had been
brought together in an international commission under the
supervision of an officer of the Board of Trade. This officer and
his staff, however, could not keep in touch with the growing
supply departments, and their function resolved itself into
that of rendering assistance as liaison officers to the foreign
purchasing agents in London. In particular their duty was to
see that the purchases made were a proper charge against
the funds loaned by the British Government to these various
countries, and secondly that ships were available for transport-
ing the goods purchased.
When the Ministry of Munitions started, Mr. Lloyd George
took an early opportunity of holding a conference with the
French Minister of Munitions, and throughout the war such
conferences were frequent. InNov. 1915, atoneof these meetings,
at which Italian and Russian delegates were present, it was
agreed that an Inter-Allied bureau should be formed for the
purpose of studying and coordinating the requirements of the
Allies. The scheme, however, was never carried into effect,
as the Allied nations were not at that time ready to declare the
basis of their requirements. In the early summer of 1916 the com-
petition of the Allies in the United States became accentuated,
and a few months later it was decided to form a bureau the duty
of which was to coordinate the demands made upon New York
by the various Ministers of Munitions. The bureau was not,
however, sufficiently strongly supported, and it was found that
various departments were placing orders without consulting
the organization. A third attempt at coordination was made in
Nov. 1916, when the campaign of 1917 was discussed in Lon-
don. At these conferences substantial progress was made in
the direction of setting down the complete programme of the
different Allies present, and it was agreed that an organization
should be set up in Paris to which full information should
be supplied, and from which a complete statement of the
requirements in the field and the manufacturing requirements
of each Ally should be circulated for confidential information to
the various Ministers. This organization continued with
fluctuating fortunes and with fairly full information about
Great Britain and France, but very little about other Allies.
Sufficient information was, however, forthcoming to afford a
very valuable check upon the demands put forward from time
to time by various countries.
Such was the position when a conference was held in Dec.
1917 in Paris to consider the position for 1918. At this conference
the European Allies recommended America finally to adopt a
European type of artillery, but no definite plan of cooperation
emerged from this discussion.
In April 1918 Allied munition officers, including representa-
tives of the American army, again discussed the munition
situation in reference to the situation in America, and as a result
M. Loucheur, at the suggestion of the British representative,
sent out formal invitations for a conference to meet in June to
consider a proposition for the constitution of a permanent
Inter-Allied Munitions Council, with a standing secretariat
and with authority to discuss and make recommendations upon
the programme of the various Allies. This Council was organized
into sub-committees dealing with artillery, explosives, tanks,
aircraft, tonnage, steel and raw materials. This was nominally
an advisory body, but as its chief members were the Ministers
themselves it was of sufficient authority to take binding decisions
and to negotiate with the Inter-Allied Transport Council and
the Financial Council of the Allies as to the tonnage and finance
available for munitions, and to arrange between the Allies for
the allotment of such resources. It thus represented an important
link in the final coordination of Allied efforts.
Its existence enabled a check to be put upon the basis for
calculating the production programme of the various Allies,
while the general survey which it gave enabled it to make a
unanimous recommendation to the United States to give priority
for French and British shell steel required over steel for American
factories, in view of the depletion of British and French reserves,
and the necessity of making them good before the 1919 campaign,
which might be expected to start early in the new year. Finally,
the representative of the American War Department on the
Council, when he received instructions that an enormous increase
was to be made in the size of the American army in the field,
was able to organize a plan which, by using British and French
gun-making capacity, would have enabled this enlarged army to
be equipped many months earlier than would have been the
case by depending upon American factories.
At the Armistice the numbers employed in the Ministry of
Munitions amounted to over 25,000, of whom 60% were women.
Some Munition Statistics. The development of the British
munition effort may be illustrated by some additional statistics.
The most striking are perhaps the expenditure of gun ammunition
on the western front. The figures cannot suitably be shown in
numbers of rounds, owing to the change from light to heavy
shell during 1916 and 1917, and to a limited extent back to light
shell when open warfare was resumed in 1918. The best index
is therefore weight in tons.
TABLE IV. Munition Expenditure on Western Front (in tons).
Eleven Months 1
Aug. 1914 to
June 30 1915
1915 3 r d Quarter . ....... 19,500
4th ........ 21,800
1916 1st ........ 28,500
2nd ........ 96,70
3rd ........ 327,700].
4th ........ 239,200;
1917 ist ........ I74,ioo
2nd ........ 575,ooo
3rd ........ 600,000 \
4th ........ 425,500 /
1918 ist ........ 285,000
2nd ........ 485,000
3rd ........ 641,000
4th ........ 2 14,000
* ist Somme battle.
t Messines, Arras, Vimy, 3rd battle of Ypres, Paschaendale
Ridge, ist battle of Cambrai.
% St. Quentin, 2nd battle of Somme, general advance.
Table IV. shows that the expenditure of ammunition reached
its climax in the autumn of 1918. More than 10,000 tons a day
were fired on 15 successive days, and in the record week ending
Sept. 29 3,383,700 rounds, weighing 83,000 tons, were fired.
On Sept. 29, when the Hindenburg line was broken, 943,837
rounds were fired, the cost of a single day's ammunition amount-
ing to 3,871,000.
Table V. further shows the progress of the manufacture of
guns and ammunition throughout the war; of the 217,000,000
complete rounds delivered, 126,000,000 were filled in new na-
tional filling factories built by the Ministry. Of the empty shells
delivered during the war, 28% in number came from British
.
T
IO26
MUNITIONS OF WAR
TABLE V. Guns and Gun Ammunition.
New Guns and Howitzers
Filled Ammunition (in thousands)
Light
Medium
Heavy
Very
Heavy
Total
Light
Medium
Heavy
Very
Heavy
Total
Up to June 30 1915
1915 2nd six months
1916 1st
2nd
1917 1st
2nd
1918 1st
2nd
802
1,895
1,180
1,045
1,547
2,488
3,990
3,056
242
493
969
679
408
603
966
797
6
4
205
495
570
762
1,164
875
31
33
no
258
253
450
264
270
1, 08 1
2,425
2,470
2,477
2,778
2,303
6,384
4,998
1,877-3
4-46I-7
10,287-1
25,204-3
30,004-2
22,556-7
18,474-6
19,067-7
389-0
976-7
2,919-2
8,392-6
9,887-1
9,528-8
8,363-1
6,421-0
26-5
134-4
432-1
2,492-7
4,480-6
6,693-1
6,734-6
7,647-3
14-0
74-5
213-8
1-654-7
2,145-8
2,381-1
1,625-4
1,479-5
2,306-8 1
5,647-3
13,852-2
37,744-3
46,5i7-7
4i,i59-7
35,197-7
34,6J5-5
1 6.0(13
5.157
4,081
1,675
26,916
i3i,933-6
46,877-5
28,641-3
9,588-8
217,041-2 J
The classification is that adopted by the Inter-Allied Munitions Council. In the case of Great Britain it includes under " light " field
guns (l3-pdr. and i8-pdr.), mountain guns (2-75-in. guns and 3'7-in. howitzers), anti-aircraft guns (i3-pdr., 3-in. and 4-in.) and tank and other
miscellaneous small guns. The medium guns include the 6o-pdr. gun and 4'5-in. howitzer. The heavy include the 6-in. howitzer and gun and
the very heavy include 8-in., g-2-in., 12-in. and 15-in. howitzers and guns.
TABLE VI. Production of Rifles, Machine-Guns, Small-Arms Ammunition,
Aeroplanes, Aero-Engines, and Tanks.
Rifles
Machine-
Guns
Small-Arms
Ammunition
(Thousands)
Aero-
Engines
Aeroplanes
Tanks
Up to June 30 1915
1915 3rd Quarter
4th
1916 1st ........
364,246
173,317
198,641
217,631
1,486
I-7I9
3,133
5,1:82
507,758
395,881
570,029
626,566
1,025
730
1,015
I ^6Q
902
692
948
T T -5 7
2nd
267,759
7.24^
7^8, 155
I 6l5
I 117
3 r ||
4th
1917 1st
2nd
3rd
457,732*
4i6,564t
793,3501
7i7,ooo
*24.42^
9,572
10,801
16,637
19,836
18 058
811,476
803,607
697,536
250,878
jcc 280
2,054
1,989
2,704
3,567
4-3J.2
1,939
2,020
2,730
3,640
no
40
IOO
324
106 I
4 th . .
T,2T..U2
24 OO7
401 408
6 052
1918 1st
2nd "
3rd
4 th "
294,947
293,039
287,096
186,990
29,124
33-884
31,437
26,419
597,006
954,362
866,262
596,241
8,261
7,873
8,016
7,119
7,154
7,870
8,558
7,200
260
507
369
255
Totals
5,316,277
239,840
9,172,645
57,931
54,789
2,818
Including 186,000 "Acceptances" of U.S.A. rifles,
t Including 154,000 "Acceptances" of U.S.A. rifles.
contractors, 35% from national projectile or shell factories or
through local munition committees, 12% from the United States
and 25% from Canada.
Trench Mortars and Trench Ammunition. When the war
broke out, the British army was not furnished with any weapon
especially adapted for trench warfare, and in the fourth quarter
of 1914 only 12 trench mortars were delivered. The maximum
production of trench mortars was attained in the second quarter
of 1916 when 2,178 were delivered. The total number of trench
mortars delivered during the war period amounted to 19,096
and the output of trench-mortar ammunition to over 17,000,-
ooo rounds. The total number of grenades delivered amounted to
100,103,000, and of aerial bombs to 4,738,000.
Table VI. shows, further, the number of rifles, machine-guns,
small-arms ammunition, etc., delivered during the war. Of the
5,316,000 rifles manufactured, 3,954,000 were made in Great
Britain, and the army was entirely armed with rifles of home
manufacture. The maximum home output of rifles was attained
in the last quarter of 1917, when 324,000 new rifles were delivered.
A total of 240,000 machine-guns were delivered, and output rose
from a total of 211 in the fourth quarter of 1914 to 33,484 in the
second quarter of 1918. The total number of rounds of small-
arms ammunition manufactured amounted to 9,172,645,000,
nine-tenths of which was manufactured in Great Britain.
The number of aeroplanes manufactured amounted to 54,789,
the maximum output being attained in the third quarter of 1918.
The number of aero-engines delivered was 57,931, the maximum
output being attained in the first quarter of 1918. The first
tanks were delivered in the third quarter of 1916 and numbered
no. Owing to changes in design, etc., only 40 were delivered in
the following quarter and 100 in the first quarter of 1917. The
maximum output was attained in the second quarter of 1918,
when 507 were delivered. The total number of tanks manufac-
tured amounted to 2,818.
Mechanical Transport, Railway Material, etc. The Ministry
became responsible for the supply of motor vehicles on Sept. i
Including 462,000
Including 391,000
Acceptances
Acceptances !
of U.S.A. rifles,
of U.S.A. rifles.
1916. From this date to the end of 1918 there were delivered
33,000 heavy lorries, 2,500 four-wheel-drive lorries, 4,000 light
lorries, 4,700 motor-cars, 1,700 ambulances, 4,100 Ford cars,
1,400 Ford ambulances, 12,000 Ford vans, 2,200 caterpillar
tractors, 27,700 motor-cycles, 7,000 motor-cycle combinations
and 183 armoured cars.
The Ministry of Munitions became responsible for the supply
of railway material in Oct. 1916, and from that date supplied
2,300 m. of 75-lb. rails, 4,200 m. of light rails, 750 standard-
gauge locomotives, 800 locomotives for other gauges, 13,000
petrol tractors and 33,000 railway wagons of various types.
Workers on " Munitions." It is impossible to state accurately
the numbers engaged on the manufacture of munitions at
various dates during the war period, because the term " muni-
tions " has never been strictly defined, nor did the Ministry of
Munitions undertake any comprehensive inquiry into the num-
bers of munition workers. The best approximation to the
number of munition workers is found in the reports of the
Board of Trade on the state of employment in the various
industries, where the number engaged on Government work is
also shown. The accompanying Table VII. shows the numbers
engaged in Government establishments and on Government work
in the metal and chemical trades, which may be taken as broadly
covering " munition " work.
It will be seen that between April 1915 and July 1918 the
number of males engaged on munitions more than doubled while
the number of females had increased tenfold. By mid-summer
1916 more than 80% of the workpeople in the metal and chemical
trades were on Government work, and by the summer of 1918
more than 90% were on Government work. No figures are
available as to the number engaged on Government work
prior to the war, but it is considered unlikely that they could
have amounted to more than 50,000.
Allies. During the war, Great Britain kept Italy and France
supplied not only with coal, but with substantial supplies of
iron and steel, which, until 1918, when the United States
MUNITIONS OF WAR 1027
TABLE VII. Numbers Employed in Government Establishments and on Government Work in the Metal and Chemical Trades.
Males
Females
Total
Percentage to total numbers employed
in the metal and chemical trades and
in all Government establishments.
Males
Females
Total
April 1915
July 1915 i
July 1916
July 1917
July 1918
1,009,000
1,397,000
1,752,000
1,923,000
2,046,000
78,000
136,000
375,ooo
707,000
825,000
1,087,000
1,533-000
2,127,000
2,630,000
2,871,000
55-9
74-0
84-0
88-0
91-2
33'5
52-8
70-8
84-4
89-4
53-4
71-6
81-4
86-8
90-7
assumed more of this burden, amounted to from 1,000,000
to 1,500,000 tons of iron and steel a year to France and 250,000
tons to Italy. Great Britain also kept France and Italy supplied
with benzol, and Italy with T.N.T., picric acid and other explo-
sives. As regards finished munitions there was a certain amount
of interchange, Great Britain receiving aero-engines and some
anti-aircraft guns from France and motor-cars from Italy, and
supplying heavy artillery and ammunition, incendiary and other
special small-arms cartridges for use in aeroplanes, and machine-
guns. British assistance to Russia took the form almost entirely
of finished products, including machinery.
The Last Stage. Under Lord Invcrforth, as Minister from
Jan. 1919 to March 1921, the last stage was reached. Prior to
the Armistice the Demobilization Committee had considered
plans for dealing with the situation that would arise when the
" cease fire " sounded, and the army in France would suddenly
find itself unable to deal with the inflowing tide of munitions. The
most difficult problem was to dispose of the daily production of
explosives and filled shell from the filling factories. When
the Armistice actually arrived immediate orders were given to
stop work in these two classes of factories. Some latitude was
allowed in the engineering shops, but, as arrangements had been
made for paying benefit to men out of work, the rights of the
Ministry under the Break Clauses were soon put into operation.
Production, in fact, ceased partly owing to the sudden loss of
purpose in munition work and the unwillingness both on the
part of the workpeople and of employers to continue making
what were obviously useless articles. In the steel works, man-
agers were loth to put material into articles which would clearly
have to be put back into the furnaces, and everyone was anxious
to get on to peace work. The Finance and Contracts departments
did their utmost to come to friendly agreements with con-
tractors in regard to cancellation, and every effort was made
to clear the munition material from the shops.
A similar policy of encouraging a rapid return to peace con-
ditions was adopted in regard to the raw materials controlled
by the Ministry. Restrictions on importation and on purchase
of steel were rapidly removed, and even where large stocks were
held by the Government, control over the market was rapidly
relaxed. In order that the metal and chemical markets should
know how they stood, the stocks in Government hands were
published, and in as many cases as possible bargains were made
with trade organizations to take over and dispose of these
surpluses, which in several cases amounted to two or three years'
supply for peace purposes.
It was at first anticipated that the State would have to place
substantial orders to enable industry to start, and large orders
in particular were anticipated in connexion with the Govern-
ment's housing scheme. The Cabinet therefore decided that
the plan already discussed for converting the Ministry of Muni-
tions into a Ministry of Supply, which should deal with pur-
chases of all kinds for every department of State, including the
Post Office, Office of Works, Admiralty, War Office and the Air
Ministry, etc., should be carried into effect. The anticipation
that large orders would have to be placed was, however, not ful-
filled, and as the need for drastic economy in Government ex-
penditure was slowly realized the scheme was dropped.
Immediately after the Armistice the labour department of
the Ministry of Munitions was transferred to the Ministry of
Labour, and the design department reverted to the War
Office. The Ministry was thus left with two great tasks, that
of closing up the accounts of the war and that of disposing of
the enormous war stores in the hands of the Government. The
surplus stores in Great Britain of the fighting departments
were transferred to the charge of the Ministry, as well as the
large stocks held abroad. At the end of the financial year
1920-1 these remaining duties were transferred to a liquidation
and disposals commission under the direct supervision of the
Treasury, and the Ministry of Munitions as a separate entity
ceased to exist. (H. I. H. L.; W. T. L.)
II. UNITED STATES
No accumulation of war materials in excess of the amounts
required for the regular army, which numbered 127,588 on April 6
1917, was made by the United States in anticipation of entry
into the World War; and the Director of Munitions, Benedict
Crowell, subsequently stated that there were no plans in the
War Department for the " necessary mobilization of industry
and production of munitions, which proved to be the most
difficult phase of the actual preparation for war " (America's
Munitions, p. 18). After the declaration, all of the forces of
Government, supplemented by voluntary endeavour of citizens,
were turned towards the recruiting and supplying of the national
army, which 19 months later (Nov. n 1918) numbered 3, 757, 624,
of whom 2,086,000 had been transported to France.
WAR OPERATIONS OF AMERICANS 1917-8
Men in France fighting 1,400,000
Men in France behind lines 600,000
Men in army in United States 1,700,000
Men in navy 550,000
Men in war work 7,150,000
Women in war work 2,250,000
Men and women not in war work 44,350,000
Aged and children 47,000,000
Total 105,000,000
The total number of American troops placed in the field was
larger than could have been equipped with material of American
manufacture; the speed in recruiting was made possible by the
fact that the great European Allies had in 1917 reached, if not
passed, their maximum man-power in the field, whereas their
power to produce munitions was unimpaired and growing. They
were able to guarantee their surplus for the use of American
troops and thus ensure an earlier and more numerous American
participation upon the firing line. American divisions were there-
fore assembled rapidly, even though they were ahead of the
munitions programme. The war came to an end before many of
the elements in this programme of procurement were expected
to be ready in sufficient supply. Many items would have con-
tinued to be procured abroad regardless of the length of the war,
for the double purpose of saving ocean tonnage and giving profit-
able occupation to Allied civilian workers. Some items ' were
delayed by faulty estimates or mistakes at home.
Procurement in Time of Peace. The pre-war agencies for the
procurement of munitions in the United States were shaped by
the needs of small and permanent armed forces. In the Navy
Department there was an old-established system of bureaux in
which the needs were estimated and the supplies procured so
smoothly that the only requirement of war was to enlarge the
personnel of existing offices. In the War Department there was
no central system of purchases; in the lack of one, each bureau
bought independently for itself, the most important of the
purchasers being the quartermaster-general, the chief signal
officer, the surgeon-general, the chief of ordnance and the
chief of engineers. Each of these departments had its own
system of specifications and rules of purchase. Moreover, the
1028
MUNITIONS OF WAR
revolution in land warfare since 1914 had introduced new weapons
of elaborate mechanism for which no department had any estab-
lished precedents. When war began and efforts were made to ex-
pand the army in every direction the various procurement agen-
cies developed duplication of work and inconsistency in standard,
and by their competitive entry into the markets increased the
scarcity of goods and raised the price.
Military Organization. The inadequacy of the American
military organization was recognized by the War Department
as well as by critical observers on the outside, and after the out-
break of the World War numerous efforts were made to induce
Congress to provide more completely for national defence. The
reluctance of the people to assume military burdens in time of
peace and the desire of the national administration to refrain
from active war preparations while pressing its policies of neutral-
ity retarded the movement for preparedness. In the winter of
1915-6 there was begun a serious attempt to correct deficiencies
of the existing system, with the result that Acts of 1916 changed
the basis of army, navy and civic cooperation for war. The
National Defense Act (June 3 1916) and the Naval Appropriation
Act (Aug. 29 1916) were in harmony with earlier American poli-
cies. The former left the army to be raised after entry into war,
though providing in its officers' training camps a better means
for training line officers than had prevailed in earlier wars,
while the latter contemplated an effective navy. A naval build-
ing programme, covering a three-year period, was undertaken in
the latter Act. It called for ten dreadnought battleships and
six battle-cruisers; but it was not possible even to begin the
construction of most of these until after 1918, and they had
no effect upon the outcome of the World War.
Council of National Defense. A Council of National Defense
was provided for in an Act of Aug. 29 1916, constituting a new
venture for the United States, based directly upon the experience
of the European belligerents with the need to organize the whole
of their social and industrial strength for the prosecution of the
war. In no earlier war had the national effort involved so nearly
the whole national strength as in this. The forces in the field
were no more completely fighting the enemy than were the
merchant marine, the manufacturers of war munitions, the pro-
ducing farmers, and the civic agencies that saw to the rationing
of national resources and their conservation. The Council of
National Defense consisted of six members of the President's
Cabinet, the Secretaries of War (chairman), Navy, Interior,
Agriculture, Commerce, and Labour. It was not intended that
these ministers, already burdened with the duties of executive
departments, should personally undertake the task of mobiliza-
tion of civic forces for war, but they were authorized to create an
Advisory Commission of specialists in various fields of industrial
activity who should direct the studies and coordination. As
finally organized, the Advisory Commission of the Council- of
National Defense consisted of Daniel Willard, railway president
and chairman; Bernard M. Baruch, an expert in raw materials;
Howard E. Coffin, a manufacturer of motor-cars; Hollis Godfrey,
an educator; Samuel Gompers, a veteran labour leader; Franklin
H. Martin, an eminent physician; and Julius Rosenwald, a
prominent merchant. Walter S. Gifford, an engineer, was selected
as director of the Advisory Commission, and each member was
made chairman of a committee according to his specialty.
The Council of National Defense did no important work until
after the breach with Germany (Feb. 3 1917); between this date
and the actual outbreak of war it sat in continuous session upon
the problems of the procurement agencies of the Government,
and more particularly those of the army, since the needs of the
navy were less in amount and simpler in scope. Its special
committees brought to Washington the men acquainted with
the industrial resources of the United States and the available
capacity for the manufacture of war material. There had been
a voluntary survey of these resources conducted by a committee
of the Naval Consulting Board, which the Navy Department
organized in Oct. 1915. In the committee on supplies, of which
Julius Rosenwald was chairman, numerous sub-committees
were created at once to sit with officers of the Quartermaster's
Produced
Shipped
Blankets
Coats
Drawers
Undershirts
Shirts
Stockings
Shoes
Breeches and
Overcoats
trou
;ers
19,419,000
22,603,000
71,884,000
69,764,000
22,198,000
89,871,000
26,423,000
17,342,000
7,748,000
3,127,000
7,294,000
14,701,000
15,693,000
6,401,000
29,733,ooo
9,136,000
6,191,000
i ,780,000
Department of the army in the scrutiny and award of contracts.
Munitions Types. A large part of the munitions needed for
maintaining an army of 4,000,000 men could be produced in
the United States without difficulty because the articles needed
were similar to those called for in time of peace. Such articles
as shoes, socks, uniforms, blankets, food and food containers,
camp utensils and equipage required only the drafting of speci-
fications and the speeding-up of industry to produce the requisite
amounts.
CLOTHING, ETC., PRODUCED AND SHIPPED TO THE A.E.F. BETWEEN
APRIL 6 1917 AND Nov. n 1918
Up to the point at which they called for more than the visible
supply of raw materials they presented few problems different
from those of ordinary manufacture. More difficult than these
were the heavy manufactures of the material needed in transpor-
tation, beginning with ships, locomotives, and rolling-stock, and
including the goods to be utilized by the engineers in France and
by the construction division around the cantonments and factory
towns. The Engineer Corps alone handled 3,225,121 tons of
supplies during the 19 months of war; 1,303 locomotives and
18,313 freight cars were shipped to France; 1,002 m. of standard-
gauge railroad track were constructed there. The manufacture
of these goods was difficult, not because of their novelty but
because it was often impossible to assemble rapidly the machin-
ery with which to make them, and to build the new plants in
which to construct them. In a war lasting only 19 months many
of the preliminary processes could not be completed, nor quantity
production be reached. Most difficult of all was the problem of
manufacture of delicate or heavy ordnance, siege guns, field
artillery, machine-guns, rifles, aircraft, tanks and motor trans-
port, in which quantity production depended upon slow and
painstaking preparation of the preliminary processes, upon the
supply of labour and raw materials, and upon the wise selection
of designs and types to be manufactured.
Considerable experience in the manufacture of ordnance and
other munitions had been gained by private firms during the
period of American neutrality through the fulfilment of contracts
placed in the United States by the Allied belligerents. In April
1917 every shipyard had its ways filled with vessels on foreign
order. Most of the private capacity to make explosives, rifles,
machine-guns and cannon was similarly in use. The experience
thus gained was an asset for the United States, but its value was
limited by the fact that few of these resources could be diverted
to the supply of American armies without endangering the supply
of Allied armies already on the firing-line in the common cause.
General Munitions Board. The evolution of the American
equivalent of a munitions ministry begins in Howard E. Coffin's
committee of the Advisory Commission of the Council of Nation-
al Defense. Here it was early learned that new factories must
be erected for the construction of guns, aircraft, and other mu-
nitions of the elaborate type, and that a preliminary determina-
tion of standards must precede this in order that the types put
into production should be as few in number and as useful as
possible. On March 20 1917, the Munitions Standards Board
came into existence to advance this work as a sub-committee
of the Council of National Defense. Frank A. Scott, a Cleveland
engineer, was chairman of this board, and directed its study of
requirements with a view to standardization. Within a few
days it was learned that the Board must do either more, or
nothing, since unless it could get preliminary statements of the
needs of the army and navy its work was fruitless. On April 9
it was reorganized as the General Munitions Board, because,
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1029
said Gifford, the director of the Advisory Commission, " it
was necessary, if we were going to give intelligent advice, that
somehow we should have a system for clearing the needs of the
army and navy, and for having the needs brought before the
people." The General Munitions Board included, at first, seven
military and eight naval officers, and Baruch, Coffin, Martin
and Rosenwald from the Advisory Commission. Its purpose was
to coordinate army and navy purchases, to establish precedence
of orders between the two departments and the industrial needs
of the country, and to determine priority of delivery of materials.
It was dependent for its success upon its powers of persuasion.
The Secretary of War directed his supply departments to declare
their needs to the General Munitions Board when time permitted,
but reminded them that the full responsibility of the supply de-
partments remained unchanged.
Within a few weeks of the declaration of war numerous special
bodies were created to carry on parts of the munitions work.
A Railroads' War Board (April n) undertook voluntary direc-
tion of the operation of railway lines, retaining it until the in-
auguration of the Railroad Administration (Dec. 26) under
Director-General W. G. McAdoo. The Emergency Fleet Cor-
poration (April 16) was created as a construction agency of the
U.S. Shipping Board, with Maj.-Gen. George W. Goethals in
charge, succeeded in turn by Rear-Adml. W. L. Capps and
Charles M. Schwab. The Aircraft Production Board (May 16)
under Howard E. Coffin exercised indefinite powers, in conjunc-
tion with the Signal Corps of the army, over the designing and
execution of the aeroplane programme. It undertook, said the
Chief of Staff, in 1919, " an air programme entirely disproportion-
ate to a properly balanced army and, as events showed, impos-
sible of execution . . . practically independently of the rest of
the army." Behind all these, the Council of National Defense
stood in an advisory capacity, making suggestions, appointing
other sub-committees, bringing citizens into contact with the
Government bodies, but not generally administering the war
agencies except in their initial steps.
The various parts of the munitions programme developed" in
accordance with estimates as to the number of men that could
be put into the line in France. In the spring of 1917 it was hoped
to have 1,000,000 men there by the end of 1918; but the Allied
commanders did not believe that American troops could be of
use for independent work even by that date. This programme
was frequently revised, until in July 1918 the Chief of Staff
recommended preparations to put 3,360,000 American troops in
France before July i 1919. The responsible departments, the
special war bodies, and many civic agencies worked with abun-
dant patriotic goodwill, and confusion was perhaps inevitable
because of the undefined functions of the new war machines.
Among the thousand of items to be procured, those that involved
the country in the most uncertainty and controversy were ships,
aircraft, gas and appliances for using it, heavy ordnance,
artillery, rifles, and machine-guns.
Ships. When the Emergency Fleet Corporation began work
there were 256 shipways in the United States capable of constructing
ships of 3,000 deadweight tons' capacity, distributed among 67 yards
mostly along the Atlantic coast. The merchant tonnage of the
United States was 3,569,675 gross tons. 1 An early phase of the
shipbuilding work was the designing of standard wooden ships of
3,000-5,000 tons and steel ships of 5,000-8,000 tons. Contracts were
placed, before the Armistice, for building 17,399,961 deadweight
tons, of which 2,368 new vessels, aggregating 13,616,836 deadweight
tons, were retained in the final reduced programme of June 30 1919.
By this latter date 1 ,056 ships of 5,858,164 deadweight tons had been
delivered, many of them from new yards or new ways erected in old
yards. By the date of the Armistice the merchant tonnage had been
increased, in excess of marine losses and enemy destruction, by 498
ships of 1,944,773 gross tons, without counting enemy ships seized
or Dutch ships requisitioned.
Ships
Gross tons
Strength April 6 1917 ....
New construction to Nov. n 1918
Ships otherwise acquired to Nov. n 1918
Enemy ships seized in United States
Dutch ships requisitioned ....
Total to Nov. II 1918 ....
Ships lost April 6 1917-Nov. II 1918
By enemy action
By other causes
Strength Nov. n 1918 ....
1,614
704
95
97
87
3,569,675
2,287,034
274,366
648,894
354,278
2,597
103
213
7,134,247
313.569
416,578
2,281
6,404,200
1 It was the practice of the Shipping Board to compute new ton-
nage in deadweight tons, representing the actual freight-carrying
capacity of the vessel, instead of gross tons, which are derived
arbitrarily by dividing the external cubic dimensions by 100 cubic
feet. The ratio between deadweight and gross tons vanes with the
type of vessel; rough formula for conversion is, I gross ton equals
i -60 deadweight tons.
The question of building the emergency ships of wood or steel
aroused warm controversy between those who saw in the wooden
ship a means of putting to use materials and labour that were
relatively plentiful, and those who believed that only the steel ship
could perform the work required. Contracts for steel ships of stan-
dardized design were let in large numbers to existing companies, or to
new companies organized to receive contracts. In addition to these,
provision was made for making separate parts of ships in numerous
inland factories and assembling them in great Government yards,
at Hog Island, on the Delaware river below Philadelphia, with 50
erecting ways; at Newark, N.J., with 28; and at Bristol, Pa., with
12. The contract for building the Hog Island yard, in an unimproved
but accessible swamp, was signed Sept. 13 1917; the first ship
assembled there, the " Quistconck," was launched Aug. 5 1918; a
keel was laid on the fiftieth way in Nov. 1918 ; but in spite of all the
speed that patriotic effort and lavish expenditure could produce, not
one of the fabricated ships took on a cargo before the Armistice. The
results of the ship-building programme could not have been realized
before 1919. In addition to the increase of the merchant tonnage
through the building of new ships upon contract of the Emergency
Fleet Corporation, the Government requisitioned all American ocean-
going vessels, seized enemy ships in American ports, chartered many
neutral ships, and requisitioned Dutch ships lying idle in American
waters and partly finished vessels that were under construction for
foreign owners. The growth of shipping under the American flag
(in vessels of 500 gross tons or over) is as follows :
Aircraft. Prior to April 6 1917, the United States had acquired
in all 224 aeroplanes, which were controlled by the Signal Corps of the
army, and none of which reflected in their design the lessons of 'the
World War. The appropriations of Congress for military aviation
are as follows :
1912-6 . $900,000
1916-7 (Urg. Def. Bill) 500,000
1917 (Army approp.) 13,281,666
1917 (Milit. aeronautics) 10,800,000
July 24 1917 640,000,000
1917-8 (Urg. Def. Bill) 43,450,000
The funds thus made available were expended first by the Signal
Corps in conjunction with the Aircraft Production Board and the
Aircraft Board which superseded it Oct. I 1917; then by the Bureau
of Aircraft Production of the War Department which was created
May 20 1918 under John D. Ryan; and after Aug. 28 1918 by the
Air Service of the War Department with the same director. The
policy was to design a standard type of aeroplane engine, put it into
quantity production, and have ready for the campaign of 1918 a
fleet of 22,000 effective aeroplanes. By July 4 1917 the first experi-
mental " Liberty Motor," as the standard engine was named, had
been constructed. After further refinement of design it was turned
over for production to the manufacturers of automobiles in the
absence of large aircraft industries in the United States. The first
finished Liberty engines were delivered in Dec. 1917, and 15,572
more followed within the next year. The first American squadron,
completely equipped by American production, was reported by
Gen. Pershing to have crossed the German lines on Aug. 7 1918.
The A.E.F. was provided by the French Government with 2,676
aeroplanes, and received from the United States 1,379 planes of the
De Haviland type. The delivery of aeroplane engines of all types to
the Government in the United States began with 66 in July 1917,
and rose to 5,297 in Oct. 1918, with a total of 28,509 to the end of
Oct. 1918.
Toxic Gases. Much of the preliminary work in gas warfare was
done in the U.S. Bureau of Mines, which had already made studies
in connexion with the safety factor in the operation of mines. The
laboratories of leading universities took up experiments before the
declaration of war, and there was gathered at the American Uni-
versity in Washington, D.C., a nucleus of experts in the investigation
of problems in gas offence, gas defence, toxicology of gases, and the
manufacture of gas and containers. The strictly military study of
the use of toxic gases was made in the Trench Warfare Section of the
Ordnance Department, but it was necessary to call into the work the
officers of the Medical Department. There was no commercial
equipment in America for gas manufacture upon the scale needed for
the American programme, and the Edgewood Arsenal (3,400 acres)
in Maryland was accordingly built to manufacture gas and fill gas
shells. In June 1918 the various agencies concerned in gas warfare
1030
MUNITIONS OF WAR
were consolidated by the President, under authority conferred upon
him by the Overman Act, and became the Chemical Warfare Service
of the army. Additional projects were developed to keep pace with
experience in Europe, the programme of American production rising
from 545 tons per week (March 1918) to 4,525 tons per week (Aug.
1918). German production of mustard gas, at the date of the
Armistice, was believed to be not over 50 tons per week.
The manufacture of gas progressed so rapidly as to get far ahead of
the manufacture of empty shells; and these were far ahead of the
boosters needed to explode them and scatter the charge. Toxic
materials, to the amount of 4,278 tons, were shipped in bulk to
Europe to be there loaded into shells, and provided the full equiva-
lent of the gas used in all the gas shells fired by the A.E.F. No
American gas was fired in American shells.
GAS MANUFACTURE AND SHIPMENT
1918
Toxic
materials
produced
(in tons)
Grenades,
shell, etc.,
filled
Toxic
materials
shipped
overseas
(in tons)
Shell, etc.,
shipped
overseas
Jan.
10
Feb. .
61
.
.
March
211
April .
399
.
May .
697
June .
993
July .
i,35i
73,201
Aug. .
1,548
354.962
Sept. .
1,911
374,968
Oct. .
2,726
459,895
Nov. .
910
151,043
Total
10,817
1,414,069
4.278
868,664
Heavy Ordnance. There were 97 officers at work in the Ordnance
Department at the time America entered the World War, only 10 of
whom were experienced in designing artillery weapons. While
expanding this commissioned force to 1 1 ,000 during the 19 months of
war, it was necessary also to design and direct the production of the
ordnance for an army of 5,000,000 men. Only six Government
arsenals and two private plants had had experience in producing
heavy ordnance before 1914; the number was increased by " a score
or so" by 1917, because of Allied contracts for artillery, ammuni-
tion, rifles, machine-guns, etc.; by Nov. 1918 there were nearly
8,000 plants at work upon ordnance contracts, light or heavy.
The heavy-gun capacity of American makers was all under Allied
contract in April 1917, with a year's work ahead. Up to the Armis-
tice 1,102 guns (from 3 in. tO9~5 in.) and 14,623 forgings (from which
the finished guns are turned and bored) were thus made in the
United States for the Allies. Fifteen additional heavy-gun factories
were equipped to meet the American need, and all but three (whose
machine tools were delayed) were producing forgings before the
Armistice; the rate for Oct. 1918 was above 24,000 guns per year.
In mobile field artillery the French 75-mm. gun was accepted for
the standard in quantity production, and its designs, with those for
its intricate recuperator, were redrawn to meet American conditions
in manufacture. The tolerances, which the French were in the habit
of working out in the assembling plant, were reduced to figures and
gauges in order to permit the American method of manufacture of
separate, interchangeable parts. In Oct. 1918, 464 complete artillery
units (guns, carriages and recuperators) were produced and delivered
to the army by American manufacturers, with an accumulated total
of 2,058 units to the end of the year. But no 75-mm. guns or 155-mm.
howitzers of American manufacture were on the front at the date of
the Armistice. The French Government provided the A.E.F. with
equipment of this sort sufficient for 30 American divisions.
Rifles. The rifle selected for use in the A.E.F. was the 1917
Enfield, a model adapted from the British rifle which had been
developed in quantity production in American factories upon
British orders, 1914-7. It was selected, not because it was believed
to be superior to the 1903 Springfield (the standard then in use in
the American army), but because the Springfields could be made
only in the Government arsenals at Springfield, Mass., and at Rock
Island, whose capacity had been determined by Congressional action
and could not be expanded as rapidly as the emergency required.
The factories built for the manufacture of Enfields, on the other
hand, had completed their foreign orders and stood available for
immediate American use. The decision of the War Department was
to adapt the Enfield to shoot the standard rimless .30 calibre Spring-
field cartridge, to complete the standardization of the Enfield, and
to produce it in these private plants. There was no shortage of
American-made rifles for overseas use. For the purpose of training,
until quantity production should begin, the American troops relied
upon the pre-war stock of about 600,000 1903 Springfields and
200,000 of the older Mauser rifles which the Springfield had dis-
placed. The arsenals were kept at work on the 1903 Springfields,
raising their production to 2,500 rifles per day at the Armistice. The
statistics of rifle production 1 are:
1 America's Munitions, p. 186.
1903
Springfield
1917
Enfield
1917
128,475
302,887
1918 Jan.
31,570
153,499
Feb. .
9r370
170,857
March
54
160,142
April .
2,631
167,485
May .
3,970
181,034
June
6,759
!9i,354
uly .
16,879
231,193
Aug. .
28,617
191,769
Sept. .
33.583
199,635
Oct. .
39-176
187,477
Nov. (1-9)
11,308
56,097
Total .
312,878
2,506,307
Machine-Guns. A large appropriation ($12,000,000) for the pur-
chase of machine-guns was made in the Army Act of Aug. 29 1916,
and 4,000 Vickers guns (heavy) were ordered shortly thereafter, but
the War Deparment had not completed its test of types or made its
selection of a light machine-gun on April 6 1917. Before the World
War the machine-gun did not play a large part in military equip-
ment, and there were not in existence either patterns of completely
satisfactory type, or facilities for wholesale manufacture. An
American gun, invented by Col. I. N. Lewis, " was a revelation when
it came to the aid of the Allies early in the great war," and capacity
for its manufacture was developed in private American plants on
Allied order. This, and other types, the Vickers, Benet-Mercie,
Maxim, and Colt, were under experiment by the Machine-Gun
Board when America entered the war. The board continued its
deliberations until satisfied. Since the whole capacity of the Lewis-
gun factories was contracted for, it was certain to be several months
before this or any other gun could be produced on a greatly increased
scale. In May 1917, the Machine-Gun Board tested and adopted
two newly designed guns, one heavy and one light, both the work of
John M. Browning. The first light Brownings were accepted in
Feb. 1918; the first heavy Brownings in the following April. There-
after the new industry gained rapidly in volume, until during Oct.
1918 the War Department accepted 14,639 heavy and 13,687 light
Browning guns. By the end of the year 226,557 machine-guns of all
types had been accepted by the United States. The production of
the Lewis gun was continued, it becoming the standard gun for air-
craft. At the Armistice there were enough heavy Brownings in
France to equip all American divisions there, but there had not been
opportunity to issue them generally to the troops in exchange for
the various other guns in use.
Naval Ordnance. Naval ordnance presented fewer difficult
problems than that for the army because the quantities needed were
less staggering, and fewer weapons represented novelties in manu-
facture. The construction of battleships was practically stopped
during the war, the whole strength of the navy yards being con-
centrated on smaller vessels, with destroyers ana submarine chasers
at the head of the list. The manufacture of the latter led to an
experiment with quantity production of a fabricated steel chaser,
the " Eagle " type, at a new Ford plant near Detroit.
Much delicate experimentation was done in search for new range-
finders and submarine detectors, various listening devices being
brought forward for the latter purpose. The construction of the
North Sea mine barrage called for the development of a new mine
and anchor and tested the ingenuity and capacity of manufacturers
working in a new field. The formal approval by President Wilson
of the plan to lay a barrage of anchored contact mines from the
Orkney Is. to the Norwegian territorial waters off Udsire Light, a
distance of 230 m., was given on Oct. 29 1917, after the British
Admiralty had assented to the joint project. The Bureau of Naval
Ordnance was already at work upon the mechanism, in advance of
approval, and was able to summon the manufacturers to a conference
early in November. Contracts for making the various parts were
placed with a large number of plants, and the first mines were ready
to test by March 1918. Orders were placed for 125,000 mines, of
which 56,611 were laid in the barrage by American mine-layers
operating from bases in the N. of Scotland, near Inverness. The
whole barrage included 70,263 mines, of which 13,652 were British
laid, covering a zone of sea from 15 to 35 m. in width, and to a depth
sufficient to prevent submarines from diving under it. The complete
barrier was in place by July 29 1918, although it was much tightened
thereafter. The barrage is known to have destroyed 17 submarines
and to have closed the North Sea outlet, particularly after Norway
announced a determination to mine her own territorial waters
adjacent to the barrage. (Navy Ordnance Activities, World War,
1917-1918, p. 125.)
Evolution of the War Government. The evolution of the muni-
tions programme, as the proportions of the American effort
were extended, was simultaneous with the execution of its de-
tails. An attempt to give it unity and proportion was made from
the start under disadvantages due to the newness of the ad-
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1031
ministrative organizations and the uncertainties or difficulty of
the work itself. Before the execution of the programme was
far advanced further necessity for coordination was seen, as
experience developed shortages in capital, labour, raw materials
and transportation, and as it came to be recognized that the
whole programme would stand or fall upon the proper adjustment
of priorities among war and civilian needs. The disrupting haste
due to the imminence of invasion was never present, but the
object was to make the American addition to the Allied force suf-
ficient in volume to crush the enemy armies.
The General Munitions Board and the various committees
on special commodities erected by the Council of National
Defense proved themselves less than adequate before midsum-
mer, 1917. A common ground for complaint was the fact that
many of the committee-men were loaned to the Government by
firms that were bidding for contracts, thus placing the committee-
men in the embarrassing position of awarding contracts to them-
selves. Disappointed bidders complained that there was favour-
itism in the granting of awards. More than this, the powers of
the General Munitions Board were too small to enable it to
have the full knowledge essential to a scheme of priorities.
Purchasing Commission for the Allies. Among the difficulties
was the presence in the American market of buyers for all the
Allies, spending funds loaned by the United States (under Act
of April 24 1917), and bidding both against themselves and
against the American army and navy. Allotments of the avail-
able supply of raw material were made, not according to needs
but upon a competitive basis that produced uneven distribution
and rising prices. In Aug. 1917 an agreement was reached with
the Allies whereby their buying in the United States was con-
centrated in a Purchasing Commission (Bernard M. Baruch,
Robert S. Brookings, and Robert S. Lovett), and discussions
were started that led eventually to the creation of the Inter-Allied
Council on War Purchases and Finance, which began work in
London, Dec. 1917. Meanwhile the General Munitions Board
had been reorganized upon a broader scale.
War Industries Board. As early as July 1917 President Wilson
served notice that price-fixing powers would be needed by the
Government, and Congress conferred the necessary authority
upon him by Act of Aug. 10 1917. On July 28 the War Industries
Board superseded the General Munitions Board, under Frank A.
Scott, head of the defunct organization. In addition to the chair-
man, the War Industries Board included men active on the
Council of National Defense, and the whole personnel of the
Purchasing Commission for the Allies. Baruch specially repre-
sented raw materials, Brookings was in charge of prices, Lovett
concerned himself with priorities, Hugh Frayne represented
labour, and there were additional representatives from army and
navy. A great change in the civilian conduct of the war followed
this reorganization. In Nov. Scott, who retired because of bad
health, was succeeded by Daniel Willard, chairman of the Ad-
visory Commission of the Council of National Defense; and
Willard was in turn succeeded in March by Baruch. The terms
of Baruch's authority were conveyed in a letter of March 4 1918
in which President Wilson directed him to make the War In-
dustries Board the agent of the Government in all matters of
supply. Between March and Nov. 1918 the War Industries Board
became a sort of munitions ministry. It continued a part of the
Council of National Defense until after the passage of the Over-
man Act, May 20 1918. This Act was demanded by the President
in Feb., at a time when his critics were calling for a minister of
munitions. He insisted that the full control of the war must be
left in the hands of the executive, but urged that he be given
power, for the good of the cause and the duration of the war, to
make rearrangements in existing bureaus, to re-group or create
new bureaus, and to transfer appropriations from one agent of
Government to another as needed. The War Industries Board
was instantly cut loose from the Council of National Defense
upon passage of the Act; the Chemical Warfare Service was
launched as an independent agency, and the aviation functions
of the Signal Corps were transferred to new bureaus of Aircraft
Production and Military Aviation, and later to the Air Service.
The chief divisions of the War Industries Board revolved around
the Requirements Division, to which representatives of army, navy,
emergency fleet, railway administration and Allies reported their
programmes of requirement. In order to solve problems of priority
m delivery, the board created a great series of Commodity Sections,
under the direction of civilian experts who were required to divorce
themselves from business, and these Commodity Sections encouraged
the creation of War Service Committees by the manufacturers in
every line of industry. More than five hundred such committees
were finally organized, and brought their testimony as to the capacity
of their industries to the Commodity Sections, and thence to the
Priorities Division of the Board. After the several requirements were
cleared by the Clearance Division, upon order of the Requirements
Division, the Price-Fixing Committee was brought into action in
cases where it was necessary to hold prices down or to raise them
enough to stimulate the needed production. This committee, though
interlocked with the War Industries Board, was not a part of it but
was a separate creation by the President. The work of determining
cost of production, as an element in the fixing of prices, was done
for the Price-Fixing Committee by the statisticians of the Federal
Trade Commission. A Conservation Commission was created to
consult with Commodity Sections and War Service Committees
upon the proper distribution of the raw materials remaining for
civilian use after the military needs were met. A War Finance
Corporation (April 5 1918) was created by Congress and authorized
to advance funds to banks to cover loans made by them to munitions
makers, in order that these might convert their factories or expand
them in the public service. A Resources and Conversion Division
made surveys of industries that could be converted to war use; a
Facilities Division studied the possibilities of creating new establish-
ments for the same purpose. Before the end of the war new construc-
tion for non-war use was stopped except in case of minor repairs,
and Capital Issues Committees, attached to the Federal Reserve
banking system, received authority to pass upon and veto private
applications for loans of capital for non-war use. Other sections or
divisions were added to complete the war organization of industry
under the general supervision of the War Industries Board. (Hand-
book of Economic Agencies of the War of 1917, prepared in the His-
torical Branch, War Plans Division, General Staff, 1919.)
Other War Boards. Except in the army and navy, the great
agencies of procurement grew up outside the permanent depart-
ments of Government. The Shipping Board was the first of the
new war boards to begin to function. It was followed by the
Food Administration (Aug. 10 1917), under the direction of
Herbert Hoover, who had conducted a voluntary Food Ad-
ministration after May 19, while Congress was debating the pro-
jected Food and Fuel Control Act. On Aug. 23 1917, Harry A.
Garfield became head of the Fuel Administration. The War
Industries Board (July 28) was by no means as pervasive as it
became in 1918, but was active from its creation. Under the
Trading with the Enemy Act (Oct. 6 1917) the President created
on Oct. 12 the War Trade Board, with Vance McCormick as
chairman. The function of this body was to supervise imports
and exports for the purpose of conserving tonnage, securing the
necessary raw materials for the munitions programme, and
preventing the enemy from deriving any advantage out of
American foreign commerce. The Alien Property Custodian
(Oct. 6 1917) transferred alien enemy property into the hands
of a trust administrator to prevent the enemy from deriving
advantage from American industry. The Railroad Adminis-
tration (Dec. 26 1917) was the last of the great war boards to be
created. During the spring and summer of 1918 the President
held frequent conferences with the heads of the six great boards
and the Secretaries of War and Navy, this body being spoken of
informally as the " War Cabinet."
Centralization in the War Department. The Navy Department
made few changes in its basic organization during the war, but
the War Department was in continuous readjustment. The
several independent buying agencies were rearranged by func-
tions, so that given commodities might be procured for the whole
army by a single purchaser, and all military finance pass under a
single eye. In Dec. 1917 Maj.-Gen. George W. Goethals was
taken into the War Department as Director of Storage and
Traffic of the General Staff. The General Staff did not find its
wartime chief until Gen. Peyton C. March took charge (March 4
1918), being sent back for that duty from the A.E.F. His im-
mediate predecessor as chief-of-staff was Gen. Tasker H. Bliss,
who remained in France at the Supreme War Council; Bliss was
preceded by Maj.-Gen. Hugh L. Scott, who was in office at the
1032
MUNITIONS OF WAR
outbreak of the war, and accompanied the American mission to
Russia in 1917.
Goethals reorganized all the procurement agencies of the
War Department, taking many of them away from the former
bureaus and building up a new organization under himself.
In Jan. 1918 Brig.- Gen. Palmer E. Pierce was made Director of
Purchase and Supply, while Edward L. Stettinius, a banker who
had acted as buyer in America for the Allies, was made Assist-
ant Secretary of War to cooperate with him. In April the Pur-
chase, Storage, and Traffic Division of the General Staff took
over the functions of both of these divisions, and, as " P., S. and
T.," under Goethals became the most visible of the War Depart-
ment agencies at the national capital. Stettinius was sent abroad
to the Inter-Allied Munitions Council, and Benedict Crowell
became Assistant Secretary of War and Director of Munitions.
(Crowell, America's Munitions, 1917-1918, Washington 1919.)
The reorganization of the War Department, the expansion of
the Navy Department, the creation of the War Boards, and
the rise of the War Industries Board as the coordinating agency
were simultaneous processes. The condensation of so much
activity in a few months makes it difficult to award praise or
blame to individual organizations; but at the date of the Armis-
tice the new War Government was functioning, having converted
the United States to the single purpose of winning the war.
Labour. The six great war boards included all the fundamental
elements except labour. By the adoption of the Selective Service
Act (May 18 1917), the policy was established of permitting only
those to serve with the colours who could be spared from the tasks of
production, and before the end of the year the draft registrants were
classified according to their industrial importance. Labour was
brought into cooperation with the scheme of procurement through
the various committees organized by Samuel Gompers for the
Advisory Commission, and the Government agreed that, in con-
sideration of an attempt on the part of Labour to keep the work
moving, the United States would endeavour to preserve the stand-
ards and health of Labour as against the dangers of rising wages,
labour scarcity and uneven housing conditions. In each of the
larger war agencies some sort of Labor Bureau or adjustment com-
mission was created, and Congress acted upon the initiative of a
committee of the Council of National Defense by making appro-
priations for housing facilities in congested regions, which were
administered in part by the U. S. Housing Corporation, and in part
by the Shipping Board. Early in 1918 the Department of Labor
created a commission of employers and labour to draw up a formal
programme for labour treatment. As a result of the report of this
body the President created (April 8 1918) the National War Labor
Board, presided over by ex-President William H. Taft and Frank P.
Walsh, to act as a supreme court for the adjustment of labour
disputes. This was followed (May 13 1918) by the appointment of a
National War Labor Policies Board, upon which all the producing
agencies were represented, whose function was to determine standard
policies and eliminate inequalities prevailing in the practices of the
numerous production agencies. Within the Department of Labor
various labour services were inaugurated or expanded, notably the
Children's Bureau, the Woman in Industry Service, and the Employ-
ment Service. On Aug. I 1918, by executive order, the Employment
Service took over through its own offices the whole task of placing
unskilled labour in American industry in order that labour priority
orders might be respected and that the employees of one concern
might be freed from " wage raids " made by other establishments.
All private employment offices were closed, and labour was generally
driven out of non-essential occupations by two orders: (l) a ruling
of the Provost-Marshal-General denying deferred classification under
the draft on grounds of dependency to men engaged in the occupa-
tions marked non-essential on his list (May 17) ; and (2) a classifica-
tion of industries by the Priorities Division of the War Industries
Board grouping industries in the order in which it was important and
permitted that they be supplied with fuel, raw materials, transporta-
tion and labour (Sept. 3).
Government-Owned, Corporations. In the execution of the muni-
tions programme a device relatively new to American practice was
frequently used in the corporations whose capital stock was entirely
owned by the Government of the United States. Government pro-
duction was normally slow and expensive because of the red tape
and lethargy inherent in civil service establishments. Financial
operations were embedded in legal requirements adopted not to
expedite work but to ensure honesty in expenditure. Private busi-
ness, on the other hand, could make decisions and apply funds with
the promptness desired of Government offices in time of war. The
Shipping Board Act authorized the creation by the Shipping Board of
a corporation all of whose stock should be subscribed by the board
out of a fund appropriated by Congress. As stockholders the mem-
bers of the board elected directors for the corporation (generally
themselves) ; and the directors were at liberty to disregard Govern-
ment red tape and to act as freely as any private directorate under
the general laws of the state granting the charter. The Emergency
Fleet Corporation was organized pursuant to this authorization, and
the freedom of action thus obtained inspired other war boards to
imitate the process. The U.S. Grain Corporation and the Sugar
Equalization Board were created by the Food Administration to
administer the work of stabilizing the price of flour, sugar and
coffee. The Spruce Production Corporation was jointly owned by
army and navy aircraft interests and the Allies, who were thus
required to pay their share of the overhead charge in producing
spruce lumber for aeroplanes. The War Finance Corporation was a
subsidiary of the Federal Reserve Board, doing a banking business
in buying war-loan paper from individual banks. The War Trade
Board Russian Bureau was organized in the closing days of the war
when it appeared that Government stimulation of trade with
Siberia would be useful. The U.S. Housing Corporation was an
operating subsidiary of the Department of Labor. (F. L. P.)
III. THE CENTRAL POWERS
No department of army supply gives so clear and compre-
hensive a picture of the whole war administration of the Central
Powers as that of the munitions supply. The error of the
peace-time preparations lay in the under-estimation of the'
length of the war and of the fighting needs, and in the inadequate
provision for the mobilization of industry. With this naturally
went deficient arangements for building up reserves of raw
material. The difficulties were the greater, since, owing to the
effects of the blockade, the supply of food for the army and for
the civil population were largely parts of one and the same indus-
trial problem, owing to the many points of contact between the
respective demands. Quite apart from the question of coal and
taking, for instance, fats, sugar, and alcohol, all needed in the
manufacture of explosives in Austria-Hungary 50,000 tons of
sugar had to be withdrawn for that purpose from the food
supply in a single year, while in Germany during a like period
900,000 tons of potatoes were used in the production of alcohol
for explosives. Military supplies of many other kinds were
also greatly affected by the demands of the Munitions Depart-
ment. Almost the whole of the national economic life had to
be adapted to this particular necessity, and in this respect the
situation was truly that of a beleaguered fortress. The home
industries had to be specially developed in order to meet the
pressing need; and it was here especially that Germany took the
lead among her allies. Because of her superior strength she
had to be responsible for such of their supplies as their own
means were inadequate to provide. This amounted to practically
the whole in the case of Turkey and Bulgaria. A consideration,
either of the war economy as a whole or of the supply of muni-
tions alone, may therefore be properly confined to the perform-
ance of the two great Central Powers.
At the beginning of the war, and even more in its earlier
months, Austria-Hungary depended upon Germany's mightier
and more complex production for various kinds of war material,
and especially for certain important raw materials. The Danube
monarchy was far from being so homogeneously organized as
either Germany or France. In contrast to the highly developed
and qualitatively important industries of Lower Austria, parts
of Steiermark, Bohemia, Moravia, and a few small Hungarian
centres, there were vast areas which were entirely impotent in
an industrial sense. The form of the political system also
prevented complete central control of the whole available
strength of land and people. Regions of advanced culture
existed side by side with immense tracts which were hardly at
all developed. Austria-Hungary was always greatly inferior to
Germany in the matter of raw materials. Her sole advantage
lay in the naphtha wells of Galicia; and this ceased to exist soon
after the beginning of the war, when the Russians invaded that
region. The scarcity of coal was always a great difficulty; even
in peace-time she was dependent on Germany for supplies.
The Austro-Hungarian Empire possessed an iron and steel
industry of the first rank as regards quality. Quantitatively, it
could not compete with the German industry, chiefly owing to
the above-mentioned lack of coal, but qualitatively the product
was not only not inferior to that of Germany, but it ranked next
to the English high-grade steels in the world-markets. The
magnificent armament industry was second only to this well-
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1033
developed, high-grade steel industry. What Krupp and Ehrhardt
were to Germany, the Skoda works and the firm of Bohler were
to Austria-Hungary; and eventually the Hungarian gun factory
at Gyor, which was under the management of Skoda, was added
to these. For small arms and rifles Austria-Hungary possessed,
in the front rank, the Steyr armament works. All these private
sources of production in conjunction with the State factories
which, since the time of Uchatius, had been capable of a large
output, were soon in a condition to undertake the entire supply
of the Austro-Hungarian army, and also to share in the equip-
ment of her weaker allies with guns, small arms and shells.
The chemical industry was, however, totally inadequate, so
that in this respect the Danube monarchy was very largely
dependent upon Germany, and consequently had difficulty in
producing the necessary explosives in sufficient quantity. In
fact, the inadequacy of the powder and explosive production
of Austria-Hungary made itself felt all through the war, and
was the main cause of the crises which occurred from time to
time in the munitions supply. The truth is that neither of the
Central Powers was at first equipped for coping with the unex-
pectedly great and urgent demand for munitions, any more
than were the rest of the belligerents.
The difficulties created in Germany by the blockade were
increased by Austria-Hungary's lack of raw materials, which
rendered her almost powerless to offer any compensation for
the loss of overseas imports. Only after Gorlice (May 1915)
did her petroleum industry begin to contribute to the common
war economy, and besides this, strictly speaking, only her
bauxite deposits, magnesium works and timber stocks were
worthy of mention beside Germany's extensive contribution.
Nevertheless, Germany succeeded in carrying on the war,
which was so largely one of materials, for 4^ years, and Austria-
Hungary's contribution of material (for example, of guns and
ammunition) was for a long time in the proportion of 1:3 to
that of Germany. These facts afford a proof of the remarkable
way in which Germany adapted herself to the war necessities,
and also of the height of her technical accomplishment; they
are no less a sign of the immense vitality of the Dual Monarchy,
which was contrary to all expectation even in Austria-Hungary
itself. The achievement of the much weaker Austro-Hungarian
industries is perhaps the greater marvel, for the difficulties of
obtaining raw materials, of finding the necessary workmen, the
transport problem, and, lastly, the very different degrees of
development in the various regions weighed heavily indeed.
Both the Central Powers achieved seeming impossibilities in
utilizing the entire productive capacity of their populations, the
more so as all active classes of the people were called up
during the war, as in the other belligerent States.
The actual organization of production is dealt with later in
this article. Before coming to it, we will describe generally the
character of the problem to be faced in respect of the forms of
munitions employed by the Central Powers.
Artillery Ammunition. The two empires had always been
entirely independent of one another as regards the development
of the whole artillery, small arms, machine-gun, and ammunition
production. Only in course of the war did an active interchange of
field and factory experience take place. Bulgaria and Turkey, until
the war, competed for their weapons in the open market.
The shell, as the shooting agent, is so entirely dependent struc-
turally upon the shooting apparatus, that ammunition can only be
dealt with in relation to the guns concerned. The ruling considera-
tion in the manufacture of guns must likewise be their conformity
with the possibilities of shell construction.
The Central Powers like the French on their introduction of the
75-mm. field-gun, which was believed capable of satisfying all re-
quirements endeavoured to unify the artillery weapons of the field
army as much as possible ; that is, to make one type of gun suffice.
However, opinion soon came round to the view the correct one,
as the war showed that both the light and the medium field-
artillery required a high-angle gun. In Austria, particularly, where
the mountainous nature of the country had led before the war to the
production of conspicuously good high-angle guns and notably
mountain guns, the view was held that even the Tight artillery must
have shells of great penetrating power for vertical fire against
the covered-in shelters and stone defences to be looked for in moun-
tain warfare. In both the Central Empires judgment went against
the artillery experts who were in favour of greater mobility and light-
er ammunition. However, both armies possessed a medium artillery
(up to and including 15 cm.) which was highly effective as regards
the individual round. At the beginning of the war Germany already
had modern light and heavy howitzers, and also the 2 1 -cm. mortar.
It is true that the Austro-Hungarian medium artillery was only
equipped with the new patterns after the first few months of the war,
the tests being then barely completed ; the existing types of howitzer
were, however, not inferior, either in shooting effectiveness or in the
matter of shells. While the Austro-Hungarian super-heavy how-
itzers were undoubtedly superior in mobility and effectiveness to
that of all the other armies, the German medium and heavy flat-
trajectory artillery were immensely superior.
The weapons referred to are the 3O-5-cm. mortar (38o-kgm. shell;
11 kilometres' range), and the 42-cm. howitzer (l.ooo-kgm. shell;
12 kilometres' range) of Austria-Hungary, already existing in peace
time, to which the38-cm. howitzer and the 21 -cm. mortar were added
during the war. All three were designed for motor traction. The
German long-range gun is also included. At the beginning of the war
Germany had also her 42-cm. howitzer, which, however, was inferior
in mobility to the Austrian.
The different lines of development of the German and Austrian
artillery were determined by the form of their respective main
theatres of war. Austria-Hungary, which had to adapt its artillery
to the destruction of the enemy forts distributed through all the
important mountain passes and the rocky shelters to be found in the
hills, clearly had to make her gun and ammunition construction cor-
respond to this necessity. There was thus more urgent need for
shells with solid points, and therefore base-fuzes.
Reviewing the technical triumphs of the World War, it is clear
that in the domain of artillery ammunition there was no advance
gas ammunition excepted on the pre-war principles of construc-
tion. This applies to all the belligerents. In spite of the efforts at
uniformity, the munitions equipment necessarily became very varied
during the war, because it had to conform to the varied character of
the fighting, of the ground, and, lastly, of the production, which was
subject to the supply of raw material and to the capacity of the
factories. However, the new products were almost always construct-
ed on the old lines, and all new types which resulted from lack of
the customary material appear, when closely examined, as no more
than forced solutions of a difficulty. The ammunition, like the gun
material, remained unchanged in principle, only tending towards a
gradual intensification, without any change in essential character.
No new propellant, no new explosive, no new body or driving-band
material, not even a really new and better fuze, emerged from this
unparalleled trial of strength, this world-wide competition in tech-
nical ability. In two directions only may real improvement be noted :
the false-cup shell which increased range and brought up fresh
ballistic problems in connexion with the upper air, and the shell of
the Austrian 30-5 motor-mortar, which was the first high-trajec-
tory projectile combining armour-piercing effect with mine-effect.
This latter shell was the product of the very developed native high-
grade steel industry. With an explosive charge of 38 kilogrammes, it
had (like the mine-shells of the field howitzers) a 10 % efficiency
(proportion of explosive to total weight), and yet, with an initial
velocity of about 300 metres a second, was able to penetrate 250
millimetres of reinforced nickel-steel armour without deformation.
This necessitated a resisting capacity, taking pressure alone, equal
to 21,600 kilogrammes to the square centimetre, and it was not a
thick naval shell, but a thin-walled mine-shell, of which the point
and shoulders had to be hardened. The material was a specially
reinforced alloy of high-grade steel. The results obtained with this
in peace-time had already induced the German army chiefs to place
orders with Austrian works for shells for their 2i-cm. mortars.
Developments in Manufacture. In the case of guns and of ammu-
nition alike, the war-developments in manufacture were of an
industrial nature in both the Central Empires. The military author-
ities exercised an influence over this development through the orders
they placed and the experiments they caused to be made.
In Austria-Hungary there was a special Artillery Staff, the officers
of which were recruited, like those of the General Staff, from the
General Staff School, and received, in addition, a special technical
training. For this reason, and also because it was in constant touch
with the troops, this corps was able to judge, from both a military
and a technical standpoint, what demands should and could be made
for any kind of military material. The ammunition with the
exception of special types, as, for example, the Ehrhardt " Universal "
shell was actually designed in the military bureaus of this staff.
Hence the Austrian ammunition was from the beginning more uni-
form in construction, and the work done by the staff in peace-time
considerably lightened the task of transforming the artillery
equipment which, excepting the field-guns and the heaviest high-
trajectory guns, was not modern.
Projectiles^: Material and Methods of Production. The cores of
modern artillery projectiles were made from Martin steel by the
Ehrhardt pressure process. A material rich in manganese was de-
sirable, and especially one which should be reasonably workable
and not liable to cause much waste from rejections. This process of
manufacture by means of shell-presses, and, for larger; calibres, by
drawing from rough billets of metal, required special establishments.
The production was therefore confined to specially adapted factories.
1034
MUNITIONS OF WAR
In Germany, soon after the beginning of the war, a larger number
of firms was available. Before the war, in the latter country, 13
firms were available for the manufacture of the pressed-steel shells
for the newly constructed experimental guns. There were no more
during the early months of the war.
When, after the first few weeks, the unforeseen extent of the de-
mand for munitions was realized, both States had to depart in some
measure from the approved methods of manufacture, because it
became necessary alsq to utilize factories not equipped with presses.
Between December 1914 and the middle of 1915 production began
of shells of grey cast-iron for light, and of cast-steel for medium,
calibres. About the same time began the greatly increased demand
on the part of the troops for explosive shells in place of shrapnel,
which was of very little use in position warfare. It was believed that
the necessity of the moment was thereby satisfied, but, as might have
been anticipated, production on this scale did not in the least respond
to the demand. While the shells of Martin steel, formed by pressure,
could sustain a firing stress of up to 50 or even 65 kilogrammes to the
square millimetre without further treatment, the limit for the cast-
iron shells was at the most 25 kilogrammes to the square millimetre.
Moreover, the cast-shells could not be secured against faults occur-
ring in manufacture. The so-called water-pressure test to which, in
both Germany and Austria-Hungary, the finished cast-shells were
submitted in the acceptance test, really served no purpose except
that of silencing the bad consciences of the experts. The consequence
was that these shells had to have their walls considerably strength-
ened, and to be shortened, thereby reducing the proportion of the
explosive. Moreover, the risk of explosions in the bore forbade the
employment of powerful modern explosives as filling, and caused the
adoption of much less effective safety explosives such as dynamon,
etc. These shells, therefore, proved entirely inadequate, and their
production was in fact soon abandoned owing to the number of
guns damaged by the splitting or bursting of the barrel. It was
contrived, instead, to effect a substantial increase in the output of
shells formed by pressure.
The ever greater demands made on the munitions industry,
which had to share its raw material with other departments of
war supply, made it necessary to employ Thomas iron in addition
to Martin steel, and, as ferro-manganese was scarcer in Austria-
Hungary after the loss of the Jakobeny mines, to reduce the propor-
tion of manganese in the metal. The chief disadvantage of this was
that more defects occurred in the manufacture and so many shells
were rejected as seriously to reduce the output.
Nowhere did the harmfulness and illogicality of using inferior
materials and cheaper processes manifest itself so plainly as in the
manufacture of munitions. The war showed clearly that fewer
munitions of good quality are much to be preferred to a larger supply
of inferior stuff. For nothing so greatly strengthens the moral of the
enemy and weakens that of the home army as ineffective ammuni-
tion. To this was added the great wastage of gun-barrels (from
barrel explosions) with the attendant danger to the men serving the
guns. The troops lost faith in their weapons, and were inclined to
overestimate the enemy's artillery and underestimate their own.
Acceptance Conditions. The kinds of material to be used in shell-
manufacture (for test-pieces) were determined in peace-time. For
shell-steel a tensile strength of 80 kilogrammes to the square milli-
metre and an elongation of from 7 to 15 per cent; for shrapnel-steel
a tensile strength of 80 kilogrammes to the square millimetre and a
12-per-cent elongation. For shells subjected to high pressure for
certain guns exceptional strength was required. In Germany
particular attention was given in the tests to the limits of extension.
As a rule, none of these specifications was modified in war, except
in the case of cast-iron shells. Indeed, the testing of the shells was
based even more than in peace-time on their shooting. This became,
in fact, the only essential test for shrapnel. Any modification of the
conditions laid down and tolerances admitted was only intended
to facilitate the necessary mass-production, and no sacrifice of
quality was accepted. Several over-careful peace-time stipulations
could be dropped without scruple. In those cases in which alloy
steel was prescribed as the shell material, unalloyed steel came to be
admitted when the super-heavy howitzers began to be used for man-
killing purposes (especially in the Carso), as such shells needed no
hardening process.
An investigation into the causes of the explosions in the bore, which
were the source of much anxiety, showed conclusively that they were
seldom to be attributed to the shell-bodies as such, and were there-
fore usually due to set-up, which in many cases could be very simply
ebviated by machining down the body. This was the case, for in-
stance, with the Austrian lo-cm. cupola howitzer. The great in-
fluence of the brevity of the single effort of resistance required of
a shell was demonstrated in an experiment with shells weakened by
having the greater part of the circumference sawn through; these
were fired with very heavy charges, and all were successful, though
the pressure on the dangerous sections must have been greatly in
excess of the normal amount. Experiments showed that the cal-
culated admissible pressure on the shell body was far less than
that which occasionally occurred without rupture.
In reality, the behaviour of the shell in the bore is ill-understood.
The pressures to which the shell is exposed cannot yet be mathemat-
ically formulated. The calculations made have only an empirical
basis, albeit indispensable. The chief thing is that the material
should be of uniform consistency throughout.
Form of Projectiles. -In peace-time the measurements calibre-
length, form of head, base were usually alike in Germany and
Austria for modern types of shell; i.e. average length, 4 calibres;
radius of point about 2 calibres. Those of the medium field army
artillery were not very different.
For newer types of gun, i.e. the Austrian medium io-4-cm. and 15-
cm., and the German 15-cm., more slender forms were adopted, and
consequently the value of improvements in the projectile was more
and more recognized, especially in Germany. In order to obtain,
with a like weight of shell, the slenderer form and greater calibre-
length and at the same time the distribution of mass best suited to
rotation, the shells were fitted with ogival caps of thin sheet-metal.
These could be removed for the manipulation of time fuzes. The
gain in range was 30 to 40 per cent in Germany ; in Austria, jvith the
15-cm. auto-gun it was only 12 per cent. The difference was due to
the variations in the ballistic quality of the original shells. Similarly,
good results were obtained by Germany for small calibres with
the so-called C. shells. The form of these was very carefully defined,
and incidentally incorporated a principle which was already being
applied by some makers in peace time the streamlined base. The
tests carried out showed the influence of these improvements to be
only sensible at muzzle velocities of 500 m/s and upwards.
In certain of the heaviest high-trajectory guns the shells used in
field warfare were substantially lightened, so as to obtain a great
range without over-straining the gun by use of a heavier charge.
Painting of Shells. While the German shells were nearly always
streaked with paint, those of the Austro-Hungarian army were left
bare except for marks of identification. The painting appears to be
more useful for this purpose than as a protection against rust.
Before the war various experiments had shown that the formation of
rust proceeded under the paint. Moreover, the lack of pigments en-
forced their economy in Austria-Hungary.
Driving-Bands. Before the war copper was invariably used for
driving-bands. Earlier experiments with cupro-nickel and other
alloys led to no result. The size and number of the rings and bands
employed are determined by the pressure. An effective pressure on
the driving edge of from 400 to 600 kg/cm 2 was found to be best.
The form of the rings was only governed by the necessity of good
seating of the shell in the bore and by loading convenience. In the
case of heavier direct-fire guns a backward strengthening of the
bands towards the rear or a gascheck may be advantageous for
sealing, according to the shape of the chamber.
The problem of material became especially important when the
scarcity of copper began to be felt. The demand could not be met
by the internal production, even with the addition of the metal of
commandeered domestic articles.
None of the substitutes employed was really of much practical
utility. In both Germany and Austria-Hungary the use of a very
soft iron resulted in a wearing-out of the barrel after from 60 to 80
shots. Better results were obtained with a pure iron made by an
electrolytic process (electrolytic iron), which Germany succeeded in
putting to good use as driving-bands; it was, however, difficult to
produce in large quantities, and its employment was limited to this
one purpose, for which it ranked next to copper in suitability. The
wastage of barrels was not excessive. Paper substances gave toler-
ably good results both in German and Austro-Hungarian experiments;
but the fixing of the paper rings on the shell was very troublesome and
not always certain. Besides, the paper had a grinding action on the
interior of the bore and led to rapid wear.
A compressed zinc-aluminium alloy, very easily worked, was
employed to a great extent, as a substitute for copper, with a thin
ring behind or in front of the ordinary zinc band which was of the
usual form. While in Germany an extensive use of these driving-
bands was being made in 1917, Austria-Hungary from that year
onwards effected an increased production by using a hollowed-out
gascheck of copper behind the zinc. This, however, was not used in
great quantities because at that time the output of ammunition was
not sufficient to absorb the copper bands already in hand. The zinc
alloy was not really satisfactory, or at most only with the small
charges of light howitzers. With more powerful charges the zinc
bands were considerably burned through, the sealing was inefficient,
and the greatly increased dispersion seriously impaired shooting.
Shrapnel and Shell Shrapnel. The equipment of the field-artillery
guns with shrapnel and explosive shells respectively was based on the
view prevailing before the war that shrapnel, with its more extended
effect and lesser dependence on precision, was the best projectile for
use against troops. For the light field-guns the proportion of shrapnel
was very high. Various efforts were made to arrive at a " universal "
shell, in order to simplify ammunition supply. From this attempt
arose the various types of H.E. shrapnel, the fuze of which was so
contrived that the projectile could be made to act either as shrapnel
or shell. In the end the " universal " shell was accepted by Austria-
Hungary alone of all the great States. The Ehrhardt H.E. shrapnel
was found the best and was adopted. Three factories were set up for
its manufacture before the war. The projectile had pressed into the
shrapnel body a head acting like a shell. The bullets were packed in
with trotyl. In time shrapnel fire the shell acted as ordinary shrapnel,
and also, on the head striking, as a small explosive shell. The effect
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1035
of this head against shields was very satisfactory; moreover, the
bursting of the head considerably aided the ranging. In percussion
fire the effect was not equal to that of a modern high-explosive shell,
but greatly surpassed that of ordinary shrapnel. The manufacture
was only slightly more troublesome than that of other shrapnel, and
the shell effect of the head and the assistance it gave to ranging more
than compensated for this, so that, on the whole, the shell was con-
sidered satisfactory. Universal shell, in any case, was no substitute
for H.E. shell, and as time went on and the use of shrapnel became
more and more limited to particular episodes of fighting, universal
shell, like ordinary shrapnel, diminished in importance. In practice,
however, in both armies and especially in the Austro-Hungarian, a
large proportion of the ammunition had still to be in the form of either
shrapnel or universal shell, owing to the lack of material, and
particularly of explosives. And the practice of packing explosive be-
tween the bullets of the universal shell had to be abandoned.
Iron Bullets, The want of lead caused a substantial falling-off
in shrapnel production. In 1916 the manufacture of iron shrapnel
bullets had already begun, and from 1917 onwards leaden bullets
practically ceased to be made. The bullets were cast or pressed.
The former displayed undesirable ridges and corners; the latter were
more difficult to produce in large quantities. Another disadvantage
was that not only did the lesser specific gravity of the iron bullets in
relation to that of the lead-antimony bullets result in a lesser power
of penetration, but a much smaller number of the former could be got
into a shell than of the latter, which, being smaller and fitting closer
together, permitted full utilization of the space. It followed from
this that the total weight of the shell was less, so that shooting with
the existing sight-graduations became complicated and produced
different results. The packing in with explosive, in the Austro-
Hungarian universal shell, became impossible with iron bullets,
because of the danger of prematures.
Coloured Smoke-clouds. The effort to render the smoke of ex-
ploding shrapnel more visible, even over snow-fields, led, in Austria-
Hungary, to the use of a red colouring matter (oxyhydrate of iron),
which made the smoke-burst half red. This colouring also facilitated
the keeping of a due distance between the shots. I n Germany various
devices were employed for colouring the smoke of certain shells.
Fuzes and Ignition. The fuzes ordinarily used by both armies in
time shrapnel fire were T and P fuzes of the setting ring class. They
were used both for shrapnel and for time fire with nose-fuzed H.E.
shell. After the abandonment of H.E. time fire (which was dictated
by the necessity of simplifying the mass-production of one of the
fuze parts) a simple explosive shell fuze was adopted.
The Austro-Hungarian artillery employed base-fuzes much more
than the German. That most in use was one of Krupp manufacture
which had an effective ball-safety. The design of Austrian base-
fuzes differed considerably from that of German as regards the
transmission of ignition. Base-fuzes proved quite as satisfactory as
nose-fuzes in the war. Explosions in the bore were no longer caused
by fuzes, as they appear to have been in peace-time.
Soon after the war opinion changed regarding the relative merits
of shrapnel and explosive shell. The estimate of the value of the
explosive shells in percussion and time fire likewise varied from time
to time according to the nature of the ground being fought over.
While H.E. effect was almost entirely lost in the soft soil of Galicia
and Poland, on rocky ground (and more especially on the Carso)
the effect of this kind of fire was intensified by the splinter effect of
the stones and, moreover, blinds seldom occurred. Efforts were
directed towards the production of a sensitive instantaneous fuze,
especially in the western and eastern theatres of war, where also
time explosive fire was more in demand than in the Italian theatre.
Germany's sensitive instantaneous fuze, produced in 1916 and 1917
(see AMMUNITION), was of an extremely simple pattern and safe in the
bore. It was not very satisfactory, however, for flat angles of de-
scent, being apt to go blind in such cases. By the end of the war
Austria-Hungary had also produced a sensitive fuze, constructed on
similar principles and exhibiting similar defects. These fuzes were,
of course, necessarily nose-fuzes. A device for bringing into the
system a long or short delay element, or both, can easily be added ;
but the question of the instantaneous fuze is still open.
In the western theatre flat-trajectory ricochet fire with long alloy
fuzes was very successful on suitable ground. It served as a sub-
stitute for H.E. time fire, and was indeed more effective when the
burst occurred at the proper height. However, it depended on the
coincidence of several favourable conditions. Experiments were
made with mechanical time-fuses, especially for use with anti-aircraft
guns, in order that the igniting composition of the time fuzes should
not be affected by atmospheric conditions. The best results seem
to have been obtained with those made by the watchmaking firm
of Junghaus, which brought out designs both in Germany and
Austria-Hungary. The Krupp model was driven by spring power ; the
Junghaus by a centrifugal device. The success of these designs was
not in proportion to the costliness and difficulty of manufacture.
These fuzes were but slightly superior to the time-composition fuzes,
and on the other hand introduced new sources of error. Moreover,
their manufacture depended on the existence of a large-scale clock
industry capable of mass production.
Substitute Metals. The lack of brass, of which fuzes were nearly
always made, necessitated the use of substitute metals for this
purpose. The best results were obtained, for a number of the fuze
parts, with an alloy of zinc and aluminium. Iron was also satisfac-
tory for fuze bodies and other portions. Only certain especially
delicate interior parts (such as safety-ferrules) were made of brass
as before. Both Central Powers soon became very successful in the
employment of other metals for fuzes, so that the use of these sub-
stitutes might well be continued without disadvantage even in
peace-time, when normal supplies of raw material are available.
Explosive Charges and Their Filling. Before the war trotyl
(T.N.T.) had been completely adopted for shell fillings in both
Germany and Austria-Hungary. This was inferior to ekrasit (picric
acid) in explosive power, but its greater insensitiveness to shock,
and also the fact that its preparation was both easier and less
injurious to health, gave it a considerable advantage.
While Germany, owing to the high development of her chemical
industry, already had, in peace-time, several establishments for the
manufacture of trotyl, Austria-Hungary was dependent on Germany
for this substance at the outbreak of the war. A few months later
she began to make her own trotyl, and Germany set up a number of
additional factories; nevertheless, the supply was soon outdistanced
by the enormous demand, owing, once more, to the scarcity of raw
material. Not only had recourse to be had to picric acid (known in
Austria-Hungary as ekrasit), but a number of other explosives had
to be produced from the available raw materials and used as artillery
fillings. Some of these were difficult to work, some not over-safe,
some inferior in effect. The demand continued to increase, for with
the ever-growing multiplication of new fighting devices, such as
trench mortars, grenades, air bombs, etc., the use of explosives was
being continually extended.
In Germany the satisfaction of the immense demand was less diffi-
cult than in Austria-Hungary, where the army administration was
dependent for its explosives upon two public and two privately
owned factories. At the beginning of the war, with the exception of
one privately owned ekrasit plant and one ammonal works, there
were no factories for ammunition explosives in the country.
Trotyl was almost invariably poured directly into the shell cavity.
To prevent crystallization the stuff was filled under pressure, and
constantly stirred till solid. The exploded cavity was made by boring.
The projectiles filled by this method proved highly satisfactory, and
it was used up to the end of the war for all shells subjected to high
stresses, as far as the supply of trotyl permitted. Complaints were
made only against " crude trotyl," which contained insufficiently
nitrated portions and was apt to " exude."
The manufacture of picric acid necessitated great precautions
because of high melting-point, and was also very inconvenient by
reason of the injurious nature of the fumes and dust. Hence ekrasit
was not poured into the shell in a molten state like trotyl, but after
the addition of a " phlegmatizer " (e.g. mononitronaphthalin) was
filled in in large masses and pressed down with wooden stemming
rods. Later on, in order to simplify the process, it was made into
compressed blocks, and these were fixed into the shell with paraffin
and resin. For the larger calibres a combined picric and cast-trotyl
filling was used. Picric acid was thus restored to its earlier importance
in shell-filling, and, in spite of less strictness in inspection conditions,
proved as satisfactory as trotyl up to the end of the war.
The immensity of the demand soon made new expedients neces-
sary. In Germany, dinitrobenzol was used to some extent. It an-
swered well when a more vigorous substance was used with it to start
detonation (trotyl blocks). Its troublesome idiosyncrasies in working
were considerably lessened by the use of suction apparatus. Trini-
tro-anisol, more powerful than trotyl, but also more easily exploded,
was also used in Germany. Because of its unpleasant physiological
effects, it was, however, employed only for the projectiles of trench
mortars and trench munitions, and for naval mines.
The most important of the measures taken purely for economy was
the use of ammonium-nitrate explosives. These are made by mixing
finely powdered ammonium nitrate into the molten mass of a
nitrated substance. Hence the explosives of this class actually
used ' were based on trotyl or dinitrobenzol in Germany and trotyl only
in Austria-Hungary. By this method explosives very little inferior
to trotyl could be obtained and the total production considerably
increased. Although the sensitiveness to shock was found to be
rather greater, the manufacture was almost as convenient as that of
trotyl. Picric acid could not be treated in this way.
In Austria-Hungary there arose a very extensive demand for
toluol-ammonal, which consisted of ammonal with from 10 to 30 per
cent addition of trotyl. The composition was first compressed into
blocks, which were inserted into the projectile in cardboard tubes.
Solid-filling by means of molten paraffin or trotyl poured into the
interstices between those tubes did not prove satisfactory in the
Austro-Hungarian base-fuzed shells, as set-backs occurred on dis-
charge. For this reason the compressed blocks were inserted without
the cardboard tubes, and were made to adhere to the shell-wall
with a composition of lime, resin, and paraffin, or by means of cast
trotyl. The best results were finally obtained by the use of pitch.
Hot pitch, in the form of dust, was sprayed onto the shell walls
(Fritzsch's process). In the case of a few large calibres trotyl was filled
onto a short block of compressed T. ammonal secured by cast trotyl.
1 Called amatols in Great Britain.
1036
MUNITIONS OF WAR
In Germany the cardboard-tube method, on the contrary, answered
very well indeed with ammonal explosives. The explanation lay in
the very different design of the Austrp-Hungarian base-fuzed shells,
which made them very liable to accident when the explosive was
badly settled in the shell cavity. However, trotyl, ekrasit and 60/40
amatol remained the most satisfactory explosives from the point of
view of the manufacture, and hence the least open to objection.
As substitute explosives, ammonium-nitrate explosives and chlorate
explosives were used. Among the former, dynamon was used in cast-
iron shells, for reasons of safety as already explained. The scantiness
of the smoke produced and the fact that ignition depended upon the
density of filling caused this substance to be regarded with disfavour.
However, dynamon and (in Germany) a number of similar safety
explosives were used in trench-mortar shells and grenades, and for
engineer munitions, with good results.
The chlorate mixtures, put out under various names (chiefly in
Germany) and intended for various military uses, soon disappeared
again in consequence of numerous disasters, which could be traced
to over-sensitiveness on discharge, filling dangers, and their liabil-
ity to disintegrate. The perchlorate explosives were satisfactory as
regards safety. They were used with good results for certain trench-
mortar bombs, but only in Germany. A radical measure of economy
was found in the use of " economical filling." The portion of the
shell cavity nearest the fuze was filled with the selected explosive and
part of the remaining space with pitch. By the use of very powerful
ignition this process gave far better results than might have been
expected, but it was never used on a large scale.
Notwithstanding these comprehensive measures the lack of ex-
plosives, which, at all events in Austria-Hungary, was chronic,
greatly hindered the supply of artillery ammunition, almost as
much in fact as did the difficulties of propellant manufacture. Both
deficiencies were due to the backward state of the chemical industry
in that country. Although the needs of Germany were very much
greater than those of Austria-Hungary she was always able to re-
spond to them much more quickly.
Bore Explosions. Special care was devoted to obviating the bore
explosions which were so disastrous both from the point of view of
the command and that of the troops. As has been said (except in the
case of the unsatisfactory cast-iron shells), these could very seldom
be attributed to the shell-material. In the case of very long high-
pressure guns it is possible that shells on the high limits of tolerance
were jammed by the action of the so-called breath of the barrel.
More sources of defect were naturally to be found in the fuze, which
must inevitably contain a very powerful igniting composition. In
Austria-Hungary detonators were regarded as dangerous. The fear
does not seem to have been justified, provided they were properly
placed and secured, and due precautions observed, but they are yet
another source of weakness in mass-production. At all events, there
were few bore explosions with the Austro-Hungarian pressed-steel
nose-fuzed shells, which had very simple fuzes without detonators -
fewer, in fact, than occurred with the German shells. The Austro-
Hungarian base-fuzed shells had the defect that absence of a deto-
nator necessitated the adoption of a long exploder-gaine, which
greatly increased the difficulty of securing the explosive charge
against the shock of discharge. Herein also lay a cause of the above
explosions, which at one period were occurring with disquieting fre-
quency. It was at first very difficult, especially with toluol-ammonal
fillings, to fix the compressed blocks to the shell-wall firmly enough
to prevent their setting back, and disturbing the ignition arrange-
ments. Later on, these causes were discovered and almost entirely
eliminated.
These special factors being left out of the question the number of
bore explosions cannot be considered to have been abnormal, either
in Germany or Austria-Hungary. Inpeace-time it was reckoned that
in every 10,000 H.E. rounds there would be at least one unprevent-
able " premature." For example, during the Austro-Hungarian gun-
practice in the years 1912 and 1913 the percentage was as high as
0-04 ; whereas in July 1915, a particularly bad month, the percentage
was only 0-023 and in June 1915 only 0-012.
These explosions may be ascribed chiefly to the impossibility, in
quantity production, of superintending the work so minutely as to
eliminate altogether the possibilities of error in the manufacture
of the fuzes, the thorough sealing of the shell-bases, and the filling of
the bursting charge. The proper handling of the ammunition, in
the depots, during transport, and in loading, was also an important
factor in safety.
Cartridge Cases. Except in a few old types of gun the Austro-
Hungarian artillery always used cartridge-case obturation. All
flat-trajectory guns of small calibre used fixed ammunition. All
mortars and howitzers, and especially all large calibres, had sep-
arate loading. The idea that this unfavourably influenced the rate
of fire had led to the attempt, in peace-time, to use fixed ammunition
for light howitzers. While the fore part of the case was joined to the
shell the nether part was detachable. Later on this method of load-
ing fell into disfavour because of its complication. When the demand
arose for reduced charges for field guns, in order to spare the guns
and also to adapt them for firing from concealed positions, this prob-
lem was taken in hand more seriously, and in Austria-Hungary a
very simple and satisfactory contrivance was found, though never
made in large quantities.
At first the cartridge cases were always made of sheet brass by
drawing and pressing. The cases were recovered after firing and
used again, re-manufacture seldom being necessary; but although
this salvage enabled a large part of the need of cartridge cases to be
met, it soon became necessary to resort to substitutes, owing to the
universal lack of brass. At first the deficit was made good by the
use of iron bases and brass sides, joined together in a very simple
manner. Generally speaking, cartridge-case obturation proved much
more trustworthy in practice than was expected. In fact the two-
piece construction eliminated one of the greatest sources of defect
in the single brass case, i.e. the weakness at the bend between the
base and the sides. The danger of burning through in this region
was insured against in the design. The kind of material used for the
base was not- of much importance, cast-iron proving quite satisfac-
tory. In the end iron-plate was used for the cylindrical part, even
up to the heaviest calibres, except for use in long-range guns.
Conspicuously good results followed, especially in Austria-Hungary,
where, finally, a simple case of sheet-iron bent round, with an inward
flange at the lower end, was used for the cylinder. It would stand
being fired from 10 to 15 times without re-manufacture. In Ger-
many, also, iron shell cases fully satisfied the requirements, and
could be fired 5 or 6 times.
These iron cases replaced the brass ones altogether. The manufac-
ture was simpler. Only the junction of base and shaft needed careful
working. Bruises and dents did not matter in the rolled cases; they
were smoothed out in firing by the expansion of the gases.
The prevention of rust of course was a difficulty ; but this was less
important in war, owing to the short time that elapsed before the
shells were used. Excellent results were obtained by dipping the
cases in oil raised to a temperature of about 100 C., and repeating
the process several times. The examination in Austria, in June 1921,
of ammunition which had been stored without any special care showed
that almost all the cases so heated were still serviceable.
The powder charge was inserted into the cartridge cases in bags
of raw silk. As this expensive material soon became scarce, sub-
stitutes had to be employed in charges made up of separate elements
(with cartridge cases the bag was omitted). Artificial silk proved a
satisfactory substitute. Paper substances were also successful in the
parts lying away from the primer. No exhaustive trials to determine
the chemical effect of the powder on paper were carried out.
Propellant Powder. The smokeless powder used in the German
army as a propellant was almost invariably a nitrocellulose powder.
Nitroglycerin was used only in small quantities. In Austria-Hungary,
on the contrary, pure nitrocellulose powder was the propellant of
small-arms ammunition only. All other propellants were nitrp-
glycerin powders containing a high proportion of the nitroglycerin
(up to 40 %). The particular composition and the form varied with
the purpose in view and the gun concerned.
The Austro-Hungarian guns had in general a smaller chamber
space than the German, with a greater energy-content in their
powders. The higher combustion temperature of the nitroglycerin
and the stronger flash had an extremely bad effect on the interior
of the bore, especially when substitute materials were used in the
composition of the powder. The use of this powder in the field guns
was the main cause of the great wastage in these compared with the
German field guns. The Austro-Hungarian steel-bronze guns re-
sisted better; not so, however, the steel guns which came into use
because of the scarcity of metals, and of bronze in particular. When,
later, a change was made to a powder poor in nitroglycerin, the
unsuitable size of the chamber created great difficulties in determin-
ing the proper charges.
No new powders were used or produced during the war by either
Power. Some simplification of processes was all that was effected.
But the German chemical industry energetically attacked the prob-
lem of producing the basic products used in powder manufacture,
and in this domain new combinations were made and new ways
opened. Among partial novelties may be reckoned the development
and improvement effected in the preparation of ammon powder,
which had been experimented with in Austria before the war, and
even used in her navy for a short time.
The use of substitute raw materials had a considerable effect on
the production of powder, and some effect, also, on the results
obtained by its use. Special importance attached to the nitration of
wood cellulose as influencing the quality of the powder.
At first it was impossible to get rid of the papery consistency of the
wood cellulose, but, later, direct nitration was successful. Variation
in the viscosity of the wood cellulose or in the preparation of nitro-
gen-content necessitated variations in the dimensioning of the pow-
der. The unequal nitration of the cellulose was particularly marked
and produced differences in the degree of nitration which led to un-
equal gelatinization and a varying energy-content.
The nitrate difficulty disappeared when it became possible to
obtain nitrogen from the air in large quantities; but the victory over
the alcohol, ether and acetone shortage was won with more dif-
ficulty. These substances were required for gelatinization. The
acetone obtained from wood distillation was mostly produced in
Austria-Hungary, which partly supplied Germany.
In consequence of the great demand other products of wood dis-
tillation had to be brought into use, and the purity of the acetone
suffered. Instead of the solvent method, therefore, the roller or
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1037
ballistite method was adopted for nitroglycerin powder, and resulted
in an economy of material.
Glycerin substitutes were the most difficult to procure. Glycerin
made from sugar was inferior to that made from fats. Moreover,
sugar also was scarce. But nothing else had quality requirements.
The inferior purity of the materials, already referred to, produced
a number of evils. Some of these did not prove any particular draw-
back in use. A more serious matter, however, was deficient or un-
evenly distributed gelatinization of the wood cellulose. These ir-
regularities were shown externally by the presence of little white
spots, and resulted in the detonation of the powder on discharge.
Only by the most drastic inspection could these mishaps be avoided.
A still greater disadvantage lay in the reluctance of these war
powders to ignite, which endangered the lives of the gunners by
hang-fires. For this reason, in Austria-Hungary, the use of a black
powder-priming, which had been discarded in peace-time, was re-
sumed, with certain precautions.
The lesser inflammability caused a quantity of unburned powder to
remain in the fore-part of the bore after firing. This was especially
the case with the slow-burning tubular powders. In certain guns this
occurred in a regular manner ; the same amount was always left un-
consumed and the effect on the accuracy of the shooting was thus
negligible. But if the amount varied the shooting was ineffective.
But the worst consequence of inferiority in the quality of powder
was the increased number of barrel-burstings. For reasons already
fiven this was most frequent in the Austro-Hungarian long guns,
n the steel-barrelled field guns the length of the gun's life diminished
from 1, 800 shots to 800 an impossible state of things. The ad-
vantages of the howitzers and mortars here becomes apparent. The
15-cm. howitzer lasted out 14,000 shots, and the 3O-5-cm. mortar as
many as 2,500. The German guns manifested about the same
endurance, thanks mainly to the less eroding nature jof the nitro-
cellulose powder employed.
To find a remedy became an urgent necessity in Austria-Hungary.
As one expedient reduced charges were introduced to be used in lieu
of the service-charge when the nature of the fighting permitted;
as another, following the German example, recourse was had "to the
preparation of a powder poor in nitroglycerin. The limited size of
chamber did not permit the use of pure nitrocellulose powder; but
finally success was obtained with powders containing only 13% and
25% of nitroglycerin. The life of the guns rose forthwith to 12,000
shots. But the output of powder declined, because a large number of
the batches produced did not give the required density of loading.
However, the method was advantageous owing to its economy of
glycerin, which was so scarce.
In Germany good results were achieved with ammon powder,
which, made by the new method, partly took the place of nitro-
cellulose powder. It was soon employed for all calibres. This highly
hygroscopic powder could be easily made damp-proof in metal
cartridge cases. Where as, for instance, in certain of the foot-
artillery weapons the powder was made up in bags, the ammon
powder was enclosed in a layer of nitroglycerin powder. Ammon
powder had the great merit of producing little flame at the muzzle.
The bright flashes of the large calibres, which were so inconvenient
at night, by means of anti-flash were reduced by " flash-dampers,"
i.e. layers of common salt in front of the powder, which covered the
light by producing a large volume of smoke. These were added to
the cartridges immediately before firing. The manufacture of black
powder remained unchanged, and as the output was comparatively
small the production was unaffected by the scarcity of raw material.
In Austria-Hungary, especially, all these difficulties, combined
with the small output capacity, seriously interfered with extensive
mass-production, and moreover, as the powder production nearly
always lagged behind that of the other munitions, it was necessary
to make use of insufficiently settled and ballistically unstable powder.
Moreover, failure to issue the powder charges in batches according to
manufacture was the cause of much bad shooting, which the troops
erroneously attributed to defects in the guns or the shells.
Gas Shells. -The use of gas in artillery shells, and with special
kinds of apparatus, was one of the novelties reserved for the World
War. After a semi-experimental stage in the early months of the war
the ultimately general and comprehensive employment of gas shell
had its beginnings in the cloud method and in the trench-mortar gas
shell. It was anything but popular with the German troops, who did
not in fact appreciate its value until after long experience.
It was inevitable that the inadequate chemical resources of
Austria-Hungary should here play a subordinate part beside the
fully matured industry of Germany, whose chemical development
had, moreover, been powerfully stimulated by its activities during the
war. The Danube monarchy was absolutely dependent on Germany
in this respect. For this reason, and also because the enemies mainly
confronting the Austro-Hungarians made but small and ineffective
use of gas, this form of warfare was less developed on their front, and
was not properly appreciated by the troops till nearly the end.
In the early months, to the middle, that is, of 1915, the Austro-
Hungarian artillery was provided with lachrymatory shells in very
limited numbers. The filling was T-stoff, a preparation of bromine.
The troops did not understand their use at all ; they were never fired
in large quantities, and very little was achieved by their use.
In Austria-Hungary the issue of gas shells, i.e. of B. and C. shells,
was begun in 1916 and 1917, when the newly constituted special
battalion were seen to have obtained no appreciable results with
cylinder gas. 1 The B-gas was bromo methylketone or bromacetone,
corresponding to the German B-gas. The C-gas was bromo-cyanide.
When C-gas was used the shell walls had to be coated with lead.
But if the gas may be called efficacious the shells were not so. The
chief cause lay in the fact that effect was not to be expected unless
large quantities were used, and the available supply did not allow of
this. The troops, therefore, thought very little of this means of
fighting, and with reason.
The effect of the German gas-shooting in the West, and especially
the brilliant results obtained with gas against the enemy artillery
and even against high-sited positions by the German batteries in the
combined offensive of Caporetto in 1917, spurred on Austria-Hun-
gary also to the manufacture of gas shells in large quantities. Not
only was the production of the B. and C. shells increased, but phos-
phorus shells were also made, and ultimately the gases adopted were
those used by the Germans (blue-cross yellow-cross green-cross). As
far as the use of these gases was concerned Austria-Hungary was
dependent on Germany for her material to the end of the war.
Except in the case of the shells previously referred to, the Austro-
Hungarian gas shells were always filled in Germany, as the home
establishments were not completed. Hence only Germany's proce-
dure need be considered here. The following information is taken
from Lt.-Gen. Schwartz's Technik im Weltkriege.
The first German shell with chemically active gas appeared in
October 1914, and was the Ni-geschoss of the lo-5-cm. field howitzer;
the filling consisted of double salts of dianisidin firmly pressed in
between the bullets, and acted as an irritant when pulverized. The
effect was inconsiderable, being limited in range and of short dura-
tion. In Jan. 1915 much more effective gases such as xylylbromide
(T-gas) and mono- and di-bromethylmethylketones (B-gas) were
used at first in the 15-cm. howitzer shells, afterwards for trench
mortars. With these only local effects of limited scope could be
obtained. The necessary mass-effect could not be attained because
of the limited number of howitzers and trench mortars, but chiefly
because the best method of working had not yet been discovered.
For the T-gas shells, which couldnot be used in very cold weather,
were substituted the T- and B-gas in the " T-green " shells, partly
because the mixture answered better. In the summer of 1915 began
the use of K-gas chlormethyl-chloroformate which differed from the
T-gas in its lower persistency and its greater irritant action on the
organs of breathing. This indicates the reason of their respective
uses in defence (T-gas) and attack (K-gas).
These shells, which were intended to have splinter effect as well,
contained a l-5-kgm. charge of trotyl. It was a drawback in the
manufacture that in order to protect the shell-wall the gas had to be
enclosed in leaden flasks secured in paraffin or magnesium cement.
Later on porcelain was used. They contained 2 kgm. of the gas.
There followed the period of cylinder gas and of projectors which
were first used by the British. Even on the western front the cloud-
gas did not fulfil expectations; the gas-bombs of trench mortars,
however, were used with satisfactory results throughout the war.
During the summer of 1916 the green-cross ammunition was
introduced. In that year the German artillery, following the
example of the French, at last turned to the manufacture of gas
shells filled purely with gas. H.E. -effect being abandoned, mass-
effects with gas then became possible.
The experiments made led to the adoption of green-cross shells
for all calibres. Per-stoff (di-phosgene) was used for the filling,
which was as poisonous as the phosgene used by the French, but was
unaffected by iron and also stable on explosion. The manufacture
and filling were both simple. From May 1916 until the end of the
war green-cross ammunition was in use as offensive material. It
permitted of large-scale gas effect without being dependent on the
direction of the wind as was cylinder gas.
At first the French mask was ineffectual against it. But they
soon contrived an efficient gas-mask, and Germany was obliged to
bring forward other gases. These were yellow-cross and blue-cross.
Yellow-cross, i.e. Sym. dichlordiethylsulphide, which had no actual-
ly poisonous properties, was a high-persistency gas and was used to
" infect " the terrain for days on end. It was almost odourless and
was proof against the action of iron and water. This was the famous
" mustard gas." Strict precautions had to be observed in the man-
ufacture of this gas, which was used in all calibres.
The combination of H.E. action with the yellow-cross gas action
came to be desired for purposes of surprise. This brought into exist-
ence the yellow-fross H.E. shell, in which the chemical and the
explosive charge were separated by a diaphragm.
Yellow-cross was at first used in combination with blue-cross in the
defensive battle in Flanders in July 1917, and produced a great
effect. The latter (blue-cross, diphenylchloroarsine) was an irritant
which proved effective in penetrating gas-masks, the German one
included. The effect was to force the enemy to take off his mask, and
1 A gas attack, made from the region of St. Michele, near Gorizia,
in the summer of 1915, had indeed (as was averred by the prisoners
taken) a very great effect ; the Italians lost a thousand either killed
or overcome by the gas ; the circumstances, however, prevented any
extensive tactical results.
1038
MUNITIONS OF WAR
so expose himself to the effect of green-cross. The blue-cross irritant
acted as a fine cloud, with which it was very difficult for the filter of
the gas-mask to deal. Blue-cross also combined gas and H.E. effect,
and the beginning of the gas attack was covered by the use of a
diaphragm, as in the yellow-cross H.E. shells.
The German experience with gas-ammunition was excellent. On
their side no instance is known of the enemy being able to advance
over ground infected with yellow-cross. No attack ever made with
" parti-coloured-cross " (blue- and green-cross) in a favourable wind
failed to paralyse the enemy artillery either entirely or in great part,
even when they were under cover, during the critical hours.
Special Ammunition. At first the gas shells were also reckoned as
"special" ammunition. Later on, however, they came to be con-
sidered as part of the ordinary artillery ammunition. The extent of
their employment, at all events, in the case of the Germans, often
equalled or even exceeded that of the ordinary explosive ammunition.
The ricochet shells were used to obtain a specially retarded action.
Against tanks the German artillery used a shell with an armour-
piercing head, rather more effective than the ordinary nose-fuzed
shell. The projectile had a massive armoured-steel head which was
fitted with the steel shell body, and was set in motion by a fuze placed
beneath this-^i.e. a central fuze.
For anti-aircraft purposes projectiles with tracers were used ;
experiments with these had been made in peace-time. Krupp pro-
duced a model which proved very satisfactory, especially in certain
small anti-aircraft guns. The path of a 2-cm. shell was clearly vis-
ible from the gun muzzle, that of a 3'7-cm. to 1,500 metres. Tracers
were not, however, much used with field guns and large calibres,
and were not greatly liked by the anti-aircraft batteries.
Against airships and balloons inflated with gas, a balloon incen-
diary shell, also of Krupp manufacture, was employed. The pro-
jectile which acted like shrapnel and was provided with a time-fuze,
shot lumps of incendiary composition out of the shell-case. The old
incendiary shrapnel was little used. For signal purposes e.g. to
demand the opening of fire on particular points shrapnel with
various-coloured-smoke producers were used.
In accordance with the demand of the troops message-carrying
shells were made. These shells contained written communications,
and, on exploding, gave off conspicuous smoke and flame ; the mes-
sage came to ground either by means of a parachute or in a recep-
tacle which broke as it fell. They served to connect points cut off
from one another by enemy fire or otherwise.
Minenwerfer Munitions. The Wurf mine (thrown mine), i.e. the
trench-mortar shell which was already included in Germany's
equipment at the beginning of the war, differed from the artil-
lery-shell principally in its considerably increased explosive charge.
The " efficiency " rose from 30 to 40% of its total weight. Con-
sequently the wall of the shell was thinner as the small propel-
lant charge made less demands on its strength. The shape of the
projectile was similar to that of the artillery-shell, except that the
shape of the head was not of great importance. The shell material
was, generally speaking, similar to that of artillery munitions, but
economy was more in evidence here. Thus constant use was made of
cast-iron in certain types of shells to the detriment of the essential
feature, viz. the increased proportion of explosive. In order to econ-
omize the most valuable explosives for the artillery-shells, use was
soon made of ammonium-nitrate explosive, "safety" explosives,
and such like. In Austria-Hungary, for instance, hardly anything
but dynamon was used. In Germany perdit for heavy bombs and
perchforate for light was resorted to. Such explosives answered very
well for these projectiles. Unlike the artillery-shell, owing to then-
less accurate flight, they required a fuze which would be effective in
every position of fall. This was a very difficult problem to solve, but
eventually the Papenberg fuze used in both countries and the Skoda
fuze in Austro-Hungary were evolved. In the first and simpler types
of mortar a cord friction-lighter was used as time-fuze. The German
standard pre-war minenwerfer had percussion fuzes.
The explosive charge was started in much the same way as in
artillery-shell with picric-acid filling. Later on, to economize steel,
the gaine was made of cardboard cases of several thicknesses. As
the minen were not air-tight, the great hygroscopicity of the ammo-
nium-nitrate explosive caused a dampness after a time, which affected
the cardboard casing and caused a mixing of the two explosives, with
the consequent danger of spontaneous explosion.
According to the type of mining weapon pneumatic, smooth-
bore, rifled muzzle-loader or rifled breech-loader as the case might be
the method of obtaining rotation was similar to that in the artil-
lery-gun, or to old types of " stud " rotation, or were simply gas
checks which had only to seal. Some types of muzzle-loader bombs
had concertina-like compressible plates of thin iron which were
forced or discharged through the grooves. Some few projectiles
obtained stability in the flight by means of vanes. In the end it
was the rifled mortar and, 'for the heaviest calibres, the rifled
muzzle-loader which held the field. But a substitute material was
always used for the driving-bands of minen mortar bombs for
a short time zinc-aluminium, and then only soft iron, less injurious
to the bore.
For the propellant charge smokeless cube and flake powders were
used, and in some types for a short time black powder. The charges
were comparatively small. To meet the demand of the troops a
propellant charge of compressed air was used in some types up to 20-
cm. calibre. By this means all smoke flash was avoided and the re-
port considerably lessened. Results, however, with regard to rapidity
of fire and the weight of the bombs were not satisfactory, and the
supply of compressed air was also very tiresome. In 1917 pneumatic
mortars were therefore abandoned. Towards the end of the war an
attempt was made to get full value out of the gas pressure by using a
stepped chamber and stepped shell body.
While Germany even before the war had included both light
and heavy minenwerfer in her equipment, it was some considerable
time before Austria-Hungary adopted them as a normal weapon.
The bombs were at first intended for the destruction of barbed-
wire entanglements, but in the course of the campaign their true
function came to be that of meeting the demand for additional
artillery effect and for great mine effect at short distances. In the
first instance various improvised models were made in the Pioneer
Parks to meet these needs, particularly in Austria-Hungary at the
beginning of the Italian campaigns. Improvised types were also
used in Germany at the beginning to supplement the insufficient
supply of standard trench-mortars. These types all disappeared
when the regular types began to be produced in sufficient numbers.
Nevertheless, the experience was a guide to future development.
Later on, trench-mortar bombs were charged with gas. In view of
the small results gained by this form of gassing it was abandoned in
1917 in favour of gas " projectors." In the case of some special
projectiles e.g. illuminant and message-carrying trench-mortar
types proved more suitable than gun types.
The diminished strain on the body, smaller impact energy and
comparatively large space available in the shell facilitated the fitting-
in of the necessary components for these purposes. Another special
bomb was the strongly built armour-piercing bomb which was effec-
tive against a 2o-cm. armour plate. The difficulties experienced in
the production of artillery-shell due to lack of raw materials were in-
tensified in the case of the trench-mortar bomb, which in the table
of priority for assignment of material was considerably behind the
artillery munitions. And yet, although the conditions were com-
paratively less exacting as regards quality of material, flight condi-
tions, precision of shooting and effect, their design involved com-
prehensive work in order to meet the very varied requirements with
the simplest ballistic means, manufactured with the simplest tools.
The employment of substitutes aggravated the difficulty. For this
reason the help of private inventors, which had not answered in the
case of artillery munition, here had most successful results.
Hand Grenades were practically unknown during the first months
of the war; with the institution of trench warfare the need of a simple
high-angle projectile was immediately recognized. Both in Germany
and in Austria-Hungary the troops improvised hand bombs of a very
varied character in the Pioneer Parks. All were time grenades.
Early in the autumn of 1914 the German Army Administration
turned out a simple' cast-iron ball grenade, which could be produced
in any foundry. Later on, to secure improved range, a change was
made to the " egg " hand grenade of similar construction. The lat-
ter, together with some other types, were in use until the end of the
war. At the same time Austria-Hungary produced the " universal "
hand grenade, which as early as October 1914 was used by the troops
in trench warfare in Serbia. It consisted of a cast-iron body, serrated
for fragmentation, and filled with ekrasit. Ignition was by means of a
friction lighter and fuze length and detonation. This hand grenade
could be conveniently thrown to a good distance by means of a
stirrup-shaped wire " thrower," which could be attached to the
waist belt. Later on the hand grenade was the chief weapon of the
infantry " assault troops," and to a large extent deposed the rifle
from its supremacy. The demand therefore was enormous and
production had to meet it. In view of the great burden already placed
upon the whole armament industry their design had to be of the sim-
plest so as to bring fresh factories into the effort of production.
The classes of explosive employed were the same as those of trench-
mortar bombs. In addition to the ever-increasing numbers of " egg "
hand grenades Germany also supplied her troops with the " Stiel "
(handled) grenades. These stood the test right to the end. Austria-
Hungary too proceeded to improve her " universal " hand grenade,
and produced from 1915-7 two types of tubular hand grenade. A
cardboard tube which served at the same time as a handle carried the
friction-lighter, time-fuze length, detonator and burster cartridge.
The top was surrounded by a heavy ring of cast-iron for fragmenta-
tion. These grenades were all timed for 7-8 seconds.
In March 1917 Austria-Hungary began to use the handled
grenade, which formed part of her equipment until the end of the
war. It was similar in principle to the German (separate transport
of the detonator was, however, not considered necessary). The
endeavour to absolutely safeguard the bomber from the effects of a
premature explosion of the grenade led in Germany, for instance, to
various methods of igniting the fuze length, including designs in
which ignition took place after leaving the hand. On the other hand
it was desirable to relieve the operator from the disturbing sensation
of the burning grenade in his hand. The time-fuze hand grenade,
moreover, on account of its slow combustion, allowed of a return
throw by a specially adroit adversary. Both countries, accordingly,
experimented with a succession of percussion grenades. The diffi-
culty lay in stabilizing the flight to guarantee the right impact and
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1039
avoid non-explosion. Streamers, parachute tails, etc., did not solve
the problem satisfactorily. Later on always percussion-fuzes were
tried. In Germany the Papenberg fuze answered best. In Austria-
Hungary, a suitable model was found in the Goldmann fuze.
As the handled grenade was on the whole satisfactory, neither
Power failed to keep the output at a high level during the war.
Austria-Hungary, indeed, introduced towards the end of the war a
percussion hand grenade which differed from the handled in having
the Goldmann fuze, but its merits had no final judgment. A few
hand grenades were also loaded with chemicals, e.g. Staff.
Rifle Grenades. At first rodded rifle grenades were used, but with-
out really satisfactory results, and eventually Germany took to the
discharger cup and a grenade of the V.B. class.
Grenade Throwers. The grenade werfer (thrower), although not so
simple, met much more fully the demand for a greater range. It was
the connecting link with the minenwerfer, and indeed was more akin
to the latter than to the rifle grenade. Early attempts with throwers
of the most varied forms led to no useful results. The first service-
able model was constructed by an Austro-Hungarian inventor.
This grenade thrower, called in Germany Priesterwerfer , threw cast-
iron bombs with percussion-fuzes (usually of the vane class). It is
described and illustrated under BOMBTHROWERS.
The fundamental idea of the construction was the same as that of
an English invention of the early loth century, but it seems to have
been practically used for the first time in the World War. A much
gteater rapidity of fire than could be obtained with this otherwise
satisfactory thrower was got with the Granatschnellwerfer, also an
Austrian invention, in which the grenades were driven by compressed
air through a tube.
Small- A rms Munitions. Germany's normal infantry and machine-
gun ammunition was a pointed bullet which, with a muzzle velocity
of 900 m/sec., was ballistically superior to the round-nosed Austro-
Hungarian bullet which had a muzzle velocity of 650 m/sec. The Ger-
man cartridge case was cannelured, the Austro-Hungarian rimmed.
Cartridge cases were at first made of brass, but the consumption
was so great, especially as the salvage of S.A.A. cartridge cases was
small compared to that of artillery empties, that steps had to be
taken to find a substitute for brass. This, however, was much more
difficult than in the case of artillery munitions, and it was only in the
very last stages of the war that it was achieved. The cupro-nickel
envelopes of the German bullet were replaced by galvanized copper
for the sake of economy.
In both countries a nitrocellulose disc powder was used for the
propellant charge. This ammunition has answered well. Amongst
the varieties of special ammunition should be noted the German A. P.
ammunition (a pre-war design),, and the Austro-Hungarian XX.
cartridge, likewise armour-piercing. The German bullet, instead of
a lead filling, had a core of alloyed (later on unalloyed) steel embedded
in lead, the two filling up the interior of the steel-casing. The Austro-
Hungarian envelope bullet was similar a conical envelope with a
steel pin in the lead filling. The German bullet penetrated a 9-mm.
high-quality armour plate at a distance of 400 metres, the Austrian a
7'5-mm. plate at a distance of 350 metres. Germany possessed in her
13-mm. tank bullet (similar in design to her other A. P. bullets) a
weapon which was effective at a distance of 400 metres against a
2l-mm. plate. The U. munition of Austria-Hungary was another
special munition. This was, however, soon withdrawn. It was de-
signed to facilitate ranging by giving on impact a good visible grey
smoke. However, the incidental explosive effect brought it under the
ban of international law ; it was therefore soon discarded.
Later on, for anti-aircraft purposes especially, a demand was made
for a tracer-bullet. Both the German and the Austrian types of
tracer-bullet were capable also of wounding effect. The German type
showed the trajectory by means of a backward-stretching flame
visible to about 1 ,000 metres. Austria-Hungary made use of different
types, all constructed by the Adler firm; the F.Z. shell showed the
trajectory between 100 and 6op metres.
A special development of infantry tracer-bullets was the phos-
phorus (P) bullets; they were primarily to set on fire the petrol
tanks of aeroplanes, but effect was given in the indication of the
trajectory on account of which incidentally they gave good tracer
effect so that the old tracer-bullet could be discarded in its favour.
The P bullet was not designed solely for air warfare; for short range
up to about 1,000 metres it could be fixed on wires with ordinary
ammunition. It had a filling of yellow phosphorus, which was heated
by the friction of the shell in the gun-barrel. At 80 metres from the
muzzle it burst forth from a small opening previously closed by wax or
a thin solder and ignited in the air. This phosphorus effect extended
to about 400. metres. Both the indication of trajectory and the
incendiary effect against fuel tanks were quite Satisfactory, but against
balloons its value was not conclusively proved. The difficulties of
producing small-arms ammunition never assumed great proportions.
It was found that the real daily demand per infantry rifle remained
considerably below the peace-time estimate. The variety of weapons
issued and the almost uninterrupted continuance of trench warfare
in fact left less and less work for the rifle. The machine-gun alone
gained and gained enormously in importance.
The Production of Munitions. The constructive development
of munitions by the Central Powers shows how they succeeded
in adapting the available raw materials and in finding sub-
stitutes. The behaviour of the ammunition remained good, and
even the demands imposed by the ever-changing tactical methods
were able to be met. What influenced production much more
strongly were the difficulties due to shortage of imported raw
materials and to the unexpected volume of the demand. The
peace preparations were certainly insufficient, but even if the
great demand and the long duration of the war could have been
foreseen, it would have been frankly impossible to cover more
than a comparatively small proportion of the needs. Had every
workshop in the land been given over to the requirements of
war, and even an approximately sufficient supply of war stores
and imported raw material been accumulated, the national
wealth would have been decimated. A higher state of peace
preparedness would, indeed, without overstraining the national
strength, have smoothed the initial difficulties of production and
eased the first munitions crisis. But all else the actual stress
of war had to bring about. It alone could force everything into
its service. This happened at the moment it became clear that
it had become a question of a struggle for economic existence.
But both States had neglected to organize the war administration
in peace-time and to bring science and industry into the mo-
bilization plan, as had been done with the railways.
In proportion as it came to be recognized that not only the
industries actually producing war material, but also all the other
departments of economic life, were bound up together by count-
less veins and formed each a limb of one corporate body, cen-
tral management came into force.
This did not take place all at once, however, and at first only
those regions in which there was a deficiency from the very
first were covered. Nor had the Central Powers agreed upon a
joint war-industrial policy; indeed, even at the end of the war
complete unity of economic control had not been achieved
within each State itself. Here political reasons came into
play. In Austria-Hungary it was especially difficult, as the
Dual Monarchy comprised two economically independent States
of different structure.
Of the war needs, the greatest in extent, as also the most
imperative, was that of munitions. More and more the enormous
consumption made inroads into all the departments of general
economic life. Its needs embraced almost all the important raw
materials. The peace-time preparation of munitions had been
limited to maintaining the supply in the specialized State and
private factories at a level sufficient to guarantee to cover the
presumed needs of the first three months' campaigning. These
selected factories were also kept at a standard level as regards
installation, strength of skilled workers, and supplies of raw
materials. In some State works arrangements were in existence
for expansion. The peace-time supplies of munitions available,
calculated on the basis of the numerical demands of the General
Staff, were supposed to guarantee a continued supply to the
army, for a several months' campaign, until war production
should become effective. Before the war 600 to 1,000 rounds
were considered sufficient for light guns and somewhat less for
heavy guns. These figures were not in every case fully attained,
especially in Austria-Hungary. The production which was in-
tended to be secured within the first three months was approx-
imately equal to the actual war-material stocks.
At the beginning of the war this proposed production was
immediately put in hand. In Austria-Hungary, however, the
output of the peace-time demand was not fully realized, because
the proposed new works for the production of shrapnel were not
yet ready and the arrangements for the production of explosive
(trotyl) had not yet been taken in hand.
Later on the monthly production in Germany reached 1,000
rounds per light gun, that in Austria-Hungary about 600 rounds,
and this though meantime the number of guns had multiplied.
By the beginning of 1917 the capacity of the munitions industry
had in fact increased enormously it was twenty times greater
than during the first months of the war. This was due to
technical science, which succeeded in procuring substitutes for
the most important raw materials which were lacking.
1040
MUNITIONS OF WAR
Central Management and Organization of Output. In peace-
time the production of munitions was under the different
departments of the War Office. To supervise the construction
and guarantee the specified quality an " ArliUerieprufungskom-
mission" (A.P.K.) was attached to the Prussian War Office
and the "Technische Militdrkomitee" (T.M.K.) to the Austrian
War Office, as supplementary departments. These institu-
tions provided the technical-scientific service. The T.M.K
in Vienna was, even more than the A.P.K. in Berlin, a link
between the technical science and the army administration,
since the manufacture of munitions was under this office
itself. The supervision of the military industries, which even
in peace-time represented very considerable establishments, was
in Germany under the Ordnance Department (Feldzeugmeisterei)
and in Austria-Hungary under the Inspector of Technical
Artillery, who in the period just before the war was also respon-
sible for keeping the principal war industries up to standard.
In Germany, at the beginning of the war, this organization
was unchanged. The armament industry procured all its
necessary raw materials itself. Industries which had no contracts
to produce war material marked time. Their output was at a
standstill. The most skilled portion of their workmen and
officials hurried to the colours. In order to establish uniform
policy and procedure German industry founded the "War
Committee of German Industry." Very soon the leading in- ;
dustrial circles recognized the necessity of making a survey of
the most important raw materials, and during the first months
of the war the " Raw Materials of War Department " was
established. Out of the original department composed of three
collaborators a huge organization developed. Its activities
consisted in regulating and supervising the economic use of raw
materials necessary for the army's needs in which shortage was
threatened, and it finally embraced almost all the departments
of the State industry. With the long duration of the war more
and more raw materials were absorbed, its sphere of activity
increased, and at the end of 1917 this department, which in 1916
was attached to the War Office, employed over 2,000 people,
and Hs subordinate " War Associations " (Kriegsgesellschaften)
a further 5;ooo employees. Of these " Raw Materials of War
Associations" the first founded was "The War Metal Co."
which was mainly occupied with the function of purchasing
throughout the whole country all metals obtained by requisition,
such as copper, zinc, etc. This was done in order to protect
the small proprietors from the loss which they suffered through
the lying-idle of their requisitioned goods, for which the Govern-
ment did not pay until it actually used them. Subsequently
the company also undertook the distribution of the metals to
industry. The " Raw Materials Associations " were public
utility organizations which did not work for profit. Ensuing
profits were handed over to the Treasury. On the other hand
losses, which were bound to occur on account of the tight hand
kept on maximum prices, were met by the State. The great
increase of outlay this occasioned for the State was amply
compensated by the influence over prices of war munitions
which it thus obtained. These companies were distinguished
"from other limited companies in that they were under the
surveillance of departmental commissaries with a right of veto,
and under the control of the War Department for raw materials.
At the outset of hostilities the War Ministries of the German
States at once handed over control of the most important
elements of war supply to the Prussian War Office, which
transacted the business through its respective departments.
The growing scale of these transactions and the recognized
necessity of uniting more closely all the industrial organizations
which had come into being, led in Nov. 1016 to the establishment
of the " War Office " (Kriegsaml) within the Prussian War
Ministry, to which all the departments concerned were sub-
ordinated and all the organizations and new offices extending
throughout the whole German industry were attached. The
establishment of the " War Office " marked the creation of a
central direction whose task it was to focus all Germany's
economic activity, so as both to pool and to allocate raw mate-
rials and labour resources. As this Office was required to act in
the economic, technical, and social fields alike, it could not,
naturally, be constituted on a purely military basis. Suitable
representation in it was given to the technicians, the com-
mercial world, and to the labour organizations. Naturally
military control dominated, since provision for the army was
the chief consideration; but along with this, the " War Office "
had to take over provision for the civil population.
The War Office Departments (Kriegsamtslellen) distributed
throughout the army corps districts and the different States,
and the liaison organs between all departments of war industry
were subordinated to the military and technical staffs at the
War Office. These departments, etc., in their more limited
spheres, had the same duties as, and were the representatives
of, the offices affiliated to the War Office.
A very great proportion of the organizations that were, littl
by little, grouped round the War Office were concerned with the
production of munitions. The most important ministry in this
province was the " Arms and Munition Production Ministry "
(Waffen- und Munitionsbeschaffungsamt" Wumba"). Next in
point of size to the Raw Materials of War Department, it was
responsible for the production of the whole army's requirements
in arms and munitions. It was created in 1916 out of the
departments concerned which were already in existence. Its
activities comprised both the equalizing of the existing machinery
and adjustment of labour in the metal industry factories. In
the already mentioned Kriegsamtstellen and its own Maschi-
nenausgleichslellen the department had its organs distributed
over the country. It was the duty of the Wumba to supervise
the fixing of prices in its own province. It worked in touch
with the Artilierieprufungskommission (Inspection Department).
To obtain the greatest possible standardization in manufacture,
simplification of types, fixing of tolerances, definiteness in
acceptance conditions and determination by the Taylor method
of the working movements which gave maximal output, the
Fabrikationsbiiro (Fabo) was set up in Spandau and subordinated
to Wumba. The Standards Committee of German Industry
(Normenausschuss deutscher Industrie [Nad i] ) instituted by the
Union of German Engineers also helped towards securing
standardization and economy of labour in the construction of
machine parts and tools.
Next in importance to Wumba in the creation of raw materials
and munitions was the above-mentioned " Raw Materials of
War Department." It was organized in five branches dealing
with the various main groups of raw materials and these were
subdivided into sections. The branches most important for
the activities of Wumba included the Chemical Section with the
attached Raw Materials of War Co., War Chemicals Co. and
War Phosphate Co., the Metal Sections and the Metal Statistics
Section, with the Metal Allocation Office, the Metal Mobilization
Office (to which the War Metal Co. mentioned earlier was
attached) and lastly the Iron Section, with its attached Central
Iron Co., and the Manganese Co., and the Raw Steel Allocation
Office. Among the other subdivisions may here be mentioned
the Coal and Mineral Oil Section.
On account of' the great importance of the coal and nitrogen
production the management of these departments was at an
early date combined by means of the Imperial Coal Commission
and the Imperial Nitrogen Commission. In 1917 these two
departments were also subordinated to the War Office.
As in the beginning the needs of the army and the war
industry were supplied by the various departments of the War
Office, so the care of the people, at this time not an important
task, devolved upon the various civil departments. With the
creation of the War Department and its branches, however,
active contact was naturally maintained between these depart-
ments, the ministries concerned and all authorities. The
occupied territories also came under the jurisdiction of the
Central Administration, but only in so far as they had to con-
tribute to the supplies of raw material for the Hinterland.
With the building-up of this comprehensive organization
Germany amply satisfied the need for an all-inclusive Central
MUNITIONS OF WAR
1041
Administration. It was only in this way that the country could
hold its entire forces together. It was complete, and yet all
this could have been achieved sooner and with more successful
results had the organization existed 'in peace-time in the form
of a mobilization scheme.
The Supreme Command not only assumed control over the
economic management of the occupied provinces by means of
the L. of C. authorities of armies and the general Governments
(which set up their own administrative departments for this)
but also provided through the War Office of the War Ministry
for the necessary coordination between provisioning the army
and the people and the military operations.
Austria-Hungary. In Austria-Hungary, a few weeks after
war began, the Technical Artillery Inspector was entrusted with
the entire munition production; and this corresponded to the
later Wumba in Germany. He was directly subordinate to the
War Minister, and was the organ of the Government in relation
to both the State and the private munition industries, the
adjustment of which to war production devolved on him. In
order to secure uniformity in the conduct of transactions, the
munition section of the Technical Military Committee was
handed over to him. Already in 1914 this department combined
under one head the functions of both the German Wumba and
the German Inspection Department in all questions relating to
the production of munitions and adaptations of design to available
raw materials and to production. By this means the service
was simplified. Provision by the State of raw materials for
munitions was concerned at this time chiefly with explosives
and their basic substances, which, like all other military require-
ments, devolved on the appropriate departments of the joint
War Ministry in Vienna, just as was the case in Germany. At
the beginning of the war the Austro-Hungarian industry was
in the same unsettled position as the German. Its interests
were safeguarded by the existing Unions of Industry, Chambers
of Commerce and such-like institutions. There was at first no
new organization upon an elaborate scale.
With the recognition of the dangerous situation regarding
raw materials a great extension of the central organization was
made in the ministries themselves. The number of departments
in the Austro-Hungarian Joint War Ministry were increased and
their duties could thus be differentiated. Industry now created
organizations similar to the German Kriegsgesellschaften in the
form of Central Metal, Leather and other Societies.
The conditions in Austria-Hungary were not favourable for
forming a close uniform organization which should embrace
the whole country. The two separate Governments in Vienna
and Budapest were theoretically independent of each other.
The Joint Ministries in this case, the K. und K. Kriegsministe-
rium in Vienna, could of course take measures affecting the whole
kingdom, but they could only do so within certain defined
limits. The Hungarian Government especially considered that
it could not ensure any full subordination to the common
interest. So every central organization of the administration
that attempted to take over any functions formerly devolving on
the separate Governments came to a deadlock half-way. The
result was that the administration of certain important raw
materials, especially coal and foodstuffs, was carried out for
the two States separately by the two Governments. Later on,
it is true, it became possible to form a central administration
for iron, (non-ferrous) metals and explosives in the K. und K.
Kriegsminisierium. The administration of coal and various
other stuffs remained, however, in the respective departments.
To obtain closer cohesion of all the industrial departments
directly connected with the production of munitions, the various
sections of the War Ministry concerned here, in the beginning of
1917, united under the jurisdiction of the I. de T.A., and
reorganized as a munition department of the War Ministry.
In addition to the production of munitions this department
was, like Wumba, responsible for questions of machinery and
supply of labour for the munition industry, and, like certain
sections of the German Raw Materials of War Department, for
the administration of (non-ferrous) metals and raw material
for the production of explosives, coal excluded. For the admin-
istration of iron an Austrian and a Hungarian Commission
were formed which possessed official authority. In January
1917 a special department in the War Ministry was created to
which the Austrian Iron. Committee was united. This depart-
ment undertook the allocation of iron for the Hungarian half
of the empire through the Hungarian Iron Committee.
The administration of coal presented great difficulties on
account of the extreme dearth from which Austria-Hungary,
unlike Germany, suffered. The central distribution lay principal-
ly in the hands of the civil ministries in Vienna and Budapest
until the end of the war. For each half of the empire a National
Coal Commission was set up, similar to the Iron Commission;
these were under the respective civil ministries. In 1917 a
special section was created in the K.. und K. Kriegsministerium
to deal with the State and private works hitherto dependent
upon various departments of the War Ministry. It could not,
however, extend its operations over such a wide field as the
Iron Commission. It was in this region that purely military
interests most markedly clashed with those of the Hinterland.
Thus the Austro-Hungarian organization in the various major
branches of munitions production was by no means as uniform
as the German. This made it all the more necessary for the
Supreme Command, which was entrusted with the safeguarding
of the joint war interests, to interfere if these seemed endangered,
so that finally in 1918 all decisions relative to coal and iron
lay de facto in the hands of the Supreme Command. The
Austro-Hungarian Supreme Command, like the German, also
controlled the industrial administration of the occupied ter-
ritories by means of its own organs; for example, communica-
tion with the East and with Rumania was directed by the
Eastern section of the War Ministry.
The Adaptation of Industry to War Services. At the time of
mobilization at the outbreak of war only those works actually
supplying materials of war were given work. As it became
clear after the first battles that the stocks of munitions could
not last the specified time, and also that the existing armament
industry could not satisfy the demand, all works which were in
any way suitable for the production of munitions were brought
in. Thus, the admission of cast-iron shells had as its only
object the employment of the more simply equipped works.
Later on the munitions industry included the metal and chemical
industry. In Austria-Hungary, for instance, the number of works
under the jurisdiction of the Munition Department had mounted
to 500, in addition to which there were a large number of smaller
businesses acting as sub-contractors to the large firms. The
turnover from peace to war production was not achieved
without friction. The difficulties in the allotment of labour
and in the rational distribution and construction of machinery
were only overcome with difficulty through the intervention of
the War Ministry (Munition Department).
In spite of various measures, such as the production of the
cast-iron shell, delays in output were inevitable.
Subsequently, however, the industry was only hindered in
developing its full working capacity by the shortage of coal
and certain raw materials, especially from the winter of 1917-8
onwards, when it was difficult to obtain sufficient food for the
workers. The State administration on its side had, of course,
in every direction possible, simplified munition design with
a view to mass-production.
Legislation. Simultaneously with the last great increase in
the demands made by the Army Commands upon the resources
of the Central Powers (Hindenburg programme), the Auxiliary
Service Law was enacted in Germany and the War Work Law
in Austria-Hungary. These made it possible in 1916 to absorb
the entire resources of human labour, and the production of
munitions reached its maximum at this time. Already in 1914
both States had gone far in the employment of women. From
1916 on, the larger half of the personnel of the largest muni-
tion factories consisted of women.
Raw Materials. The effects of the blockade had, in the
nature of things, a great influence on the provision of raw
1042
materials. The munition production was most affected, as it
used by far the greatest proportion of them. The Central
Powers had in no way prepared for the supply of imported raw
materials; and only the rigid organization subsequently set up,
the technical skill in adaptation, and above all the creations of
German chemistry, rendered it at all possible for the Central
Powers to continue the struggle after the first three months.
This applies especially to the administration of nitrogen and
the " husbanded " metals. The extension of the area admin-
istered by the Central Powers by the occupation of territory
had, apart from the supply of mineral oils, only eased the
situation principally in respect of foodstuffs. The production
of coal and iron was subjected to the least change in relation
to peace-time conditions, as these minerals were far from being
purely import materials. Germany herself possessed sufficient
coal and iron supplies. It is true that Austria-Hungary, whose
peace-time requirements were 54 million tons 4 million im-
ported from Germany had a desperate struggle for the neces-
sary quantity throughout the whole war, and the failure of
supplies was bound to reduce her iron production.
It was particularly on these products that the demand rose
in comparison to those of peace-time, and the output from the
German mines was not such as to meet the needs of an ally
in addition. The lack of coal in Austria-Hungary pressed
heavily on all her war industries, but most heavily of all on
her munition industry. Had the Supreme Army Command
not been able to exploit the Polish coal-mines the production
of munitions would have had to be reduced even in 1916.
Germany's iron supplies could not everywhere in every case
meet the demand for special quality. The substitution of
inferior steel for high-quality kinds has already been mentioned.
Similar conditions prevailed in Austria-Hungary, intensified
by the coal shortage, and only the strictest economy prevented
the break-down of the iron industry.
Finally in 1918 the coal shortage, due to the necessary demands
of the food industry and the railways, forced such a reduction of
iron and explosives production that several works had to close
down, and the manufacture of products of a similar nature
had to be concentrated in the best-equipped factories.
In both the Central Powers the production of the other
metals the " husbanded metals " was inadequate. Germany's
own production of copper in peace-time amounted to 2,000 tons
per month; in war the expenditure rose to 15,000 per month;
in Austria-Hungary the production amounted to 150 tons per
month as against a war demand of 3,000 tons per month.
For this metal, as well as for nickel, lead, zinc, tin and
aluminium, central administration began early. This, with the
fact that, at the outbreak of war, supplies were to hand in
the industry, and, later on, the requisitioning of all " husbanded "
metals even to those used in household utensils, saved muni-
tion production from the breakdown that shortage of these
metals would infallibly have produced. Even the church bells
were utilized. Great electrolysing plants separated the pure
copper. Consumption in the munition industry was opportunely
reduced to a fraction through the above-mentioned use of
substitutes in the designs.
The production of aluminium, of course, was substantially
increased through the exploitation of the Austrian bauxite works.
At the outbreak of war the production of nitrogen threatened
to be the most difficult. Both Powers had procured more than
half their peace-time supplies from overseas in the form of
Chile saltpetre. Nine-tenths of the whole consumption was
consigned to agriculture. The yearly home production amounted
in Germany to 110,000 tons free nitrogen held in ammonium
sulphate from the coke and gas works, and 10,000 tons pro-
cured from the air in the form of "lime nitrogen" containing
20% nitrogen by the Caso-Frank method. The processes for
obtaining nitric oxide through combustion of the air were, on
account of the great demand they made upon electrical energy,
dependent upon efficient water-power, and therefore never rose
to great importance in Germany. Of minor importance also
were the similar Austrian works at Patsch in Tirol.
MUNSEY, F. A.
The Austrian home production was 20,000 tons in peace-
time from the coke and gas works, and a small quantity from
a lime-nitrogen plant at Sebenico.
At the outbreak of war the situation was frankly deplorable.
Both countries had just made their allocations to agriculture.
Thus Germany, for example, had only 9,000 tons of nitrogen in
hand in July 1914; on account of the lack of the most important
raw stuffs the production of explosives seemed doubtful. More-
over, the stock of explosives themselves was extremely small
Austria, for instance, had hardly enough explosive for her 30-5-
cm. mortar-shells. Apart altogether from this the lack of
nitrogen manure must adversely affect the whole food produc-
tion. Thus the chemical industry had before it a wide field of
action and it was in this very sphere that most was accomplished.
Of all the achievements of German chemistry during the war
the production of nitrogen out of atmospheric air alone is of
permanent importance.
The methods of obtaining nitric acid which were in operation
at the beginning of the war were of small extent and by no
means on an industrial footing. This, however, was put right
in a short time, partly according to the Ostwald and Haber
and other processes, but mainly according to the Caso-Frank
method. Great plants were erected. Austria-Hungary likewise
built a large plant.
Germany was able to obtain from the air by the lime-nitrogen
method 110,000 tons of nitrogen yearly, and Austria-Hungary
40,000 tons; direct production by combustion of the air or by
the method of Prof. Dr. Linde from liquid air was also very
largely employed. The combined nitrogen production in both
States was finally 2\ times the peace-time supply (imports
included), and the agricultural industries as well as that of
munitions could be kept supplied.
Of the remaining raw materials the most important in relation
to production were glycerin, acetone and alcohol. Hitherto
glycerin had been produced through the decomposition of fat
stuffs. With the growing necessity of preserving these means
of subsistence the employment of other methods became
imperative; of these, however, only that of extraction from
sugar was of importance, and sugar itself was also scarce;
therefore, in the interests of economy, the use of powder rich in
glycerin was restricted to the uttermost.
The acetone obtained from wood distillation (which had
increased considerably, especially in Austria-Hungary) was
economized by alterations in her methods of powder manufacture.
The same was the case with alcohol. The attempt to produce
these stuffs from cellulose certainly produced interesting results,
but never attained to a vast production.
In these ways the production of munitions interfered seriously
with the nation's food economy.
To increase the production of toluol necessary for the produc-
tion of T.N.T., and obtained from the derivatives of coal-tar,
the Edelmann method was applied, in which toluol was produced
from mineral oil. In this way the chemical industry played a
considerable r&le in the supply of explosives, quite apart from
the importance it acquired with the coming of gas warfare.
Most of the technical achievements of the industries of the
Central Powers in the war lost their significance with the
termination of the war. Their great value lay in the wide
experience gained in adapting everything to the imperative
needs of the situation. But at any rate the setting of nitrogen
extraction on an industrial footing was an achievement of
permanent significance and value. (J. K.*; W. J.*)
MUNSEY, FRANK ANDREW (1854- ), American publisher
and newspaper proprietor, was born at Mercer, Me., Aug. 21
1854. He was educated in the public schools and became a
telegraph operator in Augusta, Me. In 1882 he went to New
York City and established The Golden Argosy, a magazine for
children, later changing this to The Argosy, a magazine for adult
readers. In 1889 he founded Munsey's Weekly, replaced two
years later by Munsey's Magazine, the first monthly of its class
to sell for the popular price of ten cents. He also founded The
All-Story Weekly (1904) and The Railroad Man's Magazine
MUNSTERBERG MURRAY, C. F.
1043
(1906) and purchased The Baltimore News (1908), The New York
Press (1912) and the New York Sun, both morning and evening
issues (1916). He merged the Press in the Sun. In 1920 he
bought from the executors of James Gordon Bennett's estate
the New York Evening Telegram and The New York Herald,
together with its Paris issue. He combined the Herald and the
morning Sun as The Sun and The New York Herald, but in
Oct. 1920 changed the name to The New York Herald, at the
same time continuing the evening paper as The Sun, thus
perpetuating intact two names famous in American journalism.
MUNSTERBERG, HUGO (1863-1916), German-American psy-
chologist (see 19.12), died in Cambridge, Mass., Dec. 16 1916.
Among his later publications were American Problems from the
Point of View of a Psychologist (1910); Psychology and Industrial
Efficiency (1912); American Patriotism and Other Social Studies
( I 9 I 3); Psychology and Social Sanity (1914); The War and America
(1914) ; The Peace and America (1915) ; The Photoplay: a Psycholog-
ical Study (1916) and To-morrow: Letters to a Friend in Germany
(1916).
MURKLAND, WILLIAM URWICK (1842-1899), American
clergyman, was born Nov. 17 1842 in Demerara, British Guiana,
where his father was a Scotch missionary. When a child he
moved with his parents to Petersburg, Va., and later to Richmond.
In 1857 he entered Hampden-Sidney College, but on the out-
break of the Civil War he enlisted, before graduation; in the
Confederate army. With one exception he was the youngest
member in his command. He was captured at Laurel Hill by
troops of Gen. McClellan, but was soon paroled, and returned
to Hampden-Sidney College, where he graduated with first
honours in 1862. Having meanwhile been exchanged, he again
entered the Confederate army. After the close of the war he
entered the Union Theological Seminary of Virginia where he
remained three years. After his ordination as a Presbyterian
minister in 1869, he was pastor of Centre Church, Cumberland
co., Va. In Jan. 1870 he was called as assistant to the Franklin
Street church, Baltimore, Md., and the following June was
chosen pastor, which position he held until his death, May 13
1899. While detained as a young prisoner of war he had won the
affection of Gen. McClellan, who later, during his residence in
Baltimore, became his parishioner. At Gen. McClellan's death,
Dr. Murkland took part in the funeral ceremonies. In 1890 he
was a delegate to the World's Peace Congress in London; in 1893
a delegate to the Ecumenical Methodist Council at Washington;
and in 1894 a delegate to the Northern General Assembly at
Saratoga. Dr. Murkland was one of the prominent figures in the
Presbyterian Church in the United States, and long distinguished
for his ability and influence. He was an extensive traveller and a
man of fine literary attainments. On June 4 1895 the 2 5th
anniversary of Dr. Murkland's pastorate was celebrated, and
many distinguished clergymen from all parts of the country
together with the highest state and city officials took part.
Dr. Murkland was an eloquent speaker and one of the foremost
orators in the South. He was chosen orator for the state of
Maryland on Maryland Day at the Cotton States' Exposition,
Atlanta, Ga., in 1895.
MURPHY, CHARLES FRANCIS (1858- ), American poli-
tician, was born in New York City June 20 1858. He was
educated in the public and parochial schools. He began work in
1876 as a street-car driver. Laterwithhis small savings he opened
a saloon, and as his business prospered became proprietor of.
several such establishments, in which he maintained good order.
These, he declared, served as poor men's clubs. In 1892 he
succeeded Edward Hagan as Tammany leader of the i8th
assembly district, and from that time his political power grew
rapidly. In 1897 he was appointed a member of the board of
commissioners of docks and ferries in New York City, serving
five years, the last as treasurer. In 1902 he succeeded Richard
Croker, on the latter's retirement, as leader of Tammany Hall,
a position he continued to hold for a longer period than any of
his predecessors. In 1903 he secured the nomination of George
B. McClellan for mayor of. New York City, who was elected,
and two years later reelected. In 1906 he supported William
Randolph Hearst, the unsuccessful candidate for governor of
New York on the Independence League and the Democratic
tickets. In 1909 he supported for mayor Judge Gaynor, who was
elected. At the Democratic National Convention in 1912 he
swung his followers to Champ Clark, who led on the earlier
ballots. Thereupon William Jennings Bryan, who had looked
with favour upon Clark, declared that he would not support
him so long as he was backed by Tammany, threw his influence
on the side of Woodrow Wilson and secured his nomination.
The same year, as presidential elector, Murphy gave Wilson
support, and in 1916 approved his renomination. He was a
delegate at the Democratic National Convention in 1920, and
it was in part through his influence that James M. Cox secured
the nomination.
MURPHY, FRED TOWSLEY (1872- ), American surgeon,
was born in Detroit, Mich., Oct. 23 1872. He was educated at
Phillips Academy, Andover, at Yale (A.B. 1897), and the
Harvard Medical School (M.D. 1901).. He was assistant in
anatomy at the Harvard Medical School, 1903-4; Austin
teaching fellow in surgery, 1905; visiting surgeon to the clinic,
1909-11, and assistant in surgery 1910-11. From 1904 to 1908
he was assistant surgeon at the Infants Hospital, Boston,
and from 1907 to 1911 surgeon to out-patients at the Massa-
chusetts General Hospital. In 1911 he was appointed professor
of surgery at the Washington University Medical School and, in
1914, chief surgeon of the Barnes Hospital and consulting
surgeon of the City Hospital, St. Louis, but resigned in 1919 to
become a practising surgeon in Detroit. During the World
War he was 'director and commanding officer of Base Hospital
21 in France (1917-8), and later was director of the medical
and surgical department of the American Red Cross, represent-
ing the chief surgeon of the A.E.F., with the rank of colonel.
He was awarded the D.S.M.
MURRAY, SIR ARCHIBALD JAMES (1860- ), British
general, was born April 21 1860 and joined the army in 1879. He
served in Zululand in 1888, and as a staff officer and battalion
commander during the S. African War, for which he received
the D.S.O. A highly educated staff officer, he filled a number
of important appointments during the next few years; from 1907
to 1912 he was at the War Office as director of military training,
and he was promoted major-general in 1910. He then became
inspector of infantry, and he was given the K.C.B. in recogni-
tion of his services. On the mobilization of the army in 1914 he
was appointed chief of the general staff to the Expeditionary
Force, and he held that position for the first five months of the
war; after this he was employed at the War Office, and during
the last three months of 191 5 he was chief of the Imperial General
Staff, having been promoted lieutenant-general in October. At
the beginning of 1916 he was sent out to Egypt to command the
field army in that country, and he shortly afterwards became
commander-in-chief in that theatre of war. Under his auspices
troops gradually pushed their way across the isthmus of Suez,
inflicted two severe defeats upon the Turks who tried to stay
their advance, and at the beginning of 1917 had gained a firm
footing on the borders of Palestine. Successful operations had
in the meantime been carried out against the Senussi on the
western frontier, and Murray's good work was recognized by
his being given the G.C.M.G. An attack delivered upon the
enemy's position at Gaza at the end of March was, however,
only partially successful, and when the effort was renewed three
weeks later it met with discomfiture. General Allenby took over
charge in the following July and Murray returned home. From
1917 to 1919 he was in command at Aldershot and he was
promoted full general in the latter year.
MURRAY, CHARLES FAIRFAX (1849-1919), English art
expert and collector, was born Sept. 30 1849. He early showed
artistic talent, and became a member of the pre-Raphaelite
group, being employed as a designer by the firm of William
Morris & Co. He exhibited first at the Royal Academy (1867)
and later at the Grosvenor Gallery (1879), but as he grew older
he devoted himself to the collection of objets d'art of all kinds,
and became a well-known connoisseur, entering the Bond Street
firm of Agnew & Co. During his later years he disposed of
1044
MURRAY, G. G. A. MUSIC
many of his treasures, some of the more valuable of which were
presented by him to the National Gallery, while his collection
of drawings by the old masters was purchased by Mr. J. Pierpont
Morgan. He died at Chiswick Jan. 25 1919.
MURRAY, GEORGE GILBERT AIME (x866- ), British
classical scholar, was born at Sydney, N.S.W., Jan. 2 1866, but
left Australia at the age of eleven. Educated at Merchant
Taylors' school, London, and St. John's College, Oxford, he at
once established his reputation as the most brilliant classical
scholar of his day, winning both the Hertford and Ireland scholar-
ships (1885), the Craven scholarship (1886), the prize for Latin
verse (1886), and the Gaisford prizes for Greek verse and prose
(1886-7), as we U as taking first-classes in Moderations (1886)
and in Literae Humaniores (1888). He was elected to a fellow-
ship at New College, Oxford, in 1888, and next year to the pro-
fessorship of Greek "at Glasgow University, a position he held till
1899. In 1907 he was .appointed regius professor of Greek at
Oxford. In 1889 he had married Lady Mary Howard, daughter
of the gth Earl of Carlisle, and his sympathies were always
strongly shown on the advanced Radical side in politics. He
was parliamentary candidate for Oxford University at the
general election of 1918 and at a by-election in 1919, but was
unsuccessful. During the World War he prominently espoused
the cause of the conscientious objectors, and later identified
himself with efforts to ameliorate economic conditions in the
enemy countries. He published a History of Ancient Greek
Literature in 1897, but is more widely celebrated for his incom-
parable renderings of the plays of Euripides into English verse.
Several of his versions were acted in England and America.
He also published The Rise of the Greek Epic (1907; 2nd ed.,
1911) and Four Stages of Greek Religion (1913). Amongst his
works on other subjects are Liberalism and the Empire (part
author, 1900); The Foreign Policy of Sir Edward Grey (1915);
Faith, War and Policy (1918); Religio Grammatici (1918); and
two early plays, Carlyon Sahib (1899) and Andromache (1900).
MURRAY, GEORGE ROBERT MILNE (1858-1911), British
botanist, was born at Arbroath Nov. n 1858. He was the
younger brother of A. S. Murray (see 19.38), and was educated
at Arbroath and at Strassburg University. As keeper of the
department of botany at the British Museum his researches
were principally devoted to algae and cryptogams, in the
pursuit of which he made several voyages, notably in 1901 as
scientific director to Capt. R. F. Scott's Antarctic expedition.
He died at Stonehaven, Kincardineshire, Dec. 16 1911.
MURRAY, SIR JAMES AUGUSTUS HENRY (1837-1915),
British philologist (see 19.40), died at Oxford July 26 1915, when
the New English Dictionary, which he had spent 37 years of his
life in editing, had reached its tenth volume. His fourth son,
Oswyn (b. 1873), became permanent secretary of the British
Admiralty in 1917, receiving a knighthood as K.C.B.
MURRAY, SIR JOHN (1841-1914), British geographer and
oceanographer (see 19.42), was accidentally killed near Kirk-
liston, Scotland, March 16 1914. In conjunction with Dr. John
Hjort he published in 1912 The Depths of the Ocean, which in-
cluded the important scientific results of the expedition of the
" Michael Sars " in 1910, but also formed an authoritative
general statement of the position of oceanography.
MURRAY OF ELIBANK, ALEXANDER WILLIAM CHARLES
OLIPHANT MURRAY, IST BARON (1870-1920), British politi-
cian, known until 1912 as the Master of Elibank, was born at
Elibank, Selkirk, April 12 1870, the eldest son of the first Vis-
count and tenth Baron Elibank (b. 1840). He was educated at
Cheltenham, and in 1892 entered the Colonial Office. From
1893 to 1894 he was secretary to the governor of the Leeward
Islands. In 190x3 he was elected Liberal member for Midlothian,
and in 1905 entered the Government as Comptroller of the House-
hold and Scottish Liberal Whip. In 1909 he became Under-
secretary for India, and in 1910 parliamentary secretary to the
Treasury and chief Liberal Whip, in which position he remained
until 1912. In 1906 he retired from his Midlothian seat, and
till 1910 represented Peebles and Selkirk. In this year he again
stood for Midlothian, holding the seat till 1912. As Whip the
Master of Elibank earned high praise for his energy and tact;
but he was somewhat unfortunately mixed up with the " Mar-
coni Scandal " in connexion with Mr. Lloyd George and Sir
Rufus Isaacs, as having invested part of the Liberal Party funds
in American Marconi shares in which he, with them, was
speculating a transaction hotly debated in Parliament in 1913.
On his retirement from the office of Whip in 1912 he was raised
to the peerage as Baron Murray of Elibank, and entered the
firm of Messrs. S. Pearson & Co. as a partner, shortly after-
wards proceeding to South America on business connected with
negotiations for the granting of oil concessions in Ecuador,
Colombia and Costa Rica. On Lord Murray's return to England
in 1914 he found it necessary to make a statement in the House
of Lords with reference to the part he had played in the Marconi
episode, and a select committee, appointed to inquire into his
action in the matter, reported that he had acted " without
sufficient thought," but acquitted him of "dishonourable con-
duct." In 1915 Lord Murray became for a short time honor-
ary director of recruiting for munitions work. He died at
Elibank, Selkirk, Sept. 13 1920, the barony becoming extinct.
' MUSIC (see 19.72). The vast mass of new music produced
between 1910 and 1921 cannot profitably be reviewed on any
plan that should attempt to appraise the impqrtance of indi-
vidual composers and events. Such reviews may furnish posterity
with examples of the blindness of contemporaries, and it will
always be interesting to note that a Sebastian Bach may spend
a lifetime making no other impression on even his most intimate
circle of admirers than that of a scholar working on wholly
antiquated lines; but there will never be any reason to suppose
that the keenest observer of our own day will be any wiser as
to what is now quietly coming into an existence which shall
outlive all else that gains immediate fame.
The purport of the present article is therefore not that of a
catalogue raisonne of modern music: its intention is to put
forward certain general principles that seem to have become more
clearly manifested within the decade. Any works and composers
that are mentioned will be selected merely as the first convenient
illustrations of these principles ; and the convenience will be
avowedly accidental. This method has, in the past history
of criticism, always proved to give results far more interesting
than those of an attempt to catalogue and estimate contemporary
events and works: nor does the dearth of names and titles
detract greatly from its interest. During the lifetime of
Beethoven an English observer, by no means willing unreservedly
to admire that already admittedly dominant and progressive
master, dropped the remark that the future would reveal impor-
tant musical developments in Russia. He mentioned no names,
and if he had mentioned any he might not have hit upon such as
would in any way add to the present interest of his prophecy.
The truth is that the greatest art takes ample time before its
impulses reach the main stream of historic tendency, so that
the contemporary view of the main stream is naturally, and
not unjustifiably, preoccupied with work that will not interest
posterity; while, on the other hand, future historians will, as
always hitherto, have great difficulty in finding any historic
importance in the works which prove immortal.
But we are on solid ground if we fix our attention on prevalent
tendencies shown by large bodies of work and of criticism, and
on the conditions in which the work is produced and enjoyed.
The contemporaries who thought Beethoven the greatest musi-
cian of his day deserve credit for their insight, though their
reasons for their judgment were only the Prometheus Overture
and the Septet. The awakening of European culture to the spirit
of Greek art was mightily furthered by Lessing, though he chose
in the Laocoon a work far from typical of the true Greek quali-
ties which he so truly described. There are periods of artistic
transition in which tendencies are too vague or too involved to
be distinguished by the contemporary observer. If perhaps
this was so in the beginning of the 2oth century, things had
become clearer by its second decade ; and it was possible to
draw an emphatic distinction between what is real and what is
unreal in the music of the day.
MUSIC
1045
It will be convenient first to deal with the unrealities. The
most formidable of these arise from the unnatural conditions on
which the modern musician acquires his reputation. At no
period in history has an artist been able to make his living
solely by his highest line of work ; but the hardships of the classical
artist's life were at all events not unnatural. They were mostly
the effects of human nature, and not of an inflated self-con-
sciousness among art critics. It has always been hard to struggle
against a depressing prevalence of dull or vulgar tastes and
pedantic conventions; but such a struggle is life, and victory in
it is health. Far less certain is it that life and health can be
found in the struggle for musical reputation under modern
conditions; especially for reputation as a composer. The grounds
on which new music is commonly criticized are no longer grounds
of healthy and intelligible discussion. The critics, conscious of
the proverbial persecution of genius by contemporary pedants
and upholders of convention, are now unanimous in condemning
all that is under suspicion of being " correct," and are desperately
anxious that no soi-disant revolutionary tendency shall miss
acclamation and that no dangerous outbreak of normality shall
escape damnation. The music that is most written about and
talked about is the music about which it is the easiest to say
clever things. The clever things must be or seem to be intel-
ligible to the general reader; and this means that they must
not be musical facts, for musical facts are involved in musical
technicalities. Yet the clever sayings must be impressive. The
result is a special psychological jargon, mostly unknown to
psychologists, which the general public believes to be a musical
jargon. The public finds it fairly amusing, especially when the
critics, having exhausted their stock of new musical discoveries
and revolutions, are reduced to discussing each other. But
it may be news to the public that the jargon is almost wholly
unintelligible to real musicians, and nowhere more unintelligible
to them than where it employs musical terms. Meanwhile real
music struggles into existence, and even, occasionally, into
recognition, while fashion follows the journalists, and awards
fame without popularity 20 times a year to musicians of perfectly
respectable character and intellect who are driven to pose as
lunatics lest sanity should earn them the reputation of prigs.
In such conditions it is not surprising that there is more genuine
musical life in provincial districts than in the metropolitan
cities. The musical life of the provinces is their own; the metro-
politan public is so anxiously watching the jumping of the critical
cat that even the formation of coteries is conditioned more by
diplomacy than by enthusiasm. Popularity and healthily good
music are driven to meet on new ground. Theatre music, apart
from opera, is in Great Britain still in a state of squalor which
must remain hopeless as long as British theatre-goers maintain
the habit of drowning the musical entr'actes in talk. But the
cinema produces a remarkably perfect silence in spectators, and in
its not always fresh atmosphere many an excellent player finds a
livelihood which he can ill afford to exchange for a good position
in a permanent orchestra. The London music hall, especially
since the advent of the great Russian ballet dancers, has drawn
into its sphere of influence many a serious musician, among
composers as well as performers; and the composers to whom it
is still a strange environment may sometimes find that more
than a pot-boiler impulse and technique are required of them
if they are to distinguish themselves there. At all ages there
have been heartsearchings as to the border lines of " legitimate "
art, and the origins of the highest classical art forms have far
more often been popular tendencies than critical doctrines. The
health and fruitfulness of permanently valuable art demands two
conditions: first, that artists shall have the inducement of a
living wage for producing it; secondly, that audiences and spec-
tators shall be accustomed to receive it so attentively as to
induce the artist to refine his style. Art does not thrive in a
state of public opinion and critical jargon in which nothing is
allowed a right to exist except works of devastating genius, and
genius itself stands less chance of recognition in such a state
than in any other. A good period of art is that in which the
ordinary styles are so good that the sensibilities of a child of
genius are not starved or disgusted by them before he has had
time to outgrow them as a genius must. Nothing good can be
expected for genius or philistine from a state of art in which
every style is ostentatiously paradoxical.
It is not impossible to distinguish between the fruitful and
the unfruitful tendencies in contemporary music. The questions
at issue are not primarily matters of taste or tradition. It may
be assumed that vital art has deep foundations of taste and
tradition, even if it professes to revolt from them all; but the
signs of its vitality are neither in revolt nor in conformity, but
simply in the variety and the coherence of the art in itself. And
the variety and coherence are matters of discoverable fact.
Principles which make for them are likely to be sound; principles
which destroy them are, if correctly stated or imputed, certain
to be unsound. We must, however, bear in mind that the crea-
tion of a work of art is an altogether different process from
criticism and analysis. The craziest theory may be accepted by
a composer as being his method of work, and it will do him not
the slightest harm so long as it keeps his attention so poised that
the depths of his mind are free to express themselves. But the
same theory will be disastrous to most of his disciples, though
some may share his luck with it. The classical art forms were
not, in their origin and maturity, crazy theories, but shrewd
generalizations from familiar experience. As that experience
becomes remote the art forms lose their vitalizing expressive
power. But there is more vitality in remote experience than in
none at all; and a mere arbitrary contradiction of old artistic
theories is, one would think, the most obvious sterilizing pro-
cedure that could be devised for future art. The procedure is
seen at its worst when it is applied to some all-pervading category
of music, such as harmony. Whatever may be the merits or the
fecundity of the composer, we may be absolutely certain that
when he explicitly promulgates a new system of harmony he is
talking nonsense. A certain composer begins his career as a
brilliant 20th-century Chopin, with an unmistakable power of
composition in large and free form, besides a happy vein in the
tiniest of preludes. In time certain harmonic mannerisms
develop: the composer is also inspired to write for orchestra;
his vigorous talent for composition not only stands the strain
of this larger medium but remains traceable in works based each
on some single artificial chord of which the original meaning is
obviously a Wagnerian progression, but which the composer
expounds to the gasping interviewer as the most perfect chord
in music. And so the gasping interviewer goes on his way
rejoicing in the possession of a profound technical mystery
worthy of revelation together with the composer's theosophic
doctrines and other matters of popular interest. There is no
reason for doubting the composer's sincerity either in his
theosophy or in his harmony. Artists are seldom also men of
science, and even men of science keep some region of their minds
in a state of holiday wherein they may be perfectly arbitrary
and self-centred. Art originates from such regions of the mind,
but it will be stifled, and those regions will be starved, unless
it emerges and forages in the wide world of human life. Ego-
centric as is the nature of art, the confines of one personal life
are not enough for sane self-development ; and the personal note
of the artist who retires into the recesses of his arbitrary domain
will not long retain its power.
The untimely death of Scriabine left his art just at the point
where it was beginning to alienate his enthusiastic supporters.
Contemporary enthusiasm and hostility on theories of harmonic
style may be left to the theosophists. The important fact is that
Scriabine did, while he lived, produce compositions with a large
flow and climax: nor do we know that his power to do so was
likely to fail him. In all the chaos of modern experiment with
discord and disordered rhythm, two questions alone are capable
of permanently significant and truthful answers: the one concerns
the composer and the other the listener. To the composer we
may address Brahms's rude query, " Do you find this fun? "
Of the listener we may ask, " Can you find a sufficient variety
of coherent definite elements, events, qualities and forms in
this art, quite irrespective of any question of novelty? " This
1046
MUSIC
question must be answered with regard to all the elements of
the art from the oldest to the newest, and it is one of the few
sound artistic questions which concerns an artist's whole output
as well as individual works; e.g. any one of Bach's arpeggio-
preludes will show a monotony of rhythm unbroken till near
the end, and will present melody only in the negative form of an
avoidance of awkward intervals on the surface of the chords;
but such arpeggio-preludes cannot be created by a composer
who could do nothing else; the very conception of their plan
belongs to all musical time and existence.
Without comparing Scriabine to Bach or even to Chopin,
we may on these lines eliminate matters of taste from our
estimate of works like the Poeme d'Extase and Promethee. The
enthusiast is carried away, like the players and the conductor,
by the climax of the Poeme d'Extase, and is apt to declare that
it attains a sonorous power never reached before in music. To
which the cynic replies that Scriabine has inherited the Rimsky-
Korsakoff tradition of a grammar of orchestration as accurate
as that of Palestrina's vocal writing; that -with this as a back-
ground he has merely to instruct the first trumpet to indulge in
a street-player's vibrato and so to lead up to a climax which is
obtained by simply allowing the full organ to drown the orchestra
in the fashion of an Albert Hall performance of The Messiah.
There never was and never will be a new sensation in the fine
arts which cannot be laughed down on these lines; but real
composition can never be thus laughed down, and it is real
composition alone which makes a street cornet vibrato and an
Albert Hall organ peal capable of producing new sensations.
Again, these effects are obviously essentially popular; a
ground, no doubt, why the description just given should be
bitterly resented by many of their admirers. Yet it is just their
popular quality which, rationalized by power of composition,
vouches for the reality of the art. Without the power of com-
position a popular new sensation cannot last, even if it can make
its mark at all. With power of composition everything in art
must some day find wide recognition, if it escapes physical
destruction; for no composer attains such power without being
driven by strong human impulses. Epigrams are not enough.
Human experience vividly presented never loses point.
But the chances of producing permanently living work are
heavily weighted against the composer if he concerns himself
only with things which he alone can understand. The Russian
ballet gave abundant vital impulses to music so long as it dealt
intelligibly with drama, fairy-tale, fable and life; and the young
Stravinski of L'Oiseau de Feu found in it inspiration for music
that remains brilliant and intelligible apart from the ballet. In
Petrouchka he still makes rhythmic and instrumental sounds
that faithfully follow and enhance the moods of a fascinating
pantomime; but the concert-goer who, knowing nothing of the
ballet, affects to be moved by the music in an orchestral concert,
is little wiser than the man who would rather say he preferred
the wrong end of his asparagus than admit that he did not
know which was the right end. The ballet is to the composer an
easier and therefore more dangerous art form than the opera;
in both cases the listener will always give the music credit for all
the qualities of the scenario if the composer only manages not
to interfere with them. Self-deception, loss of vitality, decadence
and dry-rot set in when the designers of the ballet themselves
retire into the arbitrary kingdom of abstractions which they call
symbolic, and which common sense calls nonsense. There is a
real kingdom of nonsense, and it will have none of your owlish
aesthetic solemnity about morbid twists of mind. Lewis Carroll,
trained logician, leaves it to later commentators to identify his
Snark with the Absolute, or with the company promoter; his and
Edward Lear's wonderland of nonsense is a school of manners
in the light of which any explicit social satire and many fantastic
flights of modern musical imagination appear almost equally
convicted of grossness and heavy incongruity. For music, as for
all arts, the fruitful path, and that which leads even to the sub-
lime as well as the imperishable, is a path of unselfconscious
childlike enjoyment of the matter in hand, with no petulant preoc-
cupation with the stupidity of the outsider. Erik Satie is amusing
enough with his Vraies preludes flasques pour man chien, his
AperQues desagreables, and all the rest of it; his works are an-
nounced with the challenge that, as to les A platis, les Insignifiants
and other more Rabelaisian nonentities who will not enjoy them:
" qu'ils avalent leurs barbesl qu'ils se marchent sur le venire!"
Domenico Scarlatti, in the days of Handel, was a master of one
of the most personal and eccentric genres of music known to
history, a genre which, for all its confinement to one small form
and one instrument, had a profound influence on all later instru-
mental music; and his preface is a sincere and unaffected warning
to the reader to expect nothing learned, but a playful indulgence
of his art. If this represents only the manners of his day,
those were evidently very good manners and conducive to
artistic progress and freedom.
Prominent among the eternal questions which agitate the
contemporary critics of all arts at all periods is the proportion
of means to ends. The modern orchestra grows easily with the
demands of the modern composer, for in spite of local and tem-
porary difficulties, it is to the interest of players that orchestras
should increase as well as multiply; and the most extravagant
modern composer has never yet faced the problem of designing
music for which the band and chorus of a Crystal Palace Handel
festival would really be to the purpose. In other words, the
Handel festival exists; but the music for an organization of even
half that size has never yet been composed. Here, then, is
material for a real aesthetic development; and herein lies the
significance of the recent vogue in Holland of the enormous
works of Gustav Mahler. That great Viennese orchestral con-
ductor died almost a generation ago, and his symphonies owe
much of their recognition to the personal zeal of their apostle,
the eminent conductor Mengelberg. It is improbable that the
music-lovers of other countries will ever readily receive these
huge volumes of nai've sentimentality and boyish grotesqueness
(to say nothing of more definitely oriental traits). But the works
nevertheless demonstrate at least three vital things: first, that
it is still possible for a composer to pile up structures of illimitable
extent in the most unsophisticated harmonic and melodic style;
secondly, that, whereas taste cannot even begin to express
itself without some technique, an immense amount of technique
may be learnt from work which cannot be said to show any
taste at all; and thirdly, that whatever may be objected to
Mahler's taste and form in this direction, he undoubtedly ful-
filled his set purpose of working out the pioneer aesthetic and
technical principles of music designed for a thousand performers
and upwards. And this is no decadent proposition. Decadence,
or barbarity, is entirely on the side of the Handel festival: the
performance of music on a scale for which it was never designed.
The real problems of music for a thousand performers are, as
Mahler perceived, problems for a severely disciplined and
accurate imagination; and nothing can be further removed from
the world of arbitrary artistic egoism. They are not to be
mastered by the methods of that kind of extravagance which
now and then displays a revulsion in some absurd economy,
like Meyerbeer's old trick of thin and inadequate harmony for
one voice supported insecurely by one horn and a spasmodic
gurgle on a solo violoncello. Meyerbeer in his day did work that
was good enough to anticipate Wagner's discoveries and bad
enough to ruin Wagner's cause. Mahler has none of Meyerbeer's
worldly wisdom, and in his special field there is as yet no greater
and more masterly idealist.
The main stream of music still flows within the Wagner-
Strauss limits and seldom requires 150 instrumental players.
Arnold Schonberg's Gurre Lieder (a large vocal and choral
cycle, the great success of which is held by his disciples to be a
serious hindrance to the spread of his later gospel of musical
revolution) requires a huge orchestra; but the very fact that the
score often employs 50 staves proves that Schonberg is by no
means imagining the aesthetics of an unprecedented scale of
performance; the polyphony that requires 50 staves for its
notation rather implies detail than bulk. (This, by the way,
may help us to understand why the Handel festival has always
had an undeniable measure of success; Handel's style is almost
MUSIC
1047
massive enough to adapt itself to the monstrous organization
which he never had in view. Conversely, that wonderful 16th-
century monument, Tallis's 4o-part motet, which remains
unsurpassed for genuine complexity combined with rhetorical
force, would probably prove more convincing with fewer re-
hearsals on 40 single voices than on a choir of 400 which could
after all only give 10 voices to a part.)
The life work of Max Reger presents a strange study of ar-
tistic vitality working on methods the reverse of vitalizing. At
first sight his productivity seems enormous; and since Orlando
di Lasso in the i6th century we have had no other conspicuous
instance of a composer who seems always able to sit down before
a pile of blank music paper with a blank mind and work himself
up into genuine inspiration by sheer interest in the weaving of
rich musical texture. To the present young generation of German
musicians Reger is the last of the classics; but there are few
things in music less classical than Reger's art forms, rigidly
orthodox though they seem. They are the direct result of
extraordinary docility in the pupil of the most systematic
musical scholar of recent times, and anyone who has groaned in
spirit at the sight of one of Hugo Riemann's editions of a piece
of classical music may easily recognize in Reger the traces of his
teaching. Every external feature of the classical art forms is
present without any trace of the classical reasons for it. Every-
thing has been worked out from one detail to the next, without
any first principles to account for the whole procedure. A
facile contrapuntist, Reger writes untold numbers of fugues,
all on one mechanical plan, mostly with some combination of
subjects, but never a combination between subjects sufficiently
contrasted to give it point. His instrumental works are for the
most part cast in sonata forms; except for the incessantly
modulating and chromatic style, the whole collection of works
contains neither an unorthodox procedure nor the slightest
reason for its orthodox procedures. Bach wrote great works for
unaccompanied violin, and Reger does likewise. But he shows
no sense of the principle that Bach's unaccompanied melody
is its own bass; Reger's melodies cry loudly and ambiguously
for harmonic support. You might as well cut out with scissors
a full-face portrait of a judge in his wig and expect it to be
recognizable as a silhouette. Whatever is to be learnt from
Reger, it is not the meaning of classical art forms. And much is
to be learnt from Reger. His texture is inevitably thick, for
his rigidly systematic completeness vetoes any of that suggestive-
ness which is one of the secrets of the greatest art. But it is
astonishingly sonorous, and, in its heavy literal-minded way,
effects its purpose in the fewest possible notes, numerous though
they be. Every instrument is profoundly studied and developed
on the basis of its natural technique; and while the player who
claims that he can read Regar at sight is probably mendacious,
he will enjoy his instrument all the better for playing Reger
well. Nor is this the only or the most important non-egotistic
reality in Reger's work. The reality of Reger is that he is a
consummate and impassioned rhetorician. His unreal art forms
hinder and help him no more and no less than the alphabetical
acrostic hindered and helped the poet of the Lamentations of
Jeremiah. He extemporizes on paper, and is profoundly attentive
to the nature of his instruments and to whatever text he is setting
in his vocal music. In the history of art there can be no more
conspicuous example of the difference between analytical theory
and the practical conditions of creative work.
The only things that matter to the composer and to his posterity
are the things that help or hinder him in creating his works.
Posterity will not inquire whether Sebastian Bach, Granville
Bantock, Richard Strauss, Busoni whosoever you will were
reactionaries or revolutionaries, whether they followed classical
forms, misunderstood them or abolished them. Nor will posterity
pay any attention to the questions we so often ask as to whether
such and such a composer's work had led to further develop-
ments or hindered them. This is a totally different question
from that which is often confused with it, the question whether
certain principles (such as a revolutionary but disciplinarian
theory of harmony) do or do not interfere with a composer's
capacity to write coherent and fluent works. Thus, when it
is argued that Wagnerism was the cause of much mental paral-
ysis among later musicians, the crushingly sufficient answer is
that Wagnerism did not prevent Wagner himself from producing
works that are among the most enormous achievements in all
the records of music; and that the effect of such achievements
on the sane musician is to enlarge his ideas of the range of his
art. He is not obliged to cover that whole range himself; and
the musician who, not being Wagner or Strauss, dooms himself
to failure by working on their huge scale with inadequate
resources, does not thereby show that his artistic balance would
lead him to better success on a smaller scale. All great art may
be accused of " leading to a blind alley " inasmuch as its achieve-
ments are always individual and unique. Yet every achieve-
ment that lives (and many live, like the works of Domenico
Scarlatti and Couperin, that cannot well be called great) is a
source of inspiration to right-minded artists. It is not a matter
of taste; nor need it be an incitement to handle any particular
art form or to imitate the style that has inspired the artist
with Correggio's conviction " Anch'io son pittore! " It would
be difficult, for instance, to name any composer whose style
shows the influence of Granville Bantock; just as it is difficult
to trace in his style, otherwise than by merely technical measure-
ments, the influence of Strauss and of the schematic purity
and brilliance of Russian orchestration. Yet there is probably
nowhere in Europe a more radiant source of musical health.
It is easiest for young composers to feel the stimulus of one who,
like Bantock, has always been a keen upholder of the most
modern music; nor is it anything but a healthy sign of the times
that those who still find their interest in classical resources must
plough a lonely furrow. They may contentedly do so, like
Sebastian Bach, if like him they also maintain a hopeful interest
in the present and future of the new movements which they
do not feel drawn to imitate in their own work.
Another striking example of artistic vitality commands atten-
tion in the work of Gustav Hoist, an English composer whose
interest in oriental subjects is (like Bantock's) no whim for
chinoiseries but a true expression of the nostalgia of the West.
In every direction his work is masterly, independent, and in-
disputably real. Savitri is an oriental opera written with the
slenderest of instrumental resources and with much singing
that is not only unaccompanied but unharmonized. Hoist has
also produced beautiful songs for the strange combination of a
solo voice accompanied only by a violin. At the other end of
the scale we have his orchestral work The Planets, in which he
shows his full musical freedom. Probably the work in which his
design most accurately and tersely fills its space is his setting
of the sublime ancient Byzantine Hymn of Jesus. Here the
music seems indistinguishable from the text; and its primitive
and drastic harmonic logic, which technically could not have
been written before the time of Debussy and Ravel, is no more
suggestive of the fashions of to-day, or of any day, than the
awe-inspiring Eucharistic text which reverberates through it.
No modern music is more utterly unsuggestive of outward and
technical resemblance to the classics, and none rests on deeper
foundations of musical scholarship.
Among the most significant signs of life in English music we
must mention Rutland Boughton's remarkable musical festivals
at Glastonbury, where (until interrupted by the World War)
he produced English opera on a small scale, ranging from
Purcell to his own and other contemporary works.
It is easy to ask what effect the World War has produced on
music. The wisest answer is evasive. Few, if any, of the works
written avowedly to commemorate the war can possibly succeed
in meaning what they say or saying what they mean. And of
the losses to music, who shall discriminate between the talents
that had been given time just to reveal their promise and those
that were cut off yet sooner? What now of Russia, where in 1921
world-famous composers were living in starvation without even
paper to write on? If any musical work is destined to impress
posterity as a noble expression and reaction of the World War,
the choice, strange as it may seem, might most desirably fall on
1048
MUSTAPHA KEMAL MUTSU HITO
Richard Strauss's Die Frau ohne Sthatten. His Alpen-sinfonie,
which, designed before the war, appeared in 1915, was a great
disappointment, amiably commonplace in " programme " and
sentiment, and hardly more than automatic in its characteristic
" road-hog " technique. As to Die Frau ohne Schatten, Strauss's
style is no longer a new sensation and it cannot be easily proved
to be less automatic here than in the Alpen-sinfonie. The
intention of the work as a whole must be ascribed to the poet
Hofmannsthal; and so we still seem to leave room for the
argument that Strauss, like other adroit opera-writers, has
little more to do than to avoid hampering the poetry and action.
But it is at least equally possible to assert roundly that Strauss
is here at the height of his power and inspiration; that his
mastery of composition and texture has never been seriously in
dispute, whatever exception may have been taken to the extremes
and licences of his style; and that, if the poet's intention is noble,
the composer has made its realization vivid as no one else could
imagine. The intention of the work is such as can be carped at
only at the peril of the critic's Tightness of thought. One of the
real difficulties in the understanding of Wagner's art was, and
still is, that whereas his mature music shows his strength, the
ethics of his poetry often shows his weakness. For one person
who appreciates the tragic nobility which drove Tristan and
Isolde to drink what they took for a death potion, there are a
dozen who get and mean to get from the whole music-drama
nothing better than a view of life as the irresponsible intoxication
of a Liebestrank. This is not fair to Wagner, yet it is largely
his fault. But if the world will only allow itself to be emotionally
stirred to the same extent by Strauss's Die Frau ohne Schatten,
then a great musical work will have played a historic part in
restoring the health of the nations. From the twilight of 19th-
century and recent erotic art, and from its always selfish and
sometimes abnormal sexual preoccupations, Die Frau ohne
Schatten breaks away, and its plea for love is nature's plea for
life. Musically it is, more copiously than any of Strauss's former
works, an occasion for beauty; as a dramatic spectacle it is a
gorgeous fantastic pantomime, of which the allegorical meaning
leaves it hardly less childlike than Die Zauberflote, which it in
some points intentionally resembles. It is altogether a noble
and heroic work, unassailable by any cavil that does not condemn
itself as ignoble.
In the early summer of 1921 a new kind of double keyboard
for pianofortes, invented by the eminent Hungarian composer
Emanuel Moor, and manufactured by Messrs. Schmitt-Flohr
of Berne, was demonstrated in Berne to large audiences. There
is no reasonable doubt that it must soon render the ordinary
pianoforte as obsolete as the harpsichord, and that it is by far
the most important invention in musical instruments since the
pianoforte itself. The principle is simple and might just as well
have been discovered when the pianoforte was first invented:
in which case Mozart's pianoforte-technique would have begun
considerably beyond the point where Beethoven 'snow leaves off.
Two manuals are placed, the one so slightly raised above the
other that a perfect legato in rapid passages is obtainable between
them by one hand. The second manual is an octave higher than
the first. Thus the normal stretch of one hand is two octaves
instead of one; and with the cultivation of a new set of move-
ments of the hand, backwards and forwards as well as laterally,
the possibilities of pianoforte-writing already seem limited only
by pure musical aesthetics. But this is not all; the two manuals
can be coupled together by a pedal, so that the instrument
possesses much of the property of the organ and also of the
harpsichord, in the power of doubling a whole mass of harmony
or any part thereof in " four-foot tone." The restoration of
harpsichord effects is completed by a lever which operates a
kind of sordine, producing a surprisingly good representation of
harpsichord tone.
The invention is conservative as well as revolutionary. The
pianoforte does grave injustice to many aspects of harpsichord
music, but this " Duplex Coupler " system leaves purists at
liberty to play classical pianoforte music without even altering
a fingering; they have but to refrain from using the back keyboard
and the couplers. There is a vast new technique awaiting long
study and exploration; but the merest rudiments of it produce
astonishing results in a short time, for the pianist who gave
the first public demonstration did so within six days of setting
eyes on the instrument. It cannot fail to have an enormous
effect on the future study of music. Doubtless, it will develop
its own vices as well as resources, but it begins by depriving
pianists of occasion for four-fifths of their worst habits, and sets
a premium upon a Bach-like and Mozart-like cultivation of
polyphonic cantabile. Many composers use the pianoforte in
the act of composition far more than they are willing to admit.
They know it to be a bad habit because it tends to cramp their
invention in two directions: it confines phrasing to the obvious
sequences that muscular memory best grasps, and it confines
part-writing to the compass and convenience of the hands. The
second limitation is now removed, and those composers who suf-
fer from " pianistic " habits will speedily show greater freedom
in their writing for other instruments and for orchestra. Thus
there is no region of music which will remain uninfluenced by
Emanuel Moor's Duplex-Coupler pianoforte, and this instrument
will be a very important source of interest and inspiration in
the music of the future. (D. F. T.)
MUSTAPHA KEMAL (1870-1922), Turkish pasha, was bom
of humble parents at Salonika. By his great energy and the
political connexions that he formed as a leader of the Young
Turks he rose to military eminence in the Turkish service. In
spite of slight physique and a dissolute life, his reckless courage
and ambition brought him into prominence in the war against the
Italians in Tripoli; he was made aide-de-camp to Wahid-ed-din,
afterwards the Sultan Mohammed VI. In Aug. 1915, as com-
mandant of the Turkish detachments in Anaforta Bay (Galli-
poli peninsula), he gave proof of his ability, and enjoyed the
especial confidence of the German commander-in-chief, Gen.
Liman von Sanders. In 1917 he commanded the III. Caucasian
Army. In the winter of that year, after coming into violent
conflict with Gen. von Falkenhayn, he resigned. When, however,
a little later, Falkenhayn was recalled from Palestine after his
complete failure there, Mustapha Kemal held a high command
under Liman Pasha, and after the conquest of Palestine Mustapha
Kemal took over from Liman Pasha in Adana the remnants of
the Turkish forces. Out of these and a number of volunteers he
organized the Nationalist army. He put himself at the head of
the Nationalist Government, and won through in his strenuous
campaign against the legal Government in Constantinople. He
afterwards ruled with almost absolute power in Angora, and
thence conducted the counter-offensive of the Turkish Nation-
alists against the Greeks when the latter, in 1921, made their
ineffectual forward movement in Asia Minor, which was brought
to a standstill in the autumn. On Jan. 14 1922 it was reported
that he had been assassinated.
MUTSU HITO (1852-1912), MIKADO, or EMPEROR, OF JAPAN
(see 19.100), was represented in 1911 at the coronation of King
George V. by H. I. H. Prince Higashi Fushimi, both Adml. Togo
and Gen. Nogi being on the imperial staff. A year later the
Emperor was stricken down by illness, and succumbed to it on
July 30 1912. The simplicity of the Emperor's personal life, and
the concern he had always displayed for the welfare of his sub-
jects, had endeared him to his people. The obsequies took
place on Sept. 13 and 14, with Shinto rites, at Moyayama, near
Kioto, and, in addition to the presence of special ambassadors
from the foreign Powers, a guard of honour from the British
navy testified to the alliance between the two island empires
of East and West. A profoundly touching impression was
created throughout the whole world by the suicide of Gen. Count
Nogi and of the Countess Nogi, at the moment that the body of
the Emperor was leaving the palace.
NAMUR
1049
NAMUR (see 19.159*). In 1914 the pop. numbered 32,453.
The manufacture of glass and glassware had been re-
cently established. An athletic sports ground was laid
out and a fine open-air theatre built before the World War
in the park on the citadel hill. The Germans entered Namur on
the evening of Aug. 23 1914, deliberately set fire to the town in
five places, and gave way to looting. All the houses in the
Place d'Armes and its vicinity were burned and the H6tel de
Ville destroyed; and between Aug. 23 and 25, 75 civilians were
shot without motive. A war contribution of 50,000,000 fr. was
levied and Namur became a cavalry headquarters and base.
THE SIEGE OF 1914
In the defence scheme of Belgium, Namur, with Liege and the
small intermediate fort of Huy, had the role of barring the line
of the Meuse against attack from the East. It had in addition
to secure the left flank of the field army in case of an invasion
by the French, and, further, as against eastern invasion, it
supported the right flank of an army disposed on the line of the
Gelte to resist an enemy who might have mastered Liege. The
last named was the case which actually arose in Aug. 1914 and
led to the attempt being made to hold Namur in spite of the
disheartening experience of the power of the German heavy
artillery which the Belgians had just suffered at Liege.
The permanent defences of Namur at the outbreak of war in
1914 consisted in a ring of nine forts catalogued here in clock-
wise, or E. S. W. N., order three (Maizeret, Andoy, Dave)
in the great bend of the Meuse E. of the towns, two (St. Heribert
and Malonne) in the angle of the Meuse and Sambre S. of it;
two (Suarlee and Emines) on the open N.W. front astride the
Gembloux road; two on the N.E. front covering the Tirlemont
road (Fort Cognelee) and the St. Frond road (Fort Marchoue-
lette) respectively. In each of the intervals between fort and
fort, infantry and field artillery positions were constructed on
mobilization, and included in the defence system of each interval
were two, three or four infantry redoubts. The principal line
of defence followed in general the imaginary perimeter of the
fort-ring, but in the E., conforming to the requirements of the
broken ground, the line of trenches redoubts was drawn back,
notably near Fort Maizeret, where it passed at a distance of a mile
behind the fort, and also at Fort St. Heribert on the S. front.
Although it was a ring-fortress, of Brialmont's design, similar
in all respect to Liege from the technical point of view, the
tactics of both attack and defence were very different from those
employed in the earlier siege. Not being exposed to surprise,
the garrison had ample time to protect the intervals of the forts
with trenches, redoubts and wire, as well as to clear the fore-
ground. Moreover, at the time of the attack, Namur was, so
to speak, a strong salient point on the general line of battle of
the field armies and not an isolated stronghold. To right arid
left of it, the German offensive was meeting, or about to meet,
the French IV. and V. Armies and the British Expeditionary
Force. The attack was carried out by those German corps which
in the line of battle lay opposite to the fortress, and not by a
special force. It was carried out not in two stages as that of
Liege had been coup de main on the intervals followed by
methodical battering of the forts but in one effort, the in-
fantry attack and the siege artillery bombardment being simul-
taneous and interdependent. It is therefore, in some respects,
the tactical prototype of the Verdun struggle of 1916, with the
two important differences that in Aug. 1914 troops had not
learned the strength of a trench-network or become familiar
with the effects of super-heavy artillery, and that at Verdun the
artillery had been removed from the forts, which were treated
purely as infantry strongpoints.
The garrison of Namur, under Lt. -General Michel, consisted
of the 4th Div. (3 mixed bdes.) , four fortress infantry regiments,
the garrison artillery and engineers appropriate, and various
small units, and numbered about 27,000 combatants, reinforced
during the defence by one French infantry regiment.
The attacking army consisted of four divs. (later five) (Guard
Res. Corps, half VII. Res. Corps, XI. Corps) drawn from the
inner wings of the II. and III. Armies, formed as a temporary
Army Group under General von Gallwitz, and provided with a
siege train which included one battery of 42-cm. and 4 batteries
of Austrian 30-5-011. howitzers as well as 2i-cm. howitzers and
medium guns.
During the defence of Liege, the Belgian army was concen-
trated along the Gelte line, facing E., waiting for the arrival of
French and British forces N. of the Sambre. In this position
Namur covered its right and Antwerp its left. But when the
Germans had made good the passage through Liege and deployed
their I. and II. Armies facing the Gelte, they manceuvred to cut
off the Belgians from Antwerp, their main base, and the King
therefore fell back gradually in that direction, giving up contact
with Namur. At the same time the French V. Army was assem-
bling in the angle of the Sambre and the Meuse, and thus the
Belgian fortress came to occupy the centre of the French northern
battle-line. The Germans, meantime, leaving a containing force
in front of the positions around Antwerp, initiated the great
wheel of their right wing which was to envelop the French or
British left. The pivot of this wheel was not, however, Namur
but Thionville, and thus Namur had to be tackled by open force
during the progress of the wheel. During Aug. 18-19 the left
of the German II. Army advanced slowly on Namur from the
direction of Huy, clearing out of the woods and villages the
very active outpost forces of the garrisons, while the right of the
III. Army was still far back in the Ardennes. On Aug. 20 the
union of the two portions of von Gallwitz's forces was completed
and the XI. Corps stood with its right flank on the Meuse, west
of Audenne, and its left about Floree. The ist Guard Res. Div.,
which had hitherto followed the S. bank of the Meuse, had been
switched to the N. bank when the XI. Corps became available,
and after a fierce fight with the inhabitants of Audenne stood
behind the sister div. (3rd Guard Div.) a few kilometres back
of Audenne and E. of Hingeon. The right of the Guard Res.
Corps, therefore, instead of reaching the region of Hemptinne,
extended (evening Aug. 20) no further north than Pontillas.
This rightward movement, though its immediate cause was
the arrival of the XI. Corps, marked the beginning of a change
of plan. The original intention was to press the attack home on
the E. and S.E. points of Namur. On Aug. 20 this was changed,
owing ostensibly to the discovery that siege operations were
extremely difficult in the woods and deep valleys of the S.E.
front, but really to the arrival of large French forces on the
Sambre which constituted a threat to von Gallwitz's exposed
right wing, the weight of the attack being shifted to the N.E.
and N. front. During Aug. 21, while the 3rd Guard Div. with
one bde. of the ist Guard Res. Div. continued to advance in the
region of Hingeon and Vezin, and the rest of the ist Guard Res.
Div. completed its flank march to Hemptinne, the 38th Div. of
the XI. Corps was taken out of the line and formed in reserve
at and S. of Audenne. Thus there were two divs. N. and one div.
S. of the river with one in reserve on the Meuse itself. Of the
siege artillery, however, a considerable portion was and remained
S. of the Meuse, for in order to avoid the delays that had been
so serious at Liege, von Gallwitz had emplaced his heavy and
super-heavy pieces at the very outset of the attack, before the
change of plan. Thus the main attack, N. of the river, took the
form of an " abbreviated siege " d la Sauer full-force assault on
the intervals combined with smothering and ruin of the forts
while the operation S. of it rather resembled the second phase
of Liege, viz. methodical ruin of the forts in succession by heavy
artillery under cover of an infantry screen.
During Aug. 22, while heavy fighting continued in the fore-
ground of Fort Marchouelette, the rightward shift was com-
' These figures indicate the volume and page number of the previous article.
1050
NANSEN NAQUET
pleted by bringing the 38th Div. and the ist Guard Res. Div.
(somewhat intermingled) into the N.E. area, opposite forts
Cognelee and Marchouelette. At the same time the 3rd Guard
Div. condensed as much force as possible on its right, opposite
the latter fort. A div. (the I4th Res. Div.) arriving from the II.
Army was disposed on the N.W. side, to threaten Forts Emines
and Suarlee. Thus 2j divs. out of five were placed on the front
selected for assault, which was little more than 3 m. wide. No
general reserves were kept back. The artillery was in position
and opened fire in the morning, except some of the super-heavy
batteries which were not ready till the afternoon. On the morn-
ing of Aug. 23 the assault was to be made. According to the
German official account, there were many misgivings, for it was
evident progress had hitherto been slow, the intervals were known
to be well prepared and manned, and it was thought that the
time allowed for crushing the forts was too short.
Von Gallwitz, however, persisted in his decision and in reality
the defence was on the point of collapse. Fort Marchouelette,
bombarded by 2i-cm. howitzers from 10 A.M. on Aug. 21 and by
42-cm. howitzers from the morning of Aug. 22, was almost in-
capable of resistance, and collapsed in ruin, with two-thirds
of the garrison dead, at 1:40 P.M. on Aug. 23. Fort Cognelee,
under bombardment by the Austrian 30-5-011. howitzers on
the previous evening, had given in some time before. But here
the battle had already passed inside the fort ring. The un-
successful fighting and notably a counter-attack in the evening
of Aug. 22 had exhausted the defenders of the interval trenches
and redoubts, many of which were lost before dawn of Aug. 23.
To sustain the battle, moreover, Lt.-General Michel had
expended practically all his reserves.
Thus the German assault of Aug. 23, delivered with very heavy
forces and accompanied by an intensive bombardment of the
forts by super-heavy and of the intermediate positions by heavy
field artillery, was completely successful. The break occurred
near Fort Cognelee where the French contingent began to re-
treat about 10:30 A.M. One by one, from left to right, the fighting
groups of this front gave way; the rightmost, on the Meuse,
being the last to conform, were mostly cut off and forced to
surrender, though they had had no difficulty in maintaining the
frontal defence against the weakened left of the 3rd Guard Div.
The Emines-Suarlee sector troops, turned on their right after
the break-through near Cognelee, withdrew in succession from
right to left towards the Sambre bridge at Bauce, but the forts,
intact, prevented any attempt to break through on the part of
the newly arrived i4th Res. Div. outside this front and Fort
Emines inflicted losses on the Germans as they pursued south-
ward from Cognelee. Meanwhile, the bombardment on the E.
front, where, as has been noted, a large part of the German siege
artillery still remained, had destroyed Fort Maizeret before
nightfall of Aug. 22, though the infantry in front did not realize
the fact till 2 P.M. on Aug. 23, long after it had been evacuated.
The artillery then turned upon Fort Andoy, but this fort re-
pulsed a premature attack of the weak infantry forces in its
front, and was unconquered at nightfall. Nevertheless, the
collapse of the interval defence N. of them caused the commander
of the E. sector to withdraw from his line of redoubts from about
12:30 P.M. and by 7:30 P.M. all troops except the garrisons of
Forts Andoy and Dave had taken refuge in the southern sector,
W. of the upper Meuse.
Once through the main line of defence von Gallwitz's attack-
mass met only disconnected resistances on its way to Namur,
and the Germans entered the town at 7 P.M. The Sambre
bridges were however blown up, and the rest of the evening had
to be given up to reorganization of the much mixed-up units
which had converged on the narrow front Bouge-Namur-Pont
de Bauce. On the morning of Aug. 24 von Gallwitz prepared to
reduce the remaining forts; the 38th Div. by way of Bauce was
to attack Fort Malonne, the 22nd Div. to continue its attack
from E. to W. against Forts Andoy and Dave, and the ist
Guard Res. Div. from Namur, the i4th Res. Div. outside, and
the siege artillery which had reduced Marchouelette and Cogne-
lee, were to capture Forts Emines and Suarl6e. The 3rd Guard
Div. remained in Namur, ready to support any of these three
attacks as required, and to overawe the inhabitants, with whom
there was sporadic fighting followed by house-burnings.
Lt.-General Michel, meantime, after collecting the disordered
forces coming in from N. N.W. and E. in the area between the
Sambre and Fort St. Heribert, had decided that it was impossible
to remain there, the more so as on the one flank the French
V. Army on the Sambre was already beginning to fall back, and
on the other a German advance on Dinant was hourly threatened.
The retreat of the Namur garrison began on the same night;
it was not possible to carry it out according to a scheme, and
each column had, in the main, to fend for itself. Part of the
retreating forces narrowly escaped capture by troops of the
German II. Army which were advancing in pursuit of the French.
Finally, however, the remnant of the Belgian 4th Div. was
reassembled and sent by train to Havre and thence by sea to
rejoin the army at Antwerp. The total number of prisoners taken
by the Germans was about 6,700.
The Germans had still to reduce the remaining six forts which
barred the roads and railways necessary for the further advance
of the German II. Army. This task was promptly taken in hand
Aug. 24. On that day Emines and Suarlee, hitherto immune,
were heavily bombarded, while from front and rear the infantry
closed up on them. South of the Sambre, however, Fort Malonne
fell without resistance to the bold summons of a Prussian Guard
lieutenant with four men, and Fort St. Heribert capitulated after
a short bombardment by field and medium calibres. Against
Fort Andoy, the bombardment of Aug. 23 continued till the
fort was surrendered, a heap of ruins, at n A.M. on Aug. 24.
On Aug. 25 at 3 P.M. the last fort on the E. side, Dave, surrendered
to bombardment by 2i-cm. and medium artillery.
To the reduction of Emines and Suarlee, the whole power of
the 42-cm. and 3o-s-cm. artillery N. of the Meuse was devoted
on the morning of Aug. 25. In a few hours their cupolas were
pierced or jammed and their concrete galleries and chambers
blown in, and both surrendered about 4 P.M. (C. F. A.)
NANSEN, FRIDTJOF (1861- ), Norwegian scientist, ex-
plorer and statesman (see 19.162), carried out as professor of
oceanography in Christiania University much important work
on the variation of oceanic currents and the water of the Nor-
wegian Sea (see OCEANOGRAPHY). During the World War he
did much relief work, and interested himself with admirable
results in the welfare of prisoners of war. His work was recog-
nized by his appointment as High Commissioner of the League of
Nations for the repatriation of prisoners of war. On the insti-
tution of schemes for the relief of the starving Russian populace
in 1921, he was appointed one of the commissioners in charge of
the project. His more recent works include Northern Mists
(1911) and Through Siberia (1914).
NAOROJI, DADABHAI (1825-1917), Indian politician (see
19.167), died at Versova, near Bombay, June 30 1917. He had
been indefatigable in proclaiming the long since discredited
doctrine that the British connexion with India, with its con-
comitant of home charges without economic equivalent, con-
stituted a drain upon India which kept her poor; and this, with
the demand for increased Indian agency, was the keynote of his
collection of writings and speeches Poverty and Un-British Rule
in India (1901). While he kept firmly to constitutional agitation,
condemning violent methods when they arose, his constant
assertions of " the drain " and that Great Britain was breaking
her pledges did much to generate beliefs from which sprang the
extremist school of Indian political thought. In the moral strength
given by the simplicity and purity of his manner of life, and his
unselfish inflexibility of patriotic aim, rather than in exceptional
intellectual or constructive power, lay the secret of the unrivalled
position " the Grand Old Man of India," as he was called for
a generation, held in the affections of his fellow countrymen of all
classes. He finally left England early in 1907, and the last 10
years of his life were spent in retirement, from which he emerged
only to receive the hon. LL.D of Bombay University in 1916.
NAQUET, ALFRED JOSEPH (1834-1916), French chemist and
politician (see 19.236), died in Paris March 12 1916.
NARES NAREW, BATTLES OF THE
1051
NARES, SIR GEORGE STRONG (1851-1915), English Arctic
explorer (see 19.240). In later life he acted as one of the con-
servators of the river Mersey. He died at Surbiton Jan. 15 1915.
NAREW, BATTLES OF THE (1915). The lower course of the
river Narew, with, on the one hand, its affluent the Bobr, and, on
the other, the line of the lower Bug into which it runs, forms,
against an invasion of Poland from East Prussia, a barrier which
played a considerable role in the eastern front campaigns of
the World War. This barrier was reinforced by bridgehead
fortresses at Osowiec on the Bobr, Lomzha and Rozhan on the
Narew, and Zegrze and Novogeorgievsk (or Modlin) on the Bug
the last named, a ring-fortress, bestriding also the Vistula and
the Wkra and standing in close relation to the fortress of Warsaw.
The course of the Bobr-Narew-Bug water-line is marked through-
out by marshes, which, sometimes on one side of the water and
sometimes on the other, but generally on both, vary in width
from half a mile to 2 m. and at certain points broaden out into
wooded marsh-basins, 6-10 m. in width or breadth.
Between this barrier and the S. frontier of East Prussia, inside
which the western Masurian lakes offer lines of defence against
Russian invasion, there were constant advances and retreats of
each side during the first campaigns of the World War. The first
Russian advance culminated in the disaster of Tannenberg (see
MASURIA, BATTLES IN), and was followed by a gradual advance of
minor German forces to the region of Wloclawek on the Vistula,
Plonsk, Ciechanow, Przasnysz and Chorzelle, in conjunction with
the main campaigns in West Poland. Then, early in 1915, the
Russians prepared a great offensive, which was to take the same
general direction as that of Aug. 1914. The Germans, however,
by seizing the initiative early in Feb. delayed the development of
this offensive. Their main effort, the winter battle of Masuria,
was made on the E. front of East Prussia, while the S. front was
guarded by an army group under General von Gallwitz, who
carried out his task offensively, driving southward into the area
N. of the Narew, where the Russians were assembling. This
move led to very severe fighting, notably at Przasnysz; and
Gallwitz, though reinforced by degrees, maintained himself with
great difficulty against the onset of the Russian XII. Army.
Then, gradually, the battle became stabilized, and, the great
Austro-German offensive in West Galicia having from May i
transferred the centre of gravity to the other wing, the country
between the Narew and the western Masurian lakes was quiet
for two months. It is a country of poor communications, sandy
soil, low elevations, and numerous N.-S. streams affluents of the
Bobr, Narew or Bug which occasionally turn into the E.-W.
direction and offer partial lines of defence to either side. It is
wooded, heavily so in its eastern portion, where the Narew and
the Masurian lake zones converge.
Thus the Narew-Masuria battle-field, as it may be called, is
triangular in shape, limited on the E. by the woods of the Pissek
(or Pissa) region, lying between the Prussian Lake Spirding and
the Russian fortress of Lomzha, on the S. and S.E. by the course
of the lower Narew and lower Bug, and on the W. practically by
the river Wkra and the fortress of Novogeorgievsk. Across this
battle-field, in July 1915, the Russians held a front line roughly par-
allel to the Prussian frontier and therefore oblique to the Narew.
It ran from the outlying defences of Lomzha on the right, by Cie-
riozy and Lipniki to Berdowelonki on the river Omulew, and
thence by Cierpienta and Jednorozec on the Orzyc to Mchowko
in front of Przasnysz; thence it continued a short distance west-
ward to Grudusk, and at that point turned southwestward to the
Vistula. This line was duplicated by rear defences, notably the
" Bogate position " between Ciechanow and Krasnosielc; a
switch-line connected Ciechanow and Przasnysz, another the
centre of the Bogate position, and yet another the right of that
position with the bridgehead lines of Pultusk. On the Narew
itself, Lomzha, Rozhan and Pultusk (which already possessed
works in peace) had been developed into large bridgeheads, and
the modern permanent works at Zegrze on the Bug had been
extended to include Serock at the Bug-Narew confluence.
Novogeorgievsk, already a great ring-fortress in peace, had been
surrounded by two enveloping rings of outer defences.
When, after the break-through of tke Russian positions at
Gorlice-Tarnow, Radymno and Grodek (see DUNAJEC-SAN,
BATTLES OF THE), Mackensen's armies swung northward to
reach the rear of their opponents in Poland by way of the upper
Bug, a similar blow upon the N. side was planned by Falkenhayn
for the armies under Hindenburg. As to the direction of this
blow, there was acute controversy between Falkenhayn on the one
hand and Hindenburg and Ludendorff on the other (see EASTERN
EUROPEAN FRONT CAMPAIGNS, Part III.), and it was only by the
pure assertion of authority that Falkenhayn imposed upon them
the offensive on the Narew which is here described. Hindenburg
and Ludendorff objected that, against so strong a series of posi-
tions as those of Przasnysz, Bogate and the Narew, there was no
hope of such rapid progress as would enable Gallwitz to come in
upon the rear of the Russians in West Poland in time to cut them
off. The other arguments for and against a Narew offensive were of
a more purely strategic character, and are not here considered, but
it must be noted that each of these arguments, taken in itself, was
proved by the sequel to be well founded. The view taken by
Falkenhayn and that of Hindenburg and Ludendorff as to their
relative importance in the ensemble differed fundamentally,
Ludendorff's ideal being the cutting-off of the entire Russian
army by the pincers closing from N.E. and S.E. on its rear,
whereas Falkenhayn's object was more limited to deliver a
blow that would relieve pressure on Mackensen's front and so
enable him to penetrate to Brest Litovsk from the south. To
achieve this object, the offensive must, according to Falkenhayn,
threaten the rear of the Russian positions in Poland at the earliest
possible moment, and, therefore, by the nearest and shortest line
of operations, since Mackensen was practically unable to start
his movement along the upper Bug till the strength of the Rus-
sians in front of him had been materially reduced (see BREST
LITOVSK, BATTLES ROUND).
Thus, although the record of Gallwitz's offensive on the Narew
is one of slow frontal advances which aimed at the Russian
communications but never reached them till the retreating
enemy had passed on although finally he could only join the
German frontal armies in the general pursuit the battles de-
scribed below must be considered as successful or otherwise in
relation to the object for which they were really fought. In the
last analysis, they were, like the battles of the British army in
Flanders in 1917, a relief-offensive, which in securing their object
might, if fortune so willed it, secure other results as well.
Forces and Positions. The portion of the front selected for
attack by Gallwitz was that between the river Orzyc and the
village of Grudok, in the middle of which lay Przasnysz; and the
date chosen for the attack was July 12, afterwards changed to
July 13. As already mentioned, the original cordon of troops
along the S. front of East Prussia had grown by reinforcements
during the spring battles in the Przasnysz region to the strength
of an " army group," and for the July offensives it was given
additional forces, though it was not till later that the title XII.
Army was assigned to it. It consisted, from left (river Skwa) to
right (river Vistula), of the I., XIII., XVII., XL, XVII. Res. and
Dickhuth's Corps. Of these, the XIII., XVII., and XI. lay
opposite the selected front with their divisions thus disposed. On
the XIII. Corps front were the 4th Guard, the 3rd and the 26th
Divs., with, oh the left astride the Orzyc, a liaison detachment of
the I. Corps under von Falk. On the XVII. Corps front, which
extended from the Murawka stream to opposite Pavlovo-
Koscienie, were the 36th Div. its left facing Przasnysz and
the ist Guard Res. Division. On that of the XI. Corps, which
ran from the Russian salient N. of Pavlovo-Koscienie to
Grudusk, the 86th Div. (of Landwehr and Ersatz units) and the
38th Division. From Grudusk southwestward, astride the
Mlawa-Ciechanow-Novogeorgievsk railway lay the i4th Land-
wehr Div. and 85th (Landwehr units) of the XVII. Res. Corps.
In army reserve were the 35th Div., Pfeil's Bde. of the i4th
Landwehr Div. and (after the first day) the 5oth Res. Div.;
later the 83rd Div., Menges's Div. and the 54th Div. were
placed at Gallwitz's disposal by Hindenburg.
.In the attack sector between Orzyc river and Grudusk the
1052
NAREW, BATTLES OF THE
Russians had at the outset only three divisions, and Mackensen's
earlier battles had shown that they were probably ill equipped
with munitions. Nevertheless, owing to the strength of the
positions, the battle was planned purely as a " trench warfare "
offensive, with technical equipment on the full scale regarded in
1915 as adequate.
Przasnysz (July 13-14). On July 13, after a bombardment of
3i to 6 hours, according to the circumstances of each sector, the
infantry attacks of the XI., XIII. and XVII. German Corps were
launched on either side of Przasnysz, on a total active frontage of
about 20 miles. The defences in front of Przasnysz itself were
threatened, but not attacked in earnest, by the 36th Div., the
intention being to break through on both sides of the strongly
fortified point and reduce it by envelopment. Everywhere the
first line of the defence was carried. On the right of the XVII.
Corps front the ist Guard Res. Div., and on the right of the XI.
the 38th Div., attacking the faces of a small salient, cleared the
way for the central division, the 86th repeating the same tactics
at the second line. East of the Murawka the centre of the XIII.
Corps (3rd Div.), after carrying the first line, was, unlike the
XI. and XVII. Corps, met by a series of fierce though small
counter-attacks, which hampered progress all along the line.
In the afternoon the German effort received a fresh impulse.
On the XVII. Corps front the hitherto reserved 35th Div. was
put in on the left of the ist Guard Res. Div., and this increment
not only enabled the XI. and XVII. Corps to break through the
right and the left of the Russian third line between Lysakowo and
Choinowko but also to prepare to invest Przasnysz on the S.W.
side. In the night of July 13-14 the Russians evacuated the few
trench-elements that they still held and retired on the Przasnysz-
Ciechanow switch-line. To the E. of the Murawka, the whole
XIII. Corps front took up the offensive initiated by the 3rd Div.,
but progress remained slow, and at night only the first line and
the western half of the second were in the hands of the Germans.
Nevertheless, the Russian strength did not yet permit of the
large-scale counter-attack which alone could give them back the
lost positions; and, rather than prolong, E. of Przasnysz, a third-
line resistance which would be taken in flank and rear as soon as
the victorious XVII. Corps should force the Przasnysz-Ciechanow
switch-line, they decided to go back to the Bogate position forth-
with. Thus the progress of the German XI., XVII. and XIII.
Corps met with only rearguard resistance on July 14. Neither
Przasnysz nor the switch-line was defended, while, to the W. of
the battle-field, the German XVII. Res. Corps was able to advance,
with no more than skirmishing, up to the outer defences of
Ciechanow. The day's advance brought the infantry, but not
the heavy artillery, of the attack group close up to the Bogate
position, the eastern half of which the XIII. Corps in vain tried
to carry with a rush at nightfall.
Bogate (July 15-77). In two days the Germans had advanced
over nearly half of the 24 m. of ground which separated them from
the Narew line, and as yet the Russians had shown no important
reserves indeed, as late as July 12 troops were being withdrawn
for the Mackensen front. The problem before the Germans was
therefore to reach the Narew and master its crossings, if possible,
before the enemy's reserves arrived and at the least to absorb
these reserves in the defence of the river line. Speed was im-
perative, and the Bogate position had to be attacked with a
minimum of preparation.
The Russian position was carefully laid out. On the right it
folio wed the obstacle formed by the Orzyc from above Krasnosielc
to Podos, whence it followed the edge of a wood to Bogate on the
Wengierka. From Bogate a N.-S. switch-line, and from Podos
a second switch, ran to Karniewo, whence along a convenient
stream the barrier continued to the Pultusk works. The W. half
of the position three to four parallel lines close to one another
was strong about Bogate and in the neighbourhood of Opino-
gora and Ciechanow. In the Opinogora sector, a night attack on
July 14-15 gave the German 38th Div. possession of some ad-
vanced works and also a foothold in the first line itself near
Zalozce Potory, but the advantage could not be exploited, and
during the morning of July 15, while the artillery of the attack
was still ranging, Gallwitz fixed upon the centre of the E. half on
both sides of Zielona as the break-through front. Here there
were put in, besides the 36th, ist Guard Res. and 86th Divs., the
newly arrived soth Res. Div., while on the right of the 86th Div.
Pfeil's Bde. the only army reserve remaining was to follow
en echelon. The break-through force was to penetrate well to the
S., then swing outward on both flanks, so as to force the evacua-
tion of Ciechanow on the one side and to attack the Bogate-
Karniewo switch-line on the other. The attack of the XIII.
Corps and of Falk was to be frontal; and from the strength of
the Russian position and the relative weakness of the attacking
forces (three and one-half divisions as compared with five and
one-half W. of Bogate) no more than local gains were expected
till a break-through further W. succeeded.
It was not until after midday on July 1 5 that the attack could
be launched after a brief artillery bombardment. But it was
successful on the lines intended. The three and one-half divisions
on the assault front broke through all the defences, and penetrated
so far S. (the s8th and 35th Divs. conforming on the flanks) that
the Russians evacuated Ciechanow during the night of July 15-16.
Further W., the XVII. Res. Corps and Dickhuth's Corps pro-
gressed considerably toward the N. front of Novogeorgievsk,
against no great opposition. But the Bogate-Podos-Orzyc river
front of the defence held firm, as also did that part of the western
position adjacent to Bogate.
On July 16, while the W. half of the break-through force sub-
stantially, the XI. Corps pushed on southward, driving the
Russian rearguards before them to the line Sonsk-Golymin Stary,
and the XVII. Res. Corps and Dickhuth's Corps advanced along
and W. of the Ciechanow-Novogeorgievsk railway, the XVII.
Corps, now comprising the soth Res., the ist Guard Res., 35th
and 3&th Divs., wheeled in against the Bogate-Karniewo switch-
line, while the XIII. Corps and Falk assaulted the Bogate-Povos-
Orzyc front in earnest. Both front and flank positions were
stubbornly held. Local gains by the attack were nullified by
local counter-attacks, and these were followed by new assaults.
The soth Res. Div. had not succeeded by nightfall in coming
within several kilometres of Karniewo the point at which the
whole of the Russian position could be turned on their left; and
on the other flank Krasnosielc, which equally afforded a gateway
to the rear of the defensive system, was too strong to be reduced
by direct attack. But between Bogate and Podos the Russian
front line was forced along its whole length by the German 26th
and part of the 3rd Divs., and the village of Podos, at the re-
entrant angle of the position on the Orzyc, after changing hands
more than once, was finally secured by the Germans about
ii P.M. Further N. the attackers had reached, but not passed,
the Orzyc. But on the switch-line Bogate-Karniewo the 36th
Div. broke hi at Krasne, 2i m. S. of Bogate; and N.E. of
Krasnosielc the I. Corps, hitherto passive, was now actively con-
forming to the advance of the XIII. and Falk, and at the same
time condensing its forces on its right. The general idea of the
situation formed at Hindenburg's and Gallwitz's headquarters
was that the last Russian counter-attacks were meant only to
gain time for another evacuation under cover of night this
time to the Narew and the bridgeheads. Accordingly, the Ger-
man orders for July 17 not only directed the XI. (and part of
the XVII. Res.) southward into positions for the attack of
Pultusk, but deflected the 5oth Res. Div. there as well.
The Advance to the Narew (July 77-27). The impression of the
situation formed by the German headquarters on the evening of
July 1 6 was only partially correct. On the morning of July 17
the whole Krasnosielc-Bogate position and the northern position
of the Bogate-Karniewo switch-line were found to be evacuated,
or held only by light rearguards. But the German follow-up
encountered more resistance than the similar operation on July
15. The Russians had in fact received the first of the expected
reinforcements (about three divisions) and stood to fight, not
indeed a battle, but a connected and determined rearguard action,
on a line which, had it been completed, would have formed a
third line of defence, similar to the Przasnysz and Bogate posi-
tions. This line had its origin at the point where the Krasnosielc-
NAREW, BATTLES OF THE
1053
Karniewo switch-line crossed the Orzyc-Wengierka confluence;
a little to the E. it followed the high ground of Gora Krzyzewskie,
and thence, bordering a series of woods and minor valleys, it ran
over the Ruz, past Mamino Nowawies and Prystan, into the
woods some 5 m. N. of Ostrolenka. West of the Orzyc, the south-
western portion of the Karniewo switch-line itself belonged to the
same general system. On this Karniewo-Prystan line, the Ger-
man XVII., XIII. and I. Corps were engaged throughout July
17, while the XI. Corps and its western neighbours felt their way
southwestward towards Pultusk. Particularly stubborn was
the resistance on the Gora Krzyzewskie and at Karniewo. But
in the evening the 35th and 36th Divs. broke through the less
strongly held line W. of the Orzyc, and crossed that river behind
the Russian lines, reaching Makow and threatening the Gora
Krzyzewskie in flank and rear. At night, therefore, and in the
morning of July i8th, the defenders evacuated the whole of
these positions as far E. as the Ruz and fell back into the Pultusk
and Rozhan bridgeheads and behind the river between and on
both sides of these places. East of the Ruz, in front of the German
I. Corps, the Russians held on for yet another day, retiring only
on the night of July 18-19.
The Narew itself, at that season, was generally shallow, and
fords could be found at most points. Moreover, the water-
meadows and marshes were sufficiently dry to allow of infantry
passing over them by selected tracks. In general, the defenders'
bank dominates the other above Rozhan, while the reverse is the
case at Rozhan and from Gnojno, a few miles above Pultusk,
downwards. Between these points lies a great marsh basin, called
on the defenders' side the Bagno Pulwy, and through this basin
the Narew runs in a large bend. The policy of the defence was
generally governed by these topographical considerations: at
Rozhan and Pultusk resistance in the bridgeheads of the right
bank; above Rozhan, passive defence behind the river itself; and
below Pultusk active counter-attack defence in advance of it,
based upon the fortifications of Zegrze-Serock and Novogeor-
gievsk. In the basin of Bagno Pulwy the river was tactically
neutral; crossing was not difficult either in attack or in counter-
attack, but the absence of good communications made it useless
for the Germans to force the passage here without at the same
time mastering either Pultusk or Rozhan or both. General von
Gallwitz decided that the XI. Corps reinforced (38th, 86th,
5oth Res. and ist Guard Res. Divs.) should storm the Pultusk
bridgehead from the N. and N.W.; the XVII. Corps (35th and
36th Divs.) force the Narew between Pultusk and Rozhan at a
point as near as possible to the former (substantially, in the
region of Gnojno); the XIII. Corps (26th, 3rd and 4th Guard
Divs.) storm Rozhan; the I. Corps press the remaining enemy
rearguards back to the Ostrolenka portion of the river, and force
the passage below Ostrolenka with the aid of a newly arrived
division (83rd) which was assigned to it.
Meantime the weak VIII. Army (von Scholtz), starting from
the positions about Lipniki and Kolno, facing Novogrod and
Lomzha, in which the spring fighting of that front had died away,
had conformed to the advance of the I. Corps, and by July 19
had pushed its immediate opponents behind the Narew and into
Lomzha. The details of Scholtz's operations fall outside the
scope of this article, and it will suffice to say that its " sympa-
thetic " offensives followed the main attack of Gallwitz, stage by
stage, up to and over the Narew, culminating in the passage of
the river on July 26 near the Skwa mouth and on Aug. 2 between
Novogrod and Lomzha.
More important than this cooperation on the E. side was the
protection of the southwestern flank of the forces attacking
Pultusk against the highly probable counter-attacks emerging
from Zegrze-Serock. This duty was assigned to the XVII. Res.
Corps, 1 the advance of which on July 16-17 had conformed to that
of the XI. Corps' right wing. But since the first reconnaissances
had shown the defences of Pultusk to be too strong to be taken
at a rush, the XVII. Res. Corps (85th Div. and Pfeil's Bde.) was
brought somewhat more to the E. and included in the attack-
1 Dickhuth's Corps was now drawn off to take part in the siege of
Novogeorgievsk.
group to strengthen it. Only Pfeil's Bde. remained, facing S. as
flank-guard.
During July 19 and on the morning of July 20, the heavy
artillery was brought up, with its ammunition, over the sandy
roads from Przasnysz, and the super-heavy artillery now assigned
to von Gallwitz, even from railheads in East Prussia.
Meantime reconnaissances were pressed, and artillery regis-
trations carried out, both before Pultusk and before Rozhan, and
the XVII. Corps advanced into the southern part of the marsh-
basin between the two. At Rozhan, on the morning of July 20, a
sudden local attack by part of the German 26th Div. carried a
salient on the S. front. But before this gain could be exploited,
sharp Russian counter-attacks began without warning at several
points between Rozhan and Pultusk. At the same time von
Gallwitz's headquarters learned that large masses of Russians
were arriving below Pultusk, with the evident intention of coun-
ter-attacking from the region of Zegrze. Gallwitz at once cancelled
his preparations for the storming of the bridgeheads and began a
rapid regrouping.
The Russian attack was especially heavy from Rozhan and
from Dzbondz, just below that place, where the German forces
consisted only of a liaison detachment that stretched across the
marshes to join the XIII. and XVII. Corps. Weaker Russian
forces crossed the Narew on the front of the latter, and sorties
were made from Pultusk against the 5oth Res. Div. and ist
Guard Res. Division. The danger S. of Rozhan was met by
withdrawing the 36th Div. to bar frontally, and the 35th Div. t
attack in flank, the Russian force which had crossed at Dzbondz.
At the other points of contact the Russians were repulsed, and
eventually the Dzbondz column also was forced to retire over the
Narew. But Gallwitz, on the evening of July 20, judged it
prudent to take the XVII. Corps out of the Narew bend, and t
create a reserve group consisting of the 38th Div., a mixed Guard
Cav. Bde. newly arrived, and the 8sth Div. of the XVII. Res.
Corps on his right, behind Pfeil's screen. The situation was
indeed serious for the German projects, for the Russians were
fighting under better conditions than they had had W. of the
Narew or could expect E. of it. A battle on the Narew line would
not compel the Russian Command to send thither those large
forces which it was the primary object of the German scheme to
divert from Mackensen's front. Moreover, if Gallwitz were
definitely brought to a standstill on the Narew line, the Warsaw-
Ivangorod stretch of the Vistula might still he held by the
Russian front, without the necessity of further retreat.
The Russian Command had, however, already resolved, owing
to losses and to shortage of arms and ammunition, to retire to the
short line Kovno-Grodno-Brest; and all resistance, however
fierce, in front of that line was intended only to secure time and
space for evacuations. The counter-strokes in the Narew bend,
therefore, were not continued after the repulse of July 20, and
those S. and S.S.W. of Pultusk were not yet mature. Nevertheless,
the gain to the Russians was considerable. Caution, and a delay
of two to three days in the attack on the bridgeheads, had been
imposed on the Germans, who were only able to begin the attack
on Pultusk, Rozhan, and the river ten days after launching the
attack on Przasnysz an average progress of no more than
2-25 m. a day. Even before the period of great counter-strokes
had arrived on July 22 at Rozhan, and on July 23 at Pultusk, the
German attacks, prepared in the manner of Namur and supported
by super-heavy artillery, were launched. At that date, the group-
ing of the Germans, after the re-shuffles of July 20-21, was as fol-
lows: XI. and XVII. Res. Corps combined as Pliiskow's group
(right to left, Pfeil's Bde., 85th Div., 86th Div., soth Div., ist
Guard Res. Div.), for the attack of Pultusk; XVII. Corps (35th
and 36th Divs. with 38th Div., a Guard cav. bde., in reserve) on
the Narew just above Pultusk; XIII. Corps (26th Div., 3rd Div.,
4th Guard Div.), investing Rozhan; I. Corps (2nd and 37th Divs.
reinforced by newly arrived 8$rd Div.), above the Ruz mouth;
fresh reserves (Menges's Div. and 54th Div.) detraining in rear.
Pultusk (July 23-25). The defences of Pultusk bridgehead
consisted of an inner line of trenches incorporating some old-
pattern forts, and following generally the ridge on which the
1054
NAREW, BATTLES OF THE
battle of Dec. 26 1806 had been fought and a more important
outer system of well-organized trenches, which rested its right
on the Narew at Chmielewo, traversed the Pelta at Szwelice,
curved southward at Wojty Trojany, followed an affluent of the
Przewodowka stream to Przwedowo, and a line of woods thence
to Winnica, where it turned E. to rejoin the Narew 5 m. below the
town. Except along the marshes of the Narew itself, the country
inside and outside this line is largely wooded, with low sandy
heights and small streams.
The weight of the attack was concentrated on two fronts: that
adjacent to the Narew, where it was hoped to establish bridges
and start an enveloping movement E. of the river as soon as the
front Russian defences had been stormed; and that of the N.W.
bend, where the super-heavy artillery, limited as it was to the
good roads, could best take part. To the first of these attacks the
ist Guard Res. Div. near to the river, and the soth Res. Div.
above the village of Szlachekie, were assigned; and to the second
the Landwehr and Ersatz units of the 86th Div., assisted by an
active regiment lent by the 38th Division. The 85th Landwehr
Div. and Pfeil's Bde. S.W. of'Golymin Stary, was to flank-guard
and eventually to take part in rolling up the Russian defence
after the breach had been made. On the morning of July 23,
after five hours' artillery bombardment, the assault was delivered.
The ist Guard Res. and soth Res. Divs. carried all their objec-
tives, after heavy fighting and in some of the units of the 5oth
Res. Div. fearful losses, and by noon had occupied all the area
N. of the Pelta river. Here it was expected that the Russians
would stand, but in the meantime the successful assault of the
Landwehr and Ersatz on Wojty Trojany had broken down the
left flank of such a defence, and the Russians were driven back,
fighting with their characteristic group-stubbornness and lack of
ensemble, to the inner line by nightfall. Here von Pliiskow called
a halt, suspending the storm of the forts till dawn on July 24.
Meantime the 8$th Div. and Pfeil, coming into the battle suc-
cessively as planned, had made good a line from the right of the
86th Div. at Mosyn, on the Przewodowka brook, within the
captured defences, to the Ciechanow-Novogeorgievsk railway
near Klukowo, facing S.; and the ist Guard Res. Div., falling
out of the line as soon as the Pelta line had been reached, was
crossing the Narew at several points both outside and inside the
outer fortified line (Gnojno, Chmielewo, Lida) and forming
bridgeheads and pontoon bridges for artillery. This threat of
envelopment here induced the Russians to give up all hope of
holding their last footing on the right bank, and during the night
of July 23-24 they evacuated the inner line and the town, so that
soon after dawn on July 24, the pioneers of the soth Res. Div.,
instead of being engaged in wire-cutting before the forts as had
been anticipated, were at work on the broken river bridge.
This crossing of the ist Guard Res. Div., and its entrenchment
of a large bridgehead in the Szygowiec loop, was only part of a
large programme. To the left of it the 38th and 36th Divs. of the
XVII. Corps effected passages at Zambski, Kalinowo and Rowy,
without any great difficulty save at the first named, where the
direct effort failed and the defence had to be dislodged by a flank
movement from the Kalinowo crossing-place. The construction
of artillery bridges was put in hand at once, in spite of the inter-
dictive fire of the Russian artillery, for it was urgently necessary,
from the defensive and the offensive standpoints alike, to push
the XVII. Corps and ist Guard Res. Div. southeastward so as
to seize the line of the little river Prut which makes a barrier
from the E. end of the Bagno Pulwy to the lower Narew, and
incidentally to cut off as many of the defenders of Pultusk as
possible. By the night of July 23, the 38th and 36th Div., like
the ist Guard Res. Div., had been able only to establish their
bridgeheads firmly, but by that of July 24 the artillery bridges
were mostly completed, and the German outposts to the right
of the Bagno Pulwy stood on the line Rzonsnik-Sadykierz
(3 8th Div.) -woods E. of Bartodzieje (part soth Res. Div.)-E.
of Gladczyn (ist Guard Res. Div.)-N. of Drwaly (86th Div.),
whence the protective line of the 8sth Div. and Pfeil, W. of the
river, ran to near Nasielsk. East of Pultusk in reserve was the
newly arrived Menges Division. Meantime, on the German left
the 36th Div., from its crossings at Kalinowo and Rowy, had
proceeded due eastward, in concert with an advance of the 3$th
Div. along the N. of the Narew, and by the evening of July 24th
these units, guarded on their right by the Guard Cav. Bde. in the
Bagno Pulwy, stood E. of the Narew between Adamowo and
Ostrykol inclusive.
On July 25 the German forces E. of Pultusk advanced to the
line of the Prut, while the Guard Cav. Bde. spread across the
Bagno Pulwy, and the two divisions of the XVII. Corps pushed
forward their bridgehead position of Adamowo-Ostrykol some-
what; on the left of these, the 26th Div. of the XIII. Corps
extended the line to the Orz river. But at all points resistance to
the advance became ever stronger, and it was evident that for
further progress yet another break-through battle would be
necessary. The Germans therefore halted, to gain time for their
artillery and their transport to overtake the fighting line.
Rozhan and Kamionka (July 22-25). The bridgehead of Roz-
han possessed an inner line of permanent forts, more modern than
those of Pultusk, and an outer line which, beginning at the river
edge N. of Dysobaba, followed a sinuous trace by Miluny, the
wood N.W. of Podbora, and Point 132 S. of Podbora, and re-
joined the river opposite Prystan. But it differed radically from
Pultusk in being smaller and also segmented internally by several
switch-lines. The German XIII. Corps headquarters, therefore,
in spite of the need of rapid action, decided to take the segments
by successive efforts in each of which the whole artillery could be
employed. Already, on July 20, the first of these efforts had
carried the salient of Hill 132, as recorded above, before the
Russian counter-attack suspended operations. On July 22, after
a day's delay, the 4th Guard Div. made the next effort against
the Miluny works, which, with the village behind them, were
carried by assault before night. On July 23 it was the turn of
the woods N.E. of Podbora, which fell to assault by the 3rd
Division. Thus on the morning of July 24 all the outer segments
were in the hands of the Germans, and the assault of the main
line (lying in front of the fort-line) was prepared. But here also
the Russians evacuated the bridgehead without standing an
assault, and fell back into the woods lying E. of the Narew.
Thenceforward the line from Prystan to Chelzy continued
thence northward by the dominant heights of the left bank to
Ostrolenka and beyond formed a position in which the Rus-
sians meant to make a prolonged defence.
The sudden cessation of resistance at Rozhan seems to have
taken the Germans unawares, for, although the place was occupied
in the early hours of the morning, no real effort was made to win
a passage until late in the day, in spite of the command of the
right bank over the left and the presence of three divisions of
victorious infantry. The 26th Div., hitherto investing the S.
front of Rozhan, was ordered to cross the Narew between
Dzbondz and Bruzie Wielkie, but, being repulsed with heavy
loss in an attempt at Dzbondz, it crossed further down at Bruzie
Wielkie and so passed away into the scope of the XVII. Corps
operations, divided from those of the XIII. by the marshes of the
Orz -Narew confluence. The 3rd Div., pursuing through Rozhan,
found, late in the day, a Russian bridge S. of Dysobaba, and be-
gan passing small forces over towards the wooded heights S. of
Dombrowka. But it was not till daylight on July 2sth that three
battalions had been assembled on the other side, and a sharp
action was necessary before the line Prystan-Dombrowka was
secured at nightfall. The 4th Guard Div., after fruitless attempts
on the afternoon of July 24 to cross at Dysobaba and at Sielun,
passed small detachments over during the night of July 24-25,
and gradually made good the line Dombrowka-Point 121 with
an artillery bridge at Sielun, before daylight on July 26.
Above the Rozhan battle-field, on the front of the German I.
Corps, the wide extent of the front (Sielun-Ostrolenka), and the
commanding positions on the wooded left bank, made a crossing
on a broad front impossible. The Germans had reached the
river on July 20, unaffected by the Russian counter-stroke of
that day, which did not extend N. of Rozhan, and after recon-
naissance fixed upon a bend above Kamionka as the main
crossing-place. Here the 2nd Div. was to make the venture,
NAREW, BATTLES OF THE
1055
while the 83rd below and the 37th above were to make feints as
far up as Ostrolenka. But the Russians were on the alert all along
the line. In the night of July 23-24 the leading troops of the
German 2nd Div., covered by an intense artillery fire, waded the
Narew, under fire from the hostile machine-guns, by an imper-
fectly known ford. At the cost of heavy losses they secured a
foothold on the further heights, but no reinforcements or supplies
could reach them. The Russians high-quality Siberian troops
counter-attacked fiercely, but, being armed in the main only with
hand grenades, they were ^beaten down, time after time, by the
rifle-fire of the small German force, though one reckless onset
was nearly successful. In the night of July 24-25 more German
forces were got across piecemeal, till in all there were six deci-
mated battalions in a bridgehead i ,500 yd. wide and 500 yd. deep,
unable to advance or retreat. The feint-crossings on the fronts of
the other divisions had been discontinued, though at Modzele a
small foothold had been gained by part of the 83rd Div.
Next day, July 26, while at Kamionka the isolated struggle
went on as before, the long-expected Russian counter-attack in
force broke out along the whole line from lie Novogeorgievsk
railway to Chelsty above Rozhan.
Battle of the Orz, or Goworowo (July 26- Aug. 5). In accordance
with orders from " General Headquarters, East," von Gallwitz
had planned, for July 26, a general offensive against the line
Wyszkow-Ostrow, while continuing to hold the line S. of Pultusk
defensively. He intended that the XVII. Res. Corps (86th and ist
Guard Res. Divs.) and XI. Corps (soth Res. and 38th Divs.)
should break out over the Prut, along the S. side of the Bagno
Pulwy, while the XVII. Corps (38th and 39th Divs.) pushed
E. from their Ostrykol bridgehead, and the 26th Div. by a flank
movement from the S. assisted the rest of the XIII. Corps to
clear the woods E. of Rozhan. Menges's Div. was in reserve and
the 54th Div. due to arrive from France. The I. Corps' attacks
increasingly important in the general scheme of battle in propor-
tion as the Russians in West Poland gave ground were to be
intensified by adding to them the expected 54th Division. But
when, on the morning of July 26th, these movements had not
reached the stage of infantry activity, some 16-18 Russian
divisions rushed to the assault, covered by a fire which was made
possible by a hitherto husbanded ammunition supply. On the
Prut front, delivered by forces probably not greatly exceeding
those of the Germans, the assault failed to penetrate except
momentarily at Pniewo on the Pultusk-Wyszkow highroad; and
on the dangerous W. flank of Gallwitz's Army, the line Karniewek-
Blendostwo-Nasielsk, held only by the 85th Landwehr Div. and
Pfeil's Landwehr Bde., the onset of three Siberian and Turkestan
divisions was checked after a crisis near Blendostwo. The
" sympathetic " attack of a division against the German 86th
Div. on the lower Prut was equally heavy and equally unsuc-
cessful. But the effort of the battle, and especially the risk of its
renewal on the front W. of the Narew, made the Germans post-
pone their offensive from the Prut front for two days.
Against the front of the German XI. Corps and 26th Div.
some two and one-half to three Russian divisions, attacking
regardless of losses, promptly brought to an end the forward
movement begun from the Ostrykol bridgehead, and prevented
the German 26th Div. from intervening in the flank of the woods
E. of Rozhan. There, so far from being able to progress eastward,
the Germans were repulsed by the onset of three to four divisions
assembled W. of Goworowo and were in danger of being thrown
back on to their bridges, only 15 m. behind the line of battle.
An accidental reinforcement from the I. Corps, viz. the arrival
of part of the 83rd Div. seeking a way round to the rear of
Kamionka by using the 4th Guard Div.'s bridge at Sielun,
enabled the German XIII. Corps to regain the lost ground at
Dombrowo and Kaszewic and the Russian attack died away.
At the bridgehead of Kamionka, infantry counter-attacks were
less vehement, but artillery effect upon the gradually increasing
mass of Germans in a confined space was terrible, and the Higher
Command decided to discontinue the effort to push eastward
from so unpromising a base. Already the commander of the 83rd
Div. had as noted above sought a way round, and prepara-
tions were made to profit by this initiative by passing the un-
committed forces of the 2nd and 37th Divs. over a bridge to be
thrown near Kolaki as soon as the 83rd Div. should have passed
that point. Meanwhile, the newly arrived 54th Div. was to
attempt another passage at Ostrolenka, while, further up, the
VIII. Army was to force a crossing near the Skwa mouth, pre-
paratory to an advance against the Lomzfta-Bialystok region.
On July 27 the Russian attacks, instead of increasing in vio-
lence, began to break down into local and spasmodic efforts,
though these efforts continued S., S.E. and E. of Pultusk till
July 29. On this front the German Command decided, on July 27,
to stand henceforth on the defensive, for Ludendorff, ever pressing
for maximum results, was striving to keep the centre of gravity
of the offensive well N. of the Bug, in spite of the smallness of the
tactical gains that had been secured at Ostrykol, Lomzha and
above. On this and the following days there was little change in
the situation at Ostrykol bridgehead, but E. of Lomzha the Ger-
mans reacted with great vigour. In the centre the 3rd Div., on
the left the 4th Guard Div. supported by part of the 83rd Div.
of the I. Corps, and on the right the 26th Div. working its way
N.E. from the Ostrykol line to rejoin its corps, swept the Russians
back to the line Josefowo-Goworowo-Rembisze by nightfall on
July 27, while the main portion of the 83rd Div. struck out
northward according to its original purpose, and reached Cisk,
Lipianka and even the S. edge of Kamionka village, thus opening
the passage at Kolaki for the mixed forces of the 2nd and 37th
Divs. gathered there, and freeing the worn-out troops in the
Kamionka bridgehead.
From that point the battle N. of the Bagno Pulwy became, in
the main, the slow driving of an enemy who, although his fighting
energy was becoming exhausted by disaster, was holding ground
to gain time for the safe passage of his retreating frontal armies.
Besides this resistance, difficulties of communication and supply
made the follow-up much slower than it had been from Przasnysz
to the Narew. On July 28 the 54th Div. made its attempt at
Ostrolenka and failed, and it was brought round next day to the
Kolaki bridge, over which the mixed elements of the 2nd and
37th Divs. were then streaming to join the 83rd. On July 30,
after the last Russian counter-attacks on the S. front had died
away, Gallwitz withdrew the ist Guard Res. Div. which was
sent to join the forces N.E. of Rozhan. By July 31 there were
between the Ostrykol and the Kamionka bridgeheads, on a line
passing through Josefowo-Goworowo-Cisk-Narew below Kor-
dowo, ten divisions against not more than four of the Russians.
But some of these ten divisions were worn out; and a Russian
counter-stroke on July 3r, which at Cisk fell upon and broke the
Landsturm and Ersatz units of the 83rd Div., which had already
lost over 3,000 men, imperilled the whole German offensive for
a time. Nor was it till the evening of this day that the Russians
finally gave up the pressure on the Kamionka bridgehead.
This, however, was the last offensive effort of the Russians on
the Narew front; and a continuance of the German movement
northeastward led, on Aug. 3, to their giving up the defence at
Ostrolenka, which was the less tenable as von Scholtz's VIII.
Army had by this time crossed the Narew in two places higher up.
The final situation (Aug. 4) of the Germans after the Goworowo
battle, which was also the initial situation of the battle of Ostrow,
was as follows: XVII. Res. Corps (Pfeil, 8sth, 86th Divs.),
Nasielsk-Pniewo; XI. Corps (38th Div. and Menges's Div.),
Pniewo-Bagno Pulwy; Guard Cav. Bde., Bagno Pulwy; XVII.
Corps (35th and 36th Divs.), 2 m. W. of Wyszkow-Ostrolenka
railway, from Siezychy to Kobylin; XIII. and I. Corps (26th,
3rd, 4th Guard, ist Guard Res., soth Res., 54th, 83rd, 2nd and
37th Divs.), on the line Josefowo-Czernie-Nogawki-Troszyn-
Kurpie Dworskie on the Ostrolenka-Bialystok railway. The
left, on the Ruz, was in touch with the right of Scholtz's Army.
In the three weeks of the German Narew offensive (July 13
Aug. 3), the Gallwitz Army Group captured in all about 50,000
prisoners, and with them only 14 guns and 150 machine-guns
an unusual disproportion, which clearly indicates the way in
which the Russians, in the summer of 1915, conducted their
defence. (C. F. A.)
1056
NAROCH LAKE
NAROCH LAKE, in Lithuania (formerly in the Russian Govern-
ment of Vilna), the largest of the numerous lakes in which the
tributaries of the Vilya and the Disna have their origin. It is
nearly equidistant from Vilna (62 m.) and from Dvinsk (72 m.),
and lies 37 m. N. of Molodechno railway junction. The lake,
which measures 8 m. by 6 m. at its longest and widest, drains into
the small river Naroch, which, receiving another stream from
Lake Viszniev at the village of Naroch (21 m. S. of the lake),
flowson to join the Vilya E. of Smorgon. In Sept. 1915 this region
witnessed the last attempt of Hindenburg to reach the lines of
retreat of the Russian armies, and the successful counter-attacks
of the latter (battle of Vilna-Molodechno). Next spring it was
the scene of the great battle described below.
Battle of Lake Naroch, or Postavy (March 18-27 1916)- The
conclusion of the German advance in 1913 had brought the
German forces in this quarter on to a general line that ran from
Lake Drisvyaty the limit of the Dvinsk front by Bidsy and
Postavy to Lake Naroch and thence to Smorgon on the Minsk-
Molodechno- Vilna railway, from which place it continued through
Baranovichi southward. Although, broadly, this line runs N.
and S., its course was really somewhat sinuous, conforming as it
did to natural lines of defence, which in the campaigns of the
Russian front are of supreme importance owing to the fewness of
communications and the low economic development of the coun-
try. From Drisvyaty to Smorgon (about 95 m.), along the
sinuosities of the actual line, only five gaps of more than about
three miles wide exist in the barrier of lakes, rivers and marshes.
These gaps lie N. of Vidzy, near Postavy, and on the proximity
of Lake Naroch; and it was naturally at these points that the
military efforts about to be described focussed themselves.
In the region of Lake Naroch the German line, held defen-
sively since the close of the 1915 campaign, broke out of the
general N.-S. direction into a salient, which, though weakened by
the circumstance of its having 4 of the 5 gaps above mentioned
on its front and flanks, offered a strong protective water-line,
and so required relatively few troops to hold it. This salient,
having about 45 m. of trench or water front, and a depth at its
centre of about 10 m., was in no sense a " pocket," and the
chances of its becoming so by pressure on its flanks were limited
by the narrowness of the gaps on these flanks that an assailant
could use. Indeed, the higher authorities of the German east
front seem to have expected an attack, not on the salient itself
but further S., about Smorgon, where a rapid western advance
by the Russians, with relatively good communications behind
them, might have converted this flat salient into a really dan-
gerous bulge. The Russian Command, however, chose otherwise.
In the N. the salient began at Vileity, where the course of the
Komaika stream bends sharply westward and ceased to protect
the German front. Between Vileity and Moscheiki is a gap 33-
4 m. wide, and at Moscheiki, taking contact with another stream,
the Olsiza, the line of defence began to follow a chain of small
lakes and streams that is only broken by very narrow gaps
between lake and lake till the greater Lake Miadzol is reached.
Thus the Vileity-Moscheiki gap was the only place between
Vidzy and Lake Miadzol at which the conditions were favourable
to a great offensive. The front available was-narrow, and com-
munications poor, but great forests were available for the conceal-
ment of the attack preparations and the artillery. Though the
gap is partly marsh, the Germans had preferred to run their line
nearly straight across it close up to the edge of these forests
rather than withdraw it some miles back to higher ground and
leave the Vileity positions, on the one side, and the Moscheiki
position, on the other, as dangerously advanced salients. Given
sufficient troops and means and an improvement of the routes
within the forests, it seemed that the breaking of the German line
could be ensured, and once it was broken a vigorous drive south-
westwards would take the attackers on to higher ground, where
they would envelop the left limb of the salient and reap their
harvest of prisoners and materiel. 1 Further, by obtaining control
'A switch-line was drawn across this higher ground from Godu-
zizschki S.E. to the main position just N. of Lake Miadzol. But
this line was incomplete at the time of the battle.
of the railway line Postavy-Novosventsyany, they would be in a
position, later, to push an advance against the Vilna-Dvinsk line,
the artery of the German N.E. front. Lakes Miadzol and Naroch
and the solid ground between them formed the flattened apex of
the salient. In front of them, protecting the avenue to some
extent, lie other lakes. Approximately at Lake Miadzol lies the
watershed between the Disna and Vilya systems. The southern
limb of the salient was short (7! m. in a straight line). It began
at Bliznika on the shore of Lake Naroch and ended on Lake
Viszniev near Ostrovlani. But the trace of the line, dictated by
the ground, was peculiar and considerably influenced the course
of the battle. Between the two streams that connect Lakes Naroch
and Viszniev with the Vilya basin lies a wide area of marsh, but
this area is traversed by two long land-bridges of higher, sandy
ground, each 3-4 m. in breadth, which, running in from the E.
and the S. respectively, converge in well-marked hills near
Nosovice. Between these land-bridges the marsh drives a deep
wedge, so that both for attack and for defence the southern face
of the salient was divided into two distinct areas, which were
connected, for the defence, by a trench-line across the narrowest
part of the marsh, and, for the attack, by various islands of dry
ground in the midst of the marsh whence enfilade or oblique fire
could be brought to bear on the ridge; for, in order to minimize
the frontage of his marsh-trenches, the defender placed them far
up the wedge, leaving his positions on the sand-ridges as salients.
Specially dangerous for the defence was the position on the E.-W.
ridge, which ran close to Naroch and could be enfiladed both
from the " islands " in the mfrshes and from the opposite shore
of the lake. Here purely local conditions the need of securing
possession of what, for the region, are commanding hills brought
the German line to a positive apex. On the other hand, though a
successful Russian offensive could be pushed along either or both
the land-bridges, as far as their junction about Nosovice, advance
beyond that village was barred by the Perekop stream, which,
rising close to Lake Naroch and emptying into Lake Viszniev,
cuts right across the dry land avenue, while, further, a long lake
lying behind Viszniev would cramp the left flank of the advancing
victor and limit him for many miles to the same frontage as that
of his original attack. Thus the most that he could expect from
success in this quarter was the seizure of a barrier or anvil (the
Perekop), against which the garrison of the salient might be
driven by hammer-blows from the Moscheiki gap.
The military features of the Naroch salient, then, afford an ex-
cellent example of the way in which strategic and tactical values
change according to the scale of the operation contemplated.
In the case of quite small operations, the salient must be regarded
as very strong, while for a grand offensive on the largest scale
the case considered by the German Higher Command the
centres of gravity lay not in the salient itself, but away to its
flanks, where the possibility existed of converting it into a great
strategic " pocket." But, for the intermediate type of opera-
tions the large-scale effort aiming at tactical and moral rather
than strategic results the attack possibilities, even on the short
flanks of the salient itself, were not inadequate; and it was against
this type of attack too heavy for the local troops to meet, yet
not so heavy that the Higher Command could afford to expend
its entire reserves in supporting them that the defence was, in
the ensemble, weakest. This was the case that actually occurred,
and it imposed the maximum strain both on the German fighting
troops, who were called on to make head against great odds, and
on the German Higher Command, for which (as Ludendorff's
memoirs show) the correct disposition of the reserves was a
matter of extreme difficulty and. anxiety.
The choice of this intermediate form of offensive by the Rus-
sians was, however, not deliberate, but imposed by unforeseen
events. Their original intentions and their first preparations
were based on the decisions of the inter-Allied conference, which
fixed July i as the date at which great offensives would be launched
simultaneously on all fronts. But in Feb. the Germans forestalled
this plan by attacking Verdun with such power and fury that the
western front was thrown into a state of acute crisis. Repeated
calls were made by the French for a relief offensive in the east,
NAROCH LAKE
1057
and the Tsar decided that these calls must be answered. Prepara-
tions were therefore expedited, and concentrated upon the
Naroch salient, an objective evidently suited for such an
offensive, and one in which local gains would improve the pros-
pects of the later, main offensive contemplated.
The technical and tactical fitness of the Russian army for a
trench-warfare offensive, however, was still low as indeed it
remained throughout 1916. Guns and munitions were available
on a larger scale than in 1915; new methods had been adopted
from the French fighting regulations of autumn 1913; and the
army was stronger than at any previous period, in spite of its
appalling losses.
But, instead of five months in which to study the application
of these new methods to Eastern conditions of armament and
communications, and to inoculate the army generally with the
doctrines thereby established, there were now only a few weeks
available, and this handicap was the more important as the army
was now, substantially, a new army. It was the product of the
wave of patriotic fervour which had followed the defeats of 1915.
Hitherto, the army in the field had been practically the peace
army with its reserves, the latter trained to the same ideas and
broken to the same discipline as the active troops. No new
creations had been put into the field corresponding to' the Ger-
man " new reserve " formations of Sept.-Dec. 1914, or the
British territorial and new army divisions. Surplus resources of
the peace-trained categories, and batches of war recruits as well,
had been absorbed in the system of the old army to replace casual-
ties. But from Sept. 1915, when the Tsar assumed personal
command and proclaimed-a war of liberation, moral forces which
had been excluded from, or scarcely tapped by, the old army
system came into play. Recruiting and war- work were galvanized
by a new spirit, and the Russian leaders, habitually more reckless
in the expenditure of human life than those of the Central and
Western European nations, now found themselves in control of
new masses which, in reality, stood in need rather of control and
economical management than of driving.
Given those moral and technical factors, the course of the
Russian spring offensive of 1916 almost explains itself. Hasty
preparations in the hinterland, ruthless urging-on of enthusiastic
and inexperienced troops in the front line, might suffice in the
open-field shock of crises such as Ypres or Lodz; but in a trench-
warfare offensive of limited scope, under peculiarly difficult con-
ditions of ground and weather, they could only lead to costly
defeat, except against an unusually weak opponent. Such an
inferiority on the defender's side, however, the Russian staff was
justified in assuming. Between Pinsk and the Baltic they had
about 75 divisions, each of 16 battalions, to the enemy's 44, most
of which had 9 battalions only; and it was possible with these
proportions to keep numerically equal or superior forces on all
parts of the line, while assembling very greatly superior masses
at the points of attack.
The German dispositions were accurately known to the Rus-
sian staff. From the river Disna to Krevo (S. of Smorgon) was
the point of von Eichhorn's X. Army. At the beginning of March
1916 there were, between these limits: the i7th Landwehr Div.,
Bavarian Cav. Div., 3rd Cav. Div. from river Disna to Vileity
inclusive, grouped under " No. 6 Cavalry Staff " (Gen. von
Gamier); the 42nd, usth, 3ist and 7Sth Res. Divs. and gth Cav.
Div. (reconstituted as a normal infantry division) under XXI.
Corps headquarters (Gen. von Hutier), round the Naroch salient
to Lake Viszniev inclusive; the III. Res. Corps of two divisions,
from Viszniev to Smorgon exclusive; and the XL. Res. Corps, at
Smorgon and Krevo. Behind his centre, in the salient, Eichhorn
placed his army reserve, the Both Res. Div. Counting in the
last named, this gave an average density of one battalion to the
mile over the whole front (the equivalent of 87 battalions for 85
miles). In winter the front had to be fairly evenly held, as the
lakes gave only a diminished protection till the thaw should set
in. Nowhere did it reach a density of two battalions per mile,
except at the most exposed point the apex of the line on
the land-bridge S. of Lake Naroch on the dangerous Vileity-
Moscheiki front where it was about one and one-half. As a
comparison it may be noted that, at the Somme, von Below's I.
Army had an average density of three battalions to the mile.
On the Russian side General Ragosa (commanding the II.
Army in succession to Gen. Smirnov) disposed of n infantry
divisions and one cav. div. in line, viz. I. Corps of three divisions
N. of Postavy (exclusive); XXXIV. and IV. Siberian Corps,
four divisions, from Postavy (inclusive) to Lake Naroch (ex-
clusive); and V. and XXXVI. Corps (four divisions) and Ural
Cossack Div. facing the Naroch-Viszniev front, besides other
forces in the same proportion opposite the German III. Res.
and XL. Res. Corps. For the battle, these were reinforced by the
I. Siberian, XV. and XXVII. Corps (six divisions), and 6th and
8th Cav. Divs. in the forests facing Vileity-Moscheiki, and by
the III. Siberian and XXXV. Corps (four divisions) opposite
the Naroch-Viszniev front. In all, then, there were 21 infantry
divisions and 3 cavalry divisions, equivalent to about 345 bat-
talions of infantry. Elaborate measures were taken to keep this
concentration secret. Some of the combats initiated with the
object of misleading the German command almost ranked as
battles, notably the fighting of March 19-26 at Jakobstadt on
the Dvina; and, although von Hutier kept " General Head-
quarters, East " informed as to the forces gathering on the
Naroch front, the collation of his reports with those from other
sources did not enable Ludendorff definitely to discern the real
point of attack till the eve of the battle. Moreover, even within
the salient itself, von Hutier was unable to accumulate his meagre
forces on the flanks, for the lakes along this front were still
frozen hard. At the last moment Ludendorff sent the XXI.
Corps one fresh division, the io7th, and detailed others (86th
Div., half 8sth Div., ngih Div. and one regiment) to follow in
succession, if required. The Russian surprise concentration, in
short, was successfully achieved, in spite of all the handicaps of
trackless hinterland, hurry and enemy vigilance. At 6 A.M. on
March 18 the Russian artillery opened fire on the Naroch-
Viszniev front with an intensity that the Germans had never
yet experienced on the eastern front followed at 7 A.M. by
that on the Vileity-Moscheiki front, which took under fire also
the defenders N. of Vileity and those S.E. of Moscheiki as far
as beyond Postavy.
The main lines of the struggle which followed were governed
by the conditions of terrain and of moral above discussed. As in
the case of the French offensiveon the Aisne thirteen months
later, the significance of the battle lies less in its incidents than in
its general results. On the first day, after a bombardment which
was at first very effective but fell away later as the Russian
batteries were picked up successively by the German artillery,
masses of infantry debouched to the attack on the Vileity-Mos-
cheiki front and the Naroch land-bridge, the Viszniev land-bridge
being at the same time attacked by smaller forces. In the night
of March 17-8, and on succeeding nights, various attacks were
delivered on the minor gaps in the lake barrier between Postavy
and Lake Miadzol, and they had the effect of keeping von Hutier
constantly anxious for the security of his front, and so till the
arrival of the fresh divisions limiting the reinforcements avail-
able for the Vileity-Moscheiki and the Naroch-Viszniev fronts,
on which the weight of the Russian offensive was concentrated.
The Russian infantry attacks, which began after 3-4 hours
artillery preparation, were extremely violent but disjointed.
The defending artillery was worked to a well-prepared scheme,
and (according to German accounts) assisted by sound-ranging
posts. On the N. flank its counter-battery shooting into the
forests had the effects of what later came to be called a " counter-
preparation." In the debris of trees and bushes, the Russian
infantry attacks lost unity and force, and were delivered at
different times on different sections of the front. The available
Russian artillery could thus devote itself to each objective in
turn, but, on the other hand, the more efficient artillery of the
defence could concentrate on each assault as it debouched over
the glades separating the Russian forests from the woods in the
German line across the marsh. Thus the German infantry,
though very much inferior in numbers, was able to stand assault
after assault, while suffering heavy losses under the Russian
1058
NATAL
artillery fire and holding defences that were breastworks rather
than trenches; and at nightfall the Russians drew back into the
forests, having suffered enormous casualties without reaching the
enemy's trenches at any point. Attacks on the village of Vileity,
held by the right of the German 3rd Cav. Div., were equally futile.
On the Naroch-Viszniev front also the assaults were fierce but
disunited, and here too the artillery of the German 75th Res. Div.
and 9th Cav. Div. could focus its efforts on each assailant in
turn, even that of the III. Res. Corps S. of Lake Viszniev co-
operating at times. In sum, the Russians, on the first day, suffered
useless and terrible losses in regimental assaults delivered against
steady infantry, uncut wire and skilfully handled artillery.
For the following night and day, the Russians changed their
tactics. The artillery devoted itself to the demolition of trenches,
to wire-cutting, and to the harassing of the billets in the villages
behind the defenders' lines, with frequent small infantry attacks
intended to force the defence to man its trenches and to march its
reserves hither and thither. In this policy they were to some
extent successful; the first of the German reinforcing divisions
to arrive, the io7th, was put in piecemeal to stiffen theVileity-
Moscheiki front. Outside the battle-field, Russian threats at
Vidzy, at Jakobstadt and elsewhere grew more serious. Then,
in the night of March 1 9-20 massed attacks were delivered on the
Vileity-Moscheiki front.
The weather conditions both for attackers and defenders had
now become terrible. On March 15 a thaw had set in, which,
but for Verdun, would probably have caused Ragosa to postpone
the whole operation. By March 20 it had reached such a point
that the ice on the lakes was covered by 2 ft. of water, while the
German trenches in the marshes, no longer pumped out, were
waist-deep, and the communications were mere mud. Exhausting
as were these conditions for the German soldier, they were
paralyzing for the Russian staff. In the forests, which were not
seamed with tracks like an Argonne or a Bois le Pretre, formation
for attack and transmission of orders and supply became almost
impossible. The night attack on Vileity and on the woods near
Moscheiki was utter confusion for both sides. Part of the Ger-
man defence system was overrun in the first assault, but in the
haphazard, frequently hand-to-hand, fighting that followed,
superior cohesion and cooperation defeated superior numbers,
and the Germans regained the lost trenches, with the aid of parts
of the io7th Div. On March %> the Germans began to receive
further reinforcements, the 86th Div. and half of the 8$th Div.
(t7oth Bde.). These, however, were held for the protection of the
centre and the S. front of the salient, and only the 8oth Res. Div.
was moved somewhat to the north.
On the night of March 20-1 the night assault was repeated,
this time with larger numbers and simultaneously on both the
battle fronts. On the N. flank, the assault swept over parts of
the defences as before and penetrated deep into the marsh-woods,
seeking especially to drive S. and S.W. on to the higher ground
behind Postavy. Again resolute counter-attacks stopped its
progress, but this time the Russians retained possession of the
captured front trenches. On the land-bridge S. of Lake Naroch,
a wild assault swept completely over the German 75th Res. Div.
holding the " apex," and it was with difficulty that the defenders'
line was reconstituted some kilometres farther back. Only on
the Viszniev land-bridge was the assault definitely repulsed.
The situation for the Germans became extremely critical. But
again it was saved by counter-attack. On March 21 the last
forces of the io7th Div., with the exhausted 42nd Div., retook
the marsh trenches from the equally exhausted Russians; and on
the Naroch land-bridge the putting-in of the whole 8oth Div.
(brought back from the N.), with parts of the i7oth Bde. and
86th Div., not only stabilized the defence but gave it the upper
hand. Then it became possible to relieve the exhausted 42nd and
75th Res. Divs. by fresh troops.
The battle continued for a week longer, on the same lines as in
the critical days, but with decreasing intensity on the part of the
Russians. Presently the lost " apex " was recovered by the
Germans, and nearly a month later a local attack still further
improved the position on the Naroch land-bridge. But by that
time the whole front had become quiet. The last severe battle-
day was March 26; after that date the Russian relief-offensive ex-
pired without having caused one 'German soldier to be brought
over from France. The German Eastern Headquarters had passed
through a period of extreme anxiety, and it is arguable that on
March 17-8 they were taken by surprise. But, if so, their
recovery was instant, and they managed to meet the calls of the,
defence out of their local reserves. For the Russians, the first
offensive of the new armies was a disaster of far-reaching im-
portance. Prepared, up to the moment of launching, with great
adroitness, it had been " choked in blood and marsh " with an
enormous cost in mass-casualties and mass-disillusionment.
(C.F.A.)
NATAL (see 19.252). At the 1911 census the pop. of Natal,
S. Africa, was 1,194,043, of whom 98,114 were whites, 953,398
Bantu, 133,439 Asiatics and 9,092 of mixed or other coloured races.
Compared with 1904 the white pop. which between 1891 and
1904 had nearly doubled was practically stationary; there was
an actual increase of 1,005. In JQ 1 ^ a census of the whites showed
that they numbered 121,931, evidence that the check in their
increase had been temporary only. Natal, though the smallest,
is the most densely populated province of the Union, with 37-40
persons to the sq.m. in 1918. The white and Asiatic pop. is
mainly concentrated in Natal proper; of the Bantu 214,969 lived
in Zululand at the 1911 census. Of the total coloured pop. in 1911
only 13-84% were returned as Christians (compared with 44-20%
in the Cape). The chief towns were Durban (89,998) and
Pietermaritzburg (30,555; in 1919 35,322). Ladysmith ranked
next with 5,594 inhabitants. Pietermaritzburg, the capital, has
handsome public buildings, including those of the provincial
council and Natal University College.
The change from the status of a self-governing colony to a
province of the Union affected Natal politically more closely
than any other province since in it alone were the great majority
of the white inhabitants of British descent. In the first Parlia-
ment of the Union the Natal members took an independent
position, and the firm attachment of Natalians to the British
connexion continued an unchanging factor in the S. African
situation. Provincial administration was, however, carried on
upon non-party lines (for the provincial system of administration
see CAPE PROVINCE). The first administrator was Mr. C. J.
Smythe, who had previously held office as Colonial Secretary and
as Prime Minister of Natal. Mr. Smythe, who was reappointed
for a second term in 1905, died in 1918 and Mr. G. T. Plowman
succeeded to the post. The revenue raised in the province,
derived chiefly from transfer duties and licences, increased from
118,000 in 1912-3 to 172,000 in 1917-8, the subsidies from
the Union Government varying from 361,000 to 375,000. Over
half the total expenditure was on education, the sums spent for
that object rising from 169,000 in 1912-3 to 285,000 in 1917-8. '
Natal was deeply interested in the question of Indians in S.
Africa. Of the 152,309 Asiatics in the Union in 1911, no fewer than
149,791 were British Indians and of these 133,048 lived in Natal,
where they had rendered possible the development of the sugar,
tea and wattle industries, as well as providing labour for the coal-
mines, railways and other public works. Besides labourers, there
were many Indians engaged in professions and commerce. White
S. Africans in general opposed the further increase of Asiatics in the
Union; while, in IQII, the Indian Government, long dissatisfied
with the attitude of Natal to Indians, prohibited the recruitment of
indentured coolies. The Indians both in Natal and the Transvaal
complained of many grievances, among them of the poll tax imposed
in Natal on all non-indentured Indians. Their cause was championed
by Mr! M. K. Ghandi, then resident in S. Africa. Arising out of the
agitation, riots and disturbances occurred in Natal in 1913. Some
2,700 Indians started to march to Johannesburg. About 500 were
stopped on the border; the rest entered the Transvaal, but were
eventually induced to return. In 1914 the poll tax on Indians in
Natal was abandoned while the Union passed legislation designed
to prevent, with some few exceptions, the entry of further adult
male Asiatics into S. Africa and to restrict Asiatics to the provinces
in which they were resident. The so-called Smuts-Ghandi agree-
ment of the same year was designed to guard the vested interests
of Indians already in the Union (see, further, SOUTH AFRICA).
A notable element in the progress of Natal has been the devel-
opment of coal-mining. The output, which in 1910 first exceeded
2,500,000 tons, rose to over 3,000,000 in 1916, but fell to 2,600,000
NATHAN NATIONAL DEBT
tons in 1918, the decline being attributed to the effect of the influ-
enza epidemic of that year. In 1919 the output was 2,800,000 tons.
Natal coal is of excellent quality,, and commands high prices
double that of Transvaal coal. In 1918 the output was valued at
1,358,000. (F. R. C.)
NATHAN, ERNESTO (1845-1921), Italian politician, was born
in London in 1845, and died at Rome on April 9 1921. He was the
son of an Englishman, Joseph Nathan, and of an Italian mother,
Sara Rosselli, both Jews. His parents had befriended Italian
political exiles in England, and on the death of Joseph Nathan in
1858 the widow and son settled at Pisa, where the latter attended
the university. Soon afterwards they had to repair to Switzerland
on account of Sara Nathan's republican sentiments; it was then
that Ernesto Nathan became acquainted with Mazzini, whose
views became thenceforth his chief inspiration and cult, and he
devoted himself as a journalist, teacher and social reformer to
their diffusion. A violent anti-clerical, he soon joined the free-
masons and was elected " Grand Orient " for Italy in 1899, but
resigned in 1905 owing to internal disagreements. He became an
Italian citizen, and although he had been a republican in his
early years, he gradually accepted the monarchy as the best re-
gime for Italy, and ended by being received at Court. He showed
great activity in organizing the " Unione dei Partiti popolari "
in 1900, a blocco of the various radical and anti-clerical parties in
Rome, and when at the municipal elections of 1900 the clerical
administration fell, Nathan was chosen as mayor. That an Eng-
lish Jew and a militant anti-clerical and freemason should become
mayor of Rome seemed indeed incongruous, but he was selected
for his sterling honesty and business ability. Unfortunately he
lost no occasion to offend Catholic sentiment and frequently made
himself ridiculous, becoming a butt for the comic papers and
revues. His plans for modernizing Rome did much to spoil its
beauty for no useful purpose. Reelected in 1910, he fell when
the blocco broke up in 1913. On the outbreak of the World War,
in spite of his 70 years, he volunteered for the army and actually
served as a lieutenant of infantry for a time. In 1917 he was
reelected " Grand Orient " but resigned a year later. He was
editor of the National edition of Mazzini's works.
NATIONAL DEBT. The World War, 1914-1918, brought
about a complete transformation in the size and composition
of the world's national debts. Those of the belligerent countries
were swollen to an enormous extent. The liabilities of the Euro-
pean nations were inflated to a degree which in the pre-war period
would have been regarded as symptomatic of financial madness
and world-wide collapse of credit. The British Prime Minister
(Mr. Lloyd George), at the close of the war, estimated its cost
at about 40,000 millions sterling, a figure which was accepted by
a number of statisticians in Europe and America. Table I. is
compiled from Paper No. IV on Public Finance, issued by the
League of Nations for the International Financial Conference
held at Brussels in the autumn of 1920. For purposes of com-
parison pre-war figures are also given, when they are available.
The increases shown in Table I., however, cannot be regarded
as mathematically correct. Like is not compared with like;
the unit of value has been changed in many cases, inconvertible
paper currency having been made the legal measure of value in
place of a definite weight of gold in all the belligerent countries
except the United States and Japan. In order to make a proper
comparison it is necessary to make a correction for the deprecia-
tion expressed in gold, in the value of money in the various
countries. There is, however, no mathematical formula for
making this correction, but the existence of a 20 % discount in
the gold value of the pound sterling (in May 1921) shows that
the margin of error is a very material one. From the stand-
point of national finance the importance of these national debt
figures depends upon their ratio to national revenue. Ratios are
shown in Table II., which expresses the debt as so many years'
purchase of current revenue.
The countries are arranged in Table II. according to the post-
war percentages. As the true burden of debt can only be deter-
mined by the relation which it bears to capacity to carry it, it
follows that Table II. gives a truer picture of the world's national
debt position in 1920 than Table I.
In the case of certain countries such as Austria, Hungary,
Poland, and Russia, where the depreciation of the unit of value
TABLE I.
Country
1919
1913
Debt per head,
1919
Debt per head,
1913
United Kingdom . . .,
Australia
Canada
7,832,OOO,OOO
35O,OOO,OOO
505 ooo ooo
706,000,000
17,500,000
57 200 ooo
s. d.
168 [129]*
62
c3
s. d.
15 10 o
3 10 o
7 A O
India
616 400 ooo
274 ooo ooo
I C. Q
New Zealand
South Africa
Egypt
201,100,000
173,800,000
Q-5 ^8Q OOO
90,000,000
126,200,000
94 200 ooo
172 15 o
7
91 10 o
44 8 o
7 12 o
France
. 8,472,000,000
1,345,000,000
222 8 O
3J. A O
Belgium.
784 ooo ooo
185 ooo ooo
21 8O
Italy
3,124 ooo ooo
6 1 1 ooo ooo
7Q 1 O
17 12 O
Spain .
480 ooo ooo
382 ooo ooo
21 5O
19 10 o
Portugal
Holland
342,000,000
230,000,000
130,000,000
97,000 ooo
57 o o
"*! 7 O
31 14 o
1C C O
Switzerland ... . .
148 ooo ooo
16 18 o
Norway
Sweden
56,500,000
87 ooo ooo
20,000,000
36 ooo ooo
2O 12 O
13 18 o
800
5IQ O
Denmark
51 ooo ooo
20 050 ooo
14 14 o
6l7O
Finland
74 ooo ooo
Latvia
23,700 ooo
Czechoslovakia
Serb-Croat-Slovene '
Greece
388,000,000
234,000,000
129 ooo ooo
26,500,000
48 600 ooo
8 17 o
Poland
440 ooo ooo
Rumania
Germany
Austria
445,000,000
9,850,000,000
3 470 ooo ooo
65,600,000
258,000,000
510 ooo ooo
25 15
159 10 o
920
3 H o
Hungary
i 587 ooo ooo
Bulgaria. ......
218 ooo ooo
Turkey
/T. 412 ^OO OOO
T. 151 600 ooo
21 O O
7 ii o
United States
Argentina
Brazil
5,096,800,000
127,080,000
179 600 ooo
205,800,000
123,800,000
45 [26]*
16 9 o
7 6 1 1
280
14 16 o
S OO
Chile
49 620 1 1 8
12 80
6 700 ooo
Japan
352 700 ooo
271 940 ooo
6 i o
51 O
China
171,906,000
1^0,000,000
10
7 o
*Figures in brackets denote net debt per head.
io6o
NATIONAL DEBT
TABLE II. Ratio of Debt to Government Revenue.
Country
Ratio of pre-war
debt to pre-war
revenue
Ratio of post-war
debt to post-war
revenue
Portugal
France .
6-6 yrs. purchase
14-5 y
IO-O
s. pun
:hase
Switzerland*
17-0
9-7
Australia
0-8
7-7
Italy .
6-7
7-5
Germany
1-4
7-0
Canada .
i-7
6-9
Spain .
7-0
6-5
South Africa
7-9
6-0
United Kingdom
3-5
5'5
Belgium
6-6
5'i
Holland. .
5-o
4-5
U. S. A.
I-O
4-2
Japan .
3-8
2-9
India
2-6
2-8
Denmark
2-9
2-2
Sweden .
2-4
2-2
Norway
2-2
i-5
"The high figure for Switzerland is mainly due to the fact that
big loans were incurred by the Federal Government for railways.
reduced its gold value to an infinitesimal figure, the factor of
correction is a very big one. The clearing of the financial wreck-
age of the war, the resumption of wealth production and exchange,
must have the effect of raising the unit of value expressed in gold,
and thus increase the burden of debt expressed in gold money and
commodities. But this is true only of countries in which the
depreciation of the unit of value was less serious. In 1921 it was
quite impossible to indicate what countries would be able to
restore the gold value of their currencies to the pre-war parity.
The countries mentioned above, however, were clearly not in a
position to restore the pre-war value of their currencies. In fact
Austria in 1921 drew up a plan (at the instance of the League
of Nations' Finance Committee) providing for the creation of
a new unit of value. This, if applied, would have the effect of
reducing the burden of debt expressed in gold and commodities,
and would, of course, facilitate the revival of Austria's economic
activities. The establishment of a legal standard of value of
lower gold value than existed before the war must, of course,
involve loss to the creditor parties in respect of all contracts
made before the war, while on the other hand it must prevent
the further enrichment of the nouveaux riches who had acquired
their wealth during the war period in terms of a low unit of
value. On the whole a greater measure of justice to the people
of Austria might be rendered by the stabilization of the unit
of value at a low figure than would be secured by attempting
to raise it, since the great bulk of property in Austria came into
the possession of its present owners at a price which fully ex-
pressed the depreciation of currency.
British National Debt. Vast changes had been effected in the
British national debt. The great bulk of the debt of the United
Kingdom no longer in 1921 consisted of the (practically irredeem-
able) annuities known as " Consols." For the first time in the
history of the British Empire it had been compelled to borrow
extensively abroad during the war. The first foreign loan was
issued in New York in 1915, the French and British Govern-
ments jointly and severally issuing a 5% five-year loan for
$500,000,000 in Oct. of that year, the proceeds of which were
divided equally between the two nations. This loan was repaid
on maturity on Oct. 15 1920, and its repayment had the effect
of strengthening American confidence in British national credit.
Later, during the war, the British Government issued its own
loans in New York; the first for $250,000,000 in two-year 5%
bonds, which fell due on Sept. i 1918, the second for $300,000,-
ooo in three and five-year bonds bearing s| % interest, which fell
due in Nov. 1919 and 1921. The third was for $250,000,000 in
one and two-year sf % bonds, which fell due in Feb. 1918 and
1919. Collateral security was provided for all these loans mostly
in the form of dollar bonds, which the British Government either
bought or borrowed from its nationals under the Dollar Securities
Mobilization Scheme. Other credits were raised in America,
including a British banking credit, bearing 5% interest, for
$50,000,000, which matured in June 1917; a credit of $25,000,000
for wheat purchases, which was paid off in 1917; and Treasury
Bills for three months which were issued up to a maximum
amount of $150,000,000 by Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co., acting
as agents for the British Treasury. Prior to the entry of the
United States into the war on April 7 1917, Great Britain raised
loans in America totalling $1,131,400,000. After that date the
United States Government lent money freely to the British
Government direct. An arrangement was made in 1919 by
which interest payments on the Government loans were de-
ferred for three years, namely, until 1922, and at the close of
the year 1920 the total advances amounted to $4,196,818,000.
Loans were raised in Argentina, Uruguay, Spain, Holland,
Switzerland, Japan, Chile, and Sweden. The bulk of these were
rapidly repaid, but the great bulk of Britain's debt to America
still remained untouched in June 1921.
In two years from April i 1919 the British external debt was
reduced by 203,000,000; in the financial year ended March 31
1921 the reduction was 117,000,000. On that date the total
was 1,161,560,000 at par of exchange. In the year 1920-21 the
British debt to America was reduced by nearly 75,000,000, and
the debt to Canada by 20,000,000. On March 31 1921 the
only debt owed to foreign nations apart from the United States
was 826,000 to Sweden. On the same date the British debt to
Canada was $125,000,000.
The 5 % War Loan issued at the beginning of 1917 had become
the premier domestic British security, the old consols being now
of an inconsiderable amount comparatively and relegated to
the background in the market. Cash subscriptions to the loan
had amounted to 966,048,000, and conversions (of the earlier
45% Loan and Exchequer Bonds) amounted to 1,103,797,000,
making a total of 2,069,845,000.
In December 1915 the principle of " continuous borrowing "
was adopted for British Government war-borrowing. On the i7th
of that month 5 % Exchequer Bonds were put on sale, and realized,
in the period which terminated on June i 1916, 237,829,469.
Four series of -these bonds, the last series bearing 6%
interest, were put on sale down to Dec. 30 1916, when the sales
were temporarily suspended in preparation for the issue of the
5 % War Loan, the greatest loan operation of the war. On April
13 1917 the daily sales of Exchequer Bonds were resumed, 5%
Bonds being again offered at par. Sales of Exchequer Bonds,
however, were brought definitely to an end on Sept. 22 1917
(partly because, by Statute, this form of issue was limited to a
six-year term), and on Oct. i 1917 a new type of security called
National War Bonds, of a character more appropriate for the Gov-
ernment's requirements, was offered for day-by-day subscription,
bearing 5 % interest and redeemable at a premium varying from
2 to 5%, according to the maturity of the bonds, which ranged
from 5 to 10 years. A great deal of energy was imparted to the
campaign for selling these bonds, and it achieved marked success.
Down to March 31 1918 sales of these bonds amounted to no
less than 616,193,692. The second series, sold between April i
1918 and Sept. 30 1918, produced 483,224,088; the third, be-
tween Oct. i 1918 and Jan. 18 1919, yielded 494,399,505; and
the fourth, between Feb. r 1919 and May 31 1919, 75,745,151-
" Continuous borrowing " amply justified all that was expected
of it. By withdrawing from active circulation large amounts of
currency the daily borrowing had the effect of holding commodity
prices in check, the tendency of the latter being strongly up-
ward on account of the continuous inflation of currency and credit
involved by unceasing Government borrowing from the banks.
During the war period investors showed a marked preference for
short-dated securities, and the Government accordingly offered
securities redeemable within a comparatively few years. But
with the cessation of hostilities and diminution of expenditure
the Government decided to make an attempt to issue a fairly
long-term loan with the object of reducing the floating debt,
which was then in the neighbourhood of 1,000 millions. On
June 12 1919 it issued the first Funding Loan, bearing 4%
interest and redeemable at the earliest in 1960, and at the latest
in 1990. The bonds were offered at 80% and produced only
NATIONAL DEBT
1 06 1
215,200,000. At the same time the Government sold 4%
Victory Bonds at 85%, subject to drawings at par almost im-
mediately and acceptable at par in payment of death duties.
These bonds produced 216,900,000. The failure of this operation
compelled the Government to defer the question of funding any
further portion of the floating debt (which rose to about 1,300
millions) for an indefinite period, especially as the demand for
capital was exceedingly active, and funding could only be effected
at a high cost, the Bank Rate being for over a year (from April
15 1920 to April 28 1921) 7 per cent. The approaching maturity
of the short-term bonds issued during the war period, however,
began to be a pressing problem in 1921, for the bonds, as they
became very short, found their way to the banks and became
potential floating debt. In April 1921 the Government decided
to invite holders of 5% National War Bonds maturing in the
years 1922 to 1925 to exchange their holdings for 3!% conversion
stock. Holders were offered 160 to 163 of new stock for every
100 bond, giving a yield in interest of 5 125. od. to 5 145. od.
per cent., against 5 75. 6d. on the bonds held. About 632,000,-
ooo of bonds were affected by the offer, and if the whole had been
converted the addition to the State's liabilities would have
amounted to about 400 millions, and the addition to interest
charges about 4 millions per annum. Applications for conversion
amounted, however, to only about 160 millions. In July 1921 a
further effort was made to convert the very short term bonds
into eight-year Treasury Bonds bearing 52% interest. These
bonds were offered at 97%.
When -the British 5% Loan was issued in 1917 a 4% "tax
compounded loan " was coupled with it. It was an effort
to meet an insistent public demand for a Government security
exempt from the heavy rate of income tax. Another way of
meeting this same demand was attempted in some degree by a
departure from the practice of paying dividends less tax. The
5% War Loan, National War Bonds, and the Funding Loan
all contained a provision that dividends should be paid without
deduction, and that tax should be collected upon it in the holder's
annual return. The 4% Loan was not really a tax-free security.
It was an issue, the interest on which was reduced to a figure
which represented a compounding of income tax at the then
maximum rate, namely, 55. in the i. The interest on the loan
was not exempt from super-tax, and for the purpose of calculating
liability to it, and also for the purpose of computing total income
for purposes of exemption and abatement, it had to be assumed
that the 4% interest was the net income after the deduction
of income tax at the full normal rate of income tax prevailing.
This meant that the holders of the 4% Loan were placed in about
the same position as regards super-tax as holders of the 5% Loan,
and in a worse position as regards exemption and abatement, for
TABLE III. Issues of British War Loans.
Issue
Amount of Issue
Price of Issue
Date of Issue
Cash credited to H.M.
Exchequer
3i % War Loan,
1925-28 .
3% Exchequer Bonds,
350,000,000
95%
Nov. 17-24 1914
331,798,408
1920 ....
50,000,000
Tender 95 i8s. id. aver-
March 5-10 1915
47,942,345
age
4i % War Loan,
1925-45
Unlimited
Par
June 2I-July 10 1915
592,345,604
5% Exchequer Bonds,
1920 ....
Unlimited
Par
Dec. 17 igis-june I 1916
237,829,469
5% Exchequer Bonds,
1919
Unlimited
Par
June 2-Sept. 27 1916
34,262,604
5% Exchequer Bonds,
1921 ....
Unlimited
Par
June 2-Oct. 2 1916
62,495,527
6% Exchequer Bonds,
1920 ....
Unlimited
Par
Oct. 2-Dec. 30 1916
160,951,700
5 % War Loan,
1929-47 .
Unlimited
95%
Jan. Il-Feb. 16 1917
5% and 4% War
Loans
4% War Loan,
1920-42
. Unlimited
P*r
Jan. n-Feb. 16 1917
941,476,710
5% Exchequer Bonds,
1922 ....
Unlimited
Par
April 13-Sept. 22 1917
82,110,000
National War Bonds
1st Series .
Unlimited
Par
Oct. i I9i7-March 31 1918
616,193,692
National War Bonds
2nd Scries .
Unlimited
5% Bonds
April l-Sept. 30 1918
483,224,088
Par
4% Bonds
Apr. 1-22
Par
National War Bonds
Apr. 23-Sept. 30
loif %
3rd Series .
Unlimited
5 % Bonds
Par
Oct. I igiS-Jan. 18 1919
494,399,505
4% Bonds
National War Bonds
4th Series .
Unlimited
5 % Bonds
Par
Feb. i-May 31 1919
75.745,151
4 % Bonds
4 % Funding Loan
Unlimited
l %o%
June 12-July 12 1919
215,200,000
4% Victory Bonds .
Unlimited
85%
June 12-July 12 1919
216,900,000
IO62
NATIONALIZATION
no claim to repayment of income tax was allowed in respect of
the 4% Loan interest. At the time of issue the income derived
from the 4% Loan was, for the purpose of super-tax, reckoned
as 5 6s. 8d., or is. sd. per cent, more than the income on the 5 %
Loan. In 1918, when the income tax was raised to 6s. in the
pound, the holders of the 4% Loan, though exempt from the tax,
found that for super-tax purposes their interest from the Loan
was reckoned as 5 143. 6d. per cent., while that on the 5% Loan
remained at 5 55. $d. This shows that the terms of the tax
compounded issue had been devised with much ingenuity. The
right of conversion into any future War Loan which was attached
to the 4!% Loan, floated in the middle of 1915, and also to sub-
sequent issues of Exchequer Bonds, became operative in con-
nexion with these two Loans, but it was considered inadvisable
to attach a similar conversion option to the new loans. Instead, a
device was adopted to achieve the same object, viz. protection
of the loan against depreciation in price. The Treasury under-
took to set aside monthly a sum equal to is. 8d. per cent, of each
loan to be used in the purchase of stock for cancellation whenever
the market price fell below the issue price, viz. 95 in the case of
the 5% Loan and par in the case of the 4% Loan. Undoubtedly
the operation of this fund contributed to the maintenance of the
market price, but it wholly failed to prevent the stocks falling
to a heavy discount, though about 30 millions were annually
spent in the early years. In March 1918 an issue of nominative
5 bonds was made. Their chief distinction was the facility
with which they could be purchased and sold. No filling of forms
was required. The bonds could be bought like postage stamps,
but they failed to become popular. The most successful means
of raising money for the war from among small investors was
by the issue of a security entitled War Savings Certificates
(see SAVINGS MOVEMENT). This novel and important form of
popular borrowing was introduced in Feb. 1916. The certificates
were purchasable at post-offices, banks, and through Associations
formed for the purpose of stimulating their sale. Subsequently
they were placed on sale at shops and stores throughout the
country. The certificates were issued at 153. 6d. each, and could
be paid for in instalments. They were repayable in 5 years from
the date of purchase at i ; later, the period of maturity was extend-
ed to 10 years, and the redemption value raised to i 6s. od. The
increase of capital was equivalent to a yield of 5 43. yd. per cent,
compound interest. This increase of capital was exempted from
assessment to income tax, but no person was allowed to hold
more than 500 at a time. Although these certificates were issued
for a definite period, provision was made for their encashment at
any time, but premature encashment was discouraged by the
absence of any capital appreciation in the first year of their
Currency. But the certificates being repayable on demand at
not less than the price at which they were issued, they could
not depreciate in capital value like other marketable securities.
A great development of propaganda methods took place in 1917,
and more particularly in 1918, and resulted in a very great in-
crease in subscriptions to Government securities. In Table III.
are shown details of the various British War Loan issues, taken
from a list drawn up by the Bank of England.
On March 31 1920 the British debt reached its highest total,
namely, 7,829,000,000; on March 31 1921 it had fallen to
7,573,000,000. (C. J. M.)
NATIONALIZATION. The fact that " Nationalization " had
become in 1916-21 one of the burning political questions of the
day is unfortunate as regards arriving at a clear appraisal of its
principles, for, from the outset, it is difficult for a writer to avoid
a certain bias in approaching its discussion. Yet Nationalization
of some services and industries has been an accomplished fact
for many years, without giving rise to any political controversy.
In its narrow sense, Nationalization means taking over the owner-
ship and control of an industry or service by the community, as
opposed to ownership and control for the benefit of a person or a
certain number of persons, be it in their individual capacity, or
in corporate form in the shape of a company. The most fa-
miliar example of such a nationalized service in Great Britain
and, indeed, practically every country is the Post Office.
The word Nationalization is, however, generally used to de-
note the principle of Public Ownership (to employ the much
better term used throughout N. America) as opposed to that of
private enterprise. For instance, in 1908, the three separate dock
companies (one of them already an amalgamation of several
companies) which owned and operated those undertakings in and
around London were bought out, and ownership and manage-
ment vested in a composite body known as the Port of London
Authority, the Board of which is constituted as follows: seven-
teen members are elected by the payers of the dock dues; one by
the wharfingers; four are selected by the Government (one
representing Labour); two by the Corporation of the City of
London, and two by the London County Council (one of them
representing Labour). Strictly speaking, it would not be correct
to say the Docks of London were " nationalized," for the tax-
payers and ratepayers of Northumberland, for instance, are not
in any way directly concerned with the undertaking, but the
exploitation or the carrying on of the enterprise of the Docks
of London has been converted from a number of private un-
dertakings directed to the earning of profits for a certain number
of proprietors, into a public undertaking the primary function
of which is to render to the town of London, and the region de-
pendent thereon, services connected with the provision of dock
accommodation and of the things accessory thereto. This is not
really Nationalization, but it embodies the principle meant by
ninety-nine people out of every hundred who use the word, viz.:
Public Ownership, be such ownership vested in a national au-
thority, a municipal body or an ad hoc authority like the Mersey
Docks and Harbour Board or the Metropolitan Water Board.
It is, therefore, with this interpretation of Nationalization that
we shall deal in this article.
Relation to Socialism. A word must be said as to the relation-
ship of Nationalization to Socialism. The two are by no means
identical and although the nationalization of the means of pro-
duction, distribution and exchange has long been a Socialist
shibboleth, many modern Socialists oppose Nationalization as
being merely " State Capitalism," a form of industry, they say,
in which the workers might still be exploited for the benefit of
those who control the national machine probably the same
governing classes as we now possess. The truth of the matter
is that, although Nationalization is not Socialism, it is the most
suitable economic machine whereby the aims of Socialism can be
carried out, because, by eliminating the private entrepreneur
and converting him into a rentier in receipt of fixed interest in-
stead of being a participator in the profits, it removes one of the
conflicting factors in industry, namely the owner, and reduces
these factors to two, viz. the community in its dual capacity of
owner and consumer, and all the workers in that industry.
It is the elimination of this private profit-making incentive
which, in the minds of the advocates of Nationalization, is one
of the principal arguments in its favour, and, in the minds of its
opponents, is the chief argument against it. Nationalize in-
dustry, say the latter, and you do away with the desire of personal
gain which is the dominant human motive leading to improve-
ment, invention and efficiency; you stereotype existing con-
ditions, you do away with competition and all the benefits arising
therefrom, and you get wasteful management from a horde of
Government officials who ride on the backs of the tax-payers.
Against this, the advocates of Nationalization urge that private
enterprise, precisely because its dominant motive is personal
gain, often fails to render the service that is its ostensible justi-
fication; it leads to adulteration, misdescription, and all sorts
of chicanery, and while competition has its undoubted value as a
stimulus to invention and new methods, our present system of
industry does, of itself, run to amalgamations, absorptions and
price agreements resulting in the abolition of real competition with
its attendant advantages, so that we arrive at much the same
result as if we had Nationalization, in the shape of monopoly,
open or concealed, but with the profits arising from the elimina-
tion of real competition and the economies resulting from mo-
nopoly and unification going into the pockets of a small section of
the community instead of being spread over the whole nation,
NATIONALIZATION
1063
either in the shape of a better or cheaper service, or both; and
that, even if our present imperfect Governments result in too
many officials, it is no worse for the community that a certain
number of persons (officials) with their families should be en-
joying a decent livelihood out of the industry than that a number
of other persons (entrepreneurs and large shareholders) should
derive fortunes from the same industry. Further, they allege
that no system of private enterprise combined with Government
regulation (the usual suggestion for meeting a tendency towards
monopoly) will be satisfactory, as it results in just that multi-
plicity of officials of the most uneconomic nature, in that they
do not produce anything, that is the bugbear of State control.
It is not for us to determine here which view is right; and the
former, the anti-nationalization view, is certainly that expressed
most frequently in the columns of the Press. Be this as it may,
it is an undoubted fact that throughout the whole world in the
United Kingdom as well as elsewhere the principle of public
ownership, unpopular as it appeared to be in many quarters, was
in 1921 steadily gaining ground, and it may be useful if we con-
sider some of the developments in this direction and endeavour
to find some guiding principles which account for its growth.
Factors making for Public Ownership. Prominent among these
is the fear of combination among suppliers of services leading up
to a monopoly, open or concealed, which, " human nature being
what it is," inevitably results, sooner or later, in excessive prices
being charged to the consumer. When this occurs, or t